MASTER NEGATIVE NO. 93-81447- MICROFILMED 1993 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES 1 Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States C le - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that the photocopy or other reproduction is not to be "used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research." If a user malces a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excess of "fair use," that user may be liable for copyright infringement. This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. I A UTHOR: SMITH, WILLIAM, SIR TITLE: HISTORY OF PLACE: BOSTON DATE: 1855 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET * Master Negative # Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record ir- ■ f: * • I' ■j r. in t' ■WPV^ 884 Sm61 •I k Smith. Sir William, 1813-1893. A history of Greece, from the earliest times to the Roman conquest, with supplementary chapters on the history of literature and art; by William Smith, ll. d. ... With notes, and a continuation to the present time, by C. C. Felton, ll. d. . . . Boston, Browor and TilQcton^855w xxxi, 670 p. front, illus., maps, plans. 23*". UlOKimg •^ ^ ^ ^ DFailP 6 59 "— — Copy 2 f :; Boston^Hn^ing, Swanr^md-Brownr^ew YorfcrR: BrGoHins; [etcr, etc.] 1855. xxxi , 670 p. front ^illw^ mapsr-plans. 23^*"- ^•-^iSSece— Hist. 2. Greece, Modern— Hist, way, 1807-1862, cd "^ 691120 Library of Congress ^ ^^ DF215.S66 I. Felton, Cornelius Con- 4^461^-9/ ^'/^•V U r. Restrictions on Use: TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA FILM SIZE: ^iSjjfl^ IMAGE PLACEMENT: I A HA) IB DATE FILMED: ^iZlB^ REDUCTION RATIO: IIB INITIALS ml —JU?c. FILMED BY: RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC WOODBRlDfJK. fT V c AsMClation for Information and Image Management 1100 Wayne Avenue. Suite 1100, Silver Spring, Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimeter 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 mm iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiili I I r Inches lTh'l7H'rryrt''.'*r'i''ri'*ri''ri'i' 1 I.I 1.25 I TTT 2 3 1.0 13.0 '"" 2.5 US ■Hi i|j^ tttlUJk'llk' 13.6 14.0 2.2 2.0 1.4 1.8 1.6 I I \ 'l"|'[")'|"|'|"|'j"| (I "^<>^' ^ \ MPNUFflCTURED TO fillM STRNOfiRDS BY RPPLIED IMRGE. INC. f\ r ^^A- Columbia Wini\itxiitp in tiie Clip o( ^eto gorb LIBRARY ••) This book is due two weekg from the last date at or stamped belojtr, and if not returned or before that time a fine of five cents a dav will be incurred. / 4W f 4 --. 193 [) '"■ ■; # X 1 i I • ■ » A. lii mmm ! I t HISTORY OF Greece; FBOH THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE ROMAN CONQUEST WITH SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTERS ON THE HISTORY OF LITERATUEE AND ART Br WILLIAM SMITH, LL.D., BDnOK or IHl DICTIONARIES OF " GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIEB," " BIOQRAPHT AND MTTHOLOGT," AND "GEOGRAPHY." WITH NOTES, AND A CONTINUATION TO THE PKESENT TIME,. By C. C. FELTON, LL.D., PB0FE330B OF GREEK LITERATURB IN HARVARD FNIYBRSITT. BOSTON: HICKLING, SWAN, AND BROWN. "^r,„T*^^^' «^*- COLLINS; LEAVITT & ALLEN—PHILADELPHIA : COWPER. THWAIT,DE8ILVER,& butler; LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO, & CO. — B ALT I MORE ' • CUSHINGS & BAILEY. — WASHINGTON, D.C.: R. FARNHAM. — C H ARLE S- TON,S.C.: MCCARTER & CO. — NEW ORLEANS: WILLIAM FLE3I- MING; THOMAS L. WHITE. — MOB I LE : STRICKLAND & CO. — CINCINNATI: MOORE, WILSTACH, KEYS, & CO. — ST. LOUIS: FISHER & BENNETT. — CHICAGO: KEENE & LEE. 1855: HISTORY OF GREECE, FBOM THE EARLIEST TBIES TO THE ROMAN CONQUEST WITH SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTERS OX THE HISTOEY OF LITERATURE AND ART Br WILLIAM SMITH, LL.D., HDITOR OP THE DICTI0NAKIE8 OP "GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES," "BIOGRAPHY AND MnUOLOGY," AND " GEOGRAPIir." WITH NOTES, AND A CONTINUATION TO THE PRESENT TDIE,, By C. C. FELTON, LL.D., BUOT PBOFESSOB OP GREEK LITERATURE IN HARVARD UNIVEE3ITT. BOSTON: HICKLING, SWAN, AND BROWN. KEW YORK: R. II. COLLINS ; LEAVITT & ALLEN. — PHI L AD E LPII I A : TOWPER. THWAIT, I>ESILVER,& BUTLER ; LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO, & CO.-B A LT I MORE ' CUSUINGS& BAILEY— WASHINGTON, D.C.: K. FARNHAM. — C H AR LE S- TON, S. C: M CARTER & CO. — NEW ORLEANS: WILLIAM FLEM- MING; THOMAS L. WHITE. — M O B I LE : STRICKLAND & CO. — CINCINNATI: MOORE, WILSTACH, KEYS, & CO. — ST. LOUIS: FISHER & BENNETT. — CHICAGO: KEEXE & LEE. 18 5 5. PEEFACE OF THE AMERICAN EDITOR. t ■* »■ Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855, by HICKLINO, SWAN, AND BROWN, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. cambbidoe: mUOTTPED BT KBICAUT ANB COMPAOTri PBISTERS TO THB USlTIMirY. The works of Dr. William Smith, on Classical Biography, Antiquities, and Geography, are so well known in the United States, that any commendation of them would be superfluous in this place. The History of Greece published by him in 1854 is marked by excellences similar to those of his other books, and is, beyond all question, the best summary in our language of the ancient history of that country, for the use of schools and colleges. The editor of the present American republication has care- fully revised the text, and corrected a number of misprints which escaped the author in the original English edition. In one place, a passage of some length is inadvertently repeated in nearly identical terms ; the repetition, in this edition, has of course been omitted.* In the Chronological Table, the heading of the third book is omitted ; that omission has been supplied. An attempt has been made to introduce a greater degree of uniformity in the spelling of the classical names. The example of Grote and other high authorities in English literature is now beginning to be followed, and English usage, in this respect, is gradually conforming itself to that which has been established among the scholars of Germany. Still I have not ventured to carry out the principle in all cases, having limited my- self generally to those in which an opposite practice has not been irrevocably fixed. With regard to the Modern Greek names, I have followed the orthography of the Greek rather than of any other languagei Thus, I have written Tricoupes, ♦ Pages 172, 173, and pages 181, 182, of the English work. 80171 IV PREFACE OF THE AMERICAN EDITOR. and not Tricoupi ; Rhegas, and not Rigas ; ColocotronSs, and not Colocotroni ; and so of many others. With regard to the passages from the poets, cited by Dr. Smith in his excellent chapters on Greek Literature, I have in a few cases substituted other translations. This has been done for the purpose of more exactly representing the form of the originals. The foot-notes are, for the most part, founded upon personal observations in Greece. All the vignettes, majjs, and wood-cut illustrationa. of Dr. Smith's work have been retained, and a considerable number have been added, besides those pre- fixed to the new chapters. One of them, the Gate of Lions at Mycenae, has been redrawn, for the sake of representing it in its present condition. When I visited Mycenae, the approach to the gate had been entirely cleared of the rubbish which for- merly blocked it up, and the pavement of the street, with the ancient wheel-ruts, was laid open. The drawing in the pres- ent edition exhibits it precisely as it now appears. The view^ of the Acropolis in its present state is copied from a drawing* made by an accomplished English friend, whose society 1 had the pleasure of enjoying at Athens. It exhibits exactly the ap- pearance of the western end of the Acropolis, since the exca- vations made under the superintendence of M. Beule, a mem- ber of the French school in Athens, brought to light an ancient door at the foot of the marble stairs, and is, I think, in other respects, the most faithful representation ever yet published. This copy, and all the other new drawings, have been executed by the skilful hand of Mr. Ernest Sandoz. As the Greek nation has wonderfully survived through the disastrous period of the Middle Ages, and their long subjection to the oppression of the Turks, I have thought it would add to the interest of the volume to complete the story down to the present day. The method of accomplishing this object has been a matter of some perplexity. The space is necessarily limited, and the time to be included in it embraces many centu- ries. A complete narrative would fill several volumes ; a mere enumeration of the events in chronological order would be te- dious and dry. Instead of following either of these courses, I decided to select those events and persons that have most prom- inently influenced the course of Hellenic history during the peri- ods in question, Or that seemed best to illustrate the condition and genius of the race. It is hoped that the reader will find PREFACE OF THE AMERICAN EDITOR. V that, in proportion to the original work, a tolerably full and clear account has been given on all these points. The present condition of the Greek people is one of deep interest. In the kingdom of Hellas a remarkable progress has been made in let- ters and education, during the quarter of a century since the// close of the terrible war of the Revolution. The Greeks have been greatly misrepresented by the hasty judgments of travel- lers, and the complicated interests involved in the Eastern war now raging have tended to disseminate political prejudices against them, both in Europe and America. Yet the war of the Revolution proved to an admiring worid that a noble spirit still animated the breasts of the Greeks, after so m^ny ages of suffering and slavery. In patience, in bravery, in public and individual devotion to the cause of their country, the Greeks of that day bear a favorable comparison with any nation which has ever struggled to redeem itself from oppression. The dis- tinguished and heroic personages who appeared on the scene of action during the long-drawn and bloody drama of the Revo- lution prove that the race and the age were fruitful of the highest qualities of character. The names of Marcos Botzares, Karaiskakes, Diakos, Alexander and Demetrius Ypselantes, and numerous other departed warriors and patriots, shine in history with an imperishable lustre; while among the living, Alexan- der Mavrocordatos, Tricoupes, Kalerges, Psyllas, Pericles Ar- gyropoulos, and others equally deserving, though less conspicu- ous, exhibit to the world the most conclusive proof that talents and integrity, in ample measure, still adorn the land of Pericles and Demosthenes. The capacity of the Greeks for political affairs and self-government has been demonstrated from the first opening of the Revolution. Among the eariiest cares of those who commenced the struggle, the establishment of a reg- ular constitutional administration held the most conspicuous place ; and during the whole conflict, though its progress was marked at times by civil dissensions, and the overwhelmino- power of the enemy brought the insurgents more than once to the brink of destruction, yet the spirit of legality and the forms of representative government carried the people through their fiery trials. After the establishment of a monarchy, the desire for a con- stitutional government continued to animate the heart of the nation, and in 1843 that desire was fulfiUed by the formation fi PREFACE OF THE AMERICAN EDITOR. OE OF THE AMERICAN EDITOR. Til Of a constitution, which was adopted at the beginning of the following year. The mode in which the people gained this lat object of their long-postponed hopes ; the moderation Shich marked their proceedings; the good ^-^-S ^.^^^ ^/^^^ ited towards the king and queen, and the confidence in the peo- pie manifested by these august personages ; t^e proceedings at the elections, and the acts of the members of the assembly that framed the constitution ; the excellent features o the con- stitution itself,-entitle the people and the popular leaders to the applause of enlightened lovers of order and liberty everywhere In nterature and scholarship the Greeks are fast rising to distinction. The private schools established in many places, the system of public instruction supported by the government, and encouraged by the most liberal private contributions, are admirable. The activity of the press supplies the country with translations of the best foreign books, and numerous origmal works by the industrious scholars and writers of Hellas; and the names of Asopios, Argyropoulos, Rangabes, Kontogones, Philippos Johannis, and Manouses would do honor to any l^u- ropean university. The History of the Greek Revolution, now nearly completed, by his Excellency Spyridon Tricoupes, the Greek Minister at the Court of St. James, in point of style and matter compares well with the historical works of the classical ^^stnce the Revolution — to sum up in a few words the progress of the Greeks -cities and villages have been rebuilt, commerce has widely extended its operations, and the mercantile marme has largely increased; a general system of public instruction has been established, which places the opportunity of education within the reach of every child in Greece, at the public charge. Organic legislative bodies are established by the constitution, and the laws are ably and impartially administered by the ju- diciary; the trial by jury and an able and independent bar ffuard the rights of the citizens against the encroachments of power. The freedom of the press is guaranteed by the constitu- ' tion. Surely, a people just emancipated from four centuries of venslavement, who have effected all this in a quarter of a cen- tury, are entitled to respect, ever* if their roads are rough, and their plains ill cultivated, and the public domain not so wisely administered as the friends of Greece might desire. lam therefore of opinion, that the interest which attaches itsell to the Hellenic name does not cease at the Roman con- quest. In the existing state of affairs, the Greeks form the sav- ing and intellectual element of the Eastern world ; and if ever those regions — so richly endowed by nature with the most va- ried resources for national prosperity and happiness, and so long sunk in wretchedness by the vices of Turkish misrule and the pernicious institutions of a society founded on the Moham- medan imposture — are to be restored to civiKzation, it must be through the influence of the Hellenic race and the Oriental Church, liberalized and purified by the science and letters and general intellectual culture of the Western nations. The study of Greek literature is, all over the civilized world, one of the most powerful agents of liberal education. The po- litical institutions of the Ancient Greeks are the most instruc- tive subjects of study to the citizens of a free commonwealth. But there are peculiar and striking analogies, which make these studies especially important to the citizens of the United States. Greek literature must for ever be congenial to the po- litical tendencies which sway a republican people. The spirit which breathes from the historians, orators, and poets of Ancient Greece can best be appreciated under constitutional govern- ments like those of England and the United States; and the struggles for freedom which have marked the modern history of Greece meet with the heartiest sympathy among a free peo- ple, who, like those of the United States, stand aloof from the political entanglements of Europe, which checked the sympa- thies naturally to be expected from Christian nations in behalf of a Christian nation striking for liberty. The services ren- dered by America to Greece in her war of independence are not forgotten by a grateful people. The feelings of the Amer- ican nation found fit utterance in the admirable papers of JNIr. Everett, — especially in an article published in the North Amer- ican Review for October, 1823, which exhibited the qualities of comprehensive and elegant scholarship, with the rarest beau- ties of style, and appealed to the Christian sentiment and lit- erary sympathies of the country. This was followed by the speech of Mr. Webster, delivered in Congress, in January, 1824, which, in power of argument and classical finish of language, stands on a level with the masterly models handed down from the brilliant days of the Athenian republic. These noble efforts of scholarship and eloquence were followed up by the most im- fill PREFACE OF THE AMERICAN EDITOR. I portant practical results, chiefly through the agency of Dr. S. G. Howe, — a name which future ages will not wilhngly let die, either in Greece or in the United States. Large contributions of money were forwarded to the government, and abundant supplies of clothing and provisions were shipped at different times, by which hundreds of the sufferers were saved from per- ishing. These generous movements were well deserved by the people for whose benefit they were made, not only on account of the illustrious associations with the great ancients, but on account of the virtues and calamities of the Uving race. And now the love of constitutional government, the eager desire of knowledge, the capacity for letters, politics, and eloquence, the industry, frugality, and high spirit, which characterize the in- habitants of the Hellenic kingdom, entitle them to respect and cordial sympathy. They have a difficult part to perform in the conflicts now drenching the East with blood ; and if they com- mit errors, they should not be censured on a partial view of their position and their political relations. There are two sides to every question. But whatever opinion may be formed of par- ticular transactions, arising out of the crisis of the moment, all weU-informed men will agree, that the welfare of the East of Europe depends in no small measure on the future development of the Hellenic-Christian element in that part of the world. In preparing the chapters which I have added to Dr. Smith's work, I have consulted,—!. The Byzantine Historians. 2. Mr. Fiulay's " Greece under the Romans," " Mediaeval Greece and Trebizond," and "Byzantine and Greek Empires," and Gibbon's ''Decline and Fall." 3. Sir James Emerson Tennent's "His- tory of Modern Greece." 4. Gordon and Howe's Histories of the Greek Revolution. 5. Zinkeisen's " Geschichte Griechen- lands." 6. Pouqueville's " Histoire de la Grece." 7. Professor Paparregopoulos, 'laropla rov 'EWvvikoO ""EOvov^, 8. Tricou- pes, 'ItjTopla T^aiu. Massalia. \ 11. Colonies in Africa. Cyrene. § 12. Colonies in Epeirus, Macedonia, and Thrace. § 13. Importance of a l^owledge of the History of the Greek Colonies. ..... 108 CHAPTER Xin. HISTORY OP LITERATURE. I 1. Perfection of the Greeks in Literature. % 2. Greek Epic Poetry divided into Two Classes, Homeric and Hesiodic. § .3. Poems of Hesiod. § 4. Origin of Greek Lyric . Poetry. \ 5. Archilochus. \ 6. Simonides of Amorgos. § 7. Tyrtaeus and Alcman. \ 8. Arion and Stesichorus. § 9. Alcaeus and Sappho. \ 10. Anacreon. § 11. The Seven Sages of Greece. § 12. The Ionic School of Philosophy. Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes. § 13. The Eleatic School of Philosophy. Xenophanes. § 14. The Pythagorean School of Philosophy. Life of Pythagoras. Foundation and Suppres- sion of his Society in the Cities of Magna Graecia. . . , . , 119 CHAPTER XIV. HISTORY OP ART. I 1. Perfection of Grecian Art. § 2. Origin of Architecture. § 3. Cyclopean Walls. Treasury of Atreus. § 4. Architecture of Temples. § 5. Three Orders of Architec- ture, the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian. § 6. Temples of Artemis (Diana) at Ephesus, of Hera (Juno) at Samos, of Apollo at Delphi, and of Jove at Athens. Remains of Temples at Posidonia (Paestum), Selinus, and JEgina. § 7. Origin of Sculpture. Wooden Images of the Gods. Sculptured Figures on Architectural Monuments. Lions over the Gate at Mycenaj. § 8. Improvements in Sculpture in the Sixth and Fifth Centuries b. c. § 9. Extant Specimens of Grecian Sculpture. The Selinuntine, Jlgmetan, and Lycian Marbles. § 10. History of Painting. . . . .133 BOOK III. THE PERSIAN WARS. B. C. 500-478. CHAPTER XV. THE RISE AND GROWTH OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. I 1. Introduction. § 2. The Assyrian Empire. § 3. The Median Empire. § 4. The Babylonian Empire. \ 5. The Lydian Monarchy, and its Influence upon the Asiatic Greeks. § 6. Conquest of the Asiatic Greeks by Croesus, King of Lydia. § 7. Foun- dation of the Persian Empire by Cyrus, and Overthrow of the Median Empire by the latter. § 8. Conquest of the Lydian Monarchy by Cyrus. § 9. Conquest of the Asi- atic Greeks by Harpagus, the General of Cyrus. Death of Cyrus. § 10. Reigns of Cambyses and of the false Smerdis. \ 11. History of Polycrates, Despot of Samos. §12. Accession of Darius, Son of Hystaspes. His Organization of the Persian Em- pire. § 13. Invasion of Scythia by Darius. § 14. Subjection of Thrace and Mace- donia to the Persian Empire. . . . , , , . j^ CHAPTER XVL THE IONIC REVOLT. I 1. Introduction. § 2. Naxiau Exiles apply for Aid to Aristagoras. ^ 3. Expedition of Aristagoras and the Persians against Naxos. Its Failure. § 4. Revolt of Miletus and the other Greek Cities of Asia. § 5. Aristagoras solicits Assistance from Sparta and Athens, which is granted by the latter. § 6. Burning of Sardis by the Athenians and lonians. \ 7. Death of Aristagoras and Histiaeus. § 8. Defeat of the Ionian Fleet atLadd § 9. Capture of Miletus and Termination of the Revolt. 153 CHAPTER XVIL THE BATTLE OP MARATHON. % 1. Expedition of Mardonius into Greece, h 2. Preparations of Darius for a second Invasion of Greece. Heralds sent to the leading Grecian States to demand Earth xviu CONTENTS. and Water. § 8. Invasion of Greece by the Persians under Datis and Artapheme«. Conquest of the Cyclades and Eretria. § 4. Preparations at Athens to resist the Pep- slans. History of Miltiades. $ 5. Debate among the Ten Athenian Generals. Eeso- lution to give Battle to the Persians. § 6. Battle of Marathon. § 7. Movements of the Persians after the Battle. § 8. Effect of the Battle of Marathon upon the Athenians. I 9. Glory of Miltiades. ^ 10. His unsuccessful Expedition to Paros. § 11. His Trial, Condemnation, and Death. § 12. History of ^gina. § 13. War between Athens and iEgina. § 14. Athens becomes a Maritime Power. § 16. Rivalry of Themistocles and Aristeides. Ostracism of the latter. ....... 160 CHAPTER XVin. THE BATTLES OP THERMOPTLiE AND ARTEMISIUM. \ 1. Death of Darius and Accession of Xerxes. § 2. Preparations for the Invasion of Greece. § 3. A Bridge thrown across the Hellespont, and a Canal cut through the Isthmus of Iklount Athos. § 4. Xerxes sets out from Sardis. Order of the March. § 5. Passage of the Hellespont. § 6. Numbering of the Anny on the Plain of Doriscus. $ 7. Continuation of the Slarch from Doriscus to Mount Olympus. § 8. Preparations of the Greeks to resist Xerxes. Congress of the Grecian States at the Isthmus of Cor- inth. § 9. Patriotism of the Athenians. Resolution of the Greeks to defend the Pass of Tempe, which is afterwards abandoned. § 10. Description of the Pass of Thermopy- laj. § 11. Leonidas sent out with Three Hundred Spartans to defend the Pass of Ther- mopyte. § 12. Attack and Repulse of the Persians at Thermopylae. § 13. A Persisln Detachment cross the Mountains by a Secret Path in order to fall upon the Greeks in the Rear. § 14. Heroic Death of Leonidas and his Comrades. § 15. Monuments erect- ed to their Honor. § 16. Proceedings of the Persian and Grecian Fleets. ^ 17. The Persian Fleet overtaken by a Terrible Storm. § 18. The First Battle of Artemi- sium. § 19. Second Storm. § 20. Second Battle of Artemisium. Retreat of the Gre- cian Fleet to Salamis. ,..••••.. 178 CHAPTER XIX. THE BATTLE OF SALAMIS. \ 1. Results of the Battle of Thermopylae. § 2. Alarm and Flight of the Athenians. \ 3. March of the Persians and Attempt upon Delphi. § 4. Taking of Athens and Arrival of the Persian Fleet. § 5. Dissensions and Debates of the Greeks. § 6. Strata- gem of Themistocles. Arrival of Aristeides. ^ 7. Position of the Hostile Fleets. Prep- arations for the Combat. § 8. Battle of Salamis. § 9. Defeat and Flight of Xerxes. § 10. Pursuit of the Greeks. § 11. Homeward March of Xerxes. § 12. The Greeks celebrate their Victory. § 13. Carthaginian Expedition to Sicily. Defeat and Death ofHamilcar. .....••♦•• 187 CHAPTER XX. BATTLES OF PLATjEA AND MYCALE. I 1. Position of the Persian and Greek Fleets. § 2. Preparations of Mardonius for the Campaign. § 3. He solicits the Athenians to join him. Faithlessness of the Spartans. § 4. Mardonius occupies Athens. Athenian Embassy to Sparta. March of the Spartan Army. § 5. Mardonins retires into Boeotia: followed by the Grecian Army. Skir- mishes. ^ 6. The Greeks descend into the Plain. Manoeuvres of the two Armies. ^ 7. Alexander, King of Macedon, visits the Grecian Camp. The Greeks resolve to change their Ground: their disorderiy Retreat. § 8. Battle of Plata;a. Defeat of the Persians. ^ 9. Division of the Spoil. § 10. Reduction of Thebes, and Execution of the Theban Leaders. § 11. Death of Aristodemus. § 12. League of Plataea. Relig- ious Ceremonies. § 13. Battle of Slycalt^ Defeat of the Persians. § 14. Liberation of the Greek Islands. ^ 15. Siege and Capture of Sestos. . . . .108 CONTENTS. XIX CHAPTER XXI. HISTORY OP LITERATURE. { 1. General Characteristics. § 2. Simooides. § 3. Pmdar. § 4. Ibycus and Bacchyli- dea. 4 5. Rise of History and of Composition in Prose. § 6. Hecataeus, Charon of Lampsacus, Hellanicus. § 7. Herodotus. § 8. Character of his Work. Analysis. § 9. Predilection of Herodotus for Athens. § 10. Style of his Work. . , . 215 BOOK IV. THE ATHENIAN SUPREMACY AND THE PELOPON- NESIAN WAR. B. C. 477-404 CHAPTER XXn. FROM THE EXPULSION OP THE PERSIANS TO THE DEATH OF THEMISTOCLES. f 1. Further Proceedings against the Persians. § 2. Misconduct and Treason of Pau- sanias. § 3. The Maritime Supremacy transferred to the Athenians. § 4. Confed- eracy of Delos. § 5. The Combined Fleet under Cimon. § 6. Growth of the Athenian Power. Plans of Themistocles. § 7. Rebuilding of Athens. The Lacedasmom'ans attempt to prevent its being fortified. § 8. Fortification of Peiraeus. § 9. Strife of Parties at Athens. ^lisconduct of Themistocles. § 10. He is ostracized. § 11. Pau- sanias convicted oi Medism. § 12. Themistocles implicated in his Guilt. He escapes into Asia. § 13. He is magnificently received by Artaxerxes. His Death and Char- acter. § 14. Death of Aristeides. ....... 224 CHAPTER XXIII. RISE AND GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. FRO^I THE BATTLE OF EURYMEDOX TO THE THIRTY YEARS' TRUCE WITH SPARTA. 4 1. Cimon Leader of the Aristocratical Party at Athens. § 2. Revolt of Naxos. § 3. Battle of Euryraedon. §4. The Athenians blockade Thasos, and attempt to found Colonies in Thrace. § 5. Earthquake at Sparta and Revolt of the Helots. § 6. De- cline of Spartan Power. § 7. Cimon assists the Spartans to suppress the Revolt, but without Success. The Spartans offend the Athenians by dismissing their Troops. § 8. Parties at Athens. Character of Pericles. § 9. Attack upon the Areopagus. § 10. Ostracism of Cimon. § 11. Administration and Foreign Policy of Pericles. § 12. Expedition of the Athenians into Egypt against the Persians. ^ 13. Hostilities •with Corinth and ^Egina. Defeat of the Corinthians at Megara. § 14. The Long Walls of Athens commenced. § 16. The Lacedaemonians march into Ba?otia. Battle of Tanagra. § 16. Recall of Cimon. § 17. Battle of CEnophyta, and Conquest of Boeotia. Conquest of jEgina. § 18. The Five Years' Truce. Expedition of Cimon to Cyprus. His Death. ^ 19. Conclusion of the War with Persia. § 20. The Athe- nian Power at its Height. § 21. Decline of the Athenian Power. Revolution in Boeotia. Other Athenian Reverses. Invasion of Attica by the Lacedaemonians under Pleistoanax. ^ 22. Pericles recovers Euboea. Thirty Years' Truce with Sparta. . . ......... 285 CONTENTS. CONTENTS. XXI 4 CHAPTER XXIV. , FROM THE THIRTY TEARS* TRUCE TO THE WAR BETWEEN CORINTH AND CORCYRA. f 1. State of Parties at Athens. Thucydides. § 2. Opposite Political Views. § 8. Ostracism of Thucydides. Administration of Pericles. He adorns Athens. His Foreign Policy. § 4. Athenian Colonization. Cleruchiae. Thurii and Amphipolis, § 5. Nature of the Atlienian Maritime Empire. Amount of Tribute. Oppressions. f 6. Revolt of Samos. Seduction of the Island by Pericles. .... 218 CHAPTER XXV. CAUSES OF THE FELOPONNESIAN WAR. j 1. Quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra. § 2. Corcyraeau Embassy to Athens. Decision of the Athenians. § 3. They send a Fleet to Corcyra. Naval Engagements. Defeat of the Corinthians. § 4. Revolt of Potidaea. $ 5. Congress of the Peloponne- sian Allies at Sparta. The Spartans decide for War. § 6. Second Congress. The Allies resolve upon War. § 7. The Lacedaemonians require the Athenians to expel Pericles. § 8. Attacks upon Pericles, Aspasia, and Anaxagoras. Imprisonment and Death of Pheidias. § 9- Further Requisitions of the Lacedaemonians. Rejected by the Athenians. § 10. The Thebans surprise Plataea. § 11. The Athenians prepare lor War. Portents. § 12. Forces of the Lacedaemonians and Athenians. § 13. The Peloponnesian Army assemble at the Isthmus of Corinth. • . , . 355 CHAPTER XXVL PELOPONNESIAN WAR. FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAR TO THE CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF PLATiEA. 1 1. The Peloponnesians invade Attica. § 2. Athenian naval Expeditions to Pelopon- nesus and Locris. § 3. The Athenians invade the Megarid. § 4. Second Invasion of Attica. Plague at Athens. § 5. Unpopularity of Pericles. He is accused of Mal- versation. § 6. His domestic Misfortunes. Death. Character. § 7. The Lacedae- monians ravage Attica. Their naval Operations. § 8. Surrender of Potidaea. ^ 9. The Lacedaemonians besiege Plataea. § 10. Part of the Garrison escape, ill. Surrender of the town. Trial and Execution of the Garrison. . . .266 CHAPTER XXVIL PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. — FROM THE SIEGE OP PLATJEA TO THE SEDITION AT CORCYRA. f 1. General Character of the War. § 2. Military and Naval Operations of the Third Year. Attempt of Peloponnesians to surprise Peiraeus. § 3. Fourth Year. Revolt of Mytilen6. § 4. Fifth Year. Surrender of Mytilen^. § 5. Debates of the Athe- nian Assembly respecting the Mytilenaeans. Cleon and the Athenian Demagogues. f 6. Bloody Decree against the Mytilenaeans. § 7. Second Debate. Reversal of the Decree. Lesbos colonized by Athenians. § 8. Civil Dissensions at Corcyra. § 9. Picture of the Times by Thucydides. CHAPTER XXVm. m I*£LOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. — FROM THE SEDITION AT COR- CYRA TO THE PEACE OF NICIAS. 1 1. Sixth Year of the War. Return of the Plague. Purification of Delos. § 2. Sev- •Dth Year. Fortification of Pylos. § 3. Attempts of the Lacedseraonians to recover Pylos. § 4. Arrival and Victory of the Athenian Fleet. Blockade of Sphacteria. ^ 6. The Lacedaemonians sue for Peace at Athens. Extravagant Demands of Cleon. 4 6. Renewal of Hostilities. § 7. Debates in the Assembly. Cleon elected General. ^ 8. Capture of Sphacteria. § 9. Advantages of the Victory. ^ 10. Proceedings at Corcyra. Slaughter of the Oligarchs. § 11. Eighth Year of the War. Capture of Cythera. § 12. Invasion of the Megarid and Boeotia by the Athenians. Capture of Nisaea, the Port of Megara. Defeat of the Athenians at the Battle of Deliura. § 13 Brasidas in Thrace. Takes Amphipolis. Banishment of Thucydides. § 14. Ninth Year of the War. A Truce between Sparta and Athens. The War continued in Thrace. § 15. Tenth Year of the War. Cleon proceeds to Amphipolis. His Defeat and Death. Death of Brasidas. § 16. Eleventh Year of the War. Fifty Years' Peace between Athens and Sparta. ....... 285 CHAPTER XXIX. PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE PEACE OF NICIAS TO THE EXPEDITION OP THE ATHENIANS TO SICILY. § 1. League of Argos, Corinth, Elea, Mautiuea, and Chalcidic^. § 2. Transactions be- tween Sparta and Athens. § 3. Policy and Character of Alcibiades. § 4. He advo- cates a League with Argos. Resorts to a Stratagem to procure it. § 5. Alcibiades Victor at Olympia. His Magnificence. ^ 6. He proceeds to Peloponnesus. § 7. Pro- ceedings of the Lacedaemonians. Battle of Mantinea. § 8. Revolutions at Argos. A Democracy established. § 9. Conquest of Melos by the Athenians. § 10. Inter- vention of the Athenians in Sicily. § 11. Embassy of the Egestieans. They de- ceive the Athenians respecting their Wealth. § 12. The Athenians resolve on an Expedition to Sicily. § 13. Preparations at Athens. Popular Delusion. § 14. Muti- lation of the Hermae. Accusation of Alcibiades. § 15. Departure of the Athenian Fleet for Sicily 801 » CHAPTER XXX. PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION. * 4 1. Armament mustered at Corcyra. § 2. Its Reception in Italy. Proceedings at Syracuse. § 3. Plans of the Athenian Generals. § 4. The Advice of Alcibiades adopted. He gains over Naxos and Catana. § 5. Proceedings at Athens respecting the Mutilation of the Hermae, and the Profanation of the Mysteries. § 6. Alcibiades accused, and ordered to return to Athens. § 7. Proceedings of Nicias in Sicily. § 8. Preparations of the Sicilians for Defence. § 9. Nicias lays Siege to Syra- cuse. § 10. He seizes Epipolae and constructs a Fort at Syk^. Attempt of the Syracusans against it. § 11. Arrival of the Spartan General Gylippus. Change in the Athenian Prospects. § 12. Invasion of Attica by the Lacedjemonians. They fortify Deceleia. ^ 13. The Syracusans defeat the Athenians at Sea. § 14. Demos- thenes and Eurymedon arrive in Sicily with Reinforcements. Reverses. The Athe- nians resolve to retreat. § 15. Naval Engagement in the Great Harbor. Victory of the Syracusans. § 16. Its Effects. Disastrous Retreat of the Athenians. Sur- render of Demosthenes. § 17. Surrender of Nicias. Treatment of the Prisoners. Death of Nicias and Demosthenes. § 18. Their Characters. . . . 811 CHAPTER XXXL FROM THE END OF THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS. f 1. Consternation and Hardships at Athens. § 2. Measures for Defence. § 3. Revolt of Chios, Erythrae, and Clazomenae. § 4. Spread of the Revolt. Defection of Teos, OOKTENTS. CONTENTS. xxiii Lesbos, and Miletus. ReTolution at Samos, which becomes the Head-quarters of the Athenian Fleet. | 5. Recovery of Lesbos by the Athenians. Dissatisfaction of the Lacedaemonians with Tissaphernes. § 6. Schemes of Alcibiades. § 7. He pro- poses a League between the Athenians and Persians, and the Establishment of an Oligarchy at Athens. § 8. Agitation for an Oligarchy at Athens. \ 9. Conference of Peisander with Alcibiades. Artifices of the Latter. Fresh Treaty between Tissa- phernes and the Lacedaemonians. § 10. Progress of the Oligarchical Conspiracy at Athens and Samos. \ 11. Establishment of the Four Hundred. 4 12. Their Pro- ceedings. ^ 13. Proceedings at Samos. Alcibiades joins the Democracy there. 1 14. The Athenian Envoys at Samos. § 15. Dissensions among the Four Hundred. They negotiate with Sparta. § 16. Counter Revolution at Athens. Defeat of the Athenian Fleet and Capture of Eubrea by the Lacedaemonians. ^ 17. The Four Hundred deposed and Democracy re-established at Athens. .... 821 CHAPTER XXXn. FBOM THE FALL OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS TO THE BATTLE OF iEGOSPOTAML 4 1. State of the Belligerents. § 2. Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cjmossema. § 8. Capture of Cyzicus by the Athenians, and Second Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Abydus. § 4. Arrest of Alcibiades by Tissaphernes, and his subsequent Escape. Signal Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cyzicus. § 5. The Athenians Masters of the Bosporus. The Lacedasmonians propose a Peace, which is rejected. § 6. Phania- bazus assists the Lacedasmonians. § 7. Capture of Chalcedon and P>yzantium by the Athenians. § B. Return of Alcibiades to Athens. § 9. He escorts the Sacred Procession to Eleusis. \ 10. Cyrus comes down to the Coast of Asia. Lysander appointed Commander of the Peloponnesian Fleet. § 11. Interview between Cyrus • and Lysander. § 12. Alcibiades at Samos. Defeat of Antiochus at Notium. § 13. Alcibiades is dismissed. § 14. Lysander superseded by Callicratidas. Energetic Measures of the Latter. § 15. Defeat of Conon at Mytilene, and Investment of that Town by Callicratidas. § 16. Excitement at Athens, and Equipment of a large Fleet. \ 17. Battle of Arginusae. Defeat and Death of Callicratidas. § 18. Arraign- ment and Condemnation of the Athenian Generals. § 19. Reappointment of Ly- sander as Ntmxrckm. \ 20. Siege of Lampsacus, and Battle of JEgospotami. . . 834 CHArXER XXXHL FROM THE BATTLE OF iEGOSPOTAMI TO THE OVERTHROW OP THE THIRTY TYRANTS AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OP DEMOCRACY AT ATHENS. 4 1. Alarm at Athens. ^ 2. Proceedings of Lysander. Capture of the Athenian De- pendencies. § 3. Measures of the Athenians. Athens invested. § 4. I'mbassy of Theramenes. Conditions of Capitulation. § 6. Lysander takes Possession of Athens. Destruction of the Long Walls, &c. ^ 6. Return of the Oligarchical Exiles. Establishment of the Thirty. \ 7. Surrender of Samos and Triumph of Lysander. I 8. Proceedings of the Thirty at Athens. § 9. Opposition of Themmenes. § 10. Proscriptions. Death of Theramenes. § 11. Suppression of Intellectual Culture. Socrates. \ 12. Death of Alcibiades. § 13. Jealousy of the Grecian States to- wards Sparta and Lysander. § 14. Thrasybulus at Phyl^. ^ 15. Seizure and ^lassa- cre of the Eleusinians. § 16. Thrasybulus occupies Peirajus. Death of Critias. § 17. Deposition of the Thirty, and Establishment of the Ten. Return of Lysander to Athens, and Arrival of Pausanias. § 18. Peace with Thrasybulus, and Evacuation of Attica by the Peloponnesians. § 19. Restoration of the Democracy. ^ 20. Archon- ship of Euclides. Reduction of Eleusis. ....•• 840 CHAPTER XXXIV. ATHENS, AND ATHENIAN AND GRECIAN ART DURING THE PERIOD OF HER EMPIRE. ( 1. Situation of Athens. § 2. Origin and Progress of the Ancient City. § 3. Extent of the New City. Peiraeus and the Ports. § 4. General Appearance of Athens. Popu- lation. § 5. Periods and General Character of Attic Art. § 6. Sculptors of the First Period. Ageladas, Onatas, and others. § 7. Second Period. Pheidias. § 8. Poly- cletus and Myron. § 9. Painting. Polygnotus. § 10. Apollodorus, Zeuxis, and Par- rhasius. § 11. Architecture. Jlonunients of the Age of Cinion. Tlie Temple of Nike Apteros, the ThesGuni, and the Poecile Stoa. § 12. The Acropolis and its Monuments. The Propyliea. § 13. The Partlienon. § 14. Statues of Athena. § 15. The Erech- thcura. § 1(3. Monuments in the Asty. The Dionysiac Theatre. The Odeum of Pericles. The Areopagus. The Pnyx. The Agoni and Ceranieicus. § 17. Monu- ments out of Attica. The Temple of Zeus at Olympia. § 18. The Temple of Apollo near Phigalia. .......... SoG / CHAPTER XXXV. HISTORY OF ATHENIAN LITERATURE DOWN TO THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. I 1. Characteristics of the early Literature of Athens. § 2. Origin of the Drama. § 3. Introduction of the Ditima at Athens. Susarion, Thespis, Phrynichus, Pratinas. § 4. JEschylus. § 5. Sophocles. § 6. Euripides. § 7. Athenian Comedy. Cratinus, Eu- polis, Aristophanes. § 8. Prose-writers of the Period. Thucydides. § 9. Xenoplion. 4 10. Athenian Education. § 11. Rhetors and Sophists. § 12. Life of Socrates. § 13. How he differed from the Sophists. § 14. Enmity against him. ^ 15. His Im- peachment, Trial, and Death. ........ 375 BOOK V. THE SPARTAN AND THEBAN SUPREMACIES. B. C. 403 - 371. ' CHAPTER XXXVL THE EXPEDITION OF THE GREEKS UNDER CYRUS, AND RETREAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND. 4 1. Causes of the Expedition. § 2. Cyrus engages an Army of Greek Mercenaries. Their Character. § 8. March to Tarsus. § 4. Discontent of the Greeks. March to Myriandrus. § 5. Passage of the Euphrates, and March through the Desert. § 6. Battle of Cunaxa, and Death of Cyrus. § 7. Dismay of the Greeks. Preparations for Retreat. § 8. Retreat of the Army to the Greater Zab. Seizure of the Generals. § 9. Election of Xenophon and others as Generals. § 10. March from the Zab to tl:e Con- fines of the Carduchi. March across the Mountains of the Carduchi. § 11. Progress through Armenia. § 12. March through the Country of the Taochi, Chalybes, Scy- thini, Macrones, and Colchi to Trapezus on the Euxiue. § 13. March along the Coast of the Euxine to Chrysopolis. Passage to Byzantium. § 14. Proceedings at By- zantium. § 15. The Greeks enter the Service of Seuthes. § 16. Are engaged by the Laced osnionians. Last Exploits of the Anny, and Retirement of Xenophon. . . 393 li XZIT CONTENTS. t CHAPTER XXXVn. FSOM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE SPARTAN EMPIRE TO THE BATTLE OF CNIDOS. 4 1. Invasion and Reduction of Elis by King Agis. § 2. Ambitious Projects of Lysander. 4 8. He procures the Tiirone for Agesilaus. § 4. Character of Agesilaus. § 5. Nature of the Spartan Empire. § 6. Affairs of Asia Minor. § 7. Agesilaus proceeds thither. § S. Mortifies Lysander. § 9. Campaigns of Agesilaus against Tissaphemes and Phamabazus. § 10. Execution of Tissaphernes. § 11. Proceedings of Conon. Rhodes revolts from Sparta. § 12. Agesilaus ravages the Satrapy of Phamabazus. Interview between them. § 13. Recall of Agesilaus. § 14. Battle of Cnidos. . • • 407 M CHAPTER XXXVIII. THE CORINTHIAN WAR. — FROM THE BATTLE OF CNIDOS TO THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. § 1. Mission of Timocrates to the Grecian Cities. { 2. Hostilities between Sparta and Thebes. § 3. The Athenians join the Thebans. Defeat and Death of Lysander. Re- treat of Pausanias. § 4. League against Sparta. Battle of Corinth. § 5. Homeward March of Agesilaus. § 6. Battle of Coronea. § 7. Loss of the Spartan Maritime Em- pire. 4 ^' Conon rebuilds the Walls of Athens. § 9. Civil Dissensions at Corinth. § 10. Campaign of Agesilaus in the Corinthian Territory. § 11. New System of Tac- tics introduced by Iphicrates. Destruction of a Spartan Mara by his light-armed Troops. 4 12. Negotiations of Antalcidas with the Persians. Death of Conon. De- feat and Death of Thimbron. § 13. Maritime War on the Coast of Asia. Revolt of Rhodes. Thrasybulus appointed Athenian Commander. His Death at Aspendus. Anaxibius defeated by Iphicrates at the Hellespont. § 14. War between Athens and JIgina. Teleutias surprises the Peu-aeus. § 15. Peace of Antalcidas. ^ 16. Its Char- Aoter. »••»••..•.• 4lo CHAPTER XXXIX. FROM THE PEACE OP ANTALCIDAS TO THE PEACE OF CALLIAS. 1 1. Aggressions of Sparta in Boeotia. Rebuilding of Plataea. § 2. Reduction of Man- tinea. § 3. Olynthian Confederation. Sparta interferes. § 4. Seizure of the Cad- mea at Thebes by the Lacedaemonians. § 5. Reduction of Olynthus. ^ 6. Unpop- ularity of Sparta. § 7. Revolution at Thebes. ^ 8. The Lacedaimonians expelled from the Cadmea. § 9. Their Expeditions against Thebes. Alarm of the Atheni- ans, who ally themselves with Thebes. § 10. Reorganization of the Athenian Confed- eration. § 11. Preparations for War. The Theban " Sacred Band." ^ 12. Character of Eparaeinondas. § 13. Spartan Invasions of Boeotia. § 14. Maritime Affairs. Bat- tle of Naxos. Success of Timothens. § 15. Progress of the Theban Arms. § 16. The Athenians form a Peace with Sparta, which is immediately broken. Proceedings at Corcyra. § 17. The Lacedaemonians solicit Persian Aid. § 18. Congress at Sparta to treat of Peace. The Thebans are excluded from it. . • • . 427 CHAPTER XL. THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES. 4 1. Invasion of Boeotia by Cleombrotus. § 2. Battle of Leuctra. § 3. Its Effect throughout Greece. 4 4. Jason of Pherae joins the Thebans. § 6. Progress of Thebes. 4 6. Assassination of Jason. ^ 7. Establishment of the Arcadian League. § 8 First CONTENTS. XXV Invasion of Peloponnesus by Eparaeinondas. Alarm at Sparta. Vigorous Measures of Agesilaus. ^ 9. Eparaeinondas founds Megalopolis, and restores the Messenians. 4 10. Alliance between Athens and Sparta. Second Invasion of Peloponnesus by Eparaeinondas. § 11. Invasion of Laconia by the Arcadians. § 12. Expedition of Pe- lopidas into Thessaly. The " Tearless Battle " between the Arcadians and Lacedae- monians. § 13. Third Invasion of Peloponnesus by Eparaeinondas. § 14. Mission of Pelopidas to the Court of Susa. § 15. Seizure of Pelopidas by Alexander. His Re- lease. § 16. The Athenians acquire Oropus'. Alliance between Athens and Arcadia. § 17. Attempt of the Athenians to seize Corinth, followed by an Alliance between the Corinthians and Thebans. § 18. Success of the Athenians at Sea. A Theban Fleet coraraanded by Eparaeinondas. § 19. Death of Pelopidas. § 2. Wars between Elis and Arcadia. Battle at Olyrapia during the Festival. § 21. Dissensions araong the Arcadians. § 22. Fourth Invasion of Peloponnesus by Eparaeinondas. Attempts upon Sparta and Mantinea. § 23. Battle of Mantinea, and Death of Eparaeinondas. § 24. Death of Agesilaus. ••...., 480 m CHAPTER XLI. HISTORY OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS FROM THE DESTRUCTION OP THE ATHENIAN ARMAMENT TO THE DEATH OF TIMOLEON. I 1. Revolutions at Syracuse. Dionysius the Elder seizes the Despotism. § 2. His Suc- cesses. § 3. His Poetical Corapositions. Plato visits Syracuse. § 4. Death of Diony- sius. His Character. Story of Damocles. § 5. Accession of the Younger Dionysius. Second Visit of Plato. Banishraent of Dion. Third Visit of Plato. § 6. Dion expels Dionysius, and becomes blaster of Syracuse. § 7. Assassination of Dion. § 8. Revo- lutions at Syracuse. The Syracusans invoke the Aid of Corinth. § 9. Character of Tiraoleon. § 10. His Successes. Surrender of Dionysius and Conquest of Syracuse. § 11. Moderation of Timoleon. He remodels the Constitution. § 12. Defeats the Car- thaginians at the Crimesus. § 13. Deposes the Sicilian Despots. § 14. Retires into a Private Station. His great Popularity and Death. ..... 455 1l BOOK VI. THE ]VIACEDONIAN SUPREMACY. B. C. 359 - 146. CHAPTER XLII. FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP TO THE END OF THE SACRED WAR. $ 1. State of Greece. $ 2. Description of Macedonia. $ 3. Kings of Macedon. $ 4. Character of Philip. § 5. He subdues the Paeonians and Illyrians. § 6. His Mili- tary Discipline. $ 7. Capture of Araphipolis, and Foundation of Philippi. $ 8. The Social War. § 9. Commencement of the Sacred War. The Phocians seize Delphi. $10. Successes of the Phocians. $ 11. Philip interferes in the War. Conquers Thessaly. $ 12. Philip in Thrace. Demosthenes. § 13. The Olynthian War. $ 14. Character of Phocion. Fall of Olynthus. § 15. Progress of the Sacred War. Embassy to Philip. ^ 16. Conquest of Phocis by Philip. Sentence of the Aniphic- tyonic Council on the Phocians. ... , . 466 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XLm. FBOM THE END OF THE SACRED WAR TO THE DEATH OF PHILIP. 1 1. Results of the Sacred War. § 2. Macedonian Embassy to Athens. Second Philip- pic. 4 3. PhUip's Expedition into Thrace. ^ 4, TUrd Philippic. Progress of Philip. Siege of Perinthus. § 5. Phocion's Successes in Euboea. § 6. Declaration of War between Athens and Iklacedon. Phocion compels Philip to evacuate the Chersonese. § 7. Charge of Sacrilege against the Araphissians. § 8. Philip appointed General by fche Amphictyons, to conduct the War against Amphissa. § 9. He seizes Elatea. League between Athens and Thebes. § 10. Battle of Chaeronea. § 11. Philip's ex- travagant Joy for his Victory. § 12. Congress at Corinth. Philip's Progress through the Peloponnesus. \ 13. Philip's Domestic Quarrels. § 14. Preparations for the Pecsiaii Expedition. § 15. Assassination of Philip. ..... 480 CHAPTER XLIV. ALEXANDER THE GREAT. I 1. Education of Alexander. ^ 2. Rejoicings at Athens for Philip's death. Movements in Greece. ^ 3. Alexander overawes the Malecontents, and is appointed Generalissi- mo for the Persian War. § 4. Alexander subdues the Triballians, Getse, Illyrians, and Taulantians. § 5. Revolt and Destruction of Thebes. § 6. Alexander prepares to invade Persia. Nature of that Empire. ^ 7. Alexander crosses the Hellespont. §8. Battle of the Granicus. § 9. Alexander overruns Asia Minor. The Gordian Knot, f 10. March through Cilicia. Battle of Issus. Victory. § 11. Conquest of Phoenicia. Siege of Tyre. § 12. Alexander marches into Egypt. Foundation of Alexandria. Oracle of Ammon. § 13. Battle of Arbela. § 14. Alexander takes Possession of Baby- lon, Susa, and Persepolis. § 16. March to Ecbatana, and Pursuit of Danus. Death of Darius. § 16. March through Hyrcania, Asia, and Drangiana. Conspiracy of Phi- Iotas. § 17. Alexander crosses the Oxus. Death of Bessus. Reduction of Sogdiana. Alexander marries Roxana. § 18. Murder of Clitus. § 19. Plot of the Pages. Alex- ander invades the Penj&b, and defeats Porus. Marches as far as the Hyphasis. § 20. Descent of the Hydaspes and Indus. § 21. March through Gedrosia. Voyage of Hearchus. \ 22. Arrival at Susa. Intermarriages of the Greeks and Persians. Mu- tiny of the Army. § 23. Death of Hephaestion. Alexander takes up his Residence at Babylon. His Death. § 24. Character. ...... 490 CHAPTER XLV. FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE BATTLE OF IPSUS. I 1. Division of the Provinces after Alexander's Death. § 2. Retrospective View of Gre- cian Affairs. Revolt of Agis. Demosthenes de Corona, ^ 3. Airival of Harpalus at Athens. Accusation and Exile of Demosthenes. § 4. The Lamian War. Defeat of Antipater, and Siege of Lamia. § 5. Defeat and Death of Leonnatus. Battle of Crannon. End of the Lamian War. § 6. Death of Demosthenes. ^ 7. Ambitious Projects of Per- diccas. His Invasion of Egypt, and Death. § 8. Fresh Division of the Provinces at Tripiiradisus. Death of Antipater. Polysperchon becomes Regent, and conciliates the Grecian States. Death of Phocion. ] 9. War between Polysperchon and Cassan- der. Ill-success of Polysperchon. Cassander becomes Master of Macedonia, and puts Olympias to Death. § 10. Coalition against Antigonus. Peace concluded in b. c. 311. Murder of Roxana and her Son. § 11. Renewal of the War against Antigonus. De- metrius Poliorcetes expels the Macedonians from Athens. § 12. Demetrius Poliorce- tes at Cyprus. Battle of Salamis. Attempt on Egypt. Siege of Rhodes. § 13. Bat- tle of Ipsus, and Death of Antigonus. . . . . . . .514 CONTENTS. XXVll CHAPTER XLVL FROM THE BATTLE OF IPSUS TO THE CONQUEST OP GREECE BY THE ROMANS. § 1. Proceedings of Demetrius Poliorcetes. He captures Athens. § 2. Obtains the Macedonian Crown. His Flight and Death. § 8. Lysimachus reigns over Macedonia. He is defeated and slain by Seleucus. § 4. Seleucus assassinated by Ptolemy Ceraunus. Invasion of the Celts, and Death of Ptolemy Ceraunus. § 5. Antigonus Gonatas ascends the Macedonian Throne. Death of Pyrrhus of Epeirus. Chremo- nidean War. § 6. The Achaean League. § 7. State of Sparta. Reforms of Agis and Cleomenes. The Cleomenic War. § 8. The Mtdlian League. § 9. The Social War. § 10. War between Philip and the Romans. § 11. Philopoemen. § 12. Second War between Philip and the Romans. Battle of Cynoscephaloe. § 13. Defeat of Antio- chus, and Subjugation of the ^tolians by the Romans. § 14. Extension of the Achaean League. Conquest of Sparta. Death of Philopoemen. § 15. War between Perseus and the Romans. Conquest of Macedonia. § 16. Proceedings of the Romans in Greece. § 17. Athens and Oropus. War between the Achaeans and Spartans. \ 18. The Spartans appeal to the Romans, who reduce Greece into a Roman Province. . . • . . . . . . . 525 CHAPTER XLVII. HISTORY OP GRECIAN ART FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TO ITS DECLINE. ^ 1. Later School of Athenian Sculpture. § 2. Scopas. § 3. Praxiteles. § 4. Sicyo- nian School of Sculpture. Euphranor, Lysippus. § 5. Sicyonian School of Painting. Eupompus, Paraphilus, Apelles. § 6. Architecture. § 7. Period after Alexander the Great. School of Rhodes. § 8. Plunder of Greek Works of Art by the Romans. . 639 CHAPTER XLVin. GRECIAN LITERATURE FROM THE END OP THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TO THE LATEST PERIOD. { 1. The Drama. The Middle Comedy. The New Comedy: Philemon, Menander. § 2. Oratory. Circumstances which favored it at Athens. § 3. Its Sicilian Origin. \ 4. The Ten Attic Orators : Antiphon, Andocides, Lysias, Isocmtes, Isieus, Machines, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Hyi)ereides, and Dinarchus. § 5. Athenian Philosophy : Plato. § 6. Sketch of his Philosophy. § 7. The Megarics, Cyrenaics, and Cynics. § 8. The Academicians. § 9. Aristotle and the Peripatetics. § 10. The Stoics and Epicureans. § 11. The Alexandrian School of Literature. § 12. Later Greek Writers: Polybius, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Diodorus Siculus, Arrian, Appian, Plutarch, Josephus, Strabo, Pausanias, Dion Cassius, Lucian, Galen. § 13. The Greek Scriptures and Fathers. Conclusion. .... ..... 646 I mj BOOK VII. GREECE FROM THE ROMAN CONQUEST TO THE PRESENT TBIE. CHAPTER XLIX. GREECE UNDER THE ROMANS. ^ 1. Roman Administration. § 2. Sylla, ilithridatic War. § 3. Cilician Pirates. § 4. State of Greece. § 5. Effects of the Estabhshracnt of the Roman Empire. § 6. Hadrian's ZXVIU CONTENTS. 5: Benefactions to Greece. Antonmus, Marcos Aurelins, Herodes Atticns, Caracalla. f 7. Gothic Invasion. § 8. Language, Poetry, Christianity. \ 9. Decay of Pa- ganism. Popular ElementB of Christianity. § 10. Boman View of Christianity. Tri- umph of Cbriatiamt{r. ••■•••... 661 CHAPTER L. FROM THE ACCESSION OP C0N8TANTINE TO THE IMMIGRATION 0» THE SLAVONIANS INTO GREECE. 1 1. Building of Constantinople. \ 2. Effect of transferring the Seat of Government to Byzantium. § 3. Local Governments. § 4. The Emperor Julian. § 5. Separation of the Eastern and Western Empires. The Goths. New Meaning of the Name Hellenes. Attila and the Huns. § 6. Reign of Justinian. ^ 7. Slavonians. . . . fi09 CHAPTER LL PARTITION OF THE EMPIRE. f 1. Conquests of the Normans. \ 2. Crusades. Prankish Domination in Greece. § 3* Dukes of Athens. § 4. Origin and Progress of the Turks. ^ 6. Mohammed II. Prep- arations for the Capture of Constantinople. § 6. Capture of Constantinople. § 7. Conquest of the Morea. § 8. Conquest of Trebizond. ^ 9. Byzantine Writers, their General Characteristics. § 10. Zosimus, Procopius, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Nicephorus Bryennius, Anna Comnena, Laonicos Chalcocondyles. . . . 677 CHAPTER LIL GREECE UNDER THE TURKS. 4 1. Effect of the Fall of Constantinople on Western Europe. § 2. Efforts to combine the Christian Powers against the Turks. § 3. Greek Literature in the West before the Fall of Constantinople. § 4. Diffusion of Greek Literature after the Fall of Con- stantinople. § 5. Wars of the Venetians with the Turks. Battle of Lepanto. Ex- pedition of Morosini. § 6. Efforts of the Turks to recover the Peloponnesus. Peace of Passarowitz. § 7. Turkish Organization of Greece. Extortions of the Pachas. Taxes. Hamtch. Land Tax. Other Burdens. Condition of the Rajahs. § 8. The iratdo/jui^ai/ia, or Levy of Children for the Janizaries. History of the Janizaries. § 9. General Condition of Greece. Greek Islands. § 10. Preservation of the Greek Nationality during the Period of Turkish Domination. Arraatoloi, Klephtai. Char- acter of the Klephts. Klephtic Ballads. ^ 11. Preparations for the Revolution. Rhegas. Coraes. ......... 698 CHAPTER Lm. ( THE GREEK REVOLUTION. — KINGDOM OP HELLAS. I 1. Movements previous to the War of the Revolution. Insurrection of 1769. Orloflf and the Russian Fleet. Naval Expedition of Lampros, in 1787. Ali Pacha, An- droutsoe. § 2. Characteristics of the War of the Revolution, as sketched by Mr. Tri- conpes. § 3. Opening of the War. Prince Ypselantes. Germanos, Archbishop of Patrae. Scenes at Constantinople. Defeat at Dragaschan. § 4. Death of Diakos at Thermopylae. \ p. Capture of Tripolis (Tripolitza). Local Goveniments. First Na- tional Assembly at Epidauros. First Constitution. \ 6. Massacre of Scio. § 7. Second National Assembly at Asti-os. Marcos Botzares. § 8. Efforts in Favor of the Greeks. I 9. Intervention of Mehemet Ali, Pacha of Egypt. Loan. \ 10. Philhellenes. Gor- don, Fabvier, Meyer, Hastings, General Church, Miller, Howe, Finlay, Lord Byron. 1 11. Siege and Capture of Mesolongi. ^ l^* Movements subsequent to the Fall of CONTENTS. XXIX Mesolongi. Siege of Athens. Gouras takes Possession of the Citadel. Death of Gocras. Attempts to relieve the Garrison. § 13. National Assembly at TrcBzene. Election of Capo DTstrias to the Presidency of Greece. Karaiskakes. § 14. Bad Faith of the Greeks. Death of Karaiskakes. His Character. § 15. Battle in the Plain of Athens. § 16. Interference of the European Cabinets. § 17. Obstinacy of the Porte. Battle of Navarino. War between Russia and Turkey. Cessation of Hostilities. § 18. Attempts to settle the Affaurs of Greece. Assassination of Capo D'Istrias. Selection of Otho of Bavaria as King. His Arrival. Organization of Greece. His Marriage. ^9- Constitution of 1843. § 20. State of Education. §21. Language. § 22. Literature. § 23. Popular Poetry and Klephtic Ballads . . 607 Chronological Table Index . . 613 657 i«! H 4 f\ The Bema of the Pnyx at Athens. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Tiew of Athens Frontispiece. Theatre of Dionysus at Athens Title-Page. 4 I Paob Greek and Persian Combatants. From the Frieze of the Temple of Nik^ Ap- teros xiii The Bema of the Pnyx at Athens . xxx Vale of Tempe in Thessaly .... 1 Map of Greece, showing the general di- rection of the Mountain Kanges . . 3 ArchofTiryns 9 Head of Olympian Zeus 10 Paris, from* the iEglnetan Sculptures . 15 Ajax, from the Jiginetan Sculptures . 16 Gate of Lions at Mycenoe 24 Greek Warrior .1 29 Hercules and Bull. (From a bas-relief in the Vatican.) 30 Map of the chief Greek Colouies in Asia Minor 35 Temple of Ares in Halicamassus ... 37 Homer enthroned 38 Bust of Homer 44 Primitive Vessels from Athens and Argos 45 Greek Car used in Games 53 View of Mount Taygetus from the Site of Sparta 54 Head of Lycurgus 68 Early Greek Armor, from Vase-Paint- • mgs . 69 Messene 75 Leaden Sling-bullets and Arrow-heads, found at Athens, Marathon, and Le- ontini 76 Coin of Corinth 82 Crcesus on the Funeral Pile .... 83 Buins of the Temple of the Olympian Zeus at Athens 97 Com of Athens 107 Ancient Sculptures from Selinus . . 108 Map of the chief Creek Colonies in Sicily 112 Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Southern Italy 115 CSoin of Cyrene, representing on the re- the SUphium 118 Pagi AlciEus and Sappho. From a Painting on a Vase 119 Temple at iEgina, restored 132 Wall at Tirvns 138 Wall of the 'Citadel of Argos . . . .133 Wooden Hut in Asia Minor .... 134 Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian Columns . 135 Doric Architecture. From Temple at Phigalia 136 Ionic Architecture. From the Erech- thenm 136 Corinthian Architecture. From the Moimment of Lysicrates .... 137 Cyrus, from a bas-relief at Pasargadae . 142 Behistun Rock, on which are inscribed the exploits of Darius 153 The Plain and Tumulus of Jlarathon . 160 Battle of Marathon 164 Bust of Miltiades 171 View of Thermopylae 172 Plan of Thennopyhe 179 A Greek Warrior. From an Ancient Vase 187 Battle of Salamis 195 Temple of K\k6 Apteros (the Wingless Victory), on the Acropolis at Athens, restored 208 Battle of Plataea 207 Ruins of an Ionic Temple in Lycia . . 214 Bust of Pindar 216 Bust of Heroust of Plato 455 View of Del I (hi and Mount Parnassus . 466 The Plain of Clueronea 480 F>ust of Demosthenes 489 Battle of Issus. From a Mosaic found at Pomj)eii 490 P>ust of the Poet Menander .... 513 The Grou]) of Xiol)e. From the Collec- tion in the UllicI Palace at Florence 514 Group of Dirce. From the ^Museum at Najdes 525 Apollo Citharanlus. From the Collection in the Vatican 538 Group of the Laocoun in the Vatican . 539 Bust of xVristotle 546 Acropolis of Athens in its present State 561 Cathedral Church of St. Sophia . . . 569 Constantinople, or Stamboul .... 577 Side View of the Theseum .... 593 Castle of PatrtB 607 IMonnt Olympus 642 Colonial Coin of Corinth 655 Horologinm of Andronicus Cyrrliestes at Athens . , . 657 HISTORY OF GREECE. Tlf •iii I Vale of Tempe in Thessaly. INTRODUCTION. OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. 1 1. The tliree Peninsulas of Southern Europe. § 2. Position nn;s:i]y and Epcinis. § 6. Centnd Greeee: its Principal Divisions and Mountains. § 7. Eastern Half of Central Greece: Doris, IMiocis, Locris, B(X»otia, Attica, Mepiris. § 8. Western Half of Central Greece: O/.olian Locris, /Etolia, Acanumia. § 9. Peloponnesus: Arcadia. ^ 10. Achaia, Argolis, Laconia, Messenia, Elis. § 11. The Grecian Islands. § 12. Influenceof the Phys- ical Geography of Greece upon the Political Destinies of the Peoi)le. § 13. Likewise upon their Intellectual Character. § 14. Rivers and Chief Productions. § 15. Chmate. § 1. Three peninsulas, vcr}^ different in form, project from the South of Europe into the ^lediterranean Sea. The most westerly, that of Si)ain and Portugal, is a rpiadraugular fiirure united to the maiidand l)y an isth- mus. The central one, that of Italy, is a long tonprue of land, down which runs from nortli to south the hackhond of the Apennines. The most easterly, of which Greece forms the southern part, is in the shape of a 1 a if ii 1 1 i HISTORY OF GREECE. Vale of Tempe in Thessaly. INTRODUCTION. OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. § 1. The three Peninsulas of Southern Europe. § 2. Position and Boundaries of Greece. 4 3. Size of the Country. §4. Name. \ 5. Northern Greece: Thessalyand Epeinis. § 6. Central Greece: its Principal Divisions and Mountains. § 7. Eastern Half of Central Greece : Doris, Phocis, Locris, Boeotia, Attica, Megaris. § 8. Western Half of Central Greece: Ozolian Locn's, ^Etolia, Acamania. § 9. Peloponnesus: Arcadia. § 10. Achaia, Argolis, Laconia, Messenia, Ells. § 11. The Grecian Islands. § 12. Influence of the Phys- ical Geography of Greece upon the Political Destinies of the People. § 13. Likewise upon their Intellectual Character. § 14. Rivers and Chief Productions. § 15. Climate. § 1. Three peninsulcos, very different in form, project from the South of Europe into the Mediterranean Sea. The most westerly, that of Spain and Portugal, is a quadrangular figure united to the mainland by an isth- mus. The central one, that of Italy, is a long tongue of land, down which runs from north to south the backbond of the Apennines. The most easterly, of which Greece forms the southern part, is in the shape of n mSTOBT OF GREECE. [Intbod. 1 triangle wilh its base extending from the top of the Adriatic to the mouths of the river Danube, and having its two sides washed by the sea. § 2. At the fortieth degree of latitude a chain of mountains called the Cambunian, and continued under the name of Lingon, runs across the peninsula from east to west, and forms the northern boundary of Greece. At a time when the Mediten-anean was the great highway of commerce and civilization, no position could be more favorable than that of Greece. The ^gean Sea, wliich bathes its eastern shores, is studded with numer- ous islands, inviting the timid mariner fi-om one to the other, and thus establishing an easy communication between Asia and Greece. Towards the south it faces one of the most fertile portions of Africa ; and on the west it is divided from Italy by a narrow channel, wliich in one part is not more than thirty miles in breadth. § 3. Greece, which commences at the fortieth degree of latitude, does not extend farther than the thirty-sixth. Its greatest length, from Mount Olympus to Cape Tasnarum, is not more than 250 English miles; its greatest breadth from the western coast of Acamania to Mai-athon in Attica is only 180 miles. Its surface is considerably less than that of Portugal. This small area was divided among a number of independent states, many of them containing a territory of only a few square miles, and none of them larger than an English county. But it is not the mag- nitude of their territory which constitutes the greatness of a people ; and the heroism and genius of the Greeks have given an interest to the insig- nificant spot of earth bearing then- name, which the vast empires of Rus- sia and China have never equalled. § 4. The name of Greece was never used by the inhabitants of the country. They called their land Ifenas, and themselves Hellenes, It is from the Romans that we have derived the name of Greece; though why the Romans gave it a different appellation from that used by the natives cannot be determined.* It is, however, a well-known iiict, that foreigners frequently call a people by a name different from the one in use among themselves. Thus the nation called Germans by us bear the appellation of Dmtschm among themselves ; and the people whom the Romans named Etruscans or Tuscans, were known in their own language by that of Rmena. The word Hellas signified at first only a small district in Thessaly, the original abode of the Hellenes. From this district the people, and along with them their name, gradually spread over the whole country south of the Cambunian Mountains. The rude tribes of Epeirus, however, were not reckoned among the Hellenes, and the northern boundary of Hellas t,\ * The Gweci, TpaiKoif were one of the ancient tribes living in the neighborhood of Dodona. The primitive connection between the inhabitants of the North of Greece and if Italy Tvas probably the origin of the prevalence of this name among the Romans. — Ed. Intbod.] OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. proper was a line drawn from the Ambracian Gulf to the mouth of tlio river Peneus. The term Hellas was also employed in a more extended sense, to signify the abode of the Hellenes, wherever tliev miglit be set- tled ; and accordingly tlie Grecian cities of Cyrene in Africa, of SjTacuse in Sicily, and of Tarentum * in Italy, were as much parts of Hellas as Athens, Sparta, and Corinth. § 5. Midway between the Ionian and JEgean Seas the chain of moun- tains forming the northern boundary of Greece is intersected at right an- c MALEA.PR. Map of Greece, showing the general direction of the Mountain Ranges. 1. Thessaly. 2. Ept'irus. 3. Doris. 4. Phocis. 6. Locri Epicnemidii. 6. Locri Opuntii. 7. Boeotia. 8. Attica. 9. Megaria. 10. Locri Ozols 11. ^tolia. 12. Acamania. 13. Arcadia. 14. Ach^a. 15. Argolis. 16. Laconia. 17. Mesaeuia. 18. Elis. 19 Euboea. 20. Salamig. 21. i£gtna. 22. Cythem. * CaUed Taras (Tapay) by the Greeks. i HISTORY OF GREECE. [Introd. Introd.] OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGIIAPIIV. 3 is triangle witli its base extending from the top of the Adnatic to the mouths of the river Danube, and having its two sides Avashed by the sea. § 2. At tlie fortieth degi-ee of latitude a ehain of mountains ealled the Cambunian, and eontinued under the name of Lingon, runs aeross the peninsuUi from east to west, and forms tlie northern boundary of Greece. At a time when the ]Me(Uterran('an was the great highway of eommerce and civilization, no position could be more favorable than that of Greece. The ^gean Sea, which bathes its eastern shores, is studded with numer- ous islands, inviting the timid mariner from one to the other, and thus establishinji an easv connnunication between Asia and Greece. Towards the south it faces one of the most fertile portions of Africa ; and on the west it is divided from Itidy l)y a narrow channel, which in one part is not more than thirty miles in breadth. § 3. Greece, which commences at the fortieth degree of hititude, does not extend farther than the thirty-sixth. Its greatest length, from IVIount Olympus to Cape Ttenarura, is not more than 250 English miles; its greatest breadth from the western coast of Acarnania to Marathon in Attica is only 180 miles. Its surface is considerably less than that of Portuijal. This small area was divided among a number of independent States, many of them containing a territory of onl^ a few square miles, and none of them larger than an English county. But it is not the mag- nitude of their territory which constitutes the greatness of a people; and the heroism and genius of the Greeks have given an interest to the insig- nificant spot of earth beaiing their ntune, which the vast empires of Rus- sia and Cliina have never ectualled. § 4. The name of Greece w as never used by the inhabitants of the countrv. Thev called their land Helhfs^ and themselves IMenes, It is from the Komans tliat we have derived the name of Greece; though why the liomans gave it a different appellation from that used by tlie natives cannot be determined.* It is, however, a well-known fact, that forei«niers frequently call a peojjle by a name ditferent from the one in use among themselves. Thus the nation called Germans by us bear the appellation of Deutscheti among tliemselves ; and the pecqde whom the Romans named Etruscans or Tuscans, were known in their own kiiguage by that of Rmena. The wonl Hellas signified at first only a small district in Thessaly, the original abode of the Hellenes. From this district the people, and along with them their name, gradually spread over the whole country south of the Cambunian Mountains. The rude tribes of Epeirus, h<)we\ «'r, were not reckoned among the Hellenes, and the northern boundary of Hellas ',, * The Grwci, VpaiKol, were one of the ancient tribes living in the neighborhood of Dodona. The i.riinitive connection between the inhabitants of the North of Greece and of Italy was probably the origin of the prevalence of tliis name among the Komans. — Ed. proper was a line drawn from the Aml>racian Gidf To tin- mouth of the nver Peneus. The term Hellas was also eirq)loyed in a iiini-e «*xtended sense, to signify the abode of the Hellenes, wlien'V<*r X\w\ might be set- tled ; and acconlingly the Grecian cities of Cyrene in Africa, of Syracuse in Sicily, ans aWtpos — Eurip. Med. 829. f " Est prope ^Mrpareos colles florentis Hymetti FoQS sacer." — Ovid, Art, Amat, 3. 687. Intkod.] OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. are navigable, and the Achelous, which is the most considerable of all, has a course of only 130 miles. The chief productions of Greece in ancient times were wheat, barley, flax, wine, and oil. The hills afforded excellent pasture for cattle, and in antiquity were covered with forests, though they are at present nearly des- titute of wood. In almost every part of Greece there were rich veins of marble, afford- ing materials for the architect and the sculptor, such as hardly any other country in the world possesses. The limestone, of which most of its moun- tains is composed, is well adapted for military architecture; and it is to this hard and intractable stone that we owe those massive polygonal walls, of which the remains still crown the summits of so many Grecian hills. Laurium near the southern extremity of Attica yielded a considerable quantity of silver, but otherwise Greece was poor in the precious metals. Iron was found in the range of Taygetus in Laconia, and copper as well as iron near Chalcis in Euboea. § 15. The climate of Greece appears to have been more healthy in ancient times than it is at present. The malaria wliich now poisons the atmosphere in the summer months could not have existed to the same extent when the land was more thickly peopled and more carefully cul- tivated. Owing to the inequalities of its surface, to its lofty mountains and depressed valleys, the climate varies greatly in different districts. In the highlands in the interior the winter is often long and rigorous, the snow lying upon the ground till late in the spring, wliUe in the lowlmids open to the sea, severe weather is almost unknown. The rigor of winter is fre- quently experienced in the highlands of Mantinea and Tegea in the month of March, while at the same time the genial warmth of spring is felt in the plains of Argos and Laconia, and almost the heat of summer in the low grounds at the head of the Messenian Gulf. To this difference in climate the ancients attribnted the difference iu the intellectual character of the natives of various districts. Thus the dulness of the Boeotians was ascribed to the dampness and thickness of their atmosphere, while the dry and clear air of Attica was supposed to sharpen the faculties of its inhabitants. :. ,1. Arch of Tiryns. 2 8 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Intbod. Introd.] OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. t N But, wMle the Grecian states were separated from their nearest neigh- bors by their mountains, tlie sea afforded them easy intercourse with one another and with the rest of the world. One of the most striking pecu- liarities of the geography of Greece is the wonderful extent of its sea- coast. In this respect it has the advantage over every other country of Europe. Although its surface is not so great as that of Portugal, its line of coast exceeds that of the whole peninsula of Portugal and Spain. Not only is it surrounded by the sea on every side except on its nortliern frontier, but its coast is also broken by a number of bays and gulfs running far into the land. Thus almost every Grecian state had ready and easy access to the sexi, and Arcadia was ahnost the only politi- cal division that did not possess some territory upon the coast. §13. Of all natural objects the mountains and the sea have ever been the most powerful instruments in moulding the intellectual character of a people. The Greeks were l>oth mountaineers and marinei*s, and as such they possessed the suscei>tibility to external impressions, the love of free- dom, and the spirit of adventure, wliich have always characterized, more or less, the inhabitants of mountainous and maritime districts. Tlie poet- ical beauty of the Grecian mountains has often called forth the admiration of modern travellers. Tlieir cragg}', broken foi-ms and rich silvery color give to the Grecian landscape a peculiar chai-m, and justify the description of the poet Gray, when he speaks of Greece as a land " AVhere Cfich old jioetic motintain luspinition breathes around." The beauty of the sceneiy is still further enhanced by the gorgeous atmos- phere in which eveiy olyect is bathed. To a native of the northern lati- tudes of Europe nothing is more striking in the Grecian climate than the transparent clearness of the air and the brilliant coloring of the sky. When Euripides represents the Athenians as " Ever delicately marching Tlirough vao&t pelhicid air^^ * he is guilty of no poetical exaggeration, and the violet color which the Roman j>oet assigns to the lulls of Ilymettus t is literally true. § 14. Greece is deficient in a regular supi»ly of water. During the autumnal and winter months the rain, which falls in large quantities, fills the crevices in tlie limestone of the hills and is carried off by torrents. In summer rain is almost unknown, and the beds of the torrents full of water in the winter then become ravines, perfectly dry and overgrown with shi'ubs. Even the rivers, whieh are partly supplied by si)rings, dwindle in the sunmier into very insignificant streams. None of the Grecian rivers ■ II - ■ — * *Aet fiia XainTpoToTOV BaiVoKTCs A^pcos aWipos — Eurip. Med. 829. t " Est prope jmrjnireos coUes florentis Hymetti Foas sacer." — Ovid, Art. Amat. 3. 687. are navigable, and the Aclielous, which is the most considerable of all, luis a course of onlv 130 miles. The chief })roductions of Greece in ancient times were wheat, barley, flax, wine, and oil. The hills afforded excellent pasture for cattl<\ and in anti(][uity were co\ered with forests, tliougli the}' are at present nearly des- titute of wood. In jdmost every part of Greece there were rich veins of marble, afl^>i"d- ing materials for the areliitect and the sculptor, such as hardly any other country in the world j)os<«'sses. The limestone, of whieh most of its moun- tains is comjiosed, is well adapted for military architecture; and it is to this hard nnd intractable stone that we owe those massive polygonal walls, of which the remains still crown the summits of so manv Greeitui hills. Laurium near the southern extremity of Attica yielded a considerable quantity of silver, but otherwise Greece was poor in the precious metals. Iron was fijund in the range of Taygetus in Laconia, and cop[)er as well as iron near Chalcis in Eulnca. § 15. The climate of Greece appears to have been more healthy in ancient times than it is at present. The midaria which now poisons the atmosphere in the sunnner months could not have existed to the same extent when the land was more thickly peopled and more carefully cul- tivated. Owing to the inequalities of its surface, to its lofty mountains and depressed valleys, the climate varies greatly in different districts. In the highlands in tlie interior the winter is often long and rigorous, the snow lying upon the ground till late in the spring, while in the lowlands open to the sea, sevei e weatlu'r is almost unknown. The rigor of winter is fre- quently experienced in the highlands of ]Mantinea and Tegea in the month of March, while at the same time the genial wiuinth of spring is felt in the plains of Argos and Laconia. aiid ahnost the heat of sinnmer in tlie low gi'ounds at the liejid of the JMessenian Gulf. To this difference in climate the ancients attribnted the difference in the intellectual charactt.'r of the natives of various districts. Thus the dulness of the B(jeotians was ascribed to the dam[)ness and thickn(^•^s of their atmos[)liere, while tlie dry and clear air of Attica was supposed to sharpen the fiicultiea of its uihabitants. Arch of Tiryns. Head of Olympian Zeus. BOOK I. THE MYTHICAL AGE. r«TT A ■PTT?!? T ;i THE EAKLIEST INHABITANTS OF GREECE. 1 1. Legendary Character of early Grecian History. § 2. Legends of the Greeks respecting their Origin. § 8. The Hellenes and their Diffusion in Greece. § 4. Connection of the Hellenes with the Indo-European Stem. { 5. The Pelasgians. § 6. Foreign Settlers la Greece. § 7. Egyptian Colonies of Cecrops and Danaus. § 8. Phrygian Colony of Pe- lops. § 9. Phoenician Colony of Cadmus. § 1. The clouds which envelop the early history of Greece are lighted up by the brilliant hues of Grecian fable ; but the reader must carefully guard against believing in the reality of the personages or of the events •commemorated by these beautiful legends. Some of them, it is true, prob- ably sprang out of events which actually occurred, and may therefore contain a kernel of historical truth ; but we have no means of distinguish- mg between what is true and what is false, between the historical facts and iheir subsequent embeUishments. Till events are recorded in written documents, no materials exist for a trustworthy history ; and it was not till the epoch known by the name of the first Olympiad, corresponding ta the year 776 before Christ, that the Greeks began to employ writing as a means for perpetuating the memorjr of any historical facts. Before that Chap. L] THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS. 11 period everything is vague and uncertain ; and for two centuries after- wards we meet with only a few isolated events, and possess nothing in the form of a continuous history. But even the mythical age must not be passed over entirely. In all cases the traditions oF a people ai*e worthy of record ; and this is especially true of the Greeks, wliose legends moulded their faitli and influenced their conduct down to the latest times. § 2. Few nations liave paid more attention to their geneulogy than the Greeks. In modern times fiunilies are ambitions of tracing back tlieu* origin to some illustrious ancestor ; but in Greece this feeling was not con- fined to families, but pervaded alike all associations of men. Everj^ petty tribe or clan claimed descent from a common ancestor, wliose name was borne by each member of the community. This ancestor was usually represented as the son or immediate descendant of a god, or else as sprung fi*om the earth,* which was in such cases regarded as a divine being. Thus the Greek people considered themselves the children of one common father, in whose name they gloried as the symljol of fraternity. Tliis ancestor was Hellen, the son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, from whom the people derived the name of Hellenes. Hellen had three sons, Dorus, Xuthus, and iEolus. Of these Dorus and ^olus gave their names to the Dorians and iEolians ; and Xuthus, through his two sons. Ion and Achaeus, became the forefather of the lonians and Acha?ans. In this way the four great divisions of the Greek race, the Dorians, ^olians, lonians, and Achseans, were supposed to be the descendants of the patriarch Hellen. § 3. The descent of the Hellenes from a common ancestor, Hellen, was a fundamental article in the popular faith. It was a general practice in antiquity to invent fictitious persons for the purpose of explaining names of which the origin was buried in obscurity. It is in this way that Hellen and his sons came into being. But though they never had any real exist- ence, their history may be regarded as the trathtional history of the races to whom they gave their names. Thus, when we are told that Hellen reigned in the South of Thessaly, near the foot of Blount Othrys, which was the part of Greece first called Hellas, we may conclude that the Greeks believed this district to be the original abode of their race. In like manner the migrations of the sons of Hellen from the South of Thes- saly, and their settlements in the different parts of Greece, represent the current belief respecting the early history of the four great divisions of the race. -^k)lus succeeded his father Hellen as king of Hellas in Thessaly, but his descendants occupied a great part of Central Greece, as far as the Isth- mus of Corinth, and also took possession of the western coast of Pelopon- nesus. The iEolia'.is were the most widely diffused of all the descendants of Hellen. Many of their towns, such as Corinth and lolcus in Thessaly ; ' < f » • * Hence called an Autochthon (AirroxBcov)* 12 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. L ' i ,1 •W were situated upon the coast, and the worship of Poseidon (Neptune), the god of the sea, prevailed extensively among them. The Aehneans appear in the latter part of the Hei'oic Age as the most warlike of the Grecian races. At that time they are represented as inhab- iting the original abode of the Hellenes in Thessaly, and also the cities of Mycena;, Argos, and Sparta, in the Peloponnesus. The most distinguished of the Grecian heroes in the Trojan war were Acha?ans ; and such was the celebrity of the race at that period, that Homer frequently gives their name to the whole IxRly of the Greeks. The Dorians and lonians are of far less unportance in the ancient legends, though they aften^ai-ds became the two leading races in Greece, to whom the Spartans and Athenians respectively belonged. The Dorians were almost confined to the small mountainous district named after them, lying between Thessaly and Phocis ; the lonians were found chiefly in Attica and along the nan-ow slip of coast in the North of Peloponnesus, which in historical times was known by the name of Achaia. § 4. Such was the general belief of the Greeks respecting the early dif- fusion of their race. But it is natural for us to go farther back, and to endeavor to ascertain the real origin of the people. Now the only sure and certain means of ascertaining the origin of any people is a knowledge of its language. Tradition misleads as often as it guides the inquirer ; and the indications afforded by mythology, manners, and customs are frequently deceptive and alwfiys vague. Language, on the other hand, is an endur- ing memorial ; and, whatever changes it may have undergone in the course of ages, it rarely loses those fundamental elements which i^roclaim its origin and affinities. If then we conduct our inquiry into the origin of the Greek people by means of their language, we have no difficulty in coming to a satisfactory conclusion. The Greek language is a member of that great family of languages to which modern seliolars have given the name of Indo-European. The various nations speaking the different varieties of this language were originally one people, inhabiting the high table-land of Central Asia. At some j^riod, long antecedent to all profane history, they issued from their primeval seats, and spread over a consideral^le portion both of Asia and of Europe. In Asia the ancient Hindoos, who spoke Sanscrit, and the Medes and Persians, whose language was the Zend, were the two principal branches of this people. In Europe the Germans, Pelas- gians, Slavonians, and Celts were the four chief varieties. It is foreign to our present pur}X),*e to give any account of the other branches of the Indo- European fiimily ; but a few remarks must be made upon the Pelasgians, from whom the Greeks derived their origin, § 5. The Pelasgians are represented by the Greeks themselves as the most ancient inhabitants of their land. The primitive name of Greece is said to have been Pelasgia. In the historical period, those parts of Greece which had been subject to the fewest changes of inhabitants were supposed Chap. L] THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS. 13 to be peopled by the descendants of the Pelasgians. This was especially the case with Arcadia and Attica, which claimed to have been inhabited by the same tribes from time immemorial. The Pelasgians were spread over the Italian as well as the Grecian peninsula ; and the Pelasgic lan- guage thus formed the basis of the Latin as well as of the Greek. It is true that Herodotus speaks of the Pelasgic as a foreign language, tottdly distinct from the Greek ; but his testimony on such a subject is not enti- tled to any weight, since the ancients were lamentably deficient in philo- logical knowledge, and had no notion of the affinity of languages. Of the Pelasgians themselves our information is scanty. They were not mere barbarians. They are represented as tilling the ground and dwelling in walled cities.* Their religion api)ears to have been essen- tially the same as the religion of the Hellenes. Their great divinity was Zeus, the national Hellenic god, and the chief seat of his worship was Dodona in Epirus. Hence Homer gives to the Dodongean Jove tlie title of Pelasgic ; and his oracle at Dodona was always regarded as the most ancient in Greece. The Pelasgians were divided into several tribes, such as the Hellenes, Leleges, Caucones, and others. In what respects the Hellenes were supe- rior to tlie other Pelasgic tribes we do not know ; but they appear at the first dawn of history as the dominant race in Greece. The rest of the Pelasgians disappeared before them or were incorporated with them ; their dialect of the Pelasgic tongue became the language of Greece ; and their worship of the Olympian Zeus gradually supplanted the more ancient worship of the Dodonoean god. § 6. The civilization of the Greeks and the development of their lan- guage bear all the marks of home growth, and probably were little affected by foreign influence. The traditions, however, of the Greeks would point to a contrary conclusion. It was a general beHef among them, that the Pelasgians were reclaimed from barbarism by Oriental strangers, who set- tled in the country and introduced among the rude inhabitants the first elements of civilization. Many of these traditions, however, are not ancient legends, but owe their origin to the philosophical speculations of a later age, which loved to represent an imaginary progress of society, from the time when men fed on acorns and ran wild in woods, to the time when they became united into political conununities and owned the supremacy of law and reason. The speculative Greeks who vLsited Egypt in the sixth and fifth centuries before the Christian era were profoundly im- pressed with the monuments of the old Egyptian monarchy, which even in that early age of the world indicated a gray and hoaiy antiquity. The Egyptian priests were not slow to avail themselves of the impression made upon their visitors, and told the latter many a wondrous tale to prove that • /• * A fortified town was called Larissa by the Pelasgians. y^ v 1 I 14 HISTORY OF GREECE. (Cbap. I. the civilization, the arts, and even the reh'gion of the Greeks, all came from the land of the Nile. These tales found easy believers ; they were earned back to Greece, and repeated with various modifications and embellish- ments ; and thus, no doubt, arose the greater number of the traditions respecting Egyptian colonies in Greece. § 7. Although we may therefore reject with safety the traditions re- specting these Egyptian colonies, two are of so much celebrity that they cannot be passed over entirely in an account of the early ages of Greece. Attica is said to have been mdebted for the arts of civilized life to Cecrops, a native of Sais in Egypt. To him is ascribed the foundation of the city of Athens, the institution of mamage, and the introduction of religious rites and ceremonies. The AcrojX)lis or citadel of Athens, to which the original city was confined, continued to bear the name of Cecropia even in later times. Argos, in like manner, is said to have been founded by the Egyptian Danaus, who fled to Greece with his fifty daughtei*s to escape from the persecution of their suitors, the fifty sons of his brother iEgyptus. The Egyptian stranger was elected king by the natives, and from him the tribe of the Danai derived their nsune, which Homer frequently uses as a general appellation for the Greeks. The only fact which lends any coun- tenance to the existence of an Eg}^ptian colony in Greece is the discovery of the remains of two pyramids at no great distance from Argos ; but this fonu of building is not confined to Egypt. Pyramids are found in India, Babylonia, and Mexico, and may therefore have been erected by tlie early inhabitants of Greece independently of any connection with Egypt. § 8. Another colony, not less celebrated and not more credible than the two just mentioned, is the one led from Asia by Pelops, from whom the southern peninsula of Greece derived its name of Peloponnesus. Pelops is usually represented as a native of Sipylus in Phrygiii, and the son of the wealthy King Tantalus. By means of his riches, which he brought with him into Greece, he became king of Mycenai and the founder of a power- ful dynasty, one of the most renowned in the Heroic Age of Greece. From him was descended Agamemnon, who led the Grecian host against Troy. § 9. The case is different with the Phoenician colony, which is said to have been founded by Cadmus at Thebes in Boeotia. AVe have decisive evidence that the Phoenicians planted colonies at an early period in the islands of Greece ; and it is only natural to believe that they also settled upon the shores of the mainland. Wliether there was such a person as the Phoenician Cadmus, and whether he built the town called Cadniea, which afterwards became the citadel of Thebes, as the ancient legends relate, cannot be determined ; but, setting aside all tradition on the sub- ject, there is one fact which proves indisputably an early intercourse be- tween Phoenicia and Greece. It was to the Phoenicians that the Greeks were indebted for the art of writing ; for both the names and the forms o Chap. I.] THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS. 15 the letters in the Greek alphabet are evidently derived from the Phoe- nician. With this exception the Oriental strangers left no pennanent trace of their settlements in Greece ; and the population of the countiy continued to be essentially Grecian, uncontaminated by any foreign ele- ments. M Paris, from the iEginetan Sculptures.* ♦ In the Glyptothek at Munich. — Ed. li I ' r ;l lA Nl I fv u HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. IL i' ii j^ax, from the ^ginetan Sculptures.* CHAPTER n. THE GRECIAN HEROES. « 1 1. Mythical Character of the Heroic Age. § 2. Hercnles. \ 3. Tlieseus. § 4. Miiios. f 6. Voyage of the Argonauts. ^ 6. The Seven against Thebes and the Epigoni. § 7. The Trojan War as related in the Iliad. § 8. Later Additions. § 9. Retiim of the Grecian Heroes from Troy. \ 10. Date of the Fall of Troy. ^ 11. Whether the Heroic Legends contain any Historical Facts. § 12. The Homeric Poems present a Picture of a Real State of Society. § 1. It was iiniversally believed by the Greeks, that their native land was in the earlier ages ruled by a noble race of beings, possessing a super- human though not a divine nature, and superior to ordinary men in strength of body and greatness of soul. These are the Heroes of Grecian mythology, whose exploits anr freemen, called Thetes, who had no land of their own, and who worked for hire on the estates of others. Among the freemen we find certain professional persons, whose acquirements and knowledge raised them ahove their class, and procured for them the respect of the nobles. Such were the seer, the bai'd, the herald, and likewise the smith and the carpenter, since in that age a knowledge of the mechanical arts was confined to a few. Slavery was not so prevalent in the Heroic Age as in republican Greece, and it appears in a less odious aspect. The nobles alone pos- sessed slaves, and they treated them with a great degree of kindness, which frequently secured for the masters their affectionate attachment. § 5. The state of social and moral feeling in the Heroic Age presents both bright and dark features. Among the Greeks, as among every people which has just emerged from barbarism, the family relations are the grand sources of lasting union and devoted attachment. The pater- nal authority was highly reverenced, and notliing was so much dreaded as the curse of an offended father. All the members of a family or a clan were connected by the closest ties, and were bound to revenge with their united strength an injury offered to any individual of the race. The women were allowed greater liberty than they possessed in repub- Bcan Greece ; and to Penelope, Andromache, and other women of the Heroic Age, there is an interest attaching, which we never feel in the women of the historical period. The wife occupied a station of great dig- nity and influence in the family, but was purchased by her husband from her parents by valuable presents,* a custom which prevailed among the ancient Jews and the barbarous nations of Germany. In the Heroic Age, as in other early stages of society, we find the stranger treated with gen- erous hospitality. The chief welcomes him to his house, and does not inquire his name nor the object of his journey till he has placed before him his best cheer. If the stranger comes as a suppliant, he has a still greater claim upon his host, — although this tie may expose the latter to difficulty and danger, and may even bring upon him the hostility of a more powerful neighbor ; for Jove punishes without mercy the man who dis- regards the prayer of a suppliant. The three facts we have mentioned — the force of the family relations, hospitality to the stranger, and protection to the supphant — foi-m the bright features in the social and moral feelings of the age. We now turn to the darker side of the picture. The poems of Homer represent a state of society in which the protec- tion of law is practically unknown. The chief who cannot defend himself * Called MvOf or cdi^a. Chap. HI.] SOCIIiTT OF THE HEROIC AGE. 27 is plundered and maltreated by his more powerful neighbor. The occupa- tion of a pirate is reckoned honorable ; homicides are of frequent occur- rence ; and war is conducted with the most ferocious cruelty. Quarter is rarely given ; the fallen foe is stripped of his armor, wliich becomes the spoil of his conqueror, and if the naked corpse remains in the power of the ktter, it is cast out to beasts of prey. The poet ascribes to his greatest heroes savage brutalities. Achilles sacrifices twelve human victims on the tomb of Patroclus, and drags the corpse of Hector ai'ound the walls of Troy, while the Greek chiefs pierce it with their spears. § 6. The society of the Heroic Age was marked by simplicity of manners. The kings and nobles did not consider it derogatory to their dignity to acquire skill in tlie manual arts. Ulysses is represented as building his own bed- chamber and constructing his own raft, and he boasts of being an excellent mower and i)loughman. Like Esau, who made savory meat for his father Isaac, the Heroic chiefs prepared their own meals and prided themselves on their skill in cookery. Kings and private persons partook of the same food, which was of the simplest kind. Beef, mutton, and goat's flesh were the ordinary meats, and cheese, flour, and sometimes fruits, also formed part of the banquet. Bread was brought on in baskets, and the guests were supphed with wine diluted with water. Before drinking, some of the wine was poured on the ground as a libation to the gods, and the guests then pledged each other ^nth their cups. But their entertainments were never di«oT°aced by intempemnce, like those of our Northern ancestors. The enjoyment of the banquet was heightened by the song and the dance, and the chiefs took more delight in the lays of the mmstrel than in the excitmg mfluence of the wine. The wives and daughters of the chiefs, in like manner, did not deem it beneath them to discharge various duties which were afterwards regarded as menial. Not only do we find them constantly employed in weavmg, spinning, and embroidery, but, like the daughters of the patriarchs, they fetch water from the well and assist their slaves m washmg garments m the river. § 7. Although the Heroic Age is strongly marked by martial ferocity and simplicity °of habits, it would be an error to regaixi it as one essentially rude and barbarous. On the contraiy, the Greeks in this early period had ah-eady made considerable advances in civilization, and had successfiiUy cultivated many of the arts which contribute to the comfort and refine- ment of life. Instead of living in scattered villages like the barbarians of Gaul and Germany, they were collected in fortified towns, which were sur- rounded by walls and adorned with palaces and temples. The houses of the nobles were magnificent and costly, glittering with gold, silver, and bronze, while the nobles themselves were clothed in elegant garments and protected by highly-wrought amior. From the Phoenician merchants they obtamed the finest productions of the Sidonian loom, as well as tin, m)n, i I lians, the migration is called the -^olic, but sometimes also the Boeotian. The united body of emigrants, however, still continued under the command of the Achfean princes. They embarked at the port of Aulis, from which Agamemnon had sailed against Troy. They first oc- cupied Lesbos, where they founded six cities ; and a detachment of them settled on the opposite coast of Asia Minor, from the foot of Mount Ida to the mouth of the river Hermus. Smyrna was originally an ^olic city, but it afterwards passed into the hands of the lonians. In the historical times there were eleven JEolic cities on the mainland, but of these Cyme was the only one which rose to importance.* § 9. The Ionic migration was more important than the preceding one, and gave rise to some of the most flourishing cities in the Hellenic world. It derived its name from the lonians, who had been expelled by the Aclijeans from their homes on the Corinthian Gulf, and had taken refuge in Attica. The lonians, however, appear to have formed only a small part of the emigrants. Inhabitants from many other parts of Greece, who had been driven out of their native countries, had also fled to Attica, which is said to have afforded protection and welcome to all these fugitives. The small territory of Attica could not permanently support this increase of population ; and accordingly these strangers resolved to follow the exam- ple of the .^k>lians and seek new settlements in the East. They were led by princes of the family of Codrus, the last king of Attica. In their pa»- ♦ The names of the eleven JEolic cities were Cyme, Temnoe, Larissa, Neon-Tlchot, Mgatf Myrina, Grynlnm, Cilia, Notinm, ^giroessa, Pitane. CfHAP. IV.] COLONIES IN ASIA MINOR. 35 gage across the ^gean Sea they colonized most of the Cyclades ; and in Asia Minor they took possession of the fertile country from the Hermus to the Mseander, which was henceforth called Ionia, and also of the neigh- boring islands of Chios and Samos. In this district we find twelve inde- pendent states in later times, all of which adopted the Ionic name, not- withstanding the diversity of their origin, and were united by the common worship of the god Poseidon (Xeptune) at the great Pan-Ionic festival.* There can be no doubt that these cities were really founded at different periods and by different emigrants, although their origin is ascribed to the great legendary migration of which we have been speaking, and which is referred by chronologists to one special year, one hundred and forty years after the Trojan war. Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Asia Minor. ♦ The names of the twelve Ionic cities, enumerated from south to north, were Miletus, Mylis, Priene, Samos, Ephesus, Colophon, Lebedns, TeOs, Erythrae, Chios, Clazomenae, Phocsea. To these twelve Smyrna was afterwards added. 86 HISTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. IV. It i r § 10. The Doric colonies in the southwestern corner of Asia Elinor and in the neighboring islands may be traced in like manner to the con- quest of Peloijonnesus by the Dorians. In the general change of popula- tion and consequent emigrations caused by this important event, some of the Doric chiefs were also induced to quit the country they had recently subdued, and to lead bodies of their own countrymen and of the conquered Achfeans to Asia. The most celebrated of the Doric migrations was that conducted by the Argive Althajmenes, a descendant of Temenus, who, after leaving some of his followers at Crete, proceeded with the remainder to the island of Rhodes, where he founded the three cities of Lindus, lalysus, and Camirus. About the same time Dorians settled in the neigh- boring island of Cos, and founded the cities of Hahcamassus and Cnidus on the mainland. These six colonies formed a confederation, usually called the Doric Hexapolis. § 11. Doric colonies were also founded in mythical times in the islands of Crete, Melos, and Thera. The colonization of Crete more particularly deserves our attention, on account of the similaiity of the institutions of its Doric cities to those of Sparta. There were Dorians in Crete m the tune of the Odyssey, but their chief migrations to this isknd took place in the third generation after their conquest of Peloponnesus. Of these two are expressly mentioned, one conducted under the auspices of Sparta, and the other by the Argive Althajmenes. Of the latter we have already spoken ; the former consisted chiefly of Minyans, who had been settled at AmyclsB by the Achaean Philonomus, to whom the Spartans had granted this city on account of his treachery, as has been already related. These ]Minyans, having revoked against Sparta, were sent out of the country as emigrants, but accompanied by many Spartans. They gailed towaixls Crete, and in their jmssage settled some of their number m the island of Melos, which remained faithful to Lacedoemon, even in the time of the Peloponnesian war. In Crete they founded Gortys and Lyctus, which are mentioned as Spartan colonies. The Doric colonists in Crete were anxious to connect themselves with the mythical glories of Minos, and consequently ascribed their political and social institutions to this celebrated hero. Hence the tradition arose that the Spartan institutions were borrowed by Lycurgus from those of Crete ; but it seems more pi-obable that their similarity was owing to their common origin, and that the Dorians of Crete brought from the mother countiy usages which they sought to hallow by the revered name of Minos. § 12. The Return of the Heracleidse and the foundation of the above- mentioned colonies foi-m the conclusion of the Mythical Age. From this time to the commencement of authentic history in the first Olympiad, there is a period of nearly three hundred years, according to the common chro- nology. Of this long period we have scarcely any record. But this ought not to excite our surprise. The subjects of mythical narrative are drawn, Chap. IV.] COLONIES IN ASIA MINOR. 37 not from recent events, but from an imaginaiy past, which is supposed to be separated from the present by an indefinite number of years. Origi- nally no attempt was made to assign any particular date to the grand events of the Mythical Age. It was sufficient for the earlier Greeks to believe that their gods and heroes were removed from tliem by a vast number of generations ; and it was not till a later time that the literary men of Greece endeavored to count backwards to the Mythical Age, and to affix dates to the chief events in legendary Greece. Temple of Ares in Halicamassus. i! :; ■fl 1^. 36 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. IV. It if i \4 § 10. The Doric colonies in the soutliwesteni comer of Asia Minor and in tlie neighlioriiig isliiiuls may be traced in like manner to the con- quest of reloiKHinesus by the Dorians. In the general change of popula- tion and conse(iuent emigrations caused by this important event, some of the Doric diiet's were also induced to quit the countiy they had recently subdued, and to lead boiUes of their own countiymen and of the conquered AcluiMins to Asia. The most celebrated of the Doric migrations was that conducted by the Ar.uiv<- Althaiiieiies, a descendant of Temenus, who, after leaving some of his followers at Crete, proceeded with the remainder to the island of Khodes, where he founded the three cities of Lindus, lalysus, and Camlru^. About the same time Dorians settled in the neigli- boriiif? island of Cos, and Ibunded the cities of llalicarnassus and Cnidus on the mahiland. These six colonies formed a confederation, usually called the Doric Hexajwlis. § 11. Doric colonies were also founded in mythical times in the islands of Crete, Melos, and Thera. The colonization of Crete more particularly deserves our attention, on account of the similarity of the institutions of its Doric cities to those of Si>arta. There were Dorians in Crete in the time of the Odyssey, but their chief migrations to this island took place in tlie thii-d generation after their conquest of Peloponnesus. Of these two are expressly mentioned, one conducte«l under the auspices of Si)arta, and the other by the Ai-give Altha^menes. Of the latter we have already spoken ; the foraier consisted cliietiy of ^linyans, who had been settled at Amydai bv the Achaan Phil(»n.)nms, to whom the Spartans had granted this city on account of his treachery, as has been already related. Tliese :Minyans, having revolted against Sparta, were sent out of the country as emigrants, but acconq.anied by many Spartans. They sailed towards Crete, and in their pas>aarii(u]ar tlatc to the grand events of the ^fythical Age. It was sniru-iint for the earlier Crrceks to believe that their gods and hcnws were removed fmni tli< in by a va-t number of crenerations ; and it was not till a later time that the litf'rary men of Greece endeavored to count l)aekwards to the 3Iythieal Age, and to aiTix dates to the chief events in legendary Greece. hi Temple of Ares in Halicamassus. HISTORY OF GBEECE. [Chap. V k I J OfKOYNENH XPONOSIAIAI OAYIZEIAOMHPOZ MYpOZ Homer enthroned. CHAPTER V. THE POEMS OF HOMEB. § 1. Importance of the Subject. § 2. Rise Of Poetry in Greece. Epic Ballads preparatory to the Epopee. ^ 8. The Poems of the Epic Cycle, in which the Iliad and the Odyssey were included. §4. Diversity of Opinions respecting the Life and Date of Homer. 1 5. Iliad and Odyssey recited to Public Companies by the Rhapsodists. § 6. A stand- ard Text of the Poems first formed by Feisistratus. ^ 7. Modem Controversy respecting the Origin of the Homeric Poems. Prolegomena of Wolf. 4 S* 'r**^ Uitid and the Odys- sey were originally not committed to writing. 4 ^' They were preserved by the Rhap- sodists. § 10. They did not consist originally of separate Lays, but were composed by one Poet, as is shown by their Poetical Unity. § 1. No history of Greece would be complete without some account of the poems of Homer, and of the celebrated controvei-sy to which they have given rise in modem times. Homer was called by the Greeks themselves ITie Poet. The Iliad and the Odyssey were the Greek Bible. They were the ultimate standard of appeal on all matters of religious doctrine and early history. They were learnt by boys at school, they were the study of men in their riper years, and even in the time of Socrates there were Athenian gentk*men who could repeat both poems by heart. In whatever part of the ancient world a Greek settled, he carried with him a love for the great poet ; and long after the Greek people had lost their Chaf. v.] POEMS OF HOMEB. 39 i independence the Iliad and the Odyssey continued to maintain an undi- minished hold upon their affections. No production of profane litei-ature has exercised so wide and long-continued an influence, and consequently the history of these poems demands and deserves our careful attention. § 2. The origin of the Iliad and the Odyssey cannot be understoal with- out a short account of the rise of poetry in Greece. Among the Greeks, as among all other nations, poetry was cultivated before pi*ose. The first poetical compositions appear to have been hymns addressed to the gods, or simple ballads recounting the adventures and exploits of some favorite hero. We have already seen that the Greeks of the Heroic Age were passionately fond of poetry, and that the entertainments of the nobles were enlivened by the songs of the bard. Originally these songs appear to have been short, unconnected lays. They may be regarded as epic poems in the more indefinite sense of the term, since they perpetuated and adorned the memory of great men or great deeds. The next miportant step in the progress of popular poetry was to combine these separate ep- ical songs into one comprehensive whole. Such a poem may be called an Epopee, and presents a much more advanced state of the art. It requires crenius of a far higher order, a power of combination and construction, not needed in poems of the former class. Short epical poems appear to have existed before the time of Homer, as we may infer from the Lay of the Trojan Horse, sung by the bard Demodocus in the Odyssey ; but the con- struction of the epopee, or the epic poem in the nobler sense, is probably to be attributed to the genius of Homer. § 3. A large number of these epic poems were extant in antiquity. We know the titles of more than thirty of them. Then- subjects were all taken from the Greek legends. They were arranged by the grammarians of Alexandria, about the second century before the Christian era, in a chronological series, beginning with the intermai-riage of Heaven and Earth, and concluding with the death of Odysseus by the hands of his son Telegonus. This collection was known by the name of the Epic Cycle, and the poets whose works formed part of it were called Cyclic poets. The Iliad and the Odyssey were comprised in the Cycle, and consequently the name of Cyclic poet did not originally carry with it any association of contempt. But as the best poems in the Cycle were spoken of by them- selves or by the titles of their separate authors, the general name of Cyclic poets came to be applied only to the worst, especially as many of the inferior poems in the Cycle appear to have been anonymous. Hence we can understand why Horace * and others speak in such disparaging terms of the Cyclic writers, and how the mferiority of the Cychc poems is con- trasted with the excellence of the Iliad and the Odyssey, although the latter had been originally included among them. ♦ " Nec sic incipies, ut scriptor cyclicus olim." — Hon Ars Poet. 137. m HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. V. i wWi i I «. !• r' § 4. All these poems are now lost with the exception of the Iliad and ken flow of the epic poem as contrasted with lyric verses. "1 m HISTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. V Ml 'I I the reading class which began to be formed in the seventh century. The discovery of these varieties naturally led to measures for establishing a standard text of the national poet. Solon is said, to have introduced im- proved regulations for the public recitations of the poems at the Athenian festivals ; but it is to Peisistratus, the tyrant or despot of Athens, that the great merit is ascribed of collecting and arranging the poems in their present form, in order that tliey might be recited at the great Panathenaic festival at Athens. It is expressly stated by Cicero,* that Peisistratus is " reputed to have aminged the books of Homer, previously in a state of confusion, in the form in which we now possess them " ; and this statement is supported by the testimony of other ancient writers. From this time, therefore, (about b. c. 530,) we may conclude that the Greeks possessed a standard text of their great poet, which formed the basis of all subsequent editions. § 7. We have already seen that the whole of antiquity, with scarcely an exception, regarded the Iliad and the Odyssey as the productions of the one poet, called Homer. This opinion continued to be held by almost all modem scholars down to the year 1795, when the celebrated German Pro- fessor, F. A. Wolf, published his Prolegomena, or Prefatory Essay to the Biad. In tliis work he maintained the startling hypothesis that neither the Iliad nor the Odyssey was composed as a distinct whole, but that they originally consisted of separate epical ballads, each constituting a single poem, and that these separate lays, which had no common purpose nor fixed arrangement, were for the first time reduced to writing and formed into the two great poems of the Iliad and the Odyssey by Peisistratus and his friends. Stmnge and startling as this theory seems, it was not entirely new. The substance of it had been already propounded by Vico, a Nea- poUtan writer of great originality, and by our own great countryman, Bentley ; t but their opinions had not been supported by arguments, and were soon forgotten. Accordingly, the publication of Wolf's Essay took the whole literary world by surprise, and scarcely any book in modem times has effected so complete a revolution in the opinions of scholars. Even those who were the most opposed to his views have had their own <^inions to some extent modified by the arguments which he brought forward, and no one has been able to establish the old doctrine in its original integrity. It is impossible in the present work to enter into the details of the controversy to which Wolf's Essay has given rise. We can only endeavor to give a sketch of his principal arguments and of the chief *De Oratore, iii. 34. t Vico died in 1744. The wonla of Bentley are: " Homer wrote a sequel of songs and liiapsodies, to be sung by himself, for small earnings and good cheer, at festivals and other days of merriment; the Iliad he made for the mes^i, the Odysseis for the other sex. These kxMe songs were not collected together into the form of an epic poem until five hundred years after." Chap. V.] POEMS OF HOMER. 48 objections of his opponents, stating at the same tune the opinion which seems to us the most probable. § 8. The first argument which Wolf brought forward to support his position was, that no written copies of the Iliad and the Odyssey could be shown to have existed during the earUer times to which their composition is referred, and that, without writing, such long and complicated works could neither have been composed nor transmitted to posterity. In order to prove this, he entered into a minute discussion concerning the age of the art of writing. It is sufficient to state here a few of the more important results at which he arrived. In early times the Greeks had no easy and convenient materials for writing, such as must have been indispensable for long manuscripts like the Iliad and the Odyssey. Moreover, the traces of writing in Greece are exceedingly rare, even in the seventh century be- fore the Christian era, and we have no remaining inscriptions earlier than the 40th Olympiad (b. c. 620). In the Homeric poems themselves there is not a single trace of the art of writing.* We find no mention of any epita^^h or inscription ; coins are unknown, and even the supercargo of a ship has no written list of his cargo, but is obliged to remember it.t I» addition to this, the absence of the letter called Digamma in the text of the poems is a strong proof that they were not originally committed to writing. This letter existed at the time of the composition of the poems, and was constantly employed by the poet, but it had entirely vanished from the language when they were first written. § 9. It seems, therefore, necessary to admit the former part of Wolf's first argument, that the Iliad and Odyssey Avere originally not written ; but does it therefore follow, that without this means such long poems could neither have been composed nor handed down to posterity ? These two questions are not necessarily connected, though they have been usual- ly discussed together. Those who have maintained the original unity of the Iliad and Odyssey, in opposition to Wolf, have generally thought it in- cumbent upon them to prove that the poems were written from the begin- ning. But this appears to us quite unnecessary. In the present day the memory has become so much weakened by the artificial aid of writing, that it may be difficult for us to conceive of the production of a long work without such assistance. But there is nothing impossible in it. Even modern poets have composed long poems, and have preserved them faith- fully in their memories, before committing them to writing. It must also be recollected, that poetry was the profession of the ancient bards ; that it was not the amusement of their leisure hours, but that they devoted to it * The only passage in which letters are supposed to be mentioned is in the Iliad, vi. 168; but hei-e the cr)\iara Xvypd are supposed by Wolf and others to signify pictorial, and not alphabetical characters. t He is 6pTov ^vfjfiav. Odyss. viii. 164. I' 44 HISTORY OF GBEECE. [Chap. V. 'r i an the energies of their hearts and souls. The poems which they thus composed were treasured up in the memories of their faithful disciples, and were handed down to posterity by the Rhapsodists, whose lives were also devoted to this object Tlie recollection of these poems was rendered easier by the simple nature of the story, by the easy structure of the verse, by the frequent recurrence of the same words, phrases, and similes, and by the absence of abstract ideas and reflective thouglits. Accord- ingly, we believe that the Iliad and the Odyssey might have been com- posed and might have been handed down to posterity without being written. § 10. The second argument employed by Wolf to maintain his hy- pothesis was derived from an examination of the Iliad and Odyssey them- selves. He endeavored to show that the only unity of the poems arises from their subjects, and that the numerous contradictions found in them plainly prove that they could not have been the productions of a single mind. The Trojan war and the wanderings of Ulysses (Odysseus), he remarks, had formed the subjects of numerous epic ballads, and it was only because they had happened to fit into one another that they were combined into two comprehensive poems by Peisistratus and his hterary friends. A modem disciple of his school has gone so far as to attempt to resolve the Iliad into the original independent lays out of which he supposes the poem to have been formed. Now it is evident that this question can only be settled by a minute examination of the structure of the poems, for which there is no space in the present work. We can only state, that the best modem scholars, with very few exceptions, have come to a conclusion directly contrary to Wolf's dai-ing theory. Some of the ablest critics in modern times have directed their attention to this subject, and wliile they have not denied the existence of interpolations, more or less extensive, in both poems, the general result has been to establish their poetical unity, and to vindicate their claim to be the greatest models of the epic art. Bust of Homer. Primitive Vessels from Athens and Argos. BOOK II. GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES. B. C. 776-500. ■ \ * I CHAPTER VI. GENERAX SURVEY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE. 4 1. Nature of the Subject. § 2. The Chief Ties which bound the Greeks together. Community of Blood and of Language. § 3. Community of Rehgious Rites and Fes- tivals h 4. Tlie Ampliictyonic Council. § 5. The Olj-mpic Games. § 6. The Pyth.an Ncmean, and Isthmian Games. § 7. The Influence of these Festivals § 8. I'^Auence oj tlie Oracle of ApoUo at Delphi. § 9. Community of Manners and Character. § 10. The Independent Sovereignty of each City a settled Maxrni in the Greek Mmd. § 1. The present Book will contain the History of Greece from the fii-st Olympiad, or the year 776 B. c, to the commencement of the revolt of the Ionic Greeks from Persia, in the year 500 b. c. Our knowledge of the early part of tliis period is very scanty, and con- sists of only a small number of solitary facts, wliich have little or no con- nection with one another. The division of Greece intx) a number of small mdependent states is a circumstance that causes great difficulties to the his- torian Unlike the history of Rome, which is confined to an account of the ori-in and development of a single people, the history of Greece from its coimnencement to its close suffers to a greater or a less extent from a want of unity in its subject. This is strikingly the case with the first two HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. V. I , v m all the eaergies of tlieir hearts and souls. The poems which they thus composed were treasured up in the memories of tlieir faithful disciples, and were handed down to posterity by the Rliajisotlists, whose lives were also de¥Oted to this object. The recollection of these poems was rendered easier by the simple nature of the story, by tlic easy structure of the verse, by the fre<]uent recurrence of the same words, [ihrases, and similes, and by the absence of al)stnict ideas mid reflective thoughts. Accord- ingly, we b* lit ve that the Iliad and the Odyssey might have been com- posed and might have been handed down to posterity without being written. § 10. The second argifiiefit employed by Wolf to maintain his hy- pothesis was derived from an examination of the Iliad and Odyssey them- selves. He endeavored to show that the onlv unitv of the poems arises from their subjects, and that the numerous contradictions i\nn\d in them plainly prove that they could not have been the productions of a single mind. The Trojan war and the wanderings of Ulysses (Odysseus), he remarks, had formed the sulyects of numerous epic ballads, and it was only because they hations, have come to a conclusion directly contrary to Wolf's daring theory. Some of the ablest critics in modern times liave directed tlieir attention to this subject, and while they have not denied the existence of inteqjolations, more or less extensive, in both poems, the general result has been to establish their poeticid unity, and to vindicate their claim to be the greatest models of the epic art. Bust of Homer. Primitive Vessels from Athens and Argos. BOOK II. GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES. B. C. 776-500. CHAPTER VI. GENERAL SURVEY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE. 4 1. Nature cf the Subject. § 2. The Chief Ties which bound the Greeks together. Community of Blood and of La,i.<^iage. ^ 3. Community of Rehg.ous Rites and fes- tivals. H- The Amphietyonic Council. § 5. The Olpnpic Games ^s 6 lie Pythian Nemean and Isthmian Games. ^ 7. The Intlncnce of tlic.c Festivals. § • I"«uenc. of tlie Oracle of Apollo at Delphi. § 9. Community of Manners and Character. § 10. The Independent Sovereignty of each City a settled Maxim in the Greek Mind. § 1. The present Book will contain the History of Greece from the jfii'st Olympiad, or the year 776 b. c, to the commencement of the revolt of the Ionic Greeks from Persia, in the year 500 b. c. Our knowledge of the early part of tliis period is very scanty, and con- sists of only a small number of solitmy facts, wliich have little or no con- nection with one another. The division of Greece into a number of small independent states is a circumstance that causes great difficulties to the his- torian. Uidike the history of Rome, wliich is confined to an account of the ori-in and development of a single people, the history of Greece from its commencement to its close suffers to a greater or a less extent from a want of unity in its subject. Tliis is strikingly the case with the first two 46 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. VI. ™ h ml centuries of the period narrated in the present Book ; and it is not till we come to its close, that we are able to present a connected history of the Grecian nation. It was the Persian invasions of Greece which first im- pressed the leading Greek states with the necessity of uniting together against the common foe ; and since the military resources of Sparta were then confessedly superior to those of all the other Greeks, they naturally intrusted to her the conduct of the war. In this way Grecian history acquires a unity of interest which is altogether wanting in the earlier times. There are, however, some facts during the earlier period which claim our attention. Of these the most important are the growth of Sparta and Athens; the number of despots who arose in the vaiious Grecian cities ; the foundation and progress of the numerous colonies planted on the coasts of the Mediterranean and its connected seas ; and, last of all, the origin and progress of literature and art. Before we proceed to give an account of these events, it may be useftd to take a general survey of the Greeks in the earlier period of their his- tory, and to point out the various causes which united them as a people, notwithstanding their separation into so many independent communities. § 2. The chief ties, which bound together the Grecian world, were com- munity of blood and language, community of religious rites and festivals, and community of manners and character. Of these the first and the most imix)rtant was the possession of a common descent and a common language. The Greeks were all of the same race and parentage ; they all considered themselves descendants of Hellen ; and they all described men and cities which were not Grecian by the term Barbarian, This word has passed into our o>\ti language, but with a very different idea ; for the Greeks applied it indiscriminately to every foreigner, to the civilized inhabitants of Eg}'pt and Persia, as well as to the rude tribes of Scythia and Gaul. Originally it seems to have expressed repugnance to one using a foreign language ; but as the Greeks became in course of time superior in intelligence to the surrounding nations, it conveyed also a notion of contempt. Notwithstanding the various dialects employed in different parts, there was, throughout the Grecian world, suflScient uniform- ity in the language to render it everywhere intelligible to a Greek ; and there can be no doubt that the wide-spread popularity of the Homeric poems in early times powerfully assisted in maintaining the same type of language among the different Greek races. § 3. The second bond of union was a community of religious rites and festivals. From the earliest times the Greeks appear to have worshipped the same gods ; but originally there were no religious meetings common to the whole nation. Such meetings were of gradual growth. They were either formed by a number of neighboring towns, which entered into an association for the periodical celebration of certain religious rites, or they grew out of a festival originally confined to a single state, but which was Chap. VI.] AMPHICTYONIC COUNCIL. 4t gradually extended to the inhabitants of other cities, till at length it be- came open to the whole Grecian world. Of the foi-mer class we have an example in the Amphictyonies, of the latter in the Olympic, Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian games. § 4. The word Amphictyony is usually derived from the mythical hero Amphictyon ; but the name pi-obably signifies only residents around and neighbors,* and was used to designate a religious association of neighbor- ing tribes or cities, who were accustomed to meet at fixed times to offer sacrifices to the god of a particular temple, which was supposed to be the common property and under the common protection of all. There were many religious associations of this kind in Greece ; but there was one of so much celebrity, that it threw all the others into the shade, and came to be called the Amphictyonic Council. This assembly seems to have been originally of small importance ; and it acquired its superiority over other similar associations by the wealth and grandeur of the Delphian temple, of which it was the appointed guardian. It held two meetings every year, one in the spring at the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the other in the autumn at the temple of Demeter (Ceres) at Thermopylae. Its members, who were called The Amphictyons,t consisted of sacred deputies sent from twelve tribes, each of which contained several independent cities or states. The deputies were composed of two classes of representatives from each tribe, — a chief called Hieromnemon, and subordinates named Pylagoras. The names of these twelve tribes are not the same in all accounts, but they were probably as follows: Thessalians, Boeotians, Dorians, lonians, Perrhrebians, Magnetes, Locrians, (Etaeans, Achseans, Phocians, Dolopes, and Malians. These names are of themselves sufficient to prove the great antiquity of the Council. Several of the tribes here mentioned scarcely ever occur in the historical period ; and the fact of the Dorians standing on an equality with the Dolopes and the Malians, shows that the Council must have existed before the Dorian conquest of Peloponnesus. The tribes represented in it stood on a footing of perfect equality, two votes being given by the deputies from each of the twelve. Of the duties of the Amphictyonic Council nothing will give us a better idea than the oath taken by its members. It ran thus : " VTe wiU not destroy any Amphictyonic town, nor cut it off from running water, in war or peace : if any one shall do so, we will march against him and destroy his city. If any one shall plunder the property of the god, or shall be cog- nizant thereof, or shall take treacherous counsel against the tilings in his temple at Delphi, we will punish him with foot, and hand, and voice, and by every means in our power." We tlius see that the main duties of the \; '. ♦ The original form of the name seems to have been ^AfKJtiKTiovlai not *A/x. L Chap. VI.] NATIONAL FESTIVALS. 49 Nemean games were of greater efficacy than the Amphictyonic Council in promoting a spirit of union among the various branches of the Greek race, and in keeping alive a feeling of their common origin. They were open to all persons who could prove their Hellenic blood, and were frequented by spectators from all parts of the Grecian world. The most ancient as well as the most famous of these festivals was that celebrated at 01}iiipia, on the banks of the Alpheus, in the territory of Elis, and near the ancient temple of the 01ym[)ian Zeus. The origin of this festival is lost in the Mythical Ages. It is said to have been revived by Ii)hitus, king of Elis, and Lycurgus, the Si)artan legislator, in the year 776 b. C ; and accord- ingly, when the Greeks at a later time began to use the Olympic contest as a chronological era, this year was regarded as the first Olympiad. It continued to maintain its celebrity for many centuries after the extinction of Greek freedom ; and it was not till 304 A. D. that it was finally abol- ished l)y the Emperor Theodosius. It was celebrated at the end of every four years,* and the interval which elapsed between each celebration was called an Olympiad. The whole festival was under the management of the Eleans, who appointed some of their own number to preside as judges, under the name of the Ilellanodicie.t During the month in which it was celebrated all hostilities were suspended throughout Greece. The temtory of Elis itself was considered especially sacred during its con- tmuance, and no armed force could enter it without incurring the guilt of sacrilege. The number of spectators was veiy great ; and consisted not only of those who were attracted by i)rivatc interest or curiosity, but of depu- ties t fi'om the different Greek states, who vied Avith one another in the number of their offerings and the s[)lendor of their general appearance, in order to sup[>ort the honor of their native cities. At first the festival was confined to a single day, and consisted of nothing more than a match of runners in the stadium ; but in course of time so many other contests were introduced, that the games occupied five days. They comprised various trials of strength and skill, such as wresthng, boxing, the Pancra- tium (boxing and wrestling combined), and the complicated Pentathlum (including jumping, running, the quoit, the javelin, and wrestling), but no combats with any kind of weapons. There were also horse-races and chariot-races ; and the chariot-race, with four full-groAvn horses, became one of the most popular and celebrated of all the matches. The only prize given to the conqueror was a garland of wild-olive ; but this was valued as one of the dearest distinctions m life. To have his * The festival was called by the Greeks a Peniaetsris (TrewaeTT/pis), because it was celebrated every Jtftk year, according to the ancient mode of tlie reckoning. In the same manner, a festival'which occurred at the end of every two years was said to be celebrated every third year, and Avas called a Tneteris {rpifrrjpis). t *EXXaj/o3/icai. } Called Theaii {Qe^opoi). i 50 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. VI. Chap. VL] ORACLE OF APOLLO AT DELPHI. 51 \ name proclaimed as victor before assembled Hellas was an object of am bition with tlie noblest and the wealthiest of the Greeks. Such a person was considered to have conferred everlasting glory upon his family and his countiy, and was rewarded by his fellow-citizens with distinguished honors. His statue was generally erected in the Altis or sacred grove of Zeus at Olympia ; and on his return home he entered his native city in a triumphal pmcession, in which his praises were sung, frequently in the loftiest strains of poetry. He also received still more substantiid rewards. He was generally relieved from the pa>Tnent of taxes, and had a riglit to the front seat at all pul>lic games and spectacles. An Atlienian victor in the Olympic games received, in accordance with one of Solon's laws, a prize of five hundred drachmas, and a right to a place at the table of the magistrates in the prytaneum or town-hall ; and a Si)artan con- queror had the privilege of fighting on the field of battle near the person of the king. § G. During the sixth centuiy before the Christian era the three other festivals of the Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian games, which were at first only local, became o[)en to the whole nation. The Pythian games, as a national festival, wxtc mstituted by the ^Vm[)hictyons after the destruction of Crissa in 585 b. c, in honor of Apollo, as has been already related. They were celebrated in every thu-d Olympic year, on tlie Cirrha^an plam, under the superintendence of the Amphictyons. The games consisted not only of matches in gymnastics and of horse and chariot races, but also of contests m music imd poetry. They soon acquired celebrity, and became second only to the great Olympic festival. The Xemean and Isthmian gimies occurred more frequently than the Olympic and Pythian. They were celebrated once in two years, — the Nemean in honor of the Nemean Zeus, in the valley of Nemea, between Fldius and Cleonaj, originally by the Cleomeans and subsequently by the Argives, — and tlic Isthmian by the Corinthians, on their isthmus, in honor of Poseidon (Neptune). As in the Pythian festival, contests in music and in poetry, as well as gymnastics and chariot-races, formed part of these games. § 7. Although the four great festivals of which we have been speaking had little influence m promoting the political union of Greece, they never- theless were of great importance in making the various sections of the race feel that they were all members of one family, and in cementing them together by common s}Tnpathies and the enjoyment of common pleasures. The frequent occurrence of these festivals, for one was celebrated every year, tended to the smne result. The Greeks were thus annually re- minded of their common origin, and of the gi'cat distinction which existed between them and bai-bmians. Nor must we forget the mcidental advan- tages which attended them. The concourse of so large a number of per- sons from every part of the Grecian world afforded to the merchant op- portunities for traffic, and to the arrist and the literary man the best means of making their works known. During the tune of the games the Altis was surrounded with booths, in which a busy commerce was carried on ; and in a spacious hall appropriated for the purpose, the poets, philosophers, and historians were accustomed to read their most recent works. The perfect equality of persons at the festival demands particular men- tion. The games were open to every Greek, without any distinction of country or of rank. The horse-races and chariot-races were necessarily confined to the wealthy, who were allowed to employ others as riders and drivers ; but the rich and poor alike could contend in the gymnastic matches. This, however, was far from degradmg the fonner in public opinion ; and some of the greatest and wealtliiest men in the various cities took part in the running, wrestling, boxing, and other matches. Cylon, who attempted to make hunself tyrant of Athens, had gained the prize m the foot-race ; Alexander, son of Amyntas, prince of Macedon, had also run for it ; and instances occur m which cities chose their generals from the victors of these games. § 8. The habit of consulting the same oracles in order to ascertmn the will of the gods, was another bond of union. It was the universal practice of the Greeks to undertake no matter of importance without first askmg the advice of the gods ; and there were many sacred spots in which the gods were always ready to give an answer to pious worshippers. Some of these oracles were consulted only by the surrounding neighborhood, but others obtained a wider celebrity ; and the oracle of Apollo at Delphi in particular surpassed all the rest in importance, and was regarded with veneration in every part of the Grecian world. So great w^os its fame that it was sometimes consulted by foreign nations, such as the Lydians, Phrygians, and Romans ; and the Grecian states constantly applied to it for counsel in their difficulties and perplexities. In the centre of the tem- ple at Delphi there was a small opening in the ground, from which it was said that a certain gas or vapor ascended. Whenever the oracle was to be consulted, a virgin priestess, called Pythia, took her seat upon a tripod, which was placed over the chasm. The ascending vapor affected her brain, and the words she uttered in this excited condition were beUeved to be the answer of Apollo to his worshippers. They were always in hex- ameter verse, and were reverently taken down by the attendant priests. Most of the answers were equivocal or obscure ; but tlie credit of the oracle continued unimpaired long after the downfoll of Grecian indepen- dence. 1 . M • § 9. A further element of union among the Greeks was the similarity of manners and character. It is true, the difference m this respect between the polished inhabitants of Athens and the rude mountaineers of Acir- nania was marked and striking ; but if we compare the two with foreign contemporaries the contrast between them and the latter is still more wenk HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. VI. Uf I • * striking. Absolute despotism, human sacrifices, polygamy, deliberate muti- lation of the person as a punishment, and selling of children into slavery, existed in some part or other of the barbarian world, but are not found in any city of Greece in the historical times. Although we cannot mention many customs common to all the Greeks and at the same time peculiar to them, yet we cannot doubt that there did exist among them certain general characteristics in their manners and customs, which served as a bond of union among themselves, and a line of demarcation from foreigners. § 10. The elements of union of which we have been speaking — com- munity of blood and language, of rehgion and festivals, and of manners and character — only bound the Greeks together in common feelings and sen- timents. They never produced any pohtical union. The independent sovereignty of each city was a fundamental notion in the Greek mind. The only supreme autliority which a Greek recognized was to be found within his own city walls. The exercise of authority by one city over another, whatever advantages the weaker city might derive from such a connection, was repugnant to every Greek. This was a sentiment com- mon to iill the different members of the Greek race, under all fonns of government, whether oligarcliical or democratical. Hence the dominion exercised by Thebes over the cities of Boeotia, and by Athens over subject allies, was submitted to with reluctance, and was disowned on the first opportunity. This strongly rooted feeling deserves particular notice and remaik. Careless readers of history are tempted to sujipose that the ter- ritory of Greece was divided among a comparatively small number of inde- pendent states, such as Attica, Arcadia, Boeotia, Phocis, Locris, and the like ; but this is a most serious mistake, and leads to a total misapprehen- sion of Greek history. Every separate city was usually an independent state, and consequently each of the territories described under tlie general names of Arcadia, Bceotia, Phocis, and Locris, contained numerous politi- cal communities independent of one another. Attica, it is true, formed a single state, and its different towns recognized Athens as their capital and the source of supreme power; but this is an exception to the general rule. The patriotism of a Greek was confined to his city, and rarely kindled into any general love for the common welfare of Hellas. The safety and the prosperity of his city were dearer to him than the safety and pros- perity of Hellas, and to secure the former he was too often contented to sacrifice the latter. For his own city, a patriotic Greek was ready to lay down his property and his life, but he felt no obligation to expend his sub- stance or expose his life on behalf of the common interests of the country. So complete was the political division between the Greek cities, that the citizen of one was an alien and a stranger in the territory of another. He was not merely debarred from all share in the government, but he could not acquh^ property in land or houses, nor contract a marriage with a native Chjlp. VI.] WANT OF POLITICAL UNION. 53 woman, nor sue in the couits of justice, except through the medium of a friendly citizen.* The cities thus mutually repelling each other, the sym- pathies and feelings of a Greek became more centred in his own. It was this exclusive patriotism which rendered it diffiult for the Greeks to unite under circumstances of common danger. It was this political disunion which led them to turn their arms against each other, and eventually made, them subject to tlie IVIacedonian monarchs. * Sometimes a citv i^rantcd to a citizen of another state, or even to the whole state, the right of intermarriage and of acquiring landed property. The former of these rights was called €7rtya/iia, the latter eyKTrjais. 5 Greek Gar used in Games. 54 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. VIL View of Mount Taygetus from the Site of Sparta. CHAPTER Vn. EARLY HISTORY OP PELOPONNESUS AND LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS § 1. Conqnest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians. Division of the Peloponnesus into the Doric States, Elis, Acliaia, and Arcadia. ^ 2. Division of the Doric States in Pelopon nesus. Ai-gos originally the fii-st Doric State, Sparta second, Messene third. ^ 3. Plieidun ofArgos. §4. Legislation of Lycnrirus. § 5. Lifeof Lvcurgiis. §6. The Cliief Object of Lycurgus in his Legislation. § 7. Population of Laconia divided into three Classes. Spartans. § 8. Perioeci. ^ 9. Helots. ^ 10. Political Guvennncnt of Sparta. The .Kings. Hie Senate. The Popular Assembly. TheEphors. § IL Training,' and Educa- tion of the Spartan Youths and Men. ^ 12.*Traininclled to submit to the dominion of the Dorians. The history of the conquest of l*elo]>onnesus by this warlike race is clothed in a legendary form, and lias been already nar- rated in the preceding Book. In what manner this conquest was really effected is beyond tlie reach of history, but we have good reasons for be- lieving that it was the work of many years, and was not concluded by a single battle, as the legends would lead us to suppose. We find, however Chap. VIL] EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUS. 55 in the early liistorical times, tlie whole of the eastern and southern parts of Peloponnesus in the undisputed possession of the Dorians. The remaming parts of the peninsula were in tlie hands of other members of the Greek race. On the western coa.st from the mouth of the Neda to that of the Larissus was the territoiy of EHs, including the two dependent states of Pisa and Triphylia. The Eleans are said to have been descend- ants of the iEtolians, who had accompanied the Dorians in their mvasion, and received Elis as their share of the si^oil The Pisatans and the Tn- phyhans had been originally independent inhabitants of the peninsula, but had been conquered by their more powerful neighbors of Ehs. The ^trip of land on the northern coast of Peloponnesus, and south ot the Corinthian Gulf, was inhabited by Acha3ans, and was called after them Achaia. This ten-itory extended from the mouth of the river Araxus on one side to the confines of Sicyonia on the other, and was divided among twelve Aclui^an cities, which are rarely mentioned in the earher penod of Greek history, and only rose to importance in the Macedonian times The mountamous region in the centre of Peloponnesus was inhabited by the Arcadians, who may be regarded as genuine Pelasgians, since they are uniformly represented as the earliest inhabitants of the country. Then: country was distributed into a large number of villages and cities, among which Te-ea and Mantinea were the two most powerfuL § 2. The division of Peloponnesus among the Dorian states differed at yai'ious times. At the close of the period which forms the subject of the present Book, Sparta was unquestionably the first of the Dorian powers and its dominions for exceeded those of any other Dorian state. Its temtory then occupied the whole of the southern region of the pemnsula from the eastern to the western sea, being separated from the dommions of Argos by the river Tanus, and from Triphylia by the river Neda. At that time the territory of Argos was confined to the Ai'gohc peninsula, but did not mclude the whole of this district, the southeastern part of it being occupied by the Doric cities of Epidaurus and Troezen, and the Dryopian city of Hermione. On the Isthmus stood the powerful city of Corinth, westward Sicyon, and to the south of these Cleon.. and Philus, both also Doric cities. Nort^ east of Corinth came Megara, the last of the Doric cities, whose territory stretched across the Istlmius from sea to sea. ^ , ^ _, . But if we go back to the first Olympiad, we shall find Sparta m poss s- Bion of only a very small territory, instead of the extensive dommion de- cribed alive. Its territory at that time appears to ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ little more than the valley of the river Euix)tas. Westward of thi. vaUey, and separated from it by Mount Taygetus, were the Messenian Donans S Lward of it the whole of the mountainous district along the co^t, from the head of the Argolic Gulf down to Cape Malea was also inde- peTden^^ of Sparta, belonging to Argos. In the earliest historical nnes Igos appear as the first power m the Peloponnesus, a fact winch the 54 mSTOKY OF GUEECE. [ClIAr. VII. '^1 View of Mount Taygetus tea tfaii Stto of JSmite. CHAPTER VII. EAELY IIISTOKT OF rELOPOXXESUS ANB LECISLATIOX OF LYCUnGUS § 1. Cnqnest of Peloponnesiis In- the Dorians. rUvMoii of the Peloponnesus into tlio Boric Statis Elis, Achnia. an. I Arcn.liii. § 2. Divkion of the Doric Stiites in I'eloj.on ncsiis. Ar_..^ M-i-itially tin- liist Ih >rk- StaT.>. S|.artu «'Cnti.|, Mes>ene tliinl. «j 3. rheia.iU ofAriT"-. H- J-<'^"^Iari.iitorLveiirirus. § o. Life (.fLvruruu'!. § n. The Cliiof Ohjoft of Lycurtiiis in his I.eirishition. § 7. Popukition of Laconia -livi^Icl into tlir.'o Chis^t-. %irtau-. ^ fr. l\Tiu-c-i. § 'j. Helots. § 10. pnlitical Guvorntneiit r.f Sparta. Thi; Kings. Tlie S.imt(\ The Poptihir Asse,::My. Th-> Ephor^^. §11. Trainin-un.i K.hiea- tioii of t1t.« Si.arlan Yonths aii-1 Men. v^ 12. Trainhi.t«- of the Spartan W. ,uen. § 1:]. Di- visional' Lan.leil I'n.pvrty. vs 14. Otlier h't'j,rul.,ti..ns ascribert;u>il,lo rr.>ition vi Sparta. ^ Hi, (ii\>wtU of the Si)!irtan Power, ii Cou&eqiieuce of tlic Discipline of Lycui-gus. Cooqiiest of Lueoiiiii. § 1. Ix the Ilt-roic Ag«?s Pcloponiiesiis was tlic scat of tlio great Acliaan moiiai-flucs, :My{' lis lu-oilier Meiielaus, ami Argo3 of Dionu-ar.s who (hiivd to Ci.iUeiul ill haftlc with the ihuuurial -..tls. Ihit In'toro the eom- iiieiin'ini-iit <,>i lii-ioiy all th,e sii])mirto tlio clomiiiion of the n.=ri:i!.s. Tlie Ins! ):-v of the eonqiirst of iVu.poiaie.-iis by this warlike r:i.'<' is ehMhc.l in a Ir^iivmlary form, ami lias been already iiar- ratedin tlie piiMv.liu- n,K,k. In what maimer this eoiKjinsl was "real 1} efil'Cted is hryotnl iht ren<-h of luMory, lait we liave *iuud r(:iM,n> for be- lieving that it w:is ii,(. ^vork of many yenrs, and was not eonehule.l by a single battle, as the legemls would lea.l iis to suppose. We fmd, llowc^ er Chap. VII.] EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUS. 55 in the early historical times, the whole of Hie eastern and southern parts of Peloponnesus in the undisputed i)OSsession of the Dorians. The remaining parts of the peninsuhi wer.^ in the hands of other memhers of the Grrck rar<^ On the western coast from the month of the N.'da to that of the Larissus was the territory of Elis, ineluding tlu' two dcnendent states of Pisa and Triphylia. Tlie Elearis are said to have been dese^md- ants of the .Etolinns, wlio liad aeeomi>anied the Dorians in then- invasion, and received Elis as their share of tla. spoil The Pi^atans and the In- phylians had been r>ri-inally independent inhabitants of the penmsula, but hae of any other Dorian state. Its territory then occui^ied the whole of the soutliern r<'don of the penmsula ii-om the ea^t.TU t<. tlie western sea, being s.-parat(.d from the dominions ol Argosby the river Tamis, and fi-om Triphylia by the river Neda. At^ that tmie he territory of Ai-os wa. conlined to the Argolic peninsuhi, but dul not include the whole of this district, the southeastern part of it being occuiaed by the Doric ciiies of Epidaurus and Tivezen, and the Dryopian city ot^Iermione. On the l>thmus stood the powerful city <.f Corinth, westward Sicycm, aiid to the south of these Cleona. and Philus, both also Doric cUies. ^ortl^ ea.t of Corinth came Megara, the last of the Doric eities, whose territory stretched acn)ss the Isthmus from sea to sea. But if we .> back to the first Olympiad, we shall find Sparta m poss s- sion of cndy a very small territory, instead of the extensive dommion d^ scribed tib..c. Its territory at that time appears to ^-e coniprehended little more tlmn the valley of the river Eurotas. Westward o thisv alley, ^1 .eparated from it by Mount Tayg^tus, were the Messeman Dorian^ while eastward of it the whole of the mountaiimiis di^-ict along t he cc^, from the head of the Argo mde pendent of Sparta, belonging to Argos. In the eariiest lustoru d im^ I.0S appear as the first power in the Peloponnesus, a fact wliicli the 66 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. Vn. B. C. 776.] LEGISLATION OP LTCURGUS. 57 l< legend of the Hemcleids seems to recognize by making Temenus the eldest brother of the three. Next came Spartxi, and last the Messene. The im- portance of Argos appears to have arisen not so mucli iwm her own terri- tory as from her being the head of a powerful confederacy of Dorian states. Most of these states are said to have been founded by colonies Irom Argos, such as Cleona?, PhHus, Sicyon, Epidaurus, Troizen, and .^glna. Tlicy formed a league, the patron god of which was Apollo Pythaeus, whose common worship wjis a means of unitmg them to"-ether. There was a temple to this god in each of the confederated cities, wliile his most holy and central sanctuary was on the acropolis of Argos. But the jwwer of Argos rested on an insecure basis ; the ties which held the confederacy together became gradually weakened ; and Sparta was able to wrest from her a large portion of her territory, and eventually to succeed to her place as the fii-st Dorian state in tlie peninsula. § 3. The imjiortance of the privileges i)ossessed by Argos before the rise of the Spartan power is shown by the histoiy of Pheidon. Tliis re- markable man may be placed alx>ut the eighth Olympiad, or 747 b. c, and daims our attention the more as one of the fiist really historical pei-son- ages hitherto presented to us. He was king of Argos, and is represented as a descendant of the Heracleid Temenus. Having broken through the limits which had been imposed on the authority of his predecessoi-s, he changed the government of Argos into a desjwtism. He then restored her supremacy over all the cities of her confederacy, which had become nearly dissolved. He appears next to have attacked Corinth, and to have suc- ceeded in reducing it under his dominion. He is further reported to have aimed at extending his sway over the greater part of Peloj^nnesus, laying claim, as the descendant of Hercules, to all the cities whicli that hero had ever taken. His power and his influence became so gieat in the Peloix>nnesus, that the Pisatans, who had been accustomed to jn-eside at the 01}Tnpic games, but who had been deprived of this privilege by the Eleans, invited hmi, in the eighth Olympiad, to restore them to their origi- nal rights and exfiel the intruders. This invitation fell in witli the fim- bitious projects of Pheidon, who claimed for himself the right of presiding at these games, which had been instituted by his great ancestor, Hercules. He accordingly marched to Olympia, expelled the Eleans from the sacred spot, and celebrated the games in conjunction with tlie Pisatans. But his triumph did not last long ; the Spartans took the part of the Eleans, and the contest ended in the defeat of Pheidon. In the folowmg Olympiad the Eleans again obtained the management of the festival. It would appear that the power of Pheidon was destroyed in this strug- gle, but of the details of Ids fall we have no information. He did not however fall witliout leaving a very striking and permanent trace of his influence upon Greece. He was the first person who introduced a copper and a silver coinage and a scale of weights and measures into Greece. Through his influence they became adopted throughout Peloponnesus and the greater part of the North of Greece, under the name of the iEginetan scale. There arose subsequently another scale in Greece called the Eu- boic, which was employed at Athens and m the Ionic cities generally, as well as in Euboea. It is usually stated that the coinage of Pheidon was struck in the island of iEgina, but it appears more probable that it was done in Argos, and that the name of iEginetan was given to the coinage and scale, not from the place where they first originated, but from the people whose commercial activity tended to make them more generally known. § 4. The progress of Sparta from the second to the first place among the states in Peloponnesus was mainly owing to the peculiar institutions of the state, and more particularly to the military discipline and rigorous training of its citizens. The singular constitution of Sparta was unani- mously ascribed by the ancients to the legislator Lycurgus, but there were different stories respecting his date, birth, travels, legislation, and death. Some modern writers, on the other hand, have maintained that the Spartan institutions were common to the whole Doric race, and therefore cannot be regarded as the work of a Spartan legislator. In their view, Sparta is the full type of Doric principles, tendencies, and sentiments. This, how- ever, appears to be an erroneous view ; it can be shown that the institu- tions of Sparta were pecuhar to herself, distinguishing her as much from the Doric cities of Argos and Corinth, as from Athens and Thebes. The Cretan institutions bore, it is true, some analogy to those of Sparta, but the resemblance has been greatly exaggerated, and was chiefly confined to the syssitia or public messes. The Spartans, doubtless, had original ten- dencies common to them with the other Dorians ; but the constitution of Lycurgus impressed upon them their peculiar character, which separates them so strikingly from the rest of Greece. Whether the system of Spar- tan laws is to be attributed to Lycurgus, cannot now be determined. He lived in an age when writing was never employed for literary purposes, and consequently no account of him from a contemporary has come down to us. None of the details of his life can be proved to be historically true ; and we are obliged to choose out of several accounts the one which ap- pears the most probable. § 0. There are very great discrepancies respecting the date of Lycur- gus ; but all accounts agree in supposing him to have lived at a very re- mote period. His most probable date is b. c. 776, in which year he is said to have assisted Ipliitus in restoring the Olympic games. He be- longed to the royal family of Sparta. According to the common account, he was the son of Eunomus, one of the two kings who reigned together m Sparta. His father was killed in the civil dissensions which afiBdcted Sparta at that time. His elder brother, Polydectes, succeeded to the crown, but died soon afterwards, leavmg his queen with child. The am- 8 118 mSTOBT OP GEEECE. [Chap. VII. bitious woman offered to destroy the cliild, if Ljcurgus would sliare the throne with her. Ljcurgus pretended to consent ; but as soon as she had given birth to a son, he presented him in tiie market-place as the future king of Siiarta ; and, to testify to the people's joy, gave him the name of Cliiirilaus. The young king's mother took revenge uix)n Lycurgus by accusing him of entertaining designs against his nephew's life. Hereupon he resolved to withdraw from his native country, and to visit foreign lands. lie was absent many years, and is said to have enijdoyed his time hi study- ing the institutions of otiier nations, and in conversiuir with their sa^'es. in onlcr to devise a system of laws and regulations which nn'ght deli\er Sparta from the evils under which it had long been sutlering. He fii^t visited Crete and Ionia ; and, not content with the Grecian world, passed from Ionia into Egypt ; and accor(Hng to some accounts is reported to liave visited Ibtria, Lil)ya, and even India. Dui-ing liis absence the }oung king had grown up, and assumed the rems of government ; but the tiisorders of the state had meantime become worse than ever, and all i)arties longed for a termination of their present sufferings. Accordingly the return of Lycurgus was hailed with delight, and he found the people botli ready and willing to submit to an endre change m tlieir government and institutions. lie now set himself to work to carry his long-projected refiirms into effect ; but before he commenced his arduous task, he consulted the Delphian oracle, fronuwhich Ijc received Strong assurances of divine sui)port. Thus encoui-aged by the god, he suddenly jjresented himself in the market-place, surrounded by thirty of the most distinguished Siiartans in arms. The king, Charilaus, was at first disposed to resist the revolution, but afterwards sui)ported the sche-mes of Ms uncle. Lycurgus now issued a set of ordinances, called Mefrai, by wliich he effected a total revolution in tlie political and military organiza- tion of the people, and in their social and domestic life. His refbnns were not carried into eff«H-t without violent opposition, and in one of the tunudts which they excited, his eye is said to have been struck out by a youth of the name of Alcander. But he finally triumphed over all obstacles, and succeeded in obtaining the submission of all classes in tlie connnunity to his new constitution. His last act was to sacrifice himself for the welfare of his country. Havmg obtained from the people a solemn oath to mjike no aherations in his laws before liis return, he quitted Sparta for ever. He set out on a journey to Delphi, where lie obtained an oracle from the god, approving of all lie had done, and pronn'sing everlasting jirosjierity to the Siiartans as long as tliey preserved his laws. Whitherlie went after- wards, and how and where he died, nobody could teU. He vanished from earth like a god, leaving no traces beliind him but his spirit : and his gmteful countrjTOcn honored liira with a temple, and worshipped him with annual sacrifices down to the latest times. § 6. In order to understand the constitution of Lycurgus, it is necessary B. C. 776.] LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 59 to recollect the peculiar circumstances in which the Spartans were placed. They were a handful of men in possession of a country which they had conquered by the sword, and wliich they could only maintain by the siune means. They probably did not exceed nine thousand men ; and the great object of the legislator was to unite this small body together by the c osest ties and to train them in such habits of hardihood, bravery, and mditary subordination that they might maintain their ascendency over their sub- iects. The means which he adopted to attain this object were exceeding- ly severe, but eminently successful. He subjected the Spartans to a dis- cipline at once monastic and warlike, unparalleled either in ancient or m modern times. Ilis system com])ined the ascetic rigors of a monastery with the stern discipline of a garrison. But before we proceed to relate the details of this extraordinary system, it will be necessary to give an account of the different classes of the population of the country, mid also of the nature of the government. § 7. The population of Laconia was divided into the tliree classes of Spartans, Periocci, and Helots. The Spaitans were the descendants of the leading Dorian conquerors. They fonned the sovereign power of the state, and they alone were ehgi- ble to honors and public offices. They lived in Sparta itseff, and were all subject to the discipline of Lycurgus. They were mamtamed from their estates in different parts of Laconia, which were cultivated for them by the Helots, who paid them a fixed amount of the produce. Originally all Spartans were on a footing of perfect equality. They were divided into three tribes,^ the Ilylleis, the Pamphyli, and the Dymanes, — which were not, however, peculiar to Sparta, but existed in all the Dorian states. They retained their full rights as citizens, and transmitted them to their children, on two conditions ; — first, of submitting to the discipline of Lycurgus ; and secondly, of paying a certam amount to the public mess, which was maintained solely by these contributions. In the course of time many Spartans forfeited their full citizenship from bein- unable to comply with the latter of these conditions, either through losin- their lands or through tlie increase of children in the poorer flimi- lies ° Thus there arose a distinction among the Spai-tans themselves, un- known at an earlier period,^ the reduced number of qualified citizens bein- called the Equals or Peers,* the disfranchised poor, the Inferiors-t The^latter, however, did not become Periceci, but might recover their original rank if they again acquired the means of contributing their por- tion to the public mess. , § 8. The Periceci X were personally free, but politically subject to the * ^. *,^ \0l 'Yiroae loves. t The name UeploiKOL signifies literally " dwellers around the city," and is used gen- erally by the Greeks to signify the inhabitants in the country districts, who possessed in. ferior political privileges to the citizens who lived m the city. I n 60 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. VIL I' Spartans. They possessed no share in the government, and were bound to obey the commands of the Spartan magistrates. They appear to have been partly the descendants of the old Achaean j^opulation of the country, and partly of Dorians who had not been admitted to the full privileges of the ruling class. They were distributed into a hundred townships, which were spread through the whole of Laconia. They fought in the Spartan armies as heavy-armed soldiers, and therefore must have been trained to some extent in the Spartan tactics ; but they were certainly exempt from the peculiar discipline to which the ruling class was subject, and possessed more individual freedom of action. The larger proportion of the land of Laconia belonged to Spartan citizens, but the smaller was the pi-operty of the Pericieci. The whole of the commerce and manufactures of the country was in their exclusive possession, since no Spartan ever engaged in such occupations. They thus had means of acquiring wealth and importance, firom which the Spartans themselves were excluded ; and although they were probably treated by the Spartans with the same haughtiness which they usually displayed towards inferiors, their condition upon the whole does not appear as oppressive or degrading. They were regarded as members of the state, though not possessing the full citizenship, and were included along with the Spartans as Laconians or Lacedremonians. § 9. The Helots were serfs bound to the soil, which they tilled for the benefit of the Spartan proprietors. Their condition was very different firom that of the ordinary slaves in antiquity, and more similar to the villa- nage of the Middle Ages. They lived in tlie rural villages, as the Perioed did in the towns, cultivating the lands and paying over the rent to their masters in Sparta, but enjoying their homes, wives, and families, apart from their master's personal superintendence. They appear to have been never sold, and they accompanied the Si)artans to the field as light-armed troops. But wliile their condition was in these respects superior to that of the ordinary slaves in other parts of Greece, it was embittered by the fact that they were not strangers, like the latter, but were of the same race, and spoke the same language as their masters. Tlieir name is variously explained, and we have different accounts of their origin ; but there is no doubt that they were of pure Hellenic blood, and were probably the descendants of the old inhabitants, who had offered the most obstinate resistance to the Dorians, and had therefore been reduced to slavery.* In the earlier times they appear to have been treated with comparative mildness, but as their numbei*s increased they became objects of greater Buspieion to their masters, and were subjected to the most wanton and op- * The common account derives the name of Helots (EtXwTcr) from the town of Helos ( EXos) in the South of Laconia, the mhabitants of which had rebelled and been reduced to slavery. Otliers connect their name with cXiy, marshes, as if it signified inhabitants of the hielands. Others, again, with more probabiUty, explain EtXwTcy as meaning prisonen, fipom the root of fXcIi/, to take. B. C. 776.] LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 61 pressive cruelty. They were compelled to wear a peculiar dress -a leather cap and a sheepskin^to distinguish them from the rest of the population ; every means was adopted to remind them ot then- mtonor and degraded condition ; and it is said they were often forced to make them- selves drunk, a. a warning to the Spartan youth. ^^ hatever tnvth the e may be in these and similar tales, it is certain that the wanton and mn)oli. tic oppressions of the Spartans produced in the minds of the Helots a deep- seated and inveterate detestation of their masters. They were alway ready to seize any opportunity of rising against their oppressors, and w^^^^^^ gladly "have eaten the flesh of the Spartans raw." Hence Sparta ^ as always in apprehension of a revolt of the Helots, and had recourse to the most atroeiiis means for removing any who had excited theu^ jealousy or their fears. Of this we have a memorable instance m the secret service, called Cryptla* which authorized a select body of Spartan youths to range the country in all directions, armed with daggers, and seci-etly to assassi- nate such of the Helots as were considered formidable. Sonietnnes, how- ever, the Helots, who had distinguished themselves by their braveiy m war, received their freedom from the government; but in that case they fonned a distinct body in the state, known at the tmie of the Pelopon- nesian war by the name of Neodamodes.f § 10. The functions of the Spartan government were distributed among two kin-s, a senate of thirty members, a popular assembly, and an execu- tive directory of five men called the Ephors. This political constitution is ascribed to Lycurgus; but there is good reason for M^^-^^S^^-^J^ Ephors were added at a later time ; and there cannot be any doubt that the senate and the popular assembly were handed down to the Spartans from the Heroic Age, and merely received some mmbfication and regula- tions from Lycurgus. - , ^^f At the hea.1 of the state were the two hereditary kmgs. The existence of a pair of kings was peculiar to Sparta, and is said to have arisen from the accidental circumstance of Aristodemus having left twin sons Euiys henes and Procles. { This division of the royal power naturally tended to weaken its influence, and to produce jealousies and dissensions beM the two kings, who constantly endeavored to thwart each other. The royal power was on the decline during the whole historical period, and the authority of the kings was gradually usurped by the Ephors, who at length obtained the entire control of the government, and reduced the kings to a state of humiliation and dependence. Originally the Spartan kmgs were the real and not the nominal chiefs of the state, and exercised most of the functions of the monarchs of the Hereic Age. In later times the most i ♦ KpuTTTfia, a secret commission, from KpvTrro), Mile, conceal t N€o8a;iu>8f t5 : that is, newly enfranchised. I See above, p. 32. III i 62 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. VIT. important of the prerogatives which they were allowed to retain was the supreme command of the military force on foreign expeditions. But even in this pnvilege tlieir authority was restricted at a later time by the pres- ence of two out of the five Ephors. Although the political power of the kings was thus curtailed, they possessed many important privileges, and were always treated with the profoundest honor and respect. They were regai\led liy the people with a feeling of religious reverence, as the descend- ants of the miglity hero Hercules, and were thus supposed to coimect the entire state with the gods. They were the high-priests of the nation, and every niontli offered sacrifices to Jove on behalf of the people. They {>os- iessed amjjle domains in various parts of Laconia, and received frequent presents on many public occasions. Their death was lamented as a public calamity, and their funeml was solemnized by the most striking obsequies. The Senate, called Gerusia* or the Cmncil of EMers, Qonskted of thirty members, among whom the two kings were included. They were not chosen under sixty years of age, and they held the office for life. They possessed considerable power, and were the only real check upon the authority of the Ephors. They discussed and prepared all measures which were to be brought before the popular assembly, and had some share in the general administration of the state. But the most important of their functions was, that they were judges in all criminal cases affecting the life of a Spartan citizen, without being bound by any written code. The Popular Assembly was of httle importance, and appears to have been usually summoned only as a matter of form, for the election of certain magistrates, for passing laws, and for determining upon peace and war. It would ajipear that open discussion was not allowed, and that the assembly rai-ely came to a division. Such a popular assembly as existed at Athens, in which all public measures were exposed to criticism and comment would have been contrary to one of the first principles of the Spartan gov- ernment in historical times, which was characterized by the extreme secrecy of all its proceedings. The Ephore may be regarded as the representatives of the popular assembly. Tliey were elected annually from the general body of S[)artan citizens, and seem to have been originally apiwinted to protect the interests and liberties of the people against the encroachments of the kings and the senate. They corresi>ond in many respects to the tribunes of the people at Rome. Their functions were at first limited and of small importance ; but in the end the whole political power became centred in their hands. They were thus the real riders of the state, and their orders were submis- sively obeyed by all classes in Sparta. Their authority was of a despotic natm-e, and they exercised it without responsibility. They had the entire management of the internal as well as of the foreign affairs of the state ; Ttpovaia. B. C. 776.] LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 63 they formed a court to decide upon causes of great importance ; they dismisse^nyt their pleasure subordinate magistrates, and imposed upon them fines and imprisonment; they even arrested the kings, and either fined them on their own authority, or brought them to trial before the senate. ^ . It will be seen from the preceding account that the Spartan government was in reality a close oligarchy, in which the kings and the senate, as weU as the people, were alike subject to the iiTCsponsible authority of the five Ephors. § 11. The most important part of the legislation of Lycurgus did not relate to the political constitution of Sparta, but to the discipline and edu- cation of the citizens. It was these which gave Sparta her peculiar char- acter, and distinguislied her in so striking a manner from all the other states of Greece. In modern times it has been usually held that the state exists for the citizen, and that the great object of the state is to secure the Citizen in the enjoyment of his life and his property. In Sparta, on the contrary, the citizen existed only for the state, and was bound to devote to its honor and glory, not only all his time, affections, and energies, but to sacrifice to its interests his property and his life. We have akeady seen that the position of the Spartans, surrounded by numerous enemies, whom they only held in subjection by the sword, compelled them to be a nation of soldiers. Lycurgus determined that they should be nothing else ; and the great object of his whole system was to cultivate a martial spirit, imd to -ive them a training which would make them invincible in battle. To accomplish this, the education of a Spartan was placed under the control of the state from his earliest boyhood, and he continued to be under pubhc inspection to his old age. Every child after birth was exhibited to pubhc view, and if deemed deformed and weakly, and unfit for a future life of labor and fixtigue, was exposed to perish on Mount Taygetus. At the age of seven he ^y^ taken from his mother's care, and handed over to the public classes. His train- ino- was under the special charge of an officer nominated by the state, and wcas subject to the general superintendence of the elders. He was not only tau-lit all the gymnastic games, which would give vigor and strength to his body and all the exercises and movements required from the Lacedie- monian soldiers in the field, but he was also subjected to severe bodily discipline, and was compelled to submit to hardships and suffering ^^thout repining or complaint. One of the tests to which the fortitude of the Si)artan youths was subjected was a cruel scourging at the altar of Ar- temis (Diana), until their blood gushed forth and covered the altar of the goddess. It was inflicted publicly, before the eyes of their parents and m the presence of the whole city ; and many were known to have died under the * Called Paedonomus (waibovofios)- i K 64 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. VIL lasli without uttering a complaining murmur. No means were neglected to prepare tliem for the hardships and stratagems of war. They were obliged to wear the same garment winter and summer, and endure hun- ger and thirst, heat and cold. They were purposely allowed an insuffi- cient quantity of food, but were permitted to make up the deficiency by hunting in the woods and mountains of Laconia. They were even en- couraged to steal whatever they could ; but if they were caught in the fact, they were severely punished for their want of dexterity. Plutarch tells us a story of a boy, who, having stolen a fox, and hid it under his garment, chose rather to let it tear out his very bowels than be detected in the theft. The literaiy education of a Spartan youth was of a most restricted kind. He was taught to despise literature as unworthy of a warrior, while the study of eloquence and philosophy, which were cultivated at Athens with such extraordinary success, was rcganled at Sparta with contempt. Long speeches were a Spartan's abhorrence, and he was trained to express him- self with sententious brevity. He was not, however, an entire stranger to the humanizing influence of the Muses. He was taught to sing and play on the lyre ; but the strains which he learnt were either martial songs or hymns to the gods. Hence the warlike poems of Homer were popular at Sparta from an early period, and are even said to have been introduced into Peloponnesus by Lycurgus himself. The poet Tyrtanis was for the same reason received with high honors by the Sjiartans, notwithstanding their aversion to strangers ; while Archilochus was banished from the country because he had recorded in one of his poems his flight from the field of battle. A Spartan T\-as not considered to have reached the full age of manhood till he had completed his thirtieth year. He was then allowed to marry, to take part in the public assembly, and was eligible to the offices of the state. But he still continued under the public discipline, and was not permitted even to reside and take his meals with liis wife. The greater part, of his time was occupied in gymnastic and military exercises ; he took his meals with his comrades at the |)ubhc mess, and he slept at night in tlie public baiTacks. It was not till he h^d reached liis sixtieth year that he was released from the public discipline and from mihtaiy service. The public mess — called St/sstfia * — is said to have been instituted by Lycurgus to prevent all indulgence of the appetite. Public tables were provided, at which every male citizen was obliged to take his meals. Each table accommodated fifteen persons, who formed a separate mess, into which no new member was admitted, except by the unanimous consent of Svcro'iria, that is, eating or vtessing together or in common. The public mess was also called Phidkia (ja *ei6tTta), or frugal meals. \ B. C. 776.] LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 65 the whole company. Each sent montlily to the comirion stock a specified quantity of barley-meal, wine, cheese, and figs, and a little money to buy flesh and fish. No distinction of any kuid was allowed at these frugal meals. Meat was only eaten occasionally ; and one of the principal dishes was black broth. Of what it consisted we do not know. The tyrant Dionysius found it very palatable ; but, as the cook told him, the broth was nothing without the seasoning of fatigue and hunger. § 12. The Spartan women in their earUer years were subjected to a course of training almost as rigorous as that of the men. They were not viewed as a part of the fiimily, but as a part of the state. Theu- great duty was to give Sparta a vigorous race of citizens, and not to discharge domestic and household duties. They were therefore trained in gymnastic exercises, and contended with each other in running, wrestling, and Ijox- ing. The youths were present at these exercises, and the maidens were allowed in like manner to witness those of the youths. The two sexes were thus brought into a close intercourse in a manner unknown to the rest of Greece ; but it does not appear to have been followed by any in- jurious consequences, and the morals of the Spartan women were pi-obably purer than those of any other females in Greece. At the age of twenty a Spartan woman usually married, and she was no longer subjected to the public discipline. Ahhough she enjoyed Httle of her husband's society, she was treated by him with deep respect, and was allowed a greater degree of liberty than was tolerated in other Grecian states. Hence she took a lively interest in the welfare and glory of her native land, and was ani- mated by an earnest and lofty spirit of patriotism. The Spartan mother had reason to be proud of herself and of her children. When a woman of another country said to Gorge, the wife of Leonidas, " The Spartan women alone rule the men," she replied, " The Spartan women alone bring forth men." Their husbands and their sons were fired by their sym- pathy to deeds of heroism, and were deterred from yielding to the foe by the certain reproaches and contempt which awaited them at their domestic hearths. " Return either with your shield, or upon it," was their exhor- tation to their sons, when going to battle ; and after the fatal day of Leuc- tra, those mothers whose sons had fiiUen returned thanks to the gods ; while those were the bitter sufferers whose sons had survived that disgracefiil day. The triumphant resignation of a Spartan mother at the heroic death of her son, and her fierce wrath when he proved a recreant coward, are well expressed in two striking poems of the Greek Anthology: — " Eight sons Demseneta at Sparta's call Sent forth to fight; one tomb received them all. No tear she shed but shouted, ' Victory ! Sparta, I bore them but to die for thee.' " " A Spartan, his companion slam, Alone from battle fled; 66 HISTORY OF GREECE. [ChAP. VIL His mother, kindling with disdain ' That she had borne him, struck him dead; For courage and not birth alone, In Sparta, testifies a son ! " » §13. One of the most celebrated measures ascribed to Lycurgus by later writers was his redivision of the land of tlie country. It is related that the disordei*s of the state arose mainly from the gross inequality of property : the greater part of the land was in the hands of a few rich men, whilst the majority of the people were left in hopeless misery. In onler to remedy this fearful state of things, he resolved to make a new division of lands, that the citizens miglit all live together in perfect equali- ty. Accoi-dingly, he redistributed the territory belonging to Sparta into nine thousand equal lots, and the remainder of Laconia into thirty thou- sand equal lots, and assigned to each Spartan citizen one of the former of these lots, and to each Perioccus one of the latter. It is, however, very questionable whether Lycurgus ever made any division of the landed property of Laconia. It is not mentioned by any of the earlier writers, and we find in historical times great inequality of property among the Spartans. It is suggested with great probability by Mr. Grote, that the idea of an equal division of landed property by Lycur- gus seems to have arisen in the third century before the Cluistian era, when an attempt was made by Agis and Cleomenes, kings of Sparta, to rescue their country fi-om the state of degradation into which it had sunk. From the time of the Persian war, the number of the Spartan citi- zens was constantly declining, and the property accumulating in a few hands. The number of citizens, reckoned by Herodotus at eight thousand, had dwindled down in the time of Aristotle to one thousand, and had been still further reduced in that of Agis to seven hundred ; and in the reign of this king one hundred alone possessed nearly the whole of the landed property in the state, while the remainder were miserably poor. At the same time the old discipline had degenerated into a mere form ; num- bers of strangers had settled in the city ; and Sparta had long lost her an- cient influence over her neighbors. The humiliating condition of their country roused Agis and other ardent spirits to endeavor to restore Sparta to her former glories ; and for this purpose they resolved to establish again the discipline of Lycurgus in its pristine vigor, and to make a fresh divis- ion of the landed property. Agis perished in liis attempt to carry these reforms into effect ; but a similar revolution was shortly afterwards ac- complished by Cleomenes. It was in the state of pubhc feeling which gave birth to the projects of Agis and Cleomenes, that the idea arose of an equal division of property having been one of the ancient institutions of their great lawgiver. The discipline and education of Lycurgus tended B. C. 776.] LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 67 See Anthohgia Polyghtta, edited by Dr. Wellesley, pp. 191, 202. greatly to introduce equality among the rich and the poor in their habits and enjoyments ; and hence we can easily understand how this equality suggested to a subsequent age an equaUty of property as likewise one of the institutions of Lycurgus. § 14. It has been already remarked, that the Spartans were not allowed to en-a-e in any trade or manufactures ; and that all occupations, pursued for the sake of gain, were left in the hands of the Periocci. We are told that Lycurgus therefore banished from Sparta all gold and sdver money, and allowed nothing but bars of iron to pass in exchange for every com- modity. It is, however, absurd to ascribe such a regulation to Lycurgus, since silver money was first coined in Greece by Pheidon of Argos in the succeeding generation, and gold money was first coined in Asia, and was very little known in Greece, even in the time of the Peloponnesian war. In this case, as in others, the usage of later times was converted into a primitive institution of the lawgiver. As the Spartans were not allowed to enga-e in commerce, and aU luxury and display in dress, furmture, and food was forbidden, they had very little occasion for a circulatmg medium, and iron money was found sufficient for their few wants. But this prohi- bition of the precious metals only made the Spartans more anxious to ob- tain them ; and even m the tunes of their greatest glory the Spartans were the most venal of the Greeks, and could rarely resist the temptation of a pecuniary bribe. . The Spartans were averse to all changes, both in their government and their customs. In order to preserve their national diameter and the primitive simplicity of their habits, Lycurgus is said to have forbidden all stran-ers to reside at Sparta without special permission. For the same reason the Spartans were not aUowed to go abroad without leave of the magistrate. Caution was also another characteristic of the Spartans. Hence we are told that they never pursued an enemy farther than was necessary to make themselves sure of the victory. They were also forbidden by Lycurgus to make frequent war upon the same foes, 'lest the latter should learn then: peculiar tactics. . , j ex, § 15 The city of Sparta was never fortified, even m the days of her greatest power, and continued to consist of five distinct quarters, which were originally separate villages, and which were never united into one reaitans a lx»dy of professional soldiers, well trained and well disciplined, at a time when military training and discipline w^ere little known, and almost unpractised in the other states of Greece. The conse- quence was the rapid growth of the j)olitical power of Sparta, and the sub- jugation of the neighboring states. At the time of Lycurgus the Spartans held only a small portion of Laconia : tliey were merely a garrison in the heart of an enemy's country. Their first object was to make themselves masters of Laconia, in which they finally succeeded after a severe struggle. Tlie military ardor and love of war which had been implanted in them by the institutions of Lycurgus continued to animate them after the sulyuga- tion of Laconia, and led them to seek new conquests. AVe have already seen that tlicy offered a successful resistance to the fonnidable jwwer of Plieidon of Argos. They now began to cast longing eyes upon the posses- sions of their Dorian brethren in Messenia, and to meditate th$ conquest toineiies, the Messemau Hero and Tyrtrens, the Spartan Hero, of this War. § 4. Wars between the Spartans and Arcadians. Conquest of the Southern Part of Arca.lla by Sparta. War between Sparta and Tegca. § 5. Wars between the Spartans and xVrgivcs. Battle of the Three Hundred Champions to decide the Possession of Cynuria. § 1. The early wars of Sparta were carricnl on acralnst the ]Me?i=:enians, Arcadians, and Ar-ivcs. They resulted in making Sparta the nndisputed mi^tr«^^s of two thirds of l\l()i)onnesu<, and the mo-^t powerful of the Grecian states. Of these wars tlie two wa.L^ed against ^Messenia were the most celebrated and the most important. They were both long protracted and obstinately contested. They botli ended in the victory of Sparta, and in the subjugation of ^Messenia. These focts are beyond dispute, and are attested l)y the contemporary poet Tyrtanis. But of the details of these wars we have no trustworthy narrative. The account of them which is inserted in most histories of Greece is taken from Pausanias, a writer who lived in the second century of the Christian era. He derived his narrative of the first war from a prose writcn- of the name of Myron, who did not live earlier than the third century Ix'fore the Chris- tian era; and he took his account of tlie second from a poet called Rhianus, a native of Crete, who Uved about n. c. 220. Both these writers were separated from the events which they narrated l)y a period of five 70 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. VHI. B. C. 685.] SECOND MESSENIAN WAR* 71 hundred yewrs, and probably derived their materials from the stories cur- rent among the Messenians after their restoration to their native land by Epaminondas. Infonnation of an historical chai-acter could not be ex- pected from the work of Rhianus, wliich was an epic poem celebrating the exploits of the great hero Aristomenes. We must not, therefore, receive the common account of the Messenian wars as a real history ; and we shall consequently give only a brief outline of the narrative of Pausanias. The dates of the two wars cannot be fixed with certainty. Pausanias makes the first last from b. c. 743 to 722, and the second from b. c. G85 to 668. Both of these dates are probably too early. § 2. The i*eal cause of the first Messenian war was doubtless the lust of the Spartans for the fertile ferritories of their neigliboi*s. But its origin is narrated in the following manner. On the heights of Mount Tayge- tus, which separated the two kingdoms, there was a temple of Artemis (Diana), common to the Spartans and Messenians. It was here that the Spartan king, Telechis, was slain by the Messenians ; but the two people gave a different version of the cause of his death. The Spartans asserted that Telechis was murdered by the Messenians, while he was attempting to defend some Spartan virgins, whom he wiis conducting to the temple, from the insults of the Messenian youth. The Messenians, on the other hand, averred that Telechis had dressed up young men as virgins with con- cealed daggers, and that Teledus was slam in the affray which ensued upon the discovery of the plot. The war did not, however, immediately break out ; and the direct cause of it was owing to a private quarrel. Polychaix?s, a distinguished Messenian, who had gained the prize at the Olympic games, had been grossly injured by the Spartan Eua^phnus, who had robbed him of his cattle and murdered his son. Being unable to obtain redress from the Spartan government, Polychares took the revenge into his own liands, and killed all the Laceda?monians that came in his way. The Spartans demanded tlie surrender of Polychares, but the Messenians refused to give liim up. Thereupon the Spartans determined uj)on ^var. They silently prepared their forces ; and witliout any formal declaration of war, they crossed the frontier, surprised the fortress of Amphea, and put the inliabiraiits to the sword. Thus commenced the first Messenian war. Euphaes, who was then king of Messenia, carried on the war with energy and vigor. For the first four years the Lacedai-monians made little progi*ess ; but in the fifth a great battle was i'ought, and although its result was indecisive, the Messenians did not venture to risk another engagement, and retired to the strongly fortified mountain of Ithome. In their distress they sent to consult the oracle at Delphi, and received the appalling answer, that the salvation of Messenia requin'tl the sacrifice of a virgin of the house of iEpytus * to the » The royal family of Me-jsenui was descended from Jlpvtus, who was a sou of Cres- phontes. gods of the lower world. Aristodemus offered his own daughter as the victim ; but a young Messenian, who loved the maiden, attempted to save her life by declaring that she was about to become a mother. Her fatliei, enra-ed at this assertion, killed his daughter with his o>>ti hand and opened her body to refute the calumny. Although the demands of the oracle had not been satisfied, since this was a murder and not a sacrifice, the Spar- tans were so disheartened by the news, that they abstained from attackmg the Messenians for some years. In the thirteenth year of the war, the Spar- tan kin-, Theopompus, marched against Ithome, and a second gi'cat battle was fou-ht, but the result was again indecisive. Euphaes fell m the ac- tion • and Ai-istodemus, who was chosen king in his place, prosecuted the war with vigor and ability. In the fifth year of his reign a third great battle was fou-ht, in which the Corinthians fought on the side of the Spar- tans, and the Arcadians and Sicyonians on the side of the Messenians. This time the Messenians gained a decisive victory, and the LacedaBinom- ajis were driven back into their own territory. They now sent to ask advice of the Delphian oracle, and were promised success upon usmg strata-em. They therefore had recourse to fraud; and at the same tune various prodigies dismayed the bold spirit of Ai-istodemus His dau-hter too appeared to him in a dream, showed to him her wounds, and summoned him away. Seeing that his country was doomed to destruction, Aristodemus slew himself on his daughter's tomb. Shortly afterwards, m the twentieth year of the war, the Messenians abandoned Ithome which the Laceda3monians razed to the ground, and the whole country became subject to Sparta. Many of the inhabitants fled into Aiyadia, and the priestly families withdrew to Eleusis, in Attica. Those who remained m Ihe country were treated with great severity. They were reduced to the condition of Helots, and were compelled to pay to then- masters half of the produce of their lands. This is attested by the authority of Tyrta^us who says, "Like asses worn down by heavy burdens, they were compelled to make over to their masters an entire half of the produce of their fields, and to come in the garb of woe to Sparta, themselves and then- wives, as mourners at the decease of the kings and principal persons." § 3 For thirty-nine years the Messenians endured this degradmg yoke. At the end of this time (b. c G85) they took up arms against their op- pressors, having found a leader in Aristomenes, of Andama, sprung from the royal Une of ^pytus. The exploits of this hero form the great sub- iect of the second Messenian war. It would appear that most of the states in Peloponnesus took part in this struggle. The Argives, Arcadians Sicyonians, and Pisatans were the principal allies of the Messenians ; bu the Corinthians sent assistance to Sparta. The first battle was fought before the arrival of the allies on either side ; and though it was mdecisive, the valor of Ai-istomenes struck fear into the hearts of the Spartans To frighten the enemy still more, the hero crossed the frontier, entered Sparta 71 HISTORY OF GREECE. [CflAP. vni B. C. 668.] SECOND MESSENIAN WAR. 73 h by night, and affixed a shield to the temple of Athena Chalcioecus (Mi- nerva of the Brazen House), with the inscription, " Dedicated by Aris- tomenes to the goddess from the Spartan spoils." The Spartans in alarm sent to Delphia for advice. The god bade them apply to Athens for a leader. Fearing to disobey the oracle, but with the view of rendering no real assistance, the Athenians sent Tyrtaius of Aphidna?, who is represented in the popular legend as a lame man and a schoolmaster. The Spartans received their new leader with due honor ; and he was not long in justifying tlie credit of the oracle. His martial songs roused the fainting courage of the Spartans, and animated them to new efforts against the foe.* The Spartans showed their gratitude by making him a citizen of their state. So etficacious were his poems, that to them is mainly ascribed the final success of the Spartans. Hence he appears as the great hero of Sparta during the second Messenian war. Some of his celebrated songs have come down to us, and the following war-march is a specimen: — " To the field, to the field, gnllant Spartan band, Worthy sons, like your sires, of our warlike land! Let each arm be prepared for its part in the fight, Fix the shield on the left, poise the spear with the right, Let no care for your lives in your bosoms find place, No such care knew the heroes of old Spartan race." f Encouraged by the strains of Tyrtajus, the Spartans again marched against the Messenians. But they were not at first successful. A great battle was fouglit at the Boards Grave in the plain of Stenyclerus, in which the allies of both sides were present. The Spartans were defeated with great loss ; and the Messenian maidens of a later day used to sing how *' Airistomenes pursued the flying Lacedajmonians down to the mid-plain of Stenyclerus, and up to the very summit of the mountain." In the third year of the war another great battle was fought, in which the Messenians suffered a signal defeat, in consequence of tiie treachery of Aristocrates, the king of the Arcadian Orcliomenus. So great wtis the loss of the Messenians, tliat Aristomenes no longer ventured to meet the Spartans in the open field; he therefore resolved to follow the example of the Mes- senian leaders in the former war, and concentrate his strength in a forti- fied spot. For this purpose he chose the mountain fortress of Ira, and there he continued to prosecute the war for eleven years. The Spartans encamped at the foot of the mountain ; but Aristomenes frequently sallied from his fortress, and ravaged the lands of Laconia with fire and sword. It is unnecessary to relate all the wonderful exploits of tliis hero in his various incursions. Thrice did he offer to Jove Ithomates the sacri- * " Tyrtfeusque mares animos in Martia bella Versibus exacnit." — Hor. Ar$ PotU 402. t Mure's Historj- of Greek Literature, Vol. IIL p. 195. fice called Hecatomphonia, reserved for the warrior who had slain a hundred enemies with his own hand. Thrice he was taken prisoner ; on two occasions he burst his bonds, but on the third he was cai'ried to Spar- ta, and thi-o^vn with his fifty companions into a deep pit, called Ceadas. His comrades were all killed by the fall ; but Aristomenes reached the bottom unhurt. He saw, however, no means of escape, and had re- signed liimself to death ; but on the third day, perceiving a fox creeping among the bodies, he grasped its tail, and, followang the animal as it strug- gled to escape, discovered an opening in the rock. Through the favor of the gods the hero thus escaped, and on the next day was again at Ira, to the ''surprise alike of friends and foes. But his single prowess was not sufficient to avert the ruin of his country ; he had incuiTcd, moreover, the anger of the Dioscuri or the Twin gods ; and the fiivor of Heaven was therefcTre turned from him. One night the Spartans surprised Ira, while Aristomenes was disabled by a wound ; but he collected the bravest of his followers, and forced his way through the enemy. He took refuge in Arcadia, where \g was hospitably received ; but the plan which he had formed for surprising Sparta was betrayed by Aristocrates, whom his countrymen stoned for his treachery. Many of the exiled Messenians went to Rhegium; in Italy, under the sons of Aristomenes, but the hero himself finished his days in Rhodes. His memory long lived in the hearts of his countrymen ; and later legends related, that in the fatal battle of Leuctra, which destroyed for ever the Lacedajmonian power, the hero was seen scattering destruction among the Spartan troops. The second Messenian war was terminated by the complete subjugation of the Messenians, who again became the serfs of their conquerors (b. c. 668). In this condition they remained till the restoration of their inde- pendence by Epameinondas, in the year 369 b. c. During the whole of the intervening period the Messenians disappear from history. The coun- try called Messenia in the map was in reality a portion of Laconia, which, after the second Messenian war, extended across the South of Peloponne- sus from the eastern to the western sea. § 4. Of the history of the wars between the Spartans and Arcadians we have fewer details. The Spartans made various attempts to extend their dominion over Arcadia. Hence the Arcadians afforded assistance to the Messenians in their struggle against Sparta, and they evinced their sym- pathy for this gallant people by putting to death Aristocrates of Orchome- nus, as has been akeady related. The conquest of Messenia was prob- ably followed by the subjugation of the southern part of Arcadia. We know that the northern frontier of Laconia, consisting of the districts called Sciritis, Beleminatis, Maleatis, and Caryatis, originally belonged to Arcadia, and was conquered by the Lacedemonians at an early period. The Lacedajmoniims, however, did not meet with equal success in their 10 74 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. VIII. ! attempts against Tegea. This city was situated in the southeastern corner of Arcadia, on the very frontier of Lawnia. It possessed a brave and war- like popuhition, and defied the Spartan power for more than two centu- ries. As early as the reign of Charilaiis, the nephew of Lycurgus, the Lacedemonians had invaded the territory of Tegea ; but they were not only defeated with great loss, but this king was tiiken prisoner with all his men who had survived the battle. Long aftenvards, in the reign of Leon and Agesicles (about b. c. 580), the Lacedannonians again mjirched against Tegea, but were again defeated witli great loss, and were com- pelled to work as slaves in the very chains which they Iiad brought with them for the Tegeatans. For a whole generation their arms continued unsuccessful ; but in the reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston, the succes- sors of Leon and Agesicles (about B. c. 5C0), they were at length able to bring the long-protracted struggle to a close. In their distress, they had apphed as usual to the Delphic oracle for advice, and had been promised success if they could obtain the bones of Orestes, the son of Agamemnon. The directions of the god enabled them to find the remains of the hero at Tegea: and by a skilful stratagem one of theu- citizens succeeded in car- r}'ing the holy relics to Sparta. The tide of the war now turaed. The Tegeatans were constantly defeated, and were at length obhged to ac- knowledge the supremacy of Sparta; They were not, however, reduced to subjection, like the Messenians. They still continued masters of their own city and territory, and only became dependent allies of Sparta. § 5. Tlie history of the early struggle between Argos and Sparta is quite unknown. We have already seen that the whole eastern coast of Peloponnesus had originally belonged to Argos, or the confederacy over which this city presided. The Lacedaemonians, however, succeeded not only in conquering all the eastern coast of Laconia, but also m aimexing to their territoiy the district of Cynuria,* on their northern frontier, which had originally formed part of the dominions of Argos. It is uncertain at what time the Lacediemonians obtained this important acquisition ; but the attempt of the Argives to recover it in 547 b. c. led to one of the most celebrated combats in early Grecian history. It was agreed between the Lacedaemonians and Argives that the iwssession of the territory sliould be decided by a combat between three hundred chosen champions on either side. So fierce was the conflict, that only one Si)artan and two Argives survived. The latter, supposing that all their opponents had been slain, hastened home Avith the news of victory ; but Othryades, the Spartan war- rior, remained on the field, and sjwiled the dead bodies of the enemy. Both sides claimed the victory, whereupon a general battle ensued, in which the Argives were defeated. The brave Othryades slew himself on * The plain called Thyreatls, from the town of Thyrea, was the most important part of pynaria. B. C. 547.] WAR BETWEEN SPARTA AND ARGOS. 7a the field of battle, being ashamed to return to Sparta as the one survivor of her three hundred champions. This victory secured the Spartans in the possession of Cynuria, and effectually humbled the power of Argos. Sparta was now by far the most powerful of the Grecian states. Her own territory, as we have already seen, included the whole southern por- tion of Peloponnesus ; the Arcadians were her subject allies ; and Argos had suffered too much from her recent defeat to offer any further resist- ance to her formidable neighbor. North of the Isthmus of Corinth there was no state whose power could compete with that of Spaita. Athens was still suffering from the civil dissensions which had led to the usurpation of Peisistratus, and no one could have anticipated at this time the rapid and extraordinary growth of this state, which rendered her before long the rival of Sparta. f Messene. 74 HISTORY OF GKEECE. [ClIAP. VIII. B. C. 547.] WAR BETWEEN SPARTA AND ARGOS. mm m 7o attempts against Togca. This city was situated in the soutlicasteni coi-ner of Ai'cadia, on the wvy frontier of Laeonia. It i)osscss(;d a hrave and war- like iH>puIation, and defi<'d the Spartan ix)wer for more than two centu- ries. As ), the Laeeda'inonians again niarehcd against T( gca, but were again defeated with great loss, and were eom- pellcd to work as slaves in the very chains which they had brought with them for the Tegeatans. For a whole generation their anns continued unsuecessfid ; but in the reign of Anaxanilrides and Aiiston, the sueces- soi-s of Leon and Agesides (about b. c. 5G0), they were at length able to bring tlie long-protracted struggle to a close. Li their distress, they had applir'd as usual to the Delphic oracle for advice, and had been [>roniised success it' they couM obtain the liones of Orestes, the son of Againeninon. The directions of the go«l enabled them to find the remains of the hero at Tegea: and by a skilful stratagem one of their citizens succeeded in car- rying the Iioly relics to Sparta. The tide of the war now turned. The Tegeatans were constantly defeatetl, ami were at length obliged to ac- knowledge tlie supremacy of Si (arta. They were not, however, reduced to subji'ction, like the Messenians. They still continued masters of their own city and territory, and only became de])endent allies of Sparta. § t>. The history of the early struggle between Argos and Si)arta is quite unknown. We have already seen that the whole eastern coast of Peloi>oniK'sus had originally belonged to Argos, or the confed<'racy over which this city presided. The Laeeda'inonians, however, succeeded not only in eoiKiuering all the eastern coast of Laeonia, but also in annexing to their territory the district of Cynuria,* on their northern frontier, which bad originally formed j)art of the dominions of Argos. It is uncertain at what time the Laceda-monians obtained this important acquisition ; but the attemi)t of the Argives to recover it in ") 17 u. c. led to one of the most celebrated combats in early Grecian history. It was agreed between the Lacedamonians and Argives that the jiossession of the territory should bo deciiled by a comliat between three hundred chosen chami)ions on either side. So fieix-e was tlie conflict, that only one S[>artan and two Argives 8ui*\ived. The latter, su[>posing tliat all their opponents had been slaui, hastened home with the news of victory ; but Olhryades, the Spartan war- rior, remained on the fu -Id, and spoiled the dead bodies of the enemy. Both sides claimed the victory, whereujjon a general battle ensued, in which the Argives werc defeated. The brave Othryades slew himself on the field of battle, being ashamed to return to Sparta as the one survivor of her three hundred champions. This victory secured the Spartans in the possession of Cynuria, and effectually humbled the power of Ar«ros. Sparta was now by far the most powerful of the Grecian states. Her own territory, as we have already seen, included the whole southern por- tion of Peloponnesus ; the Arcadians were her subject allies ; and Ai-gos had suffered too much from her recent defeat to offer any further resist- ance to her formidable neighbor. North of the Isthmus of Corinth there was no state whose power could compete with that of Sjiarta. Athens was still surtering from the civil dissensions which had led to the usurpation of l*eisistratus, and no one could have anticipated at this time the rapid and extraordinary growth of this state, which rendered her before long the rival of Sparta. Messene. * The plain called Thj-reatis, from the town of HjBwa, was the most important pRrt of Cynuria. ■J 76 mSTORT OF GREECE. [Chat, is: 'f Leaden Sliiig-bullets and Arrow-heads, found at Athens, Marathon, and Leontini. CHAPTER IX THE AGE OF THE DESPOTS. f 1. Abolition of Royalty throughout Greece, except in Sparta. § 2. Establishment of the Oligarchical Governments. { 3. Overthrow of the Oligarchies by the Despots. Character of the Despots, and Causes of their Fall. 4 4. Contest between Oligarchy and Democ- racy on the Removal of the Despots. § 5. Despots of Sicyon. History of Cleisthenes. § 6. Despots of Corinth. History of Cypselns and Periander. § 7. Conflicts of tho Oligarchical and Democratical Parties at Megara. Despotism of Theagenes. The Poet Theognis. § 1. Sparta was the only state in Greece which continued to retain the kingly fonn of government during the brilliant period of Grecian history. In all other parts of Greece royalty had been abolished at an early age, and various forms of republican government established in its stead. In all of these, though differing widely from each other in many of their insti- tutions, hatred of monarchy was a universal feeling. This change in the popular mind deserves our consideration. In the Heroic Age, as we have ah-eady seen, monarchy was the only form of government known. At the head of every state stood a king, who had derived his authority from the gods, and whose commands were reverently obeyed by his people. The only check upon his authority was the council of the chiefs, and even they rarely ventured to interfere with his rule. But soon after the commence- ment of the first Olympiad this reverential feeling towards the king dis- appears, and his authority and his functions are transferred to the council of chiefs. This important revolution was owing mainly to the smallness of the Grecian states. It must be constantly remembered that each political coiAmunity consisted only of the inhabitants of a single city. Among so smaU a body the king could not surround himself with an^^ iK)mi» or Chap. IX.] THE GRECIAN DESPOTS. 77 mystery. He moved as a man among his fellow-men ; his faults and his foibles became known to all ; and as the Greek mind developed and en- larged itself, his subjects lost all belief in his divine right to their obedience. They had no exlent of territory which rendered it advisable to maintain a king for the purpose of preserving their union ; and consequently, when they lost respect for his person, and faith in his divine right, they abolished the dignity altogether. This change appears to have been accomplished without any sudden or violent revolutions. Sometimes, on the death of a king, his son was acknowledged as ruler for life, or for a certain number of years, with the title of Archon ; * and sometimes the royal race was set aside altogether, and one of the nobles was elected to supply the place of the king, with the title of Prytanis^ or President.f In all cases, however, the new magistrates became more or less responsible to the nobles ; and in course of time they were elected for a brief period from the whole body of the nobles, and were accountable to the latter for the manner m which they discharged the duties of their office. § 2. The abolition of royalty was thus followed by an Oligarchy, or the govemment of the Few. This was the first form of republicanism in Greece. Democracy, or the govemment of the Many, was yet unknown ; and the condition of the general mass of the freemen appears to have been unaftected by the revolution. But it paved the way to greater changes. It taught tlie Greeks the important principle that the political power was vested in the citizens of the state. It is true tliat these were at first only a small portion of the freemen ; but their number might be enlarged ; and the idea could not fail to occur, that the power which had been transferred from the One to the Few might be still further extended from the Few to the Many. The nobles possessed the greater part of the land of the state, and were hence frequently distinguished by the name of Geomori or Gamori.t Their estates were cultivated by a rural and dependent population ; whilst they themselves lived in the city, and appear to have formed an exclu- sive order, transmitting their privileges to their sons alone. But besides this governing body and their rustic dependents, there existed two other classes, consisting of small landed proprietors, who cultivated their fields with their own hands, and of artisans and traders residing in the town. These two classes were constantly increasing in numbers, wealth, and intel- ligence, and, consequently, began to demand a share in the government, from which they had hitherto been excluded. The ruling body meantune had remained stationary, or had even declined in numbei*s and in wealth ; and they had excited, moreover, the discontent of the people by the arbi- trary and oppressive manner in which they had exercised their authority. But it was not from the people that the oligarcliies received then- first and % T€a)fi6poi (Ionic), TayiOpoi (Doric), land-oumers. I UpvraviS' i r 78 mSTORT OP GREECE. [Chap. IX greatest blow. They were generally overthrown by the usurpers, to whom the Greeks gave the name of Tyrants.* § 3. The Greek wonl Tyrant does not correspond in meaning to the same word in the English language. It signifies simply an irresponsible ruler, and may therefore be more correctly rendered by the term Despot The rise of the Desjjots seems to have taken place about the same time in a lai-ge number of the Greek cities. Tliey begin to appear in the middle of the seventh century b. c; and in the course of the next hundred and fifty years (from b. c. 650 to 500) there were few cities in the Grecian world wliich escaped this revolution in their government. The gix)wing discontent of the general body of the people afforded facilities to an am- bitious citizen to overthrow the existing oligarchy, and to make himself su- preme ruler of the state. In most cases the despots belonged to the nobles, but they acquired their power in various ways. The most frequent man- ner in which they became masters of the state was by esjiousing the cause of the commonalty, and making use of the strength of the latter to put down the oligarchy by force. Sometimes, but more rarely, one of the nobles, who had been raised to the chief magistracy for a temporary period, availed himself of his position to retam his dignity permanently, in spite of his brother nobles. There was another class of irresiK)nsible rulers to whom the name of JEsymmtes,^ or Dictator, was given. The supreme power was voluntarily intrusted to him by the citizens, but only for a limited period, and in order to accomplish some important object, such as reconciling the various factions in the state. The government of most of the desi)ots was oppressive and cruel. In many states they were at first jwpular with the general body of the citi- zens, who had raised them to power and were glad to see the humiliation of their former masters. But discontent soon began to arise; the despot had recoui-se to violence to put down disaffection, and thus became an object of hatred to his fellow-citizens. In order to protect himself he called in the aid of foreign troops, and took up his residence in the acropolis, sun-ounded by his mercenaries. The most illustrious citizens were now exiled or put to death, and the government became in reality a tyranny in the modern sense of the word. Some of these despots erected magnificent public works, either to gratify their own love of splendor and display, or with the express view of mipoverishing their subjects. Others were patrons of literature and art, and sought to gain popularity by inviting literary men to their court. But even those who exercised then- sover- eignty with moderation were never able to retain their popularity. The assumption of irresponsible power by one man had become abhorrent to the Greek mind. A j^erson thus raismg himself above the law was con- sidered to have forfeited all title to the protection of the law. He was regarded as the greatest of criminals, and his assassination was viewed as a * Tvpauvtn* \ AlffviJiv^Tris, B. C.595.^ THE DESPOTS OF SICTON. 79 righteous and holy act. Hence few despots grew old in their government ; still fewer bequeathed their power to their sons ; and very rarely did the dynasty continue as long as the third generation. § 4. Many of the despots in Greece were put down by the Lacedde- monians. The Spartan government, as we have already seen, was essen- tially an oligarchy ; and the Spartans were always ready to lend their powerful aid to the support or the establishment of the government of the Few. Hence they took an active part in the overthrow of the despots, with the intention of establishing the ancient oligarchy in their place. But this rarely happened; and they thus became unintentional instru- ments in promoting the principles of the popular party. The rule of the despot had broken down the distinction between the nobles and the general body of freemen ; and upon the removal of the despot it was found impos- sible in most cases to reinstate the fonner body of nobles in their ancient privileges. The latter, it is true, attempted to regam them, and were sup- ported in their attempts by Sparta. Hence arose a new struggle. The first contest after the abolition of royalty was between oligarchy and the despot ; the next, which now ensued, was between oligarchy and democracy. The history of Athens will affoixl the most striking illustration of the different revolutions of which we have been speakmg; but there are some examples in the other Greek states which must not be passed over entirely. § 5. The city of Sicyon, situated to the west of the Corinthian Isthmus, was governed by a race of despots for a longer period than any other Greek state. Their dynasty lasted for a hundred years, and is said to have been founded by Orthagoras, about b. c. 676. This revolution is worthy of notice, because Orthagoras did not belong to the oligarchy. The latter consisted of a portion of the Dorian conquerors ; and Orthagoras, who belonged to the old inhabitants of the country, obtained the power by the overthrow of the Dorian oligarchy. He and his successors were doubt- less supported by the old population, and this was one reason of the long continuance of their power. The last of the dynasty was Cleisthenes, who was celebrated for his wealth and magnificence, and who gained the vic- tory in the chariot-race in the Pythian and Olympic games. He aided the Amphictyons in the sacred war against Cirrha (b. c. 595), and he was also engaged in hostilities with Argos. But the chief point in his history which claims our attention was his systematic endeavor to depress and dis- honor the Dorian tribes. It has been already remarked,* that the Dorians in all their settlements were divided into the three tribes of Hylleis, Pamphyli, and Dymanes. These ancient and venerable names he changed into new ones, derived from the sow, the ass, and the pig,t while he de- clared the superiority of his own tribe by giving it the designation of * Above, Chap. VII. § 7. t HyatsB ('Yarot), Oneat® QOv€aTtu)j Choereate (Xoipfoxiu). ■ it ' j J 1 I \ 80 mSTOST OP GREECE. XChap. IX. If Archelai, or lords of the people. Cleisthenes appears to have continued despot till his death, which may be placed about b. c. 560. The dynasty perished \vith him. He left no son ; but his daughter Agarista, whom so many suitors wooed, was married to the Athenian Megacles, of the great family of the Alcmaeonidai, and became the mother of Cleisthenes, the founder of the Athenian democracy after the expulsion of the Peisistratidse. § 6. The despots of Corinth were still more celebrated. Their dynasty lasted seventy-four years. It was founded by Cypselus, who overthrew the oligarchy called the Bacchiadoe in b. c. 655. His mother belonged to the Bacchiadae ; but as none of the race would marry her on account of her lameness, she espoused a man who did not belong to the ruling class. The Bacchiadaj, having learnt that an oracle had declared that the issue of this marriage would prove their ruin, endeavored to mur- der the child; but his mother preserved hun in a chest, from which he derived his name.* When he had grown up to manhood he came forward as the champion of the people against the nobles, and with their aid expelled the Bacchiadae, and established himself as despot. He held his power for thirty years (b.c. 655-625), and transmitted it on his death to his son Periander. His government is said to have been mild and popuW. The sway of Periander, on the other hand, is universally represented as oppressive and cruel. iMany of the tales related of hun may be regarded as the calumnies of his enemies ; but there is good reason for believing that he ruled with a rod of iron. The way in wliich he treated the nobles is illustrated by a well-known tale, which has been transferred to the early history of Rome. Soon after his accession Periander is said to have sent to Thrasybulus, despot of Miletus, to ask him for advice as to the best mode of maintaining his power. Without givmg an answer in writing, Thrasybulus led the messenger through a corn-field, cutting off, as he went, the tallest ears of com. He then dismissed the messenger, telling him to mform his master how he had found him employed. The action was rightly interpreted by Periander, who proceeded to rid himself of the powerful nobles of the state. The anecdote, whether true or not, is an indication of the common opinion entertained of the government of Peri- ander. We are further told tlmt he protected his person by a body-guard of mercenaries, and kept all rebellion in check by his rigorous measures. It is admitted on all hands that he possessed great ability and military skill; and, however oppressive his government may have been to the citizens of Corinth, he raised the city to a state of great prosperity and power, and made it respected alike by friends and foes. Under his sway Corinth was the wealthiest and the most powerful of all the commercial communities of Greece ; and at no other period in its history does it appear in so flourishing a condition. In his reign many important colonies were ♦ Cypselus from csgmli (icv^'Xiy), a chest B. C. 600.J THE DESPOTS OP CORINTH AND MEGARA. 81 founded by Corinth on the coast of Acamania and the surrounding islands and coaSts, and his sovereignty extended over Corcyra, Ambracia, Leucas, and Anactorium, all of which were independent states in the next genera- tion. Corinth possessed harbors on either side of the Isthmus, and the customs and port-dues were so considerable, that Periander required no other source of revenue. Periander was also a warm patron of literature and art. He welcomed the poet Arion and the philosopher Anacharsis to his court, and was num* bered by some among the Seven Sages of Greece. The private life of Periander was marked by great misfortunes, which embittered liis latter days. He is said to have killed his wife Melissa in a fit of anger ; whereupon his son Lycophron left Corinth and withdrew to Corcyra. The youth continued so incensed against his father that he refused to return to Corinth, when Periander in his old a«e bejrjred him to come back and assume the government. Finding him inexorable, Periander, who was anxious to insure the continuance of his dynasty, then offered to go to Corcyra, if Lycophron would take his place at Corinth. To this his son assented; but the Corcyrajans, fearing tlie stem rule of the old man, put Lycophron to death. Periander reigned forty years (b. c. 625 - 585). He was succeeded by a relative, Psammetichus, son of Gorgias, who only reigned between three and four years, and is said to have been put down by the Lacedaemonians. § 7. During the reign of Periander at Corfnth, Tlieagenes made liimself despot in the neighboring city of Megara, probably about b. c. G30. He overthrew the oligarchy by espousing the popular cause ; but he did not maintain his power till his death, and was driven from the government about B. c. 600. A struggle now ensued between the oligarchy and the democracy, which was conducted with more than usual violence. The popular party obtained the upper hand, and abused their victory. The poor entered the houses of the rich, and forced them to provide costly banquets. They confiscated the property of the nobles, and drove most of them into exile. They not only cancelled their debts, but also forced the aristocratic creditors to refund all the interest which had been paid. But the expatriated nobles returned in arms and restored the oligarchy. They were, however, again expelled, and it was not till after long struggles and convulsions that an oligarchical government was permanently established at Megara. These Megarian revolutions are interesting as a specimen of the stmg- gles between the oligarchical and democratical parties, which seem to have taken place in many other Grecian states about the same time. Some account of them is given by the contemporary poet Theognis, who himself belonged to the oligarchical party at Megara. He was born and spent his life in the midst of these convulsions, and most of his poetry was com- posed at the time when the oligarchical party was oppressed and in exile. 11 I i ^;' Oifi HISTORY OF OREECB. [Chap. IX. In bis poems the nobles are the goody and the commons the had, terms which at that period were regularly used in this political signification, and not in their later ethical meaning.* We find in his poems some interest- ing descriptions of the social changes which the popular revolution had effected. It had rescued the country population fi*oni a condition of abject poverty and serfdom, and had given them a share in the government " Our commonwealth preserves its former fame: Onr common people are no more the same. They that in skins and hides were rudely dressed, Nor dreamt of law, nor sought to be redressed By rules of right, but in the days of old Lived on the land, like cattle in the fold, Are now the Brave and Good; and we, the rest, Are now the Mean and Bad,j though once the best." An aristocracy of wealth had also begun to spring up in place of an aris- tocracy of birth, and intermarriages had taken place between the two parties in the state. ** But in the daily matches that we make The price is everything ; for money's sake Men marry, — Women are in marriage given ; The Bad or Ccnca7xl,f that in wealth has thriven, May match his offspring with the proudest race: Thus everything is mixed, noble and base." Theognis lost his property in the revolution, and had been driven into exile ; and the following lines show the ferocious spirit which sometimes animated the Greeks in their party struggles. " Yet my full wish, to drink their very blood. Some power divine, that watches for my good. May yet accomplish. Soon may he fulfil My righteous hope, —my just and hearty will." { These Sicyonian, Corinthian, and Megarian despots were some of the most celebrated ; and their history will serve as samples of what took place in most of the Grecian states in the seventh and sixth centuries before the Christian era. * It should be recollected that the terras oi aya&olj iarffkoi, /3cXTtin of Corinth. f / Chap. X.] EARLY HISTORT OF ATHENS. 83 Croesus on the Funeral Pile. (See p. 95.) - From an Ancient Vase. CHAPTER X. EARLY HISTORY OP THE ATHENIANS DOWN TO THE USURPATION OP PEISISTRATUS. * Thf^f "'fj" °a1v« "" 'fJ^f Independent States, said to have been united by ^ Z"r tL! T ,2" "f ** ^*'"'"''- (I-) Eupatrid^e, Geomori, Demiurgi. Jlnbes into Tnttyes and Nancrariaj, and into Phrati™ and Gene or Gentes 4 K TI,. wZr ^he r? '^ f ' """^ "' '"" ^"'"""<"^- Tl.e ^'ine^r.:ns Ld thei Sanctions The Senate of Areopagus. 4 6. The Legislation of Draco f, 7 The cZ epimcy of Cylon. His Failure, and Massacre of his Partisans by m^J. the ^cmT omd. Kxpulsion of the Alcmceonidis. ^ 8. Visit of E,,imerde, to Afte„? mt^^' Snr uf foJ !; Tri^r ^ "• «--f Atrtrtreur^^sowf-i^t Biation. § n. Solon elected Archon, b. c. 694, with Legislative Power« 4 12 Hk SeuacWhem or Disburdening Ordinance. « 13. His Constifutional ChL^k * Lsfo„ ina e^ftoVr°HuLTd ?T' ■"""''""' *" "■"" ''"'^^^ * '^- I-sS,^tion o™he aenate of Four Hundred. Enlargement of the Powers of the Areopa>v (ironwfioS' I O ^uiTiXfvs. In the same manner the title of Eex Sacrificulus or Rex Sacrorum was retained at Ttome after the abolition of royalty. ^ *0 UoXffiapxos. ** Gf Ufiodrrai. The word Btafioi was the ancient term for latos, and was afterwards supplanted by vofioi. The later expression for making laws is BitrBai vofiovs. ? had the decision of all disputes which did not specially belong to the other three. Their duties seem to have been almost exclusively judicial ; and for tliis reason they received their name, not tliat they made the laws, but because their particular sentences had the force of laws in the absence of a written code. The Senate, or Council of Areopagus, was the only other political power in the state in these early times. It received its name from its place of meeting, which was a rocky eminence near the Acropolis, called the Hill of Ares (Mars' Hill).* Its institution is ascribed by some writers to Solon ; but it existed long before the time of that legislator, and may be regarded as the representative of tlie council of chiefs in the Hei*oic Ages. It was originally called simply The Senate or Council, and did not obtain the name of the senate of Areopagus till Solon instituted another senate, from which it was necessary to distinguish it. It was of course formed exclu- sively of Eupatrids, and all the archons became members of it at the expira- tion of their year of office. § 6. The government of the Eupatrids, like most of the early oligarchies, seems to have been oppressive. In the absence of written laws, the archons possessed an arbitrary power, of which they probably availed themselves to the benefit of their friends and their order, and to the injury of the general body of citizens. The consequence was gi-eat dis- content, which at length became so serious, that Draco was appointed in 624 B. c. to draw up a written code of laws. He did not change the political constitution of Athens, and the most remai-kable characteristic of his laws was their extreme severity. He affixed the penalty of death to all crimes alike ', — to petty thefts, for instance, as well as to sacrilege and murder. Hence they were said to have been written not in ink, but in blood ; and we are told that he justified this extreme harshness by say- ing, that small offences deserved death, and that he knew no severer pun- ishment for great ones. This severity, how#»rer, must be attributed rather to the spirit of the times, than to any peculiar harshness in Draco himself; for he probably did little more than reduce to writing the ordinances which had previously regulated his brother Eupatrids in then- decision of cases. His laws would of course appear excessively severe to a later age, long aecustomed to a milder system of jurisprudence ; but there is reason for believing that their severity has been somewhat exaggerated. In one instance, indeed, Draco softened the ancient rigor of the law. Before his tune all homicides were tried by the senate of Areopagus, and, if found guilty, were condemned to suffer the full penalty of the law, — either death, or perpetual banishment with confiscation of property. The senate had no power to take account of any extenuating or justifying circum- stances. Draco left to this ancient body the trial of all cases of wilful mur- der ; but he appointed fifly-one new judges, called Ephetce,^ who were to * *0 "'Apcios Trayor. f f *Evith their disgrace, imd called upon them to reconquer " the lovely island." " Rather," he exclaimed, " would I be a denizen of the most contemptible community in Greece than a citizen of Athens, to be pointed at as one of those Attic dastards who had so basely relinquished their right to Salamis." His stratagem was completely successful. His friends seconded his proposal : and the people unanimously rescinded the law, and resolved once more to try the fortune of war. Solon was appointed to the command of the expedition, in which he was accompanied by his young kinsman, Peisis- tratus. In a single campaign (about B. c. 600) Solon drove the Megari- ans out of the island ; but a tedious war ensued, and at last both parties agreed to refer the matter in dispute to the arbitration of Sparfa. Solon pleaded the cause of his countrymen, and is said on this occasion to have forged the Hne in the Iliad,* which represents Aias (Ajax) ranging his ship with those of the Athenians. The Lacedemonians decided in favor of the Athenians, in whose hands the island remained henceforward down to the latest times. Soon after the conquest of Salamis, Solon's reputation was further in- creased by espousing the cause of the Delphian temple against Cirrha. He is said to have moved the decree of the Amphictyons, by which war was declared against the guilty city (b. c. 595).t § 10. The state of Attica at the tune of Solon's legislation demands a more particular account than we have hitherto given. Its population was divided into three factions, who were now in a state of violent hostility agamst each other. These parties consisted of the Pedieis,t or wealthy Eupatrid inhabitants of the plams ; of the Diacni,% or poor inhabitants of the hilly districts in the north and east of Attica ; and of the Parali,\\ or mercantile inhabitants of the coasts, who held an intermediate position be- tween the other two. »n. 558. § Atdxpioi. t See p. 48. I ndpaXoi. I ncdutf or TLtdiaiou The cause of the dissensions between these parties is not particularly mentioned ; but the difficulties attending these disputes had become aggra- vated by the miserable condition of the poorer population of Attica. The latter were m a state of abject poverty. They had borrowed money from the wealthy at exorbitant rates of interest, upon the security of their prop- erty and their persons. If the principal and interest of the debt were not paid, the creditor had the power of seizing the person as well as the land of his debtor, and of using him as a slave. Many had thus been torn from their homes and sold to barbarian masters ; wliile others were cultivating as slaves the lands of their wealthy creditors in Attica. The i*apacity of the rich and the degradation of the poor are recorded by Solon in the existing fragments of his poetry ; and matters had now come to such a crisis, that the existing laws could no longer be en- forced, and the poor were ready to rise in open insurrection against the rich. § 11. In these alarming circumstances, the ruling oligarchy were obliged to have recourse to Solon. They were aware of the vigorous protest he had made against their injustice ; but they trusted that his connection with their party would help them over their present difficulties ; and they therefore chose liim Archon in e. c. 594, investing him under that title with unlimited powers to effect any changes he might consider beneficial to the state. His appointment was hailed with satisfaction by the poor ; and all parties were willing to accept his mediation and reforms. Many of Solon's friends urged him to take advantage of his position and make himself despot of Athens. There is no doubt he would liave suc- ceeded if he had made the attempt, but he had the wisdom and the virtue to resist the temptation, telling his friends that " despotism might be a fine country, but there was no way out of it." Dismissing, therefore, all thoughts of personal aggrandizement, he devoted all his energies to the difficult task he had undertaken. § 12. He commenced his undertaking by relieving the poorer class of debtors from their existing distress. This he affiscted by a celebrated or- dinance called Seisachtheia, or a shaking off of burdens.* Tliis measure cancelled all contracts by which the land or person of a debtor had been given as security : it thus relieved the land from all encumbrances and claims, and set at liberty all persons who had been reduced to slavery on account of their debts. Solon also provided means of restoring to their homes those citizens who had been sold into foreign countries. He forbade for the future all loans in which the person of the debtor was pledged as security. This extensive measure entirely released the poorer classes from their difficulties, *but it must have left many of their creditors unable to discharge their obligations. To give the latter some relief, he lowered * ^tia-axOtta. Equivalent to a bankrapt law. — Ed. ( 1 1 [I 92 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. X. the standard of the coinage, so that the debtor saved rather more than a fourth in every payment.* Some of his friends, having obtained a hint of his intention, borrowed large sums of money, with which they purchased estates ; and Solon him- self would have suffered in public estimation, if it had not been found that he was a loser by his own measure, having lent as much as five talents. § 13. The success attending these measures was so great, that Solon was now called upon by his fellow-citizens to draw up a new constitution and a new code of laws. As a preliminary step he repealed all the laws of Draco, except those relating to murtler. He then proceeded to make a new classification of the citizens, according to the amount of their prop- erty, thus changing the government from an Oligarchy to a Timocracy.f The title of the citizens to the honors and offices of the state was hence- forward regulated by their wealth, and not by their birth. This was the distmguishing feature of Solon's constitution, and produced eventually most important consequences ; though the change was probably not great at first, since there were then few wealthy persons m Attica, except the Eu- patnds. Solon then distributed all the citizens into four classes, accord- mg to their property, which he caused to be assessed. The first class consisted of those whose annual income was equal to ^yo hundred me- dimni of com and upwards, and were called Pmtacosiomedimm.X The second class consisted of those whose incomes ranged between three hun- dred and ^y^ hundred medimni, and were called Knights,% from theh- being able to furnish a war-horse. The third class consisted of those who received between two hundred and three hundred medimni, and were caUed Zeitgit^.\\ from their being able to keep a yoke of oxen for the plough. The fourth class, called Thetes,^ included aD whose property feU short of two hundred medimni. The members of the first three classes had to pay an income-tax according to the amount of their property ; but the fourth chiss were exempt from direct taxation altogether. The first class were alone eligible to the archonship and the higher offices of the state. The second and third classes filled inferior posts, and were liable to military service, the former as horsemen, and the latter as heavy-armed soldiers on foot. The fourth class were excluded from aU public offices, and served in the army only as Ught-armed troops. Solon, however, ad- thl^^Z^' ""^^ ^"^ ^''! "''^' ***" "^"* '^"*''^° **"" ^^""'^'^^ *^<^hma8 instead of seventy- t::^r:^:^z7:Ti:^z:'' "^''"^ ^^°^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^-^^^ ^^ «^^- - - «rtJ.!^E*D!r*°* ^"""^ "''^^ ""*^'^' ""^ ''*^'*"' "^' ^^ government of prop- one^miirZatirT* '^•^\"^r"» ^^^^ ^^7 twelve imperial gallons, or one bushel and a half: it was reckoned equal to a drachma. i~- e » w Slrnnjs or 'linrtU. I Zcvyirm, from C*vyog, a yoke of beasts. ^ e^rvr. B. C. 594.] LEGISLATION OF SOLON. 93 mitted them to a share in the political power by allowing them to vote in the public assembly,* where they must have constituted by far the largest number. He gave the assembly the right of electing the archons and the other officers of the state ; and he also made the archons accountable to the assembly at the expiration of their year of office. Solon thus greatly enlarged the functions of the public assembly, which, under the govern- ment of the Eupatrids, probably possessed little more power than the agora, described in the poems of Homer. § 14. This extension of the duties of the public assembly led to the in- stitution of a new body. Solon created the Senate, or Council of Four Hundred, with the special object of preparing all matters for the discus- sion of the public assembly, of presiding at its meetings, and of carrj-ing its resolutions into effijct. No subject could be introduced before the peo- ple, except by a previous resolution of the Senate.f The members of the Senate were elected by the public assembly, one hundred from each of the four ancient tribes, which were left untouched by Solon. They held their office for a year, and were accountable at its expiration to the public assembly for the manner in which they had discharged their duties. Solon, however, did not deprive the ancient Senate of the Areopagus of any of its functions-J On the contrary, he enlarged its powers, and intrusted it with the general supervision of the institutions and laws of the state, and imposed upon it the duty of inspecting the lives and occu- pations of the citizens. These are the only political institutions which can be safely ascribed to Solon. At a later period it became the fashion among the Athenians to regard Solon as the author of all their democratical institutions, just as some of the orators referred them even to Theseus. Thus the creation of jury-courts and of the periodical revision of the laws by the Nomothetae belongs to a later age, although frequently attributed to Solon. This legislator only laid the foundation of the Athenian democracy, by givino- the poorer classes a vote in the popular assembly, and by enlarging the power of the latter ; but he left the government exclusively in the hands of the wealthy. For many years after his time, the government continued to be an oligarchy, but was exercised with more moderation and justice than formerly. The establishment of the Athenian democracy was the work of Cleisthenes, and not of Solon. § 15. The laws of Solon were inscribed on wooden rollers and triangu- lar tablets,§ and were preserved first in the Acropolis, and afterwards in the Prytaneum or Town-hall. They were very numerous, and contained regulations on almost all subjects connected with the public and private ♦ Called Heliaa CHXiata) in the time of Solon, but subsequently Ecclesia (eKKKtja-ia). t Called Probouleuma (7rpoj3ovXcv/ia.) t See p. 87. § Called "A^ovts and KvpQeis. 11. HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. li» i f » 1^ of the citizens. But they do not seem to have been arranged in any ^temat.c manner; and such small fhtgments have come down to us, th^ It IS unpossible to give any general view of them. The m(«t important of all these laws were those relating to debtor and e^.tor of whjch we have already spoken. Several of Solon's enaciT<« tod for .he.r object the encouragement of trade and manufactures. He mv,ted foreigners to settle in Athens by the promise of protection imd valuable pnv-. leges. The Council of the Areopigns was, as we ha "n masted by h.m with the duty of examining inZveiy ^an's mo^e „f J f K.^'T " '^^ """ '"'' P"""^'^- To discoun.i idleness, a son wm ^oW^ to support his father in old age, if the ktler had n gi T leach him some trade or occupation. Solon punished theft bj compelling the guilty party to restore double the ^ue of the property stolen. He forbade speaking evil either of the IZ or of the hvmg. He either established or regulated the public dinne^ln the Piytaneum, of which the archons and a few others pa^ook' The rewards which he bestowed upon the victors in the Olympic and Isthmmn games were veiy large for that age : to the former he gave &ye hundred drachmas, and to the latter one hundred. « ^'a^t ""? '^^.'f ^^ ^^^"^^ regulations was that which declared took part w th neither side. The object of this celebrated law was to c^ate a pubhc spint m the citizens, and a Kvely interest in the affairs of the state. T^ie ancient governments, unlike those of modem times, could no summon to their assistance any regular police or military force; and imless individual citizens came forward in civil commotions, any ambitious ^HtlL^ ^^ "" ^""'"^"^ ^^^' "^'^^^ '""^^ °^^^ liimself master of § 16. Solon is said to have been aware that he had left many imperfeo- Jons ,„ his laws. He described them, not as the best laws which he could devise, but as the best which the Athenians could receive. He bound the government and people of Athens, by a solemn oath, to observe his institu- tions for at least ten years. But as soon as they came into operation he w^ constantly besieged by a number of applicants, who cameT^k £ advice respectmg the meaning of his enactments, or to suggest improve- should be obliged to introduce changes into his code, he resolved to leave were bound to mamtam his laws inviolate. He first visited Egypt, and to^mlT f 1!'' T^ *^"" '' ^P'" «^ P^--^^d this prini whTph I "^ ^^ *'' ""^^ '""'^ ^^ ^^""^ « »^^ -«« on the plain, wl^h Philocyprus called Soli, in honor of his illustrious visitor. Solon IS also related to have remained some time at Saidis, the capita B. C. 560.] USURPATION OP PEISISTRATUS. JiS of Lydia. His interview with Croesus, the Lydian king, is one of the most celebrated events in his life. The Lydian monarchy was then at the height of its prosperity and glory. Croesus, after exliibiting to the Grecian sage all his treasures, asked him who was the happiest man he had ever known, nothing doubting of the reply. But Solon, without flattering his royal guest, named two obscure Greeks ; and when the king expressed his surprise and mortification that his visitor took no account of his great glory and wealth, Solon replied, that he esteemed no man happy tiU he knew how he ended his life, since the highest prosperity was frequently followed by the darkest adversity. Croesus at the tune treated the admonition of the sage with contempt ; but when the Lydian monarchy was afteni ards over- thrown by Cyrus, and Croesus was condemned by his savage conqueror to be burnt to death, the warnings of the Greek philosopher came to his mind, and he called in a loud voice upon the name of Solon. Cyrus inquired the cause of this strange invocation, and, upon learning it, was struck with the vicissitudes of fortune, set the Lydian monarch free, and made him his confidential friend. It is impossible not to regret that the stem laws of chronology compel us to reject this beautiful tale. Croesus did not ascend the throne tiU B. c. 560, and Solon had returned to Athens before that date. The story has been evidently invented to convey an important moral lesson, and to draw a striking contrast between Grecian republican simphcity and Orien- tal splendor and pomp. § 17. During the absence of Solon, the old dissensions between the Plain, the Shore, and the Mountain had broken out afresh with more vio- lence than ever. The first was headed by Lycurgus, the second by Megacles, the Alcm^onid and the grandson of the archon who had sup- pressed the conspiracy of Cylon, and the third by Peisistratus, the cousin of Solon. Of these leaders, Peisistratus was the ablest and the most dangerous. He had gained renown in war; he possessed remarkable fluency of speech ; and he had espoused the cause of the Mountain, which was the poorest of the three classes, in order to gain popularity with the great mass of the people. Of these advantages he resolved to avail him- self in order to become master of Athens. Solon returned to Athens about b. c. 562, when these dissensions were rapidly approaching a crisis. He soon detected the ambitious designs of his kinsman, and attempted to dissuade him from them. Finding his remonstrances fmitless, he next denounced his projects in verses addressed to the people. Few, however, gave any heed to his wamings ; and Peisis- tratus, at length finding his schemes ripe for action, had recourse to a memorable stratagem to secure his object. One day he appeared in the market-place in a chariot, his mules and his own person bleedmg with wounds inflicted with his own hands. These he exhibited to the people, telling them that he had been nearly murdered in consequence of defending I ^ I '1 96 HISTORY OF 6BEECE. [Chap. X their rights. The popular indignation was excited; an assembly was forthwith called, and one of his friends proposed that a guard of fifty club- men should be granted him for his future security. It was in vain that Solon used all his authority to oppose so dangerous a request; his resist- ance was overborne, and the guard was voted. Peisistratus thus gained the first and most important step. He gi-adually increased the number of his guard, and soon found himself strong enough to throw off the mask and seize the Acropolis, b. c. 560. Megacles and the Alcmaeonidaj left the city. Solon alone had the courage to oppose the usurpation, and upbraided the people with their cowardice and their treach- ery. " You might," said he, « with ease have crushed the tyrant in the bud ; but nothing now remains but to pluck him up by the roots." No one, how- ever, responded to his appeal He refused to fly; and when his friends asked him on what he relied for protection, «0n my old age," was his reply. It is creditable to Peisistratus that he left his aged relative unmo- lested, and even asked his advice in the administration of the government. Solon did not long sui-vive the overthrow of the constitution. He died a year or two aftemards, at the advanced age of eighty. His ashes are said to have been scattered, by his own direction, round the island of Salamis, which he had won for the Atlienian people.* * The character of Solon is one of the most remarkable in history. Perhaps no indi- vidual has exercised a wider influence on human affairs. He laid the foundation of Athe nian legislation, and through that of the Roman Law, which governs the administration of justice, down to the present day, throughout a great part of the civilized world. Besides being a legislator, he was a poet of no ordinary powers. In his youth he sung of Love and Wine; but the serious business which the distracted condition of his country laid upon him led him to employ the vehicle of poetic measures for moral and political ends. In his Sala- minian Ode, of which only two or three lines are preserved, he was thought to have equalled Tyrtaius. In the fragments of the other poems which have come down to us, the lines are nervous and pointed, and not without admirable poetical images. The following literal version of an elegiac fragment, from a poem seemingly written to warn the people against the arts of aspiring demagogues, may give the reader some idea of his manner of composi- tion and style of thought. Out of the clouds the snow-flakes are poured, and fury of hail-storm j After the lightning's flash, follows the thunderous bolt. Tossed by the winds is the sea, though now so calmly reposing, Hushed in a motionless rest, emblem of justice and peace. So is the State by its great men ruined, and under the tyrant Sinks the people unwise, yielding to slavery's thrall ; Nor is it easy to humble the ruler too hi^ly exalted. After the hour is passed: now is the time to foresee. IBs morality was pure and lofty, and the expression of religious feeling, in his writings, is marked by humble submission to the divine will. The only fault to be found with him is, that, through his long life of fourscore, he remained unmarried. — Ed. B C.560.] USURPATION OP PEISISTRATUS. 97 Kuins of the Temple of the Olympian Zeus at Athens.* CHAPTER XI. mSTORT OP ATHENS FROM THE USURPATION OF PEISISTRATUS TO THB ESTABLISHMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY BY CLEISTHENES. 1. Despotism of Peisistratus. His First Expulsion and Restoration. § 2. His Second Ex pulsion and Restoration. § 3. Government of Peisistratus after his Final Restoration to his Death, B. c. 527. §4. Government of Hi ppias and Hipparchus. Conspiracv of Har modms and Aristogeiton, and Assassination of Hipparchus, n. c. 514. § 5. Sole- Gorem- ment of H.ppias. His Expulsion by the AlcmajonidoB and the Lacedaemonians, b. c 510 § 6. Honors paid to Hannodius and Aristogeiton. § 7. Party Struggles at Athens be- tween Cleisthenes and Isagortis. Establishment of the Athenian Democracy. 4 8 Re- forms of Cleisthenes. Institution of Ten new Tribes and of the Demes. § 9.* Increase of the Number of the Senate to Five Hundred. § 10. Enlargement of the Functions and Authonty of the Senate and the Ecclesia. ^ 11. Introduction of the Judicial Functions of the People. Institution of the Ten Strategi or Generals. § 12. Ostracism. §13 First Attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow the Athenian Democracy. Invasion of Attica by Cleomenes, followed by his Expulsion with that of Isagoi-as. § 14. Second Attempt of the Lacedc^monians to overthrow the Athenian Democracy. The Lacedae- monians, Thebans, and Chalcidians attack Attica. The Lacedfemonians deserted by their Allies, and compelled to retire. Victories of the Athenians over the Thebans and Chalcidians, followed by the Planting of Four Thousand Athenian Colonists on the Lands of the Chalcidians. § 15. Third Attempt of the Lacedemonians to overthrow the * One of the columns — that at the further extremity in this view - was blown down by ft hurricane a few years ago. — Ed. 13 Li 96 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. X. ? their riglits. The popular indignation was excited; an assembly was forthwith called, and one of his friends pro|K)sed that a guard of fifty club- men should be granted him for his future security. It was in vain that Solon used all his authority to oppose so dangerous a request ; his resist- ance was overborne, and the guard was voted. Peisistratus thus gained the first and most important step. He gi'adually increased the number of his guard, and soon found himself sti-ong enough to throw off the mask and seize the Acropolis, B. c. 5 GO. Megacles and the Alcmjeonidaj left the city. Solon alone luul the courage to oppose the usurpation, and upbraided the jK'ople with their cowardice and tlieir treach- ery. " Tou might," said he, " with ease have crushed the tynuit in the bud ; bat nothing now renuiins but to pluck him up by the roots." No one, how- ever, resi>onded to his appeal. He refused to fly ; and when his friends asked him on what he relied for j)rotection, « On my old age," was his reply. It is creditable to Peisistratus that he left his aged relative unmo- lested, and even asked his advice in the administmtion of the government. Solon did not long survive tlie overthrow of the c(«istitution. He died a year or two af\erwaixls, at the a(l\ aiiced age of eighty. His ashes are said to have been scattered, by his own direction, round the island of Salamis, which he had won for the Athenian people.* * The character of Solon is one of the most remarkable in history. Perliaps no indi- vidual has exercist.l a wider intluenct^ on hnnian atTairs. He laid the foundation of Athe nian legislation, and through that of the Knnian Law, which governs the administration of justice, down to the present day, throii^h(.ut a great part of tlie civilized world. Besides being a legislator, he was a poet of no ordinary powers. In his youth he sung of Love and Wine; but tli« serious business which the distracted condition of his cc.untry laid ui)on him led him to omploy the vehicle of jKietic measures for moral anil i>olitical ends. In his Sala- niiniaii Ode, o( which only two or three lines are preserved, he was thought to have equalled Tyrtau>. In the fragments of the other poems which htive come down to using, Hushed in a motionless rest, emblem of justice and peace. So is tlie State by its great men ruined, and under the tyrant Sinks the people unwise, yielding to slavery's thrall ; Kor is it easy to humble the ruler too highly exalted, After the hour is passed : now is the time to foresee. His morality was pure and lofty, and the expression of religious feeling, in his writings, is marked by humble submission to the divine will. The only fault to be found with him isi liiat, through his long life of fourscore, he remained unmarried. — Ed. B C 560.] USURPATION OF PEISISTRATUS. 97 Euins of the Temple of the Olympian Zeus at Athens.* CHAPTER XI. HISTORY OF ATHENS FROM THE USURPATION OF PEISISTRATUS TO TUB ESTABLISiniEXT OP THE DEMOCRACY BY CLEISTHENES. 1. Despotism of Peisistratus. His First Expulsion and Restoration. § 2. His Second Ex pulsion and Restoration. § 3. Government of Peisistratus after his Final Restoration to his Death, n. c. 527. § 4. Government of Ilippias and llipparchns. Conspimcv of Har modms and Anstogeiton, and Assassination of Hii.parchus, ,;. c. 514. v^ 5. Solo Goveni- ment of H.ppias. His Expulsi„n by the Alcma-onidiu and the LacedaMuonians, b. c. 510 § G. Honors paid to Ilarmudius an.l Aristogeiton. § 7. Partv Struirgles at Athens be- tween CkMsthenes and Isagoras. Establishment of the Athenian Democracv. ^ 8 Re- forms of Cleisthenes. Institution of Ten new Tribes and of the Denies. § 9.* Increase of the Number of the Senate to Five Hundred. § 10. Enlargement of the Functions and Authority of the Senate and the Ecclesia. § 11. Introduction of the Judicial Functions of the People. Institution of the Ten Stnitegi or Generals. § 12. Ostracism. §13 First Attempt of the Lace.LTm..nians to overthrow the Athenian Democracv. Invasion of Attica by Cleomenes, followed by his Expulsion with that of Isagoms.* § 14. Second Attempt of the Lace.hvm.mians to overthrow the Athenian Democracy. The I -iced-B monians, Thebans, and Clmlci.lians attack Attica. The Lacedaemonians deserted by their Allies, and compelled to retire. Victories of the Athenians over the Theb'ins and Chalcidians, followed by the Planting of Four Thousand Athenian Colonists on the Lands of the Chalcidians. § 15. Third Attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow the * One of the columns -that at the further extremity in this view - was blown down by a hurricane a few vears ago. — Ed. 13 L 98 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XI. B. C. 527.] USURPATION OP PEISISTRATUS. 99 Athenian Democracy, again frustrated by the Refusal of the Allies to take a Part in the Enterprise. \ 16. Growth of Athenian Patriotism, a Consequence of the Beforms of Cleisthenes. § 1. Peisistratus became despot of Athens, as already stated, in the year 560 b. c. He did not,, however, retain his power long. The two leaders of the other factions, Megacles of the Shore, and Lycurgus of the Plain, now combined, and Peisistratus was driven into exile. But the two rivals afterwards quarrelled, and Megacles invited Peisistratus to re- turn to Athens, offering him his daugher in marriage, and promising to assist him in regaining the sovereignty. These conditions being accepted, the following stratagem was devised for carrying the plan into effect. A tall stately woman, named Phya, was clothed in the armor and costume of Athena (Minerva), and placed in a chariot with Peisistratus at her side. In this guise the exiled despot approached the city, preceded by heralds, who announced that the goddess was bringing back Peisistratus to her own acropolis. The people believed the announcement, worship- ped the woman as their tutelary goddess, and quietly submitted to the sway of their former ruler. § 2. Peisistratus married the daughter of Megacles according to the compact ; but as he had already grown-up children by a former marriage, and did not choose to connect his blood with a fiimily which was considered accursed on account of Cylon's sacrilege, he did not treat her as his wife. Incensed at this affront, Megacles again made common cause with Lycur- gus, and Peisistratus was compelled a second time to quit Athens. He retired to Eretria in Euboea, where he remained no fewer than ten years. He did not, however, spend his time in inactivity. He possessed consider- able influence in various parts of Greece, and many cities furnished hini with lar«e sums of money. He was thus able to procure mercenaries from Argos ; and Lygdamis, a powerful citizen of Naxos, came himself both with money and with troops. With these Peisistratus sailed from Eretria, and landed at :Marathon. Here he was speedily joined by his friends and partisans, who flocked to his camp in large numbers. His antagonists allowed him to remain undisturbed at Marathon ; and it was not till he began his march towards the city that they hastily collected their forces and went out to meet him. But their conduct was extremely negligent or con-upt ; for Peisistratus fell suddenly upon their forces at noon, when the men were unprepared for battle, and put them to flight almost without re- sistance. Instead of following up his victory by slaughtering the fugitives, he proclaimed a general pardon on condition of their retuniing quietly to their homes. His orders were generally obeyed ; and the leaders of the opposite factions, finding themselves abandoned by their partisans, quitted the country. In this manner Peisistratus became undisputed master of Athens for the third time. § 8. Peisistratus now adopted vigorous measures to secure his power and render it permanent. He took into his pay a body of Thracian mer- cenaries, and seized as hostages the children of those citizens whom he suspected, placing them in Naxos under the care of Lygdamis. But as soon as he was firmly established in the government, his administration was marked by mildness and equity. An income-tax of five per cent, was all that he levied from the people. He maintained the institutions of So- lon, taking care, however, that the highest oflices should always be held by some members of his own family. He not only enforced strict obedi- ence to the laws, but himself set the example of submitting to them. Being accused of murder, he disdained to take advantage of his authority, and went in person to plead his cause before the Areopagus, where his accuser did not venture to appear. He courted popularity by largesses to the citi zens, and by throwing open his gardens to the poor. He adorned Athens with many public buildings, tlms giving employment to the poorer citizens, and at the same time gratifying his own taste. He commenced on a stu- pendous scale a temple to the Olympian Zeus, which remained unfinished for centuries, and was at length completed by the Emperor Hadrian. He covered with a building the fountain Callirrhoe, which supplied the greater part of Athens with water, and conducted the water through nine pipes, whence the fountain was called Enneacrunus.* Moreover, Peisistratus was a patron of literature, as well as of the arts. He is said to have been the first person in Greece who collected a library, which he threw open to the public ; and to him posterity is indebted for the collection of the Ho- meric poems.t On the whole, it cannot be denied that he made a wise and noble use of his power ; and it was for this reason that Julius Caesar was called the Peisistratus of Rome. § 4. Peisistratus died at an advanced age in 527 b. c, thirty-three years after his first usurpation. He transmitted the sovereign power to his sons, Hippias and Hipparchus, who conducted the government on the same principles as their father. Hipparchus inherited his father's literary tastes. He invited several distinguished poets, such as Anacreon and Simonides, to his court, and he set up along the highways statues of Hermes (Mercury), with moral sentences written upon them. Thucydi- des states that the sons of Peisistratus cultivated virtue and wisdom ; the people appear to have been contented with their rule ; and it was only an accidental circumstance which led to their overthrow and to a change in the govermnent. Their fall was occasioned by the memorable conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. These citizens belonged to an ancientfamily of Athens, and were attached to each other by the most intimate friendship. Har- modius having given offence to Hippias, the despot revenged himself by putting a public affront upon his sister. This indignity excited the resent- * *EvP€dKpovvosi from eVi/eo, nine, and Kpovvosy a inpe, f See p. 42. 100 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chlp. XI. ment of the two friends, and they now resolved to slay the despots, or per- ish in the attempt. They communicated the plot to a few associates, and determined to carry it into execution on the festival of the Great Pan- athenaia, when all tlie citizens were required to attend in arms, and to march in procession from the Cerameicus, a suburb of the city, to the tem- ple of Athena (Minerva) on the Acrojwlis. When the appointed time arrived, the conspimtoi-s apjwared Uke the rest of the citizens, but carry- ing concealed daggers besides. Harmodius and Aristogeiton had planned to kill Hippias first, as he was arranging the order of the procession in the Cerameicus ; but upon approaching the spot where he was standing, they were thunderstruck at beholding one of the conspirators in close convei-sa- tion with the despot. Believing that they were betrayed, and resolving before they died to wreak their vengeance upon Hipparchus, they i-ushed back into the city with their daggei-s hid in the myrtle-boughs which they were to have carried in the procession. They found him near the chapel called Leocorium, and killed him on the spot. Harmodius was immediately cut down by the guards. Aristogeiton escaped for the time, but was after- wards taken, and died under the tortures to which he was subjected in or- der to compel him to disctose his accomplices. The news of his brother's death reached Hippias before it became generally known. With extraor- dimiry presence of mind, he called ui)on the citizens to drop their arms, and meet him in an adjoining ground. They obeyed without suspicion. He then apprehended those on whose persons daggers were discovered, and all besides whom he had any reason to suspect. § 5. Hipparchus was assassinated in b. c. 514, the fourteenth year after the death of Peisistratus. From this time the character of the government became entirely changed. His brother's murder converted Hippias into a cruel and suspicious tyrant. He put to death numbers of the citizens, and raised large sums of money by extraordinary taxes. Feeling him- self unsafe at home, he began to look abroad for some place of retreat, in case he should be expelled from Athens. With this view, he gave liis daughter in marriage to ^Eantides, son of Hipjioclus, despot of Lampsacus, because the latter was in great ftwor with Darius, king of Persia. Meantime the growing unpopularity of Hippias raised the hopes of the powerful fiunily of the Alcraoeonida?, who hatl lived in exile ever since the third and final restoration of Peisistratus to Athens. Believing the favor- able moment to be come, they even ventured to invade Attica, and estab- lished themselves in a fortified town uj)on the frontier. They were, how- ever, defeated by Hippias with loss, and compelled to quit the country. Unable to effect their restoration by force, they now had recoui-se to a manoeuvre which proved successftil. The AlcmjBonida; had taken the contract for rebuilding the temple at Delphi, which had been accidentally destroyed by fire many years pre- Tiously. They not only executed the work in the best possible manner, B. C. 510.] EXPULSION OP HIPPIAS. 101 but even exceeded what hful been required of them, employing Parian marble for the front of the temple, instead of the coarse stone specified in the contract. This liberality gained for them the favor of the Delphians ; and Cleisthenes, the son of Megaulation, and wealth. The Grecian colonies may be arranged in four gioups : 1. Those found- ed in Asia :Minorand the adjoining islands; 2. Those in the western parts of the Metliterranean, in Italy, Sicily, Gaul, and Spain ; 3. Those in Africa ; 4. Those in EfRnrus, Macedonia, and Thrace. § 4. Tlie eariiest Greek colonies were those founded on the western shores of ilsia Minor. They were divided into three great masses, each bearing the name of that section of the Greek race with which they claimed affinity. The iEolic cities covered the northern part of this coast ; the lonians occupied the centre, and the Dorians the southern portion. The origin of these colonies is lost in the mythical age ; and the legends of the Greeks resijecting them have been given in a previous part of the present work.* Their political history will claim our attention when we come to rekte tlie rise and progress of the Persian empire ; and their successful \ .1 * See pp. 33, 34. ul cultivation of literature and the arts will form the chief subject of our next chapter. It is sufficient to state on the present occasion that the Ionic cities were early distinguished by a spirit of commercial enterprise, and soon rose superior in wealth and in power to their ^&lian and Dorian neighbors. Among the Ionic cities themselves Miletus was the most flour- ishing, and during the eighth and seventh centuries before Christ was the first commercial city in Hellas. In search of gain its adventurous mari- ners penetrated to the farthest parts of the Mediterranean and its adjacent seas ; and for the sake of protecting and enlarging its commerce, it planted numerous colonies, which are said to have been no fewer than eighty. Most of them were founded on the Propontis and the Euxine ; and of these, Cyzicus on the former, and Sinope on the latter sea, became the most celebrated. Sinope was the emporium of the Milesian commerce in the Euxine, and became in its turn the parent of many prosperous colonies. Ephesus, which became at a later time the first of the Ionic cities, was at this period inferior to Miletus in population and in wealth. It was never distinguished for its enterprise at sea, and it planted few maritime colonies ; it owed its greatness to its trade with the interior, and to its large terri- tory, which it gradually obtained at the expense of the Lydians. Other Ionic cities of less importance than Ephesus possessed a more powerful navy ; and the adventurous voyages of the Phocieans deserve to be par- ticularly mentioned, in which they not only visited the coasts of Gaul and Spain, but even planted in those countries several colonies, of which IVIas- silia became the most prosperous and celebrated. § 5. The colonies of whose origin we have an historical account began to be founded soon after the first Olympiad. Those established in Sicily and the South of Italy claim our first attention, as well on account of their importance as of the priority of their foundation. Like the Asiatic colo- nies, they were of various origin ; and the inhabitants of Chalcis in Euboea, of Corinth, Megara, and Sparta, and the Achajans and Locrians, were all concerned in them. One of the Grecian settlements in Italy lays claim to a mu^i- .OTier date than any other in the country. This is the Campanian Cumje, situ- ated near Cape Misenum, on the Tyrrhenian Sea. It is said to have been a joint colony from the JEoWc Cyme in Asia and from Chalcis in Euboea, and to have been founded, accordmg to common chronology, in b. c. 1050. This date is of course uncertain : but there is no doubt that it was the most ancient Grecian establishment in Italy, and that a long period elapsed before any other Greek colonists were bold enough to follow in the same track. Cuma3 was for a long time the most flourishing city in Campania : and it was not till its dechne in the fifth century before the Christian era that Capua rose into importance. § 6. The earliest Grecian settlement in Sicily was founded in b. c. 735. The greater part of Sicily was then inhabited by the rude tribes of Sicels 110 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XIL B. C. 735.1 COLOXIES IN ITALY AND SICILY. Ill I i gynuiasiiiin for the exercise of the youth, and at a later time with a thea- tre for dramatic representations. Ahnost every colonial Greek city was built u[K)n the sea-coast, and the site usually selected contained a hill suf- ficiently lofty to form an acroi)olis. Tlie spot chosen for the purpose was for the most part seized by force from the original inhabitants of the coun- try. The relation in which the colonists stood to the latter naturaUy varied in different localities. In some places they were reduced to slavery or exjielled from the district ; in others they became the subjects of the conquerore, or were admitted to a share of their political rights. In many cases interman-iages took place between the colonists and the native popu- lation, and thus a foreign element was introduced among them, a cir- cumstance which must not be lost sight of, especiaUy in tracmg the his- tory of the Ionic colonies. It has frequently been observed that colonies are favorable to the de- velopment of democracy. Ancient customs and usages cannot be pre- served in a colony as at home. Men are of necessity placed on a greater equahty, since they have to share the same hardships, to overcome the same difficulties, and to face the same dangers. Hence it is difficult for a single man or for a class to maintain peculiar privileges, or to exercise a permanent autliority over the other colonists. Accordingly, we find that a democratical fonn of government was established in most of the Greek colonies at an earlier period than in the mother country, and that an aris- tocracy could rarely maintain its ground for any length of time. Owing to the freedom of their institutions, and to their favorable position for com- mercial enterprise, many of the Greek colonies became the most flourish- ing cities in the Hellenic worid ; and in the eariier period of Grecian his- tory several of them, such as IMiletus and Ephesus in Asia, Syracuse and Agrigentura in Sicily, and Croton and Sybaris in Italy, surpassed all the cities of the mother country in power, population, and wealth. The Grecian colonies may be arranged in four groups : 1. Those found- ed in Asia Minor and the adjoining islands ; 2. Those in the western parts of the Mediterranean, in Italy, Sicily, Gaul, and Spain ; 3. Those in Africa ; 4. Those in Epeinis, Macedonia, and Thrace. § 4. The earliest Greek colonies were those founded on the western shores of Asia Minor. They were divided into three great masses, each beaiing the name of that section of the Greek race with which they claimed affinity. The iEolic cities covered the northern part of this coast j the lonians occupied the centre*, and the Dorians the southern portion. The origin of these colonies is lost in the mythical age ; and the legends of the Greeks res|>ectmg them have been given in a previous part of the present work.* Their political histoiy will claim our attention when we come to relate the rise and progress of the Persian empire ; and their successful * See pp. 33, 34. cultivation of literature and the arts will form the chief subject of our next chapter. It is sufficient to state on the present occasion that the Ionic cities were early distinguished by a spirit of commercial enterprise, and soon rose superior in wealth and in power to their JEolian and Dorian neighbors. Among the Ionic cities themselves Miletus was the most flour- ishing, and during the eighth and seventh centuries before Christ was the first commercial city in Hellas. In search of gain its adventurous mari- ners penetrated to the farthest parts of the Mediterranean and its adjacent seas ; and for the sake of protecting and enlarging its commerce, it planted numerous colonies, which are said to have been no fewer than eighty. Most of them were founded on the Propontis and the Euxine ; and of these, Cyzicus on the former, and Sinope on tlie latter sea, became the most celebrated. Sinope was the emporium of the Milesian commerce in the Euxine, and became in its turn the parent of many prosperous colonies. Ephesus, which became at a later time the first of the Ionic cities, was at this period inferior to Miletus in population and in wealth. It was never distinguished for its enterprise at sea, and it planted few maritime colonies ; it owed its greatness to its trade with the interior, and to its large terri- tory, which it gradually obtained at the expense of the Lydians. Other Ionic cities of less importance than Ephesus possessed a more powerful navy ; and the adventurous voyages of the Phoc^ans deserve to be par- ticularly mentioned, in which they not only visited the coasts of Gaul and Spain, but even planted in those countries several colonies, of which Mas- silia became the most prosperous and celebrated. § 5. The colonies of whose origin we have an historical account began to be founded soon after the first Olympiad. Those established in Sicily and the South of Italy claim our first attention, as well on account of their importance as of the priority of their foundation. Like the Asiatic colo- nies, they were of various origin ; and the inhabitants of Chalcis in Euboea, of Corinth, Megara, and Sparta, and the Achaeans and Locrians, were all concerned in them. One of the Grecian settlements in Italy lays claim to a much earlier date than any other in the country. This is the Campanian Cumte, situ- ated near Cape Miscnum, on the Tyrrhenian Sea. It is said to have been a joint colony from the iEohc Cyme in Asia and from Chalcis in Eubaia, and to have been founded, according to common chronology, in b. c. 1050. This date is of course uncertain : but there is no doubt that it was the most ancient Grecian establishment in Italy, and that a long period elapsed before any other Greek colonists were bold enough to follow in the same track. Cumai was for a long time the most flourishing city in Campania : and it was not till its decline in the fifth century before the Christian era that Capua rose into importance. § 6. The eariiest Grecian settlement in Sicily was founded in b. c. 735. The greater part of Sicily was then inhabited by the rude tribes of Sicels I I 112 HISTORY OF GB££C£. CChap.XU and Sicanians. The Carthaginian settlements mostly lay on the western side of the island j but the eastern and the southern coasts were occupied only by the Sicels and Sicanians, who were easily driven by the Greeks into the interior of the country. The extraordinary fertihty of the land, united with the fiicility of its acquisition, soon attracted numerous colonists from various parts of Greece ; and there arose on the coasts of Sicily a succession of flourishing cities, of which a list is given below * Of these, Syracuse and Agrigentum, both Dorian colonies, became the most power- ful The fonner was founded by the Corinthians in b. c. 734, and at the time of its gix^atest prosperity contained a population of five hundred thou- sand souls, and was surrounded by walls twenty-two miles in circuit. Its greatness, however, belongs to a later period of Grecian liistory ; and we know scarcely anything of its affairs till the usurpation of Gelon in b. c. 485. Agrigentum was of later origin, for it was not founded till b. c. 582, by the Dorians of Gela, which had itself been colonized by Khodians and Cretans. But its growth was most rapid, and it soon rose to an extraor- dinary degree of prosperity and jwwer. It was celebrated in the ancient world for the magnificence of its public buildings, and within a century after its foundation was called by Pindar « the fairest of mortal cities." Its early history only claims our attention on account of the desi)otism of Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Sicily. J\t ^^ .\ '^'^'''*' *^'°"*'^'* ^y *^' Chakidlans, b. c. 735. 2. Syracuse, founded 73(y 4 Hy!.b-au Megara, f,.vnulea by Megara, u. c. 728. 5. Gela, founded by the Lindians m Rhode., and by the CvtMns, u. c. 690. 6. Zancle, afterwanl. called Messana, founded by the Cnma^an. and Chalcidians: it. date is uncertain. 7. Acne, founded by Svmcuse, ,i. c. 664. 8. tasmeux, toun.led l,y Syracuse, n. c. 644. 9. Selinus, founded * by Hvbl^an Megara B. c. 630. 10. Caraarina, tV,un.led by Syracuse, b. c. 599. 11. Acragas* better known by the Eoman name of Agrigentum, founded by Gela, b. c. 682. 12. Himer*, fooBde^ by Zancle: its date uncertain. """«», < \ V B. C. 720.] COLONIES IN ITALY. 113 Phalaris, who has obtained a proverbial celebrity as a cruel and inhuman tyrant. His exact date is uncertain ; but he was a contemporary of Peisis- tratus and Crajsus ; and the commencement of his reign may perhaps be placed in b. c. 570. He is said to have burnt alive the victims of his cruelty in a brazen bull ; and this celebrated instrument of torture is not only noticed by Pindar, but was in existence at Agrigentum in later times. He was engaged in frequent wars with his neighbors, and ex- tended his power and dominion on all sides ; but his cruelties rendered him so abhorred by the people, that they suddenly rose against him, and put him to death.* The prosperity of the Greek cities in Sicily afterwards received a severe check from the hostilities of the Carthaginians ; but for two centuries and a half after the first Greek settlement in the island they did not come into contact with the latter people, and were thus left at liberty to develop their resources without any opposition from a foreign power. §. 7. The Grecian colonies in Italy began to be planted at nearly the same time as in Sicily. They eventually lined the whole soutliern coast, as far as Cumaj on the one sea, and Tarentum on the other. They even surpassed those in Sicily in number and importance ; and so numerous and flourishing did they become, that the South of Italy received the name of Magna Grascia. Of these, two of the earliest and most prosperous were Sybaris and Croton, both situated uix)n the Gulf of Tarentum, and both of Achiean origin. Sybaris was planted in b. c. 720, and Croton in b. c. 710. For two centuries they seem to have lived in harmony, and we know scarcely anything of their history tUl their fatal contest in b. c. 510, which ended in the ruin of Sybaris. During the whole of this period they were two of the most flourishing cities in all Hellas. The walls of Sybaris em- braced a cu-cuit of six mUes, and those of Croton were not less than twelve miles in circumference; but the fonner, though smaller, was the more powerful, since it possessed a larger extent of territory and a greater num- ber of colonies, among which was the distant to^\^l of Posidonia (Pa?stum), whose magnificent ruins still attest its former greatness. Several native tribes became the subjects of Sybaris and Croton, and then- dommions extended across the Calabrian peninsula from sea to sea. Sybaris in particular attained to an extraordinary degree of wealth ; and its inhabitants were so notorious for their luxury, effeminacy, and debauch^ ery, that their name has become proverbial for a voluptuary in ancient and modern times. Many of the anecdotes recorded of them bear on their face the exaggerations of a later age ; but their great wealth is attested by ♦ There are extant certain Greek letters attributed to Phalaris, celebrated on account of the literary controversy to which they gave rise in modern times. Their genuineness was mamtamed by Boyle and the contemporarj' scholars of Oxford; but Bentlev, in his masterly " Dissertation upon the Epistles of Phalaris," in reply to Bovle, proved beyond question that they were the production of a sophist of a later age. 15 \ t 114 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XlL the fact, that five thousand horsemen, clothcil in magnificent attire, formed a part of the procession in certain festivals of the city, whereas Athens in her best days conld not number more than twelve hundred knights. Croton was distinguished for the excellence of its physicians or surgeons, and for the numbers of its citizens who gained prizes sit the Olympic games. Its government was an aristocracy, and was in the hands of a senate of one thousand persons. It was in this city that Pythagoras settled, and founded a frateniity, of which an account is given in the following cliapter.. The war between these two powerful cities is the most important event recorded in the history of Magna Gnecia. It arose from the civil dissen- sions of Sybaris. The oligarchical government was overthrown by a popular insun-ection, headed by a citizen of the name of Telys, who suc- ceeded in making himself de^^pot of the city. The leading members of the oligarchical party, five hundred in number, were driven into exile ; and when they took reftige at Croton, their surrender was demanded by Telys, and war threatened in case of refusal. This demand excited the greatest alarm at Croton, since the military strength of Sybaris was decidedly superior ; and it was only owing to the urgent persuasions of Pythagoras that the Crotoniates resolved to brave the vengeance of their neighbors rather than incur the disgrace of betraying suppliants. In the war which followed, Sybaris is said to have taken the field with three hundred thou- sand men, and Croton with one hundred thousand, — numbers which seem to have been grossly exaggerated. The Crotoniates were commanded by Milo^ a disciple of Pythagoras, and the most celebrated athlete of his time, and they were further reinforced by a body of Spartans under the com- mand of Dorieus, younger brother of King Cleomenes, who was sailing along the Gulf of Tarentum, in order to found a settlement in Sicily. The two armies met on the banks of the river Tneis or Trionto, and a bloody battle was fought, in which the Sybarites were defeated with pro- digious slaughter. The Crotoniates followed up their victory by the cap- ture of the city of Sybaris, which they razed to the ground ; and in order to obliterate all traces of it, they turned the course of the river Crathis through its ruins (b. c. 510). The destruction of this wealthy and power- ful city excited strong sympathy through the Hellenic world; and the Milesians, with whom the Sybarites had always maintained the most friendly connections, shaved their heads in token of mourning.* § 8. Of the numerous other Greek settlements in the South of Italy, those of Locri, Rhegium, and Tarentum were the most important. Locri, called Epizephyrian, from the neighborhood of Cape Zephyrium, was founded by a body of Locrian freebooters from the mother country, in B. c. 683. Their early history is memorable on account of their being the first Hellenic people who possessed a body of written laws. They are said to have suffered so greatly from lawlessness and disorder, as to apply * In B. c. 443 the Athenians founded Thurii, near the site of Sybarb. B.a6€4.] COLONIES IN ITALY. 115 to the Delphic ora<;le for advice, and were thus led to accept the ordi- nances of Zaleucus, who is represented to have been originally a shepherd. His laws were promulgated in b. c. 664, forty years earher than those of Draco at Athens. They resembled the latter in the severity of their pun- ishments ; but they were observed for a long period by the Locrians, who were so averse to any change in them, that whoever proposed a new law had to appear in the public assembly with a rope round his neck, which was immediately tightened if he failed to convince his fellow-citizens of the necessity of his propositions. Two anecdotes are related of Zaleucus, which deserve mention, though their authenticity cannot be guaranteed. His son had been guilty of an oifence, the penalty of wliich was" the loss of both eyes : the father, in order to maintain the law, and yet save his son from total blmdness, submitted to the loss of one of his o^v^l eyes. Another ordinance of Zaleucus forbade any citizen to enter the senate-house in anns under penalty of death. On a war suddenly breaking out, Zaleucus transgressed his own law; and when his attention was called to it by one present, he repUed that he would vmdicate the law, and straightway fell upon his sword. Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Southern Italy. 116 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XH e; J I Rhegium, situated on the Straits of Messina, opposite Sicily, was colon- ized by the Chalcidians, but received a large number of Messenians, who settled here at the close both of the first and second Messenian wars. Anaxihis, who made himself despot of the city about b. c. 500, was of Mes- senian descent; and it was he who changed the name of the Sicilian Zancle into Messana, when he seized the latter city in b. c. 494. § 9. Tarentum, situated at the head of the gulf wliich bears its name, was a colony from Sparta, and was founded about B. c. 708. During the long absence of the Spailans in the first Messenian war, an illegitimate race of citizens had been bom, to whom the name of Partheniai (sons of maidens) was given. Being not only treated with contempt by the other Spartans, but excluded from the citizenship, they formed a conspiracy mider Phalanthus, one of their number, against the goveniment; and when their plot was detected, they were allowed to quit the country and plant a colony under his guidance. It was to these circumstances that Tarentum owed its origin. It was admirably situated for commerce, and was the only town in the gulf which possessed a perfectly safe hai'bor. After the desti-uction of Sybaris, it became the most powerful and flourish- ing city in Magna Graicia, and contmued to enjoy great prosperity till its subjugation by the Romans. Although of Spartan origin, it did not main- tain Spartan habits ; and ite citizens were noted at a later time for their love of luxury and pleasure. The cities of Magna Graecia rapidly declined in power after the com- mencement of the fifth century before the Christian era. This was mainly owing to two causes. First, the destruction of Sybaris deprived the Greeks of one of their most powerful cities, and of a territory and an influ- ence over the native population, to which no other Greek town could suc- ceed ; and, secondly, they were now for the first time brought into contact with the warlike Samnites and Lucanians, who began to spread from Middle Italy towards the south. Cumaj was taken by the Samnites, and Posidonia (Paestum) by the Lucanians ; and the latter people in course of time deprived the Greek cities of the whole of their inland territory. § 10. The Grecian settlements in the distant countries of Gaul and Spain were not numerous. The most celebrated was Massalia, the modem Marseilles, founded by the Ionic Phoca?ans in B. c. 600. It planted five colonies along the eastem coast of Spain and was the cliief Grecian city in the sea west of Italy. The commerce of the Massahots was extensive, and their navy sufficiently powerful to repel the aggressions of Carthage. They possessed considerable influence over the Celtic tribes in their neigh- borhood, among whom they diifused the arts of civilized life, and a knowl- edge of the Greek alphabet and literature. § 11. The northern coast of Africa between the territories of Carthage and Egypt was also occui)ied by Greek colonists. About the year G50 b. c. the Greeks were for the first time allowed to settle in Egypt and to carry B. C. 664.] COLONIES IN MACEDONIA AND THRACE. 117 on commerce with the country. This privilege they owed to Psammeti- chus, who had raised hunself to the throne of Egypt by the aid of Ionian and Carian mercenaries. The Greek tradei-s were not slow in availing themselves of the opening of this new and important market, and thus became acquainted with the neighboring coast of Africa. Here they founded the city of Cyrene about b. c. 630. It was a colony from the island of Thera in the ^gean, which was itself a colony from Sparta. The situation of Cyrene was well chosen. It stood on the edge of a range of hills, at the distance of ten miles from the Mediterranean, of which'it commanded a fine view. These hills descended by a succession of terraces to the port of the town, ciiUed ApoUonia. The climate was most salubrious, and the soil was distinguished by extraordinary fertility. With these advantages Cyrene rapidly grew in wealth and power ; and its greatness is attested by the immense remains which still mark its desolate site. Unlike most Grecian colonies, Cyrene was governed by kings for eight genera- tions. Battus, the founder of the colony, was the first king; and his suc- cessors bore alternately the names of Arcesilaus and Battus. On the death of Arcesilaiis IV., which must have happened after b. c. 460, royalty was abohshed and a democratical form of govemment estabUshed. Cyrene planted several colonies in the adjoining district, of which Bai-ca, founded about b. c. 560, was the most important § 12. The Grecian settlements in Epeirus, Macedonia, and Thrace claim a few words. There were several Grecian colonies situated on the eastern side of the Ionian Sea, in Epeirus and its immediate neighborhood. Of these the island of Corcyra, now called Corfu, was the most wealthy and powerful. It was founded by the Corinthians, about b. c. 700 ; and in consequence of its commercial activity it soon became a formidable rival to the mother city. Hence a war broke out between these two states at an early period ; and the most ancient naval battle on record was the one fought between their fleets in b. c. 664. The dissensions between the mother city and her colony are frequently mentioned in Grecian history, and were one of the immediate causes of the Peloponnesian war. Notwithstanding their quar- rels, they joined in planting four Grecian colonies upon the same line of coast, — Leucas, Anactorium, Apollonia, and Epidamnus: in the settle- ment of the two fomier the Corinthians were the principals, and in that of the two latter the Corcyneans took the leachng part. The colonies in Macedonia and Thrace were very numerous, and ex- tended all along the coast of the ^gean, of the Hellespont, of the Pro- pontis, and of the Euxine, from the borders of Thessaly to the mouth of the Danube. Of these we can only glance at the most important. The colonies on the coast of Macedonia were chiefly founded by Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea; and the peninsula of Chalcidice, with its three project- ing headlands, was covered witl^ then- settlements, and derived its name 118 HISTORY OP 6BEECE. [Chap. XIL from the former city. The Corinthians likewise planted a few colonies on this coast, of which Potidaea, on the narrow isthmus of Pallene, most deserves mention. Of the colonies in Thrace, the most flourishmg were SeljTnhria and Byzantium,* both founded by the Megarians, who appear as an enterj)ris- ing maritime people at an eariy period. The farthest Grecian settlement on the western shores of the Euxine was the Milesian colony of Istria, near the southern mouth of the Danube. § 13. The preceding survey of the Grecian colonies shows the wide dif- fusion of the Hellenic race in the sixth century before the Christian era. Their history has come down to us in such a fragmentary and unconnected state, that it has been imposible to render it interesting to the reader ; but it could not be passed over entirely, since some knowledge of the orissess of it consists of a few songs and isolated fragments. Suf- ficient, however, remains, to enable us to form an opinion of its surpassing excellence, and to regret the more bitterly the irreparable loss we have sustained. It is only necessary in this work to call attention to the most distinguished masters of the lyric song, and to illustrate their genius by a few specimens of their remains. § 5. The great satuist Archilochus was one of the earliest and most 16 1S2 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap.XIII celebrated of all the lyric poets. He flourished about the year 700 b, c. His extraordinary poetical genius is attested by the unanimous voice of antiquity, which placed him on a level with Homer. He was the first Greek poet who composed iambic verses according to fixed rules ; the in vention of the elegy is ascribed to him as well as to CalHnus ; and he also struck out many other new paths in poetry. His fame, however, rests chiefly on his terrible satires, composed in the iambic metre,* m which he gave vent to the bitterness of a disappointed man. He was poor, the son of a slave mother, and therefore held in contempt in his native land. He had been a suitor to Neobule, one of the daughters of Lycambes, who first promised and afterwards refused to give his daughter to the poet. En- raged at this treatment he held up the family to pubHc scorn, in an iambic poem, accusing Lycambes of perjury and his daughters of the most aban- doned profligacy. His lamjxwns produced such an effect, that the daugh- ters of Lycambes are said to have hanged themselves through shame. Discontented at home, the poet accompanied a colony to Thasos ; but he was not more happy in his adopted country, which he frequently attacks in his satires. He passed a great part of his life in wandering in other countries, and at length fell in a battle between the Parians and Naxians. The following Hues of Archilochus, addressed to his own soul, exhibit at the same tune the higher attributes of his style, and his own morbid phi- losophy : — " Soul, my soul, with helpless sorrows overladen and distraught, Bear thee firmly, and to hostile hosts a manly breast oppose; When the foeman's shafts fall thickest, motionless thy post maintain; If victorious, yield thee not to open triumph overmuch, Nor, if conquered, cast thee prostrate, nor at home thy lot bewail, But in pleasures take thy pleasance and in evils bear thy pain Not too much, but understand the rhythm that governs mortal men."t § 6. Simonides of Amorgos, who must not be confounded with his more celebrated namesake of Ceos, was a contemporarj^ of Archilochus, with whom he shares the honor of inventing the iambic metre. He was bom in Samos,but led a colony to the neighboring island of Amorgos, where he spent the greater part of his life. He is the earliest of the gnomic poets, or moralists in verse. The most imiK)rtimt of his extant works is a satui- cal poem " On Women,*' in which he describes their various characters. In order to give a livelier image of the female character he derives their different qualities from the variety of tlieir origin ; the cunning woman being formed from the fox, the talkative woman from the dog, the uncleanly wo- man from the swine, and so on. The following is a specimen of the poem : — " Next in the lot a gallant dame mc see, Sprung from a mare of noble pedigree. No servile work her spirit proud can brook ; Her hands were never taught to bake or cook; * ** Archilochnm proprio rabies armavit iambo." — Hor. Ars Pott. 79. t Translated literally and in the measure of the original by the Editob. B. C. 635.] ALCMAN. AKION. m The vapor of the oven makes her ill ; She scorns to empty slops or turn the mill. No household washings her fair skin deface, Her own ablutions are her chief solace. Three baths a day, with balms and perfumes rare, Refresh her tender limbs : her long rich hair Each time she combs, and decks with blooming flowers No spouse more fit than she the idle hours Of wealthy lords or kings to recreate. And grace the splendor of their courtly state. For men of humbler sort, no better guide, Heaven, in its wrath, to ruin can provide." * § 7. TyrtaBus and Alcman were the two great lyric poet*? of Sparta, though neither of them was a native of Lacedajmon. The personal his- tory of Tyrtaeus, and his warlike songs, which roused the Minting courage of the Spartans during the second Messenian war, have already occupied our attention.t Alcmtm was originally a Lydian slave in a Spartan fami- ly, and was emancipated by his master. He lived from about b. c. 670 to 611 ; and most oi his poems were composed in the period which followed the conclusion of the second Messenian war. They partake of the char- acter of this period, which was one of repose and enjoyment atler the fatigues and perils of war. Many of his songs celebrate the pleasures of good eating and drinking ; but the more important were intended to be sung by a chorus at the pubhc festivals of Sparta. His description of Night is one of the most striking remains of his genius : — , " Now o'er the drowsy earth still Night prevails. Calm sleep the mountain-tops and shady vales, The rugged clifis and hollow glens ; The wild beasts slumber in their dens, The cattle on the liill. Deep in the sea The countless finny race and monster brood Tranquil repose. Even the busy bee Forgets her daily toil. The silent wood No more with noisy hum of insect rings ; And all the feathered tribes, by gentle sleep subdued, Boost in the glade, and hang their drooping wings." * § 8. Although choral poetry was successfully cultivated by Alcman, it received its chief improvements from Arion and Stesichorus. Both of these poets comix)sed for a trained body of men ; while the poems of Alcman were sung by the popular chorus. Arion was a native of Methymna in Lesbos, and spent a great part of his life at the court of Periander, tyrant of Corinth, who began to reign B. C. 625. Nothing is known of his life beyond the beautiful story of his escape from the sailors with whom he sailed from Sicily to Corinth. On one occasion, thus runs the story, Arion went to Sicily to take part in a musical contest. He won the prize, and, laden with presents, he embarked in a Corinthian ship to return to his .friend Periander. The rude sailors * Translated by CJolonel Mure. t See above, p. 72. HISTORY OP GREECE. fCHAP.Xnt B. C. 600.] ALCiEUS. SAPPHO. 125 coveted his treasures, and meditated his murder. After imploring them in Tain to spare his life, he obtained permission to play for the last time on his beloved lyre. In festal attire he placed himself on the prow of the vessel, invoked the gods in inspired strains, and then threw himself into the sea. But many song-loving dolpliins had assembled round the vessel, and one of them now took the bard on its back, and carried him to Ta?na- rum, from whence he returned to Corinth in safety, and related his adven- ture to Periander. Upon the arrival of the Corinthian vessel, Periander inquired of the sailors after Arion, who replied tbiit he had remained behind at Tarentum ; but when Arion, at the bidding of Periander, came forwanl, the sailors owned their guilt, and were punislied according to their desert. In later times there existed at Ta?narum a bronze monument representing Arion riding on a dolphin. The great improvement in lyric poetry ascribed to Arion is the invention of the Dithyramb. This was a choral song and dance m honor of the god Dionysus, and existed in a rude form even at an earlier time. Arion, however, converted it into an elaborate composition, sung and danced by a chorus of fifty persons specially trained for the purpose. Dithyramb is of great interest in the history of poetry, smce it was the germ from which sprung at a later time the magnificent productions of the tragic Muse at Athens. Stesichorus was a native of Himera in Sicily. He is said to have been bom in b. c. 632, to have flourished about b. c. G08, and to have died in B. c. 5 60. He travelled in many parts of Greece, and wjis buried in Catana, where his grave was shown near a gate of the city in later times. He in- troduced such great improvements into the Greek chorus, that he is fre- quently described as the inventor of choral poetry. He was the first to break the monotony of the choral song, wliich had consisted previously of nothing more than one uniform stanza, by dividing it into the Strophe, the Antistrophe, and the Epodus, — the turn, the return, and the rest. § 9. Alcaeus and Sappho were both natives of Mytilene, in the island of Lesbos, and flourished about b. c. 610-580. Their songs were com- posed for a single voice, and not for the chorus, and each of them was the inventor of a new metre, which bears the inventor's name, and is familiar to us in the well-known odes of Horace. Their poetry was the warm out- pouring of the writers' inmost feelings, and presents the lyric poetry of the JEoKans at its highest point Of the life of Alcieus we have several interesting particulars. He fought in the war between the Athenians and IMytilenjeans for the posses- sion of Sigeum (b. c. 606), and incurred the disgrace of leaving his arms behind him on the field of battle. He enjoyed, notwithstanding, the repu- tation of a brave and skilful warrior, and his house is described by himself as furnished with the weapons of war rather than with the mstruments of his art. He took an active part in the civil dissensions of his native state, and warmly espoused the cause of the aristocratical party, to which he belonged by birth. Wlien the nobles were driven into exile, he endeav- ored to cheer their spirits by a number of most animated odes, full of invectives against the popular party and its leaders. In order to oppose the attempts of the exiled nobles, Pittacus was unanimously chosen by the people as ^symnetes or Dictator. He held his office for ten years (b. o. 589-579), and during that time he defeated all the efforts of the exiles, and established the constitution on a popular basis. When Alca;us per- ceived that all hope of restoration to his native country was gone, he travelled into Egypt and other lands. The fragments of his poems which remain, and the excellent imitations by Horace, enable us to understand something of their character. Those which have received the highest praise are his warUke odes,* of which we have a specimen in the following description of his palace halls : — " From floor to roof the spacious palace halls Glitter with war's array ; . With burnished metal clad, the lofty walls Beam like the bright noonday. There white-plumed helmets hang from many a nail, Above in threatening row ; Steel-garnished tunics, and broad coats of mail, Spread o'er the space below. Chalcidian blades enow, and belts, are here, Greaves and emblazoned shields ; Well-tried protectors from the hostile spear On other battle-fields. With these good helps our work of war 's begun; With these our victory must be won." f In some of his poems Alcoeus described the hardships of exile, and the perils he encountered in his wanderings by land and by sea ; J while in others he sang of the pleasures of love and of wine. Sappho, the contemporary of Alcaeus, whom he addresses as "the violet-haired, spotless, sweetly-smiling Sappho," was the greatest of all the Greek poetesses. The ancient writers agree in expressing the most un- bounded admiration for her poetry ; Plato in an extant epigram calls her the tenth Muse ; and it is related of Solon, that, on hearing for the first time the recital of one of her poems, he prayed tliat he might not see death until he had committed it to memory. Of the events of her life we have scarcely any information ; and the common story that, being in love with Phaon and finding her love unrequited, she leaped down from the Leucadian rock, seems to have been an invention of later times. At Mytilene Sappho was the centre of a female literary society, the members of which were her pupils in poetry, fasliion, and gallantry. Modem * " Alcaei minaces CameniB." — HoR. Carm. iv. 9. 7. t Translated by Colonel Mure. } " Et te sonantem plenius aureo, Alcsee, plectro dura navis, Dura fugae mala, dura belli." — HoR. Carm. ii. 13, 26. /t 126 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. Xm. B. C. 600.) IHE SEVEN SAGES. 127 writers have inileed attempted to prove that the moral character of Sappho was free from all reproach, and that her tenderness was as pure as it was glowing; but it is imiKJssible to read the extant fragments of her poetry without being forced to come to the conclusion, that a female who could write such verses could not be the pure and virtuous woman which her modern apologists pretend. Her ix)ems were chiefly amatory,* and the most important of the fragments which have been preserved is a magnifi- cent ode to the Goddess of Love. In several of Sappho's fragments we perceive the exquisite taste with which she employed images drawn from nature, of which we have an example in the beautiful line imitated by Byi^>n,- « O Hesperas! thou bringest all things." f § 10. Anacreon is the last lyric poet of this period who claims our attention. He was a native of the Ionian city of Teos. He spent part of his life at Samos, under the patronage of Polycrates, in whose praise he wrote many songs. After the death of this despot (b. c. 522), he went to Athens, at tlie invitation of Hipparchus, who sent a galley of fifty oars to * " Spirat adhuc amor Vivuntque commissi calores iEoliiB fidibus puellae." — Hor. Cnrm. iv. 9, 10. t Xlie charges brought against Sappho are unsustained by a particle of contemporary proof. The warm tone of a part of her poetry cannot fairly be used to impeach her personal character. The stories of her passion for Phaon, and of her having taken the leap from the Leucadian cliff, by way of a water-cure for disappointed love, are the inventions of a later age, and are not alluded to by any contemporary authority. The Roman poets, particu- larly Ovid, six hundred years after tlie death of Sappho, took up and exaggerated the scan- dals of the Attic comedians, with whom a buriesque Sappho was a stock character, about as much like the real person as the Socrates of the Clouds resembles the philosopher who died a martyr to Virtue. There is a passage in Aristotle (Rhet. T. 9) where he quotes some lines from a poem addressed by Alcseus to Sappho, and her reply. " Aleam. I fain would speak, but shame '^^^thholds my tongue. " Sappho, If love of good or noble aims impelled thee, Nor ill thy tongue were struggling to declare, Shame would not, seated in thine eyes, have held thee,— Thou wouldst have spoken out thy purpose faur." This is not the style in which a wanton would have been woed, or would have answered a poet like Alcaus. Several other names are mentioned in disreputable connection with hers, by the ancient libellers. .But Archilochus died before Sappho was born ; Hipponax was bora after Sappho died ; Anacreon was two years old when Sappho was forty-eight;— and these are the only persons specified as having been her lovers. Mr. Mure, however, who examines the evidence with the metaphysical acuteness characteristic of his nation, decides the case against the accused. Professor Volger believes the story of her love affair with Phaon, and the Leucadian leap, though he admits she must have been at least forty years old. As to the unprobability of her being so desperately enamored, at that sober and respectable age, with young Phaon, who seems to have been troubled with what old Mr. Weller calls "in- adwertent captiwation," the learned Professor says, " We are not without examples of elderly ladies m love with young gentlemen, and young gentlemen not m love with elderly ladies." — Eo. fetch him. He remained at Athens till the assassination of Hipparchus (b. c. 514), when he is supposed to have returned to Teos. The univer- sal tradition of antiquity represents Anacreon as a coiisummate volup- tuary ; and his poems prove the truth of the tradition. He sings of love and wine with hearty good-will, and we see in him the luxury of the Ionian inflamed by the fervor of the poet. His death was worthy of his life, if we may believe the account that he was choked by a grape-stone. Only a few genuine fragments of his poems have come down to us, for the odes ascribed to him are now universally admitted to be spurious. § 11. Down to the end of the seventh century before Christ Uterary celebrity in Greece was exclusively confined to the poets ; but at the com- mencement of the following century there sprang up in different parts of Greece a number of men who, under the name of the Seven Sages, became distinguished for their practical sagacity and wise sayings or maxims. Their names are differently given in the various popular cata- logues ; but those most generally admitted to the honor are Solon, Thales, Pittacus, Periander, Cleobolus, Chilo, and Bias. Most of these person- ages were actively engaged in the affairs of public life, and exercised great influence upon their contemporaries. They were the authors of the cele- brated mottoes inscribed in later days in the Delphian temple, — " Know thyself," — " Nothing too much," — " Know thy op^wrtunity," — " Surety- ship is the precursor of ruin." Of Solon, the legislator of Athens, and of Periander, the despot of Corinth, we have already spoken at length ; and Thales will presently claim our notice as the founder of Grecian philosophy. Pittacus has been mentioned in connection with the Ufe of Alcaeus, aa the wise and virtuous ruler of Mytilene, who resigned the sovereign power which his fellow-citizens had voluntarily conferred upon him, after establish- ing political order in the state. The maxims attributed to him illustrate the amiable features of his character. He pronounced " the greatest blessing which a man can enjoy to be the power of doing good " ; that " the most sagacious man, was he who foresaw the approach of misfortune " ; " the bravest man, he who knew how to bear it " ; that " victory should never be stained by blood " ; and that " pardon was often a more effectual check on crime than punishment." Cleobulus was despot of Lindus, in the island of Rhodes, and is only known by his pithy sayings. He taught that " a man should never leave his dwelling without considering well what he was about to do, or re-enter it without reflecting on what he had done " ; and that " it was folly in a husband either to fondle or reprove his wife in company." Chilo, of Sparta, had filled the office of Ephor in his native city, and his daughter was married to the Spartan king, Demaratus. When asked what were the three most difficult things in a man's life, he replied : " To keep a secret, to forgive injuries, and to make a profitable use of leisure time. » 128 raSTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XHl B. C. 600.] SCHOOLS OF PHILOSOPHY. 129 |lf III I* Bias, of Priene in Ionia, appears to have been tlie latest of the Seven Sages, since he was alive at the Persian conquest of the Ionian cities. The following are specimens of his maxims : he declared " the most unfor- tunate of all men to be the man who knows not hoi^' to bear misfortune " ; that « a man should be slow in making up his mmd, but swift in executing his decisions"; that "a man should temper his love for his friends by the reflection that they might some day become his enemies, and moderate his hatred of his enemies by the reflection that they might some day become his friends." When overtaken by a storm on a voyage with a dissolute crew, and hearing them offer up prayers for their safety, he advised them rather "to be silent, lest the gods should discover that they were at sea." § 12. The history of Greek philosophy begins with Thales of Miletus, who was bom about b. c. 640, and died in 550, at the age of 90. He was the founder of the Ionic school of pliilosophy, and to him were traced the first beginnings of geometry and astronomy. The main doctrine of his philosophical system was, that water, or fluid substance, was the single original element from which everythmg came, and into wliich everything returned. Anaximander, the successor of Thales in the Ionic school, lived from B. c. 610 to 547. He was distinguished for his knowledge of astronomy and geography, and is said to have been the first to introduce the use of the sun-dial into Greece. He was also one of the earliest Greek writers in prose, in which he composed a geographical treatise. He is further said to have constructed a chart or map to accompany this work ; and to this account we may give the more credence, since in the century after his death, at the time of the Ionic revolt, the Ionian Aristagoras showed to the Spartan Cleomenes "a tablet of copper, upon which was inscribed eveiy known part of the habitable world, the seas, and the rivers." Anaximenes, the third in the series of the Ionian philosophers, lived a little later than Anaximander. He endeavored, like Thales, to derive the origin of all material things from a single element; and, according to his theory, air was the source of life. In like manner, Heracleitus of Ephesus, who flourished about b. c. 513, regarded fire or heat as the primary form of all matter; and theories of a similar nature were held by other philoso- phers of this school. A new path was struck out by Anaxagoras of Clazomeme, the most illustrious of the Ionic philosophers. Anaxagoras was born in b. c. 499, and consequently his life, strictly speaking, belongs to the next period of Grecian history ; but we mention him here in order to complete our account of the Ionic school. He came to Athens in 480 b. c, being then only in his twentieth year. Though he inherited a considerable property from his father, he resigned it all to his relatives, m order to devote himself entkely to philosophy. He continued to teach at Athens for thirty years, and numbered among his hearers Pericles, Socrates, and Euripides. He abandoned the system of his predecessors, and, instead of regarding some elementary form of matter as the origin of all things, he conceived a supreme mind or intelligence,* distinct from the visible world, to have im- parted form and order to the chaos of nature. These innovations afforded the Athenians a pretext for indicting Anaxagoras of impiety, though it is probable that his connection with Pericles was the real cause of that pro- ceeding. It was only through the influence and eloquence of Pericles that he was not put to death ; but he was sentenced to pay a fine of five talents and quit Athens. The philosopher retu-ed to Lampsacus, where he died at the age of seventy-two. § 13. The second school of Greek philosophy was the Eleatic, which derived its name from Elea or Velia, a Greek colony on the western coast of Southern Italy. It was founded by Xenoplianes of Colophon, who fled to Elea on the conquest of his native land by the Persians. He conceived the whole of nature to be God, and did not hesitate to denounce as abom- inable the Homeric descriptions of the gods. His pliilosophical system was developed in the succeeding century by his successors, Parmenides and Zeno, who exercised great influence upon Greek speculation by the acuteness of their dialectics. § 14. The third school of philosophy was founded by Pythagoras. The history of this celebrated man has been obscured by the legends of later writers ; but there are a few important facts respecting him which are sufficently well ascertained. He was a native of Samos, and was bom about B. c. 580. His father was an opulent merchant, and Pythagoras himself travelled extensively in the East. His travels were greatly mag- nified by the credulity of a later age, but there can be no reasonable doubt that he visited Egypt, and perhaps also Phoenicia and Babylon. He is said to have received instruction from Thales, Anaximander, and other of the early Greek pliiloso[)hers. Of his own philosophical views our knowl- edge is very limited ; since he left nothing behind him in writing, and the later doctrines of the Pythagoreans were naturally attributed to the founder of the school. It is certain, however, that he believed in the transmigra- tion of souls ; and his contemporary Xenophanes related that Pythagoras, seeing a dog beaten, interceded in its behalf, saying, " It is the soul of a friend of mine, whom I recognize by its voice." Later writers added that Pythagoras asserted that his own soul had formerly dwelt in the body of the Trojan Euphorbus, the son of Panthoiis, who was slain by Menelaiis, and that in proof of his assertion he took down, at first sight, the shield of Euphorbus from the temple of Hera (Juno) at Argos, where it had been dedicated by Menelaiis.f Pythagoras was distinguished by his knowledge NoCff. t " habentque Tartara Panthoiden, iterum Oreo Demissum, quamvis clipeo Trojana refixo Tempora testatus, nihil ultra Nervos atque cutem morti concesserat atrae." — Hoe. Carm. i. 28. 10. 17 180 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XIII. B. C. 530.] PYTHAGORAS. 131 I ^ I IM of geometry and arithmetic ; and it was probably from his teaching that the Pythagoreans were led to regard numbers in some mysterious manner as the basis aiid essence of all things. We shall, however, form an erro- neous opinion of the character of Pythagoras, if we regard him simply as a philosopher, attaching to the word the same meaning which it bore among the Athenians of a later age. He was in fact more of the religious teacher than of the philosopher ; and he looked ujwn liimself as being des- tined by the gods to reveal to his disciples a new and purer mode of life. The religious element in his character made a profound impression upon his contemporaries, and they believed him to stand in a close connection with the gods. Pythagoras is said to have returned to Samos about the age of forty, with a mind deeply impressed with his divine mission. Finding the con- dition of his native country, which was then under the despotism of Poly- crates, unfavorable to the dissemination of his doctrines, he migrated to Croton in Italy. Here he met with the most wonderful success. His public exhortations induced numbers to enroll themselves as members of the new society which he sought to establish. This society was a kind of religious brotherhood, the members of which were bound together by pecu- liar rites and observances. There were various gradations among the members, and no candidates were admitted without passing through a period of probation, in which their intellectual faculties and general char- acter were tested. Everythmg done and taught in the fraternity was kept a profound secret from all without its pale. It appears that the members had some private signs, like Freemasons, by which they could recognize each other, even if they had never met before. From the secrecy in which their proceedings were enveloped, we do not know the nature of their re- ligious rites, nor the peculiar diet to which they are said to have been sub- jected. Some writers represent Pythagoras as forbidding all animal food ; but all the members could not have been subjected to this prohibition, since we know that the celebrated athlete Milo was a Pythagorean, and it would not have been possible for him to have dispensed with animal food. But temperance was strictly enjoined; and their whole training tended to produce great self-possession and mastery over the passions. Most of the converts of Pythagoras belonged to the noble and wealthy classes. Three hundred of them, most attached to their teacher, formed the nucleus of the society, and were closely united to Pythagoras and each other by a sacred vow. His doctrines spread rapidly over Magna Gnecia, and clubs of a shnilar character were established at Sybaris, Metapontum, Tarentum,and other cities. It does not appear that Pythagoras had originally any political designs ji the foundation of the brotherhood ; but it was only natural that a club like that of the Three Hundred at Croton should speedily acquire great influence in the conduct of pubUc aflfairs, which it uniformly exerted in favor of the oligarcliical party. Pythagoras himself also obtained great political power. He did not, it is true, hold any public office, either at Croton or elsewhere ; but he was the general of a powerful and well- discipUned order, which appears to have paid implicit obedience to his commands, and which bore in many respects a striking resemblance to the one founded in modem times by Ignatius Loyola. The influence, how- ever, exercised by the brotherhood upon public affairs proved its ruin. The support which it lent to the oligarchical party in the various cities, the secrecy of its proceedings, and the exclusiveness of its spirit, produced against the whole system a wide-spread feeling of hatred. The conquest of Sybaris by Croton (b. c. 510), of which an account has been already given, seems to have elated the Pythagoreans beyond meas- ure. The war had been undertaken through the advice of Pythagoras himself; and the forces of Croton had been commanded by Milo, a mem- ber of the brotherhood. Accordingly, on the termination of the war, the Pytliagoreans opposed more actively than ever the attempts of the popu- lar party to obtain a share in the government of Croton, and refused to divide among the people the territory of the conquered city. A revolu- tion was the consequence. A democratical form of government was estab- lished at Croton ; and the people now took revenge upon their powerfiil opponents. In an outbreak of popular fury an attack was made upon the house in which the leading Pythagoreans were assembled ; the house was set on fire ; and many of the members perished. Similar riots took place in the other cities of Magna Gnecia, in which Pythagorean clubs had been formed; and civil dissensions ensued, which, after lasting many years, were at length pacified by the friendly mediation of the Acha^ans of the mother country. The Pythagorean order, as an active and organized brotherhood, was thus suppressed ; but the Pythagoreans continued to ex- ist as a philosophical sect, and after some interval were again admitted into the cities from which they had been expelled. There were different accounts of the fate of Pythagoras himself; but he is generally stated to have died at Metapontum, where his tomb was shown in the time of Cicero. ./" 132 BISTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XIV Chap. XIV.] ARCHITECTURE. 133 IP II til Temple at iEgina, restored. CHAPTER XIV. HISTORY OP ART. 1 1. Perfection of Grecian Art. § 2. Origin of Architecture. § 8. Cyclopean Walls. Treas ury of Atreus. § 4. Architecture of Temples. § 6. Three Orders of Architecture, the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian. \ 6. Temples of Artemis (Diana) at Ephesus, of Hera (Juno) at Samoa, of Apollo at Delphi, and of Jove at Athens. Remains of Temples at Posidonia (Psestum), Selinus, and .Egina. | 7. Origin of Sculpture. Wooden Images of the Gods. Sculptured Figures on Architectural Monuments. Lions over the Gate at Mycence. § 8. Improvements in Sculpture in the Sixth and Fifth Centuries b. c. \ 9. Extant Specimens of Grecian Sculpture. The Selinuntine, ^gmetan, and Lycian Marbles. § 10. History of Painting. § 1. The perfection of Greek art is still more wonderful than the per- fection of Greek literature. In poetr}-, history, and oratory, other lan- guages have produced works which may stand comparison with the master- pieces of Greek literature ; but m architecture and sculpture the pre- eminence of the Hellenic race is acknowledged by the whole civilized world, and the most successful artist of modern times only hopes to approach, and dreams not of surpassing, the glorious creations of Grecian art. The art of a people is not only a most interesting branch of its antiquities, but also an important part of its history. It forms one of the most durable eviden- ces of a nation's growth in civilization and social progress. The remains of the Parthenon alone would have borne the most unerring testimony to the intellectual and social greatness of Athens, if the history of Greece had been a blank, and the names of Pericles and Pheidias unknown. § 2. Architecture first claims our attention in tracing the history of Grecian art, since it attained a high degree of excellence at a much earUer period than either sculpture or painting. Architecture has its origin in nature and in religion. The necessity of a habitation for man, and the attempt to erect habitations suitable for the gods, are the two causes from which the art derives its existence. In Greece, however, as in most other countries, architecture was chiefly indebted to religion for its development; and hence its history, as a fine art, is closely connected with that of the temple. But before speaking of the Grecian temples, it is necessary to say a few words respecting the earlier buildings of the Greeks. § 3. The oldest works erected by Grecian hands are those gigantic walls which are still found at Tiiyns and Mycenae, and other cities of Greece. They consist of enormous blocks of stone put together without cement of any kind, though they differ from one another in the mode of their construction. In the most ancient specimens, the stones are of irreo"- ular polygonal shapes, and no attempt is made to fit them into one an- other, the gaps being filled up with smaller stones : of this we have an example in the walls of the citadel of Tiiyns. Wall at Tiryns. In other cases the stones, though they are still of irregular polygonal shapes, are skilfully hewn and fitted to one another, and their faces are cut so as to give the whole wall a smooth appearance. A specimen of this kind is seen in the walls of Larissa, the citadel of Argos. In the third species the stones are more or less regular, and are laid in horizontal cour- ses. The walls of Mycenae present one of the best examples of this struc- Wall of the Citadel of Argos. 1^'^'^ "^fc HISTORY OF GREECE* [Chat. XIV Chap. XIV.] TEMPLES. lao I i?i N i tare. (See drawing on p. 24.) These gigantic walls are generally known by the name of Cyclopean, because posterity could not believe them to be |he works of man. Modem writers assign them to the Pelasgians ; but we know nothing of their origin, though we may safely believe them to belong to the earliest periods of Greek history. In the Homeric poems we find the cities of Greece surrounded with massive walls ; and the poet speaks of the chief cities of the Argive kingdom as " the walled Tiryns," and " Mycenae, the well-built city." The only other remains which can be regarded as contemporary with these massive walls are those subterraneous, dome-shaped edifices usually supposed to have been the treasuries of the Heroic kings. This, however, seems doubtful, and many modem writers maintain them to have been the family vaults of the ancient heroes by whom they were erected. The best preserved monument of tliis kind is the one at Mycenae, where we find so many remains of the earliest Grecian art. This building, genemlly called the Treasury of Atreus, is entirely under ground. It contains two cham- bers, the one upon entrance being a large vault about fifty feet in width and forty in height, giving access to a small chamber excavated in the solid rock. The building is constmcted of horizontal courses of masonry, which gradually approach and unite in the top in a closing stone. Its principle is that of a wall resisting a superincumbent weight, and deriving strength and coherence from the weight itself, which is in reality the prin- ciple of the arch. The doorway of the monument was formerly adorned with pilasters and other ornaments in marble of different colors. It ap- pears to have been lined in the interior with bronze plates, the holes for the nails of which are still visible in horizontal rows. § 4 The temples of the gods were originally small in size and mean in appearance. The most ancient were nothing but hollow trees, in wliich the images of the gods were placed, since the temple in early times was simply the habitation of the deity, and not a place for the worshippers. As the nation grew in knowledge and in civilization, the desire naturally arose of improving and embellisliing the habitations of their deities. The tree was first exchanged for a wooden house. The form of the temple was undoubtedly borrowed from the common dwellings of men. Among the Greeks of Asia Minor, we still find an exact conformity of style and arrangement between the wooden huts now occupied by the peasantry and the splendid temples of antiquity. The wooden habitation of the god gave way in turn to a temple of stone. In the erection of tliese fiacred edifices, architecture made great and rapid progress; and even as early as the sixth century there were many magnificent temples erected in various parts of Hellas. Most of the larger temples received their light from an opening in the centre of the building, and were for this reason called hypcBthral,* or under the sky. They usually consisted of three parts : the pronaos,^ or vestibule ; the naos, X or cella, which contained the statue of the deity; and the opisthodomos,% or back-building, in wliich the treasures of the temple were frequently kept. The form of the temples was very simple, being either oblong or round; and their grandeur was owing to the beautiful combination of columns which adorned the interior as well as the outside. These columns either surrounded the building entirely, or were arranged in porticos on one or more of its fronts; and according to their number and distribution temples have been classified both by ancient and modem writers on architecture. Columns were originally used simply to sup- port the roof of the building ; and, amidst all the elaborations of a later age, this object was always kept in view. Hence we find the column supporting a horizontal mass, technically called the entablature. Both the NnFffFTTff [ ©5?!*® E Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian Columns. column and the entablature are again divided into three distinct parts. The foi-mer consists of the base, the shaft, and the capital ; the latter, of the architrave, the frieze, and the cornice. The architrave is the chief beam, || resting on the summit of the row of columns ; the frieze rises above the architrave, and is frequently adorned by figures in relief, whence its Greek Wooden Hut in Asia Minor. * viraiBpoi. t frpovooy. J vdoSf also called (njKoS' U Called by the Greeks ^EniarrvXioPf epistylium. § 67n(rd68fioS' IBS HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XIV. Chap. XIV.] TEMPLES. 137 )\\i I ■ \ name ; * and above the frieze projects the comice,t forming a handsome finish to the entablature. According to certain differences in the pro- portions and embelUshments of the columns and entablature, Grecian architecture was divided into three orders, called respectively the Doric, Ionic, and Corintliian. § 5. The Doric order is the most ancient, and is marked by the charac- teristics of the people from whom it derives its name. It is simple, massive, and majestic. The column is characterized by the absence of a base, by the thickness and rapid diminution of the shaft, and by the sim- plicity and massiveness of the capital. In the entablature, the architrave is in one surface, and quite plain. The frieze is ornamented by triglyphs, so called from the three flat bands into which they are divided by the intervening channels ; while the metopes, or the vacant spaces between the triglyphs, are also adorned with sculptures in high relief. The cornice projects far, and on its under side are cut several sets of drops, called mutules. 4- ^^^^ LT ^ .J ^ u r u ' r^vmpni •J ^-^ oP- iSM I ' ill I . I Ji VJilUWAiVJig i liuu rfft'"'"w»J"'"'™*«»""'-*^ Ionic Architecture. From the Erechtheum. Doric Architecture. From Temple at Phigalia. The Ionic order is distinguished by simple gracefuhiess, and by a much richer style of ornament than the Doric. The shaft of the column is much more slender, and rests upon a base ; while the capital is adorned by spiral volutes. The architrave is in three faces, the one slightly pro- jectmg beyond the other ; there is a small cornice between the architrave Zm(f>6poSi zophoTUt' f KofMvlst coromt. and the frieze, and all three members of the entablature are more or less ornamented with mouldings. The Corinthian order is only a later form of the Ionic, and belongs to a period subsequent to the one treated in the present book. It is especially characterized by its beautiful capital, which is said to have been suggested to the mind of the celebrated sculptor Callimaehus by the sight of a basket, covered by a tile, and overgrown by the leaves of an acanthus, on which it had accidentally been placed. The earliest known example of its use throughout a building is in the Choragic monument of Lysicrates, formerly called the Lantern of Demosthenes, wliich was built in b. c. 335. Corinthian Architecture. From the Monument of Lysicrates.* § 6. Passing over the earUer Greek temples, we find at the beginning of the sixth century b. c. several magnificent buildings of this kind men- tioned by the ancient writers. Of these two of the most celebrated were the temple of Artemis (Diana) at Ephesus, and the temple of Hera (Juno) at Samos. The former was erected on a gigantic scale, and from its size and magnificence was regarded as one of the wonders of the world. It « In the Street of Tripods (pBbs Tpnrodoip) at Athens.— Ed. 18 138 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XIV. Chap. XIV.] STATUARY. 139 \ was commenced about B. c. 600, under the superintendence of the archi- tects Chersiphron and his son Metagenes, of Cnossos in Crete, but it occu- pied many years in building. The material employed was white marble, and the order of architecture adopted was the Ionic. Its length was four hundred and twenty-five feet, its breadth two hundred and twenty feet ; the columns were sixty feet in height, and one hundred and twenty-seven in number; and the blocks of marble composing the architrave were thirty feet in length. This wonder of the world was bunit down by Herostratus, in oixler to immortalize himself, on the same night that Alex- ander the Great was bom (b. c. 356) ; but it was afterwai-ds rebuilt with still greater magnificence by the contributions of all the states of Asia Minor. The temple of Hera (Juno) at Samos was begun about the same time as the one at Ephesus ; but it appears to have been finished much earlier, since it was the largest temple with wliich Herodotus was acquainted. It was three hundred and forty-six feet in length, and one hundred and eighty-nine in breadth, and was originally built in the Doric style, but the existing remains belong to the Ionic order. The architects were Ehoecus and his son Theodorus, both natives of Samos. In the latter half of the same century the temple of Delphi was rebuilt after its destruction by fire in b. c. 548. The sum required for the erec- tion of this temple was three hundred talents, or about £ 75,000,* which had to be collected fi-om the various cities in the Hellenic world. The contract for the building w as taken by the Alcmaeonida?, and the magnifi- cent mjmner m which they executed the work has been already men- tioned. It was in the Doric style, and the front was cased with Parian marble. About the same time Peisistratus and his sons commenced the temple of the Olympian Zeus at Athens. It was a colossal fabric in the Corm- thian style, three hundred and fifty-nine feet in length by one hundred and seventy-three in breadth, and was only completed by the Emperor Hadri- an, six hundred and fifty years after its foundation. The temples mentioned above have entirely disappeared, with the ex- ception of a few columns ; but others erected in the sixth and fifth centu- ries b. c. have withstood more successfully the ravages of time. Of these the most perfect and the most striking are the two temples at Posidonia, or Pajstum, the colony of Sybaris in Southern Italy, the remains of which still fill the beholder with admiration and astonishment. The larger of the two, which is the more ancient, is characterized by the massive sim- plicity of the ancient Doric style. It is one hundred and ninety-five feet long by seventy-five feet wide. There are likewise considerable remains of three ancient temples at Selinus in Sicily, built in the Doric style. The * Equal to about $350,000, in round numbers. — En. temple of Zeus Panhellemus, in the island of JEgina, of which many columns are stiU standing, was probably erected in the sixth centuiy b. c, and not after the Persian wars, as is stated by many modern writers. It stands in a sequestred and lonely spot in the northeast corner of the island, over- looking the sea and commanding a view of the opposite coast of Attica. It is in the Doric style ; and the front elevation, as restored, is exhibited in the engraving at the head of this chapter. § 7. Sculpture, or, to use a more correct expression. Statuary, owed its origin, like architecture, to religion. The only statues in Greece were for a long time those of the gods ; and it was not till about b. c. 550 that stat- ues began to be erected in honor of men. The most ancient representa- tions of the gods did not even pretend to be images, but were only sym- bolical signs of their presence, and were often nothing more than unhe^vn blocks of stone or simple pieces of wood. Sometimes there was a real statue of the god, carved in wood, of which material the most ancient statues were exclusively made.* The ai*t of carvmg in wood was confined to certain families, and was handed down from father to son. Such families are represented in Attica by the mythical name of Dtedalus, and in ^gina by the equally mythical name of Smilis, from both of whom many artists of a later age traced then* descent The hereditary cultiva- tion of tlie art tended to repress its improvement and development ; and the carvers long contmued to copy from generation to generation the exact type of each particular god. These wooden figures were frequently painted and clothed, and were decorated with diadems, ear-rings, and necklaces, and in course of time were partly covered with gold or ivory. Statues in marble or metal did not begin to be made till the sixth cen- tury B. C. Though statuary proper, or the construction of a round figure standing by itself, continued in a rude state for a long time in Greece, yet sculp- tured figures on architectural monuments were executed at an early period in a superior style of art. One of the earliest specimens of sculpture still extant is the work in relief above the ancient gate at Mycenae, represent- ing two lions standing on their hind legs, with a kind of pillar between them. They are figured on p. 24. § 8. About the beginning of the sixth century b. c. a fresh impulse was given to statuary, as well as to the other arts, by the discovery of certain mechanical processes in the use and application of the metals. Glaucus of Chios is mentioned as the inventor of the art of soldering metal ; t and Rhoecus and Theodorus of Samos, who have been ah*eady spoken of as architects, invented the art of casting figures of bronze in a mould. The magnificent temples, which began to be built about the same period, called ♦ A -wooden statue was called ^oavov, from ^«, " polish" or " carve." f (Tibripov KoXXijo'tff, Herod. I. 26. IM HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XIV. Chap. XTV.] PAINTING. 141 III I ♦ 1! into exercise the art of the sculptor, since the friezes and pediments were usually adorned with figures in relief. Dipcenus and Scyllis of Crete, who practised their art at Sicyon al)out B. c. 580, were the first sculptors who obtained renown for their statues in marble. They founded a school of art in Sicyon, which long enjoyed great celebrity. The other most dis- tinguished schools of art were at Samos, Chios, iEgina, and Argos. The practice of erecting statues of the victors in the great public games, which commenced about b. c. 550, was likewise of great service in the develop- ment of the art. In foiming these statues the sculptor was not tied down by a fixed type, as in the case of the images of the gods, and consequently gave greater play to his inventive powers. The improvement thus pro- duced in the statues of men was gradually extended to the images of the gods ; and the artist was emboldened to depart from the ancient models, and to represent the gods under new forms of beauty and grandeur. Nevertheless, even the sculptures which belong to the close of the present period still bear traces of the religious restraints of an earHer age, and form a transition from the hardness and stiffness of the archaic style to that ideal beauty which was shortly afterwards developed in the sublime works of Pheidias. § 9. Among the remains of the sculpture of this period still extan^ those most worthy of notice are the reUefs in the metopes of the^emple of Selinus, the statues on the pediments of the temple of -^gina, and the reliefs on the great monument recently discovered at Xanthus in Lycia. The two reliefs given on p. 108 are taken from the metopes of two temples at Selinus. The first, belonging to the more ancient of the tem- ples, which was probably built about b. c. GOO, represents Pei-seus cutting off the head of Medusa, with the assistance of Pallas. The work is very rude and very inferior, both in style and execution, to the lions over the gate at Mycenae. The second, belonging to the more recent of the tem- ples, probably erected in the latter half of the fifth century, exhibits a marked improvement It represents Actaeon metamorphosed into a stag by Artemis (Diana), and torn to pieces by his own dogs. Two of the statues on one of the pediments of the temple at -^gina are represented on pp. 15, 16. These statues were discovered in 1812, and are at present in the collection at Munich. They have been restored by Thorwaldsen. The subject is Athena (Minerva), leading the -^acids or ^ginetan heroes in the war against the Trojans. There are traces of color on the clothes, arms, eyeballs, and hps, but not the flesh; and it appears, from the many small holes found in the marble, that bronze armor was fixed to the statues by means of nails. There is great anima- tion in the figures, but their gestures are too violent and abrupt ; and one may still perceive evident ti*aces of the archaic style. The close imitation of nature is very striking. The reliefs on the monument at Xanthus in Lycia were evidently exe- cuted by Greek artists, and probably about the same time as the JEgine- tan statues. The monument consists of a quadrangular tower of lime- stone on a base, and was surrounded on four sides by marble friezes at the height of twenty feet from the ground. On these friezes, which ai-e now in the British Museum, there are sculptures representing various mythological subjects ; and from the ends of the narrower sides contain- ing four beautiful Harpies carrying off maidens, the building is frequently called the Harpy Monument. The general character of these sculptures is an antique sunplicity of style, united with grace and elegance of exe- cution. § 10. Painting is not mentioned as an imitative art in the earliest rec- ords of Grecian litemture. Homer does not speak of any kind of pamt- ing, although he frequently describes garments inwoven with figures. The fine arts in all countries appear to have been indebted to religion for their development ; and since painting was not connected in early times with the worship of the gods, it long remained behind the sister arts of architecture and sculpture. For a considerable period all painting con- sisted in coloring statues and architectural monuments, of which we find traces in the ruins of the temples already described. The first improve- ments in painting were made in the schools of Corinth and Sicyon ; and the most ancient specimens of the art which have come down to us are found on the oldest Corinthian vases, which may be assigned to the begin- ning of the sixth century b. c. About the same tune painting began to be cultivated in Asia Minor, along with architecture and sculpture. The paintings of the town of Phocsea are mentioned on the capture of that city by Harpagus in b. c. 544 ; and a few years afterwards (b. c. 508) Man- drocles, wlio constructed for Darius the bridge of boats across the Bosporus, had a picture painted representing the passage of the army and the king himself seated on the throne reviewing the troops as they passed. The only great painter, however, of this period, whose name has been preserved, is Cimon of Cleonae, whose date is uncertain, but who probably must not be placed later than the time of Peisistratus and his sons (b. c. 560 - 510). He introduced great improvements into the art, and thus prepared the way for the perfection in which it appears at the beginning of the follow- ing period. His works probably held the same place in the history of painting which the ^ginetan marbles occupy in the history of sculpture, forming a transition from the archaic stiffness of the old school to the ideal beauty of the paintmgs of Polygnotus of Thasos. ! ' Chap. XV.J the Assyrian and median empires. 14B fmfu *■ H|i! Ml If* f t Cynuh from a bas^wUef at Pasargada. BOOK III. THE PERSIAN WARS B. C. 500-478. CHAPTER XV. THE MSB AND QKOWTH OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. § 1. IniToduction. 4 2. The Assyrian Empire. 4 8. The Median Empire. 1 4. The Baby- lonian Empire. ^ 5. The Lydian Monarchy, and its Influence npon the Asiatic Oreeka. { 6. Conquest of the Asiatic Greeks by Croesus, King of Lydia. \ 7. Foundation of the Persian Empire by Cyrus, and Overthrow of the Median Empire by the latter. S B.Um- quest of the Lvdian Monarchy by Cyrus. | 9. Conquest of the Asiatic ^^^\^r Harpagus, the General of Cyrus. Death of Cyrus, k 10. Reigns of Cambyses and of the false Smerdis. § 11. History of Polycrates, Despot of Samos. § 12. Accession or Darius, Son of Hystaspes. His Organization of the Persian Empire. \ 13. Invasion or Scythia by Dariua. i 14. Subjection of Thrace and Macedonia to the Persian ijnpire. § 1. The period upon which we are now entering is the most bnlliant in the history of Greece. The subject has hitherto been confined to the history of separate and isolated cities, which were but Uttle affected by each other's prosperity or adversity. But the Persian invasion produced an important change in the relations of the Greek cities. A common danger drew them closer together and compelled them to act in concert Thus Grecian history obtains a degree of unity, and consequently of interest. The rise and progress of the Persian empire, which produced such important results upon the Grecian states, therefore claim our atten- tion ; but in order to understand the subject aright, it is necessary to go a little further back, and to glance at the history of those monarchies which were overthroMm by the Persians. § 2. From the first dawn of history to the present day, the East has been the seat of vast and mighty empires. Of these the earUest and the most extensive was founded by the Assyrian kings, who resided at the city of Nineveh on the Tigris. At the time of its greatest prosperity this empire appears to have extended over the South of Asia, from the Indus on the east to the Mediterranean Sea on the west. Of its history we have hardly any particulars; but its greatness is attested by the unanimous voice of sacred and profane writers ; and the wonderful discoveries which have been made within the last few years in the earthen mounds which entomb the ancient Nmeveh afford unerring testimony of the progress which the Assyrians had made in architecture, sculpture, and the arts of civilized life. At the beginning of the eighth century before the Christian era, the power of this vast empire was broken by the revolt of the Medes and Babylonians, who had hitherto been its subjects. The city of Nineveh still continued to exist as the seat of an independent kingdom, but the greater part of its dominions was divided between the Medes and Baby- lonians. § 3. The Medes belonged to that branch of the Indo-Grermanic family inhabiting the vast space of country known by the general name of Iran or Aria, which extends south of the Caspian and the Oxus, from the Indus on the east to Mount Zagros on the west, — a range of mountains running parallel to the Tigris and eastward of that river. The northwestern part of this country was occupied by the Medes, and their capital, Ecbatana, was situated in a mountainous and healthy district, which was celebrated for the freshness and coolness of its climate in the summer heats. Their language was a dialect of the Zend ; and their religion was the one which had been founded by Zoroaster. They worshipped fire as the symbol of the Deity, and their priests were the Magi, who foi-med a distinct class or caste, possessing great influence and power in the state. The people were brave and warlike, and under their successive monarchs they graduaUy extended their dominion from the Indus on the east to the river Halys in the centre of Asia Minor on the west. Their most celebrated conquest was the capture of Nineveh, which they razed to the ground in b. c. 606.* ♦ According to Herodotus, there were four Median kings: — 1. Deioces, the founder of h *■ Chap. XV.] THE ASSYRIAN AND MEDIAN EMPIRES. 143 Cyrus, from a bas-relief at Pasargadse. BOOK III. IHE PERSIAN WARS B. C. 500 - 478. CHAPTER XV. THE RISE AND GROWTH OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. S 1. Inircxluction. § 2. The Assyrian Empire. § 3. The Median Empire. §4. Jhe Baby- lonian Empire. § 5. The Lv.liaii Monarchy, and its Influence upon the Asiatic breeks. § 6. Conquest of the Asiatic Gi-ecks by Crcesus, King of Lydia. § 7. foundation of the Persian Empire bv Cyrus, and Overtiirow of the Median Empire by tlie latter. J S. l^on- quest of the Lvdian Monarchy by Cyrus. § 9. Conquest of the Asiatic Greeks by Hamasus, the General of Cvrus. Death of Cyrus. § 10. Reigns of Cambyses and of the false Smerdis. k 11. History of Polycrates, Despot of Samos. § 12. Accession of Darius, Son of Hvstaspcs. His Organization of the Persian Empire. J 13. invasion ot Scythia by Darius. § 14. Subjection of Thrace and Macedonia to the Persian Empire. § 1. The period upon which we are now entering is the most bnlliant in the history of Greece. The subject has hitherto been confined to the history of separate and isolated cities, which were but little affected by each other's prosperity or adversity. But the Persian invasion produced an important change in the relations of the Greek cities. A common danger drew them closer together and comi)elled them to act in concert. Thus Grecian history obtains a degree of unity, jiiid consequently of interest. The rise and progress of tlie Persian empire, which produced sucli important results upon the Grecian states, theret'ore claim our atten- tion ; l)ut in order to understiuid the subject ariglit, it is necessary to go a little further back, and to glance at the history of those monarchies which were overthrown by tlie Persians. § 2. From the first dawn of history to the present day, the East has been the seat of vast and miglity empires. Of these the earliest and the most extensive Avas founded by the Assyrian kings, Avho resided at the city of Nineveh on the Tigris. At the time of its greatest [)rosperity this empire appears to have extended over the South of Asia, from the Indus on the east to the Mediterranean Sea on the west. Of its history we have hardly any particulars; but its greatness is attested by the unanimous voice of sacred and profane writers ; and the wonderful discoveries which have been made within the last few years in the etirthen mounds which entomb the ancient Nineveh attbrd unerring testimony of tlie progress which the Assyrians had made in architecture, sculpture, and the arts of civilized life. At the beginning of the eighth century before the Christian era, the power of this vast empire was broken by the revolt of the Medea and Babylonians, who had hitherto been its subjects. The city of Nineveh still continued to exist as tlie seat of an indeiiendent kingdom, but the greater part of its dominions was divided between the Medes and Baby- lonians. § 3. The Medes belonged to that brancli of the Indo-Germanic family inhabiting the vast space of country known by the general name of Iran or Aria, which extends south of the Caspian and the Oxus, from the Indus on the east to ISIount Zagros on the west, — a range of mountains running parallel to the Tigris and eastward of that river. The northwestern part of this country was occupied by the Medes, and their capital, Ecbatana, was situated in a mountainous and healthy district, which was celebrated for the freshness and coolness of its climate in the summer heats. Their language was a dialect of the Zend ; and their religion was the one which had been founded by Zoroaster. They worshipped lire as the symbol of the Deity, and their priests were the Magi, who formed a distinct class or caste, i)ossessing great influence and power m the state. The people were brave and warlike, and under their successive monarchs tliey gradually extended their dominion from the Indus on the east to the river Halys in the centre of Asia Minor on the west. Their most celebrated conquest was the capture of Nineveh, which they razed to the ground in b. c. 606.* According to Herodotus, there were four Median kings: — 1. Deioces, the founder of HISTOKT OF GREECE. [Crap.ZV B. C. S60.J THE LTDIAN MONARCHY. 145 *'i' I4HI it § 4. The Babylonians were a Semitic people. Their territory com- prised the feilile district between the Tigris and the Euphrates, and their capital, Babylon, situated on the latter river, was one of the greatest cities in the ancient world. Herodotus, who visited it in its decUne, descnbes its size and grandeur in terms which would exceed belief, if the truthful- ness of the historian was not above all suspicion. It was built in the form of a square, of which each side was fifteen miles in length, and it was surrounded by walls of prodigious size, three hundred feet high and seventy-five feet thick. Under Nebuchadnezzar the Babylonian empire reached its height. This monarch extended his dominions as far as the confines of Egypt. He took Jerusalem, and carried away its inhabitants into captivity, and he annexed to his dominions both Judaea and Phoenicia. On his death, in b. c. 5G2, he bequeathed to his son Labynetus (the Bel- shazzar of Scripture) a kmgdom which extended from the Tigiis to the frontiers of Egypt and the South of Phoenicia. § 5. The Median and Babylonian empires. did not include any countries inhabited by the Greeks, and exercised only a remote influence upon Grecian civiUzation. There was, however, a third power, which rose upon the ruins of the Assyrian empire, with wliich the Greeks were brought into immediate contact. This was the Lydian monarchy, whose territory was originally confined to the fertile district eastward of Ionia, watered by the Cayster and the Hermus. The capital of the monarchy was Sardis, which was situated on a precipitous rock belonging to the ridge of Mount Tmolus. Here three dynasties of Lydian kings are said to have reigned. Of the first two we have no account, and it is probable that, down to the commencement of the third of these dynasties, Lydia formed a provmce of the Assyrian empire. However this may be, the history of Lydia begins only with the accession of Gyges, the founder of the third dynasty ; and it cannot be a mere accident that the beginning of his reign is nearly coincident with the decline of the Assyrian empire and the foundation of the independent monarchies of the Babylonians and Medes.* Under Gyges and his successors Sardis became the centre of a power- ful and civilized monarchy ; and the existence of such a state in close proximity to the Greek cities in Ionia exercised an important influence upon the latter. The Lydians were a wealthy and industrious people, carrying on an extensive commerce, practising manufactures and ac- quainted with various arts. The Lydians are said to have been the first people to coin money of gold and silver ; and of the former metal they '■1 1 the empire, who reigned b.c. 710-657; 3. Phraortes, b. c. 657 - 635 ; 8. Cyaxares, b. c. 636-695; 4. Astyages, B.C. 696-559. ♦ According to Herodotus, there were five Lydian kfngs: — 1. Gyges, who reigned b. c. n6-678; 2. Ardys, B.C. 678-629; 8. Sadyattes, B.C. 629-617; 4. Alyattes, B.C. 617- 600; 6. Croesus, b. c. 560 - 546. obtained large quantities in the sands of the river Pactolus, which flowed down from Mount Tmolus towards the Hermus. From them the Ionic Greeks derived various improvements in the useful and the ornamental arts, especially in the weaving and the dyeing of fine fabrics, in the pro- cesses of metallurgy, and in the style of their music. The growth of the Lydian monarchy in wealth and civilization was attended witli another advfintage to the Grecian cities on the coast. As the territory of the Lydians did not originally extend to the sea, the whole of their commerce with the Mediterranean passed through the Grecian cities, and wjvs carried on in Grecian ships. This contributed greatly to the prosperity and wealth of Miletus, Phoca?a, and the other Ionian cities. § 6. But while the Asiatic Greeks were indebted for so much of their grandeur and opulence to the Lydian monarchy, the increasing power of the latter eventually deprived them of their political independence. Even Gyges had endeavored to reduce them to subjection, and the jlttempt was renewed at various times by his successors ; but it was not until the reign of Croesus, the last king of Lydia, who succeeded to the throne in b. c. 560, that the Asiatic Greeks became tlie subjects of a barbarian power. This monarch succeeded in tlie enterprise in which his predecessors had failed. He began by attacking Ephesus, and reduced in succession all the other Grecian cities on the coast. His rule, however, was not oppres- sive ; he appears to have been content with tlie payment of a moderate tribute, and to have i)ermitted the cities to regulate their own affairs. He next turned his arms towards tlie east, and subdued all the nations in Asia Minor west of tlie river Ilalys, with tlie exception of the Lycians and Cilicians. The fame of Croesus and of his countless treasures now resounded through Greece. He spoke the Greek language, welcomed Greek guests, and reverenced the Greek oracles, which he enriched with the most munificent offerings. The wise men of Greece were attracted to Sardis by the fiime of his power and of his wealth. Among his other visitors he is said to have entertained Solon ; but the celebrated story of the interview between the Athenian sage and the Lydian monarch, which the stern laws of chronology compel us to reject, has ah-eady been nar- rated in a previous part of this work.* Croesus deemed himself secure from the reach of calamities, and his kingdom appeared to be placed upon a firm and lasting foundation. His own subjects were submissive and obedient ; and he was closely connected with the powerful monarchs of Media, Babylon, and Egypt. Astyages, the king of Media, whose territories adjoined his own, was his brother-in-law ; and he had formed an alliance and friendship with Labynetus, king of Babylon, and Amasis, king of Egypt. The four kings seemed to have nothing to fear, either from internal commotions or external foes. Yet * Page 95. 19 146 HISTORY OF GREECE- [Chap. XV. B. C. 546.1 CYRUS. 147 witMn the space of a few years their dynasties were overthrown, and their territories absorbed in a vast empire, founded by an adventurer till then unknown by name. § 7. The rise and fall of the great Asiatic monarchies have been char- acterized by the same features in ancient and modem times. A brave and hardy race, led by its native cliief, issues either from the mountains or from the steppes of Asia, overruns the more fertile and cultivated parts of the continent, conquers the effeminate subjects of the existing monar- chies, and plfices its leader upon the throne of Asia. But the descendants of the new monarch and of the conquering race give way to sensuality and sloth, and fall victims in their turn to the same bravery in another people, which had given the sovereignty to tlieir ancestors. The history of Cyrus, the great founder of the Persian empire, is an illustration of these remarks. It is true that the earlier portion of his hfe is buried under a heap of fables, and that it is impossible to determine whether he was the grandson of the Median king, Astyages, as is commonly stated ; but it does not admit of doubt, that he led the warlike Persians from their mountainous homes to a series of conquests, which secured him an empire extending from the iEgean to the Indus, and from the Caspian and the Oxus to the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. Tlie Persians were of the same race as the Medes, spoke a dialect of the same language, and were adherents of the same religion. They inhabited the mountainous region south of Media, which abounds in several well-watered valleys, and slopes gradually down to the low grounds on the coast of the Persian Gulf. While the Medes became enervated by the corrupting influences to which they were exposed, the Persians pre- served in their native mountains their simple and warlike habits. They were divided into several tribes, partly agricuUural and partly nomadic; but they were all brave, rude, and hardy, clothed in skins, drinking only water, and ignorant of the commonest luxuries of hfe. Cyrus led these fierce warriors from their mountain fastnesses, defeated the Medes in battle, took Astyages prisoner, and deprived him of the throne. The other nations included in the Median empire submitted to the conqueror; and the sovereignty of Upper Asia thus passed from the Medes to the Persians. The accession of Cyrus to the empire is placed in b. c. 559. § 8. This important revolution excited ahke the anger, the fears, and the hopes of Croesus. Anxious to avenge his brother-in-law, to arrest the alannmg growth of the Persian power, and to enlarge his own dominions, he resolved to attack the new monarch. But before embarking upon so perilous an enterprise he consulted the oracles of Amphiaraus, and of Apollo at Delphi, in whose veracity he placed the most unbounded con- fidence. The reply of both oracles was, that, " if he should make war upon the Persians, he would destroy a mighty monarchy," and they both advised him to make alUes of the most powerful among the Greeks. Un- derstanding the response to refer to the Persian empire, and not, as the priests explained it after the event, to his own, he had no longer any hesi- tation in commencing the war. In obedience to the oracles he first sent to the Spartans to solicit their alliance, which was readily granted, but no troops were sent to his immediate assistance. He then crossed the Halys at the head of a large army, laid waste the country of the Syrians of Cap- padocia, and took several of their towns. Cyrus lost no time in coming to the help of his distant subjects. The two armies met near the Pterian plam in Cappadocia, where a bloody, but indecisive battle was fought. As the forces of Croesus were inferior in number to those of the Persian king, he thought it more prudent to return to Sardis, and collect a large army for the next campaign. Accordingly he despatched envoys to Laby- - netus, Amasis, and the Lacedaemonians, requesting them to send auxiliaries to Sardis m the course of the next five months ; and meantime he dis- banded the mercenary troops who had followed him into Cappadocia. Cyrus anticipated his enemy's plan ; he waited till the Lydian king had re-entered his capital and dismissed his troops ; and he then marched upon Sardis with such celerity, that he appeared under the walls of the city before any one could give notice of his approach. Croesus was thus com- pelled to fight without his allies ; but he did not despair of success ; for the Lydian cavalry was distinguished for its efficiency, and the open plain before Sardis was favorable for its evolutions. To render this force use- less, Cyrus placed in front of his Une the baggage camels, which the Lydian horses could not endure either to see or to smell. The Lydians, however, did not on this account decline the contest; they dismounted from their horses, and fought bravely on foot ; and it was not until after a fierce combat that they were obliged to take refuge within the city. Here they considered themselves secure till their allies should come to their aid ; for the fortifications of Sardis were deemed impregnable to assault. There was, however, one side of the city which had been left unfortified, because it stood upon a rock so lofty and precipitous, as to appear quite inacces- sible. But on the fourteenth day of the siege a Persian soldier, having seen one of the garrison descend this rock to pick up his hehnet which had rolled down, cUmbed up the same way, followed by several of his comrades. Sardis was thus taken, and Croesus with all his treasures fell into the hands of Cyrus (b. c. 546). The Lydian king was condemned to be burnt alive; but his life was afterwards spared by the conqueror; and he became the confidential adviser both of Cyrus and his son Cambyses. § 9. The fall of Croesus was followed by the subjection of the Greek cities in Asia to the Persian yoke. As soon as Sardis had been taken, the lonians and JEolians sent envoys to Cyrus, offering to submit to hin on the same terms as they had obtained from Croesus. But the Persian conqueror, who had m vam attempted to induce them to revolt from the 148 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XV. B. C. 522.] GAMBYSES. 149 Lydian king at tlie commencement of the war, sternly refused their request, except in the case of Miletus. The other Greeks now began to prepare for defence, and sent deputies to Sparta to solicit assistance. This was refused by the Spartans ; but they despatched some of their citizens to Ionia to investigate the state of atfairs. One of their number, exceeding the bounds of their commission, repaired to Cyrus at Sardis, and warned him "not to injure any city in Hellas, for the Lacedaemonians would not permit it." Astonished at such a message from a people of whom he had never heard, the conqueror inquired of the Greeks who stood near him, " Wlio are these Lacedaemonians, and how many are they in number that they venture to send me such a notice?" Having received an answer to his question, he said to the Spartan, " I was never yet afraid of men who have a place set apart in the middle of their city where they meet to cheat one another and forswear themselves. If I live, they shall have troubles of their own to talk about apart from the lonians." This taunt of Cyrus was levelled at Grecian habits generally ; for to the rude barbarian, buying and selling seemed contemptible and dis- graceful. Cyrus soon afterwards quitted Sardis to prosecute his conquests in the East, and left the reduction of the Greek cities, and of the other districts in Asia Mmor, to his lieutenants. The Greek cities offei*ed a brave, but ineffectual resistance, and were taken one after the other by Ilarpagus, the Persian general. The inhabitants of Phocaea and Teos preferred expa- triation to slavery ; they abandoned their homes to the conqueror, and sailed away in search of new settlements. The Plioca?ans, after experi- encing many vicissitudes of fortune, at length settled in the South of Italy, where they founded Elea. The Teians took refuge on the coast of Thrace, where they built the city of Abdera. All the other Asiatic Greeks on the mainland were enrolled among the vassals of Cyrus ; and even the inhabitants of the islands of Lesbos and Chios sent in their sub- mission to Hai*pagus, although the Persians then possessed no fleet to force them to obedience. Samos, on the other hand, maintained its inde- pendence, and appears soon afterwards as one of the most powerful of the Grecian states. After the reduction of the Asiatic Greeks, Harpagus marched against the other districts of Asia Minor, which still refused to own the authority of Cyrus. They were all conquered without any serious resistance, with the exception of the Lycians, who, finding it im- possible to maintain their freedom, set fire to their chief town Xiuithus ; and while the women and children perished in the flames, the men sallied forth against the enemy and died sword in hand. While Harpagus was thus employed, Cyrus was making still more extensive conquests in Upper Asia and Assyria. The most imjwrtant of these was the capture of the wealthy and populous city of Babylon, which lie took by diverting the course of the Euphrates, and then marching into the city by the bed of the river (b. c. 538). Subsequently he marched against the nomad tribes in Central Asia, but was slain in battle while fighting against the Massagetae, a people dwelling beyond the Araxes. He perished in b. c. 520, after a reign of thirty years, leaving his vast empire to his son Cambyses. § 10. The love of conquest and of aggrandizement, which had been fed by the repeated victories of Cyrus, still tired the Persians. Of the four great monarchies which Cyrus had found in all their glory when he de- scended with his shepherds from the Persian mountains, tliere yet re- mained one which had not been destroyed by his arms. Amasis con- tinued to occupy the throne of Egypt in peace and prosperity, while the monarchs of Media, Lydia, and Babylon had either lost their lives, or become the vassals of the Persian king. Accordingly, Cambyses resolved to lead his victorious Persians to the conquest of Egypt. While making his preparations for the invasion, Amasis died, after a long reign, and was succeeded by his son, Psainmenitus, who inherited neither the abihties nor the good fortune of his father. The defeat of the Egj^ptians in a single battle, followed by the capture of Memphis with the person of Psammeni- tus, decided the fate of the country. Cambyses resided some time in Egypt, which he ruled with a rod of iron. His temper was naturally violent and capricious ; and the possession of unlimited power had created in him a state of mind bordering upon frenzy. The idolatry of the Egyp- tians and their adoration of animals excited the indignation of the wor- shipper of fire ; and he gave vent to his passions by wanton and sacrile- gious acts against the most cherished objects and rites of the national rehgion. Even the Persians experienced the effects of his madness ; and his brother Smerdis was put to death by his orders. This act was fol- lowed by important consequences. Among the few persons privy to the murder was a Magian, who had a brother bearing the same name as the deceased prince, and strongly resembling him in person. Taking advan- tage of these circumstances, and of the alarm excited among the leading Persians by the frantic tyranny of Cambyses, he proclaimed his brother as king, representing him as the younger son of Cyrus. Cambyses heard of the revolt whilst in Syria ; but as he was mounting his horse to march against the usurper, an accidental wound from his sword put an end to his hfe, B. c. 522. As the younger son of C3TUS was generally believed to be alive, the false Smerdis was acknowledged as king by the Persians, and reigned without opposition for seven months. But the leading Persian nobles had never been quite free from suspicion, and they at length discovered the im- position wliich had been practised upon them. Seven of them now formed a conspiracy to get rid of the usurper. They succeeded in forcing their way into the palace, and in slaying the Magian and his brother in the eighth month of their reign. One of their number, Darius, the son of Hystaspes, ascended the vacant throne, b. c. 521. r> 150 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XV. DARIUS. lol § 11. During the reign of Cambjses, the Greek cities of Asia remained obedient to their Persian governors. The subjection of the other cities had increased the power and influence of Sanios, which, as we have already seen, had maintained its independence, when the neighboring islands of Lesbos and Chios had submitted to the lieutenant of Cyrus. At the beginning of the reign of Cambyses, Samos had reached, under its despot, Polyerates, an extraordinary degree of prosperity, and liad become the most irajwrtant naval |)0wer in the world. The ambition and good fortune of this enterprising desi)ot were alike remai-kable. He possessed a hundred ships of war, witli which he conquered several of the ishinds, and even some places on the mainland ; and he aspired to nothing less than the dominion of Ionia, as well as of the islands in the -^Egean. The Lacediemonians, who had invaded the island at the invitation of the Sa- mian exiles for the purpose of overthrowing his government, were obliged to retire after besieging his city in vain for forty days. Everything which he undertook seemed to prosper ; but his uninterrupted good fortune at length excited the alarm of his ally, Amasis. Acconlmg to the tale re- lated by Herodotus, the Egyptian king, convinced that such amazing good fortune would sooner or later incur the envy of the gods, wrote to Poly- ci^tes, advising Iiim to throw away one of his most valuable jx)ssessions, and thus inflict some injuiy upon himself. Thinking the advice to be good, Polyerates threw into the sea a favorite ring of matchless price and beauty ; but, unfortunately, it was found a few days afterwai-ds in the belly of a fine fish, which a fisherman had sent him as a present. Amasis now foresaw that the ruin of Polyerates was inevitable, and sent a herald to Samos to renounce his alliance. The gloomy anticipations of the Egyptian monarch proved well founded. In the midst of all his prosperity, Poly- erates fell by a most ignominious fiite. Ortetes, the satrap of Sardis, had for some unknown cause conceived a deadly hatred against the Samian despot. By a cunning stratagem, the satrap allured him to the mainland, "where he was immediately arrested and hanged upon a cross (b. c. 522). Like many other Grecian despots, Polyerates had been a })atron of litera- ture and the arts, and the poets Ibycus and Anacreon found a welcome at Ms court. Many of the gi*eat works of Samos — the vast temple of Hera (Juno), the mole to protect the harbor, and the aqueduct for sup[)lying the city with water, carried through a mountain seven furlongs long — were probably executed by him. § 12. The long reign of Darius forms an important epoch in the Per- sian annals. After putting down the revolts of the Lydian satrap, Oroetes, of the Medes, and of the Babylonians, he set himself to work to organize the vast mass of countries which had been conquered by Cyrus and Cam- byses. The difierence of his reign frem those of his two predecessoi-s was described by the Persians, in calling Cyrus the father, and Cambyses the master, and Darius the retail-trader, — an epithet implying that he was B. C. 521.] the first to introduce some order into the administration and finances of the empire. He divided his vast dominions into twenty provinces, and appointed the tribute which each was to pay to the royal treasury. These provinces were called satrapies, from the satrap or governor, to whom the administration of each was intrusted. Darius was also the first Persian kin- who coined money ; and the principal gold and silver com of the Persian mint was called after him the Daric. He also connected Susa and Ecbatana with the most distant parts of the empire by a series of high- roads, along which were placed, at suitable intervals, buildings for the accommodation of all who travelled in the king's name, and rehiys of cou- riers to convey royal messages. § 13. Although Darius devoted his chief attention to the consolidation and organization of his empire, he was unpelled by his own ambition or by the a--ressive spirit of the Persians, to seek to enlai-ge still further his vast dominions. For that purpose he resolved to attack Scythia or the great plain between the Danube and the Don, which was then inhabited by numerous nomad and savage tribes. His army was collected from aU parts of the empire; his fleet of six hundred ships was furnished exclu- sively by the Asiatic Greeks. To the latter he gave orders to sad up the Danube, and throw a bridge of boats across the river, near the ix)int where the channel begins to divide. With his land forces the kmg himself marched through Thrace, crossed the Danube by the bridge, which he found finished, and then ordered the Greeks to break it down and follow Mm into Scythia. His plan seems to have been to march back into ^.la round the northern shore of the Black Sea, and across the Caucasus. But bein- reminded by one of the Grecian generals that he was embarking upon a perilous enterprise, and might possibly be compelled to retreat, he tliou-ht it more prudent to leave the bridge standing under the care of the Gree\s who had constructed it, but told them that, if he did not return withm sixty days, they might break down the bridge, and sail home. The kinon the Helle- spont, lie gave to llistia-us the town of Myrcimis, near the Strymon, which the Ionian prince had asked as a reward for his imi)ortant service in the Scythian campaign. Megal)azus ex[.erienced little dillleulty in executing the orders of his master, lie not only subdued the Thracian tribes, but crossed the Strymon, conquered the ra'oiiians, and [K'netrated as far as the frontiers of Maceaonia. He then sent heralds into the lat- ter country to demand earth and water, as the customary synd>ols of sub- mission. These were innnediately gnmted by Amyntas, the reigning monarch, u. c. ijlO ; and thus the Persian dominions were extended to the l>orders of Thessaly. While 3I('gabazus was engaged in the conquest of the Pa?onians, he hud noticed that Ilistiniis was collecting the elements of a power, which might hereafter prove formidable to the Persian sovereignty. ]\Iyrcinu3 eommantled the navigation of the Strymon, anf ^hlrati^on. § 7. Movements of the Persians after the P.attle. 4 8. EtVect of the P>attle of Marathon upon tlic Atlienians. § 9. Glory of Miltiades. § li). His unsuccessful Kxi.edition to Paros. § 11. His Trial, Condcranati..n, and Death. § 12. History of -Ei^ina. § 13. War between Athens aiid ^Egina. § 14. Athens becomes a Maritime 'Power. § 15. Rivalry of Themistocles and Aristeides. Ostracism of the latter. § 1. Darius Imd not forgotten Ins vow to take vengeance upon Alliens. Shortly after tlie supinvssk.n of the Ionic revolt, he appointed ^lanlonius to sucwed Artaplierues in the government of the Persian provinces bor- dering n\mi the il^gean. Mardonius Avas a Persian noble of high rank, who had lately man-ied the king's daughter, and was distinguished by a love of glory. Darius placed at his command a large annament, with injunctions to bring to Susa those Athenians and Eretrians who had insulted the authority of the Great King. Mardonius lost no time in crossing the Hellespont, and commenced his march through Thrace and Macedonia, subduing, as he went along, the tribes which had not yet sub- mitted to the Persian power. Meanwhile he ordered the fleet to double the promontory of Mount Athos, and join the land forces at the head of the Gulf of Therma. But one of the humcanes, which frequently blow i off this dangerous coast, overtook the Persian fleet, destroyed three hun- dred vessels, and dix)wned or dashed upon the rocks twenty thousand men. Mardonius himself was not much more fortunate. In his passage tlu'ough Macedonia, he was attacked at night by the Brygians, an independent Thracian tribe, who slaughtered a great portion of his army. He re- mained in the country long enough to reduce this peo}>le to submission ; but his forces were so weakened, that he could not proceed laither. He led his army back across the Hellespont, and returned to the Persian court, covered with shame and grief. Thus ended the first expedition of the Persians against the Grecian states in Europe (b. c. 492). § 2. The failure of this expedition did not shake the resolution of Darius. On the contrary, it only made him the more anxious for the conquest of Greece ; and Ilippias was constantly near him to keep alive his resentment against Athens. He began to make preparations for another attempt on a still larger scale, and meantime sent heralds to most of the Grecian states to demand from each earth and water as the symbol of submission. This he probably did in order to ascertain the amount of resistance he was likely to experience. Such terror had the IVrsians in- spired by their recent con<|uest of Ionia, that a large ninnber of tin' Grecian cities at once complied with the demand. But at Athens and at S[)arta the heralds met with a very different reception. So indignant were the citizens of these states at the insolent demand, that the Athenians cast the herald into a deep pit, and the Sjuirtans threw him into a well, bidding him take earth and water from thence. § 3. Meanwhile Darius had completed his preparations for tin' invasion of Greece. In the spring of u. C. 490, a vast army was asseinl)led in Cilictia, and a fleet of six hundred gall<'ys, together with many traiis[)orts for horses, Avas ready to receive tlieni on board. The command was given to Datis, a Median, and Artaphernes. son of the satrap of Sardis of that name, and a nephew of Darius. Their instructions were generally to reduce to subjection all the Greek cities which had not already given earth and water ; but more particularly to burn to the ground the cities of Athens and Eretria, and to carrv awav the inhal)itants as slaves. They were furnislied with fetters for binding the Grecian i»risoners; and before the end of the year Darius fully expected to see at his feet the men who had dared to Imrn the city of Sardis. The possibility of failure probaljly n(?ver oc'curred either to the king himself, or to any of the sol- diers engaged in the expedition. Having taken their men on board, Datis and Artaphernes first sailed to Samos; and, warned by the recent disaster of INIardonius in doubling the promontory of Blount Athos, tliey resolved to sail straiglit across the iEgean to Euba^a, subduing on their way the Cyclades. Tln\y first resolved to atta<*k Naxos, which ten yeari^; before had gallantly rep<'lled a large Persian force commanded by Megabates and Aristagoras of ^Miletus. 21 I 162 BISTORT OF GREECE. [Cbmf. XYJL B. C. 490;] SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 163 "•• But the Naxians did not now even venture to wait the arrival of the Per- sians, but fled to the mountains, abandonmg their town to the invaders, who burnt it to the ground. The other islands of the Cyclades yielded a ready submission ; and it was not till Datis reached Euboea that he encountered any resistance. Eretria defended itself gallantly for six days, and re- pulsed the Persians with loss ; but lain is about six miles in length, and in its widest or central i)art about two in breadth. Near each of the horns at the northern and southern extremities of the plain are two marshes. The uninterrupted Ihitness of the ]dain is hardly relieved by a single tree ; and on every side towards the land there rises an amphitheatre of rugged hmestone mountains, separating it from the rest of Attica.* Battle of Marathon. A A Athenian Army, b b Persian Army, c c Persian Fleet. On the day of battle the Persian army was drawn up along the plam about a mile from the sea, and their fleet was ranged behind them on the beach. The iiative Persians and Sacians, the best troops in the army. * The position of the armies in this celebrated battle is nowhere exactly stated by the ancients. Mr. Finlay the historian is of opinion that the Athenians posteer of men, without weakening some portion of tlie line. ]Miltiades, therefore, di-ew up the troops in the centre in sliallow files, and resolved to rely for success upon the stronger and deeper massiis of his wings. The right wing, which was the post of honor in a Grecian army, was commanded by the Polemarch Callimachus ; the hoplites were arranged in the order of their tribes, so that the members of the same tril)es fought by each other's side; and at the extreme left stood the Plata^ans. Before the hostile armies join in conflict, let us try to realize to our minds the feelings of the Athenian wjirriors on this eventful day. The superiority of the Greeks to the Persians in tlie field of battle has become so familiar to our minds by the glorious victories of tlie former, that it requires some effort of the imagination to appreciate in its full extent the heroism of the Athenians at Marathon. The Medes and Persians had hitherto pursued an almost uninterrupted career of conquest. They had rolled over country after country, each successive wave ingulfing some ancient dynasty, some powerful monarchy. The INIedian, Lydian, Baby- lonian, and I^gyptian empires had all fallen before tliem ; and latterly the Asiatic Greeks, many of whose cities were as populous anv prffiaai ir€iBofi€voi. Translated at Thermopylae. — Ed. t Sterling. «, i- f'^^ i 184 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XVin, spatched by the Persian admiral to obtain intelligence. As soon as the Greeks at Artemisium heard of this disaster, and of the speedy approach of the whole Persian fleet, they were seized with a panic, such as had taken possession of the soldiers of Leonidas upon the advance of the land force of the Persians. But Eurybiades did not possess the same influence over his men as the Spartan king ; and tlie whole fleet abandoned their position, and sailed up the channel between Eubcea and the mainland to Chalcis, where the straits, being only forty yards across, might easily be defended by a few sliips. Tliis retreat was equivalent to an abandonment of the whole scheme of defence, as it gave the Persians full liberty fo land troops in the rear of the defenders of Theimopylaj. But now a mightier power than that of man came forward, and saved the Greeks in spite of themselves. * § 17. The Persian admiral, having learnt from the ten ships sent on the look-out that the coast was clear, set sail from the Gulf of Therma, and arrived in one day at almost the southern corner of Majmesia. Alons the greater part of this coast the high and precipitous rocks of Mount Pe- lion line the water's edge ; but there is an open beach for a short distance between the town of Casthana^a and the })romontoiy of Sepias. Here the Persian admiral determined to pass the night ; but owing to the vast number of his ships, only a small jwrtion of them could be drawn up on shore ; the remainder rode at anchor eight lines deep. In this position they were overtaken on the following morning by a sudden hurricane, which blew upon the shore with iiTesistible fury. The ships were torn fi-ora their anchorage, and driven against one another, and dashed against the cliffs. For three dfiys and three nights the tempest raged without intermission ; and when, on the fourth day, calm at length returned, the shore was seen strewed for many miles with wrecks and corpses. At least four hundred ships of war were destroyed, together with a countless number of trans- ports, stores, and treasures. The remamder of the fleet doubled the south- em promontory of Magnesia, and cast anchor at Aphetas at the entrance to the Pagasaean Gulf. § 18. The news of this terrible disaster, which report had magnified into the entire destruction of the Persian fleet, revived the spmts of the Greeks at Chalcis. They now sailed back with the utmost speed to their former station at Artemisium, which is opposite Apheta?, at the distance of only a few miles. But great was their suri3rise at seeing tliat the Per- sians still possessed such an overwhelming number of sliips. The sight again struck them with alarm ; and they were on the point of returning to Chalcis, when the Euboeans sent one of their citizens to Themistocles, with an offer of thirty talents, on condition that he should induce the Greek commanders to remain and hazard a battle in defence of the island. There can be no doubt that Themistocles had already urged liis associates in command to defend the Euboean strait against the enemy, and he there- B. C. 480.] BATTLE OF ARTEMISIUM. 18o fore readily undertook the commission offered him by the Euboeans. In all periods of their history, the Greeks seldom had sufficient principle to resist a bribe; and Themistocles was now enabled to accompUsh by money what he had failed to do by argument. By giving five talents to the Spartan Eurybiades, three to the Corinthian Adeimantus, and presents to the other commanders, he prevailed upon them to remain. While the Greeks were thus brought with difficulty to face the enemy, the Persian fleet was animated with a very different spirit. They felt confident of victory, and their only fear was lest the Greeks should escape them. In order to prevent this, they sent a squadron of two hundi*ed ships, with instructions to sail round Euboea and cut oflT the retreat of the Greeks. Themistocles had now succeeded in mspiring his comrades with sufficient courage to sail forth and offer battle to the enemy. But being anxious to acquire some experience of the nautical evolutions of the enemy before they ventured upon a decisive engagement, they waited till it was nearly dusk. Their ships were drawn up in a circle, with their sterns pointed inwards ; and they seemed to be awaiting the attack of the enemy who began to close in u[>on them on every side. But suddenly, at a given signal, they rowed out in all directions, and attacked the enemy's ships, of which they took or disabled no fewer than thirty. The Persians were not prepared for such boldness, and were at first thrown into confu- sion ; but they soon rallied, and began to inflict considerable damage upon the Greeks, when night put an end to tlie contest, and each fleet returned to its former station, — tlie Greeks to Artemisium, and the Persians to Aphetai. § 19. This auspicious commencement raised the courage of the Greeks, and gave them greater confidence in their own strength. They were still further encouraged by the events of the following night. It seemed as if the gods had come to fight on their side. For although it was the middle of summer, at which season rain rarely falls in Greece, another terrific storm burst upon the Persians. All night long it blew upon the coast at Apheta3, thus causing little inconvenience to the Greeks upon the opposite shore. The main body of the Persian fleet sustained considerable dam- age; and the squadron which was sailing round Euboea was completely destroyed. The greater part of the eastern side of this island is an un- broken line of precipitous rocks, with scarcely a ravine in which even a boat can be hauled up. The squadron was overtaken by the storm off one of the most dangerous parts of the coast, called " the Hollows," and was driven upon the rocks and broken to pieces. The tidings of this second disaster to the Persian fleet reached the Greeks on the following day ; and while they were congratulating them- selves ujx)n the visible intei'position of the gods in their favor, they were animated to still greater confidence by the arrival of fifty-tlu-ee fresh Athenian ships. With this reinforcement they sailed out in the afler- 24 f 186 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XVIU. B. C. 480.] RESULTS OP THE BATTLE OF THERMOPYL^. 187 noon, and destroyed some Cilician ships at their moorings ; but the Per- sian fleet had suffered too much from the storm in the preceding night to engage in battle. § 20. Indignant at these insults, and dreading the anger of Xerxes, the Persians prepared to make a grand attack upon the following day. Ac- cordingly, about noon they sailed towards Artemisiura in the fonn of a crescent. The Greeks kept near the shore, that they might not be sur- rounded, and to prevent the Persians from bringing their whole fleet into action. The battle raged furiously the whole day, and each side fought with determined valor. The Egyptians distinguished themselves most among the Persians, and the Athenians among the Greeks. Both parties suffered severely ; and though the Persians lost a greater number of ships and men, yet so many of the Greek vessels were disabled, that they found it would be imiK)ssible to renew the combat Under these circumstances the Greek commanders saw that it would be necessary to retreat ; and their determination was hastened by the intelli- gence which they now received, that Leonidas and his companions had fallen, and that Xerxes w as master of the pass of Thermopylae. They forth- with sailed up the Euboean channel, the Corinthians leading the van and the Athenians bringing up the rear. At the various hmding-places along the coast Themistocles set up inscriptions, calling upon the lonians not to fight against their fathers. He did this in the hopes either of detaching some of the lonians fi*om the Pei*sians, or at any rate of making them objects of suspicion to Xerxes, and thus preventing the monarch from employing them in any important service. Having sailed tlirough the Eubcean strait, the fleet doubled the promontory of Sunium, and did not stop till it reached the island of Salamis. A Greek Warrior. From an Ancient Vase. CHAPTER XIX. THE BATTLE OF SALA3IIS. 4 1. Results of the Battle of Thermopylae. § 2. Alarm and Flight of the Athenians. 4 8. March of the Persians and Attempt upon Delphi. § 4. Taking of Athens and Arrival of the Persian Fleet. § 5. Dissensions and Debates of the Greeks. § 6. Strata- gem of Themistocles. Arrival of Aristeides. § 7. Position of the Hostile Fleets. Prep- arations for the Combat. § 8. Battle of Salamis. § 9. Defeat and Flight of Xerxes. § 10. Pursuit of the Greeks. § 11. Homeward March of Xerxes. § 12. The Greeks celebrate their Victory. § 13. Carthaginian Expedition to Sicily. Defeat and Death of Hamilcar. § 1. The apathy of the Lacedajmonians in neglecting to provide a sufficient defence against the advancing host of Xerxes seems altogether unaccountable ; nor is it easy to understand why the Athenians themselves did not send a single troop to aid in defending Thermopylae. The heroic and long-sustained resistance of the handful of men who perished in that pass, as well as the previous battle of IMaratlion, clearly proves that a moderately numerous force, together with ordinary military precautions, would have sufhccd to arrest the onward march of the Persians. But the small body to which that duty was assigned was altogether inadequate to the occasion. The forcing of the pass annihilated the chief defence of Southern Greece. IMany of the Grecian states which before were waver- ing now declared for the invader, and sent contingents to his army; whilst his fleet was also strengthened by i-einforcements from Carystus and the Cyclades. 188 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XIX The Athenians were now threatened with inevitable destruction. The Peloponnesians had utterly neglected their promise of assembling a force in Bceotia for the protection of Attica; and there was consequently nothing to prevent the Persians from marching straight to Athens. The isolated position of the Peloponnesians had probably influenced them in their selfish policy; at all events, on the news of the defeat at Ther- mopylaB, they abandoned Attica and the adjoining states to their fate, whilst they strained every nerve to secure themselves by fortifying the Isthmus of Corinth. It is true that in this selfish proceeding they over- looked the fact that their large extent of coast could not be thus secured fipom the descent of the Persian fleet. But after all, the gi-eatest as well as the most pressing danger arose from the army of Xerxes. At sea, the Greeks and the Barbarians were much more nearly matched ; and if the multitudinous land forces of the Persian monarch were once arrested in their progress, and compelled to retreat, there was perhaps little reason to drea^ that Jiis fleet, composed mostly of auxiliaries, would be able to make any permanent impression on the Peloponnesus, or indeed to remain upon the coast of Greece. § 2. The Athenians, relying upon the march of a Peloponnesian army into Boeotia, had taken no measures for the security of their families and property, and beheld with teiTor and dismay the barbarian host in full march towards their city. Fortunately, the Grecian fleet, on retiring from Artemisium, had stopped at Salamis on its way to Troczen, where it had been ordered to re-assemble ; and, at the entreaties of the Athenians, Eurybiades consented to remain for a time at Salamis, and to assist the Athenian citizens in tmnsporting their families and effects. It was thus by accident, and not from any preconcerted military plm, that Salamis became the station of the Grecian fleet. In six days, it was calculated, Xerxes would be at Athens, — a ^hort space to remove the population of a whole city ; but fear and necessity work wonders. Before it had elapsed, all who were willing to abandon their homes had been safely transported, some to iEgina, the° greater part to Troezen, where they met with an hospitable reception ; but many could not be induced to proceed farther than Salamis. It was necessaiy for Themistocles to use all his art and all his eloquence on this occasion. Those who were deaf to the voice of reason were assailed with the terrors of superstition. On a first interrogation the oracle of Delphi warned the Athenians to fly to the ends of the earth, since nothing could save them from destruction. In a second response the Delphian god was more obscure but less alarming. "The divine Salamis would make women childless,"— yet " when all was lost, a wooden wall would still shelter the Athenians." In the interpretation of Themistocles, by whom these words Imd perhaps been suggested, they clearly indicated a fleet and a naval victory as the only means of safety. As a further persuasion, it was B. C. 480.J THE ATHENIANS ABANDON THEHl CITY. 189 declared that the Sacred Serpent, which haunted the temple of Athena Polias, on the Acropolis, had deserted the sanctuary ; and could the citi- zens hesitate to follow the example of their guardian deity ? In some, however, superstition, combined with love of their ancient homes, worked in an opposite direction. The oracle which declared the safety of the Athenians to lie in their wooden walls might admit of an- other meaning ; and a few, especially among the aged and the poor, re- solved to shut themselves up in the Acropolis, and to fortify its accessible or western front with barricades of timber. Not only in them, but even in those who had resolved to abandon Athens, the love of country grew stronger in proportion as the danger of losing it became more imminent. The present misery extinguished past dissensions. Themistocles pro- posed a decree revoking all sentences of banishment, and specially includ- ed in it his opponent and rival Aristeides. The rich and the aristocratic assisted the city both by their example and their money. The Hippeis, or knights, headed by Ciraon, the son of Miltiades, marched in procession to the Acropolis to hang up their bridles in the temple of Athena, and to fetch thence some consecrated arms more suitable for that naval ser- vice for which they were about to abandon their ancient habits and privi- leges. The Senate of the Areopagus not only exerted its public authority in order to provide funds for the equipment of the fleet and the support of the poorer emigrants, but contributed to those objects by the private mu- nificence of its membei-s. The fund was increased by the policy of The- mistocles. Under the pretext that the Gorgon's head had been removed from the statue of Athena, he directed that the baggage of each departing citizen should be searched, and appropriated to the service of the state the private treasures which were about to be exported. § 3. ^^^lile these things were passing at Athens, the Persian army was in full march towards the city. Xerxes was surprised to find that the Olympic games still deterred the Peloponnesians from opposing his prog- ress ; nor was his astonishment diminislied on learning that the prize, which occasioned so much excitement and emulation, was a simple wreath of the wild-olive. Of the states which lay between Thennopyla? and Attica, the Phocians alone refused to submit to the Persians. Under the conduct of the Thessalians, the Persian army poured into Phocis, but found only deserted towns ; several of which, however, they plundered and destroyed. The same fiite attended Tliespia? and Plata?a, the only towns of Boeotia which declined to acknowledge the conqueror. On his march towards Athens, Xerxes sent a detachment of his army to take and plunder Delphi. But this attempt proved unsuccessful. The god of the most renowned oracle of the Hellenic world vindicated at once the majesty of his sanctuary and the truth of his predictions. He forbade the Delphians to remove the treasures which enriched and adorned his shrine, and encouraged by divine portents the handful of priests and citi- h^ 190 HISTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XIX. B. C. 480.] DISSENSIONS AMONG THE GREEKS. 191 zens who ventured to remain and defend his temple. The sacred aims preserved in the inner cells, and which it was sacrilege to touch, were miraculously conveyed outside the door, as if the god himself interfered to arm his defendei-s. As the Persians climhed the rugged path, at the foot of Mount Parnassus, leading up to the shrine, and had already reached the temple of Athena Pronaja, thunder was heard to roll, and two crags, suddenly detaching themselves from the mountain, rolled down upon the Persians, and spread dismay and destruction in their ranks. Seized with a sudden panic, they turned and fled, pursued, as they said, by two war- riors of superhuman size and prowess, who had assisted the Delphians in defendmg theu* temple. The Delphians themselves confinned the rejwrt, averring that the two warriors were the heroes Phylacus and Autonoiis. Herodotus, when he visited Delphi, saw in the sacred mclosure of Athena Pronaia the identical crags which had crushed the Persians ; and near the spot may still be seen large blocks of stone which have rolled down from the mountain. § 4. On arriving before Athens, Xerxes found the Acropolis occupied by a handful of despei-ate citizens, whom the Peisistratids in his suite in vain exhorted to surrender. The nature of the Acroi>olis might, indeed, have inspired them with reasonable hopes of successful resistance, had the dis- parity of force been less enonnous. Rising abmpt and craggy to the height of 150 feet alx>ve the level of the town, its sunmiit presents a space of about 1,000 feet in length, from east to west, and 500 in breadth, from north to south. On every side except the west it is nearly inaccessible, and in the few places where access seemed practicable, it was defended by an ancient fortification called the Pelasgic wall. The Persian army took up a position on the Areopagus (Mars* Hill), over against tlie northwest- ern side of the AcropoUs, whence they endeavored to destroy the wooden fortification which had been erected, by shooting against them arrows fur- nished with burning tow. But even after the destruction of these barri- cades, the Atheniims managed to keep their assailants at bay by rolling down huge stones upon them as they attempted to mount the western ascent. At length some of the besiegers ventured to climb up the precip- itous rock, on the northeni side, by the cave of Aglaurus, where no guard was stationed. They gained the summit unperceived, thus taking the little garrison in the reai*. .Confusion and despair now seized upon the Athenians. Some threw themselves down from the rock, others took refuge in the inner temple ; while the Persian host, to whom the gates had been tlu-own open by their comrades, mounted to the attack, pillaged and burned the temples and houses on the Acropolis, and put its defenders to the sword. Thus was the oracle accomplished which had foretold that Athens should fall before the might of Persia. But in the very midst of her ashes and desolation, a trivial portent seemed to foreshadow the resurrection of her power. The Athenians in the train of Xerxes, whilst sacrificing in the Acropolis, observed with astonishment that the sacred ohve-tree, which grew in the temple of Athena, had, in the two days which had elapsed since the fire, thrown out a fresh shoot a cubit in length. About the same time that the army of Xerxes took possession of Athens, his fleet arrived in the bay of Phalerum. Its strength is not accurately known, but at the lowest estimate must have exceeded 1,000 vessels. The combined Grecian fleet at Salamis consisted of 366 sliips ; * a larger force than had assembled at Artemisium, yet far inferior to that of the Persians. Of these ships 200 were Athenian; the remainder consisted of the contingents of the allies, among which that of the Corin- thians was the most numerous after the Athenian, namely, forty vessels. Xerxes went down to inspect his fleet, and held a council of war as to the expediency of an immediate attack upon the Greeks. The kings of Sidon and Tyre, together with the other assembled potentates, probably with the view of flattering Xerxes, were for an immediate battle. One voice alone broke the unanimity of the meeting. Artemisia, queen of Hali- carnassus, in Caria, deprecated the policy of fighting in the narrow strait of Salamis, where the numerous force of Xerxes would be an encumbrance rather than a help. She urged that, if the aiiny were marched towards Peloponnesus, the Peloponnesian ships would withdraw from the Grecian fleet, in order to protect their o\vn homes. She is likewise represented as having drawn a comparison between the maritime skill of the Greeks and Persians, very little flattering to the latter. But these representations, though received with good temper, were disregarded by Xerxes, and orders were issued for an attack on the following morning. At the same time the army was commanded to march towaixis Peloponnesus. § 5. At this critical juncture dissension reigned in the Grecian fleet. In the council of war which had been summoned by Eurybiades, Themis- tocles urged the assembled chiefs to remain at Salamis, and give battle to the Persians in the narrow straits, Avhere the superior numbers of the Persians would be of less consequence. The Peloponnesian commanders, on the other hand, were strongly opposed to remaining in their present position. They were of opinion that the fleet should be removed to the Isthmus of Corinth, and thus be put in communication with their land forces. The news of the taking of Athens, which arrived during the de- bate, gave force to these counsels. The majority came to a vote in favor of retreat ; but the approach of night obliged them to remain till the fol- lowing morning. It was with gloomy thoughts that Themistocles retired from the council. Upon reaching his own ship, a friend named Mnesiphilus, to whom he communicated the decision, urged him to make one more attempt to detain * According to Herodotus ; but Jlschylus reckons them at 310 only. 192 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XIX. B. a 480.] DISSENSIONS AMONG THE GREEKS. 193 the Peloponnesians. Late as it was, he immediately proceeded to the ship of Euiybiades, where, urging with more fi-eedom, and in greater detail than he had been able to use in the council, all the arguments against the separation of the fleet, he succeeded in persuading Euiybiades to convoke another assembly. He also used all his efforts privately with the different commanders to induce them to alter their opinion. But he eUcited nothing but anger and reproach. When the council met, the Peloponnesian commanders loudly expressed their dissatisfaction at seeing a debate reopened which they had deemed concluded. Adeimantus, especially, the Corinthian admiral, broke out into open rebukes and mena- ces. " Themistocles," he exclaimed, " those who rise at the pubUc games before the signal are whipped." " True," replied Themistocles, " but they who lag behind it never win a crown." Another incident in this discus- sion has been immortalized by Plutarch. It is related by this writer that Eurybiades, incensed by the language of Themistocles, lifted up his stick to strike him, whereupon the Athenian exclaimed, " Strike, but hear me!"* Themistocles repeated his arguments and entreaties, but without effect. Adeimantus, with unfeeling insolence, even denied his right to vote ; since, Athens being in the hands of tlie Pei-sians, he represented no free Grecian city. Stung by this remark, Themistocles reminded the assembly that he was at the head of two hundred well-ai-med ships ; a force with which he could easily procure for himself a city, and even a better city than Cor- inth. Prophecies, he observed, had pi-omised to Athens the town of Siris in Italy ; it only remained for the Athenians to sail thither and take pos- session of it. Meanwhile, let the assembly consider what the Grecian fleet would be without the Athenian continj^ent. This menace silenced his opponents. Eurybiades, half convinced before, hesitated no longer ; and, without taking the votes of the assembly, issued ordem for the fleet to remain and fight at Salamis. The Peloponnesians obeyed, indeed, the orders of their commander. The followinjr mornin"- discovered them engaged in preparing their ships for action ; but with an evident reluctance, soon increased to open discontent by messages received from home. These represented the distress and terror of their country- men, engaged m fortifying the Isthmus against the overwhelming force of Xerxes. Of what use was it to attempt the defence of Attica, already in the hands of the Persians ? Surely it would be much better for the Pelo- ponnesian seamen to return and defend their native and yet unconquered country ; where, even if worsted at sea, they might transfer their services to the land. § 6. Incited by these representations, the very men who had found * This memorable story, however, is not in accordance with the narrative of Herodotus, in which it is Adeimantus, and not Eurybiades, to whom Themistocles bad given offence, and who opposes the -\thenian with so much vehemence. fault with a second council now clamored for a third. It met, and was characterized by the same turbulence and the same dissensions as the former councils. The malcontents, though representing only a small pro- portion of the naval force, had a numerical superiority of votes ; and Themistocles, perceiving that the decision of the assembly would be against him, determined to effect his object by stratagem. Among his slaves was an Asiatic Greek named Sicinnus, whom he had intrusted with the education of his children ; a man of address and ability, and per- fectly acquainted with the Persian tongue. Themistocles secretly de- spatched this man with a message to Xerxes, representing the dissensions which prevailed in the Grecian fleet, and how easy a matter it would be to surround and vanquish an armament both sinall and chsunited. The- mistocles himself was described by Sicinnus as fiivorable to the Persian cause ; nor, to judge from his subsequent conduct, might the wily Athe- nian, in the present desperate situation of affliirs, have been altogether indisposed to stand favorably in the sight of Xerxes. However this may be, Xerxes, already well inclined to strike a blow, readily adopted the suggestion, and ordered his captains to close up the straits of Salamis at both ends. It has been already stated that the Persian flek was stationed in the bay of Phalerum, a harbor on the Attic coast, a few miles soutliea^t of the entrance of the straits which divided the island of Salamis from Attica. Tliis entrance, as well as that on tlie nortliwestern side, leading into the Bay of Eleusis, is exceedingly narrow, being in parts not more than a quarter of a mile in breadth. Towards the middle, however, it expands ; and on the side of Salamis forms a bay or harbor, on wliich the town of Salamis was situated, and wliere the Grecian fleet wtis stationed. Durinw the night the fleet of Xerxes moved from Phalerum nortliwaixls alon^- the coast, and took up a position on the Attic side of the straits, which they hned through their wliole extent, while portions blocked up both the northern and southern outlets of the straits. Meanwhile, the debate of the Grecian leaders continued long after nightfall. Themistocles had employed every art to protract the discussion, in order to gain time for the effect of his stratagem ; and when at last the assembly broke up, it was only on the understancUng that the debate should be resumed before daybreak. Scarcely had the council re-assembled, when Themistocles was sum- moned from it by a message that somebody Avished to speak to him. It was Aristeides, who, in the sixth year of an unjust banisliment, had re- turned to serve his ungrateful country, and to assist, but not to share, the triumph of a rival. His rival had, indeed, proposed, and his country had ratified, the revocation of the sentence ; though to an ordinary man the repentance might have seemed suspicious, and the atonement of little value, which recalled him to his native land, or, more properly speaking, 25 194 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XIX. B. C. 480.] BATTLE OF SALAMIS. 195 » 1 which restored him to his exiled countrymen, only to share in their dan- gers and distresses. But no such reflections found a place in the mind of Aristeides. He was occupied only with his country's welfare, and his first address to Themistocles was that their ancient rivahy should for the future be exerted only in their country's cause. He then communicated the fact that the Grecian fleet was completely surrounded by that of the Persians ; and related that it was only by favor of the darkness that his own vessel had contrived to elude them. Themistocles, having thus learned the suc- cess of his stratagem, expressed his satisfaction, and desired Aristeides to communicate the news of their situation to the council, which would not be disposed to believe it from his o^vn lips. But even from the lips of Aristeides such unwelcome intelligence found but little credit, till it was confinned by the arrival of a Tenian sliip, which had deserted from the enemy. § 7. At length the day began to dawn which was to decide the fate of Greece. As the veil of night rolled gradually away, the Persian fleet was discovered sti%tching as for as the eye could reach along the coast of Attica. Its right wing, consisting of Phcenician and Cyprian vessels, was drawn up towards the Bay of Eleusis, whilst the lonians occupied the left, towards Peirajus and the southern entrance of the straits. On the low ajad barren island of Psyttaleia, adjacent to that point, a detachment of choice Persian troops had been landed. As the Grecian fleet was concentrated in the harbor of the town of Salamis, it was thus sun-ounded, as it were, in a net by the Persians. Xerxes, who attributed the disasters at Arte- misium to his own absence, had caused a lofty throne to be erected upon one of the projecting declivities of Mount ^galeos, opposite the harbor of Salamis, whence he could survey the combat, and stimulate by his pres- ence the courage of his men ; whilst by his side stood scribes, prepared to recoRl the names both of the daring and the backward. « A king sat on the rocky brow Which looks o'er sea-bom Salamis; And ships, by thousands, lay below, And men in nations; — all were his I He counted them at break of day,— And when the sun set, where were they? " The Grecian commanders lost no time in preparing to meet their mul- titudinous opponents. The Athenians were lasted in the left wing, and consequently opposed to the Phoenicians on the Persian right. The Lace- daemonians and the other Peloponnesians took their station on the right, and the jEginetans and Euboeans in the centre. Animated by the harangues of Themistocles and the other leaders, the Greek seamen em- barked with alacrity, encouraging one another to deliver their country, their wives and children, and the temples of their gods, from the grasp of the barbarians. Just at this juncture a favorable omen seemed to prom- ise them success. When Eurybiades gave the order for the fleet to re- mam and fight at Salamis, a trireme had been despatched to ^gina to in- voke the assistance of ^acus, and the ^Eacid heroes Talamon and Aias (Ajax). As the Greeks were on the point of embarking, the trireme re- turned from the mission just in time to take her place in the line of battle. a «== * a a, OB s "3 CO Cm O e3 n § 8. As the trumpets sounded, the Greeks rowed forward to the attack, hurling into the still morning air the loud war paean, reverberated shrilly fix)m the cliffs of Salamis, and not unanswered by the Persians. But sud- denly a panic appeared to seize the Grecian oarsmen. They paused, — 194 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XIX. B. C. 480.] BATTLE OF SALAMIS. 195 wMiii restored liim to Ms exiled conntrynien, only to share in their dan- gers and distresses. But no such refieclions found a place in the mind of Aristeides. He was oceupioe erected ui)on one of the projecting declivitiivs of IVIount iEgaleos, opi)osite the harbor of Salamis, whence he could survi^ the combat, and stimulate by his i>res- ence the courage of Ids men ; whilst by his side stood scribes, prepared to record the names both of tlie daring and the backward. " A king sat on the rocky brow Which Ux)ks o'er sca-boni Salamis; And ships, by thousaiuls, hiy below, Aiul men in iiaTi.nis; — all were his! He counted them at break of day,— And when the sun set, where were they? " The Grecian commanders lost no time in preiiaring to meet their mul- titudinous opponents. The Athenians were posted in thc^ left wing, and consecpiently opposed to the Ph.enicians on the Persian right. The Lnce- dfemonians and the other Peloponnesians took their station on the right, ■and the ^Eginetans and Eub(eans in the centre. Animated by the harangues of Tliemistocles and the other leaders, the Greek seamen em- barked with aliicrity, encouraging one another to deliver their country, their wives and children, and the temples of tlieir gods, from the grasp of the barbarians. Just at this juncture a favorable omen seemed to prom- ise them success, \yiien Eiirybiades g«w tite ofder for the fleet to re- main and fight at Salamis, a trireme had been dcsjiatched to iEgina to in- voke the assistance of iEacus, and the .Eacid heroes Talamon^and Aias (Ajax). As the Greeks were on the point of embarking, the trireme re- turned from the mission just in time to take her place in the line of battle. cS 8 i 1^ o s o a a da O >> ID s — a S*3 S H (^ 6 B 04 a 91" s. c "^ C vi s »- s ■^ iS =4 i C ■U ^ ^ a, s a « a m ^ H M i-i c* 03 ^ lO O ■3 -3 .a rincipalauthovmes. In '' The Persians," the messenger g.es to looked upon B. C. 480.] BATTLE OF SALAMIS. 197 Boundless were the rage and vexation of Xerxes, as he contemplated the flight and destruction of his fleet. Some Phoenician crews, whfch were unlucky enough to be forced ashore close at the despot's feet, felt the full weight of his displeasure. In vain they sought to throw the blame of the defeat on the Ionic Greeks serving under the Persian flaji:. Xerxes, who besides the feat of Artemisia, had observed a very daring act of valor per- formed by a Samothracian vessel, treated the Plioenicians as dastardly calumniators, and ordered them to be beheaded. Notwithstanding this signal defeat and loss, the Persian fleet was still formidable by its numbers, whilst their land force had suffered hardly any loss. The Greeks themselves did not regard the victory as decisive, and prepared to renew the combat. But from this necessity they were reUeved by the pusillanimity of Xerxes. Passing at once from overweening con- Queen Atossa a very animated description. I take the passage from Professor Blackie's ejjccellent translation. " Some evil god, or an avenging spirit. Began the fray. From the Athenian fleet There came a Greek, and thus thy son bespoke: * Soon as the gloom of night shall fall, the Greeks No more will wait, but, rushing to their oars. Each man will seek his safety where he may, By secret flight.' This Xerxes heard, but knew not The guile of Greece, nor yet the jealous gods, And to his captains straightway gave command That, when the sun withdrew his burning beams, And darkness filled the temple of the sky. In triple lines their ships they should dispose. Each wave-plashed outlet guarding, fencing round The isle of Ajax surely. Should the Greeks Deceive this guard, or with their ships escape In secret flight, each captain with his head Should pay for his remissness. These commands With lofty heart, thy son gave forth, nor thought What harm the gods were weaving. They obeyed. Each man prepared his supper, and the sailors Bound the lithe oar to its familiar block. Then, when the sun his shining glory paled, And night swooped down, each master of the oar, Each marshaller of arms, embarked ; and then Line called on line to take its ordered place. All night they cruised, and, with a moving belt, Prisoned the frith, till day gan peep, and still No stealthy Greek the expected flight essayed. But when at lengtli the snowy-steeded day Burst o'er the main, all beautiful to see. First from the Greeks a tuneful shout uprose, Well-omened, and, with replication loud. Leaped the blithe echo from the rocky shore. Fear seized the Persian host, no longer tricked By vain opinion; not like wavering flight Billowed the solemn pasan of the Greeks, But like the shout of men to battle urging, V X ,1 r 198 mSTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XIX. H k fidence to unreasonable distrust, the Persian monarch became anxiously solicitous even about his own personal safety. He no longer relied on the capability of his ships to protect his retreat over the Hellespont, especially as his own conduct had alienated a considerable part of the fleet. The Phoenicians, alarmed by the threats which rage and fear caused Xerxes to utter against them, stole away in the niglit, and sailed homewards. The whole care of the Persian monarch was now centred on securing his retreat by land. The best troops were disembarked from the ships, and marched towards the Hellespont, in order to secure the bridge, whilst the fleet itself was ordered to leave Phalerum and make for Asia. These dispositions of Xerxes were prompted by Mardonius. As the adviser of the expedition, Mardonius felt all the danger of resi)onsibility for its failure, especially if the personal safety of his sovereign should be With lusty cheer. Then the fierce trumpet's voice Blazed o'er the main ; and on the salt sea flood Forthwith the oars with measured plash descended, And all their lines, with dexterous speed displayed, Stood with opposing front. The right wing first, Then the whole fleet, boi-e down, and straight uprose A mighty shout : ' Sons of the Greeks, advance ! Your country free, your children free, your wives! The altars of your native gods deliver, And your ancestral tombs, — all 's now at stake ! ' A like salute from our whole line back rolled In Persian speech. Nor more delay, but straight Trireme on trireme, brazen beak on beak Dashed furious. A Greek ship led on the attack, And from the prow of a Phrenician struck The figure-head: and now the grapple closed Of each ship with his adverse desperate. At first the main line of the Persian fleet Stood the harsh shock : but soon their multitude Became their ruin : in the narrow frith They might not use their strength, and, jammed together, Their ships with brazen beaks did bite each other, And shattered their own oars. Meanwhile the Greeks Stroke after stroke dealt dexterous all around, Till our ships showed their keels, and the blue sea Was seen no more, with multitude of ships And corpses covered. All the shores were strewn, And the rough rocks, with dead : till, in the end. Each ship in the barbaric host, that yet Had oars, in most disordered flight rowed off. As men that fish for tunnies, so tlie Greeks, With broken booms, and fragments of the wreck, Struck our snared men, and hacked them, that the sea With wail and moaning was possessed around, Till black-eyed Night shot darkness o'er the fray. These ills thou hearest : to rehearse the whole, Ten days were few ; but this, my queen, believe, No day yet shone on earth whose brightness looked On such a tale of death." — Ed. B. C. 480.] KETREAT OF XERXES. 199 . at all endangered. With adroit flattery he consulted at once the fears and the vanity of Xerxes, and his own personal interests. He represented to his master that the defeat, after all, was but slight, and had fallen entirely upon the foreign auxiliaries ; that having attained one of the great objects of the expedition by the capture of Athens, he might now retire with honor, and even with glory ; and that, for the rest, he (Mardonius) would undertake to complete the conquest of Greece with three hundred thousand men. Xerxes readily listened to this advice, which accorded so well with his own inclinations, and which was supported by his courtiers, as well as by Queen Artemisia. § 10. When the Greeks learned that the Persian fleet had left Pha- lerum, they immediately sailed in pursuit of it, Themistocles and the Athenians are represented, but probably on no sufficient ground, as anxious to push on to the Hellespont, and cut off the retreat of the Per- sians, and as having been restrained only by the more prudent counsels of Eurybiades and the Peloponnesians. The moment was chosen by The- mistocles to send a second message to Xerxes, of a much more questionable character than the first. Sicinnus was again despatched to inform the Persian monarch that Themistocles, out of personal friendship for him, had restrained the Greeks from destroying the bridge over the Hellespont, and thus cutting off his retreat. In this communication it is imjK)ssible to believe that Themistocles can have had anything but his own personal interest in view. He was well aware that the Persian cause w«as far from desperate ; and even if the Greeks should prove victorious in the end, he may have been anxious to secure a safe retreat for himself, if he should be detected in his guilty practices. The Greeks pursued the Persian fleet as far as the island of Andros, but without success. To punish those islands which had sided -with. Xerxes was a natural and justifiable act, which the large naval force under the command of Themistocles enabled him to execute; but he abused the same means in order to gratify his private rapacity. The Andrians, indeed, were too poor to be robbed ; and though Themistocles threatened them with two great gods, — Persuasion and Necessity, — they found themselves protected, as they said, by two others equally efficient, — Poverty and Helplessness. But in other quarters he succeeded better. From Carystus, Paros, and other places, he privately extorted bribes, by engaging to preserve them from attack ; and after a short time employed in the vain attempt to wring something from Andros, the Grecian fleet returned to Salamis. § 11. Meanwhile Xerxes pursued his homeward march through Boeotia into Thessaly. In the latter country Mardonius selected the forces with which he proposed to conclude the war, consisting chiefly of Pei'sians, Medes, SacaB, and Bactrians, to the number of three hundred tliousand men. But as autumn was now approacliing, and as sixty thousand of 1 if 200 mSTORY OF GREECE. ^OHAPa X i XJi B. C. 480.] DEFEAT OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. 201 tliese troops were to escort the march of Xerxes as far as the Hellespont, Mardonius resolved to postpone all further operations till the spring. After forty-five days* march from Attica, Xerxes again reached the shores of the Hellespont, with a force greatly diminished by famine and pestilence. The sufferings of his ai-my were exaggerated by iEschylus, and by later poets and moralists, who delighted in heightening the con- trast between the proud magnificence of the monarch's advance, and the ignominious humiliation of his retreat. Many of these statements cannot be accepted as historical facts ; altliough there can be no doubt that great numbers perished from want of provisions, and the diseases which always follow in the path of famine. On the IIelles})ont Xerxes found his fleet, but the bridge had been washed away by storms. Landed on the shores of Asia, the Persian army at length obtained abundance of provisions, and contracted new maladies by the sudden change from privation to excess. Thus terminated this mighty but unsuccessful expedition. Two thousand years later, still more barbarous Eastern hordes were destined to find a settlement on the fair shores of Greece. But Greece had then worked out her apjwinted task, and had transmitted her arts, her literature, and her civilization to the nations of Western Europe.* § 12. Among the Greeks nothing now remained to be done but to cele brate their victory after the national fashion by the distribution of rewards To the -^ginetans was adjudged the chief prize for valor, whilst the Atlienians carried off the second. Amongst individual combatants, the ^ginetan, Polycritus, and the Athenians, Eumenes and Ameinias, ob- tained the first rank. The deities also received their share of honor. Tliree Phcenician triremes were dedicated respectively to Athena at Sunium, to Poseidon at the Corinthian Isthmus, and to the Salaminian hero, Aias. The shrine of the Delphian Apollo was also still further enriched by the offerings of grateful superstition. Having distributed the rewards of valor, the Greek commanders * The maintenance of the Hellenic spirit, even under the four centuries of Turkish mis- rule, is an extraordinary phenomenon in history. The revival of Greek nationality, by which the Turkish yoke was thrown off the necks of a portion of the Hellenic race, was a glorious proof of the indestructible spirit of liberty, transmitted from the classic ages. The political progress made by the numerically insignificant kingdom of Hellas, since the desolating war of the revolution, is a brilliant proof of the civic genius of the people ; and the present condition of education, as exhibited by the schools, gymnasia, and the Univer- sity of Otho at Athens, is such as to excite the admiration of the traveller, who has the smallest sympathy with the struggles of an illustrious race to vindicate their hereditary title to intellectual distinction. But for the illiberal and unwise policy of the three great powers, France, England, and Kussia, who settled the boundaries of the kingdom of Hel- las so as to exclude the important provinces of Thessaly, Epeirus, Macedonia, &c., and the most valuable of the islands, — throwing back under the wretched government of Turkey three fourths of the Greek population of Greece, and surrendering the noble island of Crete to the tender mercies of the Pacha of Egypt, — that classic land might at this moment have been one of the most prosperous, intelligent, and enterprising countries in Europe, and the present dangerous crisis in Eastern affairs perhaps wholly averted. — Ed. undertook the more difficult task of assigning the prizes of wisdom and conduct. Upon the altar of Poseidon, at the Isthmus of Corinth, whither the Grecian fleet had now repaired, each chief deposited a ticket inscribed with two names, of those whom he considered entitled to the first and second prizes. But in this adjudication vanity and self-love defeated their own objects. Each commander had put down his own name for the first prize ; for the second, a great majority preponderated in favor of Themistocles. But since the first prize thus remained undecided, and as the second could not, consequently, be adjudicated, the Athenian leader reaped no benefit from these votes. From the Spartans, however, whom he shortly afterwards visited, he received the honors due to his merit. A crown of olive similar to that wliich rewarded their own commander, Eurybiades, was conferred upon him, together with one of the most splen- did chariots which the city could produce ; and on his departure the tliree hundred Hippeis, or knights, the youth and the flower of the Lacedoemo- nian militia, accompanied him as a guard of honor as far as Tegea. In fact, the honors heaped upon Themistocles by the haughty Spartans were so extraordinary, as to excite, it is said, the jealousy of the Athenians against their distinguished countryman. § 13. On the very same day on which the Persians were defeated at Salamis, another portion of the Hellenic race, the Sicilian Greeks, also obtained a victory over an immense bai'barian force. There is reason to believe that the invasion of Sicily by the Carthaginians was concerted with Xerxes, and that the simultaneous attack on two distinct Grecian peoples, by two immense armaments, was not merely the result of chance. It was, however, in the internal affairs of Sicily that the Carthaginians sought the pretext and the opportunity for their invasion. About the year 481 B. c, Theron, despot of Agrigentum, a relative of Gelon's, the power- ful ruler of Syracuse, expelled Terillus from Himera, and took possession of that town. Terillus, backed by some Sicilian cities which formed a kind of Carthaginian party, applied to the Carthaginians to restore him. The Carthaginians complied with the invitation ; and in the year 480 b. c. Hamilcar landed at Panormus with a force composed of various nations, which is said to have amounted to the enormous sum of three hundred thousand men. Having drawn up his vessels on the beach, and protected them with a rampart, Hamilcar proceeded to besiege the Huneraians, who on their part prepared for an obstinate defence. At the instance of The- ron, Gelon marched to the relief of the town with fifty thousand foot and five thousand horse. An obstinate and bloody engagement ensued, which, by a stratagem of Gelon's, was at length determined in his favor. The ships of the Carthaginians were fired, and Hamilcar himself slain. According to the statement of Diodorus, one hundred and fifty thousand Carthaginians fell in the engagement, while the greater part of the remain der surrendered at discretion, twenty ships alone escaping with a few fugi 26 fi02 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XIX. tives. Tliis account may justly be regarded as an exaggeration ; yet it cannot be doubted that the victory was a decisive one, and the number very great of the prisoners and slain. Thus were the arms of Greece victorious on all sides, and the outposts of Eui-ope maintained against the incursions of the semi-barbarous hoi-des of Asia and Africa. In Sicily, Greek taste made the sinews of the pris- oners subserve the purposes of art ; and many of the public structures which adorned and distinguished Agrigcntum rose by the labor of the captive Ciu-thaginians. B. C. 479.] POSITION OF THE PERSIAN AND GREEK FLEETS. 203 Temple of Nik^ Apteros (the Wingless Victory), on the Acropolis at Athens, restored CHAPTER XX. BATTLES OF PLATJEA AND MTCALE. 4 1. Position of the Persian and Greek Fleets. § 2. Preparations of Mardonius for th« Campaign. § 3. He solicits the Athenians to join hira. Faithlessness of the Spartans. \ 4. Mardonius occupies Athens. Athenian Embassy to- Sparta. March of the Spartan Army. § 5. Mardonius retires into Boeotia: followed by the Grecian Anny. Skirmishes. § 6. The Greeks descend into the Plain. Manoeuvres of the two Annies. § 7. Alexan der, King of Macedon, visits the Grecian Camp. The Greeks resolve to change their Ground: their disorderly Retreat. § 8. Battle of Plataja. Defeat of the Persians. ^ 9. Division of the Spoil. § 10. Reduction of Thebes, and Execution of the Theban Leaders. § 11. Death of Aristodemus. § 12. League of Plattea. Religious Ceremonies. \ 13. Battle of Mycale. Defeat of the Persians. § 14. Liberation of the Greek Islands. 4 16. Siege and Capture of Sestos. § 1. The remnant of the Persian fleet, after conveying Xerxes and his army across the Hellespont, wintered at Cyme and Samos ; and early in the ensuing spring, the whole armament, to the number of about four hundred vessels, reassembled at the latter island. This movement was adopted in order to keep a watch over Ionia, which showed symptoms of an inclination to revolt, and not with any design of attacking the Grecian fleet. The latter, consisting of about one hundred and ten ships, under the command of the Spartan king, Leotychides, assembled in the spring at ^gina. From this station it advanced as far eastward as Delos ; but the Ionian envoys despatched to the Peloponnesians, with promises that the lonians would revolt from Persia as soon as the Greek fleet appeared off their coast, could not prevail upon Leotychides to venture an attack upon the Persians. 202 HISTORY <*» GREECIL [Chap. XIX. I tives. This account may justly be regaixled fW an exaggeration ; yet it cannot be doubted that the vit-tory was a decisive one, and the number very gwat of the prisoners and slain. Thus were the arms of (ireece victorious on all sides, and the outposts of Europe maintained against the incursions of the semi-barbarous hordes of Asia and Africa. In Sieily, (Ireek taste made the sinews of the pris- oners subserve tiie jmrpositts of art; and many of the pul)lic structures which adorned and distinguislied Agrigentuni rose by the labor of the capti\ e Cart haguiijuis. B. C. 479.] POSITION OF THE PERSIAN AND GREEK FLEETS. 203 ir.{ Temple of Nik«S Apteros (the Wingless Victory), on the Acropolis at Athens, restored CHAPTER XX. BATTLES OF PLAT^A AND JIYCALE. 4 1. Position of the Persian and Greek Fleets. § 2. Preparatif)iis of Jlardonins for the Campaign. § 3. He solicits the Athenians to join him. raithlessness of tlie Spartans. ^ 4. Mardonins occupies Atliens. Athenian Eml)asidated city. His oflfers on the part of the Pei-sians were of the most seductive kind ; the reparation of all damage, the friendship of the Great King, and a consid- erable extension of territory : the whole backed by the pressing instances of Alexander himself, and enforced by a vivid picture of the exposed and helpless situation of Attica. The temptation was certainly strong. On the one hand, ruined homes and empty granaries, the result of the last campaign ; the first shock and severest brunt of the war to be sustained by Attica, as the outpost of Southern Hellas, and this for lukewarm and selfish allies, to whose negli- gence and breach of faith the Athenians chiefly owed their present calami- ties : on the other hand, their city restored, their starving population fed, the horrors of war averted, and only that more agreeable part of it adopted which would consist in accompanying and aiding an overwhelming force in a career of almost certain victory. The Lacedemonians were quite aEve to the exigencies of the situation, so far, at least, as it concerned their own safety. They also had sent envoys to counteract the seductions of Alexander, and to tender relief to the distressed population of Athens. The answer of the Athenians was magnanimous and dignified. They dismissed Alexander with a positive refusal, and even with something like a threat of personal violence in case he should again be the beaier of such propo- sals ; whilst to the Lacedaemonians they protested that no temptations, how- ever great, should ever induce them to desert the common cause of Greece and freedom. In return for this disinterested conduct, all they asked was that a Peloponnesian army should be sent into Boeotia for the defence of the Attic frontier ; a request which the Spartan envoys promised to liilfil. No sooner, however, had they returned to theb own country than this B. C. 479.] MARDONIUS OCCUPIES ATHENS. 205 promise was completely forgotten. As on the former occasion, the Lace- diemonians cevered their selfishness and indifference beneath the hypo- critical garb of religion. The omens w^ere unfavorable ; the sun had been eclipsed at the moment when Cleombrotus, the Spartan king, was consult- inf^ the gods respecting the expedition; and, besides this, they were engaged in celebrating the festival of the Hyacinthia. But no omens nor festivals had prevented them from resuming with unremitting diligence the labor of fortifying the Istlmius, and the walls and battlements were now rapidly advancing towards completion. § 4. When Mardonius was informed that the Athenians had rejected his proposal, he immediately marched against Athens, accompanied by all his Grecian allies ; and in May or June, b. c. 479, about ten months after the retreat of Xerxes, the Persians again occupied that city. With feel- hi^s of bitter indignation against their faithless allies, the Athenians saw themselves once more compelled to remove to Salamis. But even in this depressed condition, the naval force of the Athenians still rendered them formidable ; and Mardonius took advantage of his situation to endeavor once more to win them to his alliance. Through a Hellespontine Greek, the same favorable conditions were again offered to them, but were again refused. One voice alone, that of the senator Lycidas, broke the una- nimity of the assembly. But his opposition cost him his life. He and his fiunily were stoned to death by the excited populace. In this desperate condition the Athenians sent ambassadors to the Spar- tans to remonstrate against their breach of faith, and to implore them, before it was too late, to come forwards in the common cause of Greece. The ambassadors were also instructed to intimate that necessity might at lenf^th compel the Athenians to listen to the proposals of the enemy. This message, however, was very coolly received by the Lacedaemonians. For ten days no answer whatever was returned ; and it can scarcely be doubted that the reply, which they at last thought fit to make, would have been a negative, but for a piece of advice which opened their eyes to the consequences of their selfish policy. Chileos, a Tegean, a man whose wis- dom they revered, and whom they consulted on this occasion, pointed out to them that their fortifications at the isthmus would prove of no avail in case the Athenians allied themselves to the Persians, and thus, by means of their fleet, opened a way into the heart of Peloponnesus. It is strange that the Lacedaemonians should have needed this admonition, which seems obvious enough ; but selfishness is proverbially blind. The conduct of the Spartans was as prompt as their change of resolution had been sudden. That very night five thousand citizens, each attended by seven Helots, were despatched to the frontiers ; and these Avere shortly fol- lowed by five thousand Lacedasmonian Perioeci, each attended by one light- armed Helot Never before had the Spartans sent so large a force into the field. Their example was followed by other Peloponnesian cities ; and I 1 1. 206 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chaf. XX 1' the Athenian envoys returned to Salamis with the joyful news that a large army was preparing to march against the enemy, under the com- mand of Pausanias, who acted as regent for Pleistarchus, the infant son of Leonidas. § 0. Bliirdonius, on learning the approach of the Lacedaemonians, abandoned Attica, and proceeded by the pass of Decelea across Mount Fames into Boeotiji, a country more adapted to the operations of the cavaliy, in which his strength principtdly lay. Whilst he still entertained a hope that the Athenians might be induced to join his anns, he had refrained from committing any depredations on their territory ; but find- ing this expectation vain, he employed the last days of his stay in burning and devastating all that had been spared by the army of Xerxes. After crossing the frontiers of Boeotia, and marching a day or two along the Asopus, he finally took up a position on the left bank of that river, and not far from the town of Plataea. Here he caused a camp to be con- structed of ten furlongs square, and fortified with barricades and towers. The situation was well selected, since he had the friendly and well-fortified city of Thebes in his rear, and was thus in no danger of falling short of provisions. Yet the disposition of his army was far from being sanguine. With the exception of the Thebans and Boeotians, his Grecian allies were become lukewarm or wavering ; and even among the Persians themselves, the disastrous flight of their monarch in the preceding year had naturally damped all hopes of the successful issue of a campaign wliich was now to be conducted with far inferior forces. Meanwhile, the Lacedaemonian force collected at the Isthmus was receiving reinforcements from the various states of Peloponnesus. On its march through Megara it was joined by 3,000 Megarians ; and at Eleusis received its final accession of 8,000 Athenian and 600 Platjean Hoplites, who had crossed over from Salamis under the command of Aristeides. The Grecian army now consisted of 38,700 heavy-armed men, attended by Helots and light-armed troops to the number of neai-ly 70,000 ; and, together with 1,800 badly armed Thespians, formed a grand total of about 110,000 men. There were, however, no cavahy, and but very few bowmen. Having consulted the gods by sacrifices, wliich proved of a favorable nature, the Grecian army broke up from Eleusis, and directed its march over the ridge of Cithieron. On descendmg its northern side, the Greeks came in sight of the Persian army drawn up in the valley of the Asopus. Pausanias, not caring to expose his troops to the attacks of the Persian cavalry on the plain, halted them on the slopes of the mountam, near Erythrae, where the ground was rugged and uneven. (See Plan, First Position.) This position did not, however, altogether preserve them. Skilled in the use of the bow and of the javelm, the Persian horsemen, under the command of Masistius, repeatedly charged the Greeks, harass- B. C. 479.] BATTLE OF PLAT^A. 207 ing them with flights of missiles, and taunting them with cowardice for not venturing down into the plain. The Megarians, especially, suffered severely, until rescued by a body of three hundred chosen Athenians, who succeeded in repulsing the Persian cavalry, and killing their leader, Mosis- tius, a man tall in stature and of distinguished bravery. The Gi eeks (.•elebrated their triumph by parading the corpse through the army in a •cart a. PersiaDS. b. Aiheniang. c. Lacedaemonians. d. Various Greek allies. Battle of Plataea. (From Grote's Greece.) I. First position occupied by tlie opposing armies. II. Second Position. ni. Third Position. A. Road from Plataea to Thebes. B. Road from Megara to Thebes. C. Persian Camp. D. Erythrae. E. Hysiae. § 6. This success encouraged Pausanias to quit the high ground and take up a position on the plain. Defiling from Erythi-ae in a westerly direction, and marching by Hysiae, he formed his army in a line on the right bank of the Asopus. In this arrangement, the right wing, which extended to the fountain Gargaphia, was conceded, as the post of honor, to the Lacedaemonians ; the occupation of the left, near the grove of the hero Androcrates, was disputed between the Tegeans and Athenians. The matter was referred to the whole body of the Lacedaemonian troops, who by acclamation declared the Athenians entitled to the preference. 20G HISTORY OF GREECE. [ClIAP. XX. B. C. 479.] BATTLE OF PLATJEA. 207 "I t'ltiii the Athenian envoys returned to Sahmiis with the joyful news that a large army was preparing to mareh against tlie enemy, nntler the com- mand of Pausanias, who acted as regent for Pleistarchus, the infant son of Leonidas. § 5. Mardonius, on learning the approach of the Lacectation vain, he employed the last days of his stay in burning and devastating all that had been spared by the army of Xerxes. After crossing the frontiers of Bccotia, and marching a day or two along the Asopus, he finally took up a position on the left bank of that river, and not far from tlie town of PlatiBa. Here he caused a camp to be con- structed of ten furlongs square, and fortified with barricades and towers. The situation was well selected, since he had the friendly and well-fortified city of Thebes in his rear, and was thus in no danger of falling short of provisi(»ns. Yet the disfiosition of his anny was far from being sanguine. With the exception of the Thebans and Bccotians, his Grecian allies were become lukewami or wavering ; and even among tlie Persians tliemselves, the disastrous fiight of their monarch in the preceding year had naturally dam|>ed all lu)[)es of tlie successful issue of a campaign which was now to be conducted with far inferior forces. Meanwhile, the Lacedainonian force collected at the Isthmus was receiving reinforcements from the various states of Peloponnesus. On its march through 3Iegara it was joined by 3,<>00 Megarians ; and at Eleusis received its final accession of 8,000 Athenian and 600 Plata-an Hoplites, who liad crossed over from Salamis under the command of Aristeides. The Grecian army now consisted of 38,700 heavy-armed men, attended by Helots and light-armed ti-oops to the number of nearly 70,000 ; and, together with 1,800 badly armed Thespians, formed a gi'and total of about 110,000 men. There were, however, no cavalry, and but very few bowmen. Having consulted the gods by sacrifices, which proved of a favorable nature, the Grecian army broke up from Eleusis, and directed its march over the ridge of Cithajron. On descending its northern side, the Greeks came m sight of the Persian army drawn up in the valley of the Asopus. Pausanias, not caring to expose his troops to the attacks of the Persian cavalry on the plain, halted them on the slopes of the mountain, near Erytlirte, where the ground was rugged and uneven. (See Plan, First Position.) This position did not, liowever, altogether preserve them. Skilled in the use of the bow and of the javeHn, the Persian horsemen, mider the command of Masistius, repeatedly charged the Greeks, harass- ing them with flights of missiles, and taunting them with cowarst in the left wing, facing the Lacedae- monians on the Grecian right ; whilst the Greeks and Macedonians in the Persian service, to the number, probably, of fifty thousand, were opposed to the Athenians on the left. Tlic centre of Mardonius was comiK)sed of Bactrians, Indians, Sac», and other Asiatics, and Egyptians ; and his whole force probably amounted to about three hundred thousand men. But though the armies were thus in presence, each was reluctant to commence the attack. The soothsayers on botli sides, whose responses were probably dictated by the feeling prevalent among the commanders, declared that the sacrifices were unfavoi*able for any aggressive move- ment. For eight days the armies remained inactive, except that the Per- sians annoyed the Greeks at a distance with their missiles, and altogether prevented them from watering at the Asopus. On the eighth day Mar- donius, at the suggestion of the Theban leatler, Timagenidas, employed his cavalrj' in cutting oiF the supplies of the Greeks, and cai)tured a train of ^Ye hundred beasts of burden, together with their escort, as they were defiling through one of tlie passes of Cithairon. Artabazus, the second in command, advised IMardonius to continue this policy of harassing and wearing out the Greeks, without risking a general engagement ; and also to endeavor, by means of bribes, to cori-upt and disunite them. That this latter step was feasible appeai-s from what actually occurred among the Athenians. ScveKjl of the wealthier Hoplites serving in their ranks entered into a conspiracy to establish at Athens, under Persian supremacy, an oligarchy resembhng that at Thebes. Fortunately, however, the plot was discovered and repressed by Aristeides. But Mardonius was too impatient to await the success of such measures, which he considered as an imputation on the Persian arms ; and, overruling the opinions of Arta- bazus and the rest of his officers, gave orders to prepare for a genei-al attack. § 7. On the night after Mardonius had taken this resolution, Alexander, king of Macedon, leaving the Persian camp by stealth, rode up to the Athenian outposts, and, desiring to speak with Aristeides and the other generals, informed them of the intended attack on the morrow. " I risk my life," he observed, " in conveying this intelligence ; but I too am a Greek by descent, and with sorrow should I see Hellas enslaved by the Persians." Aristeides immediately communicated this news to Pausanias. On hearing it, the latter made a proposal savoring but little of the tradition- ary Spai-tan valor ; namely, that the Athenians, who had had experience of the Persian mode of fighting, should change places with the Lacedse- monians in the line. The Athenians readily assented to this arrangement Mardonius, however, on perceiving the change which had been made, effected a corresponding one in his own line. Hereuiwn Pausanias marched back to the Grecian right, and was again followed by ]\Iardo- nius ; so that the two armies remained in their original position. Neither side, however, was inclined to venture a general attack. The fighting was confined to the Persian cavalry, which the Greeks had no adequate means of repelling. For some portion of the day it obtained possession of the fountain of Gargaphia, the only source from which the Greeks could procure their water, and succeeded in choking it up. It also intercepted the convoys of provisions proceeding to the Grecian camp. Under these cii-cumstances, finding the gi-ound untenable, Pau- sanias summoned a council of war, in which it was resolved to retreat dur- ing the night to a place called the Island, about ten furiongs in the rear of their present position, and half-way between it and the town of PIata\a. The spot selected, improperly called an island, was in fiict a piece of ground about three furlongs in breadth, comprised between two branches of the river Oeroe, which, rising from distinct sources in Citlwron, and running for some space nearly parallel with one another, at length unite, and flow in a westerly direction into the Gulf of Corinth. The nature of the ground would thus afford to the Greeks both abundance of water and protection from the enemy's cavalry. The retreat, however, though for so short a distance, was effected in disorder and confusion. The Greek centre, chiefly composed of Megari- ans and Corinthians, instead of taking up a position on the Island, as com- manded by Pausanias, did not halt till they reached the town of Plattea, where they formed in front of the Herajum on high ground, and protected by buildings. (See Plan, Third Position.) Some time after their depart- ure Pausanias commanded the right wing, which, as we have said, was composed of Lacedemonians, to follow. But his orders were disputed by one of his captains, Amompharetus, a leader of one of the lochi, who had not been present at the council of war, and who, considering this retrograde movement as a retreat derogatory to Spartan honor, obstinately refused to stir from his post. Meanwhile, the Athenians, — not unnaturally distrust- ful of the Spartans, — before they broke ground themselves, despatched a mounted messenger to ascertain whether the right wing was really pre- paring to march. The messenger found the Spartan troops in their former position, and Pausanias, together with the other generals, engaged in a warm dispute with the refractory captain. No threats of being left alone could induce liim to move ; and when reminded that the order for retreat had been resolved upon in a council of war, he took up a huge rock, and casting it at the feet of Pausanias, exclaimed, " With this pebble I give my vote not to fly fi-om the foreigners." Meantime, the day began to dawn : a little longer delay and retreat would become impossible. Pausanias resolved to abandon Amomphare- 27 210 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XX B. C. 479.3 DEATH OF MARDONIUS. 211 ilr , tus and his lochus to their fate, should he really prove so obstinate as to stand his ground after the departure of the rest of the army. The order to march was given. The slant rays of the rising sun gleamed on the tall and bristling spears of the Lacedemonian columns as they slowly ascended the hills which separated them from the Island. The Athenians, posted more towards the east, and who were to arrive at the appointed spot by turning the hills, began their march at the same time. Amompharetus was not so madly obstinate as to await alone the approach of the Persians. Findmg that his comrades had really departed, he gave orders to follow, and overtook them at their first halt. § 8. Mardonius beheld with astonishment and disdain the retreating ranks of the Spartans. The order was given to pursue. The shout of victory already rang through the Persian host, as they dashed in a con- fused mass, cavaliy and infantry, through the waters of the Asopus, and up the hiU after the retreating foe. Scarcely had Pausanias time to de- ploy on the spot where he had halted for Amompharetus, when the Per- sian cavalry were upon him. These were soon followed by the infantry ; who, planting in the ground then* long wicker shields, or gerrha, and thus forming a kind of breastwork, annoyed the Lacedaimonians with showers of arrows. Even in these circumstances the rites of religion were not neg- lected by Pausanias. For some time the sacrifices were unfavorable for an attack ; till Pausanias invoked the assistance of Hera, whose temple rose conspicuous at Plataea. Hardly had the prayer been uttered, when the victims changed, and the order to charge was given. The line of wicker shields fell at the first onset of the Lacedaemonians. The light- armed undisciplined Persians, whose bodies were unprotected with armor, had now to maintain a very unequal combat against the serried ranks, the long spears, and the mailed bodies of the Spartan phalanx. Desperate deeds of valor they performed, throwmg themselves upon the Grecian ranks and endeavoring to get into close combat, where they could use their javelins and daggers. Mardonius at the head of his body-guard of one thousand picked men, and conspicuous by his white charger, was among the foremost in the fight, till struck down by the hand of Aimnestus, a distinguished Spartan. The fall of theu* general was the signal for flight to the Persians, already wearied and disheartened by the fruitless contest. The panic was general both among the Persians themselves and their Asiatic allies ; nor did they once stop till they had again crossed the Aso- pus and reached their fortified camp. The glory of having defeated the Persians at Plata?a rests, therefore, with the Lacedaimonians ; yet the Athenians also were not without some share in the honor of the day. Pausanias, when overtaken by the Per- sians, despatched a horseman to Aristeides to request him to hasten to his ;assistance ; but the coming up of the Boeotians prevented him from doing 80. A sharp conflict ensued between the latter and the Athenians. The Thebans, especially, fought with great bravery ; but were at length re- pulsed with considerable loss. Though comi)elled to give way, they retreated in good order to Thebes, being covered by their cavalry from the pursuit of the Athenians. None of the other Greeks in the Persian service took any share in the fight, but turned their backs as soon as they saw that the day was lost. Of the Persians themselves, forty thousand under the command of Artabazus did not strike a blow. The eagerness and impetuosity of Mardonius, and the contempt which he had conceived for the Lacediemonians on account of what he considered their flight, had led him to begin the attack without waiting for the corps of Artabazus ; and when that general arrived upon the field, the rout was already com- plete. Artabazus, indeed, who had always deprecated a general engage- ment, was probably not very zealous on the occasion ; at all events, he did not make a single attempt to restore the fortune of the day ; and instead of retreating either to Thebes, or to the fortified camp of his countrymen, he gave up the whole expedition as irretrievably lost, and directed his march towards the Hellespont. The Lacedaemonians, now reinforced by the Corinthians and others from Plataea, pursued the Persians as far as their fortified camp, whose barricades proved a complete check to them, till the Athenians, more skilled in that species of warfare, came to their assistance. The barri- cades were then stormed and carried, after a gallant resistance on the part of the Persians. The camp became a scene of the most hon-ible carnage. According to Herodotus, only three thousand men, exclusive of the divis- ion under Artabazus, escaped, out of an ai-my of three hundred thousand. These numbers are probably exaggerated ; yet the Persian loss was un- doubtedly immense. That of the Greeks was comparatively small, and seems not to have exceeded thirteen or fourteen hundred men. § 9. It remained to bury the dead and divide the booty ; and so great was the task, that ten days were consumed in it. The body of Mardonius, found among the slam, was treated by Pausanias with respect ; on the morrow, not, perhaps, without his connivance, it was secretly conveyed away and mterred. A monument was even erected over it, which was to be seen several centuries afterwards. His cimeter and silver-footed throne fell to the share of the Athenians, by whom they were preserved, along with the breastplate of Masistius, in the Acropolis of Athens. The other booty was ample and magnificent. Gold and silver coined, as well as in plate and trinkets ; rich vests and carpets ; ornamented arms ; horses, camels ; in a word, all the magnificence of Eastern luxury, were collected together in order to be divided among the conquerors. A tithe was first selected for the Delphian Apollo, together with ample offerings for the Olympic Zeus and the Isthmian Poseidon ; and then, after a large share had been appropriated to Pausanias, the i-emainder was divided among the Grecian contingents in proportion to their numbers. 212 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XX. B. C. 479.] BATTLE OF MYCALE. 213 § 10. The reduction of Thebes, which had proved the most fonnidable ally of the Persians, was still necessary to complete the victory. On the eleventh day after the battle, Fausanias invested that city, and demanded that the leading men who had espoused the Persian cause, especially Timagenidas and Attaginus, should be delivered up to him. The Tlie- bans having refused to comply with this demand, Pausanias began to bat- ter their walls, and to lay waste the country around. At length, after the siege had lasted twenty days, Timagenidas, and the other Medizing lead- ers, voluntarily offered to surrender themselves, hoping, probably, to be able to redeem their lives for a sum of money. In this expectation, how- ever, they were completely disappointed. The whole of them, with the exception of Attaginus, who found means to escape, were conveyed to Corinth, and put to death without any form of trial. No attempt was made to pursue Aiiabazus, who escaped safely into Asia. § 11. Among the slain Spartans was Aristotlemus, the sole survivor of those who had fought at Thermopylffi. Tlie disgrace of having outlived that battle seems to have rendered life a burden to him. In order to wash it out, he stepped forth from the ranks at the battle of Plataa, and after performing prodigies of valor, received from the enemy the death which he courted. But in the distribution of funeral honors, this conduct could extort no favor from the stem justice of his countr}Tnen. They consid- ered that desperate rashness and contempt of discipline were no atone- ment for former misconduct, and refused to put him on a level with the other citizens who had fiillen in the combat. Among these was Amom- pharetus, the captain whose obstinacy had precipitated the attack of the Persians, and thus perhaps, though undesignedly, contributed to secure the victory. § 12. With the Greeks, religion and politics went ever hand in hand; and if the town and territory of Plat»a, as the scene of the Persian defeat, were signally honored on this occasion with the grateful offerings of devo- tion, it was not probably without a view to the services which might be hereafter required from its citizens in the cause of Grecian independence. In the market-place of Plataea, Pausanias, in the presence of the assembled allies, offered up a sacrifice and thanksgiving to Zeus Eleutherios, or the Liberator, in which the gods and heroes of the Plataian territoiy were made partakers. The Plateaus were intrusted Avith the duty of taking care of the tombs of the slain ; of offering a periodical sacrifice in hon- or of the victory ; and of celebrating it every fifth year with gymnastic games, in a grand public festival, to be called the Eleutheria. For these services the large sum of eighty talents was allotted to them out of the spoil, part of which was employed in erecting a temple to Athena. At the same time the independence of Plata?a, and the inviolability of her territory, were guaranteed by the allies ; the defensive league against the Persians was renewed; the contingent which eaeh ally should furnish was specified ; and it was arranged tliat deputies from all of them should meet annually at Plataea. § 13. At the very time of the defeat at Plataea, the failure of the Per- sian expedition was completed by the destruction of their naval armament. Leotychides, the Spartan admiral, having at length sailed across the jEgean, found the Persian fleet at Mycale, a promontory of Asia Minor near Miletus, and only separated by a strait of about a mile in breadth from Cape Poseidium, the east«i inmost extremity of Samos. Their former reverses seem completely to have di^^couraged the Persians from hazarding another naval engagement. The Phoenician squadron had been pennitted to depart ; tlie rest of the ships were hauled ashore and surrounded with a rampart ; whilst an army of sixty thousand Persians, under the command of Tigranes, lined the coast for their defence. The Greeks landed on tlie 4th of the month Boedromion (September 22d), in the year 479 b. c. : the very day on which the battle of Plataja was fought. A supernatural presentiment of that decisive victory, con- veyed by a herald's staff, which floated over the ^gean from the shores of Greece, is said to have pervaded the Grecian ranks at Mycale as they marched to the attack. As at Plataja, the Persians had planted their ger- rha, or wicker shields, before them ; but after a sharp contest this bulwark was overthrown. The Persians now turned their backs, and fled to their fortification, pursued by the Greeks, wlio entered it almost simultaneously. Here a bloody struggle ensued. The Persians fought desperately, though without discipline, and for some time maintained an unequal conflict. At length the arrival of the Lacedaiinonians, who composed the right wing of the Greek force, and who had been retarded by the hilly ground which they had to traverse, as well as the open revolt of the lonians, who now turned upon their masters, completed the discomfiture of the Persians. A large number of them, together with both their generals, Tigranes and Mardontes, perished on this occasion ; and the victory was rendered still more decisive by the burning of their fleet. The honor of the day, wliich, liowever, was not won without the sacrifice of many lives, was principally due to the Athenians, as the Lacedasmonians did not arrive tiU the battle was nearly decided. § 14. The remnant of the Persian army retreated to Sardis, where Xerxes had Imgered ever since his flight from Greece. He was not in a position to avenge this affront, or to retain the Ionian cities of the con- tinent in obedience ; still less was it possible for him, after the destruction of his fleet, to preserve his dominion over the islands. The latter were immediately admitted into the Greek confederation; but respecting the Ionian cities on the continent there was more difficulty. The Greeks were not in a condition to guarantee their independence ; and therefore the Peloponnesian commanders offered to transport their inhabitants into Greece, where they prepared to make room for them, by transplanting I ~ r ill li iK ' I. 214 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XX into Asia the Greeks who had espoused the Persian cause. But this proposition was strenuously opposed by the Athenians, who regarded their own dignity and glory as inseparably bound up with the maintenance of their Ionian colonies ; and indeed the effect of such a measure must have been to transfer them completely to the Persians. § 15. So imperfect in those times was the transmission of intelligence, that the Greeks still believed the bridge across the Hellespont to be entire, though it was broken and useless almost a twelvemonth previously, during the retreat of Xjerxes. At the instance of the Athenians, Leoty- chides set sail with the view of destroying it ; but having learnt at Abydos that it no longer existed, he departed homewards with the Peloiwnnesian vessels. Xanthippus, however, the Athenian commander, seized the opportunity to recover from the Persians the Thraeian Chersonese, which had long been an Athenian possession, and proceeded to blockade Sestos, the key of the stmit. Being thus taken by surprise, the Persians flung themselves into the town without having time to collect the provisions necessary for a siege. Nevertheless, amid the most painful privations, they contrived to protract the siege till a late period of the autumn, when famine and insubordination reached such a height, that the Persian com- manders, Q*lobazus Jind Artayctes, were fain to quit the town by stealth, which was inmiediately surrendered. Artayctes, having fallen into the hands of the Greeks, was fixed to a high pole, and left to perish just at the siK)t where the bridge of Xerxes had stood. Tliis deviation from the usual humanity of the Greeks, and which seems to have been sanctioned by Xanthippus, can only be accounted for by religious exasperation occasioned by Artayctes having violated find insulted the grove and temple of the hero Protesilaus, in the neighborhood of Sestos. After this exploit the Athenians returned home, carrying with them the cable of the bridge across the Hellespont, which were afterwards pre- served in the Acropolis as a trophy. Bmns of an Ionic Temple in Lycia. Chap. XXI.] HISTORY OP LITERATURE. 215 Bust of Pindar. CHAPTER XXL raSTORY OP LITERATURE. § 1. General Characteristics. § 2. Simonides. § 3. Pindar. § 4. Ibycus and Bacchylldea. \ 6. Rise of History and of Composition in Prose. § 6. Hecatajus, Charon of Lampsacus, Hellanicus. § 7. Herodotus. § 8. Character of liis Work. Analysis. § 9. Predilection of Herodotus for Athens. § 10. Style of his Work. § 1. During the period which we have been surveying in the present book, Grecian litemture was gradually assuming a more popular foi-m, especially at Athens, where, since the expulsion of the Peisistratids, the people were rapidly advancing both in intellectual culture and in political importance. Of this we have a striking proof in the rise of the drama, and the founding of a regular theatre ; for dramatic entertainments must be regarded as the most popular form which literature can assume. Nearly half a century before the Persian invasion, Thespis had sketched out the first feeble rudiments of tragedy ; and ^schylus, the real founder of tragic art, exhibited a play nine years before he fought at Marathon. But tragedy still awaited its final improvements from the hand of Sophocles, whilst comedy can hardly be said to have existed. For these reasons we shall defer an account of the Greek drama to a later period, when we sliall be enabled to present the subject as a whole, and in a connected point of view. Tragedy, the noblest emanation of ancient genius, was in fact only the final development of lyric poetry ; which, in the period we are consider- ing, had attained its highest pitch of excellence in the hands of Simonides and Pindar. These two great masters of the lyre never ventured, how- ever, beyond the stricter limits of that species of composition, and left their contemporary, -^schylus, to gather laurels in a new and miexplored field. With Pindar ends the ancient school of lyric poetry; with ^schylus properly begins the splendid list of Athenian dramatists. § 2. Simonides was considerably older than both of these poets ; but the length of years which he attained made him their contemjiorary. He 214 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XX imto Asia tlie Greeks who had espoused the Persian cause. But this pTOiJOsitiofi was strenuously opjwsed by the Athenians, who regarded tlieir own dignity and glory as inseparably bound up willi the maintenance of their hniian colonies ; and indeed the effect of such a measure must have been to transfer them {t»m[>letely to the Persians. § 15. So imperfect in those times was the transmission of intelligence, that tlu' Greeks still Indieved the bridge across the IIell(*s[K)nt to be entire, tliough it was broken and useless almost a twelvemonth ])re\ iously, during the retreat of Xerxes. At the instance of the Athenians, Leoty- chides set sail with the view of destroying it; but having learnt at Abydos that it no longer existed, he dei>arted homewards with the IVdoponnesian vessels. Xanthi[>pus, however, the Atlienian commander, seized the opix>rtunity to recover from the Persians tlie Thracian Chersonese, Avhieli had long been an Athenian jiossession, anhoeles, whilst comedy can hardly be said to liave existed. For these reasons we shall defer an account of the Greek drama to a later period, avIkmi we shall be enabled to present the subject as a whole, and in a connected point of view. Tragedy, the noblest emanation of ancient genius, was in fact only the final development of lyric i)octry ; which, in the period we are consider- ing, had attained its higliest pitch of excellence in the hands of Simonides and Pin 'V I * HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chjlp. XXI. COIP. XXI.] EARLY PROSE- WRITERS. 219 I years with Hiero, as he loved an independent life, and did not care to cultivate the courtly arts which rendered his contemporary, Simonides, a more welcome guest at the table of their patron. But the estimation in which Pindar was held is still more strikingly shown by the honors con- ferred upon him by the free states of Greece. Although a Theban, he was always a great favorite with the Athenians, whom he frequently praised in his poems, and whose city he often visited. The Athenians testified their gratitude by making him their public guest, and by giving him ten thousand drachmas ; and at a later period they erected a statue in his honor. The only poems of Pindar which have come down to us entire are his Epinicia, or triumphal odes, composed in commemoration of victories gained in the great public games. But these were only a small portion of his works. He also wrote hymns, pagans, dithyrambs, odes for pro- cessions, songs of maidens, mimic dancing-songs, drinking-songs, dirges, and encomia, or panegyrics on princes.* The style of Pindar is marked by daring flights and abrupt transitions, and became proverbial for its sublimity. He compared himself to an eagle, — a simile which has been beautifully expressed in the lines of Gray : — " The pride and ample pinion That the Theban ea^jle bare, Sailing with supreme dominion Through the azure deep of air." § 4. The only other poets of this epoch whom we need mention are Ibycus and Bacchylides. Ibycus was a native of Rhegium, and flourished towards the middle of the sixth century before the Christian era. The best part of his life was spent at the court of Polycrates of Samos. Tlie story of his death is well known. While travelling through an unfre- quented place near Corinth, he was set upon by robbers and mortally wounded. As he was on the point of expiring, he called upon a flock of cranes that happened to fly over the spot to avenge his death. Soon afterwards the cranes were beheld hovering over the theatre at Corinth, where the people were assembled ; and one of the murderers, who were present, struck with remorse and terror, involuntarily exclaimed, " Behold die avengers of Ibycus ! " and thus occasioned the detection of the crimi- ♦ Most of them are mentioned by Horace : — " Sen per audaces nova dithyrambos Verba devolvit, numerisque ferttir Lege sohitis ; Sen deos {hipnm andpaans) regesve {encomia) canit, deorum Sanguinem; Sive qnos Elea domum reducit Palma coelestes {the Epinicia) Flebili sponsne juvenemve raptura Plorat " {the Dirges). — Od. iv. 2. nals.* The poetry of Ibycus was chiefly of an amatory character. He wrote in a dialect which was a mixture of the Doric and ^olic. Bacchylides was a native of lulis in the island of Ceos, and the nephew and fellow-townsman of Simonides. He lived with Simonides and Pindar at the court of Hiero at Symcuse. His odes and songs turned on the same subjects as those of the poets just named ; but though he seems to have rivalled his uncle in the grace and finish of his compositions, he was far from attaining to the strength and energy of Pindar. He wrote in the Doric dialect, witli a mixture of the Attic. Such were the principal characteristics of the poetry of the epoch which we are considering, and such the chief poets who flourished in it. Our attention must now be directed to a striking feature in the literature of the period, — the rise of composition in prose, and of history properly so called. § 5. The Greeks had arrived at a high pitch of civilization before they can be said to have possessed a history. Nations fiir behind them in intellectual development have infinitely excelled them in this respect. Many of the Eastern nations had continuous chronicles from a very remote antiquity, as the Egyptians, the Babylonians, and the Jews. But among the Greeks this branch of literature was singularly neglected. Their imagination seems to have been entirely dazzled and fascinated with the glories of the heroic ages, and to have taken but little interest in the events wliich were daily passing around them. But a more critical and inquiring spirit was now beginning to spring up, especially among the lonians of Asia Minor. We have already recorded the rise of natural philosophy among that people, and we are now to view them as the originators of history in prose. This innovation of course implies a more extended use of the art of writing, without which a long prose composition could not be remembered. § 6. The use of prose in writing was probably coeval with the art of writing itself; but its first application was only to objects of essential utility, and it was long before it came to be cultivated as a branch of literature. The first essays in literary prose cannot be placed earlier than the sixth century before the Christian era. Three nearly contem- porary authors, who flourished about the middle of that century, lay claim to the honor of having been the first prose-writers ; namely, Cadmus of Miletus, Pherecydes of Syros, and Acusilaus of Argos ; but Hecataeus of Miletus, to whom Herodotus frequently refers by name, must be regarded as the first historical prose-writer of any importance. He was apparently a man of wealth and importance, and distinguished himself by the sound advice which he gave the lonians at the time of theu- revolt from Per- * One of the finest ballads of Schiller is on this subject. It has been translated into English several times. Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton's version is the best known. — Ed. ISO HISTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXL Chap. XXI.] HERODOTUS. 221 M sia (b. c. 500>. He lived till the close o£ the Persian wars in Greece. Like many other early Greek historians, Hecataeus was a great traveller, for at first geography and history were almost identical. Egypt especially he seems to have carefully explored. Two works are ascribed to him ; one of a geographical nature, called "Periodus," or travels round the earth, and the other of an historical kind, w^hich is sometimes cited by the name of " Genealogies," and sometimes by that of " Histories." The former of these seems to have constituted the first regular system of Grecian geography ; but it was probably little more than a " Periplus," or circumnavigation of the Mediterranean, and its adjoining seas. The " Genealogies " related to the descent and exploits of the heroes of mythology. Charon of Lampsacus, an Ionian city on the Hellespont, is remarkable as the fii-st prose-writer whose subjects were selected from the historical times, and treated in a rational and discriminating manner ; and he has therefore some title to be regarded as the first liistorian really deserving of' the name. He flourished in the first half of the fifi;h century b. c, and was certainly alive in b. c. 464. The only other prose-writer previous to Herodotus, whom it is neces- sary to mention, is Hellanicus of Mytilene. Hellanicus was alive at the commencement of the Pelojwnnesian war, and was therefore a contempo- rary of Herodotus, though probably a little older. He was by far the most eminent and most voluminous writer of history before the time of Herodotus, and seems to have been the author of at least ten or twelve works of considerable size. Many others were ascribed to him which in all probability were spurious. Like his predecessors, a large portion of his labors was dedicated to imaginary pedigrees, but some of them were historical and chronological. He seems to have been acquainted with the early history of Italy and Rome. He must be regarded as forming the chief link between the earlier logographers and Herodotus ; but his works were probably very far from exliibiting the unity of design which we find in that of the latter writer. § 7. According to the strict order of chronology, neither Herodotus nor gome others of the authors just mentioned belong to the perio.'!. vanity of Pausanias betrayed his plot before it was ripe for execution. Elated by the confidence of Xerxes, and by the money with which he was lavishly supplied, he acted as if he had already married the great king's daughter. He assumed the Pei-sian dress ; he made a progress through Thrace, attended by Persian and Egyptian guaids; and copied, in the luxury of his table and the dissoluteness of liis manners, the example of his adopted country. Above all, he offended the allies by his haughty reserve and imperiousness. § 3. His designs were now too manifest to escape attention. His pro- ceedings reached the ears of the Spartans, who sent out Dorcis to super- sede him. But when Dorcis arrived, he found that the allies had transferred the command of the fleet to the Athenians. There were other reasons for this step besides the disgust occasioned by the conduct of Pausanias. Even before the battle of Salamis, the pre- ponderating naval power of Athens had raised the question whether she was not entitled to the command at sea; and the victory gained there, under the auspices of Themistocles, had strengthened her claim to that dis- tinction. But the delivery of the Ionian colonies from the Persian yoke was the immediate cause of her attaining it. The lonians were not only attracted to Athens by aflfinity of race, but, from her naval superiority, regarded her as the only power capable of securing them in their newly acquired independence. Disgusted by the insolence of Pausanias, the loniims now serving in the combined Grecian fleet addressed themselves to Aristeides and Cimon, whose manners formed a striking contrast to those of the Spartan leader, and begged them to assume the conunand. Aristeides was the more inclined to listen to this request as it was made precisely at the time when Pausanias was recalled. The Spartan squadron had accompanied him home ; so that, when Dorcis arrived with a few ships, he found himself in no condition to assert his pretensions. § 4. This event was not a mere empty question about a point of honor. It was a real revolution, termmated by a solemn league, of which Athens was to be the head ; and though it is wrong to date the Athenian empire from this period, yet it cannot be doubted that this confederacy formed her fii*st step towards it. Aristeides took the lead in this matter, for which his proverbial justice and probity, and his conciliatory manners, eminently qualified hun. The league obtained the name of "the Con- federacy of Delos," from its being arranged that deputies of the allies belonging to it should meet periodically for deliberation in the temple of Apollo and Artemis in that island. The league was not, however, con- fined to the lonians. It was joined by all who sought, in the maritime power of Athens, a protection against the attacks of Persia. Besides the Ionic islands of Samos and Chios, it was joined by Rhodes, Cos, Lesbos, and Tenedos. Among the continental towns belonging to it, we find Miletus, the Greek towns on the peninsula of Chalcidice, and the recently delivei'ed Byzantium. Eacb state was assessed in a certain contribution either of money or ships, as proposed by the Athenians and lutified by the Synod.* The assessment wiis intrusted to Aristeides, whose justice and impartiality were universally applauded. Of the details, however, we only know that the first assessment amounted to four hundred and sixty talents (about £112,000 sterling!); that certain officei*s called Helleno- tamiae were appointed by the Athenians to collect and administer the contributions ; that Delos was the treasury ; and that the tax was called phoros ; a name which afterwards became odious when the tribute was abused for the purposes of Athenian ambition. § 5. Such was the origin of the Confederacy of Delos. Soon after its formation Aristeides was succeeded in tlie command of the combined fleet by Cimon, whose first imiwrtant action seems to have been the capture of Eion on the Strymon. This place was bravely defended by Boges, the Persian governor, who refused all offers of capitulation ; and when his provisions were exhausted and all further defence impracticable, he caused a large funeral pile to be kindled, into which he cast his wives, his concu- bines, and children, and lastly himself. The next event of any moment was the reduction of the island of Scyros, probably in b. c. 470. A portion of the inhabitants of Scyros had been condemned by the Amphictyonic Council as guilty of piracy, and, in order to avoid payment of the fine imposed upon them, appealed to Cimon ; who took possession of the island, and, after expelling the natives, colonized it with Athenians. The hero Theseus had been buried in Scyros ; and now, by command of an oracle, his bones were disinterred and carried to Athens, where they were deix)sited with much solemnity in a temple called the Theseum, which exists at the present day. § 6. The isle of Scyros is small and barren, but its position and excel- lent harbor rendered it an important naval station. The occupation of it by the Athenians seems to have been the first actual step taken by them in the career of aggrandizement on which they were now about to enter ; but the rapid growth of their maritime power, and especially the formation of the Confederacy of Delos, had already roused the jealousy and sus- picion of Sparta and other states. It was, probably^ a lingering dread of the Persians, against whose attacks the Athenian fleet was indispensably necessary, which had prevented the Lacedaemonians from at once resent- ing that encroachment on their supremacy. Up to that time Sparta had been regarded as entitled to take ^ the lead in Grecian affairs, and for a moment the league formed at Plataea after the defeat of Mardonius seemed to confirm her in that position. But she was soon deprived of it by the misconduct of her leaders, and by the skill and enterprise of Athens. * The Synod (od dedicated to Apollo as one of the most glorious of Grecian exploits. § 4. The successes of the Athenians, and their undisputed power at sea, led them to extend their empire by means of colonies. Some of the Athenians who had settled at Eion on the Strymon after the expulsion of the Persians, had an opportunity of becoming acquainted with the surround- ing country, which was principally occupied by Edonian Thracians, and was distmguished not only by the fertility of its soil, but also by its gold B, C. 464.] EARTHQUAKE AT SPARTA. 237 mines on Mount Pangseus. But in their attempts to form a permanent settlement on this coast, the Athenians were opposed by the inhabitants of the opposite island of Thasos, who were possessed of considerable territory upon the continent of Thrace, and derived a large revenue from the mines of Scapte Ilyle and other places. The island of Thasos was a member of the Confederacy of Delos, with which, however, this quarrel does not appear to have been in any way connected. The ill-feeling soon reached such a pitch, that Cimon was despatched in b. c. 465 with a powerful fleet against the Thasians. In this expedition the Athenians gained various successes both by sea and land, but totally failed in their attempt to found a colony on the mainland, near Eion. This result, however, was owing to the hostility of the native tribes. A body of ten thousand Athenians and their allies, who had taken possession of Ennea Hodoi, a place on the Strymon, about three miles above Eion, were attacked by the Thracians and nearly all of them slain. Nevertheless the Athenians did not abandon the blockade of Thasos. After a siege of more than two years that island surrendered, when its fortifications were razed, its fleet and its possessions in Thrace were con- fiscated, and it was condemned to pay an annual, as well as an immediate, tribute. § 5. The expedition to Thasos was attended with a circumstance which first gives token of the coming hostilities between Sparta and Athens. At an early period of the blockade the Thasians secretly applied to the Lacediemonians to make a diversion in their favor by invading Attica ; and though the Lacedaemonians were still ostensibly allied with Athens, they were base enough to comply with this request. But their treachery was prevented by a terrible calamity which befell themselves. In the year B. c. 464, their capital was visited by an earthquake which laid it in rums and killed twenty thousand of its citizens, besides a large body of theu- chosen youth, who were engaged in a building in their gymnastic exer- cises. But this was only part of the calamity. The earthquake was immediately followed by a revolt of the Helots, who were always ready to avail themselves of the weakness of their tyrants. Some of that op- pressed people had been dragged from the sanctuary of Poseidon at Tienarus, probably m connection with the affair of Pausanias, related in the preceding chapter ; and now the whole race, and even the Lacedaemo- nians themselves, believed that the earthquake was caused by the anger of that " earth-shaking " deity. Encouraged by this signal of the divLe favor, and being joined by some of the Perioeci, the Helots rushed to arms, and marched straight upon Sparta. In this attempt to seize the capital they were repulsed ; nevertheless they were still able to keep the field ; and, being joined by the Messenians, fortified themselves in Mount Ithome in Messenia. Hence this revolt is sometunes called the third Messenian war. After two or three years spent in a vain attempt to dis- IJ n I! I 2S8 HISTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXIH )j lodge them from this position, the Laxiedaemonians found themselves obliged to call in the assistance of their allies, and among the rest of the Athenians. § 6. That Sparta should thus have condescended to solicit the assist- ance of her rival to quell a domestic feud, shows that she must have fallen greatly from her former power and station. During the period, indeed, in which we have traced the rise of Athens, Sparta had been proix)rtion- ably decUning. Of the causes of this decline we can only mention some of the more prominent. Foremost among them was the misconduct of her leaders. The misconduct of Pausanias, by which the maritime supremacy was transferred to Athens, has been already related. His infamy found a counteqiart in the infamy of Leotychides, another of her kings, and the conqueror of Mycale ; who, being employed in arranging the affairs of Thessaly after its evacuation by the Persians, was convicted of taking bribes from the Persian king. The Lacedaemonians committed, moreover, a great political blunder in the settlement of Bccotia, whose affiiirs had been so thoroughly shaken by the Persian invasion. Thebes, convicted of Medtsm, was, with the concurrence of Sparta, degraded from her former rank and influence ; whilst Plattea and Thespiaj, which stood opposed to the capital, were strengthened, and the latter repeopled. Thus the iuflu- ence of Athens in Bceotia was promoted, in pi-oportion as Thebes, her ancient enemy, was weakened and degraded. The affairs of the Pelopon- nesus itself had been unfavorable to the Spartans. They had been en- gaged in a harassing war with the Arcadians, and were also cramped and menaced by the growing power of Elis. And now all these causes of weakness were aggravated by the earthquake, and consequent revolt of the Helots. § 7. It was with great difficulty that Cimon persuaded his countrymen to assist the Lacedaemonians in quelling this revoh. His power was now somewhat waning before the rising influence of Pericles. Notwithstand- ing what he had accomplished at Thasos, it is even said that more had been expected by the Athenians, and that Pericles actually accused him, though without success, of having been diverted from the conquest of Macedonia, by the bribes of Alexander, the king of that country. Cimon, however, at length succeeded in persuading the Athenians to despatch him, with a force of four thousand hoplites, to the assistance of the Lacedae- monians ; but the ill success of this expedition still further strengthened the hands of his political opponents. The aid of the Athenians had been requested by the Lacedaemonians on account of their acknowledged sup|riority in the art of attacking fortified places. As, however, Cimon did not succeed in dislodging the Helots from Ithome, the Lacediemonians, probably from a consciousness of their own treachery in the affair of Thasos, began to suspect that the Athenians were playing them false. The conduct of the latter does not seem tc B. C. 464.] PERICLES. 2d9 have afforded the least ground for this suspicion, and Cimon, their general was notoriously attached to Sparta. Yet the Lacedaemonians, fearing that the Athenians intended to join the Helots, abruptly dismissed them stating that they had no longer any occasion for their services ; althoucrh the other aUies were retained, and the siege of Ithome still proceeded. "" § 8. This rude dismissal gave great offence at Athens, and annihilated for a time the pohtical influence of Cimon. The democratical party had from the first opposed the expedition; and it afforded them a great tnumph to be able to point to Cimon returning not only unsuccessful but msulted. That party was now led by Pericles. A sort of hereditary feud existed between Pericles and Cimon ; for it was Xanthippus, the father of Pericles, who had impeached Miltiades, the father of Cimon. The character of Pericles was almost the reverse of Cimon's. Althoucrh the leader of the popular party, his manners were reserved. He was^'of high family, being descended on his mother's side from the princes of Sicyon and the Alcmjeonidic, whilst on his father's he was connected with the family of Peisistratus, to which tyrant he is said to have borne a strikmg personal resemblance. He appeared but httle in society or in pubUc, reserving himself for great occasions ; a conduct which, when he did come' forward, enhanced the effect of his dignified bearing and impressive elo- quence. His military talents were but slender, and m fact in this depart- ment he was frequently unsuccessful. But his mind had received the highest polish which that period was capable of giving. He constantly conversed with Anaxagoras, Protagoras, Zeno, and other eminent philoso- phers. To oratory in particular he had devoted much attention, as an mdispensable instrument for swaying the pubHc assemblies of Athens ; and he is said to have been the first who committed his speeches to writing. He was not much distinguished for private liberality ; but he made amends for the popularity which he lost m this way by his lavish distribution of the public money. Such was the man who for a considerable period was to administer the affairs of Athens. §9. Pericles seized the occasion presented by the ill success of Cimon both to ruin that leader and to strike a fatal blow at the aristo- cratical party. The latter object he sought to accomplish by various changes m the Athenian constitution, and pa'rticularly by an attack upon the Areopagus. That venerable and time-honored assembly contained the very pith and marrow of Athenian aristocracy. Besides its high judicial functions, it exercised a kind of general censoi^hip over the citizens. By the nature of its constitution it was composed of men of advanced years, and of high position in the state. The measure of Ansteides, ah^ady mentioned, opened it, at least ostensibly, even to the lowest class of citizens; but this innovation, which was perhaps only designed to stave off those more serious changes which the rapid pn>gres3 ot democratical opmion seemed to threaten, was probably of httle practical h 240 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chip. XXTH if i effect So long as magistracies continued to be elective, there can be little doubt that the rich would carry them, to the exclusion of the poor. A fatal 4)low to aristocratical power was, however, struck about this tune by rendering the election to magistracies dependent upon lot ; though it is uncertain whether this measure was originated by Pericles. We are also ignorant of the precise nature of the changes which he introduced into the constitution and functions of the Areopagus, though, with regard to their result, it is certain that they left that august body the mere shadow of its former influence and power. Other changes which accompanied this revolution — for such it must be caUed — were, the institution of paid dicasteries or jury-courts, and the ahnost entire abrogation of the judicial power of the Sepate of Five Hundred. As the seal and symbol of these momentous innovations, Ephialtes, the friend of Pericles, caused the tablets containing the kws of Solon to be brought down from the Acropolis and deposited in the market-place, as if to signify that the guardianship of the laws had been transferred to the people. § 10. It cannot be supposed that such fundamental changes were effected without violent party strife. Even the theatre became a vehicle to express the passions and the principles of the agora. In the drama of the Mimmides, iEschylus in vain exerted all the powers of his genius in support of the aristocratical party and of the tottering Areopagus ; his exertions on this occasion resulted only m his own flight from Athens. The same fate attended Cimon himself. In the heat of political conten- tion, recourse was had to ostracism, the safety-valve of the Athenian consti- tution, and Cimon was condemned to a ten years' banishment. Nay, party violence even went the length of assassination. Ephialtes, who had taken the lead in the attacks upon the Areopagus, and whom Pericles, in conformity with Ws i)olicy and character, seems to have put forward throughout as the more active and ostensible agent, fell beneath the dagge°r of a Boeotian hired by the conservative party to despatch him. TWs event took place after the banishment of Cunon, who was guiltless of all paiticipation in so foul a deed. § 11. It was from this period that the long administration of Pericles may be properly said to have commenced. Tlie effects of his accession to power soon became visible in the foreign relations of Athens. Pericles had succeeded to the political principles of Themistocles, and his aim was to render Athens the leading power of Greece. The Confederacy of Delos had already secured her maritime ascendency ; Pericles directed his policy to the extension of her influence in Continental Greece. The insult offered by Sparta to Athens in dismissmg her troops had highly inflamed the Athenians against that power, whose supporters at Athens were designated with the contemptuous name of Laconizers, Pericles and the democratic party turned the conjuncture to account, not only by persuading the people to renounce the Spartan alliance, but to join her B. C. 460.] EXPEDITION AGAINST THE PERSIANS. 241 bitterest enemies. Argos, the ancient rival of Sparta, claimed the head- Bh.p of Greece rather from the recollections of her former mvS renown than from her present material power. But she had aS herself of the embarrassment which the revolt of the Helots occasioned to i^Zl ^tT.'A"'^*t^^ ''^"""' ^"'^"^^ ^^' -- other neighbor! mg towns. With Argos thus strengthened Athens now formed a defen- ^ve alhance agamst Sparta, which the Thessalians were also induced to jom Soon afterwards Athens still further extended her influence in Contmental Greece by an alliance with Megara. This step, which gave s^.d offence both at Sparta and Corinth, greatly increased'the pow^of th^^ Athenians not only by opening to them a communication vith the G~ ""f '"^ ^^^?,'^ ^"^^ ^^-- ^^- ^^y to the parses of Moun ar^rr; P V ^"^-^'^^"^/^^^^ '^ --t the progress of an inva^ling 2edTc!?""""\ . ^ r'" '^ ^^""»^^^^^" "^^^'--^ the Athenian! adopted a contrivance winch they afterwards applied to their own city. Sr T T: '"^' ""' '" '^^^"^^ ^^ ^^'^'^ ^ -^^ f-- ^ts port, Nisa^a- To preven the communication between the port and city Lm bemg cut off, the Athenians caused them to be connected together by two parallel Imes of wall, and placed a permanent garrison of their own L the uiace. J, ^2- ^ikt these things were passing in Greece, the Athenians were St. 1 actively engaged m prosecuting the war against Pei^ia. The con- federate fleet was hovering about the coasts of Cyprus and Phtcnicia ; and the revolt of Inaros (b. c. 4G0) gave them an opportunity to carry the war mto Egypt. L,aros, a Libyan prince, a^d son of Psammetichus; was ben on expelhng the Persians from Egypt and obtaining the sovereignty of that country ; and with this view he solicited the assistance of the Greeks. The Athenian fleet at Cyprus, amounting to two hundred tnremes, accordingly sailed to the Nile, and pi.>ceeded up that river as far ^Memphis. From this city they succeeded in expelling the Persians. I^, rr w^""^"'^ ''""^^'^'^ '" ^ '^"'l °f '^"^d^' or fortification adled" the White Fortress." The siege of this fortress had already lasted four or five years, when Artaxerxes sent a Large army, together ' with a Ph^nfcian fleet, into Egypt, under the command of Sle^abyzus. ... the Nile called Prosop.tis, as the Persians had prevented their further Tffr ''^°''^*""=""f *« ^^^' P»« of the river. Her* the Athenians offered a long and heroic resistance, tiU at length Megabyzus, having iZ-tf , *« channels which formed the island,^a.' enabled t^ stt wtr ^ t 7'' ''*!''^"'^^' "''*' '"^ P--°-'y •'-"t their ship., were now obliged to capitulate. The barbarians did not, how- ever, observe the terms of the capitulation, but perfidiously massacred the Athenians, with the exception of a small body, who succeeded in cuttm» their way through the enemy, and escaping to Cyrene, aiid thence t^ 31 242 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXIH. Greece. Inaros himself was taken and crucified. As an aggravation of the calamity, a reinforcement of fifty Athenian vessels, whose crews were ignorant of the defeat of their countrymen, fell into the power of the enemy and were almost entirely destroyed. Thus one of the finest arma- ments ever sent forth from Athens was all but annihilated, and the Per- sians regained possession of the greater part of Egypt (b. c. 455). § 13. It may well excite our astonishment that, while Athens was em- ploying so large an armament against the Persians, she was still able to maintain and extend her power in Greece by force of arms. Corinth, Epidaurus, and iEgina were watching her progress >vith jealousy and awe. At the time of the Megarian alliance no actual blow had yet been struck ; but that important accession to the Athenian power was speedily foUowed by open war. The yEginetans, in conjunction with the Co- rinthians, Epidaurians, and other Peloponnesians, fitted out a large fleet A battle ensued near the island of ^gina, in which the Athenians gained a decisive victory, and entirely ruined the naval power of the ^ginetans. Tlie Athenians captured seventy of their ships, and, landing a large force upon the island, laid siege to the capital. The gi-owth of the Athenian power was greatly promoted by the con- tinuance of the revolt of the Helots, which wa^ not put down till the year B.C. 455. This circumstance prevented the Lacedemonians from op- posing the Athenians as they would otherwise probably have done. All the assistance afforded by the alUes to the iEginetans consisted of a miser- able detaclunent of three hundred men; but the Corinthians attempted to divert the Athenians by making an attack upon Megara. Hereupon Myronides marched from Athens at the head of the boys and old men, and gave battle to the enemy near Megara. The affair was not very decisive, but the Corinthians retired, leaving their adversaries masters of the field. On their return home, however, the taunts which they encoun- tered at having been defeated by so unwarlike a force incited them to try their fortune once more. The Athenians again marched out to the attack, and this time gained a decisive victory, rendered still more disastrous to the Corinthians by a large body of their troops having marched by mis- take into an inclosed place, where they were all cut to pieces by the Atlienians. § 14. It was about this time (b.c. 458-457) that the Athenians, chiefly through the advice of Pericles, began to construct the long walls which connected the Peiraeus and Phalerum with Athens. They were doubtless suggested by the apprehension that the Lacedaimonians, though now engaged with domestic broils, would sooner or later take part in the confederacy which had been organized against Athens. This gigantic undertaking was in conformity with the policy of Themistocles for render- ing the maritime power of Athens wholly unassailable; but even the magnificent ideas of that statesman might perhaps have deemed the work \ B. C. 457.] BATTLE OF TANAGRA. 249 chunerical and extravagant. The wall from Phalerum was thirty-five stadia, or about four miles long, and that from Peirseus forty stadia, or about four miles and a half, in length. The plan of these walls was probably taken from those already erected at Megara, which had been recently tried, and perhaps found to be of good service in the war which had taken place there. The measure was violently opposed by the aristo- cratic party, but without success. § 15. The progress of Athens had now awakened the serious jealousy of Sparta, and though she was still engaged in the siege of Ithome, she resolved on taking some steps against the Athenians. Under the pretence of assisting the Dorians, whose territory had been invaded by the Phocians, fifteen hundred Spartan hoplites, supported by ten thousand allies, were despatched into Doris. The mere approach of so large a force speedily effected the ostensible object of the expedition, and compelled the Phocians to retire. The Lacediemonians now proceeded to effect their real design, which was to prevent the Athenians from gaining such an ascendency in Boeotia as they had gained in other places. In conse- quence of the part she had played during the Persian wars, Thebes had lost much of her former influence and power ; and the conduct of Sparta herself in the subsequent settlement of Greece had, as before related, been conducive to the same result. The Lacedemonians seem to have now become sensible of the mistake which they had committed ; and though their genenil policy was adverse to the confederation of cities, yet they were now induced to adopt a different course, and to restore the power of Thebes by way of counterpoise to that of Athens. With this view the Lacedaemonian troops were marched into Boeotia, where they were employed in restoring the fortifications of Thebes, and in reducing the Boeotian cities to her obedience. The designs of Sparta were assisted by the traitorous co-operation of some of the oligarchical party at Athens. That faction, finding itself foiled in its attempt to arrest the progress of the long walls, not only invited the Lacedaemonians to assist them in this attempt, but also to overthrow the democracy itself. The Lacedae- monians listened to these proposals, and their army took up a position at Tanagra, on the very borders of Attica. The Athenians, suspecting that some treason was in progress, now considered it high time to strike a blow. With such of their troops as were not engaged at ^gina, together with a thousand Argeians, and some Thessalian horse, they marched out to oppose the Lacedaemonians at Tanagra. Here a bloody battle ensued (b.c.457), in which the Lacedfemonians gained the advantage, chiefly through the treacherous desertion of the Thessalians in the very heat ot the engagement. The victory was not sufficiently decisive to enable the Lacedaemonians to invade Attica; but it served to sec^re them an un- molested retreat, after partiaUy ravaging the Megarid, through the passes of the Geraneia. / 1 S44 HISTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXHI ill I : § 16. Previously to the engagement, the ostracized Cimon, who was grievously suspected of being implicated in the treacherous correspond- ence of some of his party with the Lacedsemonians, presented himself before the Athenian anny as soon as it had crossed the border, and earnestly entreated permission to place himself in the ranks of the hoplites. His request being refused, he left his armor with some friends, conjuring them to wipe out, by their conduct in the field, the imputation under which they labored. Stung by the unjust suspicions of their countrymen, and incited by the exhortations of their beloved and banished leader, a large band of his most devoted followers, setting up his armor in their i-anks, fought side by side with desperate valor, as if he still animated them by his presence. A hundred of them fell in the engage- ment, and proved by their conduct that, with regard at least to the majority of Cimon's party, they were unjustly suspected of collusion with the enemy. Cimon's request had also stimulated Pericles to deeds of extra- ordinary valor; and thus both parties seemed to be bidding for public favor on the field of battle, as they formerly had done in the bloodless con- tentions of the Athenian assembly. A happy result of this generous emulation was that it produced a great change in public feeling. Cimon's ostracism was revoked, and the decree for that purpose was proposed by Pericles himself. § 17. The healing of domestic fiiction gave a new impulse to public spirit at Athens. At the beginning of the year b. c. 456, and only about two months after their defeat at Tanagra, the Athenians again marched into Boeotia. Tlie Boeotians went out to meet them with a numerous army; but in the battle of CEnophyta, which ensued, the Athenians under Myronides gained a brilliant and decisive victoiy, by which Thebes itself, and consequently the other Boeotian towns, fell into their power. The Athenians now proceeded to revei-se all the arrangements which had been made by the Lacedaemonians, banished all the leaders who were favorable to Spartan ascendency, and established a democratical form of government. To these acquisitions Phocis and Locris were soon afterwai'ds added. From the Gulf of Corinth to the Straits of Thermopylae Athenian in- fluence was now predominant. In the year after the battle of OEnophyta (b. C. 455), the Athenians finished the building of the long walls and completed the reduction of iEgina, wliich became a subject and tributaiy ally. Their expedition into Egypt, and its unfortunate catastrophe in tliis year, has been already related. But notwithstanding their efforts and reverses in that quarter, tliey were strong enough at sea to scour the coasts of Greece, of which they gave a convincing proof. An Athenian fleet, under command of Tolmides, sailed round Peloponnesus, and in- sulted the Lacedemonians by burning their ports of Methone and Gy- thium. Naupactus, a town of the Ozolian Locrians near the mouth 1 B. C. 452.1 EXPEDITION OF CIMON TO CYPRUS. 24^ of the Gulf of Corinth, was captured ; and in the latter place Tolmides estabHshed the Helots and Messenians, who in the course of this year had been subdued by the Lacedajmonians, and compelled to evacuate Ithome. During the course of the same expedition the islands of Zacynthus and Cephallenia were gained over to the Athenian alliance, and probably also some towns on the coast of Achaia. § 18. After the battle of Tanagra the Lacedaemonians made for a while no further attempts to oppose its progress, mid quietly beheld the occupation of Boeotia and Phocis. Even after the surrender of Ithome they still remained inactive ; and three years after that event (b. c. 452), concluded a five years' truce with the Athenians. This truce was effected through the mediation of Cimon, who was anxious that no dread of hostil- ities at home should divert him from resuming operations against the Persians ; nor perhaps was Pericles un^villing that so formidable a rival should be absent on foreign service. Cimon sailed to Cyprus with a fleet of two hundred trii'cmes belonging to the confederacy; whence he de- spatched sixty vessels to Egypt, to assist the rebel prince Amyrtoeus, who still held out against the Persians among the marshes of the Delta. But this expedition proved fatal to the great Athenian commander. With the remainder of the fleet, Cimon undertook the siege of Citium in Cyprus ; but died during the progress of it, either from disease or from the effects of a wound. The command now devolved on Anaxicrates ; who, being strait- ened by a want of provisions, raised the siege of Citium, and sailed for Salamis, a town in the same island, in order to engage the Phoenician and Cilician fleet. Here he gained a complete victory both on sea and land, but was deterred, either by pestilence or famine, from the further prosecution of the war ; and, having been rejoined by the sixty ships from Egypt, sailed home to Athens. § 19. After these events a pacification was concluded with Persia, which has sometimes, but erroneously, been called " the peace of Cimon." It is stated that by this compact the Persian monarch agreed not to tax or molest the Greek colonies on the coast of Asia Minor, nor to send any vessels of war westward of Phaselis m Lycia, or within the Cyanean rocks at the junction of the Euxine with the Thracian Bosporus ; the Athenians on their side undertaking to leave the Pei*sians in undisturbed possession of Cyprus and Egypt. Even if no treaty was actually con- cluded, the existence of such a state of relations between Greece and Persia at this time must be recognized as an historical fact, and the war between them considered as now brought to a conclusion. § 20. During the progress of these events the states which formed the Confederacy of Delos, with the exception of Cliios, Lesbos, and Samos, had gradually become, instead of the active allies of Athens, her disarmed and passive tributaries. Even the custody of the fund had been trans- ferred from Delos to Athens, but we are unable to specify the precise 246 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXm. time at which this change took place. This transfer marked the subjec- tion of the confederates as complete: yet it is said to have been made with the concurrence of the Samians ; and it is probable that Delos would have been an unsafe place for the deposit of so large a treasure. The puii>ose for which the confederacy had been originally organized disap- peared with the Persian peace ; yet what may now be called Imperial Athens continued, for her own ends, to exercise her prerogatives as head of the league. Her alliances, as we have seen, had likewise been ex- tended in Continental Greece, where tliey embraced Megara, Boiotia, Pho- ci^ Locris ; together with Troczen and Achaia in Peloponnesus. Of these aUies some were merely bound to miUtary service and a conformity of forei-n policy, whilst others were dependent tributaries. Of the fornier kuid^'were the states just mentioned, together with Chios, Lesbos, and Sa- moa ; whilst in the latter were comprehended all the remaining members of the Confederacy of Delos, as well as the recently conquered ^Egina. Such was the position of Athens in the year 448 b. c, the period ot her greatest power and prosperity. From this time her empire began to de- chne ; whilst Sparta, and other watchful and jealous enemies, stood ever ready to strike a blow. . i . j I 21. In the following year (b. c. 447) a revolution in Bojotia deprived Athens* of her ascendency in that country. This, as we have seen, was aho-ether i,olitical, being founded in the democracies which she had estabUshed in the Boeotian towns after the battle of (Enophyta. These measures had not been efft-cted without producing a numerous and i>ower- ful class of discontented exiles, who, being joined by other malecontents from Phocis, Locris, and other places, succeeded in seizing Orchomenus, Chseronea, and a few more unimportant towns of Bceotia. With an over- weening- contempt of their enemies, a small band of one thousand Athe- nian hopUtes, chiefly comi^^sed of youthful volunteers belonging to the best Athenian families, together with a few auxiliaries, marched under the command of Tolmides to put down the revolt, in direct opposition to the advice of Pericles, who adjured them to wait and collect a more nu- merous force. The enterprise proved disastrous in the extreme. Tolmides succeeded, indeed, in retaking Chaironea and garrisoning it with an Athe- nian force ; but whilst his small army was retiring from the place, it was suiprised by the enemy and totaUy defeated. Tolmides himself fell m the encragement, together with many of the hoplites, whilst a still larger number were taken prisoners. This last circumstance proved fatal to the interests of Athens in Bceotia. In order to recover these prisoners, she agreed to evacuate Bceotia, to restore the exiles, and to permit the re- establishment of the aristocracies which she had formerly overthrown. Thus all Bceotia, with the exception of Plataea, once more stood opposed, and indeed doubly hostile, to Athens. But the Athenian reverses did not end here. The expulsion of the B. C. 445.] DECLINE OF THE ATHENIAN POWER. 247 partisans of Athens from the government of Phocis and Locris, and the revolt of Euboea and Megara, were announced in quick succession ; whilst to crown all, the Spartans, who Avere now set free to act by the termina- tion of the five years' truce, were preparing to invade Attica itself. The youthful Pleistoanax, king of Sparta, actually penetrated, with an army of Lacediemonians and Peloponnesian allies, as far as the neigliboriiood of Eleusis ; and the capital itself, it is said, was saved only by Pericles having bribed the Spartan monarch, as well as Cleandrides, his adjutant and counsellor, to evacuate the country. The story was at least believed at Sparta ; for both Pleistoanax and Cleandrides were found guilty of corruption and sent into banishment. § 22. Pericles had been recalled by the Spartan invasion from an ex- pedition which he had undertaken for the reconquest of Euboea, and which he resumed as soon as the Spartans had departed from Attica. With an overwhelming force of fifty triremes and five thousand hoplites he soon succeeded in reducing the island to obedience, in some parts of which the land-owners were expelled and their properties given to Athenian cleruchs or colonists. But this was the only possession which Athens succeeded in recovering. Her empire on land had vanished more speedily than it had been acquired ; whilst in the distance loomed the danger of an exten- sive and formidable confederacy against her, realized some years after- wards by the Peloponnesian war, and not undeservedly provoked by her aggressive schemes of conquest and empire. Thus both her present posi- tion and her future prospects were well calculated to fill the Athenians, and their leader Pericles, with apprehension and alann ; and under these feelings of despondency they were induced to conclude, at the beginning of the year b. c. 445, a thirty years' truce with Sparta and her allies, by which they consented to abandon all the acquisitions which they had made in Peloix)nnesus, and to leave Megara to be included among the Pelopon- nesian allies of Sparta. i48 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XXIV. B. C. 445.] STATE OF PARTIES AT ATHENS. 249^ The Acropolis restored. CHAPTER XXIV. « FROM THE THIRTY YEARS* TRUCE TO THE WAR BETWEEN CORINTH AND CORCYRA. 1 1. State of Parties at Athens. Thucydides. § 2. Opposite Political Views. § 3. Ostra cism of Thucydides. Administration of Pericles. He adorns Athens. His Foreign Policy. § 4. Athenian Colonization. Cleruchiae. Thurii and Amphipolis. § 5. Nature of the Athenian Maritime Empire. Amount of Tribute. Oppressions. § 6. Revolt o£ Samos. Reduction of the Island by Pericles. § 1. The aristocratical party at Athens had been nearly annihilated by the measures of Pericles recorded in the preceding chapter. In order to make the final effort against the policy of that statesman, the rem- nant of this party had united themselves under Thucydides, the son of Melesiiis. Tluicydides — who must not be confounded with his name- sake, the great historian — was a relative of Cimon's, to whose political principles he succeeded. In ability and character he differed considerably from Cimon. He was not much distinguished as a military man ; but as a statesman and orator he might even bear some comparison with his gi-eat opponent, Pericles. Tliucydides, however, had not the advantage of being on the popular side ; and his manner of leading the opposition soon proved the ruin both of himself and of his party. The high character and great services of Aristeides and Cimon, the conciliatory manners of both, and especially the affiible and generous temper of Cimon, had, in spite of their unpopular views, secured them considerable influence. Thucydides, on the contrary, does not appear to have been distinguished by any of these qualities ; and though the steps which he took to give his party a stronger organization in the assembly at first enabled him to make head against Pericles, yet they ultimately proved the cause of his overthrow. Not only were his adherents urged to a more regular attendance in the assembly, but they were also instructed to take up a separate and distinct position on the benches ; and thus, instead of being mixed as before with the general mass of citizens, they became a regularly organized party. This arrangement seemed at first to lend them strength. Their applause or dissent, being more concentrated, produced a greater effect. At any sudden turn in a debate they were in a better position to concert their measures, and could more readily put forward their best speakers accord- ing to emergencies. But these advantages were counterbalanced by still greater drawbacks. A little knot of men, who from a particular corner of the ecclesia were constantly opposing the most popular measures, natu- rally incurred a great share of odium and suspicion ; but what was still worse, the paucity of their numbers — and from their position they could easily be counted — was soon remarked ; and they then began to fall into contempt, and were designated as The Few. § 2. The points of dispute between the two parties were much the same as they had been in the time of Cimon. Thucydides and his followers were for maintaining amicable relations with the rest of Greece, and were opposed to the more popular notion of extending the Athenian dominion even at the risk of incurring the hostility of the other Grecian states. They were of opinion that all their efforts should be directed against the com- mon enemy, the Persians ; and that the advantages which Athens derived from the Confederacy of Delos should be strictly and honestly applied to the purposes for which that confederacy had been formed. With regard to tliis subject the administration of Pericles had produced a fresh point of contention. The vast amount of treasure accumulated at Athens from the tribute paid by the allies was more than sufficient for any apprehended necessities of defence, and Pericles applied the surplus to strengthening and beautifying the city. Thucydides complained that, by this misappli- cation of the common fupd, Athens was disgraced in the eyes of Greece. Pericles, on the other hand, contended that, so long as he reserved suffi- cient to guarantee security against the Persians, he was perfectly at lib- erty to apply the surplus to Athenian purposes. This argument is the argument of the strongest, and, if valid in this case, might at any tune be applied to justify the grossest abuses of power. The best that we can say in favor of the Athenians is, that, if they were strong enough to commit this injustice, they were also enlightened enough to apply the proceeds in producing works of art that have excited the wonder and admu-ation of the world. Other conquerors have often contented themselves with carry- ing off the works of others ; the Athenians had genius enough to produce their own. But we can hardly justify the means by pointing to the result. 32 248 HISTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXIV. B. C. 445.] STATE OF FARTIES AT ATHENS. 249 1 I The Acropolis restored. CHAPTER XXIV. FROM TDE THIRTY YEARS' TRUCE TO THE WAR BETWEEN CORINTH AND CORCYRA. 1 1. State of Parties at Athens. Thncydides. ^ 2. Opposite Political Views. § 3. Ostra cism of Thucydides. Administration of Pericles. He adorns Athens. His Foreign Policy. § 4, Athenian Colonization. Clernchije. Thurii and Aniphipolis. § 5. Nature of the Athenian ilaritinie Empire. Amount of Tribute. Oppressions. ■§ 6. Ilevolt of Samos. Ileduction of the Island bv Pericles. § 1. The ai-istoeratiral party at Athens liad been nearly anniliihited by the niea^ures of Perk-les recorded in the precinion that all their efforts should be directed against the com- mon enemy, tlie Persians ; and that the advantages which Athens derived from the Confederacy of Delos should be strictly and honestly ai)plied to the iHirposes for which that confederacy had been formed. With regard to this sidyect tlie administration of Pericles had produced a fresh point of contention. The vast amount of treasure accumulated at Athens from the tribute paid by the allies was more than sullicient for any api)rehended necessities of defence, and Pericles applied the surplus to strengthenuig and beautifying the city. Thucydides comphiined that, by this misappli- cation of the common fund, Athens was disgraced in the eyes of Greece. Pericles, on the other hand, contended that, so long as he reserved sulH- cient to guarantee security against the Persians, he was perfectly at lib- erty to apply the surplus to Athenian purposes. This argument is the argument of the strongest, and, if valid in this case, might at any time be api>lied to justify the grossest abuses of power. The best that we can say in favor of the Athenians is, that, if they were strong enough to commit this injustice, they were also enlightened enough to apply the proceeds in producing works of art that have excited the wonder and admiration of the world. Other conquerors have often contented themselves with cariy- ing off the works of others ; the Athenians had genius enough to produce their own. But we can hardly justify the means by pointing to the result. 32 250 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXIV B. C. 443.] ATHENIAN COLONIES. 251 §3. From the opposition of Thucydides, Pericles was released by oetracism ; though by which party such a step was proposed cannot be determined. Thucydides went into banishment. This event, which prob- ably took place about two years after the conclusion of the Thirty Years' Truce, completely broke up the aristocratical party ; and for the remainder of his life Pericles enjoyed the sole direction of affairs. His views were of the most lofty kind. Athens was to become the capital of Greece, the centre of art and refinement, and at the same time of those democratical theories which formed the beau ideal of the Athenian notions of govern- ment. In her external appearance the city was to be rendered worthy of the high position to which she aspired, by the beauty and splendor of her public buildings, by her works of art in sculpture, architecture, and paint- ing, and by the pomp and magnificence of her religious festivals. All these objects Athens was enabled to attain in an incredibly short space of time, through the genius and energy of her citizens and the vast resources at her command. No state has ever exhibited so much intellectual ac- tivity and so great a progress in art as was displayed by Athens in the period which elapsed between the Thirty Years' Truce and the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war. But of the literature of this period, as well as of the great works of art produced in it, an account is given in another place,* and it will suffice to mention briefly here the more important structures with which Athens was adorned, during the administration of Pericles. On the Acropolis rose the magnificent temple of Atliena, called the Parthenon, built from the plans of Ictinus and Callicrates, but under the direction of Pheidias, who adorned it with the most beautiful sculp- tures, and especially with a colossal statue of Athena in ivory, forty-seven feet in height. At the same time a theatre designed for musical perform- ances, called the Odeum, was erected at the southeastern foot of the Acroix)lis. Both these structures appear to have been finished by 437 b. c. Somewhat later were erected the Propylaea, or magnificent entrance to the Acropolis, at the western end. Besides these vast works, others were commenced which were interrupted by the breaking out of the Pelopon- nesian war, as the reconstruction of the Erechtheum, or ancient temple of Athena Polias ; the building of a great temple of Demeter, at Eleusis, for the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries ; another of Athena at Sunium, and one of Nemesis at Rhamnus. Besides these ornamental works, Pericles undertook others of a more useful kind. In order to render the communication between Athens and Peiraeus still more secure, he con- structed a third long wall, between the two already built, running parallel to, and at a short distance from, the one which united the city to Peineus. At the same time Peineus itself was improved and beautified, and a new dock and arsenal constructed, said to have cost one thousand talents. The » See below, Chap. XXXIV., XXXV. whole cost of these improvements was estimated at three thousand talents, or about £ 732,000 (nearly $3,170,000). In this part of his plans Pericles may be said to have been entirely successful. The beautiful works which arose under his superintendence established the empire of Athenian taste, not only for his o^m time but for all succeeding ages. But the other and more substantial part of his proj- ects — the establishment of the material empire of Athens, of which these works were to be but the type and ornament — was founded on a miscal- culation of the physical strength and resources of his country ; and after involving Athens, as will be seen in the sequel, ui a long series of suffer- ing and misfortune, ended at last in her degradation and ruin. § 4. Colonization, for which the genius and inclination of the Athenians had always been suited, was another and safer method adopted by Pericles for extending the influence and empire of Athens. The settlements made under his auspices were of two kinds, Cleruchies,* and regular colonies. The former mode was exclusively Athenian. It consisted in the allot- ment of land in conquered or subject countries to certain bodies of Athe- nians, who continued to retain all their original rights of citizenship. This circumstance, as well as the convenience of entering upon land already in a state of cultivation, instead of having to reclaim it from the rude condition of nature, seems to have rendered such a mode of settlement much pre- ferred by the Athenians. The earliest instance which we find of it is in the year b. c. 506, when four thousand Athenians entered upon the domains of the Chalcidian knights. But it was under Pericles that this system was most extensively adopted. During his administration one thousand Athenian citizens were settled in the Thracian Chersonese, five hundred in Naxos, and two hundred and fifty in Andros. His expeditions for this purpose even extended into the Euxine. From Sinope, on the shores of that sea, he expelled the despot Timesilaus and his party, whose estates were confiscated, and assigned for the maintenance of six hundred Athenian citizens. The islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros, as well as a large tract in the North of Euboea, were also completely occupied by Athenian proprietors. The most important colonies settled by Pericles were those of Thurii and Amphipolis. Since the destruction of Sybaris by the Cix)toniates, in b. c. 609, the former inhabitants had lived dispersed in the adjoining terri- tory along the Gulf of Tarentum. They had in vain requested Sparta to recolonize them, and now applied to Pericles, who granted their request. In B. c. 443 he sent out a colony to found Thurii, near the site of the ancient Sybaris. But though established under the auspices of Athens, Thurii can hardly be considered an Athenian colony, since it contained settlers from almost all parts of Greece. Among those who joined this * ¥Xripov\iai. 252 HISTORY OF GREECE. [ClIAP. XXIV. colony were the historian Hei-odotus and the orator Lysias. The colony of Amphii>olis was founded some yeai*8 later (b. c. 437), under the conduct of Agnon. But here also the proportion of Athenian settlers was small. Amphi{)olis was in flict only a new name for Ennea Ilodoi, to colonize which place the Athenians, as before related, had already made some unsuccessful attempts. They now succeeded in maintaining their ground against the £donians, and Amphipolis became an important Athenian dependency with reference to Thrace and Macedoniju § 5. Such were the schemes of Pericles for promoting the empire of Athens. That empire, since the conclusion of the Thirty Years* Truce, had again l)ecome exclusively maritime. Yet even among the subjects and allies united with Athens by the Confedemcy of Delos, her sway was borne vnih growing discontent. One of the chief causes of this dissatisfac- tion was th^ amount of the tribute exacted by the Athenians, as well as their misapplication of the funds. During the administration of Pericles, the rate of contribution was raised upwards of thirty per cent., although the purpose for which the tribute was originally levied luul almost entirely ceased. In the time of Aristeides and Cimon, when an active war was car- lying on against the Persians, tlie sum annually collected amounted to four hundred and sixty talents. In the time of Pericles, although that war had been brought to a close by what has been called the peace of Cimon, and though the only annament still maintained for the ostensible purposes of the confederacy was a fleet of sixty triremes, which ciiiised in the ^^ga3an, the tribute had nevertheless increased to the annual sum of six hundred talents. The imjwrtance of tliis tribute to the Athenians may be esti- mated from the fiict that it formed considerably more than half of their whole revenue ; for their income from other sources amounted only to four hundred talents. It may be said, indeed, that Greece was not even yet wholly secure from another Persian invasion ; and that Athens was there- fore justified in continuing to collect the tribute, out of which, it must in justice to Pericles be admitted, a large sum had been laid by, amounting, when the PeloiK)nnesian war broke out, to six thousand talents. But that there was no longer much danger to be apprehended from the Persians is shown by subsequent events ; and though it is true that Pericles saved a large sum, yet he had spent much in decorating Athens ; and the surplus was ultimately applied, not for the puqwses of the league, but in defend- ing Athens from enemies which her aggressive policy had provoked. But the tribute wjis not the only grievance of which the allies had to complain. Of all the membei's of the Confederacy of Delos, the islands of Chios, Samos, and Lesbos were the only states which now held the footing of independent allies ; that is, they alone were allowed to retain their ships and fortifications, and were only called upon to furnish mili- tary and naval aid when required. The other members of the league, some of them indeed with their own consent, had been deprived of their B. C. 440.] REDUCTION OF SAMOS. 253 navy and reduced to the condition of tributaries. The deliberative synod for discussing and conducting the affairs of the league had been discon- tinued, probably from the time when the treasury was removed from Delos to Athens; whilst the Hellenotamiai had been converted into a board consisting solely of Athenians. Notwithstanding, therofore, the seeming independence of the three islands just mentioned, the Athe- nians were in fact the sole arbiters of the affairs of the league, and the sole administrators of the fund. Another grievance was the trans- ference to Athens of all lawsuits, at least of all public suits; for on this subject we are unable to draw the line distinctly. In criminal cases, at all events, the allies seem to have been deprived of the power to inflict capital punishment. It can scarcely be doubted that even private suits in which an Athenian was concerned were referred to Athens. Li some cases, it is true, the allies may have derived benefit from a trial before the Athenian people, as the dicasteries were then constituted ; but on the whole, the practice can only be regarded as a means and a badge of their subjection. Besides all these causes of complaint, the allies had oflen to endure the oppressions and exactions of Athenian officers both military and naval, as well as of the rich and poweri'ul Athenian citizens settled among them. Many of these abuses had no doubt arisen before the time of Pericles ; but the excuse for them had at all events ceased to exist with the death of Cimon and the extinction of the Persian war. To expect that the Athe- nians should have voluntarily relinquished the advantages derived from them might be to demand too much of human nature, especially as society was then constituted ; and the Athenians perhaps, on the whole, did not abuse their power to a greater extent than many other nations both in ancient and modern times. AVith this argument for their exculpation we must rest content ; for it is the only one. They were neither better nor worse than other people. The allurement, it must be confessed, was a splendid one. By means of the league Athens had become the mistress of many scattered cities, formerly her equals ; and the term of despot over them was applied to her not only by her enemies, but adopted in her overweening confidence and pride by herself. § G. The principal event in the external history of Athens during the period comprised in the present chapter was the subjugation of the island of Samos, the most important of the three islands which still retained then- independence. In B. c. 440, the Milesians, who had been defeated by the Samians in a war respecting the possession of Priene, lodged a formal complaint in Athens against the Samians ; and it was seconded by a party in Samos itself, who were adverse to the oligarchical form of govern- ment estiiblislied there. As the Samians refused to submit to the arbi- tration of the Athenians, the latter resolved to reduce them to obe- dience by force ; and for that purpose despatched an armament of forty 254 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXIV. B. C. 435.] QUARREL BETWEEN CORINTH AND CORCYRA. 255 ships to Samos, under the command of Pericles, who established a demo- cratical form of government in the island, and carried away hostages belonging to the first Samian families, whom he deposited in the isle of Lemnos. But no sooner had Pericles departed than some of the oligar- chical party, supported by Pissuthnes, satrap of Sardis, passed over in the night-time to Samos, overpowered the small Athenian garrison which had been left by Pericles, and abolished the democracy. They then proceeded to Lemnos, and, having regained possession of the hostages, proclaimed an open revolt against Athens, in which they were joined by Byzantium. When these tidings reached Athens a fleet of sixty triremes imme- diately sailed for Samos. Pericles was again one of the ten strategi or generals in command of the expedition, and among his colleagues was Sophocles, the tragic poet. After several engagements between the hostile fleets, the Samians were obhged to abandon the sea and take refuge in their city, which, after enduring a siege of nine months, was forced to capitulate. The Samians were compelled to raze their fortifications, to surrender their fleet, to give hostages for their future conduct, and to pay the expenses of the war, amounting to one thousand talents. The Byzantines submitted at the same time. During these operations, it was a point dis- puted among the states opposed to Athens whether the Samians should be assisted in their revolt ; a question decided in the negative, chiefly through the influence of the Corinthians, who maintained the right of every con- federacy to punish its refractory members. The triumphs and the power of Athens were no doubt regarded with fear and jealousy by her rivals ; but the conquest of Samos was not fol- lowed by any open manifestation of hostihty. A general impression how- ever prevailed, that sooner or later a war must ensue ; but men looked forwards to it with fear and trembling, from a conviction of the intemecme chanK'ter which it must necessarily assume. It was a hollow peace, which the most trifling events might disturb. The train was already laid ; and an apparently unimportant event, which occured in b. c. 435 in a remote comer of Greece, kindled the spark which was to produce the conflagration. This was the quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra, which will be detailed in the following chapter. The Propylaea of the Acropolis, restored. ■B™^ CHAPTER XXV. CAUSES OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 1 1. Quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra. § 2. Corcyraean Embassy to Athens. »e cision of the Athenians. § 3. They send a Fleet to Corcyra. Naval Engagements. Defeat of the Corinthians. § 4. Revolt of Potidaja. § 5. Congress of the Peloponnesian Allies at Sparta. The Spartans decide for War. § 6. Second Congress. The Allies resolve upon War. § 7. The Lacedaemonians require the Athenians to expel Pericles. \ 8. Attacks upon Pericles, Aspasia, and Anaxagoras. Imprisonment and Death of Pheidias. § 9. Further Requisitions of the Lacedaemonians. Rejected by the Athe- nians. § 10. The Thebans surprise Plataea. § 11. The Athenians prepare for War. Portents. § 12. Forces of the Lacedaemonians and Athenians. § 13. The Pelopon nesian Army assembles at the Isthmus of Corinth. § 1. On the coast of Ulyria, near the site of the modern Durazzo, the Corcyraeans haxl founded the city of Epidamnus. Corcyra (now Corfu) was itself a colony of Corinth ; and, though long at enmity with its mother country, was forced, according to the time-hallowed custom of the Greeks in such matters, to select the founder or oekist * of Epidamnus from the Corinthians. Accordingly Corinth became the metropolis of Epidamnus also. At the time of which we speak, the Epidamnians were hard pressed by the Illyrians, led by some oligarcliical exiles of their own city, whom they had expelled in consequence of a domestic sedition. In their distress they applied to Corcyra for assistance ; which the Corcyraeans, being prin- cipally connected with the Epidamnian oligarchy, refused. The Epidam- nians, after consulting the oracle of Delphi, then sought help from the Corinthians, who undertook to assist them, and organized an expedition * OtICtOTI/S. 1 Bnst of the poet Sophocles. 254 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXIV. I sliips to Samos, imdeF the command of Pericles, who established a demo- cratical form of government in the island, and carried away hostages belonging to the fii*st Samian families, whom he deposited in the isle of Lemnos. Ihit no sooner liad rericles dei)aited than some of tlie oligar- chical party, supposed by rissuthnes, satrap of Sardis, passed over in the night-time to Samos, oveqwwered the small Athenian garrison Avhich had been left by Pericles, and aljolished the democracy. They then ]»rocccded to Lemnos, and, having regained possession of the hostag(^s proclaimed an open revolt against Athens, in which they were joined by r>y/antium. When these tidings reached Athens a tleet of sixty triremes imme- diately sailed for Samos. Pericles was again one of the ten stmteyi or genci-als in connnand of the exi)edition, and among his colleagues was Sophocles, the tragic poet. At\er several engagements between tlie hostile fleets, the Samians were obliged to abandon the sea and take refuge in their city, which, after enduring a siege of nine months, was forced to capitulate. The Samians were compelled to raze their fortifications, to surrender their fleet, to give hostages for their future conduct, and to pay the expenses of the Avar, amounting to one thousand talents. The Byzantines submitted at the same time. During these o[)erations, it was a jwint dis- puted among the states opposed to Athens whether the Samians should be assisted in their revolt; a question decided in the negative, chiefly through the influence of the Corinthians, who maintained the right of every con- federacy to puuisli its refractory membei-s. Tlie "triumphs and the [jower of Athens were no doubt regarded with fear and jealousy by her rivals ; but the conquest of Samos was not fol- lowed by any oi>en manifestation of hostihty. A gener.d impression how^- ever prevailed, that sooner or later a wjir must ensue ; but men looked forwards to it with fear and treml>ling, from a conviction of the internecine cliaracter which it must necessaiily assume. It was a hollow peace, which tlie most trifling events might disturb. The train was already laid ; and an apparently unimiK)rtant event, which occured in B. C. 43o in a remote corner of Greece, kindled the s[)ark which was to jn-oduce the conflagration. This was the quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra, which will be detailed in the following chapter. Bust of the poet Sophocles. B. C. 435.] QUARREL BETWEEN CORINTH AND CORCYRA. 255 The Propylaea of the Acropolis, restored. CHAPTER XXV. CAUSES OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. \ 1. Quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra. § 2. Corcyrsean Embassy to Athens. De cision of the Athenians. § 3. They send a Fleet to Corcyra. Naval Engagements. Defeat of the Corinthians. \ 4. Revolt of Poti(U\3a. § 5. Congress of the Peloponnesiaii Allies at Sparta. The Spartans decide for War. § 6. Second Congress. The Allies resolve upon War. § 7. The Laccdojmonians require the Athenians to expel Pericles. § 8. Attacks upon Pericles, Aspasia, and Anaxagoras. Imprisonment and Death of Pheidias. § 9. Further Requisitions of the Laceda?monians. Rejected by the Athe- nians. § 10. The Thebans surprise Plata\a. § 11. The xVthenians prepare for War. Portents. § 12. Forces of the Lacedemonians and Athenians. § 13. The Pelopon liesian Army assembles at the Isthmus of Corinth. § 1. Ox the coast of Illyria, near the site of tlie modern Durazzo, the Coreyra^aiis had founded the city of Epidamnus. Corcyra (now Corfu) was it.eech, or at all events the substance of it, has been preserved by Thucydides, who may possibly have heard it pronounced. It is a valuable monument of eloquence and patriotism, and particularly interesting for the > B. C. 430.] PLAGUE OP ATHENS. 2m sketch which it contiiins of Athenian manners, as well as of the Athenian constitution.* § 4. Another year had elapsed, and in the spring of b. c. 430 the Pelo- ponnesians, under Archidamus, again invaded Attica. At the same time the Athenians were attacked by a more insidious and more formidable enemy. The plague broke out in the crowded city. This terrible disorder, which was supposed to have originated in ^Ethiopia, had aheady desolated Asia and many of the countries around the Mediterranean. At Athens it first appeared in the Peiraus ; and the numbers of people now congregated in a narrow space caused it to spread with fearful rapidity. A great proportion of those who were seized perished in from seven to nine days. Even in those who recovered, it generaUy left behind some dreadful and incurable distemper. It frequently attacked the mental faculties, and left those who recovered from it so entirely deprived of memory, that they could neither recognize themselves nor others. The disorder being new, the physicians could find no remedy in the resources of their art, nor, as may be well supposed, did the charms and incantations to which the'su- perstitious resorted prove more effectual. Despau- now began to take possession of the Athenians. Some suspected that the Peloponnesians had poisoned the wells ; others attributed the pestilence to the anger of Apollo. A dreadful state of moral dissolution foUowed. The sick^w^ere seized with unconquerable despondency ; whilst a great part of tlie popu- lation who had hitherto escaped the disorder, expecting soon to be attacked in turn, abandoned themselves to all manner of excess, debauchery, and crime. The dread of contagion produced an all-pervading selfishness. Men abstained from tending and alleviating the sufferinn-s even of their * A sliglit sketch of this masterly discourse will not be out of place here. It is not only a eulogy on the dead, hut an elaborate and very able exhibition of the merits of the Athenian constitution, and the social life and genius of Athens for the civilizing arts. Such a coun- try, he argues, is entitled to the love of her citizens, and must be defended at the hazard oflhfe Itself. " We enjoy," said he, " a form of government, not emulating the laws of neicrhborin*' states, being ourselves rather a model to others than copying from them. It has been called by the name of Democracy, because the power resides not with the few, but with the majority." He then shows in what manner the Athenian institutions secured not only equal- ity of rights before the law, but a liberal and generous confidence in private life: how they chenshed obedience to the magistrate, and a fine sense of honor, wliich submitted to the unwritten laws of noble conduct, both from the self-respect of gentlemen and from a sensi- bility to the shame attached to their violation by pubUc opinion. He appeals to their patriotic pride m the great achievements of their ancestors, and their own. " Havincr displayed our power in noble manifestations, and most assuredly not without A\ntnesses, welhall be the ad- miration of the present age, and of those who are to come after us. We have forced every sea and every lanei-s carrieon returning from this expedition, Pericles found tlie public feeling more exasiierated than before. Envoys had even Iwen despatched to Sparta to sue for peace, but had been dismissed without a hearing; a disappointment which had rendered the populace still more furious. Peri- cles now found it necessary to call a public assembly in order to vindicate his conduct, and to encourage the desjwnding citizens to persevere. But though he succeeded in persuading them to prosecute the war with vigor, they still continued to nourish their feelings of hatred against the great statesman. His jwlitical enemies, of whom Cleon was the chief, took advantage of this state of the public mind to bring against him a charge of peculation. The main object of this accusation was to incapacitate him jbr the office of strategus, or genenil. He was brought before the dicastery * The description of the plague of Athens (Thncyd. B. II. cc. 4T-64) Is one of the moat master V ielineations in historical literature. — Ed. *) B. C. 430] DEATH AND CHABACTEE OP PEUICLES. 271 on this charge, and sentenced to pay a considerable fine; but eventually a strong reaction occurred in lus favor. He was re-elected general and apparently regained all the influence he hang the Athenians with his copiousness and grace, and overawing them°by he foree and cogency of his diction and arguments. He seems, indeed, on the testimony of two comic poets who will not be suspected of exaggeration m his favor, to have singularly combined, the ix>wer of persuasion with that more rapid and abrupt style of oratory which takes an audience by storm and defies all resistance. According to Eupolis, persuasion itself 872 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXYL sat upon his lips, and lie was the only orator who left a sting behind ; whilst Aristophanes characterizes his eloquence as producing the same eflfects upon the social elements as a storm of thunder and lightning exerts upon the natural atmosphere. His reserved manners may have contributed, and were perhaps designed, to preserve his authority from falling into that contempt which proverbially springs from familiiu-ity ; whilst the popularity which he enjoyed in spite of them may probably be traced to the equivocal benefits which he had conferred on the Athenians, by not only making the humblest citizen a partaker in all the judicial and legislative functions of the state, but even paying liim for the performance of them. These inno- vations are condemned by the two greatest philosophers, though of opposite schools, that Greece ever saw, by Plato and Ai*istotle, and not only by them, but by the unanimous voice of antiquity. Pericles, indeed, by the unlunited authority which he possessed over the people, was able to coun- teract the evil effects of these changes, which, however, soon became apparent after his death, and made the city a prey to the artifices of dema*^ojmes and rhetors. But if Pericles as a politician may not be deserving of unqualified praise, Pericles as the accomplished man of genius and the libeml patron of literature and art is worthy of the highest admi- ration. By these qualities he has justly given name to the most brilhant intellectual epoch that the world has ever seen. But we have already touched on this point, and shall have occasion to refer to the subject here- after.* § 7. Whilst the Athenians were suffering from the pestilence, the Lace- djemonians were prosecuting their second invasion even more extensively than in the previous year. Instead of confining their ravages to the Thria- sian plain, and the country in the immediate neighborhood of Athens, they now extended them to the more southern portions of Attica, and even as far as the mines of Laurium. The Athenians still kept within their walls ; and the Lacedaemonians, after remaining forty days in their temtory, again evacuated it as before. This year, however, the operations of the latter by sea formed a new feature in the war. Their fleet of a hundred ♦ The cliaracter of Pericles is thus summed up by Thucydides : — '• Bnrins the Avhole time that he stood at the head of the state in peace, he governed it with modenition, and watched over its safety, and under him it rose to the highest pitch of greatjioj^s. After the war broke out it was seen that he had a true conception of its jwwer: and after his death, liis foresit'ht in relation to the war was still more clearly recognized. The cause of his influence was, that, powerful in dignity of character and wisdom, and having coTispicuously shown himself the most incorruptible of men, he curbed the people freely, and led them instead of bein<^ led by them. For he did not speak to their present favor, endeavoring to gain power by unbecom'uig means, but dared to br.ive their anger while hoMing fitft to his own digjiity and honor. The constitution was a democracy in word; but m fact, it was the government of the most distinguished citizen. Those, however, who came after him, being more on an equality with one another, and each eager to stand foremost, made the gratification of the people their aim, and sacrificed to tliis the pubUc interest." — Ed. I B. C. 429-1 SURRENDER OF POTID^A. 273 triremes, under the command of Cnemus, attacked and devastated the isl- and of Zacynthus, but did not succeed in effecting a permanent conquest. They were too inferior in naval strength to cope with the Athenians on the open sea; but the Peloponnesian privateers, especially those from the Megarian port of Nisa^a, inflicted considerable loss on the Athenian fish- eries and commerce. Some of these privateers even ventured as far as the coasts of Asia Minor, and molested the Athenian trade, for the protec^ tion of which the Athenians were obliged to despatch a squadron of six triremes, under Melesander. A revolting feature in tliis predatory warfare was the cruelty with which the Lacedaemonians treated their prisoners, who were mercilessly slain, and their bodies cast into clefts and ravines! This produced retaliation on the part of the Athenians. Some Pelopon- nesian envoys, on their way to the court of Persia to solicit aid against Athens, were joined by the Corinthian general Aristeus, who persuaded them to visit the court of the Thracian king, Sitalces, in order if possible to detach him from the Athenian alliance. But this was a fatal miscalcula- tion. Not only was Sitalces firmly attached to the Athenians, but his son Sadocus had been admitted as a citizen of Athens ; and the Athenian resi- dents at the court of Sitalces induced him, in testimony of zeal and gratitude for his newly conferred rights, to procure the arrest of the Peloponnesian envoys. The whole party were accordingly seized and conducted to Ath- ens, where they were put to death without even the form of a trial, and their bodies cast out among the rocks, by way of reprisal for the murdei-s committed by the Lacedaemonians. § 8. By this act the Athenians got rid of Aristeus, who had proved himself an active and able commander, and who was the chief instigator of the revolt of Potidaea, as well as the principal cause of its successful resistance. In the following winter that town capitulated, after a blockade of two years, during which it suffered such extremity of famine, that even the bodies of the dead were converted into food. Although the garrison was reduced to such distress, and though the siege had cost Athens two thousand talents, the Athenian generals, Xenophon, the son of Euripides, and his two coUeagues, granted the Potidaeans favorable terms. For this they were reprimanded by the Athenians, who had expected to defray the expenses of the siege by selling the prisoners as slaves, and perhaps also to gratify their vengeance by putting the intrepid garrison to death. Potidaea and its territory was now occupied by a body of a thousand colonists from Athens. § 9. The third year of the war (b. c. 429) was now opening, and nothing decisive had been performed on either side. After two invasions, but lit^ tie mischief, probably, was capable of being uiflicted on the Attic territory, or at all events not sufficient to induce the Peloponnesians to incur the risk of infection from the plague. Archidamus, therefore, now directed his whole force against the ill-fated town of Plataja. As he approached 35 1 I 274 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXVL B. C. 427.] SIEGE OF PLATJEA. 275 their city, the Platseans despatched a herald to Archidamus to remonstrate against tMs invasion, and to remind him of the solemn oath which Pausa- nias had sworn, when, after the defeat of the Persians, he offered sacrifice to Zeus Eleuthei-ios in the great square of Plataea, and there, m the pres- ence of the assemhled alhes, hound himself and them to respect and guar- antee their independence Aixihidamus replied, that hy their oaths they were hound to assist him in the liberation of the rest of Greece ; hut, if they would not agree to do this, their independence should he respected if they only consented to remain neutral. After this summons had been twice repeated, the Plata-ans returned for answer, that they could do noth- ing without the consent of the Athenians, in whose custody their wives and families now were; adding, that a profession of neutrality might again induce the Thebans to surprise their city. Hereupon Archidamus proposed to them to hand over their town and territory to the Lacedaemonians, to- gether with a schedule of all the property which they contained, engaging to hold them in trust and to cultivate the land till tlie war was terminated, when everything should be safely restored. In the mean time, the Platoeans might retire whithersoever they chose, and receive an allowance sufficient for their support. The offer seemed fliir and tempting, and the majority of the Plataeans were for accepting it, but it was resolved first of all to obtain the sanction of the Athenians: who, however, exhorted them to hold out, and promised to assist them to the last. The Platseans, afhiid to send a herald to the Spartan camp, now proclaimed from the walls their refusal of the proffered terms ; when Archidamus invoked the gmls and heroes of the soil to wit- ness, that it was not until the Plata^ans had renounced the oaths which bound them, that he had invaded their territory. The Peloponne^ans, indeed, seem to have been really unwilling to undertake the siege. They were driven into it by the ancient grudge of the Thebans against Platoea. The siege that ensued is one of the most memorable in the annals ot Grecian warfare. Platiea was but a small city, and its garrison consisted of only 400 citizens and 80 Athenians, together with 110 women to manacre their household affairs. Yet this small force set at defiance the whole" army of the Peloponnesians. The first operation of Archidamus was to suiTound the town with a strong pahsade foi-med of the fi-uit-trees which had been cut down, and thus to deprive the Plataeans of all egi-ess. He then began to erect a mound of timber, earth, and stones against the waU, forming an inclined plane up which his troops might march, and thus take the place by escalade. The whole army labored at this mound seventy days and nights ; but whilst it was gradually attaining the reqmsite height, the Plata^ans on their side were engaged in raising their walls with a superstructure of wood and brickwork, protected in front with hides. They also formed a subterranean passage under their walls, and under- mined the mound, which thus fell in and required constant additions. And as even these precautions seemed in danger of being ultimately defeated, they built a new interior wall, in the shape of a crescent, whose two horns joined the old one at pomts beyond the extent of the mound ; so that if the besiegers succeeded in carrying the first rampart, they would be in no better jwsition than before. So energetic was the defence, that the Lace daemonians, after spending three months in these fruitless attempts, resolved to turn the siege into a blockade, and reduce the place by famine. § 10. They now proceeded to surround the city with a double wall of circumvallation, the interior space between the two of sixteen feet in breadth being roofed in, and the whole structure protected by a ditch on each side, one towards the town and the other towards the country. The interior was occupied by the troops left on guard, half of which consisted of Boeo- tians and the other half of Peloi^onnesians. In tliis manner the Plateaus endured a blockade of two years, during which the Athenians attempted nothing for their relief. In the second year, however, about half the gar risen effected them escape in the following bold and successful manner Provisions were beginning to run short, and the Plata?an commander ex- horted the garrison to scale the wall by which they were blockaded. Only 212 men, however, were found bold enough to attempt this hazardous feat Choosing a wet and stormy December night, they issued from their gates lightly armed and canying with them ladders accurately adapted to the height of the wall. These were fixed against it in the space between two towers occupied by the guard, and the first company, having mounted, slew, without creatmg alarm, the sentinels on duty. Already a great part of the Plata3ans had gained the summit, when the noise of a tile loosened by one of the party, and falling down, betrayed what was passing. The whole guard immediately turned out, but in the darkness and confusion knew not whither to direct their blows, whilst the lighted torches which they carried rendered them a conspicuous aim for the arrows and javelins of those Pla- taeans who had gained the other side of the walls. In this manner the little band succeeded in effecting then- escape, with the exception of one man who was captured, and of a few who lost their courage and returned to Plata?a. § 11. But though the provisions of the garrison were husbanded by this diminution in their number, all the means of subsistence were at length exhausted, and starvation began to stare them in the fiice. The LacedaBmonian commander had long been in a condition to take the town hy storm, but he had been directed by express orders from home to reduce it to a voluntary capitulation, in order that, at the conclusion of a peace, Sparta might not be forced to give it up, as she would be in case of a for- cible capture. Knowing the distressed state of the garrison, the Lacedai- monians sent in a herald with a summons to sun*ender and submit them- selves to their disposal, at the same time promising that only the guilty should be punished. The besieged had no alternative, and submitted. This took place in b. c. 427, after the blockade had lasted two years. I J f in hi T 276 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXVL The whole garrison, consisting of 200 PlatgBans and 25 Athenians, were now arraigned before five judges sent from Sparta. Their indictment was framed in a way which prechidcd the i)Ossibility of escape. They were simply asked, " Wiether during the present war they had rendered any assistance to the Lacedaemonians or their allies?" So preposterous a question at once revealed to the prisoners that they could expect neither justice nor mercy. Nevertheless, they asked and obtained permission to plead their cause. Tlieir orators, by recalling the services which Platiea had rendered to Greece in geneml in the Persian war, and to Sparta in particular, by aiding to suppress the revolt of the Helots, seemed to have produced such an impression on their judges that the Thebans present found it necessary to reply. Their speech does not appear to have con- tained any very cogent arguments, but it was successful. The Platseans were mercilessly sacrificed for reiisons of state policy. Each man, includ- ing the twenty-five Athenians, was called up separately before the judgmen^ seat, and the same question having been put to him, ami of course answered in the negative, he was immediately led away to execution. The town ot Platjea, together with its territory, was transferred to the Thebans, who, a few months aften^ards, levelled all the private houses to the ground, and with the materials erected a sort of vast barrack around the Ileroium, or temple of Hera, both for the accommodation of visitors, and to serve as an abode for those to whom they let out the land. Thus was Plata^a blotted out from the map of Greece. B' C. 429.] FELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. 277 Statue of Theseus, from the Pediment of the Parthenon, in the British Museum. CHAPTER XXVn. PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE SIEGE OF PLAT^A TO THE SEDITION AT CORCYRA. 1 1. General Character of the War. § 2. Military and Naval Operations of the Third Year. Attempt of Peloponnesians to surprise Peiraeus. ^ 3. Fourth Year. Revolt of Mytilen^. 4 4. Fifth Year. Surrender of Mytilen^. § 5. Debates of the Athenian Assembly re- specting the MytilenjEans. Cleon and the Athenian Demagogues. § 6. Bloody Decree against the Mytilenaians. § 7. Second Debate. Reversal of the Decree. Lesbos colo- nized by Athenians. § 8. Civil Dissensions at Corcyra. § 9. Picture of the Times by Thucydides, § 1. In recording the fall of Plataea, we have anticipated the order of chronology. The investment of that town- formed, as we have related, the first incident in the third year of the Peloponnesian war. The subsequent operations of that war down to the eleventh year of if, or the year b. c. 421, — when a short and hollow peace, or rather truce, called the peace of Nicias, was patched up between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, — were not of a decisive character. There was, indeed, much mutual injury in- flicted, but none of those great events which bring a war to a close by dis- abling either one or both parties from continuing it. The towns captured were, moreover, restored at the peace ; by which, consequently, Athens and Sparta were placed much in the same state as when the war broke out. It would be tedious to detail at length all the little engagements which occurred, i 11 1 HISTORY « GREECE. [ClIAP. XXVI. Tlie wlole gsimson, consisting of 200 Platwans and 25 Athenians, were BOW amiigned befoix* five judges sent from Spaita- Their indictment was fi-amed in a way which prechuled the iK)ssibility of escape. Ihey were simply a^ked, " Wiether during tlie present war they had rendered any a-iervices which 1 lata^a Md rendered to Greece in general in the Persian war, and to Si)arta m particular, l>y aiding to suppress the revolt of the Helots seemed to have produced such an hnpression on their judges that the llubans present found it necessary to reply. Their speech does not appear to Imye con- tained any verv cogent arguments, but it was successtul. ihe 1 hita^ans were mercilessly sacriHced for reasons of state policy. Each man, includ- m- the t wenty-fiVe Athenians, was called up separately before the judgment- seat, and the same question having been put to liim, and of course answered in the ne-ative, he was inim.'diately led away to execution. The town of Platani, together with its territory, was traii>ierred to the Thebnns, who, a few months aft(M-wai-ds, leveUed all the private houses to the ground, and with the materials erecte.1 a sort of vast barrack around the lI.Ta-um, or temple of Ibra, l>oth for the accommodation of visitors, and to serve as an al>ode for tliose to whom they let out the land. Thus was Pktani blotted out from the map of Greece, B< C. 429.J PELOFONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. 277 Statue of Theseus, from the Pediment of the Parthenon, in the British Museum. CHAPTER XX\^I. PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE SIEGE OF PLAT^EA TO THE SEDITION AT CORCYRA. ^1. General Character of the War. § 2. Military and Naval Operations of the Third Year. Attemptof Peloponnesians tosurprij^e Peirajus. ^ 3. Fourth Year. Kevolt of Mytilen^. fj 4. Fifth Year. Surrender of Mytilem'. § 5. I)el)ates of the Athenian Assembly re- specting the Mytilena^ans. Cleon and tlie Athenian Deniaf^o.cruos. § 6. Bloody Decree against the Mytiienieans. § 7. Second Debate. IJoversal of the Decree. Lesbos colo- nized by Athenians. § 8. Civil Dissensions at Corcyra. § 9. Picture of the Times by Thucydides. i I: ; y; . (H § 1. In recording the fall of Platjva, we have anticipated the order of chronolojry. The investment of that town- formed, as we liave related, the first incident in the third year of the Peloponnesian war. The subsequent operations of tliat war down to the eleventh year of it, or the yeai- u. c. 421, — when a sliort and hollow peace, or ratlier truce, called the peace of Nicias, was patched up between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, — Avere not of a decisive character. There Avas, indeed, mucli mutual injury in- flicted, but none of those n^reat events wliich hnng a war to a close by dis- abling either one or both parties from continuing it. The towns captured were, moreover, restored at the peace ; by which, consequently, Athens and Sparta were placed much in the same state as when the war broke out. It would be tedious to detail at length all the little engagements whicli occurred, 878 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XX Vn. B. C. 428.J REVOLT OF MYTILENE. 279 and which the reader could with difficulty remember; and we shall there- fore content ourselves ^vith a sketch of the more important events, espe- cially those which display the general character of the period, the actions of the more remarkable men who flourished in it, and the motives, views, and dispositions of the contending parties. § 2. Except the siege of Plataja, the operations by land in the third year of the war were unimportant. The Athenians failed in an attempt to reduce the town of Spartolus in Chalcidice ; nor were the efforts of then- new ally, Sitalces, more successful in that quarter. According to the ancient myth of Tereus, Sitalces considered himself a kinsman of the Athenians; but some well-applied bribes were probably a more effticious inducement for him to undertake the reduction of Chalcidice, and the dethronement of Perdiccas, kuig of Macedonia. The sway of Sitalces over the barbarous tribes of Thrace was very extensive. He was able to collect an army es- timated at 150,000 men, one third of which was cavalry. With this mul- titudinous, but wild and disorderly host, he penetrated for into the dominions of Perdiccas, and compelled the IMacedonians, who did not venture to meet him in the open field, to shut themselves up in their fortresses. He also detached a force to reduce the Chalcidians and Bottia?ans. But his expe- dition was undertaken at too late a period of the year, seemingly about the end of November, or beginning of December ; and as the winter proved very severe, and the Athenians neglected to send any armament to his assistance, Sitalces was compelled to rehnquish his conquests after a cam- paign, or rather foray, of thirty days. In the same year the naval superiority of the Athenians was strikingly exhibited by the victories of Phormio in the Corinthian Gulf. The Lace- dajmonians had planned an expedition against Acamania, and had sent a fleet of forty-seven sail, under the command of Cnemus, to carry this project into effect. Phormio was stationed at Naupactus with only twenty Athenian ships; but notwithstanding his numerical inferiority, he gained a brilliant victory over the Peloponnesian fleet. But this was not all. The Spartans lost no time in collecting another fleet, amounting to seventy- seven sail. Meantime Phormio had received no reinforcements; but such was his confidence in the skill of his seamen, that he ventured to meet even these overpowering numbers, and though this victory was not so decisive as the previous one, the Peloponnesians relinquished all further operations and sailed back to Corinth. The Peloponnesian commanders tried to compensate for these losses by surprising the harlwr of Peineus, which was unprotected by a guard, or even by a chain. Having marched over- land from Corinth to the Megarian port of Nisa»a, they embarked theu* men in forty old triremes, which, however, were in a sufficient state of re- pair for so short an expedition. But either their courage failed them at the very moment of executing their project, or else, as they gave out, the wind proved adverse. Instead of attempting Pemeus, they proceeded to the opposite island of Salamis. Here they landed in the night, captured three guard-ships, ravaged the island, and succeeded in retreating with their booty before the alarmed and enraged Athenians could come up with them. The Athenians, however, took warning from this insult, and were more careful in future in guarding their harbors. § 3. The fourth year of the war (b. c. 428) was marked by the usual invasion of Attica on the part of the Peloponnesians. It was accompanied by the alarming news of the revolt of Mytilene, the capital of Lesbos, and of the greater part of that island. This revolt had been long meditated ; but though the Athenians had before received some intimation of it, their reduced condition from the war and from the plague had prevented them from taking any measures to arrest it. An embassy which they now sent to the Mytilena^ans, to persuade tliem to remain in their duty, having fjuled, the Athenian commander, Cleippides, wlio was on the point of sailing to the Peloponnesus with a fleet of forty triremes, was ordered to proc'eed directly to Mytilene. It was one of the disadvantages of the Athenian constitution, so far at least as the foreign relations of Athens were concerned, that the executive power lay with the people, and that thus, all their debates and resolutions being pubUc, it was impossible to keep them concealed from those who were the subjects of them. The Mytilena^ans, having received infoi-mation of the intended expedition through a spy, postponed the festival of Apollo, during which the Athenians had expected to surprise tliem, and made every preparation to receive the hostile fleet. But being still inferior in strength, they pretended to enter into negotiations with Cleippides, who fell into the snare ; and in the mean time secretly despatclied envoys to Sparta to implore immediate assistance. The embassy which the Myti- lenoeans had sent to Athens with the ostensible purpose of negotiatmg, having, as might be expected, failed, Cleippides, who had been reinforced by several vessels from the allied islands, as well as by one thousand Athenian hoplites under Paches, commenced hostilities, and by the begin- ning of October succeeded in blockading Mytilene both by sea and land. The ]Mytilenaian envoys despatched to Sparta arrived during the cele- bration of tlie Olympic festival, where most of the members of the Pelo- ponnesian alliance were present. After the festival was concluded they set fortli the grounds of their complaints against Athens, which were chiefly two ; namely, their fear of being reduced to the condition of the other subject allies of Athens, and their repugnance to assist that state in her ambitious policy, which was generally offensive to the states of Greece. Their application was of course favorably received by their Peloponnesian auditors. They were promised assistance, and were formally received into the Peloponnesian alliance. Not only was a second invasion of Attica ordered, but it was also proix)sed to transport on trucks, across the istlmius, from the harbor of Lechaeum into the Saronic Gulf, the ships which had fought against Phormio, and to emptor them against Athens. X I « J I y It ^t 280 HISTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXVIL I ! j^^^^ general impression seems at this time to have prevdled among the aUies, that the plague and war combined had nearly exhausted the resources of the Athenians. Nor was this opinion altogether without foundation. The fund wliich they possessed at the beginning of the war was now exhausted, with the exception of the reserve of one thousand talents put by to meet a naval invasion. The numbers of their soldiers, and especially of their able seamen, had also no doubt been considerably reduced by the war and pestilence. But there were stiU ample means, and above all an indomitable spirit, among the Athenians, to supply the deficiencies thus created. A higher class both of citizens and metics » than those who had hithei-to engaged in the naval service was ordered on board the fleet, from which duty only the two highest classes, namely, the Pentacosiomedimni, and the Hippeis, or Knights, were now exempted. And in order to replenish the public treasury the Athenians were for the first time subjected to a direct contribution or income tax, by which a sum of two hundred talents was raised. By these efforts the Athenians manned a fleet of one hundred triremes, which suddenly and unexpectedly appeared off the isthmus, and made descents at various points. At the same time the LacedoBmonians assem- bled there were sun>rised by the news that another Athenian fleet of thirty triremes, which had been previously despatched under Asopius, the son of Phormio, was committing devastations on the coast of Laconia. These energetic proceedings arrested the projected enterprise of the LacedsKmonians, especially as their allies were engaged in gathering the harvest, and had therefore assembled only in small numbers. Accord- uigly they returned home, and contented themselves with preparing a fleet of forty triremes for the relief of Mytilene. § 4. This ai-mament, however, could not be got ready till the spnng of the following year (b. c. 427). Meanwhile Saliethus, a Lacedjemonian envoy, proceeded to Lesbos, and, having contrived to enter Mytilene, encouraged the citizens to hold out till the arrival of the promised suc- cors. In the course of April the Peloponnesian fleet, consisting of forty- two triremes under Alcidas, actually sailed, and at the same time, in order to create a diversion, the allied army again invaded Attica. But week after week passed away, and Alcidas did not appear before Mytilene. The provisions of the town were exhausted, the populace was growing impatient, and even Salaethus himself began to despair of the arrival^'of the fleet. It was therefore resolved, as a last desperate ex- pedient, to make a sally, and endeavor to raise the blockade. With this view even the men of the lower classes were armed with the full annor of the hoplites. But this step produced a very different result from what ♦ The fieroiKoi, meh>«, were resident aliens, of whom a large number were found at Athens, on account of tlie liberal treatment extended to strangers in that city. -Ed. B. C. 427.] CLEON. 281 Salffithus had expected or intended. The great mass of the Mytilenaians were not adverse to the Athenian dominion ; but they regarded their own oligarchical government with suspicion, accused it of starving the citizens whilst it possessed stores of concealed provisions for the use of the hi <(i I ^ sal application; but nowhere so directly applicable as to a confederated rapnblic, like the United States of America. "Afterwards the whole Hellenic world was thrown into commotion. The leaders of the popular party called in the Athenians, the oligarchical party, the Lacedsemoniaus, feuds ex- isting everywhere. In peace 1 hey would have had no pretext or preparation for summoning them ; but being at war, and each party forming an alliance for the damage of their antagonists, and their own security, occasions of invoking foreign aid were easily furnished to those who aimed to effect political changes. And many heavy calamities befell the states through these feuds, which happen and always will happen so long as the nature of man remains the same: greater, or milder, and varying in their aspects, as variations of condition in eacli case arise. For in peace and prosperity both communities and individuals are better disposed, because they are not driven to intolerable necessities. But war, withdrawing the supplies of daily life, is a hard teacher, atid subdues the passions of the many to the quality of present circumstances. Discord then reigned throughout the states. ..... And they changed the customary meaning of words applied to things, according to the caprices of the moment; for reckless audacity was considered manly fidelity to party; prudent delay, fair-seeming cowardice; moderation, the screen for feeble- ness. Headlong frensy was set down on the side of manhood. The unrelenting was trusted; whoever argued against him was suspected. He who plottetl, if successful, was thought sagacious; who counterplotted, still abler. He who forecasted the means, whereby he should not need these resorts, was charged with ruining the party and fearing their opponents. In a word, he was applauded who got the start of another when intending to do an injurj', and who induced one to do a wrong, that had no thought of doing it himself. And what was worse, kin became more alien than party, because party was prompter for unscrupulous daring. For such combinations aim not for the benefit of the established institutions, but in their grasping spirit run counter to the lawful authorities. Their pledges to one another were sanctioned, not by divine law, but by their having together violated law. The cause of this state of things was the lust of power, for purposes of rapacity and ambition, and the hot temper of those who were engaged in the conflict. Thus neither party held to sacred honor; but those were more highly spoken of who, under cover of plausible pretences, succeeded in effecting some purpose of hatred. The citizens who stood between the extremes, and belonged to neither, both parties endeavored to destroy. So every species of wickedness became established by these feuds over the Hellenic world. Simplicity of character, wherein nobleness of nature most largely shares, being scofied at, disappeared; and mutual opposition of feeling, with universal distrust, prevailed. For there ▼as neither binding word nor fearful oath to comijose the strife. And for the most part, those who were meaner in understanding were the more successful ; for fearing their own deficiency, and the abihty of their adversaries, apprehensive that they should be worsted in argument and eloquence, and outwitted by the intellectual adroitness on the other side, they went audaciously on to deeds of violence ; but their opponents, contemptuous in the presumption of foreknowledge, and not feeling the need of securing by action what could be compassed by genius, the more easily perished undefended." — Ed. I*: I B.C. 426.] SIXTH TEAK OF THE WAR. 287 I; From the Frieze of the Parthenon. Panathenaic Procession. I CHAPTER XXVm. i PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE SEDITION AT CORCYRA TO THE PEACE OF NICIAS. f 1. Sixth Year of the War. Return of the Plague. Purification of Delos. § 2. Seventh Year. Fortification of Pylos. 4 3. Attempts of the Lacedajmonians to recover Pylos. § 4. Arrival and Victory of the Athenian Fleet. Blockade of Sphacteria. § 5. The Lacedemonians sue for Peace at Athens. Extravagant Demands of Cleon. § G. Ifenewal of Hostilities. § 7. Debates in the Assembly. Cleon elected General. § 8. Capture ot Sphacteria. § 9. Advantages of the Victory. 4 19. Proceedings at Corcvra. Slaughter of the Oligarchs. § 11. Eighth Year of the War. Capture of Cj-thera. § 12. Invasion of the Megarid and Ba?otia by the Athenians. Capture of Kisa;a, the Port of Ulegara. Defeat of the Athenians at the Battle of Deliura. § 13. Brasidas in Thrace. Takes' Amphipolis. Banishment of Thucydides. § 14. Ninth Year of the War. A Truce between Sparta and Athens. The War continued in Thrace. § 15. Tenth Year of the War. Cleon proceeds to Amphipolis. His Defeat and Death. Death of Brasidas. i 16. Eleventh Year of the War. Fifty Years' Peace between Athens and Sparta. § 1. The beginning of the sixth year of the war (b. c. 426) was marked by natural calamities which seemed to present a counterpart to the moral disturbances which were agitfiting Greece. Floods and earth- quakes of unusual violence and frequency occurred in various parts ; and the Lacedaemonians, alarmed at these portents, abstained from their intended invasion of Attica. The military operations of the Athenians were unimportant. The plague, which had reappeared at Athens towards the close of the preceding year, was now making fearful ravages. This scourge was attributed to the anger of Apollo ; and in order, ^ it seems, to propitiate that deity, a complete purification of Delos was performed in' the autumn. All the bodies interred there were exhumed and reburied in the neighboring island of Rhenea ; whilst for the future it was ordered that no deaths or births should be suffered to take place on the sacred I 288 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXVIII. Ilii^ island. At the same time the celebration of the Delian festival, to be renewed every fourth year, was revived with extraordinary splendor; and thus in some measure compensated the Athenians for their exclusion, through the war, from the Olympic and Pythian games. § 2. In the seventh year of the war (b. c. 425) the Lacedaemonian army under Agis, after a stay of only fifteen days in the Attic territory, was recalled by the news that the Athenians had established a military post at Pylos in Messenia. In consequence of circumstances to which we shall have occasion to allude hereafter, the Athenians had sent a fleet of forty ships to Sicily, under the command of Eurymedon and Sophocles ; but on their way thither these officers were directed to stop at Corcyra, and to assist the people against the oligarchs, who, as already related, had fortified themselves at Mount Istone, and were annoying the caf/ital. Demosthenes, who liad acquired great glory by a campaign against the Ambracians, had also embarked in the same fleet, with a kind of roving commission to make descents on the Peloponnesitui coasts. Pylos, on the 'modem bay of Navarino, struck him as an eligible spot on which to establish some of the Messenians from Naupactus, since it was a strong position, from which they might annoy the Lacedicmonians, and excite revolt among their Helot kinsmen. As the Peloponnesian fleet, however, was announced to have arrived at Corcyra, Eurymedon and Sophocles were averse to the delay which the scheme of Demosthenes would occa- sion. But an accident caused its accomplishment. The fleet had scarcely passed Pylos, when it was driven back to that spot by a violent storm ; and as the bad weather continued for some time, the soldiers on board amused themselves, under the directions of Demosthenes, in constructing a sort of rude fortification. The nature of the ground was favorable for the work, and in five or six days a wall was thrown up sufficient for the purposes of defence. Demosthenes undertook to garrison the place. Five ships and two hundred Hoplites were left behind with bun ; and, being afterwards joined by some Messenian privateers, he appears altogether to have possessed a force of about one thousand men. § 3. This insult to the Lacediemonian territory caused great alarm and indignation at Sparta. The Peloponnesian fleet, under Thrasymelidas, was ordered from Corcyra to Pylos; and at the same time Agis evacuated Attica, and marched towards the same place. So vast a force, both naval and military, seemed to threaten destruction to the little garrison. Thra- symelidas, on arriving with the fleet, immediately occupied the small unin- habited and densely wooded ishuid of Sphacteria, which, with the exception of two narrow channels on the north and south, almost blocked up the entrance of the bay. Between the island and the mainland was a spa- cious basin, m which Thrasymelidas stationed his ships. It was on this side that Demosthenes anticipated the most dangerous attack. The Lacedaemonians were notoriously unskilful in besieging walls. B.C. 425.] LACEDEMONIANS ATTACK PYLOS. 289 and on the land side a few imperfectly armed troops would suffice to keen their whole army at bay. But towards the sea was a small open space which remained unfortified. Here, therefore Demosthenes, after haulina his three remaining tru-emes ashore, — for on the approach of the enemy lie had despatched two to Eurymedon, to solicit assistance, — took post himself with sixty chosen hophtes. ' The assault from the sea was led by Brasidas, one of the bravest and most distinguished commanders that Sparta ever produced. The narrowness of the landing-place admitted only a few triremes to approach at once. Brasidas stood on the prow of the foremost, animating his men by his words and gestures ; but he was soon disabled by numerous wounds and fell backwards into his vessel, fainting with loss of blood. After repeated attempts on this and the following day, the Lacedemonians were unable to effect a landing; whilst the Athenians considered their success decisive enough to justify the erection of a trophy, the chief ornament of which was the shield of Brasidas, which had dropped into the water. A. Island of Sphacteria. Bay of Pylos. B. Pylos. C. The modern Navarino. E. Promontory of Coryphasium. S D.Bay of Pylog. § 4. Whilst the Lacedemonians were preparing for another assault, they were surprised by the appearance of the Athenian fleet. They had ffl 37 288 HISTORY OF GREECE. fCiIAr. XXVIII. B.C. 425.] LACEDEMONIANS ATTACK PYLOS. 289 island. At tlie same time the celebration of the Delian festival, to be renewed ereiy fourth year, was revived with extraordinar}^ splendor; and thus in some measure compensated the Athenians for their exclusion, through the war, from the Oljanpic and Pythian games. § 2 In the seventh year of tlie war (b. c. 425) the Lacedaemonian ai-my under A^ns, after a stay of oidy fifteen days in the Attic territory, was recalled by the news that the Athenians had established a military post at Pylos in ^lessenia. In consequence of circumstances to which we shall have occasion to allude hereafter, the Athenians liad sent a fleet of forty ships to Sicily, under tlie connnand of Eurymedon and Soi)hocles ; kit on their way tiiither these officers were directed to stop at Corcyra, and to assist the people against the ohgarchs, who, as ahvady related, had fortified tlK'iuselves at Mount Istone, and were annoying the capital. Demosthenes, who had acquiivd great glory by a campjiign against the Ambracians, had also embarked in the same fleet, whh a kind of roving tommission to make descents on the Peloponnesian coasts. Pylos, on the modern !)ay of Xavarino, struck him as an eligible spot on which to establish some of the 3Iesseniaiis from Naupaetns, since it was a strong |>ositioii, ironi which they might annoy the Laceda-nionians, and excite revolt among tlieir Ilelot kinsmen. As the Peloponnesian fleet, however, was announced to ha\ e arrived at Corcyra, Eurymedon and Sophocles were averse to the delay which the scheme of Demosthenes would occa- sion. But an aceideiit caused its acconii)U>hment. The fleet had scarcely parsed l\vlos, when it was dri\ ('ii back to that spot by a violent storm ; and as the bad weatlier continued for some time, the soldiers on board amused themselves, under tlie directions of Demosthenes, in constructing a sort of rude fortification. The nature of the gi-ound was favorable for llie work, and in five or six days a wall was thrown up sufficient for the purposes of deieiice. Demosthenes undertook to garrison the place. Five ■hips and two hundred Iloplites were left belmid with him ; and, being afterwards joined by some Messenian privateers, he appears ahogether to have ])()ssessed a fi)rce of about one thousand men. § ;i. This insult to the Laceda-monian territory caused great alarm and indignati(»n at Sparta. The Peloi)Oimesian fleet, under ThrasymeHdas, was ordered from Corcyra to Pylos; and at the same time Agis evacuated Attica, and niarehed towards the same place. So vast a force, both naval and military, seemed to threaten destruction to the little ganison. Tlira- symelidas, on arriving with the fleet, immediately occupied the small unin- habited and densely wooded island of Sphacteria, which, with the exception of two narrow channels on the north and south, almost blocked up the entrance of the bay. Between the ishuid and the mainland was a spa- cious basin, ui which ThrasymeHdas stationed Ids ships. It was on thia side that Demosthenes anticipated tlie most dangerous attack. The Lacediemonians were notoriously unskilful in besieging walls, and on the land side a few imperfectly armed troops would sutTice to keep their wliole army at bay. But towards the sea was a small open space winch remanie.1 unfortified. Here, therefore Demosthenes, after haulincr his three remaining triremes ashore, — for on tlie approach of tlie enemy he had despatched two to Eurymedon, to solicit assistance, — took post him^c^f witli sixty chosen lioi)lites. ' The assauh from tlie sea was led by Brasidas, one of the bravest and most distinguished commanders tliat Sparta ever produced. Tlie narrowness of the landing-place admitted only a fi^w triremes to approach at once Brasidas stoo.l on the prow of the foremost, animating his men by his words and gestures; but he was soon disabled by numerous wounds, and fell baekwaixLs into his vessel, fainting with loss of blood. After repeated a«empts on this and tlie following day, the Lacedaemonians were unable to eflTect a landing; whilst tlie Athenians considered their success decisive enough to justify the erection of a trophy, tlie chief ornament of which was the shield of Brasidas, which had di'opped into the water. A. Island of Sphacteria. Bay of Pylos. B. Pylos. C. The modem Navarino. E. Promontory of Coryphasium. D D. Bay of Pylos. § 4. Wliilst the Lacedaemonians were preparing for another assault, they were surprised by tlie appearance of the Athenian fleet. They had ■it i ?* 290 HISTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXVIH. Strangely neglected to secure the entrances into the bay: and although the Athenian admiral sj^nt the first day in reconnoitring, they were still either so inconceivably slow, or so paralyzed by surprise and terror, that, when on the morrow the Athenian ships came sailing through both the undefended channels, many of their triremes were still moored, and part of tlieir crews ashore. The battle which ensued was desperate. Both sides fought with extraordinary valor ; but victory at length declared for the Athenians. Five Peloponnesian ships were captured ; the rest were saved only by running them ashore, where they were protected by the Lacediemonian army. n i i 41. The Athenians, thus masters of the sea, were enabled to blockade the island of Sphacteria, in which the flower of the Lacedemonian anny was shut up, many of them native Spartans of the highest families. In so grave an emergency messengers were sent to Sparta for advice. The Epliors themselves immediately repaired to the spot ; and so desponding was their view of the matter, that they saw no issue from it but a peace. They therefore proposed and obtained an armistice for the puii^ose of opc^ning negotiations at Athens. They agreed to surrender their whole fleet, and to abstain from all attacks upon Pylos till the return of the envoys, when their ships were to be restored. Meanwhile, the Athemans were to continue the blockade of Sphacteria, but not to commit any acts of hostility against it ; whilst the Lacedemonians were to be allowed to gupply the besieged with provisions enough for their subsistence durmg th#* nmustice. § 5. Great was the sensation excited at Athens by beholding the pride of Sparta thus humbled and her envoys suing for peace. Cleon avaded himself of the elation of the moment to insist on extravagant demands. Nothing less would satisfy him than the restoration of those places which Athens^had ceded fourteen years before, when the thirty years' truce wm concluded ; namely, Nisea, Pege, Trcczen, and Achaia ; and his m- fluence in the assembly induced it to adopt his views. The Lacedemo- Bian envoys, perceiving that nothing could be hoped from the assembly, proposed a private negotiation with a few chosen individuals. But Cleon would not hear of this arrangement, and when the envoys attempted to remonstrate, he completely bullied and silenced them by his violence, and caused them to be sent back to Pylos, as they had come, in an Athenian trireme. § 6. When the envoys returned, the Laeediemonians demanded the restoration of their fleet, according to agreement; but Eurymedon refused to comply, under the, apparently, false pretext that the Laceda3momans had violated the armistice by an attempt to surprise Pylos. Hostilities were now resumed, but without any decisive result. The blockade of Sphacteria began to grow tedious and harassing. The force upon it continually received supplies of provisions, either from swimmers, who B. C. 425.] CLEON ELECTED GENERAL. 291 towed skins filled with linseed and poppy-seed mixed with honey, or from Helots, who, induced by the promise of emancipation and large rewards, eluded the blockading squadron during dark and stormy nights, and knded cargoes on the back of the island. The summer, moreover, was fest wearing away, and the storms of winter might probably necessitate the raising of the blockade altogether. Under these circumstances, De- mosthenes began to contemplate a descent upon the island ; with which view he collected reinforcements from Zacynthus and Naupactus, and also sent a message to Athens to explain the unflivorable state of the blockade, and to request furtlier assistance. § 7. These tidings were very distasteful to the Athenians, who had looked upon Sphacteria as their certain prey. They began to re^n-et having let slip the favorable opportunity for making a peace, and to vent their displeasure ui^n Cleon, tlie director of their conduct on that occasion. But Cleon put on a fiice of brass. He charged the messengers from Pylos with having misrepresented the facts of the case ; and when that position proved untenable, began to abuse the strategi. His political opponent, Nicias, was then one of those officers, a man of quiet disposition and moderate abilities, but — a peculiar distinction in those days — thor- oughly honest and incorruptible, pure in his morals and sincerely relig- ious. Him Cleon now singled out for his vituperation, and, pointing at him with his finger, exclaimed, "It would be easy enough to take the island if our generals were men. If /were Strategus, I would do it at once ! " This burst of the tanner made the assembly laugh. He was saluted with cries of "Why don't you go then?" and Nicias, thinking probably to catch his opponent in his own trap, seconded the voice of the assembly, by offering to place at his disposal whatever force he might deem necessary for the enterprise. Cleon at first endeavored to avoid the dangerous honor thus thrust upon him. But the more he drew back, the louder were the assembly in calling upon him to accept the office ; and as Nicias seri- ously repeated his proposition, he adopted with a good grace what there was no longer any possibility of evading. Nay, he even declined the as- sistance of the regular Athenian lioplites, and engaged, with some heavy- armed Lemnian and Imbrian trooi)s, together with some Tliracian peltasts and four hundred bomnen, in addition to the soldiers alreaxly at Pylos, to take Sphacteria within twenty days, and either kill all the Lacedae- monians upon it. or bring them prisoners to Athens. § 8. Never did general set out upon an enterprise under circumstances more singular ; but, what was still more extraordinary, fortune enabled hun to make his promise good. In fact, as we have seen, Demosthenes had already resolved on attacking the island. Cleon procured that general to be named his second in command, and thus stepped in, with a nominal authority, to intercept the honors which were in reaUty due to another. On the other hand, Nicias is not free from blame on this occasion. He ) ' 292 mSTORY OP GREECE. fCHAP. xxvm. B. C. 425.] CAPTURE OP SPHACTERIA. 293 seems to have given the command to Cleon, whom he deemed totally in competent for it, merely with the view of ruining a political opponent, and lo have left the interests of Athens wholly out of sight.* When Cleon arrived at Pylos he found everything prepared for the attack. Accident favored the enterprise. A fire kindled by some Athe- nian sailors, who had landed for the purpose of cooking their dinner, caught and destroyed the woods with which the island was overgrown, and thus deprived the Lacedaemonians of one of their principal defences. Never- theless, such was the awe inspired by the reputation of the Spartan arms, that Demosthenes considered it necessaiy to land about 10,000 soldiers of different descriptions, among whom were 800 Athenian hoplitcs, although the Lacedaemonian force consisted of only about 420 men. Their com- mander, Epitadas, was posted mth the main body in the centre of the island. An outpost of thirty hoplites defended the extremity farthest from Pylos. The end of the island facing that i)lace, steep and rugged by nature, was rendered still stronger by a circuit of rude stones, of ancient and unknown origin, which answered the purpose of a fort. The Atheni- ans, having landed before daybreak, surprised and cut to pieces the ad- vanced guard of thirty hoplites. Then Demosthenes, having divided his light-armed troops into bodies of aliout 200 men each, which were to hover round and annoy the enemy, drew up his 800 hoplites in battle array near the spot where he had landed. Epitadas had tliorefore to advance against hun with his main body, about 360 in number, over ground obstructed by the ashes and stumps of the burnt wood, and amidst a shower of missiles from the light troops on his flanks and rear. At length, distressed by a species of warfare which he had no means of repelling, and almost blinded by the dust and ashes, Epitadas ordered his men to retreat to the stone fort at the extremity of the island, whither they were followed by the Athenian hophtes. Here, however, having the advantage of the ground, and being able to use their spears and swords in close combat, the Lace- daemonians for a long while kept their assailants at bay ; till some Messe- nians, stealing round by the sea-shore, over crags and cliffs which the Lacedaemonians had deemed impracticable, suddenly appeared on the high ground which overhung their rear. They now began to give way, and would soon have been all slain ; but Cleon and Demosthenes, being anxious to carry them prisoners to Athens, called off their men from the pursuit, and sent a hendd to summon the Lacedaemonians to surrender. The latter, in token of compliance, dropped their shields and waved their hands aliove their heads. They requested, however, permissio;i to communicate with their countrymen on the mainland ; who, af\er two or ♦ It is more probable that Nlcias proposed the appointment of Cleon, merely to show up the cowardice and boastfiilness of tlie dcma^ojrue, withont anticipating the possibility of his actually beinj; forced to accept the command by the populace, ever ready to sacrifice a Berious interest for the sake of enjoying a joke. — Ed. three communications, sent them a final message, — " to take counsel for themselves, but to do nothing disgraceful." The survivors then surrendered They were 292 in number, 120 of whom were native Spartans, belonging to the first families. By this surrender the prestige of the Spartan Lms was in a great degree destroyed. The Spartans were not, indeed, deemed invincible ; but their previous feats, especially at Thermopylae, had in» spired the notion that they would rather die than yield ; an opmion which could now no longer be entertained. § 9. Cleon had thus performed liis promise. On the day afier the vic- tory, he and Demosthenes started with the prisoners for Athens, where they arrived within twenty days from the time of Cleon's departure. Al- together, this affair was one of the most favorable for the Athenians that had occurred during the war. The prisoners would serve not only for a guaranty against future invasions, which might be averted by threatening to put them to death, but also as a means for extorting advantageous con- ditions whenever a peace should be concluded. Nay, the victory itself was of considerable importance, since it enabled the Athenians to plaee Pylos in a better posture of defence, and, by garrisoning it with Messe- nians from Naupactus, to create a stronghold whence Laconia might be overrun and ravaged at pleasure. The Lacedajmonians themselves were so sensible of these things, that they sent repeated messages to Athens to propose a peace, but which the Athenians altogether disregarded. § 10. Meanwhile, after the victory at Sphacteria, Eurymedon and Soph- ocles proceeded with the Athenian fleet to Corcyra, where, in conjunction with the people, they took by storm the post of the oligarchs on Mount Istone. The latter at first retired to an inaccessible peak, but subsequently surrendered themselves on condition of being sent to Athens to be judged by the Athenian assembly. Eurymedon, the same man, it will be observed, who had before abandoned the Corcyraians to all the fury of civil discord assented to these conditions, and caused the prisoners to be secured in the small adjoining island of Ptychia. But he took not the shghtest pams to carry out the agreement ; nay, he even connived at the artifices of the Corcyra?an democracy to entrap the prisoners into a breach of the capitu- lation, and thus procure a pretext for their destruction. For this purpose emissaries in the guise of friends were sent over to Ptychia to persuade the prisoners that Eurymedon intended to hand them over to their enemies, and thus succeeded in inducing some of them to escape in a boat provided for that purpose. The boat was seized in the act, and Eurymedon now delivered up the prisoners to the democratical party. They were at first confined in a large building, whence, chained two and two together, they were led out to execution in companies of twenty. They advanced throu^^h a road Uned with armed men, who singled out their private enemies, and struck and wounded them till they perished. « These scenes," says a great historian, "are real prototypes of the September massacres at Paris: all (' 294 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXVIH i the prisoners, just as at Paris, were led from the prison between two rows of annetl men, and cut to pieces." * What, however, renders this scene still more disgusting than the Parisian massacres, is, that a third party — Euryinedon, with his Athenians — looked on in cold blood, and saw these atrochies [)erpetrated without making the shglitest attempt to prevent them. After three comi)anies had been destroyed the remaining prisoners refused to quit the building, or to allow any one to enter it ; at the same time piteously imploring the Athenians to kill them, rather than abandon them to the cruellies of their countrymen. But Eurymedon was inexorable. The people now unroofed part of the building, and assailed the prisoners with showers of tiles and arrows, till, in order to escape this lingering fate, they were driven to commit suicide. The work of death proceeded through the night. At daybreak the jwople entered the building with carts, and piHng ui)on them the dead bodies, in number about three hundred, carried them out of the city. § 11. The eighth year of the war (b. c. 424) opened with brilliant prospects for the Athenians. But their good fortune had now reached its culminating point ; and before the year closed, their defeat at the battle of Belium and the loss of their empire in Thrace more than counterbalanced all the advantages they had previously gained. At first, however, success still attended their arms. Nicias reduced the important island of Cythera, at the southern extremity of Laconia, and placed garrisons in the towns of Cythera and Scandeia. He then proceeded to the coasts of Laconia, which he ravaged in various places. Among his conquests here was the town of Thyrea, where the Laceda}monians had allowed the iEginetaus to settle after their expulsion from their own island. Thyrea was destroyed, and the surviving JEginetans carried to Athens and put to death. Among the horrore which the gi-eat historian of the Peloponnesian war has noted as characterizing the times, the murder of two tliousand Helots by the Lace- daimonians stands conspicuous. Alarmed for their own safety since the establishment of an Athenian and Messenian force at Pylos, the Lacedic- monians about this time proclaimed that those Helots who had distinguished themselves by their services during the war should come forward and claim their liberty. A large body appeared, out of whom two thousand were selected as wortliy of emancipation. Crowned with gariands, and honored with all the imposing ceremonies of religion, the uidiappy Helots i)aid with their lives for the liberty thus solemnly acquired. In a short time they all disappeared, no man knew how, by seci*et orders from the Ephors, who took this perfidious and detestable method to rid themselves of for- midable enemies. § 12. Elate with their continued good fortune, the Athenians aimed at nothing less than the recovery of all the i)ossessions which they had held be- * Niebuhr, " Lectures on Ancient History," Vol. 11. p. 69. B. C. 424.] BATTLE OP DELIUM. 295 lore the thirty years' truce. For this purpose they planned two impor- tant expeditions, one against Megara and the other against Bceotia. In the former they were partially successful. They seized Nisa?a, the port of Megara, which they permanently occupied with an Athenian garrison; but they were prevented from obtaining possession of Megara itself by the energy of Brasidas, who was at that tune in the neighborhood of Corinth, collecting troops for his Thracian expedition. Receiving intelligence of the danger of Megara, he immediately marched to the assistance of the city with a considerable force, which the Athenians did not venture to attack. The expedition against Boeotia was attended with the most disastrous results. Some Boeotian exiles, and other malecontent citizens, had formed a plan to betray Siphic, on the Gulf of Corinth, and Chan-onea, on the borders of Phocis, into the hands of the Athenians, who were on the same day to invade Boeotia from the south, and to seize the temple of Apollo at DeUum, a place about five miles from Tanagra, strongly situated upon the cliffs on the eastern coast. It was anticipated that these sinniltjuieous attacks at various points would divide the Boeotian forces, and render the enterprise easy of execution. But the scheme was betrayed, awl mis- carried. Demosthenes, who was to attack Sipha? and Chieronea, found those places preoccupied by a formidable Boeotian force, which rendered vain all hopes of surprising them. Hippocrates, wlio commanded the army of invasion from the south, proceeded to execute his part in the arrangement, and marched to Delium with the large force of seven thou- sand Atlienian hoplites, together with twenty-five thousand light-armed tiX)ops and several hundred cavalry. A day's march brought him to Delium, where he immediately fortified the sanctuary of Apollo with a rampart and ditch, besides other works. When these were completed, a garrison was left in the place, and the army commenced its homeward march. On arriving at the heights between Delium and the plain of Oropus, they were encountered by the Boeotians, who had assembled in great force at Tanagra. Their army consisted of about seven thousand Boeotian hoplites, some of whom were the very flower of the Theban warriors, ten thousand light-armed troops, five hundred peltasts, and one thousand horse. They were led by the eleven Boeotarchs then at the head of the Bccotian confederacy, though (he supreme command seems to have been vested, probably alternately, in the two Boeotarchs of Thebes, Pagondas and Aranthides. All the Boeotarchs, with the exception of Pagondas, were of opinion that, as the Athenians seemed to be in full retreat, they should be suffered to retire unmolested. But that com- mander, disregarding the opinion of his colleagues, appealed to the patri- otic and religious feelings of the soldiers. He painted in strong colors the danger of suffering this insult to their territory to pass unpunished, and pointed out that the sacrifices were favorable for an attack, whilst, on t." 1 ifi 296 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXVIH. II the other hand, the Athenians had incurred the anger of Apollo by violat-' ing his temple. Having by these representations persuaded the Boeotians to hazard an engagement, he drew up the army in order of battle under the brow of a hill which concealed them from the Athenians. Hippocrates, on his side, hastened to prepare his troops for the battle. His hoplites were drawn up in a line of eight deep, having the light-armed troops and cavalry on tlie flanks. The heavy Boeotian phalanx, on the coiitrarj', was twenty-five deep; the Theban hoplites occupying the right, with the other heavy-armed Boeotians on the left and in the centre. The light- armed troops and cavalry were ranged, as in the Athenian line, upon the fianks. The Boeotians, ascending the hill in this array, as soon as they came in sight of the Athenians, raised the war-shout and charged, before Hippocrates had finished addressing his men. Ravines at both extremities of the line prevented the light troops from engaging; but the serried ranks of the hoplites met in desperate conflict. The left wing of the Boeotians was repulsed ; but on the right the skill and valor of the chosen Theban warriors who led the van, as well as the superior weight of the deep and densely compacted plialanx, bore down all resistance. At tlie same time Pagonjas, having sent round liis cavahy to attack the Athenian right, restored the fortune of the day on that side also. The rout of the Athe- nians was now complete. Some fled back to Delium, some to Oropus, others to the heights of Fames. Hippocrates himself fell in the engage- ment, together with one thousand hoplites ; a loss about double that of the Boeotians. Fortunately for the Athenians, the battle had commenced late in the day, and they were thus rescued by the friendly shades of night from the pursuit and massacre which would otherwise have overtaken them. When on the morrow an Athenian herald asked the customary permis- sion to bury the slain, the Bteotians reproa(!hed the Athenians with the violation of Apollo's sanctuary, and refused the sacred rites of sepulture till the sacrilege should be expiated, and Delium evacuated. They imme- diately invested that place, which surrendered after a siege of seventeen days. The greater part of the garrison, however, succeeded in escaping by Ilea, but alK)ut two hundred prisoners fell into the hands of the Boeotians. Altogether the battle of Delium was the greatest and most decisive fought during the first period of the war. An interesting feature of the battle is that both Socrates and his pupil Alcibiades were engaged in it, the former among the hoplites, the latter in the cavalry. Socrates distinguished him- ielf by his bravery, and was one of those who, instead of throwing down their arms, kept together in a comjiact body, and repulsed the attacks of the pursuing horse. His retreat was also protected by Alcibiades. § 13. This disastrous battle was speedily followed by the overthrow of the Athenian empire in Thrace. At the request of Perdicciis, king of Macedonia, and of the Chalcidian towns, who had sued for help against the Athenians, Brasidas was sent by the Lacedaemonian government into B. C. 424.] BRASIDAS IN THRACE. 297 Thrace, at the heaxi of seven hundred Helot hoplites and such others as he could succeed in raising in Greece. While engaged in levying !;roops in the neighborhood of Corinth, he saved Megara from foiling Into the hands of the Athenians, as has been already related. Having obtained one thousand Peloponnesian hoplites, in addition to the seven hundred mentioned above, he succeeded, by a rapid and dexterous march through the hostile country of Thessaly, in effecting a junction with Perdiccas, with wliom he marched into Thrace. Here he proclaimed that he was come to deliver the Grecian cities from the tyrannous yoke of Athens. His bravery, his kind and conciliating demeanor, his probity, moderation, and good faith, soon gained him the respect and love of the allies of Athens in that quarter; whose defection was likewise promoted by the news of the Athenian reverses. Acanthus and StagTrus hastened to open their gates to him ; and early in the ensuing winter, by means of forced marches, lie suddenly and unexpectedly appeared before the important Athenian colony of Amphipolis on the Strymon. In that to^vn the Athenian party was the stronger, and sent a message for assistance to Thucydides, the historian, who, in conjunction with Eucles, was then geneml in those parts. Thucydides hastened with seven ships from Thasos, and succeeded m securing Eion at the mouth of the Strymon ; but Amphipolis, which lay a little higher up the river, allured by the favorable terms offered, had Plan of the neighborhood of Amphipolis. 1. Site of Amphipolis. 2. Site of Eion. 8. Ridge connecting Amphipolis with Mount Pangaeua. 6. Lake Cercinitis. 7. Mount Cerdylium. 8. Mount Pangaeus. ah-eady surrendered to Brasidas. For his want of vigilance on this occa- sion, Thucydides was, on the motion of Cleon, sentenced to banishment, and spent the following twenty years of his life in exile. From Amphip- olis Brasidas proceeded to the easternmost peninsula of Chalcidice, where 38 I |i f I ' ;l| I 'I 296 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXVIII. Ilie otlier liand, the Athenians had incnrred the anger of AjjoIIo by violat- ing his temple. Having by tlie-se representations ])ersuaded the liocotians to hazard an engagement, he drew up the army in order of battle under the brow of a bill wbieh (»ncealed them from the Athenians. llii)i)oerates, on his side, hastened to prepare his ti-oops for the battle. His boplites were drawn up in a line of eight deep, having the light-anned troops and cavalry on the flanks. Tlie heavy Boeotian phalsmx, on the contrary, was twenty-five deep; the Thel)an boplites occupying the right, with the other heavy-armed Bceotians on the left and in the centre. Tlie light- armed troojjs and cavalry were ranged, as in the Atbcnian line, upon tlic flanks. Tbe Bceotians, ascen bad finished aus, others to tlie heights of Parnes. nipjiocrates liimself fell in the engage- ment, together with one tliousand hoplites; a loss about double that of the Boeotians. Fortunatelv f<)r the Atlienians, the battle liad commenced late in the day, and they were thus rescued by tlie friendly shades of night from the pursuit and massacre wbicli would otherwise have overtaken them. When on tlic monow an Athenian herald asked tbe customary ])ermis- Bum to bury the slain, tbe Bieotians reproached the Atlienians with tbe violation of Ajiollo's sanctuaiy, and refused the sacred rites of sepulture till tbe sacrilege should be exi>iated, and Delium evacuated. They imme- diately invested that place, which surrendered after a siege of seventeen days. The gi-cater part of the garrison, however, succeeded in escaping by »ea, Init about two hun(b-ed prisoners fell into the hands of the Bceotians. Altog<'tlier tbe battle of Delium was tbe greatest and most decisive fought during tbe first period of the war. An interesting feature of the battle is that both Socrates and bis pupil Alcibiades were engaged in it, tbe former among the boplites, the latter in tbe cavalry. Socrates distinguished him- self liy his bravery, and was one of those wbo, instead of throwing down their arms, kept together in a compact body, and repulsed the attacks of the [>ursuing liorse. His reti-eat was also protected by Alcibiades. §13. This disastrous battle was speedily followed by the overthrow of the Athenian empire in Thrace. At tlie rerpiest of Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, and of the Chalcidian towns, wbo bad sued for help against the Athenians, Brasidas was sent by the Lacediemonian government into B. C. 424.] BRASIDAS IN THRACE. 297 Thrace, at the bead of seven hundred Helot boplites and such others as he could succeed in raising in Greece. While engaged in levying troops in the neighl)orbood of Corinth, b«? saved IMegara from falling "into the hands of the Athenians, as has Ihmh already related. Having obtained one thousjuul Peloponnesian hoplites, in addition to tbe sewn hundred mentioned alcove, he supear to have made any attempt to take possession of it. All that they effected in that quarter was to reduce Scione, when the bloody decree of Cleon was carried into execution. Athens consequently refused to evacuate Pylos, though she removed the Helots and Messenians from it. § 3. In the negotiations which ensued resi>ecting the surrender of Pylos, Aleibiades took a prominent part This extraordinary man had already obtained immense influence at Athens. Young, rich, handsome, profligate, and clever, Aleibiades was the very model of an Athenian man of fashion. In lineage he was a striking contrast to the plebeian orators of the day. The Athenian public, in spite of its excessive democracy, was anything but insensible to the prestige of high birth ; and Aleibiades traced his paternal descent from the Msucid heroes Eurysaces and Aias (Ajax), whilst on his mother's side he claimed relationship with tlie Alcmaeonida?, and consequently with Pericles. On the death of his father, Cleinias, Pericles had become his guardian. From early youth the conduct of Aleibiades was marked by violence, recklessness, and vanity. He delighted in astonishing the more sober portion of the citizens by his capricious and extravagant feats. Nothing, not even the sacredness of tlie laws, was secure from his petulance. Sometimes we find him beating a schoolmaster for not having a copy of Homer in his school, or interrupting the performances of the theatre by striking his fellow choregus ; and on one occasion he effaces witli his own hand an indictment published against a Thasian poet, and defies both prosecutor and magistrate to proceed with it. His beauty, his wit, and his escapades had made him the darling of all the Athenian ladies, nor did the men regard him with less admiration. But he wtis utterly destitute of morality, whether public or private. The "lion's whelp," as he is termed by Aristophanes, was even suspected, in his bound- less ambition, of a design to enslave his fellow-citizens. His vices, how- ever, were partly redeemed by some brilliant qualities. He possessed both boldness of design and vigor of axition ; and though scarcely more than thirty at the time of which we are now speaking, he had already on several occasions distinguished himself by his bravery. His more serious studies were made subservient to the purposes of his ambition, for which some skill as an orator was necessary. In order to obtain it he frequented the schools of the sophists, and exercised himself in the dialectics of Pro- dicus, Protagoras, and above all of Socrates. As an orator he seems to 303 i i \ have attained a respectable, but not a first, rank. He had not the rapid and spontaneous flow of ideas and words which characterized the eloquence of Pericles. He would frequently hesitate in order to cull the most choice and elegant phrase ; and a lisp, whether natural or affectecV, wliich turned all the r's into Ts, must have been a serious drawback to his oratory. § 4. Such was the man who now opposed the application of the Lace- da3monian ambassadors. It is characteristic of him tliat personal pique was the motive of his opposition. The politics of his ancestors had been democratic, and his grandfather was a violent opponent of tlie Peisistratidic. But he himself on his first entrance into public life, a Uttlc before the peace of Nicias, had manifested oligarchical sentiments, and even endeavored to renew an ancient tie of hospitality which had formerly connected his family with Sparta. With the view of becoming the Spartan proxenos at Athens, lie had been assiduous in his attentions towards the Spartan pris- oners, and had taken an active part in forwarding the peace. But the Spartan government rejected his advances, and even sneered at the idea of intrusting their political interests to a youth known only by his insolence anil i)rofligacy. The petulant Aleibiades was not the man to brook such an affront. He immediately threw himself, with all the restless energy of his character, into the party opix)sed to Sparta, now deprived of its most conspicuous leader by the death of Cleon, He began to advocate a league with Argos, in which city the democratic party at that time predominated, and sent a private mes.^age to his friends there, advising them to despatch ambassadors to negotiate the admission of Argos among the alhes of Ath- ens. A joint embassy was accordingly sent from Argos, Elis, and Man- tinea. The Lacedaemonians endeavored to defeat this negotiation by sending tliree of their most popular citizens to Athens, to make another attempt to procure the cession of Pylos. Their reception was so favora- ble, that Aleibiades, alarmed at the prospect of their success, resorted to a trick in order to defeat it. He called upon the Lacedaemonian envoys, one of whom happened to l)e his personal friend ; and, pretending to have resumed his predilections for Si)arta, he advised them not to tell the assem- bly that they were furnished with full powers, as in that case the people would bully them into extravagant concessions, but rather to say that they were merely come to discuss and report; promising, if they did so, to speak in their fiivor, and induce the assembly to grant the restitution of Pylos, to which he himself had hitherto been the chief obstacle. Accordingly, on the next day, when the ambassadors were introduced into the Jissembly, Alcibijules, assuming his blandest tone and most winning smile, asked them on what footing they came, and what were their powers ? In reply to these questions, the ambassadors, who only a day or two befoi-e had told Nicias and the Senate that they were come as .plenipotentiaries, now pub- licly declared, in the face of the assembly, that they were not authorized to conclude, but only to negotiate and discuss. At this announcement, those * * .111 '» :ii! »04 mSTOKY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXIX 'HI I m who had heard their previous declaration could scarcely believe their ears. A universal burst of indignation broke forth at this exliibition of Spartan duplicity ; whilst, to wind up the scene, Alcibiades, affecting to be more surprised than any, distinguished himself by being the loudest and bitterest hi his invectives against the perfidy of the Lacedflemonians. Taking ad- vantage of the moment, he proposed that the Argive ambassadors should be called in, and an alliance instantly concluded with Argos. The motion, however, was defeated for the present by an earthquake which occurred, und which caused the assembly to be adjounied. Tliis delay procured Nicias the opi)ortunity of proceeding to Sparta, and making another at- tempt at adjustment. It proved, however, unsuccessful. Nicias was obliged to make the mortifying confession of his failure before the assembly ; and Alcibiades thereupon procured the completion of a treaty of alliance for one hundred years with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea. Tliis took place in the year 420 b. c. Thus were the Grecian states involved in a complica- tion of separate, and often apparently opiX)sitc alliances. It was evident that allies so heterogeneous could not long hold together; nevertheless, nominally at least, peace was at first observed. § 5. In the July which followed the treaty with Argos, the Olympic games, which recuiTcd exerj fourth year, were to be celebrated. The Athenians had been shut out by the war from the two previous celebra- tions ; but now Elean heralds came with the usual fonns to invite their attendance. Curiosity was excited throughout Gi-eece to see what figure Athens would make at this great Pan-IIellenic festival. War, it was surmised, must have exliausted her resources, and would thus prevent her -^rom appearing with becoming splendor. But from this reproach she ivas rescued by the wealth and vanity, if not by the patriotism, of Alci- biades. By his care, the Athenian deputies exhibited the richest display •>f golden ewers, censers, and other plate, to be used in the public sacrifice and procession ; whilst for the games he entered in his own name no fewer than the unheard of number of seven four-horsed chariots, of which one gained the first, and anotlier the second prize. Alcibiades was consequently twice crowned with the olive, and twice i)roclaimc(l victor by the herald. In his private tent liis victory was celebnited by a magnificent baucjuet. It is not improbable, however, that on this occasion he was assisted by the Athenian allies ; for the whole Ionic race was interested in appeanng with due honor at this grand national festival. § 6. The growing ambition and success of Alcibiades prompted him to carry his schemes against Spaila into the very heart of Peloi)onnesus, without, however, openly violating the peace. For the first time an Athe- nian general was beheld traversing the peninsula, and busying liimself with the domestic affiiirs of several of its states. He persuaded the citizens ot PatHE in Acliaia to ally themselves with Athens ; and proceeded with the few troops he had brought with liun to assist the Argives in an attack upon B. C. 418.] BATTLE OF MANTINEA. 305 Epidaurus, a city conveniently situated for facihtating the intercourse be- tween Argos and Athens. The territory of Epidaurus was ravaged ; and late in the autumn, the Lacedaemonians sent three hundred men by sea to the assistance of that city ; but nothing decisive took place. § 7. The Lacedaemonians now found it necessary to act with more vigor; and accordingly, m b. c. 418, they assembled a very large army, consisting both of their allies and of their own troops, and invaded the terri- tory of Argos in three divisions. Their operations were judiciously planned. The Spartan king, Agis, succeeded in surrounding the Argive aimy in such a manner that he might easily have cut it to pieces ; but at the moment when an engagement was on the point of commencing, two of the Argive leaders proceeded to Agis, and, by undertaking to pi-ocure a satisfiicLy aUiance between Argos and Sparta, induced him to grant a truce of four months. Shortly after this truce had been concluded the Athenians came to the assistance of the Argives with a force of one thousand hoplites and four hundred cavalry. They were accompanied by Alcibiades, who seems, however, to have come in a civil capacity. He now persuaded the Ar- gives to march with these troops and other allies, aga nst the town of Orchom- enos in Arcadia- Having reduced Orchomenos, they proceeded against Tegea, hoping to become masters of it through the treachery of a party among the citizens. These proceedings, however, roused the Lacedtemoni ans, who entered the territory of Mantinea with a large force. Agis, who had incurred the just indignation of his countrymen by the imi)rovident truce before mentioned, was nevertheless intrusted with the command of this array ; but only in consideration of his having promised to wipe out his former disgrace by performing some great exploit. He marched into the territory of Mantinea, and took up a position near the Heradeum, or tem- ple of Hercules, whence he laid waste the surrounding country. The Argives and their allies marched forth from Mantinea, and, posting them- selves on very rugged and advantageous ground, offered the LacedLmoni- ans hattle. Anxious to retrieve his honor, Agis was hastening to attack them even at this disadvantage, and had already arrived within javelin- throw, when an aged warrior exclaimed that he was now about " to heal one mischief by another." Struck by this remark, Agis drew off his men, and, with the view of enticing the Argives from their j^sition, commenced a retrograde march over the plain ; intending also to block up a water- course situated at some distance, and annoy the Mantineans by ^ixnlma their lands. Finding, however, this project to be impracticabfe, he re- turned upon his steps the following day, when his columns suddenly found themselves in presence of the enemy, drawn up in order of battle upon the plain. But though taken somewhat by surprise, the admirable disci- pline of the Lacedemonians, insured by a continuous subonlination of officers, as well as by constant drill, enabled ^igis to form his line speedily and without confusion in the face of the enemy. Instead of charcriji.r be- 39 ',1 i •I 306 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXIX fore his troops were formed, the Argive generals were wasting the time in haranguing their men. The Spartans, who were soldiers by profession, needed no such encouragement, and trusted rather to discipline and valor than to fine speeches. Instead of these, the inspiriting war-song resounded through their ranks ; whilst the slow and steady regularity of their march was governed by the musical time of their pipei-s. Their opponents, on the contrary, came rushing on at a furious pace. From the natural ten- dency of Greek armies to advance somewhat towards the right, in order to keep their left or shielded side as much as possible towards the enemy, the left wing of Agis was outflanked by the right of the allies, in which fought a chosen body of one thousand Argivc hoplites, formed of the flower and aristocracy of the city, and maintained and drilled at the pubUc expense. On this side the Lacedaemonians were routed ; but Agis, never- theless, pushed on with his centre and right, and gained a complete victory. The loss of the allies was computed at eleven hundred, among whom were two hundred Athenians and both their generals. Laches and Nicostratus. Of the Lacedaemonians about three hundred were slain. This battle, called the battle of Mantinea, which was fought in June, 418 B. c, had great effect in restoring the somewhat tarnished lustre of the Spartan arms. From the renown of the nations engaged in it, though not in point of numbers, it was a more important battle even than that of DeUum. § 8. This defeat strengthened the oligarchical party at Argos, wliicli now entered into a conspiracy to bring about an alliance with Si)ai1a. To assist their views, the Lacedaemonians marched in great force to Tegea, and offered Argos the alternative of an alliance or war ; and in spite of all the efforts of Alcibiades to counteract it, a treaty was eventually concluded between the two states. This was followed by a revolution at Ai-gos. The democratical leaders were slain, and an oligarchical government established by means of their thousand chosen hoplites. But the oligarchs abused their power, and the bnital tyranny of Bryas, the commander of the chosen Thousand, i)roduced a counter-revolution. A bride of the humbler class, whom he liad ravished from the veiy midst of a wedding j)rocession, and earned to his house, put out the eyes of the tyrant during the night with the pin of her brooch, and having thus effected her escape, roused by her tale of woe the indignation of the people. The latter, taking advan- tage of the Lacedaemonians being engaged in the festival of the Gymno- ptedla, rose against the aristocrats, obtained possession of the city, and renewed the alliance with Athens. An attempt to construct long walls fit)m Argos to the sea, a distance of four or five miles, was defeated by the Lacedaemonians ; but in the spring of b. c. 416 Alcibiades arrived to sup- port the Argive democracy with an Athenian armament and twenty triremes. Nevertheless, the peace l>etween Sparta and Athens continued to l>e nominally observed, although the garrison of Pylos were committing i B. C. 418.] AFFAIRS OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS. 307 ravages in Laconia, and the Lacediemonians, by way of reprisal, infested the Athenian commerce with their privateers. § 9. It was in the same year that the Athenians attacked and conquered Melos, which island and Tliera were the only islands in the ^gean not subject to the Athenian supremacy. Their armament consisted of thirty- eiglit triremes and a considerable force of hoplites. The Melians having rejected all the Athenian overtures for a voluntary submission, theh capital was blockaded by sea and land, and after a siege of some months surrendered. On the proposal, as it appears, of Alcibiades, all the adult males were put to death, the women and children sold into slavery, and the island colonized afresh by five hundred Atlienians. This horrible' pro- ceeding was the more indefensible, as tlie Athenians, liaving attacked the Melians in full peace, could not pretend that they were justified by the custom of war in slaying the prisoners. It was the crowning act of inso- lence and cruelty displayed during their empire, which from this period began rapidly to decline. § 10. The event destined to produce that catastrophe— the intervention of the Atlienians in the affairs of Sicily — was already in progress. The feuds of race had been kindled in that island, as in the rest of^Greece, by the Peloponnesian war. Eleven or twelve years before the period of which we are now speaking, the Dorian cities of Sicily (with the exception of Camarina), together with the Locrians of Italy, had, under the headship of Syracuse, joinejl the Peloponnesian confederacy, and declared war against Leontini, Camarina, and their ally, the city of Rheo-ium in Italy. ° In the year 427 b. c, the Leontines sent an embassy to Athens, fjo crave the assistance of the Athenians. At the head of it was the rhetori- cian, Gorgias, the novelty of whose brilliant eloquence took the Athenians by surprise, and is said to have chiefly contributed to the success of the application. However that may be, an Athenian squadron of twenty ships was despatched to the assistance of the Leontines, and also with a view to ascertain the possibility of reducing all Sicily, of whose size the Athenians seem to have had very vague and imperfect notions, to the obedience of Athens. A subsequent expedition in 425 b. c, consisting of forty tri- remes, under the command of Eurymedon and Sophocles, has been already mentioned.* The selfish and ambitious designs of Athens had however become so evident, that in the spring of the following year a congress of the SiciKan cities met at Gela; where the Syracusan, Hermocrates, in an able and patriotic speech, succeeded in- persuading them to lay aside theu- dissensions, and to unite in defeating the schemes of Athens. The Athe- nians were so disappomted at this failure, that when Eurymedon and his coUeagues, Sophocles and Pythodorus, returned, they were indicted and i ! • h i * See above, p. 288. 308 mSTOKY OF GREECE. I ^OmkJt • A^JULnjL^Jkm 9 W ■i ij ' ,1*9 convicted of having taken bribes to accede to the peace. Eur^medon was sentenced to pay a fine, and his fellow-commanders were banished. § 11. In the year 422 b. c, another application for assistance was made to the Athenians by the Leontine democracy, who had been expelled by the aristocrats; but the Athenians, then smarting under their recent losses, and having just concluded a truce with Sparta, could not be per- suaded to gmnt any effectual succor. In the spring of 416 b. c, however, an embassy from the Sicilian town of Egesta was more successful. A quarrel had broken out between Egesta and Selinus, both of which cities were seated near the western extremity of Sicily; and Selinus, having obtained the aid of Syracuse, was pressing veiy hard u^wn the Egestaans. The latter appealed to the interests of the Athenians rather than to their sympathies. They represented how great a blow it would be to Athens if the Dorians became predominant in Sicily, and joined the Peloponnesian confederacy ; and they undertook, if the Athenians would send an anna- ment to their assistance, to provide the necessary funds for the prosecu- tion of the war. Their appUcation was supported by the Leontine exiles still resident at Athens. But their most powerful advocate was Alci- biades, whose ambitious views are said to have extended even to the con- quest of Carthage. In these distant expeditions he beheld a means of gratifying liis passion for adventure and glory, and at the same time of retrieving his fortune, which had been dilapidated by his profligate expen- diture. The quieter and more prudent Niciiis and hie party threw their weight into the opposite scale; and at tlu-ir instance it was resolved, before an expedition was undertaken, to ascertain whether the Egestaians were really able to perform the i)romises they had made. For this pur- pose commissioners were despatched to Egesta, whom, however, the cunning Egestaians completely deceived. In the splendid temple of Aphrodite on Mount Eiyx, a magnificent display of oti'erings was set out, consisting of vessels which the Egestieans passed oft^ for solid gold, though only silver gilt. In the private houses, where they were invited to ban- quet af\er banquet, the Athenian envoys were astonished at the jirofusion of plate under which the sidelioards groaned, but which was slily trans- ferred for the occasion from one house to another. Sixty talents of silver, placed in their hands as earnest-money, completed the delusion; and the commissioners, who were, p.erhaps, not unwilling to ])e deceived, returned to Athens with mi'^nfficent accounts of tlie wealth of Egesta. § 12. Dazzled by the idea of so splendid an enterprise, the means for accomplishing which seemed ready provided, the Athenian assembly at once decided on despatcliing a fleet of sixty triremes, under Nicias, Alci- biades, and Lamachus, with the design of assisting Egesta, of restoring the Leontme democracy, and lastly of establishing the influence of At^hens throughout Sicily, by whatever means might be found practicable. Nicias, thougii named as one of the commanders of the expedition, entirely disap- JH. B. C. 415.] MUTILATION OF THE IIERM^. 309 proved of it, and denounced it in the assembly as springing from the vain- glory and ambitiorf of Alcibiades. The latter repelled these not unmerited attacks in a violent speech, and persuaded the assembly to ratify their former decision. Another attempt of Nicias to deter the Athenians from the enterprise by representing the enormous force which it would require, had an effect exactly contrary to what he had intended ; for the assembly,' taking him at his word, decreed a fleet of one hundred instead of sixty triremes, together with a proportionate increase in the land forces. § 13. For the next three months the preparations for the undertaking were pressed on with the greatest ardor. Young and old, rich and poor, all vied with one another to obtain a share in the expedition. Oracles and prophecies predicting success were circulated through the city, and greedily hstened to. So great was the throng of voluntee°rs, tlmt the'care of the generals was restricted to the task of selection. The trierarchs contended which should produce his vessel, not only in the most efficient, but in the most ornamental, state of equipment. Five years of comparative' peace had accumulated a fresh supply both of men and money ; and the merchants of Athens embarked in the enterprise as in a trading expedi- tion. It was only a few of the wisest heads that escaped the general fever of excitement. Meton, the astronomer, and Socrates, the philosopher, are said not to have shared in the universal enthusiasm ; the latter warned, perhaps, by that familiar demon to whose whispered wisdom his ears were ever open. § 14. And now the magnificent armament is on the point of saiKng. The brilliant city is alive with hope, and pride, and expectation, when a sudden and mysterious event converts all these exulting feelings into gloomy foreboding. At every door in Athens, at the corners of streets, in the market-place, before temples, gymnasia, and other public places, stood Hermre, or statues of the god Hermes, consisting of a bust of that deity surmounting a quadrangular pillar of marble about the height of the human figure. When the Athenians rose one morning towards the end of May, 415 b. c, it was found that all these figures had been mutilated during the night, and reduced by unknowTi hands to a shapeless mass. We may partly realize the feelings excited by this occurrence, by picturing to ourselves some lloman Catholic town, in which all the statues of the Virgin should have been suddenly defiiced. But the act inspired political, as well as religious, alarm. It seemed to indicate a wide-spread conspiracy, for so sudden and general a mutilation must have been the work of many hands. Athens, like other Grecian states, abounded with clubs, which, like our societies of freemasons, off*ered fiicilities for secret and extensive combina- tions. This will probably afford the most natural explanation of the fear which now pervaded Athens ; for the sacrilege might only be a prelimi- nary attempt of some i^werful citizen to seize the despotism, and suspi- 810 HISTORY OF GREECE, [Chap. xXIX. cion pointed its finger at Alcibiades. Active measures were taken and lar^^e rewards offered for the discovery of the perpetrators. A public board was appointed to examine witnesses, which did not, indeed, succeed in eliciting any facts bearing on the actual subject of inquiiy, but which obtained evidence respecting similar acts of impiety conmiitted at previous times in dmnken frolics. In these Alcibiades himself was implicated ; and though the fleet wjxs on the veiy eve of departure, Pythonicus rose in the assembly and accused him of having profaned the Eleusinian mys- teries by giving a representation of them in a private house, producing in evidence the testimony of a slave. Pythonicus also charged him with being privy to the mutilation of the Hermoe, but without bringing forward the slightest proof. Alcibiades denied the accusation, and implored the people to have it investigated at once. His enemies, however, had sufil- cient influence to get the inquiry postponed till his return ; thus keeping the charge hanging over his head, and gaining time to poison the public mind against him. § 15. The day had arrived for the sailing of the fleet. Corcyra was appointed for the i-endezvous of the allies ; but even the departure of the Athenian annament was a spectacle imposing in the extreme. Of the hundred triremes, sixty were equipped as men-of-war, the rest as trans- ports. Fifteen hundred chosen Athenian hoplites, seven hundred of the class of Thetes to act as marines, together with five hundred Argive and two hundred and fifty Mantinean hoplites, marched at daybreak to embark at the Peirajus, accompanied by nearly the whole of the population. As the ships were preparing to slip their .moorings, tlie sound of the trumpet enjoined silence, and the voice of the herald, accompanied by that of the people, was lifted up in prayer. Then followed the chanting of the pa\an, whilst the officers on the decks of their respective vessels made libations of wine to the gods from gold and silver goblets. At length, at a given signal, the whole fleet started from Peiiieus, each crew striving, as in a nautical contest, to arrive first at the island of JEgina. The people who lined the beach watched the vessels till they were out of sight, and then returned to the city with heavy hearts and ominous misgivings. B. C. 415.] THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION. 311 'J Bust of Alcibiades. I CHAPTER XXX. PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION. 4 1. Armament mustered at Corcyra. § 2. Its Reception in Italy. Proceedings at Syra cuse. § 3. Plans of the Athenian Generals. § 4. Tlie Advice of Alcibiadel adopted. He gains over Naxos and Catana. § 5. Proceedings at Athens respecting the lilutiJation of the Hermoe, and the Profanation of the Mysteries. § 6. Alcibiades accused, and ordered to return to Athens. § 7. Proceedings of Nicias in Sicily. § 8. Preparations of the Sicilians for Defence. § 9. Nicias lays Siege to Syracuse. § 10. He seizes Epipolae and constructs a Fort at Sykc. Attempt of tlie Syracusans against it. § 11. Arrival of the Spartan General Gylippus. Cliange in the Athenian Prospects. § 12. Invasion of Attica by the Lacedaemonians. They fortify Deceleia. § 13. The Syracusans defeat the Athenians at Sea. § 14. Demosthenes and Eurymedon arrive in Sicily with Rein- forcements. Reverses. The Athenians resolve to retreat. § 15. Naval Engagement in the Great Harbor. Victory of the Syracusans. § 16. Its Effects. Disastrous Retreat of the Athenians. Surrender of Demosthenes. § 17. Surrender of Nicias. Treatment of the Prisouers. Death of Nicias and Demosthenes. § 18. Their Characters. § 1. The Athenian fleet destined for Sicily was joined at Corcyra by the other allies in the month of July, 415 b. c. The whole annament when mustered consisted of one hundred and thirty-four triremes and two Rhodian penteconters, and had on board five thousand one hundred hop- lites, four hundred and eighty bowmen, of whom eighty were Cretans, seven hundred Rhodian slingers, and one hundred and twenty Megarian exiles, who served as light-armed troops. The fleet was accompa-ned by no fewer than five hundred transports, carrying provisions, warlike stores, and ar- tificers, as well as by a great many private trading-vessels. Three fast- sailing triremes were sent in advance to ascertain the dispositiori of Ihb i 812 BISTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXX. Italian and Sicilian towns, and to notify to the Egestajans the approach of assistance. The fleet then made for the lapygian promontory, in three divisions, commanded by Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus. § 2. Their reception in Italy was far from encouraging. The utmost they could obtain was permission to take in water, and even this was re- fiised by the Tarentines, and by the Epizephyrian Locrians. At Rhegium, however, they were allowed to land and to purchase provisions ; but they were not pennitted to enter the town, and the citizens refused to join or assist them. Here, therefore, they awaited the return of the three explor- ing vessels. Rumors of the intended expedition prevailed at Syracuse, but were treated as incredible. Hermocrates, however, was better informed thiui his fellow-citizens. He urged them to summon their allies and to prepare for defence, and even exhorted them to sail at once to the friendly hai-bor of Tarentum, and from thence to offer battle to the Athenian fleet in the Ionian Gulf. But the demagogue Athenagoras treated the whole matter as a fiction invented to sei-ve the interests of the oligarchical party. At last one of the generals put an end to the debate by undertaking to place the city in a posture of defence. § 3. Meantime the three vessels which had been sent to Egesta returned to Rhegium, with the discouraging news that the accounts respecting the wealth of Egesta were entirely fictitious, and that the sum of thirty talents was all the assistance that could be hoped for from that quarter. A council of war was now held. It appears that the Athenian generals had proceeded thus far without having formed any definite plan, and each now pro^^sed a different one. Nicias was of opinion, that, since no effectual help could be expected from the Egestagans, the objects of the expedition should be confined to the narrowest possible limits, and, with that view, tliat they should sail at once against the Selinuntines, obtain from them the best tenns possible, and then return home. Alcibiades, whose hopes of glory and profit would have been ruined by this plan, pro- posed to gain as many allies as they could among the Greek cities in Sicily, and, having thus ascertained what assistance they could rely upon, to attack Syracuse and Selinus. Lamachus was for bolder measures. He recommended an immediate attack upon Syracuse, whilst it was yet unprepared for defence. The tenor of the Syracusans would probably cause them to surrender, and the capture of their city would determine the conduct of the rest of Sicily ; but if they lingered, negotiated, and did nothing, they would first be regarded with indifference and then with contempt. §4. The advice of Lamachus was the most soldierlike, and, though seemingly the boldest, would undoubtedly have been the safest and most prudent in the end. But neither of his colleagues approved of it, and a» Lamachus was poor, and possessed no great political interest, he was y:r B. C. 415.] ACCUSATION OF ALCIBIADES. 313 obliged to give way. The counsel of Alcibiades was adopted as a mean' between the other two. Messana refused his solicitations, but Naxos cor- dially joined the Athenians. Alcibiades then sailed southwards with a considerable portion of the fleet, and, passing Syracuse, despatched ten triremes into the Great Harbor, for the purjoose of surveying its docks and fortifications. Nothing further was attempted ; but as they sailed back the Athenians obtained possession by surprise of the important city of Catana, which was now made the head-quarters of the armament § 5. An unwelcome message greeted Alcibiades at Catana. After his departure from Athens fresh inquiries were instituted respecting the muti- lation of the Hermae, and the offer of large rewards brouglit forward additional evidence. The public agitation and anxiety were kept alive by the demagogues Peisander and Charicles, two of the commissioners of inquiry, who denounced the affair not only as a sacrilege, but also as a conspiracy for putting down the democracy and establishing a tyi-anny. Numerous arrests were made, and citizens of the highest character were thrown into prison on the testimony of hireling wretches. Terror reigned in the city, and the fear of being informed against rose to such a pitch, that the convocation of the Senate by the herald was a signal to the crowd which filled the market-place to disperse. Among the persons arrested was Andocides, the orator, who was induced by his fellow-prisoners to come forward and state what he knew of the affair. He was a young man of rank, and his evidence was imphcitly believed, especially as it was con- firmed by his slaves, who were put to the torture. Those whom he denounced were executed. He saved his own fife by turning informer but the hatred he incurred was such that he was obliged to leave the city! His evidence w^as most probably false, and the whole affair has ever remained involved in mystery. § 6. The execution of the supposed criminals had the effect of tranquil- lizing the city respecting the mutilation of the Hermje ; but the profana- tion of the Eleusinian mysteries, a rite regarded with the deepest rever- ence at Athens, still remained unexpiated. The Eumolpida;, and other great fiimilies who held hereditary offices in the celebration of the mys- teries, looked upon themselves as personally insulted. The public excite- ment was increased by the appearance of a Lacedasmonian force on the frontier, wliich, it was suspected, might be connected with some internal conspii-acy. Both oligarchs and democrats were loud in demanding the arrest of Alcibiades ; and Thessalus, the son of Cimon, who belonged to the former party, preferred an indictment against him. In pursuance of this step the public trireme, called the Salaminia, was despatched to Sicily, carrj'ing the decree of the assembly for Alcibiades to come home and take his trial, and which met him, as before related, on his arrival at Catana. The commander of the Salaminia was, however, instructed not to seize his person, but to allow him to sail in his own trireme. Alcibiades availed i I 314 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXX himself of this privilege to effect his escape. Wlien the ships arrived at Thurii in Italy, he absconded, and contrived to elude the searcli that was made after him. Nevertheless, thougli iibsent, he was arraigned at Athens, and condemned to death; his property was confiscated, and the Eumolpidte pronounced u{K)n him the curses of the gods. On hearing of his sentence Alcibiades is said to have exclaimed, "I will show them that I am still alive.*' § 7. Three months had now been frittered away in Sicily, during which the Athenians had done little or nothing, if we except the acquisition of Naxos and Catana. The Syracusans began to look uj)on them with con- tempt. They even meditated an attack upon the Athenians at Catana; and Syracusan horsemen rode up and insulted theni in their camp. Nicias was thus absolutely shamed into undertaking something, and resolved to make an attempt upon Syracuse. By a false message that the Catanaians were ready to assist in expelling the Athenians, he induced the Syracusans to proceed thither in great force, and he availed himself of their absence to sail with his whole fleet into the Great Harbor of Syracuse, where he landed near the mouth of the Anapus, in the neighloriiood of the temple of the Olympian Zeus. Here he intrenched himself in a strong position, on the right bank of the Anapus, breaking down the bridge over the river. The Syracusans, when they found that they had been deceived at Catana, marched back and offertd Nicias battle in his new position. The latter accepted it, and gtiined the victor^' ; after which he retired to Catana, and subsequently to Naxos into winter-quarters. He then sent messages to Athens for fresh supplies of cavalry and money, and to his Sicilian allies for reinfdreements. § 8. The Syracusans employed the winter in preparations for defence. Tliey built a new wall, covering both their inner and outer town to the westward (see Plan, G, H, I), and rendering any attempt at circumvalla- tion more difficult. They fortified and garrisoned the temple and grove of the 01ymi)ian Zeus, in the neighboriiood of the city. They desi)atched envoys to Corintli and Sparta to solicit assistance, in the latter of wliich towns they found an unexpected advocate. Alcibiades, having crossed from Thurii to Cyllene in Peloponnesus, received a special invitation to jiroceed to Sparta. Here he revealed all the plans of Athens, and exhorted the Lacedemonians to frustrate them. For this puqiose he advised them to send an anny into Sicily, under the command of a Spartan general, and, by way of causing a diversion, to establish a fortified ix)st at Decelea in the Attic territories. The Spai-tans fell in with these views, and resolved to send a force to the jissistance of Syracuse in the spring, under the com- mand of Gylippus. § 9. Nicias, having received a reinforcement of cavalry from Atliens, as well as three hundred talents in money, recommenced hostilities as soon as the season allowed of it, and resolved on besieging Syracuse. That town B. C.4U.] DESCRIPTION OF SYRACUSE. 315 consisted of two parts, the inner and the outer city. The former of these — the original settlement — was comprised in the island of Ortygia; the latter, afterwards known by the name of Achradina, covered the hi<^h ground of the peninsula north of Ortygia, and was completely separate from the inner city. The island of Ortygia, to which the modern city is now confined, is of an oblong shape, about two miles in circumference, lying between the Great Harbor on the west and the Little Harbor on the east and separated from the mainland by a narrow channel. The Great Har- bor is a splendid bay, about five miles in circumference, the entrance of wliich is protected on the left hand by the promontory Plemmyrium, and on the right hand by a projecting cape of the island of Ortygia. The little port, also called Laccius, wliich lay between Ortygia and the outer city, was spacious enough to receive a large fleet of ships of war. The outer city was surrounded on the north and east by the sea, and by sea- walls, which rendered an assault on that side almost impracticable. On the land side it was defended by a wall, and partly also by the nature of the ground, which in some parts was very steep. The low ground between the outer city and Ortygia seems not to have been included in the fortifi- cations of either, but was employed partly as a burial-ground, partly for games and religious processions. West and northwest of. the wall of the outer city stood two unfortified suburbs, which were at a later time included within the walls of Syracuse under the names of Tyclie and Neapolis. At the time of which we are speaking, the latter was called Temenites, from having within it the statue and consecrated ground of Apollo Teme- nites. Between these two suburbs the ground rose hi a gentle acclivity to the summit of the ranges of hills called Epipola?. § 10. It was from the high ground of Epipolie that Syracuse was most exposed to attack. The Syracusan generals had hitherto neglected this important position, and were on the point of occupying it, when they viere antici[)ated by Nicias. Landing at Leon, a place upon the Bay of Thapsus, at the distance of only six or seven stadia from P^pipohe, the Athenian troops reached the summit just as the Syracusans were marching towards the heights. They made, however, an attemj)t to dislodge the Athenians, which was repulsed; and on the following morning, Nicias and Lamachug mart*h(Ml their troops down the ridge and offered battle, which was declined by the Syracusans. On the summit of P][)ipoU«, Nicias constructed a fort called Labdalum ; and then, coming farther down the hill towards Syra- cuse, he built another fort of a circular form and of considerable size at a place called Syke. From the latter point h^ commenced his line of circumvallation, one wall extending south wai*ds from Syke to the Great Harbor, and the other wall running northwards from the same fortress to the outer sea at Trogilus. (See Plan, K, L, M.) While the Athenians were busy upon their lines towards the north, the Syracusans ran a counter- wall from their own lines up the slope of the Epipolai (see Plan, N, O), i! ki I 916 HISTORY OP GREECE. I V/ II AP« A JV A» B.C.414.] ARRIVAL OF GYLIPPUS. 317 but after a sharp conflict it was taken by the Athenians and destroyed. Not disheartened by this failure, the Syracusans commenced a second counter-work, and succeeded in constructing a ditch and stockade, which extended again from their own lines across the marsh to the Anapus. (See Plan, P, Q.) From this new position they were also dislodged by the Plan of Syracuse. (From Grote's Greece.) A, B, C, B. Wall of the Outer City of Syracuse at the time of the arrival of Nicias in Sicily. E, F. Wall of Ortygia, or the Inner City of Syracuse, at the same time. G. H, I. Additional fortification built by the Syracusans in the winter of 415 - 414 B. 0. K. Athenian fortification at Syk6. K, L, M Southern portion of the Athenian circumvallation from Syk6 to the Great Harbor. N, 0. First counter-work erected by the Syracusans. P, Q. Second counter-work constructed by the Syracusans. K R. Intended, but unfinished, circumvallation of the Athenians from the northern side oC Syke to the outer sea at Trogilus. 8, T, U. TWrd Syracusan counter-wall. V. Outer fort constructed by Gylippus. V W T. Wall of junction between this outer fort and the third Syracusan counter-work. Athenians ; but in the assault, which was led by Lamachus, this gallant officer was slain. At the same time the Athenian fleet entered the Great Harbor, where it was henceforth permanently established. Tlie Syracusans offered no further opposition to the progress of the circumvallation, which was at length completed towards the south. It consisted of two distinct walls, with a space between them, which was perhaps partly roofed over, in order to afford shelter for the troops. The northern wall towards Trogilus was never completed, and through the pas sage thus left open, the besieged continued to obtain provisions. Nicias, who, by the death of Lamachus, had become sole commander, seemed now on the point of succeeding. The Syracusans were so sensible of their inferiority in the field, that they no longer ventured to show them- selves outside the walls. They began to contemplate surrender, and even sent messages to Nicias to treat of the terms. This caused the Athenian commander to indulge in a false confidence of success, and consequent apathy; and the army having lost the active and energetic Lamachus, operations were no longer carried on with the requisite activity. § IL It was in this state of affairs that the Spartan commander Gylip- pus passed over into Italy with a Uttle squadron of four ships, two La- cedieinonian and two Corinthian, with the view merely of preservino" the Greek cities in that country, supposing that Syracuse, and, with her, the other Greek cities in Sicily, were irretrievably lost. As he proceeded southwards along the Italian coast, a violent storm drove him into Taren- tum. Nicias, though informed of his arrival, regarded his little squadron with contempt, and took no measures to interrupt his progress. From the Epizephyrian Locrians Gylippus learned, to his great surprise and satisfac- tion, that the Athenian wall of circumvallation at Syracuse had not yet been completed on the northern §ide. He now sailed through the Straits of Messana, which were left completely unguarded, and arrived safely at Himera on the north coast of Sicily. Here he announced himself as tlie forerunner of larger succors, and began to levy an army, which the magic of the Spartan name soon enabled him to effect; and in a few days he was in a condition to march towards Syracuse with about three thousand men. His approach had been already announced by Gongylus, a Corinthian, who had been sent forwards fi-om the Corinthian fleet then assembled at Leucas. The Syracusans now dismissed all thoughts of surrender, and went out boldly to meet Gy- lippus, who marched into Syracuse over the heights of Epi|iola;, which the supineness of Nicias had left unguarded. Upon arriving in the city, Gylippus sent a message to tlie Athenians allowing them a five days' truce to collect their effects and evacuate the island. Nicias returned no answer to this insulting proposal ; but the operations of Gylippus soon showed that the tide of affairs was really turned. His first exploit wtxs to cai)ture the Athenian fort at Labalum, which made him master of Epi- pohe. He next commenced constructing a counter-wall to intersect the Athenian lines on the northern side. This third counter-work of the Syracusans extended from their city wall to the northern cliff" of Epipolse, and Wiis brought to a successful completion. (See Plan, S, U.) Gylip- pus subsequently buih a fort (V) upon Epipolaj ; and from this fort car- ried another wall which joined at right angles the counter-work already erected. (See Plan, V, W, U.) This turn of affairs induced those Sicihan I 318 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXX. B. C. 413.] THE ATHENIAN FLEET DEFEATED. 319 cities, which had hitherto hesitated, to embrace the side of Syracuse. Gylippus was also reinforced by the arrival of thirty triremes from Corinth, Leucas, and Ambracia. Nicias now felt that the attempt to blockade Syracuse with his present force was hopeless. He therefore resolved to occupy the headland of Plemmyrinm, the southernmost point of the entrance to the Great Harbor, which would be a convenient station for watching the enemy, as well Jis for facilitating the introduction of sup- plies. Here he acconlingly erected three forts and fonned a naval station. Some slight affairs occurred, in which the balance of advantage was in favor of the Syracusans. By their change of station the Athenians were now a besieged rather than a besieging force. Tlieir triremes were be- coming leaky, and their soldiers and sailors were constantly deserting. Nicias himself had fallen into a bad state of health ; and in this discour- aging posture of affairs he wrote to Athens requesting to be recalled, and insisting strongly on the necessity of sending reinforcements. § 12. The Athenians refused to recall Nicias, but they determined on sending a large reinforcement to Sicily, under the joint command of De- mosthenes and Eurymedon. The news of these fresh and extensive prep- anitions incited the Lacediemonians to more vigorous action. The peace, if such it can be called, had been violated in the year 414 b. c, when the Lacedemonians invaded and ravaged tlie Argive territories, whilst the Athenians assisted tlie Argives with a fleet of thirty triremes, and laid waste Epidaurus, and some neighlwring phices. But in the spring of 413 B.C., the Lacedamonians, under King Agis, invaded Attica itself, and, following the advice of Alcibiades, established themselves pei-manently at Decelea, a place situated on the ridge of Mount Fames, about fourteen miks north of Athens, and commanding the Athenian plain. The city was thus placed in a state of siege. Scarcity began to be felt within the walls; the revenues were falling off, whilst, on the other hand, expenses were in- creasing. Yet even under these circumstances tlie Athenians had no thoughts of abandoning their ambitious enterprises. It was resolved not only to send reinforcements to Sicily, but also to insult the coasts of Liiconia. For this purpose Charicles was sent thither with a fleet of thirty triremes ; and being assisted by Demosthenes with the aimament which he was conducting to Sicily, Charicles succeeded in establishing himself on the coast of Laconia, at a spot opposite to the island of Cythei-a, in a manner somewhat similar to the Athenian fort at Pylos. § 13. Meanwhile in Sicily the Syracusans had gained such confidence that they even ventured on a naval engagement with the Athenians. A battle was fought at the mouth of the Great Harbor, in which the Athenians were, indeed, victorious ; but when they sailed back to theu- station at Plemmyrium, they found that Gylippus had taken advantage of this diversion to attack and take their forts there, and that a great quan- tity of stores and provisions had fallen into his hands. Moreover, the Syracusans were not discouraged by their defeat from venturing on an- other naval engagement. They had greatly improved the construction of their vessels by strengthening tlieir bows, and had learnt how to meet or evade the nautical manoeuvres of the Atlienians, which were also con- siderably impeded by the narrow limits of the Great Harbor, now the scene of conflict. The second battle lasted two days, and ended in the defeat of the Athenians, who were now obliged to haul up their ships in the innermost part of the Great Harbor, under the lines of their fortified camp. A still more serious disiister tliaii the loss of the battle was the loss of their naval rei)utation. It was evident that the Athenians had ceased to l)e invincible on the sea ; and the Syracusans no longer de- spaired of overcoming them on tlieir own element. § 14. Such was the state of affairs when, to the astonishment of the SjTacusans, a fresh Athenian fleet of seventy-five triremes, under Demos- thenes and Eurymedon, entered the Great Harbor with all the pomp and circumstance of war. It had on board a force of five thousand hoplites, of whom about a quarter were Atlienians, and a great number of light-armed troops. The active and enterprising character of Demos- thenes led him to adopt more vigorous measures than those which had been hitherto pursued. He saw at once that whilst Epipola? remained in the possession of the Syracusans there was no hope of taking their city, and he therefore directed all his efforts to the recapture of that position. But all his attempts were unavailing. He was defeated, not only m an open assault upon the Syracusan wall, but in a nocturnal attempt to carry it by surprise. These reverses were aggravated by the breaking out of sick- ness among the troops. Demosthenes now proposed to return home and assist in expelling the Lacedaemonians from Attica, instead of pursuing an enterprise which seemed to be hopeless. But Nicias, who feared to return to Athens with the stigma of fliilure, refused to give his consent to this step. Demosthenes then urged Nicias at least to sail immediately out of the Great Harbor, and take up their position either at Thapsus or Catana, where they could obtain abundant supplies of provisions, and would have an open sea for the manoeuvres of their fleet. But even to this proposal Nicias would not consent ; and the army and navy remained in their former position. Soon afterwai-ds, however, Gylippus received such large reinforcements, that Nicias found it necessary to adopt the advice of his colleague. Preparations were secretly made for their de- parture ; the enemy appear to liave had no suspicion of their intention, and they were on the point of quitting their ill-fated quarters on the following morning, when on the very night before (27 Aug. 413 b. c.) an eclipse of the moon took place. The soothsayers who were consulted said that the army must wait thrice nine days, a full circle of the moon, before It could quit its present position ; and the devout and superstitious Nicias forthwith resolved to abide by this decision. m I' 1 I HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXX. iii MeanwMle the intention of the Athenians became known to the Syra- cusans, who determined to strike a blow before their enemy escaped. They accordmgly attacked the Athenian station both by sea and land. On land the attack of Gylippus was repulsed; but at sea the Athenian fleet was completely defeated, and Eurymedon, who commanded the nght division, was slain. The spirits of the Syracusans rose with their victories, and though they would formerly have been content with the mere retreat of the Athenians, they now resolved on effecting their utter destruction. With this view they blocked up the entrance of the Great Harbor with a line of vessels moored across it All hope seemed now to be cut off from the Athenians, unless they could succeed in forcing this line, and thus effecting their escape. The Athenian fleet still numbered one hundred and ten tri- remes, which Nicias furnished with grappling-irons, in order to bring the enemy to close quarters, and then caused a large proportion of his land force to embark. Before they set off; Nicias addressed the most earnest and touching appeals both to the crews and to the individual commanders to fight with bravery, since not only their own fate, but that of Athens itself, depended on the issue of that da/s combat. He himself remamed on shore, where the army was drawn up to witness the conflict. § 15. Never perhaps was a battle fought under circumstances of such intense interest, or witnessed by so many spectators vitally concerned m the result. The basin of the Great Harbor, about five miles in circum- ference, m wliich nearly two hmidred ships, each with crews of more than two hundred men, were about to engage, was lined with spectators ; whilst the walls of Ortygia, overhanging the water, were crowded with old men, women, and children, anxious to behold a conflict which was to decide the fate of their enemies, if not their own. The surface of the water swarmed with Syracusan small craft, many of them manned by youthful volunteers of the best families, ready to direct their services wherever they might be wanted. The whole scene, except in its terrible reality and the momen- tous interests depending on it, resembled on a large scale the naumachue exhibited by the Roman emperors for the amusement of their subjects. The Syracusan fleet, consisting of seventy-six triremes, was the fii-st to leave the shore. A considerable portion was detached to guard the barrier at the mouth of the harbor. Hither was directed the first and most unpetuous attack of the Athenians, who sought to break through the narrow opening which had been lefl for the piu^sage of merchant-vessels. Their onset was repulsed, and the battle tlien became general. The shouts of the combatants, and the crash of the iron heads of the vessels as they were driven together, resounded over the water, and were answered an shore by the cheers or waihngs of the spectators, as their fnends were victorious or vanquished. For a long time the battle was main- tained with heroic courage and dubious result. At length, as the Athe- B.C.413.] DISASTROUS RETREAT OF THE ATHENIANS. 321 nian vessels began to yield and make back towards the shore, a universal shriek of hornor and despair arose fi-om tlie Athenian army, whilst shouts of joy and victory were raised from the pursuing vessels, and were echoed back from the Syracusans on land. As the Athenian vessels neared the shore their crews leaped out, and made for the camp, whilst the boldest of the land army rushed forward to protect the ships from bein- seized by the enemy. The Athenians succeeded in saving only sixty ships or about half their fleet. The Syracusan fleet, however, had been reduced to fifty ships ; and on the same afternoon, Nicias and Demosthenes, as a last hope of escape, exhorted their men to make another attempt to break the enemy's Hne, and force their way out of the harbor. But the courage of the crews was so completely damped, that they positively refused to re-embark. § 16. The Athenian army still numbered forty thousand men ; and as all chance of escape by sea was now hopeless, it was resolved to retreat by land to some friendly city, and there defend themselves against the attacks of the Syracusans. This Hemiocrates was determined to prevent The day on which the battle was fought happened to be sacred to Hercules and a festival among the Syracusans. This circumstance, in addition to the joy and elation naturally resulting from so great a victory, had thrown the city into a state of feasting and intoxication ; and had the Athenians taken theu- departure that niglit, nobody would have been found to oppose them. Hermocrates, therefore, when darkness had set in, sent down some men to the Athenian wall, who, pretending to come from the secret corre- spondents of Nicias m Syracuse, warned liim not to decamp that ni-ht, as all the roads were beset by the Syracusans. Nicias fell mto the snire and thus, by another fatal mistake, really aflbrded the Syracusans an op- portunity for obstructing his retreat. It was not till the next day but one after the battle that the Athenian army began to move. Never were men in so complete a state of prostra- tion. Their vessels were abandoned to the enemy, without an attempt to save them. As the soldiers turned to quit that fatal encampment, the sense ot their own woes was for a moment suspended by the sight of their un- buned comrades, who seemed to reproach them with the neglect of a sacred duty; but still more by the waitings and entreaties of the wounded, who clung around their knees, and implored not to be abandoned to certain destruction. Amid this scene of universal woe and dejection, a fresh and unwonted spirit of energy and heroism seemed to be infused into Nicias. 1 hough suffering under an mcurable complaint, he was everywhere seen marshalling his troops, and encouraging them by his exhortations. The march was directed towards the territory of the Sicels in the interior of the island. The army was formed into a hollow square, with the baggage m the middle ; Nicias leading the van, and Demosthenes bringing up the rear. Having forced the passage of the river Anapus, they marched on 41 ♦ • I M 822 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXX thie, first day about five mUes to the westward, on the second day about half that distance, and encamped on a cultivated plain. From this place the road ascended by a sort of ravine over a. steep hill called the Acraean diff", on wliich the Syracusans had fortified themselves. After spending two days in vain attempts to force this position, Nicias and Demosthenes resolved during the night to strike off* to the left towards the sea. Nicias, with the van, succeeded in reaching the coast ; but Demosthenes, who had lost his way, was overtaken by the Syracusans at noon on the following day, and surrounded in a narrow pass. Many of his troops had disbanded during the night march, and many fell in the conflict which now ensued, till, being reduced to the number of six thousand, they surrendered, on condition of their lives being spared. § 17. Meanwhile Nicias, with the van, had pursued his march, and crossed the river Erineus. On the following day, however, Gylippus overtook him, and, having informed him of the fate of his colleague, sum- moned him to surrender. But Nicias was incredulous, and pursued his march amidst the harassing attacks of the Syracusans. The attempt to cross the river Asinarus decided the fate of his army. The men rushed into the water in the greatest disorder, partly to escape the enemy, but chiefly from a desire to quench the burning thirst with which they were tormented. Hundreds were pressed forwards down the steep banks of the river, and were either trodden under foot, or impaled on the spears of those below, or carried away by the stream. Yet others fi-om behind still kept pressing on, anxious to partake of the now turbid and bloody water. The troops thus became so completely disorganized, that all further resist- ance was hopeless, and Nicias surrendered at discretion. Out of the forty thousand who started from the camp, only ten thousand at the utmost were left at the end of the sixth day*s march ; the rest had either deserted or been slain. The prisoners were sent to work in the stone-quarries of Achradina and Epipolae. Here they were crowded to- gether without any shelter, and with scarcely provisions enough to sustain life. The numerous bodies of those who died were left to putrefy where they had fallen, till at length the place became such an intolerable centre of stench and infection, that, at the end of seventy days, the Syracusans, for their own comfort and safety, were obliged to remove the survivors. All but the Athenians and the Itahan and Sicilian Greeks were sold into slavery. What became of the Athenians we are not informed, but they were probably employed as slaves by the richer Syracusans, smce the story runs that many succeeded in winning the affection and pity of their mas- ters by reciting portions of the dramas of Euripides. Nicias and Demos- thenes were condemned to death, in spite of all the efforts of Gylippus and Hermocrates to save them. The latter contrived to spare them the hu- miliation of a public execution, by providing them with the means of com- mitting suicide. ..It B. C. 413.1 NICIAS AND DEMOSTHENES. 323 § 18. Such was the end of two of the largest and best appointed arma- ments that had ever gone forth from Athens. Nicias, as we have seen, was from the first opposed to the expedition in wliich they were employed, as pregnant with the most dangerous consequences to Athens ; and though it must be admitted that in this respect his views were sound, it cannot at the same time be concealed, that his own want of energy, and his incom- petence as a general, were the chief causes of the failure of the undertak- ing. Possessing much fortitude but little enterprise, respectable in private life, punctual in the performance of his religious duties, not deficient in a certain kmd of political wisdom, which, however, derived its color rather from timidity and over-caution than from that happy mixture of boldness and prudence which characterizes the true statesman, Nicias had by these quahties obtained far more than his just share of political reputation and influence, and had thus been named to the command of an expedition for which he was qualified neither by military skill nor by that enthusiasm and confidence of success which it so peculiarly demanded. His mistakes involved the fall of Demosthenes, an officer of far greater resolution and ability than himself, and who, had his counsels been followed, would in all probability have conducted the enterprise to a safe termination, though there was no longer room to hope for success. The career of Demosthenes marks him as one of the first generals of the age, but unfortunately he held only a subordinate rank in Sicily. The Athenians became sensible when too late of the difference between the two commanders. On the pillar erected to the memory of the >varriors who fell in Sicily, the name of Demosthenes found a place, whilst that of Nicias was omitted. \ H i! -^ \1 884 HISTORY OF GREECE. [G XXXL B. C. 413.] DISMAT OF THE ATHENIANS. 325 W^ ^'^ La*,)^^-^ s ^ fc_ pi L/jJff' p i ^ l^^j^a JUwor^ir MB i\ r jDI aRJ'Ja^ II lljy iw^ nvA N M ^ P street of the Tripods at Athens, from a bas-relief. CHAPTER XXXL FROM THE END OP THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS. 1 1. Consternation and Hardshi!)s at Athens. § 2. Measures for Defence. ^ S. Revolt of Chios, Erythrae, and Clazomense. § 4. Spread of the Revolt. Defection of Teos, Les- 1)08, and Miletus. Revolution at Snmos, which becomes the Head-quarters of the Ath« nian Fleet. \ 5. Recovery of Lesbos by the Athenians. Dissatisfaction of the Lacedsemo nians with Tissaphemes. \ 6. Schemes of Alcibiades. § 7. He proposes a League be- tween the Athenians and Persians, and the Establishment of an Oligarchy at Athens. § 8. Agitation for an Oligarchy at Athens. \ 9. Conference of Peisander with Alcibiades. Artifices of the Latter. Fresh Treaty between Tissaphemes and the Lacedaemonians. 1 10. Progress of the Oligarchical Conspiracy at Athens and Samos. § 11. Establishment of the Four Hundred § 12. Their Proceedings. § 13. Proceedings at Samos. Alcibi- ades joins the Democracy there. ^ 14. The Athenian Envoys at Samos. § 15. Dissen- nons among the Four Hundred. They negotiate with Sparta. § 16. Counter Revolution at Athens. Defeat of the Athenian Fleet and Capture of Euboea by the Laceda;monians. \ 17. The Four Hundred deposed and Democracy re-established at Athens. § 1. The first intelligence of the destruction of the Sicilian armament IS said to have been communicated by a stranger, in a barber's shop in the Peineus. Big with the eventful news, the unfortunate barber hastened up to Athens to communicate it to the archons and the public ; but he was treated as a talebearer and impostor; and being unable to corroborate his story, in consequence of the disappearance of his informant, he was put to the torture. The tidings were, however, soon confirmed by the arrival of fugitives who had managed to escape from the disastrous scene. Athens was now filled with affliction and dismay. To private grief for the loss of friends was added despair of the public safety. There seemed to be no means of pfeventing the city from falling into the hands of the Lacedemonians. The popular fury vented itself in abusing the orators who had recommended the expedition, and the soothsayers who liad fore- told its success. The aflfairs of the Athenians wore indeed a most tlireatening aspect. The Lacedaemonian post at Decelea was a constant source of annoyance. No part of Attica escaped the forays which were made from thence. All the cattle were destroyed, and the most valuable slaves began to desert in great numbers to the enemy. Athens was ahnost in a state of siege. The fatigue of guarding the large extent of wall became very onerous on the reduced number of citizens. The knights or horsemen were on con- stant duty in order to repress the enemy's marauders ; but their horses were soon lamed and rendered inefficient by the liard and stony nature of the soil. But what chiefly excited the despondency of the Athenians was the visible decline of their naval superiority. An engagement with the Corinthian fleet near Naupactus, in the summer of 413 b. c, had ended witli neither side gaining the advantage, though the forces were nearly equal; but to the Athenians the moral eflfects were equivalent to a defeat, § 2. Yet that cheerfuhiess and energy under misfortune which form such striking and excellent traits in the character of the Athenians, did not long desert them. After the first movements of rage and despair, they began to contemplate their condition more calmly, and to take the necessary meas- ures for defence. A board of elders was appointed, under the name of Probuli,* to watch over the public safety. The splendor of the pubhc ceremonies was curtailed in order to raise funds for the necessities of the state ; the garrison recently established on the coast of Laeonia was recalled ; the building of a new fleet was commenced; and Cape Sunium was fortified in order to insure an unmterrupted communication between Peiraeus and Euboea, from which island the Athenians principaUy drew their provisions. § 3. Whilst the unperial city was thus driven to consult for her very existence, it seemed a chimerical hope that she could retam her widely scattered dependencies. Her situation inspired her enemies with new vigor; stiitcs hitherto neutral declared against her; her subject allies pre- pared to throw off the yoke ; even the Persian satraps and the court of Susa bestirred themselves against her. The first blow to the Athenian empire was struck by the wealthy and populous island of Chios. This again was the work of Alcibiades, the implacable enemy of his native land. In the winter following the overthrow of the Athenian armament in Sicily, several of the most powerful allies of Athens, among whom were the Eub(cans, Chians, and Lesbians, had solicited Sparta to ^ist them in throwing oflf the Athenian yoke. At the same time envoys appeared at * JJpo^ovXoi, i 326 HISTORY OP GREECB. IChaf. XXXI. m Sparta from Tissapheraes, the Persian satrap of Ionia, Caria, and the adjacent coasts, and from Pharnabazus, whose satrapy extended from the Euxine to the Gulf of Etea, inviting the Lacedaimonians to co-operate with them in destroying tlie Athenian empire in Asia, and promising to provide the necessary funds. . By the advice of Alcibiades, the Lacedaemonians resolved that the Chians should have the preference, and that a fleet should be sent to their assistance. Impatient of delay, Alcibiades shortly afterwards crossed over to Chios with a Lacedaemonian squadron of five ships, under the command of Chalcideus. The oligarcliical party at Chios had matured all their plans for the revolt, and the arrival of Alcibiades caused them to be put into execution. The people were taken by surprise, and were reluctantly induced to renounce their alliance with Athens. Their example was almost immediately followed by Erythrae and Clazomenae. § 4. The reserve of one thousand talents, set apart by Pericles to meet the contingency of an actual invasion, still remained untouched ; but now by a unanimous vote the penalty of death, wliich forbade its appropriation to any other purpose, was abolished, and the fund applied in fitting out a fleet against Chios. Meantime, Alcibiades was indefatigable in fanning the flames of revolt, which now spread rapidly through the Athenian allies. Teos, Lesbos, and Miletus proclaimed their independence of Athens. At Miletus, Clialcideus, on the part of Sparta, concluded an infamous treaty with Tissaphemes, stipulating that the Greek cities and territory formerly belonging to Persia should be restored to her ; that the Athenians should not be pennitted to derive any revenue from them ; and that Persia and the Lacedaemonians should jointly carry on the war against Athens. To conclude the bargain, Miletus was handed over to Tissaphemes. Samos still remained faithful to the Athenians, and, amidst the general defection of their Asiatic allies, had become of the last importance to them. This island, like Chios, was governed by an oligarchy ; but, warned by the revolution in tliat island, the Samians rose against the oligarchs, slew two hundred of them, and banished four hundred more. The Athenians at once recognized the newly established democracy, and secured the adhe- sion of the Samians by putting them on the footing of equal and indepen- dent allies. Samos became the head-quarters of the Athenian fleet, and the base of their operations during the remainder of the war. § 5. The tide of success at length began to turn in favor of the Athe- nians. They had succeeded in collecting a considerable fleet at Samos, with which they recovered Lesbos and Clazomenae, defeated the Chians, and laid waste their territory. They also gained a victory over the Pelopon- nesians at Miletus, but this powerful city still remained in the hands of Tissaphemes and the Peloponnesians. Towards the close of the year, Astyochus, the Lacedaemonian com- B. C. 412.] SCHEMES OF ALCIBIADES. 327 mander, received large reinforcements from Peloponnesus, and was now at the head of so imposing an armament that he was enabled to modify the former treaty with Tissaphemes, of which the Lacedaemonians were heartily ashamed. The new treaty, however, differed from the previous one rather in terms than substance, and appears to have been far from giving satisfaction at Sparta» The conduct of Tissapheraes afforded another reason for discontent He had given notice that he could no longer continue the high rate of payment of a dracluna per day for the seamen's wages, the sum agreed upon in the first treaty, without express mstructions from the court of Susa; and though he had reduced that sum by one half, it was very irregularly paid ; whilst his whole behavior dis- played a great want of hearty co-operation with the Lacedaimonians. Another Peloponnesian squaxiron was therefore despatched to tlie coast of Asia, having on board Lichas and ten other Spartans, for the purpose of remonstrating with Tissaphemes and opening fresh negotiations. Having obtained an interview with Tissaphemes at Cnidus, Lichas took exceptions to the two former treaties ; of which the first expressly, the second by implication, recognized the claims of Persia, not only to the islands of the ^gean, but even to Thessaly and Boeotia. Lichas, therefore, proposed a new treaty ; but Tissaphemes was so indignant at the proposition, that he immediately broke off" the negotiation. § 6. The conduct of Tissaphemes towards the Lacedsemonians was the result of the counsels of Alcibiades, who was scheming to effect his return to Athens by means of his intrigues with the Persian satrap. In the course of a few months Alcibiades had completely forfeited the confidence of the Lacedemonians. His ultra-Athenian temperament and manners must have been as unwelcome to them as their own slowness and gravity were to him. The Spartan King Agis, whose wife he had seduced, was his personal enemy ; and the Ephor Endius, his chief protector, went out of office in 412 b. c. To the preceding causes for private dishke was now added the want of that rapid success which he had promised to the Lacediemonians in the East. In a man whose character for deceit was notorious it is not surprising that this failure should excite a suspicion of treachery. After the defeat of the Peloponnesians at Miletus, King Agis denounced Alcibiades as a traitor, and persuaded the new Ephors to send out instructions to put hun to death. Of this, however, he was informed time enough to make liis escape to Tissaphemes at Magnesia. Here he began to play an anti-Hellenic, instead of his former anti-Athenian game. He ingratiated himself into the confidence of the satrap, and persuaded him that it was not for the interest of Persia that either of the Grecian parties should be successful, but rather that they should wear each other out in their mutual struggles, when Persia would in the end succeed in expelling both. This advice was adopted by the satrap ; and in order to 'Arry it into execution, steps were taken to secure the inactivity of the ^'iH 328 HISTORY OF GREECE. [ChA7. XXXI. Peloponnesian armament, which, if vigorously employed, was powerfiil enough to put a speedy end to the war. With this view the Lacedae- monian commanders were first persuaded to await the arrival of the Phoenician fleet, which, however, was never intended to appear. But as this was a pretext which could not be made available for any length of time, the next argument was in the more solid shape of pecuniary bribes administered to Astyochus and the other Spartan leaders. Spartan virtue, which exists rather in imagination than reahty, was not proof against this seduction. The Syracusan, Hermocrates, — for a Sicilian squadron was co-operating with the Peloponnesian fleet, — was alone i>und to be incorruptible. §7. Alcibiades, having thus in some degree detached Tissaphemes from the Lacedaemonians, now endeavored to persuade him that it was more for the Persian interest to conclude a league with Athens than with Sparta ; since the former state sought only to retain her maritime depen- dencies, wliilst Sparta had held out promises of liberty to every Grecian city, from which she could not consistently recede. The only part of his advice, however, which the satrap seems to have sincerely adopted, was tiiat of playing off one party against the other. But about this Alcibiades did not at all concern himself. It wm enough for his views, which had merely the selfish aim of his own restoration to Athens, if he could make it appear that he possessed sufficient influence with Tissaphemes to procure his assistance for the Athenians ; and for this the intimate terms on which lie lived with the satrap seemed a sufficient guaranty. He therefore began to communicate with the Athenian generals at Samos, and held out the hope of a Persian alliance as the price of his restoration to his country. But as he both hated and feared the Athenian democracy, he coupled his offer with the condition that a revolution should be effected at Athens, and an oligarchy established. Tlie Athenian generals greedily caught at the proposal ; and though the great mass of the soldiery were violently op- posed to it, they were silenced, if not satisfied, when told that Athens could be saved only by means of Persia. The oligarchical conspirators formed themselves into a confederacy, and Peisander was sent to Athens to organize the clubs in that city. But the conspirators overlooked the fact that the word of Alcibiades was their only security for the co-oi)era- tion of Persia. Phrynichus alone among the Athenian generals opposed the scheme ; not that he disliked oligarchy, but that he hated Alcibiades, and saw through his designs. § 8. The proposition for an oligarchy which Peisander made in the Athenian assembly met with the most determined opposition ; whilst the personal enemies of Alcibiades, especially the sacred families of the Enmolpida; and Ceryces, violently opposed the return of the man who had pro&ned the mysteries. The single but unanswerable reply of Peisander was, the necessities of the republic A reluctant vote for a change of con- i B. C. 412.1 SCHEMES OF ALCIBIADES. 329 Stitution was at length extorted from the people. Peisander and ten others were despatched to treat with Alcibiades and Tissaphemes At the same time Phrynichus and Iiis colleague Scironides were deposed from their command at Samos, and their places supplied by Diomedon and Leon. Before his departure Peisander had brought all the oli-archical clubs m Athens into full activity. During his absence the same Lk was undertiiken by Antiphon, the rhetorician. He was assisted by Tliera- menes, and subsequently by Phrynichus, who, ailer his arrival at Athens had become a violent partisan of the oligarchy. § 9. Wlien Peisander and his colleagues arrived in Ionia, they infomied Alcibiaxies that measures had been taken for establishing an oli-archical form of govemment at Athens, and required him to fulfil his piTrt of the engagement by procuring the aid and alliance of Persia. But Alcibiades knew that he had undertaken what he could not perform, and now resolved to escape from the dilemma by one of his habitual artifices. He received the Athenian deputation in the presence of Tissaphemes himself, and made such extravagant demands on behalf of the satrap that Peisander and his colleagues indignantly broke off" the conference. They attributed, however, the duplicity of Alcibiades to his want of will, and not to his want of power, to serve them; and they now began to suspect that his oligarchical scheme was a mere trick, and that in reality he desired the democracy to remain, and to procure his restoration to its bosom. Tissaphemes, who did not wish absolutely to break with the Lacedi». monians, now began to fear that he was pushing matters too fiir; and, as they already felt the pinch of want, he fumished them with some pay, and concluded a new treaty with them, by which they agreed to abandon aH the continent of Asia, and consequently the Greek cities in that quarter, lo this treaty Pharnabazus wa^ also a party. Persia did not waive her claim to the islands, but nothing was stipulated respecting them. On these conditions the aid of a Phoenician fleet was promised to the Pelo- ponnesians. § 10. Notwithstanding the conduct of Alcibiades, the oligarchical con- spirators proceeded with the revolution at Athens, in which they had -^ne too far to recede. Peisander, with five of the envoys, returned to Athens to complete the work they had begun ; the rest were sent to establish ohgarchies among the allies. The leaders of the army at Samos be<^m a similar movement in that island. Their first step was the gratuitous mur- der of Ilyperbolus, an Athenian demagogue who had been ostnwized some years before, and who was now residing at Samos, though apparently without possessing any influence there. But the new commanders, Dic^ medon and Leon, were favorable to the democracy, and they found by pergonal inquiry that the great majority of the. crews, and especially thsU of the public trireme called the Paralus, were ready to support the ancient constitution. Accordingly, when the oligarchs rose, they were over,x)wered i 330 HISTOBT OF GREECE. I v/HAP> aa\ |i» B. C. 411.] THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS. 331 by superior numbers ; thirty of them were killed in the contest, and three were subsequently indicted and banished. Meanwhile at Athens, after the departure of Peisander, the council of Probiili, as well as many leading citizens, had joined the oligarchs. Their attacks upon the democracy were not open, but were conducted by means of depreciating speeches respecting its costliness, through the pay given to the dicasts and others discharging civil offices, which, it was represented, the state could no longer afford. They did not venture to pi-opose the entire abolition of the democracy, but merely a modification of it, by restricting the number of those entitled to the franchise to five thousand. But even this proposition was never intended to be carried into execution. Those who stood forward to oppose the scheme were privately assassinated. A reign of terror now commenced. Citizens were continually falling ; yet no man could tell whose hand struck the blow, or whose turn might come next. § 11. The return of Peisander was the signal for consummating the revolution. He proposed m the assembly, and carried a resolution, that a committee often should be appointed to prepare a new constitution, which was to be submitted to the approbation of the people. But when the day appointed for that purpose arrived, the assembly was not convened in the Pnyx, but in the temple of Poseidon at Colonus, a village upwards of a mile from Athens. Here the conspirators could plant their own partisans, and were less likely to be overawed by superior numbers. The Graphi JParanomon {ypafi irapav6iuov), or action against those who proposed any unconstitutional measure, having first been repealed, Peisander obtained the assent of the meeting to the following revolutionary changes : — 1. The abolition of an the existing magistracies ; 2. The cessation of all payments for the discharge of civil functions ; 3. The appointment of a committee of five persons, who were to name ninety-five more ; each of the hundred thus constituted to choose three persons ; the body of Four Hundred thus formed to be an irresponsible government, holdmg its sittings in the Senate-House. The Four Hundred were to convene the select body of five thousand citizens whenever they thought proper. Nobody knew who these five thousand were, but they answered two purposes, namely, to give an air of greater popularity to the government, as well as to overawe the people by an exaggerated notion of its strength. § 12. The government thus constituted proceeded to estabhsh itself by force. A body of hoplites having been posted in the neighborhood of the Senate-House, the Four Hundred entered it, each with a dagger concealed under his garment, and followed by their body-guard of a hundred and twenty youths, the instruments of the secret assassinations already men- tioned. The ancient Senate was dismissed, but the pay due to the mem- bers was offered, and basely accepted. Thus perished the Athenian sidemocracy, after an existence of nearly a century since its establishment by Cleisthenes. The revolution was begun from despair of the foreign relations of Athens, and from the hope of assistance from Persia ; but it was carried out through the machinations of Antiphon and his accomplices after that delusion had ceased. Having divided themselves into Prytanias or sections, and instaUed themselves with sacrifice and prayer, the Four Hundred proceeded to put to death or imprison the most formidable of their political enemies. Their next step was to make overtures for peace to Agis. The Spartan king, however, believed that the revolution was not safely established, and pre- ferred an attempt to capture the city during the dissensions by which he supposed it to be torn. But on marching up to the walls he found them carefiilly guarded, and his troops were repulsed by a sally of the besieged. A second application of the Four Hundred met with a better reception, and they were encouraged to send to Sparta, § 13. The failure of the revolution at Samos was highly unfavorable to the success of the revolution at Athens ; but the Four Hundred despatched envoys to that island, with instructions to make the matter as palatable as possible. These, however, had been forestalled by Choreas. Under the impression that the democracy still existed at Athens, Chajreas had been sent to the city from Samos in the Paralus with the news of the counter-revolution in the island. But when the Paralus arrived, the Four Hundred had ah-eaxJy been installed; whereupon some of her demo- cratic crew were imprisoned, and the rest transferred to an ordinary trireme. Chasreas liimself found means to escape, and returned to Samos, where he aggravated the proceedings at Athens by additions of his own, and fiUed the army with uncontrollable wrath. At the instance of Thrasy- bulus and Thrasyllus, a meeting was called in which the soldiers pledged themselves to maintain the democracy, to continue the war against Pelo- ponnesus, and to put down the usurpers at Athens. The whole army, even those who had taken part in the oligarchical movements, were sworn to uphold these principles ; and to every male Samian of military age a similar oath was administered. Thus the Athenian democracy continued to exist at Samos alone. The soldiers, laymg aside for a while their mili- tary character, constituted themselves into an assembly of the people, deposed several of their officers, and appointed others whom they could better trust. The meeting resounded with patriotic speeches. Thrasy- bulus and ThrasyUus were appomted to the chief command ; the former of whom proposed the return of Alcibiades, who, it was beUeved, was now able and willing to aid the democratic cause with the gold ^d forces of Persia. After considerable opposition the proposal was agreed to; Alci- biades was brought to Samos and introduced to the assembly, where, by his magnificent promises, and extravagant boasts respecting his influence with Tissaphemes, he once more succeeded in deceiving the Athenians. The accomplished traitor was elected one of the generals, and, in pur- 1132 HISTORY OF GREECE. I V^HAFt -^ -^ -^ ■■ fiuance of his artful policy, began to pass backwards and forwards between Samos and Magnesia, with the view of inspiring both the satrap and the Athenians with a reciprocal idea of his influence with either, and of instilling distrust of Tissaphemes into the minds of the Peloponnesians. § 14. Such was the state of affairs at Samos when the envoys from the Four Hundred arrived. They were invited by the generals to make then* communication to the assembled troops ; but so great was the antipathy manifested towards them, that they could hardly obtain a hearing. Their presence revived a proposition which had been started before, — to sail at once to Athens, and put down the oligarchy by force. By the advice of Alcibiades, seconded by Thrasybulus, this proposal was, however, again discarded. The envoys were sent back to Athens with the answer that the army approved of the five thousand, but that the Four Hundred must resign and reinstate the ancient Senate of Five Hundred. - § 15. At the first news of the re-establishment of democracy at Samos, distrust and discord had broken out among tlie Four Hundred. Antiphon and Phrynichus, at the head of the extreme section of the oligarchical party, were for admitting a Lacedremonian garrison ; and, with a view to further that object, actually caused a fort to be erected at Eetionea, a tongue of land commanding the entrance to the harbor of the Peineus.* But others, discontented with their shai-e of i)ower, began to affect more popular sentiments. Conspicuous among these were Tlieramenes and Aristocrates, the former of whom began to insist on the necessity for call- ing the shadowy body of five thousand into a real existence. As the answer from Samos very much strengthened this party, their opponents found that no time was to be lost ; and Antiphon, Phrj-nichus, and ten others, proceeded in all haste to Sparta, with offers to put the Lacedae- monians in possession of the Peirieus. The latter, however, with their usual slowness, or perhaps from a suspicion of treachery, let slip the golden opportunity^ All they could be induced to promise was, that a fleet of forty-two triremes should hover near the Peii-a;us, and watch a favor- able occasion for seizing it. The failure of this mission was another blow to the party of Phrynichus ; and shortly afterwards that leader himself was assassinated in open daylight whilst leaving the Senate-House. Some hoplites, of the same tribe as Aristocrates, now seized the fort at p:etionea- Theramenes gave his sanction to the demolition of the fort, wliich was forthwith accomplished ; whilst the inability of the Four Hundred to pre- vent it betrayed the extent of their power, or rather of their weakness. § 16. Th» Four Hundred now appear to have taken some steps to call the ^Ye thousand into existence. But it was too late. Tlie leaders of the counter-revolution, entering armed into the theatre of Dionysus at the Peirseus, formed a d^emocratic assembly under the old forms, which B.C.41L] OVERTHROW OF THE POUR HUNDRED. 333 adjourned to the Anaceum, or temple of the Dioscuri, immediately under the Acropolis. Here the Four Hundred sent deputies to negotiate with them, and another assembly was appointed to be held in the theatre of Dionysus ; but just as they were meeting the news arrived that the Lace- daemonian fleet was approaching the Peineus. The Athenians were immediately on the alert, and the Laeed^monian admiml, perceiving no signs of assistance from within, doubled Cape Sunium and pn)ceeded to Oropus. It was now plain that their object was to excite a revolt m Euboea. In all haste the Athenians launched an inadequate fleet of ^rty-six triremes, manned by inexperienced crews. At Eretria in EubcBa It wa^ encountered by the Laeed^monian fleet, and completely defea^d, with the loss of twenty-two ships. Eubcea, supported by the Lacedaemonians and Boeotians, then revolted from Athens. § 17. Great was the dismay of the Athenians on receiving this news. The loss of Euboea seemed a death-blow. The Laeed^monians midit now ^ily blockade the ports of Athens and starve her into surrender r whilst the partisans of the Four Hundred would doubtless co-operate with the enemy. But from this fate they were again saved by the characteristic slowness of the Lacedaemonians, who confined themselves to securing the conquest of Euboea. Thus left unmolested, the Athenians convened an assembly m the Pnyx. Votes were passed for deposing the Four Hun- dred, and placing the government in the hands of the five thousand, of whom every citizen who could furnish a panoply might be a member. In short, the old constitution was restored, except that the fi-anchise was restricted to five thousand citizens, and paynyent for the discharc-e of civil functions abolished. In subsequent assemblies, the Archons, the Senate and other institutions were revived; and a vote was passed to recall Alci- biades and some of his friends. The number of the five thousand was never exactly observed, and was soon enlarged into universal citizenship. 1 hus the Four Hundred were overthrown after a reign of four months, llieramenes stood forward and impeached the leaders of the extreme oligarchical party, on the ground of their embassy to Sparta. Most of them succeeded in making their escape from Athens; but Antiphon and Arch.ptolemus were apprehended, condemned, and executed, in spite of the admiration excited by the speech of the former in his defence. The rest were arraigned in their absence and condemned, their houses luzed, and their property confiscated.* beL hlrJ f ^: i. J ^i'u"^' '^"' ^"''P^"" "^"^^ *^« ^^^^«* ^«^«°<^« th»t had ever tuTj^^d '7 1 "; ^""^ *^""''' ^' Archiptolemus and Antiphon were mzed to Z Td « A , '". ""Tt ™''^"^ '^'' ^"""^^"^^ ^^ '^'^ ^^ wei^ inscribed toe words, Archiptolemus and Antiphon, the two traitors." - Ed. ♦ On the left to one entering the harbor, i. e. on the northern side. —En. NN SM HISTORY OF GBEECE. [Chat. XXXIL I One of the Caryatides supporting the southern portico of the Erechthgum. CHAPTER XXXn. VBOM THE FALL OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS TO THE BATTLE OF iEGOSPOTAMI. f 1. State of the BelHgercnts. 4 2. Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cynossema. § 3. Cap- ture of Cyzicus by the Athenians, and Second Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Abydos. § 4. Arrest of Alcibiades by Tissaphemee, and hia subsequent Escape. Signal Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cyzicus. § 6. The Athenians Masters of the Bosporus. The Lacediemonians propose a Peace, which is rejected. ^ 6. Pharnabazus assists the Lace- dicmonians. § 7. Capture of Chalcedon and Byzantium by the Athenians. 4 8. Return of Alcibiades to Athens. § 9. He escorts the Sacred Procession to Eleusis. § 10. Cyrus comes down to the Coast of Asia. Lysander appointed Commander of the Peloponnesian Fleet. § 11. Interview between Cyrus and Lysander. § 12. Alcibiades at Samos. Defeat of Antiochus at Notium. § 13. Alcibiades is dismissed. § 14. Lysander super- •eded by CaUicratidas. Energetic Measures of the Latter. § 15. Defeat of Conon at Mytilene, and Investment of that Town by CaUicratidas. ^ 16. Excitement at Athens, and Equipment of a large Fleet. § 17. Battle of Arginusa. Defeat and Death of Calh- cratidas. ^ 18. Arraignment and Condemnation of the Athenian Generals. § 19. Re- appointment of Lysander as Navarchut. § 20. Siege of Lampsacus, and Battle of fgospotami. § 1. It is necessary now to revert to the war, and the state of the con- tending parties. The struggle had become wholly maritime. Although B.C.41L] DEFEAT OF THE PELOPONNESIANS AT CYNOSSEMA. 335 the Lacedaemonians occupied at Decelea a strong post within sight of Athens, yet their want of skill in the art of besieging towns prevented them from making any regular attempt to capture that city. On the other hand, the great reverses sustained by the Athenians in Sicily disabled them from carrying the war, as they had formerly done, into the enemy's country. Yet they still possessed a tolerable fleet, with which they were endeavoring to maintain their power in the ^gean and on the coasts and islands of Asia Minor. This was now become the vital point where they had to struggle for empire, and even for existence ; for, since the commence- ment of the war, the maritime power of the Spartans and their allies had become ahnost equal to the maritime power of Athens. They now put to sea with fleets generally larger than the fleets of the Athenians ; and their ships were handled, and naval manoeuvres executed, with a skill equal to that of their rivals. The great attention which the Lacedc-emonians had bestowed on naval affairs is evinced by the importance into which the new office of the NavarcUa * had now risen amongst them. The Navarchm * enjoyed a power even superior, whilst it lasted, to that of the Spartan kings, since he was wholly uncontrolled by the Ephoi-s ; but his tenure of office was limited to a year. From this state of things it resulted that the remainder of the war had to be decided on the coasts of Asia; and it wiU assist the memory to conceive it divided into four periods : 1. The war on the Hellespont (which must be taken to include the Propontis, whither it was transferred soon after the oligarchical revolution at Athens) ; 2. From the Hellespont it was transferred to Ionia ; 3. From Ionia t^ Lesbos ; 4 Back to the Hellespont, where it was finally decided. §2. Mindarus, who now commanded the Peloponnesian fleet, dis- gusted at length by the often-broken promises of Tissaphemes, and the scanty and irregular pay which he furnished, set sail from Miletus and proceeded to the Hellespont, with the intention of assisting the satrap Pharnabazus, and of effecting, if possible, the revolt of the Athenian dependencies in that quarter. Hither he was pursued by the Athenian fleet under Thrasyllus. In a few days an engagement ensued (in August, 411 B. c), in the famous straits between Sestos and Abydos, in which the' Athenians, though with a smaller force, gained the victory, and erected a ^ophy on the promontory of Cynossema, near the tomb and chapel of the Trojan queen, Hecuba. After this defeat Mindarus sent for the Pelopon- nesian fleet at Euboea, which, however, was overtiiken by a violent storm near the headland of Mount Athos, and totally destroyed. But thou-h this circumstance afforded some relief to Athens, by withdrawing In annoying enemy from her shores, it did not enable her to regain possession of Euboea. The Euboeans, assisted by the Bceotians, and by the inhabit- ants of Chalcis and other cities, constructed a bridge across the narrowest part of the Euripus, and thus deprived Euboea of its insular character. • "Savapxia : Navapxos. jpiiyp^ HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXTI. I One of the Caryatides supporting the soutliern portico of the ErechthSum. CHAPTER XXXII. FROM THE FALL OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS TO THE BATTLE OP JEGOSPOTAMI. 4 1. State of the Belligerents. § 2. Defeat of the Peloponncsians at Cynossema. § 3. Cap- ture of Cyzicus by the Athenians, and Second Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Abydos. 4 4. Arrest of Alcibiades by Tissaphenies, and his subsequent Escape. Signal Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cyzicus. ^ 6. The Athenians Masters of the Bosporus. The Lacedemonians propose a Peace, which is rejected. § 6. Pharnabazus assists thc^Lace- diemonians. § 7. Capture of Chalcedou and Byzantium by the Athenians. § 8. Return of Alcibiades to Athens. § 9. He escorts the Sacred Procession to Eleusis. § 10. Cyrus comes down to the Coast of Asia. Lysandcr appointed Commander of the Peloponnesian Fleet. § 11. Interview between Cyms and Lysander. § 12. Alcibiades at Samos. Defeat of Antioclms at Notiura. § 13. Alcibiades is dismissed. § 14. Lysander super- seded by Callicratidas. Energetic Measures of the Latter. § 15. Defeat of Conon at Mytilene, and Investment of that Town by Callicratidas. § 16. Excitemeiit at Athens, and E(iuipment of a large Fleet. § 17. Battle of Arginus^e. Defeat and Death of Ctdli- cratidas. § 18. Arraignment and Condemnation of the Athenian Generals. § 19. Re- appointment of Lysander as Navarchm, § 20. Siege of Lanipsacus, and Battle ol iCgospotamu § 1. It is necessary now to revert to the war, and the state of the con- tendmg parties. The struggle had become wholly maritime. Although B. C.411.] DEFEAT OF THE PELOPONxNESIANS AT CYNOSSEMA. 335 the Lacediemonians occupied at Decelea a strong post within sight of Athens, yet their want of skill in the art of besieging towns prevented them from making any regular attempt to capture that city. On the other land, the great reverses sustained by the Athenians in Sicily disabled them from carrying the war, as they had formerly done, into the encin/s country. Yet they still iwssessed a tolerable fleet, with which they were endeavoring to maintain their power in the JEgean and on the coasts and islands of Asia Minor. This was now become the vital point where they had to struggle for empire, and even for existence ; for, since the commence- ment of the war, the maritime power of the Spartans and their allies had become almost equal to the maritime power of Athens. They now put to sea with fleets generally larger than the fleets of the Athenians; and their ships were handled, and naval manauivres executed, with a skill equal to that of their rivals. The great attention which the Lacedaemonians had bestowed on naval affairs is evinced by the importance into which the new office of the NavarcMa * had now risen amongst them. The Navarvhus * enjoyed a power even sui)erior, whilst it lasted, to that of the Spartan kings, since he was wholly uncontrolled by the Ephors ; but his tenure of office was linuted to a year. From this state of things it resulted that the remainder of the war had to be decided on the coasts of Asia ; and it will assist the memory to conceive it divided into four jjeriods : 1. The war on the Hellespont (which nmst be taken to include the Projiontis, whither it was transferred soon after the oligarchical revolution at Athens) ; 2. From the Hellespont it was transfen-ed to Ionia ; 3. From Ionia t^ Lesbos ; 4. Back to the Hellespont, where it was finally decided. §2. Mindarus, who now commanded the Peloponnesian fleet, dis- gusted at length by the often-broken pi-omises of Tissaphernes, and the scanty and irregular pay which he furnished, set sail from Miletus and proceeded to the Hellespont, with the intention of assisting the satrap Pharnabazus, and of effecting, if possible, the revolt of the Athenian dependencies in that quarter. Hither he was pursued by the Athenian fleet under Thrasyllus. Li a few days an engagement ensued (in August, 411 li.c), in the famous straits between Sestos and Abydos, in which the Athenians, though with a smaller force, gained the victory, and erected a trophy on the promontory of Cynossema, near tlie tomb and chapel of the Trojan queen, Hecuba. After tliis defeat Mindarus sent for the Pelopon- nesian fleet at Euboea, which, however, was overtaken by a violent storm near the headland of Mount Athos, and totally destroyed. But thou-h tins circumstance afforded some relief to Athens, by withdrawinrr an annoying enemy from her shores, it did not enable her to regain possession of Eubcjca. The Eubteans, assisted by the Boeotians, and by the inhabit- ants of Chalcis and other cities, constructed a bridge across the narrowest part of the Euripus, and thus deprived Euboea of its insular character. • 'Savapxia : TSavapxos. 886 BISTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXII. { 8. The Athenians followed up their victory at Cynossema by the reduction of Cyzicus, which had revolted from them. A month or two afterwards another obstinate engagement took place between the Pelopon- Besian and Athenian fleets near Abydos, which lasted a whole day, am! was at length decided in favor of the Athenians by the arrival of Alcibi- mdes with his squadron of eighteen ships from Samos. The Pelopon- nesian ships were run ashore, where they were defended, with great per- sonal exertion, by Phamabazus and his troops. § 4. Shortly after this battle Tissaphernes arrived at the Hellespont with the view of conciliating the offended Peloponnesians. He was not only jealous of the assistance which the latter were now rendering to Phamabazus, but it is also evident that his temporizing policy had dis- pleased the Persian court. This a[>pears from his conduct on the present occasion, as weU as from the subsequent appointment of Cyrus to the supreme command on the Asiatic coast, as we shall presently have to relate. When Alcibiades, who imagined that Tissaphernes was still favorable to the Athenian cause, waited on him with the customary presents, he was arrested by order of the satrap, and sent in custody to Sardis. At the end of a month, however, he contriVed to escape to Oazomenae, and again joined the Athenian fleet early in the spring of 410 B.C. Mindarus, with the assistance of Phamabazus on the land side> was now engaged in the siege of Cyzicus, w^hich the Athenian admirals determined to relieve. Having passed up the Hellespont in the night, they assembled at the island of Proconnesus. Here Alcibiades addressed the seamen, telling them that they had nothing further to expect from the Persians, and must be preparem a feeling of kindness towards the latter, had made no mention of the circumstance in their public despatches, but had attributed the abandonment of the foundering vessels solely to the violence of the storm. There are discrepancies in the evidence, and we have no materials for deciding positively which statement was true ; but probability inclines to the side of the generals. Public feeling, however, ran very strongly against them, and was increased by an incident which occurred during their trial. After a day*s debate the question was ad- journed ; and in the interval the festival of the Apatiiria was celebrated, in which, according to annual custom, the citizens met together according to their families and phratries. Those who had perished at Arginusae were naturally missed on such an occasion ; and the usually cheerful char- acter of the festival was deformed and rendered melancholy by the rela- tives of the deceased appearing in black clothes and with shaven heads. The passions of the people were violently roused. At the next meeting of the Assembly, Callixenus, a senator, proposed that the people should at once proceed to pass its verdict on the generals, *though they had been only partially heard in their defence ; and, moreover, that they should all be included in one sentence, though it was contrary to a rule of Attic law, known as the psephisma of Cannonus, to indict citizens otherwise than individually. Callixenus carried his motion in spite of the threat of Euryp- tolemus to indict him for an illegal proceeding under the Grophe Para- nmnon. The Prytanes, or senators of the presiding tribe, at first refused to put the question to the Assembly in this illegal way ; but their opposi- tion was at length overawed by clamor and violence. There was, how- ever, one honorable exception. The philosopher Socrates, who was one of the Prytanes, refused to withdraw his protest* But his opposition ♦ Socrates happened to be President QEmararris) of the Prytanes on that day; and, as presiding oflBcer, refiued to put the rote. The decision was therefore adjourned to the next day, when a more pliant officer put the vote and the generals were condemned. — Ed. B. C. 406.1 EXECUTION OF THE GENERALS. 343 was disregarded, and the proposal of Callixenus was carried. The gen- erals were condemned, deUvered over to the Eleven for execution, and compelled to drink the fatal hemlock. Among them was Pericles, the son of the celebrated statesman. The Athenians afterwards repented of their rash precipitation, and decreed that Callixenus and his accomplices should in their turn be brought to trial; but before the appointed day they man- aged to escape. § 19. After the battle of Arginusae the Athenian fleet seems to have remained inactive at Samos during the rest of the year. Through the influence of Cyrus, and the other allies of Sparta, Lysander again ob- tained the command of the Peloponnesian fleet at the commencement of the year 405 b. c. ; though nominally under Aracus as admii-al ; since it was contrary to Spartan usage that the same man should be twice Navarchus.* His return to power was marked by more vigorous measures. Fresh fiinds were obtained from Cyrus ; the arrears due to the seamen were paid up ; and new triremes were put upon the stocks at Antandrus. Oligarchical revolutions were effected in Miletus and other towns. Summoned to visit his sick father in Media, Cyrus even delegated to Lysander the manage- ment of his satrapy and revenues during his absence. Lysander was thus plaeed in possession of power never before realized by any Lacedemonian commander. But the Athenian fleet under Conon and his coadjutors was still superior in numbers, and Lysander carefully avoided an engagement. He contrived, however, to elude the Athenian fleet, and to cross the -^gean to the coast of Attica, where he had an interview with Agis ; and, proceeding thence to the Hellespont, which Conon had left unguarded, he took up his station at Abydoa. § 50. The Athenians were at this time engaged in ravaging Chios ; but when they heard of this movement, and that Lysander had commenced the siege of Lampsaeus, they immediately sailed for the Hellespont. They arrived too late to save the town, but they proceeded up the strait and took post at ^gospotami, or the " Goat's River " ; a place which had nothing to recommend it, except its vicinity to Lampsacus, from which it was separated by a channel somewhat less than two miles broad. It was a mere desolate beach, without houses or inhabitants, so that all the sup- plies had to be fetched from Sestos, or from the surrounding country, and the seamen were compelled to leave their ships in order to obtam their meals. Under these circumstances the Athenians were very desirous of bringing Lysander to an engagement. But the Spartan commander, who was in a strong position, and abundantly supplied with provisions, was in no hurry to run any risks. In vain did the Athenians sail over several days in succession to offer him battle ; they always found his ships ready manned, and drawn up in too strong a position to /I * Lysander received the title of Epistokus. See note on p. 336. >f ' B44' HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXn. , I warrant an attaxk; nor could they by all their manoeuvres succeed in enticing him out to combat. This cowardice, as they deemed it, on the part of the LacedaBmonians, begat a corresponding negligence on theirs : discipline was neglected, and the men allowed to straggle almost at will. It was in vain that Alcibiades, who since his dismissal re- sided in a fortress in that neighborhood, remonstrated with the Athenian generals on the exposed nature of the station they had chosen, and advised them to proceed to Sestos. His counsels were received with taunts and insults. At length, on the fifth day, Lysander, having watched an opportunity when the Athenian seamen had gone on shore and were dispersed over the country, rowed swiftly across the strait with all his ships. He found the Athenian fleet, with the exception of ten or twelve vessels, totally unpreim-ed, and succeeded in capturing nearly the whole of it, without having occasion to strike a single blow. Of the hundred and eighty ships which comj^sed the fleet, only the trireme of Couon himself, the Paralus, and eight or ten other vessels, succeeded in escaping. Conon was afraid to return to Athens after so signal a disaster, and took refu"-e with Evagoras, prince of Salamis, in Cyprus. All the Athenian prisoners, amountmg to three or four thousand, together with the generals, were put to death by order of Lysander, in retaliation for the cruelty with which the Athenians had treated the prisoners they had lately made. By this momentous victoiy, which was suspected to have been achieved through the corrupt connivance of some of the Athenian generals, the con- test on the Hellesj)ont, and virtually the Peloponnesian war, was brought to an end. The closing scene of the catastrophe was enacted at Athens itself; but the fate of the imperial city must be reserved for another chapter. Hi! Bust of the Poet Eurlpidee. ' I B. C. 405.] ALARM AT ATHENS. 34^ ViewofPhyld. CHAPTER XXXni. FROM THE BATTLE OP ^GOSPOTAMI TO THE OVERTHROW OP THE THIRTY TYRANTS AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF DEMOCRACY AT ATHENS. I i 1. Alarm at Athens. §2. Proceedings of Lysander. Capture of the Athenian Depcnden cies. M. Measures of the Athenians. Athens invested. M- Embassy of Theraraenes Conditions of Capitulation. § 5. Lysander takes Possession of Athens. Destruction of the Long Walls, &c. § 6. Retuni of the Oligarchical Exiles. Establishment of the Thirty \ 'i ^''"*'"'^*''* °^ S'^'^«« ^"^ Triumph of Lysander. § 8. Proceedings of the Thirty at Athens. ^ 9. Opposition of Theramenes. § 10. Proscriptions. Death of Theramenes. I 11. Suppression of Intellectual Culture. Socrates. ^2. Death of Alcibiades. § 13. Jealousy of the Grecian States towards Sparta and Lv^aiuler. § 14 Tln-isybulus atPhyle. ^5- Seizure and Massacre of t!.c I - / i,. Thras\%du. occupies Peir^u^. Death of Critias. §17. Deposition u ,i,. xitlrr., a.d EstaWMurient of tiie len. Return of Lysander to Athens, and Arrival of Pausanius. §18. P ••■•(. with Thrasy bulus, and Evacuation of Attica by the Peloponne^ians. onding nej^lijrence on theire : discipline was neglected, and the men allowed to strajrjrle almost at will It was in vain that Alcibiades, who since his dismissal re- sided in a fortress in that neighlmrhood, remonstnited with the Athenian generals on the exi^ised natuie of the station they had chosen, and advised them to pnx*eed to Sestos. His counsels were received with tounts and insults. At len-jcth, on the fifth day, Lysander, having watched an opportunity when the Athenian seamen had gone on shore and were dispersed over the country, rowed swiftly acmss the strait with all his ships. He tbuning. Conon was afraid to return to Alliens after so signal a disaster, and took refuge with Evagoras, prince of Salamis, in Cyprus. All the Athenian i)risoners, amounting to three or four thousand, together with the generals, were put to deatli l)y order of Lysander, in retaliation for tlie cruelty with which the Atlienians had treated the prisoners they had lately made. By this momentous victtay, whicli was sus{)ected to have been achieved through the corrui>t connivance of some of the Atbenian generals, the con- test on the IlellesiMjut, and virtually the Peloponnesian war, was brought to an end. The closing scene of the catastrophe was enacted at Athens itself; but the fate oi Ihe imperial city must be reserved for another chapter. View of Phyld. CHAPTER XXXni. FROM THE BATTLE OF J2G0SP0TAMI TO THE OVERTHROW OP THE THIRTY TYRANTS AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OP DEMOCRACY AT ATHENS. Bust of tlie Poet Euripides. ^ 1. Alarm at Athens. § 2. Proceedings of Lysander. Capture of the Athenian Dependen- cies. §3. Measures of the Athenians. Athens invested. M- Kmbassy of Tlieramenes Conditions of Capitulation. § 5. Lysander takes Possession of Athens. Destruction of the Lou- \\ alls, &c. § 6. Return of the Oligarchical Exiles. Establishment of the Thirty ^7. Surrender of Samos an' i: .ccunies leu-a3us. Death of Critias. § 17. Dcpositiu, . , • ^ ,,i Kstabl-s ...t of the Ten. Return of Lysander to Athens, and Arrival of Pnusaiii . -. ;^ is. ' ,. n ,>', Tbr hv bulus, and Evacuation of Attica by the Pelopoi,nc'-i;ois. ! y. ij,.,s , , .V- 1 1 ...S racy. § 20. Archonship of Euclides. Redii . a I •k^V' §1. The defeat of iEgospotami, wliich t.AK p:,. .,bout Septemher, 405 B. c, was announced at Peh'ieus m tlu- .u-ut, l.y the arrival of the Parahjs. "On that night," says Xeno]>Iion,. - no man slept." The dis- aster, indeed, was as sudden and as autluMitie ns it was vast and irre- trievable. The proceedings of the dejected assembly which met on the 44 im r 846 HISTOKT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXIU. B.C. 404.] CAPITULATION OP ATHENS. 347 t Mowing day at once showed that the remaining struggle was one for bare existence. In order to make the best preparations for a siege, it wag resolved to block up two of the three ports of Athens, — a plain confession that maritime supremacy, the sole basis of her power, had departed from her. § 2. Lysander, secure of an easy triumph, was in no haste to gather it by force. The command of the Euxine enabled him to control the supplies of Athens ; and, sooner or later, a few weeks of famine must decide her fall. With the view of hastening the catastrophe, he compelled the garrisons of all the towns which surrendered to proceed to the capital. The question was not one of arms, but of hunger ; and an additional garrison, so far from adding to her strength, would complete her weakness. A strong proof of the insecure foundation of her power ! A naval defeat in a remote quarter had not only deprived her of empire, but was about to render her in turn a captive and a subject. Lysander now sailed forth to take possession of the Athenian towns, which fell one after another intojiis power as soon as he appeared before them. In all a new form of government was established, consisting of an oligarchy of ten of the citizens, called a decarchy, under a Spartan bar- most Chalcedon, Byzantium, Mytilene, surrendered to Lysander him- self ; whilst Eteonicus was despatched to occupy and revolutionize the Athenian towns in Thrace. Amidst the general defection, Samos alone remained faithful to Athens. All her other dependencies at once yielded to the Lacediemonians ; whilst her cleruchs were forced to abandon their possessions and return home. In many places, and especially in Thasos, these revolutions were attended with violence and bloodshed. § 3. The situation of Athens was now more desperate even than when Xerxes was advancing against her with his countless host. The juncture demanded the hearty co-operation of all her citizens; and a general amnesty was proposed and carried for the purjxjse of releasing all debtors, accused persons, and state prisoners, except a few of the more desperate criminals and homicides. The citizens were then assembled in the Acropolis, and swore a solemn oath of mutual forgiveness and harmony. About November Lysander made his appearance at ^gina, with an overwhelming fleet of one hundred and fifty triremes, and proceeded to de- Tflstate Salamis and blockade Peu^us. At the same time the whole Pelo- ponnesian army was marched into Attica, and encamped in the precincts of the Academia, at the very gates of Athens.* Famine soon began to be felt within the walls. Yet the Athenians did not abate of their pretensions. In their proposals for a capitulation, they demanded the preservation of their long walls, and of the port of Peiraeus. But the Spartan Ephors, to « The words of Xenophon are rrpos ti/v iroKw iarparofribivatv iv tJ *AKatrjiii^, Tf XoXov/ifv^ yvftvturi^' It was about a mile north of the city. — Ed. whom the Athenian envoys had been referred by King Agis, refused to listen to such terms, and insisted on the demolition of the long walls for the space of ten stadia at least. The spirit of the people, however, was still so unsubdued — though some of them were actually dying of hun*i%r that the senator Archesti-atus was imprisoned for proposing to accept the terms offered by the Ephors ; and on the motion of Cleophon, it was for- bidden to make any such proposal in future. § 4 Theramenes, formerly one of the Four Hundred, now offered to proceed to Lysander for the purpose of learning his real intentions with regard to tlie fate of Athens ; and as he pretended that his personal con- nections would afford him great facilities in such an undertaking, his offer was accepted. After wasting three months with Lysander, — three months of terrible suffering to the Athenians, — he said that Lysander had then informed him for the first time that the Ephors alone had iK)wer to treat. The only consti-uction that can be put on this conduct of Theramenes is, that he designed to reduce the Athenians to the last necessity, so that they should be compelled to purchase peace at any price. K such was his object he completely succeeded. When he returned to Athens the famine had become so dreadful, that he was immediately sent back to conclude a peace on whatever terms he could. In the debate which ensued at Sparta, the Thebans, the Corinthians, and others of the more bitter enemies of Athens, urged the very extinction of her name and the sale of her whole population into slavery. But this proposition was resolutely opposed by the Lacedajmonians, who declared, with great appearance of magnanimity, though probably with a view to their own interest in converting Athens into a useful dependency, that they would never consent to enslave or an- nihilate a city which had rendered such eminent services to Greece. The terms which the Ephors dictated, and which the Athenians were in no condition to refuse, were, that the long walls and the fortifications of Peiroeus should be demolished ; that the Athenians should give up all their foreign possessions, and confine themselves to their own territory ; that they should surrender all their ships of war; that they should readmit all their exiles ; and that tliey should become allies of Sparta. As Thera- menes re-entered Athens, bearing in his hand the roll, or scytale, which contained these terms, he was pressed upon by an anxious and haggard crowd, who, heedless of the terms, gave loud vent to their joy that peace was at length concluded. And though there was still a small minority for holding out, the vote for accepting the conditions was carried, and notified to Lysander. § 5. It was about the middle or end of March, b. c. 404, that Lysander sailed into Peineus, and took formal possession of Athens ; the war, in singular conformity with the prophecies current at the beginning of it, having lasted for a period of thrice nine, or twenty-seven years. The Lacedaemonian fleet and army remained in possession of the city till the 848 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXDI. m n conditions of its capitulation had been executed. Lysander carried away aU the Athenian triremes except twelve, destroyed the naval arsenals, and burned the ships on the stocks. The insolence of the victors added anoth- er blow to the feelings of the conqnerearta he exercised almost uncontrolled authority in the cities he had reduced, including Athens itself. But it was soon discovered that, instead of the freedom promised Ity the Spartans, only another empire had been established, whilst Lysander was even meditating to extort from the subject cities a yearly tribute of one thousand talents. And all these oppressions were rendered still more intolerable by the overweening pride and harslmess of Lysan- der's demeanor. § 14. Even in Sparta itself, the conduct of Lysander was beginning to inspire disgust and jealousy. Paustinias, son of Plistoanax, who was now king witli Agis, as well as the new Ephoi*s appointed in September, B. c. 404, disapproved of his proceedings. The Tliebans and Corintliians them- selves were beginning to sympathize with Athens, and to regard the Tliirty as mere instruments for supporting the Spartan dominion ; whilst Sparta in her turn looked ujwn them as the tools of Lysandor's ambition. Many of the Athenian exiles had found refuge in Bceotia ; and one of them, Thrasybulus, with the aid of Ismenias and other Tlieban citizens, starting from Thebes at the head of a small band of exiles, seized the fortress of Phyle, in the passes of Mount Parnes and on the direct rojid to Athens. The Thirty marched out to attack Thrasybulus, at tlie head of the Lacedaemonian garrison, the three thousand enfranchised citiztMis, and all the Athenian knights. But their attack was repulsed with considerable loss. A timely snow-storm, by compelling the Thirty to retreat, relieved Thrasybulus and the exiles from a threatened blockade, and enabled him to obtain reinforcements which raised his little garrison to the number of seven hundred. In a subsequent rencontre Thrasybulus suii>rised at day- B.C. 403.| THE THIRTY DEPOSED. 353 break a body of Spartan hoplites and Athenian horse that had been sent against him; and, after killing one hundred and twenty of the Spartans carried off* a considerable store of arras and provisions to Phyle. § 15. Symptoms of wavering now began to be perceptible, not only among the three thousand, but ev^n among the Thirty tliemselves ; and Critias, fearful that power was slipping from his grasp, resolved to secure Salamis and Eleusis as places of refuge. All the Eleusinians capable of bearing arms were accordingly* seized and carried to Athens, and their town occupied by adherents of the Thirty. The same was done at Salamis. Critias then convoked the three thousand and the knights in the Odeum, which lie had partly filled with Lacedaemonian soldiers, and compelled them to pass a vote condemning the Eleusinians to death. This was done, as he plainly told them, in order the more thoroughly to identify their interests with those of the Thirty. The prisoners were immediately led off* to execution. I. § 16. Thrasybulus, whpse forces were now a thousand strong, incited probably by this enormity, and reckoning on support from the i^slHj of the reaction at Athens, marched from Phyle to Peirseus, which was now an open town, and seized upon it without opposition. When the whole force of the Thirty, including the Lacedaemonians, marched on the follow- ing day to attack him, he retired to the hill of Munychia, the citadel of Peiraeus, the only approach to which was by a steep ascent. Here he drew up his hopHtes in files of ten deep, posting behind them his slmgers and dartmen, whose missiles, owing to the rising ground, could be hurled over the heads of the foremost ranks. Agiinst them Critias and his con- federates advanced in close array, his hoplites formed in a column of fifty deep. Thrasybulus exhorted his men to stand patiently till the enemy came within reach of the missiles. At the first discharge the assaiUng column seemed to waver; and Thrasybulus, taking advantage of theb confusion, charged down the hill, and completely routed them, killing seventy, among whom was Critias himself. § 17. The partisans of the Thirty acknowledged the victory by begging a truce to bury their dead. The loss of their leader had thro\vn °the majority into the hand^ of the party formerly led by Tlieramenes, who resolved to depose the Thirty and constitute a new oligarchy of Ten. Some of the Thirty were re-elected into this body ; but the more violent colleagues of Critias were deposed, and retired for safety to Eleusis. The new government of the Ten sent to Sparta to solicit further aid ; and a similar application was made at the same time from the section of the Thirty at Eleusis. Their request was complied with ; and Lysander once more entered Athens at the head of a Lacedemonian force, whilst his brother Libys blockaded Peiraeus with forty ti-iremes. Fortunately, how- ever, the jealousy of the Lacedaemonians towards Lysander led them at this critical juncture to supersede him in the command. King Pausanias *'l ii 45 Ii< i •I 354 mSTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXIH. was appointed to lead an army into Attiea, and when he encamped in the Academia he was joined by Lysander and his forces. It was known at Athens that the views of Pausanias were unfavorable to the proceedings of Lysander; and his presence elicited a vehement reaction against the oligarchy, which fear had hitherto suppressed. At first, however, Pausa- nias made a show of attacking Thrasybulus and his adherents, and sent a hendd to require them to disband and return to their homes. As this order was not obeyed, Pausanias made an attack on Peirieus, but was repulsed with loss. Retiring to an eminence at a little distance, he rallied his forces and formed them into a deep phalanx. Thrasybulus, elated by his success, was rash enough to venture a combat on the plain, in which his troops were completely routed and driven back to Peiraius, with the Ices of a hundred and fifty men. § 18. Pausanias, content with the advantage he had gained, began to listen to the entreaties for an accommodation which poured in on all sides; and when Thrasybulus sent to sue for peace, he gi-anted him a truce for the purpose of sending envoys to Sparta. The Ten also despatched envoys thither, offering to submit themselves and tlie city to the absolute discretion of Sparta. The Ephors and the Lacedaemonian assembly referred the question to a committee of fifteen, of whom Pausanias was one. The decision of this board was, that the exiles in Peiraeus should be readmitted to Athens ; and that there should be an anmesty for all that had passed, except as regarded the Thirty, the Eleven, and the Ten. Eleusis was recognized as a distinct government, in ordfer to serve as a refuge for those who felt themselves compromised at Athens. § 19. When these terms were settled and sworn to, the Peloponnesians quitted Attica ; and Thrasybulus and the exiles, marching in solemn pro- cession from PeiKeus to Athens, ascended to the AcropoUs and offered up a solemn sacrifice and thanksgiving. An assembly of the people was then held, and after Thrasybulus had addressed an animated reproof to the oligarchical party, the democracy was unanimously restored. This impor- tant counter-revolution appears to have taken place m the spring of 403 B. c. The archons, the Senate of five hundred, the public assembly, and the dicasteries, seem to have been reconstituted in the same form as before the capture of the city. * All the acts of the Thirty were annulled, and a committee was appointed to revise the laws of Draco and Solon, and to exhibit their amendments at the statues of the eponymous heroes. These kws, as afterwards adopted by the whole body of five hundred nomothetse, and by the Senate, were ordered to be inscribed on the walls of the Pcecile Stoa, on which occasion the fuU Ionic alphabet of twenty- four letters was for the first time adopted in public acts, though it had long been m private use. The old Attic alphabet, of sixteen or eighteen letters, had been previously employed in public documents. f 20. Thus was terminated, after a sway of eight months, the despotism I B. a 403.] RESTORATION OF THE DEMOCRACY. 355 of tlie Thirty. The year which contained their rule was not nam£d after the archon, but was termed « the year of anarchy." The first archon drawn after theu* fall was Eucleides, who gave his name to a year ever afterwards memorable among the Athenians. The democracy, though smarting under recent wrongs, behaved with great moderation; a circumstance, however, which may in some degree be accounted for by the facts, that three thousand of the more influential citizens had been more or less implicated in the proceedings of the Thirty, and that the number of those entitled to the franchise was now reduced by its bemg restricted to such only as were bom of an Athenian mother as well as father. Eleusis was soon afterwards brought back into community with Athens. The only reward of Thrasybulus and his party were wreaths of oUve, and one thousand draclima^ given for a common sacrifice. But though Athens thus obtained internal peace, she was left a mere shadow of her former self. Her fortifications, her fleet, her revenues, and the empire founded on them, had vanished ; and her history henceforwards consists of struggles, not to rule over others, but to mamtain her own independence. Clio, the Mase of Histoiy. j 356 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXIV. Chap. XXXIV.] DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS. 357 The Erechtheum restored, viewed from the southwest angle. CHAPTER XXXIV. ATHENS, AND ATHENIAN AND GRECIAN ART DURING THE PERIOD OF HER EMPIRE. 1 1. Situation of Athens. ^ 2. Origin and Progress of the Ancient City. § 3. Extent of the New City. Peineus and the Ports. § 4. General Appearance of Athens. Population. I 6. Periods and General Character of Attic Art. § 6. Sculptors of the First Period. Ageladas, Onatas, and others. § 7. Second Period. Pheidias. ^ 8. Polycletus and Myron. ^ 9. Painting. Polygnotus. ^ 10. Apollodorus, Zeuxis, and Parrhasius. § 11. Architecture. Monuments of the Age of Cimon. The Temple of Xik«5 Apteros, the Theseum, and the Pcecilc Stoa. § 12. The Acropolis and its Monuments. Tlie PropylsBa, § 1^ The Parthenon. 4 14. Statues of Athena. § 15. The ErechthcMmj. § 16. Monuments in the Asty. The Dionysiac Theatre. The Odeum of Pericles. The Areopagus. The Pnyx. The Agora and Cerameicus. § 17. Monuments out of Attica. The Temple of Zeus at Olympia. § 18. The Temple of Apollo near Phigalia. § I. In the present book, we have beheld the rise of Athens from the condition of a second or third nite city to the headship of Greece : we are now to contemplate her triumphs in the peaceful but not less glorious pur- suits of art, and to behold her establishing an empire of taste and genius, not only over her own nation and age, but over the most civihzed portion of the world throughout all time. First of all, however, it is necessary to give a brief description of Atliens itself, the repository, as it were, in which the most precious treasures of art were preserved. Athens is situated about five miles from the sea-coast, in the central plain of Attica, which is inclosed by mountains on every side except the southwest, where it is open to the sea. In the southern part of the plain rise several eminences. Of these the most prominent is a lofty insulated mountain, with a conical peaked summit, now called the Hill of St. George, and which bore in ancient times the name of Lycahettus, This mountain, which was not mcluded within the ancient walls, hes to the northeast of Athens, and forms the most striking feature in the environs of the city. It is to Athens what Vesuvius is to Naples, or Arthur's Seat to Edinburgh. Southwest of Lycabettus there are four hills of moderate height, all of which formed part of the city. Of these the nearest to Lycabettus, and at the distance of a mile from the hitter, was the Acropolis, or citadel of Athens, a square craggy rock rising abruptly about a hundred and fifty feet, witli a flat summit* of about eleven hundred feet long from east to west, by four hundred and fifty broad from north to south. Immediately west of the Acropolis is a second hill, of irregular form, the Areopagm, To the southwest there rises a thhd hill, the Fnyx, on which the assemblies of the citizens were held; and to the south of the latter is a fourth hill, known as the Museum, On the eastern and western sides of the city there run two small streams, which are nearly exhausted before they reach the sea, by the heats of summer and by the channels for artificial irrigation. That on the east is the Ilissus, which flowed through the southern quarter of the city: that on the west is the Cephissus. South of the city was seen the Saronic Gulf, with the harbors of Athens. The ground on which Athens stands is a bed of hard hmestone rock, which the ingenuity of the inhabitants con- verted to architectural purposes, by hewing it mto walls, levelling it into pavements, and forming it into steps, seats, cisterns, and other objects of utiUty or ornament. The noblest description of Athens is given by IVIilton m his Paradise Regained : — " Look once more, ere we leave this specular mount, Westward ; much nearer by southwest behold, Where on the jEgean shore a city stands, Built nobly; pure the air, and light the soil; Athens, the eye of Greece, mother of arts And eloquence, native to famous wits, Or hospitable, in her sweet recess. City or suburban, studious walks and shades. See there the olive grove of Academe, Plato's retirement, where the Attic bird Trills her thick-warbled notes the summer long; There flowery hill Hymettus, with the sound * The summit is three hundred feet above the town, and three hundred and fifty above tae surrounding plain. — Ed. 1156 HISTORY OF GREECE. [CllAP. XXXIV. Chap. XXXIV.] DESCRIPTION OP ATHENS. a57 The Erechtheum restored, viewed from the southwest angle. CHAPTER XXXIV. ATHEKS, AND ATHENIAN AND GRECIAN ART DURING THE PERIOD Of PER EMPIRE. ^ 1, Sitnation of Athons'. ^ 2. Orifrin and Projrrcss of the Ancient City. § 3. Extent of the New City. Peineiis and the Ports. § 4. General Appetirnncc of Athens. Population. § 5. I*eriod:4 and Geneml Clumicter of Attic Art. § 6. S<;uli)tors of tlic First Period. Ageladas, Onatus, and otlicr^. § 7. Secon of tlie Age of Cimon. Tlie Temple of Xike Ai)tor..>, the Theseum, and the run-ilc Stoa. § 12. The Acropolis and iu Momunents. The Propvlaia. § LX The Parthenon. § 14. Statues of Athciia. § 15. The KreehtlifMini. § 16.' Monuments in the Asty. The Dionysiac Theatre. Tiie O.ieuni of Pericle*. Tlie Areopa<^is. The Pnyx. Tiie Aj^ora and Ceramcicus. § 17. Monuments out of Attica. The Temple of Zeus at Olympia. i 18. The Temple of Aj)ollo near Plii(;alia. § 1. In the present boi)k, we have beheld the rise of xVthens from tlie condition of a second or third rate eity to the lieadship of Grcect* : we are now to eontemphite her triuniplks in the peaceful but not less earance was by no means agreeable or striking. The streets were narrow and crooked, and tlie meanness of the jirivate houses formed a strong eontnist to the magnificence of the public builtlings. Athens and its Port Towns. A. The Asty. B. Peincus. C. Munychia, citadel of Peirgcus. D. Phalerum. EE, FF. The Long Walls : EE, the Northern Long WaU ; FF, the Southern Wall. GG. The Phaleric AVall. H. Harbor of Peira^us. I. Phaleric Bay. K. Harbor of Munychia. L. Harbor of Zca. None of the houses were more than one story high, which often projected over the street. They were for the most i)art constructed either of a framework of wood, or of unburnt bricks dried in the open air. The front towards the street rarely had any windows, and was usually nothing but a curtain wall covered with a coating of plaster. It was not till the Mace- donian period, when public spirit had decayed, that the Athenians, no longer satisfied with participating in the grandeur of the state, began to erect handsome private houses. Athens was badly drained, and scantily supplied with w^ater. It was not lighted, and very few of the streets were paved. Little care wiis taken to cleanse the city ; and it ai)pcars to have been as dirty jis the fiUhiest town of Southem Europe in the jiresent day.* * DicjFarchns, « contemporary of Aristotle, in the fragments of his work on tlie " Life of Greece," describes the city as " iU-furnished with water and irregiihir on account of its antiquity; the houses, generally mean and inconvenient; so that a stranger would at first hardly believe this to be the celebrated city of Athens. But when he should behold the The population of Athens cannot be accurately ascertained. The population of the whole of Attica probably exceeded half a million, of whom, however, nearly four fiftlis were slaves, and half the remainder metics, or resident aliens. The nuinl)er of citizens — native males above the age of twenty, enjoying the franchise — was twenty or twenty-one thousand. The population resident in Athens itself has been variously estimated at from a hundred and twenty to a hundred and ninety-two thousand soids. § 5. Such was the outward and material form of that city, wdiich durin«- the brief i)eriod comprised in our present book reached the highest pitch of military, artistic, and literary glory. The progress of the fir^t has bi^en already traced, and it is to the last two subjects that we are now to devote our attention. The whole period contemplated embraces about eighty years, the middle i»ortion of which, or that comprised under the ascendem^y of Pericles, exhibits Athenian art in its highest state of perfection, and is therefore by way of excellence connnonly designated as tlie age of Pericles. The generation which preceded, and that which followed, the time of that statesman, also exhibit a high degree of excellence; but in the former perfection had not yet attained its full development, and in the liUter we already begin to observe traces of incipient decline. The prog- ress both of poetry and of the plastic arts during this epoch ih strikingly similar. The great principle that pervaded all was a lively and truthful imitation of nature, but nature of an ideal and elevated stamp. Epic poetry and the ode give place to a more accurate and striking rendering of nature by means of dramatic representations; whilst sculpture presents us not only with more graceful ^brms, but with more of dramatic action in the arrangement of its groups. p,i this latter respect, however, the age was i.robal)ly excelled by the succeeding one of Scopas and Praxiteles. The [process by which Athenian genius freed its<'lf from the trammels of ancient stiffness, is as visible in the tragedies of uEschylus, Sophocles, and superb theatre; the co.tly temple of Athenn, calle.l the Parthenon, overhanginj- the theatre; the temple of Olympian Zeus, which, though unfinished, fills the beholder with amazement by the magnificence of its plan; the three Gymnasia, the Academy, the Lvceum, and the Cynosiirges, all of them shaded with trees and embellished with grassy lawns; having wit- nessed the haunts of the philosopliers, and the various schools, and the festive scenes by winch the cares of life are cheatele destroyed by the Persians. § It was entirely of Pentelic marble, on a rustic basement of ordinary limestone, and its architecture, which was of the Doric order, was of the purest kind. Its dimensions, taken from the under step of the stylobate, were about two hundred and twenty-eight feet in length, one bundled and one feet in breadth, and sixty-sixty feet in height to the top of the pediment. It consisted of a cella, surrounded by a peristyle, which had eight columns at either front, and seventeen at either side (reckoning the comer columns twice), thus containing forty six columns in all. These columns were six ft^et two inches in diameter al the base, and thirty-four feet in height. The cella was divided into two chambers of unequal size, the eastern one of which was al>out ninety- eight feet long, and the western one about forty-three feet. The ceiling of both these cliambers was supported by rows of columns. The whole build- ing was adorned with the most exquisite sculptures, executed by various « Over $ 2,100,000. — Ed. f UapSfv^v^ i. e. House of the Virgin. X *A$r}va. irdpBfvos. \ There is no doubt on this subject at present. The limits of the original foundation are fisible, and the addition necessary to make the foundation of the new temple, on on en- lai^ed scale, is distinctly defined. — Ed. artists under the direction of Pheidias. These consisted of, — 1 . The sculp- tures in the tympana of the pediments (i. e. the inner portion of the trian- gular gable ends of the roof above the two porticos), each of which was fiUed with about twenty-four colossal figures. The group in the eastern or principal front represented the birth of Athena from the head of Zeus, and the western the contest between Athena and Poseidon for the land of Attica. An engraving of one of the figures in the pediments is given on p. 277. 2. The metopes between the triglyphs in the frieze of the entab- lature (i. e. the upper of the two portions uito which the space between the columns and the roof is divided) were filled with sculptures m high rehef, representing a variety of subjects relating to Athena herself, or to the indigenous heroes of Attica. Each tablet was four feet three inches square. Those on the south side related to the battle of the Athenians with the Centaurs. One of the metopes is figured on p. 301. 3. The frieze which ran along outside the wall of the cella, and within the exter- nal columns which surround the building, at the same height and parallel with the metopes, was sculptured with a representation of the Panathenaic festival in very low relief. This frieze was three feet four inches in height, and five hundred and twenty feet in length. A small portion of the frieze is figured on p. 287. A large number of the slabs of the frieze, together with sixteen metopes from the south side, and several of the statues of the pediments, were brought to England by Lord Elgin, of whom they were purchased by the nation and deposited in the British Museum. The en- graving on p. 266 represents the restored western front of the Parthenon.* § 14. But the chief wonder of the Parthenon was the colossal statue of the Virgin Goddess executed by Pheidias himself, which stood in the east- era or principal chamber of the cella. It was of the sort called ckrt/sele- phantme,f a kind of work said to have been invented by Pheidias. Up to this time colossal statues not of bronze were acroliths, that is, having * A peculiar refinement has recently been discovered in the architectural details of the Parthenon, and other Grecian temples of the best period. The lines which in ordinary architecture are straight, in these temples are delicate curves: and instead of perpendiculw lines, as m the columns, inclined lines are employed. The lines of the stylobate, for exam- ple, rise so that the middle is higher than the extremities: and the lines in the entablature are nearly parallel. The axes of the columns incline inwards towards the temple, giving in reality a pyramidal shape to the structure. The object of these deviations from the recti- linear construction is " to correct certain optical illusions arising from the influence pro- duced upon one another by lines which have diflerent directions, and by contrasting masses ot light and shade." These deviations are quite imperceptible, from the usual j)oints of view • and the optical effect they produce is that of perfect regularity. Without them, the lines ot the stylobate would appear to sag in the middle, and the columns to incline outward. Ihe failure of most modern buildings in the Greek stvle has probably been owin.r to the igriorance of the architects with respect to this practice of the ancients. The ''subject IS fully discussed in the beautiful and scientific work of Mr. Francis C. Penrose, entitled An Investigation of the Principles of Athenian Architecture," &c. London, 1851. FoUo. It IS also treated by Mr. Beul(?, in L'Acropole d'Athenes, Tome II. Chap. I. This writer suggests a diflerent theory from that mentioned above. — Ed. 1 1, e. of gold and ivory, from xpvaois, ffolden, and (XfCpavrivoSt of ivory. 47 S70 HISTORY OF GREECE. (Chap. XXXIV. Chap. XXXIV.J erechtheum. — dionysiac theatre. 371 only the face, hands, and feet of marble, the rest being of wood, concealed by real drapery. But in the statue of Athena Pheidias substituted ivory for marble in those parts which were uncovered, and supplied the place of the real drapery with robes and other ornaments of soUd gold. Its height, including the base, was twenty-six cubits, or nearly forty feet. It repre- sented the goddess standing, clothed with a tunic reaching to the ankles, with a spear in her left hand, and an image of Victory, four cubits high, in her right. She was girded with the ajgis, and had a helmet on her head, and her shield rested on the ground by her side. The eyes were of a sort of marble resembling ivory, and were perhaps painted to represent the iris and pupil. The weight of soUd gold employed in the statue was, at a medium statement, forty-four talents, and was removable at pleasure. The Acropolis was adorned with another colossal figure of Athena in bronze, also the work of Pheidias. It stood in the open air, nearly oppo- site the Propylaea, and was one of the first objects seen after passing through the gates of the latter. With its pedestal it must have stood about seventy feet high, and consequently towered above the roof of the Parthenon, so that the point of its spear and the crest of its helmet were visible off the promontory of Sunium to ships approacliing Athens. It was called the "Athena Promachos,"* because it represented the goddess armed, and in the very attitude of battle. It was still standing in a. d. 395, and is said to have scared away Alaric when he came to sack the Acropolis. In the annexed coin the statue of Athena Promachus and the Parthenon are represented on the summit of the Acropolis : below is the cave of Pan, with a flight of steps leading up to the top of the Acropohs. Coin showing the Parthenon, Athena Promachos, and the Cave of Pan. § 15. The only other monument on the summit of the Acropolis which it is necessary to describe is the Erechtheum, or temple of Erechtheus. The Erechtheum was the most revered of all the sanctuaries of Athens, and was closely connected with the earliest legends of Attica. The tradi- tions respecting Erechtheus vary, but according to one set of them he was identical with the god Poseidon. He was worshipped in his temple under the name of Poseidon Erechtheus, and from the eai-liest times waa associated with Athena as one of the two protecting deities of Athens. The original Erechtheum was burnt by the Persians, but the new temple was erected on the ancient site. This could not have been otherwise ; for on this spot was the sacred olive-tree which Athena evoked from the earth in her contest with Poseidon, and also the well of salt-water which Posei- don produced by a stroke of his trident, the impression of which was seen upon the rock. The building was also called the temple of Athena Polias, because it contained a separate sanctuary of the goddess, as well as her most ancient statue. The building of the new Erechtheum was not com- menced till the Parthenon and Propyliea were finished, and probably not before the year preceding the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war. Its progress was no doubt delayed by that event, and it was probably not completed before 393 B. c. When finished it presented one of the finest models of the Ionic order, as the Parthenon was of the Doric. It stood to the north of the latter building, and close to the northern wall of the Acropolis. The foim of the Erechtheum differs from every known exam- ple of a Grecian temple. Usually a Grecian temple was an oblong figure with a portico at eaxih extremity. The Erechtheum, on the contrary, though oblong in shape, and having a portico at the eastern or principal fi-ont, had none at its western end, where, however, a portico projected north and south from either side, thus forming a kmd of transept. This ^regularity seems to have been chiefly owing to the necessity of preserv- mg the different sanctuaries and religious objects belonging to the ancient temple. A view of it from the southwest angle is given on p. 356. The roof of the southern portico, as shown in the view, was supported by six Caryatides, or figures of young maidens in long draperies, one of which is figured on p. 334. Such were the principal objects which adorned the Acropolis at the tune of which we are now speaking. Their general appearance will be best gathered from the engraving on p. 248. § 16. Before quitting the city of Athens, there are two or three other objects of interest which must be briefly described. First, the Dionysiac Tlieatre, which, as already stated, occupied the slope at the southeastern extremity of the Acropolis. The middle of it was excavated out of the rock, and the rows of seats ascended in curves one above another, the di- ameter increasing with the height. It was no doubt sufficiently large to aecommodate the whole body of Athenian citizens, as well as the strangers who flocked to Athens during the Dionysiac festival, but its dimensions cannot now be accurately ascertained.* It had no roof, but the spectatore * npoiiaxpSf the Defender. * The dimensions may be nearly ascertained, as the upper tiers of seats, cut in the sob'd ^ ^ 872 HISTORY OP GREECE. (Chap. XXXIV. Chap. XXXIV.] statue of the olympian jove. 878 were probably protected from the sun by an awning, and from their elevat- ed seats they had a distinct view of the sea, and of the peaked hills of Salamis in the horizon. A representation of this theatre viewed from be- low is given on a brass coin of Athens. The seats for the spectators are disdnctly seen ; and on the top, the Parthenon in the centre, with the Pro- pylffia on the left Theatre of Dionysus, from a coin. Close to the Bionysiac Theatre on the east was the Odeum of Pericles, asmaller kind of theatre, which seems to have been chiefly designed for the rehearsal of musical performances. It was covered with a conical roof, like a tent, in order to retain the sound, and in its original state was perhaps actually covered with the tent of Xerxes. It served as a refuge for the audience when driven out of the theatre by ram, and as a place for training the chorus. The Areopagus * was a rocky height opposite the western end of the AcTopohs, from which it was separated only by some hollow ground. It derived its name from the tradition that Ares was brought to trial here before the assembled gods, by Poseidon, for murdering Ilalirrhothius, the son of the latter. It was here that the Council of Areopagus met, fre- quently called the Upper Council, to distinguish it from the Council of Five Hundred, which assembled in the valley below. The Areopagites sat as judges in the open air, and two blocks of stone are still to be seen, proba- bly those which, accordmg to the description of Euripides, f were occupied respectively by the accuser and the accused. The Areopagus was the spot where the Apostle Paul preached to the men of Athens. At the southeastern comer of the rock is a wide chasm leading to a gloomy re- cess containing a fountain of very dark water. This was the sanctuai-y rock, remain, and a part of the substructions of the stage buildings. The distance from the upper seats to the orchestra was about three hundred feet; to the stage, the distance was considerably greater. — Ed. ♦ o "Apfios TTtryoff, or Hill of Area (Mars). . f Iphig. Taur. 961. of the Eumenides, called by the Athenians the Semnai* or Venerable Goddesses. The Pnyx, or place for holding the public assemblies of the Athenians, stood on the side of a low, rocky hill, at the distance of about a furlong from the Areopagus. Between the Pnyx on the west, the Areopagus on the north, and the Acropolis on the east, and closely adjoining the base of these hills, stood the Agora (or market-place). Its exact boundaries cannot be determined. The Stoa Poecile, already described, ran along the western side of it, and consequently between it and the Pnyx. In a direction from northwest to southeast a street called the Cerameicus ran diagonally ' through the Agora, entering it through the valley between the Pnyx and the Areopagus. The street was named after a district of the city, which was divided into two parts, the Inner and Outer Cerameicus. The former lay within the city walls, and included the Agora. The Outer Ceramei- cus, which formed a handsome suburb on the northwest of the city," was the burial-place of all persons honored with a public funeral. Throu A A 2k V» series of flree tragedies, fbUowed by a Satyric play. These were often on connected subjects ; and the Satyric drama at the end served like a merry afterpiece to relieve the minds of the spectators. The subjects of Greek tragedy were taken, with few exceptions, from the national mythology.* Hence the plot and story were of necessity known to the spectators, a circumstance which strongly distinguishes the ancient tragedy from the modem. It must also be recollected, that the representation of tragedies did not take place every day, but only, after certain fixed intervals, at the festivals of Dionysus, of which they formed one of the greatest attractions. During the whole day the Athenian pub- lic sat in the theatre witnessmg tragedy after tragedy ; and a prize was awarded, by judges appointed for the purpose, to the poet who produced the best set of dramas. § 4. Such was Attic tragedy when it came into the hands of -^schylus, who, from the great improvements which he introduced, was regarded by the Athenians as its father or founder, just as Homer was of Epic poetry, and Herodotus of History, -^chylus was bom at Eleusis in Attica, in B. C. 525, and was thus contemporary with Simonides and Pmdar. His ijEither, Euphorion, may possibly have been connected >rith the worship of Demeter at Eleusis; and hence, perhaps, were imbibed those religious impressions which characterized the poet through life. His first play was exhibited in b.c. 500, when he was twenty-five years of age. He fought with his brother Cynaegeinis at the battle of Marathon,! and also at those of Artemisium, Salamis, and Plataia. In b. c. 484 he gained his first tragic prize. The first of his extant dramas, the Persai, was not brought out till b. c. 472, when he gained the prize with the trilogy of which it formed one of the pieces. In 468 he was defeated in a tragic contest by his younger rival, Sophocles ; shortly afterwards he retired to the court of King Hiero, at Syracuse. In 467 Hiero died ; and in 458 ^schylus must have returned to Athens, since he produced his trilogy of the Oresteia in that year. This trilogy, which was composed of the trage- dies of the Agamemnmiy the Gho'ephoroi, and the Eumenides, is remarkable as the only one that has come down to us in anything like a perfect shape. His defence of the Areopagus, however, contained in the last of these three dramas, proved unpalatable to the new and more democratic gener- ation which had now sprung up at Athens ; and either from disappointment or fear of the consequences ^schylus again quitted Athens and retired once more to Sicily. On this occasion he repaired to Gela, where he died in B. c. 456, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. It is unanimously related that an eagle, mistaking the poet's bald head for a stone, let a tortoise fall upon it in order to break the shell, thus fiilfilling an oracle predictmg that '* To this should be added the traditions of the great families in the heroic age. — Ed. f See p. 166. Chap. XXXV.] JESCHYLUS AND SOPHOCLES. 379 he was to die by a blow from heaven. After his death, his memory was held in high reverence at Athens. A decree was passed that a chorus should be provided at the public expense for any one who might wish to revive his tragedies ; and hence it happened that they were frequently reproduced upon the stage. The improvements introduced into tragedy by -^schylus concerned both its form and composition, and its manner of representation. In the former his principal innovation was the introduction of a second actor ; whence arose the dialogue, properly so called, and the limitation of the choral parts, which now became subsidiary. His improvements in the manner of representing tragedy consisted in the introduction of painted scenes, drawn according to the rules of perspective, for which he availed himself of the pictorial skill of Agatharchus. He furnished the actors with more appropriate and more magnificent dresses, invented for them more various and expressive masks, and raised their stature to the heroic size by providing them with thick-soled cothurni or buskins. He paid great attention to the choral dances, and invented several new figures.* The genius of ^schylus inclined rather to the awful and sublime than to the tender and patheticf He excels in representing the superhuman, in depicting demigods and heroes, and in tracing the irresistible march of fete. His style resembles the ideas which it clothes. It is bold, sublime, and full of gorgeous imagery, but sometimes borders on the turgid.^ § 5. Sophocles, the younger rival and immediate successor of ^schy- lus in the tragic art, was born at Colonus, a village about a mile from Athens, in b. c. 495. We know ^little of his family, except that his father's name was Sophilus ; but that he was carefully trained in music and gymnastics appears from the fact that in his sixteenth year he was chosen to lead, naked, and with lyre in hand, the chorus which danced round the trophy, and sang the hymns of triumph, on the occasion of the victory of Salamis (b. c. 480). We have already adverted to his wresting the tragic prize from iEschylus in 468, which seems to have been his first appearance as a dramatist. This event was rendered very striking by the circumstances under which it occurred. The Archon Eponymus had not yet appointed the judges of the approaching contest, * " Personse pallaeque repertor honestae JEschylus, et raodicis instravit pulpita tignis, Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno." HoK., Ar. Poet. 278. t In passages — as in the description of the sacrifice of Iphigeneia in the Agamemnon — JEschylus shows the most exquisite tenderness of feeling, as well as beauty of language. — Ed. X jEschylus is said to have written seventy tragedies ; but only seven are extant, which were probably represented in the following order: the Persians^ b. c. 472; the Seven againd Thebes^ b. c. 471; the Suppliants; the Prometheus; the Agamemnon^ Oioephoroij and fk- menideSj b. c. 458. I * ' I i! 880 HISTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXV. Chap. XXXV.] EUEIPIDES. 381 respecting nUMi public expectation and party feeling ran very high, when Cimon and his nine colleagues in command entered the theatre, having just returned from Scyros. Ailer they had made the customary libations to Dionysus, the archon detained them at the altar and administered to them the oath appomted for the judges in the dramatic contests. Their decision, as we have said, was in favor of Sophocles. From this time forwards he seems to have retamed the almost undisputed possession of the Athenian stage, until a young but formidable rival arose in the per- son of Euripides. In 440 we find Sophocles elected one of the ten Stra- tegi, of whom Pericles was the chief, to conduct the expedition against Sainos ; an honor which he is said to have owed to his play of the Antig' ^ spirited and classical composition. It 18 very appropriately placed among the artistic and classical treasures of his father's house in Munich. Colonos has acquired an additional and melancholy interest, as the burial-place of Carl Ottfried Miiller, who died a few years ago in Athens, in consequence of a sun-stroke received while making excavations at Delphi. A nobler scholar has not adorned the Ut- cntnre of the present age, and a more fitting sepulture could not have been found for tht •ditor of the Eumenides. — Ed. As a poet Sophocles is universally aUowed to have brought the drama to the greatest perfection of which it is susceptible. His plays stand in the just medium between the sublime but unregulated flights of ^schylus and the too familiar scenes and rhetorical declamations of Euripides His plots are worked up with more skill and care than the plots of either of his great rivaU: that of the (Edipus ^yrannt.. in particular is remarkable for Its skilful development, and for the manner in which the interest of the piece increases through each succeeding act. Sophocles added the last improvement to the form of the drama by the introduction of a third actor- a change which greatly enlarged the scope of the action. The improve-' ment was so obvious, that it was adopted by ^schylus in his later plays • but the number of three actors seems to have been seldom or never exceeded. Sophocles also made considerable alterations in the choral parts, by curtailing the length of the songs, and by giving the chorus itself the character of an impartial spectator and judge, mther than that of a deeply interested party, which it often assumes in the plays of ^schylus.* § 6. Euripides was born in the island of Salamis, in b. c. 480 his parents having been among those who fled thither at the time of the mvasion of Attica by Xerxes. In early hfe he practised painting with some success but he devoted himself with still more earnestness t« phi- losophy and htemture. He studied rhetoric under Pix)dicus, and physics under Anaxagoras, and also lived on intimate terms with Socrates. He IS said to have written a tragedy at the age of eighteen ; but the first play brought out in his own name was acted in b. c. 455, when he was twenty- five years of age It wa. not, however, till 441 that he gained his fi4 prize, and from this time he continued to exhibit plays until b. c. 408, the date of his Orestes Soon after this he repaired to the court of Macedonia, at the invitation of King Archelaus, where he died two years afterwai^^ at the age of seventy-four (b. c. 406). Common report relates that he was torn to pieces by the king's dogs, which, according to some accomits, were set upon him by two rival poets out of envy. Euripides received tragedy perfect from the hands of his predecessors, and we do not find that he made any changes in its outward form. But he varied from them considerably in the poetical mode of handling it, and his innovations m this respect were decidedly for the worse. He con- verted the prologue into a vehicle for the exposition of the whole plot, in which he not only informs the spectator of what has happened up to that moment but frequently also of what the result or catastrophe will be. In his hands, too, the chorus grew feebler, and its odes less connected with the * Sophocles is said to have written 117 tragedies, but of these only seven are extant U^ Zta^ ?lt: ' •'"':!^'>> " ''; '^"^^-'"^ chronological order: the InUgonTTo, Q)Umos, brought out by the younger Sophocles b. c. 401. il' I '■ 111 M< >. P HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXV subject of the drama, so that they might frequently belong to any oAer piece just as well as to the one in which they were mserted. In treatmg L characters and subjects he often arbitrarily departed ^^m he received legends, and diminished the dignity of tragedy by depnvmg it of Us ide^ dLcter, a^d by bringing it down to the level of --^J^^*^;^^ dialogue was garrulous and colloquial, wantmg m heroic ^ « ^^^^^^^^^ quenUy frigid through misplaced philosophical disqu— s. J-t m ^^ of aU these faults Euripides has many beauties, and is particularly remark- able for pathos, so that Aristotle calls him "the most tmgic of poets. Eighteen of the tragedies of Euripides are still extant, omitting the Bhesus the genuineness of which there are good reasons for doub ing. One of them; the Cyclops, is particularly interestmg as the only extant specmien of the Greek satyric drama.* ,«^,^ 17. Comedy was revived at Athens by Chionides and his contempo- raries, about b. c. 488 ; but it received its full development from Cratini^ who lived in the age of Pericles. Cratinus, and his younger conte«ipo- raries, Eupolis and Aristophanes, were the three great poets of what is caUed the Old Attic Comedy.t The comedies of Cratinus and Eupolis are lost ; but of Aristophanes, who was the greatest of the three, we have eleven dramas extant Aristophanes was bom about 444 b.c. Ut Iub private Hfe we know positively nothing. He exhibited his fii.t comedy m 427, and from that t^e tiU near his death, which probably happened about 380, he was a frequent contributor to the Attic stage.^ The old Attic comedy was a powerful vehicle for the expression of opinion, and most of the comedies of Aristophanes, and those of his c^- iporaries likewise, turned either upon political occurrences, or upon somV subject which excited the interest of the Athenian pubhc. The^ lef object was to excite laughter by the boldest and most ludi-us can- cature ; and provided that end was attained, the poet seems to have cared Tut littie aboSt the justice of the picture. A living l^tonai. has weU remarked : « Never probably wiU the full and unshackled force of comedy be so exhibited again. Without having Aristophanes actuaUy before us, it would have been impossible to imagine the unmeasured and unspaiing license of attack assumed by the old comedy upon the gods, the mstitu- tions, the politicians, philosophers, poe ts, private citizens, speciaUy named, * The following is a Ust of his extant plays: the Alcestis, b c. 438; ^«^««' /f ^J^^ pdntm^mi BecL, about 424; Heraclid^, about 421; Suj^hces. Jon, Hercu^'* Fure^ A^^rmcU; T,^*, 415; Elecira; Helena, 425; Iphigeneia in Tauru; Orestes 408; pSn«-H and Ipkigeneia in Aulis were brought out after the death of Eunpides by his son, the younger Euripides. The date of the Cyclops is quite uncertam. t EupoUs atque Cratinus Aristophanesque poetse, Atque alii quorum comoedia prisca viroram est. — Hon. Sat. 1. 4. t The eleven extant dramas are: the Achamians, b^c. 425; KnighU^ 424; (Ms^ 428 j jra5P*,422; Peace, 419; Bi«fo,414; Lumtrata^m; Tkesmopkonazusa^. 411, P/tKw, 4081 Frogsj 405; EccksiazuWj 392. Chip. XXXV] ARISTOPHANES. 38S — and even the women, whose life was entirely domestic, — of Athens. With this universal liberty in respect of subject there is combined a poignancy of derision and satire, a fecundity of imagination and variety of turns, and a richness of poetical expression such as cannot be surpassed, and such as fully explains the admiration expressed for him by the phi- losopher Plato, who in other respects must have regarded him with un- questionable disapprobation. His comedies are popular in the largest sense of the word, addressed to the entire body of male citizens on a day consecrated to festivity, and providing for their amusement or derision with a sort of drunken abundance, out of all persons or things standing in any way prominent before the public eye." * In illustration of the pre- ceding remarks we may refer to the Knights of Aristophanes, as an example of the boldness of his attacks on one of the leading political char- acters of the day, — the demagogue Cleon ; whilst the Clouds, in which Socrates t is held up to ridicule, and the Thesmophoriazusce and Frogs, containing slashing onslaughts on Euripides, show that neither the greatest philosophers nor the most popular poets were secure. Even Pericles himself is now and then bespattered with ridicule, and the aversion of the poet for the Peloponnesian war is shown in many of his dramas. From the nature of his plays it would be absurd, as some hav-e done, to quote them gravely as historical authority ; though, with due allowance for comic exaggeration, they no doubt afford a valuable comment on the politics, literature, and manners of the time. Nor can it be doubted that, under all his bantering, Aristophanes often strove to serve the views of the old aris- tocratical party, of which he was an adherent. The more serious political remarks were commonly introduced into that part of the chorus called the parabasts, when, the actors having left the stage, the choreutge turned round, and, advancing towards the spectators, addressed them in the name of the poet. Towards the end of the career of Aristophanes the unre- stricted license and hbellous personality of comedy began gradually to disappear. The chorus was first curtailed and then entirely suppressed, and thus made way for what is called the Middle Comedy, which had no chorus at all. The Flutus of Aristophanes, which contains no political allusions, exhibits an approach to this phase. An extract from the Knights of Aristophanes will give some idea of the unmeasured invective in which the poet indulged. The chorus come upon the stage, and thus commence their attack upon Cleon : — Close around him, and confound him, the confounder of us all, Pelt him, pummel him, and maul him; rummage, ransack, overhaul him; Overbear him and outbawl him; bear him down, and bring him under; Bellow like a burst of thunder. Robber! harpy ! sink of plunder! Bogue and villain! rogue and cheat! rogue and villain, I repeat! 1 ♦ Grote»8 Htst. of Greece, Vol. VIII. p. 450. t Socrates, and through him the Sophists, were the objects of attack in the Clouds. — Ed. 'M |Si HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXV. tt ^....../l&in I can repeat it has the rogue and villain cheated. Close around him, left and right; spit upon him, spurn and smite: Spit upon him as you see; spurn and spit at him like me. But beware, or he '11 evade ye, for he knows the private track Where Eucrates was seen escaping with his mill-dust on his bacK. Cleon. Worthy veterans of the jury, you that, either right or wrong, With my threepenny provision, I 've maintained and cherished long, Come to my aid ! I 'm here waylaid, - assassinated and betrayed. Chorus. Rightly served! we serve you rightly, for your hungry love of pelf; For your gross and greedy rapine, gormandizing by yourself; You that, ere the figs are gathered, pilfer with a privy twitch Fat delinquents and defaulters, pulpy, luscious, plump, and nchj Pinching, fingering, and pulling, tampering, selecting, culling. With a nice survey discerning which are green and which are turning, Which are ripe for accusation, forfeiture, and confiscation. Him, besides, the wealthy man, retired upon an easy rent, Hating and avoiding party, noble-mmded, indolent, Fearful of official snares, intrigues, and intricate afiwrs; Him you mark; you fix and hook him, whilst he 's gaping unawares; At a fling, at once you bring him hither from the Chersonese, Down you cast him, roast and baste Mm, and devour him at your eaao. Ckon, Tes! assault, insult, abuse me! this is the return I find For the noble testimony, the memorial I designed: Meaning to propose proposals for a monument of stone,^ On the which y^our late achievements should be carved and neatly done. Out, away with him! the slave! the pompous, empty, fawning kiiaT«! Does he think with idle speeches to delude and cheat us all? As he does the dotmg elders that attend his daily call. Pelt him here, and bang him there; and here and there and everywhere. CZeon> SaTeme,n'llua, an Athenian, and was probably bom about b. c. 444. Socrates is said to have saved his life in the battle of Delium, which was fought m b. c. 424, and as we know that he lived to a much later period, he could hardly have been more than twenty at the time of this battle. Xenophon was a pupil of Socrates, and we are also told that he received instructions from Prodi- cus of Ceos, and from Isocrates. His accompanying Cyrus the younger in his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, king of Persia, formed a striking episode in his Ufe, and has been recorded by himself m his Anaba^ m ' but as we shall have occasion to relate this event in our next book, we need not touch upon it here. He seems to have been stiU in Asia at the time of the death of Socrates in 399 b. c, and was probably bamshed from Athens soon after that period, in consequence of his close connection with the Lacediemonian authorities in Asia. He accompanied Agesilaus, the Spartan king, on the return of the latter from Asia to Greece ; and he fou.rht along with the Lacedsemonians against his own countrymen at the battle of Coronea in 394 b. c. After this battle he went with Agesi- laus to Sparta, and soon afterwards settled at Scillus in Ehs, near Olympia, where he was jomed by his wife and children. His time seems to have been agreeably spent at this residence in hunting, and other rural diversions, as weU as in literary pursuits ; and he is said to have composed here his Anabasis, and a part, if not the whole, of the HeUemca, From this quiet retreat he was at length expelled by the Eleans, but at what date is un- certain ; though he seems at all events to have spent at least twenty years at tliis place. His sentence of banishment fix)m Athens was repealed on the motion of Eubulus, but in what year we do not know. His two sons, Gryllus and Diodoms, are said to have fought with the Athenians and Spartans against the Thebans, at the battle of Mantinea in 362. There is, however, no evidence that Xenophon ever returned to Athens. He «eems to have retii-ed to Corinth after his expulsion from Elis, and it is probable that he died there. He is said to have Uved to more than ninety yeai-s of age, and he mentions an event which occurred as late as Probably all the works of Xenophon are still extant The Anab&sis Chap. XXXV.] ATHENIAN EDUCATION. 3a7 is the work on which his fame as an historian chiefly rests. It is written in a simple and agreeable style, and conveys much curious and striking information. The Helknica is a continuation of the history of Thucydides, and comprehends in seven books a space of about forty-eight years ; namely, from the time when Thucydides breaks off, b. c. 411, to the battle of Man- tmea in 362. The subject is treated in a very dry and uninteresting style ; and his evident partiality to Sparta, and dislike of Athens, have frequently warped his judgment, and must cause his statements to be received with some suspicion. The Cyropcedla, one of the most pleasing and popular of Xenophon's works, professes to be a history of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy, but is in reality a kind of political romance, and possesses no authority wliatever as an historical work. The design of the author seems to have been to draw a picture of a perfect state ; and though the scene is laid in Pei-sia, the materials of the work are derived fi-om Ws own philosophical notions and the usages of Sparta, engrafted on the popu- larly current stories respecting Cyrus. Xenophon displays in this work his disHke of democratic institutions like those of Athens, and his prefer- ence for an aristocracy, or even a monarchy. Xenophon was also the au- thor of several minor works ; but the only other treatise which we need mention is the Memorabilia of Socrates, in four books, intended as a de- fence of his master against the charges which occasioned his death, and which undoubtedly contams a genuine picture of Socrates and his philoso- phy. The genius of Xenophon was not of the highest order ; it was prac- tical rather than speculative ; but he is distinguished for his good sense, his moderate views, his humane temper, and his earnest piety. § 10. In closing this brief survey of Athenian Uterature, it is necessary to make a few remarks upon Athenian education, and upon the greatest teacher of his age, — the philosopher Socrates. A certain amount of elementary education seems to have prevailed among the free citizens of all the Grecian states at the time of which we are speaking. Instruction was usually imparted in schools. The Peda- gogue, or private tutor, was not a teacher ; he was seldom a man of much knowledge, — often indeed a slave, — and his office was merely to watch over his pupils in their idle hours, and on their way to the schools. When a youth could read with fluency, he was set to learn by heart passages selected from the best poets, m which moral precepts and examples of vir- tuous conduct were inculcated and exhibited. The works of ^sop and Theognis were much used for this purpose. He was then taught those accompUshments which the Greeks included under the comprehensive head of "music," and which comprised not oqly the art of playing on the lyre, and of singing and dancing, so as to enable him to bear a part in a chorus, but also to recite poetical compositions with grace and propriety of accent and pronunciation. At the same time his physical powers were developed and strengthened by a course of gymnastic exercises. At the age of 1 1 ■■• I ' 388 BISTOBT OF GREECE. [Cbap. XXXV. eighteen or twenty the sons of the more wealthy «">^«°\»"ended &« clLes of the rhetors and sophists who gave the.r lectures m the Lyceum, Academy, or other similar institutions; a course somewhat "natogous to entering a university in our own times. Here the young man studied rheU «ric and philosophy; under which heads were included mathematics, as- tronomy, dialectics, oratory, criticism, and morals. ,. , . .^ S 11 It will be perceived fit,m the above sketch that the rhetor a«^ sophist - whose provinces were often combined, and are generally difficult to distinguish with accuracy -pteyed the most important P^^ "« Jhe for- • mation rf the foture man. They gave the last bias to his mind, and sent him forth into the world with habits of thought which m after hfe he would perhaps have neither the leisure nor the inclination to alter, or even to LmTe. Most of the young men who attended the.r !«« ""^'l^'^J^^''^ more in view than to become qualified for taking ^pracHcal part in active life. The democratical institutions which had begun to prevail «> Athens, Sicily, and other parts of Greece during the fifth century before the Chns- tian era, and which often obliged a public man to confute an adversary, to defend himself from an attack, or to persuade a public assembly, ren- dered it necessary for him to obtain some knowledge of rhetoric and dia- fectics. It was for this purpose that the schools of the rheto^ and s^^^s were frequented by the great mass of their hearers, without, pe.hap,, much care for their speculative principles, except so far as they might se^e « exereises to sharpen dialectic skiU. Among the ^f jr"""' °^ ^ teachers in the time of Socrates were Prota^ras "^ Jj^^^™' ^'°l^^j' Leontini, Polus of Agrigentum, Hippias of Bis, P-^-^ «^^^ j/^ others. As rhetorical instructors they may be compared with fcoc^^ or Quintilian; but, generally si^^aking, there was more or less of phUo- gophical specuhition mixed up with their teaching. . . ,, ,, „. . The name of « Sophist" borne by these men had not ongmally that in- sidious meaning which it came to possess in later times J« ''^ ^arly "^ it meant only a wiu or a ckcer man. Thus it was applied to the seven Lges, and to the poets, such as Homer and Hesiod ; -" -/^ -"""^^ .s%;.ible fiw the notion implied in the modem term ^hst. The W seems to have retained its honorable meaning down to the tmic of Socrates , but Plato and Xenophon began to «.e it in a depreciatory sense, and as a term of reproach. Whenever they wished to speak of a ™!y --/r; they prefe^d the wonl « philosopher.- It may therefore be ^fj^fj^^ the nLe of " Sophist " began to fall into contempt threugh the te-chmg ef Socrates, more especially as we find that Socrates himself shrank from %T But the rektion of Socrates to the Sophists will be best shown by a brief account of his life. r ai x«A ;« *1ia Socrates was bom in the year 468 B. c, in the deme of Alopec^, m the immediate «.ighborhood of Athens. His father, Sophromscus, was . Chap. XXXV.] SOCRATES. 389 sculptor, and Socrates was brought up to, and for some time practised, the same profession. A group of the Charites or Graces, from his chisel, was preserved in the Acropolis of Athens, and was extant in the time of Pau- sanias. His mother, Phaenarete, was a midwife. Thus his station in life was humble, but his family was of genuine Attic descent. He was mar- ried to Xanthippe, by whom he had three sons ; but her bad temper has rendered her name proverbial for a conjugal scold. His physical constitu- tion was healthy, robust, and wonderfully enduring. Indifferent alike to heat and cold, the same scanty and homely clothing sufficed him both in summer and winter ; and even in the campaign of Potidaea, amidst the snows of a Thracian winter, he went barefooted. He was moderate and frugal in his diet, yet on occasions of festival could drink more wine than any other man without being intoxicated. It was a principle with him to contract his wants as much as possible ; for he had a maxim, that to want nothing belonged only to the gods, and to want as little as possible was the nearest approach to the divine nature. But though thus gifted with strength of body and of mind, he was far from being endowed with per- sonal beauty. His thick lips, flat nose, and prominent eyes gave him the appearance of a Silenus, or satyr. We know but few particulars of his life. He served with credit as an hoplite at Potidaea (b. c. 432), Delium (b. c. 424), and Amphipolis (b. c. 422) ; but it was not till late in life, in the year 406 b. c, that he filled any political office. He was one of the Prytanes when, after the battle of Arginusae, Callixenus submitted his proposition respecting the six generals to the public assembly, and his refusal on that occasion to put an unconstitutional question to the vote has been already recorded.* He had a strong persuasion that he was in- trusted with a divine mission, and he believed himself to be attended by a daemon or genius, whose admonitions he frequently heard, not, however, in the way of excitement but of restraint. He never wrote anything, but he made oral instruction the great business of his life. Early in the morning he frequented the pubhc walks, the gymnasia, and the schools ; whence he adjourned to the market-place at its most crowded hours, and thus spent the whole day in conversing with young and old, rich and poor, — with all in short who felt any desire for his instructions. There was, however, a certain set of persons who were in the habit of fol- lowing him to hear his conversation, and these became known as his disciples. From this public manner of life, he became one of the best-known characters in Atliens, and this circumstance was probably the reason why he was selected for attack, as the representative of the Sophists in general, by Aristophanes and the comic poets. But the picture of Aristophanes shows that he either did not know, or was not soKcitous about, the real % * See p. 342. 890 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chaf. XXXV |f| objecu and pursuits of Socrates: his only object seems to have been to Jse a laugh. The dramatist represents Socrates as occup^ wUh physical re^arches. But though in early hfe Socrates '"^ P»'d 8om« Mention to natural philosophy, he soon ""^^'^V , fhlJV.e SI ftom reading a treatise of Anaxagora.,. in .h.ch he iound '^-'j'- P "'^ pher's hypotheses were not sustained by any ^/^'^^ "^f. J';^'^ Lrates o turn his attemion to dialectics. In th.s pursuit heie can be little doubt that he derived great assistance f.x.m ^^^? .Jfl^^^n 1 „„:..iw T>..rmpnides and Zeno, who visited Athens \\ lie.i philosophers, especially 1 armenmes aim i.y, , Lrates was a young man. He seems to have borrowed ftora he Eleatics his negJlre method; namely, that of disprovn.g and upset ing what is advanced by a disputant, as a means of unmasking not only false- hood, but also assertion without authority, yet without attcmptmg to establish anything in its place. rffi,„„j i 13. We are now in a condition to see in what points Socrates differed from the ordinary teachers or Sophists of the tune. They were the«e : 1. He taught without fee or reward, and communicated his instructions freely to high and low, rich and poor aUke. 2. He did not talk for mere vain show and ostentation, but for the sake of gaining clear and distmc Meas, and thus advancing both himself and others in real knowledge. It was with this view that he had abandoned physics, which, m the manner in which they were then taught, were founded merely on gxiesscs and conjectures, and had applied himself to the study of his fellow-men, which opened a surer field of observation. And in order to arnve at clear ideas on moral subjects, he was the first to employ defniUon and .«/«•.»««, and thus confine the discourse to the eliciting of truth, instead of making it the vehicle for empty display. A contrary practice on these two points is what constituted the difference between Socrates and the S>opliis s. The teaching of Socrates forms an epoch in the history of philosophy. From his school sprang Plato, the founder of the Academic philosophy ; Eucleides, the founder of the Megarie school; Aristippus, the founder of the Cyienaic school ; and many other philosophers of eminence. § 14. That a reformer and destroyer, like Socrates, of ancient prejudices and fallacies which passed current under the name of wisdom should have raised up a host of enemies, is only what might be expected; but m his case this feeling was increased by the manner m which he fuWlled h« mission. The oracle of Delphi, in response to a question put by his friend Cbierephon, had affirmed that no man was wiser than Socrates, ^o one was more perplexed at this declaration than Socrates himself, smce he was conscious to himself of possessing no wisdom at aU. However Je detormined to test the accuracy of the priestess, for though he had httle wisdom, others might have stiU less. He therefore selected an eminent poUtician who enjoyed a high reputation for wisdom, and soon e icited, by k Bcrutmizing method of c«.ss-examination, that this statesman s reputed I Chap. XXXV.] SOCRATES. 391 wisdom was no wisdom at all. But of this he could not convince the sub- ject of his examination ; whence Socrates concluded that he was wiser than this politician, inasmuch as he was conscious of his own ignorance, and therefore exempt from the error of believing himself wise when in reality he was not so. The same experiment was tried, with the same result, on various classes of men ; on poets, mechanics, and especially on the rhetors and sophists, the chief of all the pretenders to wisdom. § 15. The first indication of the unpopularity which Socrates had incurred is the attack made upon him by Aristophanes in the " Clouds,'* in the year 423 b. c. That attack, however, seems to have evaporated with the laugh, and for many years Socrates continued his teaching with- out molestation. It was not till b. c. 399 that the indictment was pre- ferred against him which cost him his life. In that year, Meletus, a leather-seller, seconded by Anytus, a poet, and Lycon, a rhetor, accused him of impiety in not worshipping the gods of the city, and in introducing new deities, and also of being a corrupter of youth. With respect to the latter charge, his former intimacy with Alcibiades and Critias may have weighed against him. Socrates made no preparations for his defence, and seems, indeed, not to have desired an acquittal. But although he ad- dressed the dicasts in a bold, uncompromising tone, he was condemned only by a small majority of five or six, in a court composed of between five and isix hundred dicasts. After the verdict was pronounced, he was entitled, according to the practice of the Athenian courts, to make some counter- proposition in place of the penalty of death, which the accusers had demanded, and if he had done so with any show of submission it is proba- ble that the sentence would have been mitigated. But his tone after the verdict was higher than before. All that he could be brought to propose against himself by way of punishment was a fine of thirty min(E^ which Plato and other friends engaged to pay for him. Instead of a fine, he asserted that he ought to be maintained in the Prytaneum at the public expense, as a public benefactor. This tone seems to have enraged the dicasts, and he was condemned to death. It happened that the vessel which proceeded to Delos on the annual deputation to the festival had sailed the day before his condemnation ; and during its absence it was unlawful to put any one to death. Socrates was thus kept in prison during thirty days, till the return of the vessel. He spent the interval in philosophical conversations with his friends. Crito, one of these, arranged a scheme for his escape by bribing the gaoler ; but Socrates, as might be expected from the tone of his defence, resolutely refused to save his life by a breach of the law. His last discourse, on the day of his death, turned on the immortality of the soul, and has been recorded, and probably embellished, in the Phcedo of Plato. With a firm and cheerful countenance he drank the cup of hemlock amidst his soitow- ing and weeping friends. His last words were addressed to Crito :-^ t'l HISTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXV. 393 « Crito, we owe a cock to ^sculapius ; * discharge the deht, and by 110 means omit it." Thus perished the greatest and most original of the Grecian philoso- phers, whose uninspired wisdom made the nearest approach to the divine moraUty of the GospeLf « In aUnsion to the sacrifice usually oflfered by sick persons to that deity on their lecovery. t It is very remarkable that Socrates, if we may rely upon the account Plato gives of th« eonversations held in the prison, during the last two days of his life, inculcates the doctrine flf «« f&rffivenegs of injuries, as one which would not be assented to at that time, but which nevertheless to him a truth. — Ei>. Bust of SocratM. The Pactolus at Sardis* BOOK V. THE SPARTAN AND THEBAN SUPREMACIES. B. C. 403 - 371. CHAPTER XXXVL THE EXPEDITION OF THE GREEKS UNDER CYRUS, AND RETREAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND. $ 1. Causes of the Expedition. ^ 2. Cjrrus engages an Army of Greek Mercenaries. Their Character. $ 3. March to Tarsus. $ 4. Discontent of the Greeks. March to Myriandrus. $ 5. Passage of the Euphrates, and March through the Desert. § 6. Battle of Cunaxa, and Death of Cyrus. $ 7. Dismay of the Greeks. Preparations for Retreat. 4 8. Retreat of the Army to the Greater Zab. Seizure of the Generals. $ 9. Election of Xenophon and others as Generals. § 10. March from the Zab to the Confines of the Carduchi. March across the Mountains of the Carduchi. § 11. Progress through Armenia. $ 12. March through the Comitry of the Taochi, Chalybes, Scythini, Macrones, and Colchi to Trapezus on the Euxine. § 13. March along the Coast of the Euxine to Chrysopolis. Passage to Byzantium. $14. Proceedings at Byzantium. $ 15. The Greeks enter the Service of Seuthes. $ 16. Are engaged by the Lacedas- monians. Last Exploits of the Army, and Retirement of Xenophon. § 1. The intervention of Cyrus in the affairs of Greece, related in the preceding book, led to a remarkable episode in Grecian history, which 50 394 HISTORY OF GBEECE. [Chaf. XXXVi I strongly illustrates tlie contrast between the Greeks and Asiatics. This was the celebrated expedition of Cyrus against his brother Artaxerxes, m which the superiority of Grecian to Asiatic soldiers was so stnkmgly shown. It was the first symptom of the repulsion of the tide of conquest which had in former times flowed from east to west, and the harbinger of those future victorious expeditions into Asia which were to be conducted by Agesilaus and Alexander the Great. It has been already mentioned, in the account of the death of Alci- biades, that Cyrus was forming designs against the throne of his brother Artaxerxes. The death of their father, Dariu? Nothus, took place about the beginning of the year b. c. 404, shortly before the battle of .^gos- potami. Cyrus, who was present at his father's death, was charged by Tis- saphemes with plotting against the new monarch. The accusation was beUeved by Artaxerxes, who seized his brother, and would have put him to death, but for the intercession of their mother, Parysatis, who persuaded him not only to spare Cyrus, but to confii-m him in his former government. Cyrus returned to Sardis, burning with revenge, and fully resolved to make an effort to dethrone his brother. § 2. From his intercourse with the Greeks Cyrus had become aware of their superiority to the Asiatics, and of their usefulness in such an enter- prise as he now contemplated. The peace which followed the capture of Athens seemed favorable to his projects. Many Greeks, bred up in the practice of war during the long struggle between that city and Sparta, were now deprived of their employment, whilst many more had been driven into exile by the establishment of the Spartan oligarchies in the various conquered cities. Under the pretence of a private war with the satrap Tissaphemes, Cyrus enlisted large numbers of them in his service. The Greek in whom he placed most confidence, and who collected for him the largest number of mercenaries, was Clearchus, a Lacedaemonian, and formerly harmost of Byzantium, who had been condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for disobedience to their orders. It was not, however, till the beginning of the year b. c. 401, that the enterprise of Cyrus was ripe for execution. The Greek levies were then withdrawn from the various towns in which they were distributed, and concentrated in Sardis, to the number of seven thousand seven hundred hoplites, and five hundred hght-armed troops j and in March or April of this year Cyrus marched from Sardis with them, and with an army of one hundred thousand Asiatics. The object of the expedition was pro- claimed to be an attack upon the mountain-freebooters of Pisidia; its real destination was a secret to every one except Cyrus himself and Clearchus. The Greeks who took part m this expedition were not mere adven- turers and outcasts ; many of them had some position in their own cities, and several were even opulent. Yet the hope of gain, founded on the B. C. 401.] KOUTE OF THE TEN THOUSAND. 395 I § o H a i Cm O s I riches of Persia, and on the known liberality of C^tus, was the motive which allured them. Among them was Xenophon, an Athenian knight, to whom we owe a narrative of the expedition. He went as a volunteer, at the invitation of his friend Proxenus, a Boeotian, and one of the generals of Cyrus. H' 396 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXVI. § 3. The march of Cyrus was directed through Lydia ^^ Phrygi^ After passing Colossa. he arrived at Cela^n^, where he halted thirty day8 ^await the arrival of Clearchus with the reserves aud remforcements^ The grand total of the Greeks, when reviewed here by Cjtus, amounted to eleven thousand hoplites and two thousand peltasts. The^hne of march, which had been hitherto straight upon Pisidia, was now direc ed north- wards. Cyi-us passed in succession the Phrygian ^^ ^^ ^^^^^^^ mon Aj^ra, the Plain of Cayster, Thymbnum, and Tyna^um. At the last of rhes^ places he was met by Epyaxa, wife of Syennesis, the herecU- taiy prince of Cilicia. Epyaxa supplied him with money enough to ftir- ^four months' pay to the Greeks, who had previously been mumurmg at the irregularitV with which they received their stiiK^nd A review was then held, in which the Greeks, in their best array, and with newly-fur- bished shields and armor, went thn>ugh their evolutions, and executed a mock charge with such effect that Epyaxa jumped out of her pahmquin aad fled in affright, followed by a great part of the Asiatics. Cyrus ^as delighted at seeing the ten-or which the Greeks inspired. From Tyri^mn Cyrus marched to Iconium (now Konieh), the last city in Phrygia' and from thence through Lycaonia to Dana, south of which lay th7p-s across Mount Taurus into Cilicia This pass, -^^ed the Gates of Taurus, or the CUician Gates, was occupied by Syennesis. But the re- sistance of that prince, who was a vassal of the ^~ .^--"'J^^ fact a mere feint. He had already, as we have seen supplied Cyrus with „.oney through his wife ; and he now abandoned his mipregnab e po« and Lred first to Tarsus, and thence to an inaccessible ^^ ress in the mountains. But when Cyrus arrived at Tarsus, Syennesis, at the first in- vitation of his wife, repaired thither, and furnished the young prmce with a supply of money and a contingent of troops for his expedition. § 4 Pisidia h J now been passed, and the Greeks plamly saw that they had been deceived, and that the expedition was designed against the Per- Bian king. Seized with aUirm at the prospect of ^ ^^^^^^^^''^ ^^J declared their resolution to pn>ceed no farther. But they had already ad- vanced so far that to retreat seemed as difficult and dangerous as to ad- vance ; and, after considerable hesitation and delay, they sent a deputa^K>n to Cy^s to ask him what his real mtentions were. Cyrus -plied that Ms design was to march against liis enemy, Abrocom^, f^^^^fj^^^ who was encamped on the banks of the Euphrates. The Greeks, though they still suspecL a delusion, contented themselves with tl- jswer m thefece of their present difficulties, especially as Cynis P~d <> -^^ their pay fiom one daric to one daric and a half a month The ^de ^y then marched forwards to Issus, the kst town in Cdicia, seat^ o^ the U of the same name. Here they met ^^^/^^^^"^^^^ ^^^^ "^^ a rebforcement of eleven hundred Greek soldiers, thus raising the Grc cian force to about fourteen thousand men. n. c. 401.] PASSAGE OP THE EUPHRATES. 397 Abrocomas, who commanded for the Great King in Syria and Phoenicia, alarmed at the rapid progress of Cyrus, fled before him with all his army reported as three hundred thousand strong ; abandoning the impregnable pass situated one day's march from Issus, and known as the Gates of Cili- cia and Syria. This pass was a narrow road, nearly half a mile in length, lying between the sea and Mount Amanus, and inclosed at either end by gates. Marching in safety through this pass, the army next reached My- riandrus, a sea-port of Phoenicia, where the Grecian generals Xenias and Pasion deserted, and hired a merchant-vessel to convey them home. Cyrus might easily have captured them with his triremes, but declined to do so ; — conduct which won for him the confidence and love of the army. § 5. Cyrus now struck off into the interior, over Mount Amanus. Twelve days* march brought him to Thapsacus on the Euphrates, where for the first time he formally notified to the army that he was marching to Babylon agamst his brother Artaxerxes. At this intelligence loud mur- murs again broke forth from the Grecian ranks, and accusations against the generals of having deceived them. The discontent, however, was by no means so violent as that which had been manifested at Tarsus. The real object of the march had evidently been suspected beforehand by the soldiers, and the promise of a large donative soon induced them to proceed. The water happened to be very low, scarcely reaching to the breast ; and Abrocomas made no attempt to dispute the passage. The army now en- tei-ed upon the desert, where the Greeks were struck with the novel sights which met their view, and at once amused and exhausted themselves in the chase of the wild ass and the antelope, or in the vain pursuit of the scudding ostrich. After several days of toilsome march, the army at length reached Pylae, the entrance into the cultivated plains of Babylonia, where they halted a few days to refresh themselves. § 6. Soon after leaving that place symptoms became perceptible of a vast hostile force moving in their front. The exaggerated reports of de- serters stated it at one million two hundred thousand men ; its real strength was about nine hundred thousand. In a characteiistic address Cyrus ex- horted the Greeks to take no heed of the multitude of their enemies ; they would find in them, he affirmed, nothing but numbers and noise, and if they could bring themselves to despise these, they would soon find of what worthless stuff the natives were composed. The army then marched cau- tiously forwards, in oixier of battle, along the left bank of the Euphrates. They soon came ujwn a huge trench, thirty feet broad and eighteen deep, which Artaxerxes had caused to be dug across the plain for a length of about forty-two English miles, reaching from the Euphrates to the wall of Media. Between it and the river was left only a narrow passage about twenty feet broad ; yet Cyrus and his army found with surprise that this pass was left entirely undefended. This circumstance inspired them with .^ HISTOEY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXVi 398 but on the next day but one after pasa g . ,jj ^ that Artoxerxes was appr^aelnng mth aU h^/^^^^^ ^^^ ,ed on the righ^ >vh,le army in order of battle. Ihe «^««^« ' ^ ; hundred Persian Cy^s himself, surrounded by a picked ^rS^'^^'^^ ^„,,,,,,, before cu^nu^iers, took up his station in the ^ ^ JJ; ^wS^, ^loud of dust ..e army of ^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^Z^ of their appro^h. Out in the extreme distance gave me nrs gradually to emerge; of this an ^'^^^^^f^J^Z^TZl^Ll, and It length the presently arms and armor glancec m „dvancin*- in dense and i:hole ^y of the '^^^l^;ZiXZfi:^^^^y op^sed to the threatening masses. On their »« ™' ^ p^^j^n horsemen, with Greeks appeared Tissaphe-s ^t th h^ ^ the^^ ^.^^ ^^^.^ white cuirasses; on Ins nght t^e i-ersiai from behind Ught wicker shields, which *ey Plan^ -. '^ f^L infantry, whose them shot their arrows ; next, the -"^J^^^^^^ ,, foot. V front long wooden shields '^^^^^^^l^^ £^^Z the wheels, and which was a Une of chariots, ha^ng ^y^^ - ^ ^^^ ^^^ .^ ^^^^re ex- were to lead ««^f "ff. ^'^f Tfore the battle began Cyrus desired tended beyond the left of Gyrus. ^«°^ ^ y ;„ person was Clearchus to attack the Persian cent«swhe^^«^';^^^^^jji,. ««ted But Clearchus, whose right rested on ^e "ver, postea. Du<,v- ipsf he should be surrounded by the superior uu draw from that P«^'"'^"'/^^^*J^ '''^^^^^ a general answer that he would bers of the enemy, and therefore "^^^™^^ 4^^^„,ion occasioned the de- .namige eveiything for the best His over p^^ ^^ ^ ^^^ ^^^^ feat and death of Cyrus, ^^f" *« ^^/^^^^r-^hout. The Persians did the Greeks charged them '"^ * VL Tteaphemes and his cavaby not await their onset, but turned and M. J-^Jp^^.,^ ,^^ ^^ routed atone offered any resistance; *« «='"7^*' "f. * ^^e easy victory of the Ihout a blow. As Cyrus was co»^-P« * I^e^ "m -* *« Gre.^, his followei. "t, rit oTa^Scs still remained un- title of king. But the centre and right o^^ Ar^ ^^^^^ broken ; and that monarch, --^^<^^ ^f'^'^l Cyrus. No sooner did the right -7''^tttv:r:'^LwithT^VK,^y4uard he impetuously Cyrus perceive thi» «'~"Yere Artaxerxes himself stood, surrounded charged the enemy's ««""«' ^'^^r^^ routed and dispersed, and were with six thousand horse. The latter J^^ ~ ,^ft ^ost alone Mowed so eagerly by the guards of ^^^^^^l ^ ,^, ,it„ation he with the select few called his « Table Com^nK"- ^ ^^ caught sight of his b«.4er ^'^-^"f 'jtreT>^ ^ -^'''°"' "^ flight of his t-P^' r''-' -^^^TllThim'w^ his handful of com- Bhouted out, « I see the man ! wd ™^e^ « ^ him in the breast. panions. Hurling his javehn at his brother, he wounaea B. C. 401.J' RETREAT OF THE GREEKS. 3d9 but was himself speedily overborne by superior numbers and slain on the spot. § 7. Meanwhile, Clearchus had pursued the flying enemy upwards of three miles ; but hearing that the king's troops were victorious on the left and centre, he retraced his steps, again routing the Persians who en- deavored to intercept him. When the Greeks regained their camp they found that it had been completely plundered, and were consequently ob- liged to go supperless to rest. It was not till the following day that they learned the death of Cyrus ; tidings wliich converted their triumph into sorrow and dismay. A Greek in the service of Artaxerxes now appeared in their camp, with a message requiring them to lay down their arms. " K the king," replied the Grecian generals, " thinks himself strong enough, let him come and take them." But they were in a difficult position. They were desirous that Ariajus, who now commanded the anny of Cyrus, should lay claim to the Persian crown, and offered to support his pretensions ; but Aria)us answered that the Persian grandees would not tolerate such a claim ; that he intended immediately to retreat ; and that if the Greeks wished to accompany him, they must join him during the following night This was accordingly done ; when oaths of reciprocal fidelity were mter- changed between the Grecian generals and Aria3us, and sanctified by a solemn sacrifice. The difficult question now arose how their retreat was to be conducted. They were nearly fifteen hundred miles from Sardis, and were to find their own way back, without guides, and by a new route, since the for- mer one was impracticable on account of the desert and the want of provisions. Moreover, though they might easily defy the Persian infantry, however numerous, yet the Persian cavalry, ever hovering on tlieir rear would prove a formidable obstacle to their retreat. They commenced their march eastwards towards some Babylonian villages, where they hoped to find supplies ; but on reaching them at the end of a long day's march, they found that they had been plundered, and that no provisions were to be obtained. On the following day a message arrived from the Persian king, with a proi)osal to treat for peace on equal terms. Clearchus affected to treat the offer with great indifference, and made it an opportunity for procuring provisions. " Tell your king," said he to the envoys, " that we must first fight ; for we have had no breakfast, nor will any man presume to talk to the Greeks about a truce, without first providing for them a breakfast." This was agreed to, and guides were sent to conduct the Greeks to some villages where they might obtain food. In these all the riches of Babylon were spread before them. Com in vast abundance, dates of such size and flavor as they had never before seen, wine made from the date pahn; in short, luxury and abundance in place of their late scanty fare and priva- tions. Wliilst they were enjoying these quarters, they received a visit 400 HISTOKT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXIV B. C. 401.] BETBEAT OF THE GBEEKS. 401 t. from Tissapbemes, who came in great state. He pretended much friend- ship towards them, and said that he had come from the Great King to in- quire the reason of their expedition. Clearchus replied — what was in- deed trae of the greater part of the army — that they had not come thither with any design to attack the king, but had been enticed forwards by Cy- rus under Use pretences ; that their only desire at present was to retuni home ; but that if any obstacle was offered, they were prepared to repel hostilities. In a day or two Tissaphemes returned, and with some panule stated that he had with gi-eat difficulty obtained permission to save the Greek array ; that he was ready to conduct them in person into Geeece, and to supply them with provisions, for which, however, they were to pay ; but if he faUed to supply them, then they were to be at liberty to help themselves. An agreement was accordingly entered into to this effect. Artaxerxes, indeed, seems to have been heartily desirous of getting rid of them. They were now within ninety miles of Babylon, a rich country intersected by canals, and easily defensible against cavalry. But a pain- fill interval of twenty days ensued, during which Tissaphemes neglected to return ; whilst at the same time the suspicions of the Greeks were excited by the friendly messages which Ariaeus received from Artaxerxes, with promises of oblivion and forgiveness of his past conduct. At length, how- ever, Tissaphemes retumed, and undertook the direction of the homeward inarch. § 8. The troops of Ariaeus were now mingled with those of Tissa- phemes, whilst the Greeks followed the combined army at a distance of three miles. In three days' march they reached the wall of Media, and passed through it This wall was one hundred feet high and twenty feet brood, and was said to extend a distance of seventy miles. Two days more brought them to the Tigris, which they crossed on the following moming by a bridge of boats. They then marched northward, arriving in four days at the river Physcus and a large city called Opis. Six days' further march through a deserted part of Media brought them to some vil- lages belonging to Queen Parysatis, which, out of enmity to her as the patron of'cyrus, Tissaphemes abandoned to be plundered by the Greeks. From thence they proceeded in five days to the river Zabatus, or Greater Zab, having previously crossed the Lesser Zab, which Xenophon neglects to mention. In the first of these five days they saw on the opposite side of the Tigris a large city called Cienae, the inhabitants of which brought over provisions to them. At the Greater Zab they halted three days. Mis- tmst, and even slight hostilities, had been already manifested between the Greeks and Persians, but they now became so serious, that Clearchus demanded an inter\iew with Tissaphemes. The latter protested the greatest fidelity and friendship towards the Greeks, and promised to deliver to the Greek generals, on the following day, the calumniators who hJid set the two armies at variance. But when Clearchus, with four other generals, accompanied by some lochages, or captains, and two hundred soldiers, entered the Persian camp, according to appointment, the captains and soldiers were immediately cut down ; whilst the five generals were seized, put into irons, and sent to the Persian court. After a short im- prisonment, four of them were beheaded ; the fifth, Menon, who pretended that he had betrayed his colleagues into the hands of Tissaphemes, was at first spared ; but after a year's detention was put to death with tortures. This scene naturally produced a commotion in the Persian camp ; and the Greeks, who observed it from afar, warned by one of the companions of the generals, who came running wounded towards them, rushed to arms in expectation of a general attack. None, however, followed ; but Ariteus rode up at the head of three hundred horse, and, relating to the Greeks the fate of their generals, called u^ion them to surrender. § 9. It seems to have been the opinion of the Persians, that under these circumstances the Greeks would feel themselves completely helpless ; but some of the Greek officers stepped forward and dismissed Ai-ijeus with indignant reproaches. Yet apprehension and dismay reigned among the Greeks. Their situation was, indeed, appalling. They were considerably more than a thousand miles from home, in a hostile and unknown country, hemmed in on all sides by impassable rivers and mountains, without generals, without guides, without provisions. Despair seemed to have seized on all. Leaving their watch-fires unlighted and their suppers uncooked, they threw themselves on the ground, not to sleep, but to rumi- nate on their foHorn condition. Xenophon slumbered, indeed, but his fancy was filled with the images naturally conjured up by his desperate situation. He dreamed that a thunderbolt had struck his paternal house, and enveloped it in flames. This partly favorable and partly unfavorable omen indicated at all events a message from Zeus ; and the superstition which formed so marked a trait in his character led him to consider it as a warning to rise and bestir himself. He immediately got up, and, calling an assembly of the captains, impressed upon them the danger of their position, and the necessity for taking immediate precautions. Xenophon, though young, possessed as an Athenian citizen some claim to distinction; and his animated address showed him fitted for command. He was saluted general on the spot; and in a subsequent assembly was, with four others, fomially elected to that office. § 10. The Greeks, having first destroyed their superfluous baggage, crossed the Greater Zab, and pursued their march on the other°bank. Tissaphemes preceded them with his host, but without daring to dispute their passage or molest their route ; though some cavalry, under Mithri- dates, annoyed the rear-guard with their missiles. In order to meet this species of attack, a small body of fifty horse and two hundred Rhodian shngers was organized. It was found highly useful, as the leaden bullets af the Ehodians carried farther than the stones of the Persian slingers. 51 40f HISTORY OF GKEECE. [Chap. XXXVI. Another day's march brought the Greeks to the Tigris, near the deserted city of Larissa, seven miles in circumference, with walls twenty-five feet tMck and one liundred feet high. Pursuing the course of the Tigris, they aiTived on the following day at Mespila, another deserted city. It was m this neighborhood that Nineveh was situated, and, according to a modem theory, "the two were both formerly comprised under the name of Nineveh. Larissa seems to be represented by the mound now called Nimroud, and MespUa by that of Kouyunjik, opposite the modem town of Mosul. The march from Mespila to the mountainous countiy of the Carduchi occupied several days, in which the Greeks suffered much from the attacks of the enemy. i . n § 11. Their future route was now a matter of serious perplexity. Un their left lay the Tigris, so deep that they could not fathom it with their speai-s; while in their front rose the steep and lofty mountains of the Carduclii, which came so near the river as hardly to leave a passage for its waters. A Rhodian soldier proposed to transport the amiy acmss the Ti-ris by means of inflated skms ; but the appearance of large masses of threnem/s cavalry on the opposite bank rendered this ingenious scheme impracticable. As all other roads seemed barred, they formed the reso- lution of striking into the mountains of the Carduchi, -a tribe of fierce and warlike highlanders, who, though surrounded on aU sides by the dominions of the Persian king, had succeeded in maintaimng their inde- pendence.^ On the farther side of these mountains lay Armenia, where both the Tigris and the Euphrates might be forded near their sources. The Greeks found the first mountain-pass undefended, and descended thence into some villages ; but all their attempts to conciliate the inhab- itants pmved unavaihng. Every pass was disputed. Sometimes huge TOcks were hurled down on the defiling army; sometimes they were attacked by the Carduchian slingers and bowmen. The latter were of cxtraoi^inaiy skiU, and their bows and arrows of such strength as to pierce the shields and corslets, and even the brazen helmets, of the Greeks. After a difficult and dangen>us march of seven days, dunng which their Bufferings were far greater than any they had experienced from the Per- gians, the army at length emerged into the plain, and reached the nver Centrites, the boundary of Armenia. § 12. Then- first attempts to cross the Centrites failed. The cavalry «>f Tiribazus, satrap of Armenia, Uned the opposite bank of the nver, which was two hundred feet broad, up to the neck in depth, with a rapid current and slippery bottom. All the efforU of the Greeks to ford it proved abortive ; and as the Carduchi were threatenmg their rear, their situation seemed altogether desperate. On the following morning, however, two yomi- men fortunately discovered a ford about half a mile higher up the streak, by which the whole army succeeded in getting across. They now prosecuted their march in Armenia, and in three days amved at some hi B. C. 401. J ARRIVE IN SIGHT OP THE EUXINE. 403 villages situated on the river Teleboas. Here Tiribazus proposed to them that they should proceed unmolested through his satrapy, taking what supplies they wanted, but without damaging the villages. During the first part of their march Tiribazus kept his word, and the only annoyance they felt was the severity of the weather. It was now the month of December, and Armenia was cold and exposed, being a table-land raised high above the level of the sea. Whilst halting near some well-supplied villages, the Greeks were overtaken by two deep falls of snow, which ahnost buried them in their open bivouacs. Hence a five days' march brought them to the eastern branch of the Euphrates. Ci-ossing the river, they proceeded on the other side of it over plains covered with deep snow, and in the face of a biting north wind. Here many of the slaves and beasts of burden, and even a few of the soldiers, fell victims to the cold. Some had their feet frost-bitten ; some were bhnded by the snow ; wliilst others, exhausted with cold and hunger, sunk down and died. The army next arrived at some singular vilkges, consisting of dwellings excavated m the earth, and entered by means of a ladder through an opening like a well. As these villages were plentifully stocked with cattle, com, vegetables, and beer, they here took up their quarters for a week, in order to refresh them- selves. On the morning after their arrival, they despatched a detach- ment which brought in most of the soldiers left behind during the march On the eighth day they proceeded on their way, ascending the banks of the Phasis, not the celebrated river of that name, but probably the one usually called Araxes. § 13. From thence they fought their way through the country of the Taochi and Chalybes, both of them brave and warlike tribes. Then, after crossing the Harpasus (the modem Tchorouk), they reached the country of iho^ Scythini, in whose territory they found abundance in a large and populous city called Gymnias. The chief of this place liavmg engaged to conduct them within sight of the Euxine, they proceeded for five days under his guidance ; when, aft«r ascending a mountain, the sea suddenly burst on the view of the vanguard. The men proclaimed their joy by loud shouts of " The sea ! the sea ! " The rest of the army hurried to the sum- mit, and gave vent to their joy and exultation in tears and mutual em- braces. With spontaneous impulse they erected a pile of stones, by way of trophy, to mark the spot; and dismissed then* guide with many presents and expressions of the warmest gratitude. The Greeks now entered the country of the Macrones, with whom they opened negotiations through a peltast conversant with their language, and agreed for an unmolested passage and the purchase of provisions. The Colchians, through whose territory the march next lay, attempted to op- pose their progress, but were soon dispersed. The honey of this region produced a singular effect upon the Greeks. It was grateful to the palate, and when eaten in moderation produced a species of intoxication; but \i < 4^4 HISTOBT OP GBEECE. [Chap. XXXVI. B. C. 400.] PROCEEDINGS AT BYZANTIUM. 405 ..ose W.0 pa.00. largely of it we« seized with vo„.ting and dia.l.«a. and thrown into a state ^^f>^^^^XZ.U them to the objects for Two days' forther march at l^^S^^ T*"^^^ ^t one time had never .bich they had «. often P-^«^ ^d"! By the inhabit^, of hoped to see ^ain, — a ^«'"«" "'^ , ,^ y,^ „ow arrived, they TTpezusorTrebizond o„^-E«^^^^^ C„j,,i,„ ,m^„es ,.ere hospitably ^^'if^'^^^^^ ^,, the hardships they had under- near the to.vn, '^f^f^^^'rf ^ They also seized this opportunity to dis- gone by a repose "^ 'I'f ^ ^f ^^/^^^e for a safe deliverance, after the eharge the vows which they »^d "»^\ Tissaphernes, by offering up '-'T r rsrpit' fH-ls''^« CoLco. ..d other g<^. sacrifices to Zeus the rrescrvc , ceremonies. Solemn games followed and «•-?'«; f^^^^^^^J,: Ten Thousand was § 14. The most difficult part of the return ot ^^ ^^^ „„; accompUshed, but much still -^^^X-eeu.e^l- remamder of sea awakened in the army -"rc'^S -laimed a Thurian soldier, fl^eir journey on that element ^om^^;^ ^^ ^^^^j^^^„„ « I am weary of packmg up, of marcmn„ j and feUing into line, of standmg -"'■-;;'j, "^'"ly ^ea thJ rest of Bhould Uke to get rid of aU tl.se ^^^^^^^^^^ J : ^^d'and asleep, like the way, so that I m^g t ^ G. -^^.^ ^,,,, .,,^d.ss Odysseus of old. The shouts oi i v ^^^.„ che.nso- showed that the Thurian had touched the nghtcho^ Byzantium and pbus, one of the principal o^^i;^^^^^Zfo^ the Ly, his pro- endeavor to procure '^f'^J''''^l^ZIr^n Thousand were em- posal was joyfuUy accept«l. ^e^"^ f' ;'^^,i„„ ^u the vessels possible, S^yed in marauding expeditions «"•! ™ ^^ ^^i"" i^Ue supply. That L Le Cheirisophus should fad m obtammg t^^ rcq ^^^^ 1^^^^^ ^^^^^ officer delayed to return; provisions 8*^^ J^ J ,, h^d been collected itself compeUed to evacuate Trape^"^- ^ei-asus, whither the totransi^rtthewomen the.d. and*^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ .,,„ amy proceeded by land. Here tney ^^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^f they we.^ mustered and 'ey>ewed ; w^^en it ^^^^ ^^.^^ ^^^^^^ hophtes still --f «V° ?'f „l'^^.^^ n th men. bowmen, &c., made a total "^ "°'«; '^nev to Cotyora, through the ter- From Cerasus they P^'^f^.^^^'f J°"™Thev were obliged to fight their ritories of the Mosyn^ci and ^^^'y'^J^lIg.^i plundering the way through the fo^er o^f^.T'^a from whlh they derived their "~'^'" rSyrS wldln 'J:i for CHeinsophus and the ti.ns- name. At Cotyora iney ^^ ^ ^ j^, return. Ihe ports. Many difficulties ^'^'\T^ ^11^^' rlr.^ «'>-"Sl» ^''^'''^ Miabitants of Sinop6 represented to them that a ^^^ ^^ gonia was unpracticable, -**%"'^'7/i.;^"a sufficient number of tend. After remaining forty-five days at Cotyora, a sum vessels was collected to convey the army to Sinope. A passage of twen- ty-four hours brought them to that town, where they were hospitably received and lodged in the neighboring sea-port of Armene. Here they were joined by Cheirisophus who, however, brought with him only a single trireme. From Sinope the army proceeded to Heraclea, and from thence to Calpe, where Cheirisophus died. From Calpe they marched axjross Bithynia to Chrysopolis, a town immediately opposite to Byzan tium, where they spent a week in realizmg the booty which they had brought with them. § 15. The satrap Phamabazus was desirous that the Greeks should evacuate Asia Minor ; and, at his instance, Anaxibius, the Lacedjemonian admiral on the station, induced them to cross over by promising to provide them with pay when they should have reached the other side. But in- stead of fulfilling his agreement, Anaxibius ordered them, after their arrival at Byzantium, to proceed to the Thracian Chersonese, where the Lacedae- monian harmost, Syniscus, would find them pay ; and during this long march of one hundred and fifty miles they were directed to support them- selves by plundering the Thracian villages. Preparatory to the march they were ordered to muster outside the walls of Byzantium. But the Greeks, irritated by the deception which had been practised on them, and which, through want of caution on the part of Anaxibius, became known to them before they had all quitted the town, prevented the gates fix)m being closed, and rushed in infuriated masses back into the city, uttering loud threats, and bent on plunder and havoc. The lives and property of the citizens were at their mercy; for at the first alarm Anaxibius had retired with his troops into the citadel, whilst the affrighted inhabitants were either barricading their houses, or flying to the ships for refuge. In this conjuncture Xenophon felt that the destruction of a city like By- zantium would draw down upon the army the vengeance not merely of the Lacedaemonians, but of all Greece. With great presence of mind, and under color of aiding their designs, he caused the soldiers to form in an open square called the Thracion, and by a well-timed speech diverted them from their designs. Shortly afterwards, the army entered into the service of Seuthes, a Thracian prince, who was anxious to recover his sovereignty over three revolted tribes. But after they had accomplished this object, Seuthes neglected to provide the pay which he had stipulated, or to fulfil the magnificent promises which he had made to Xenophon personally, of giving him his daughter in marriage, and putting him in possession of the town of Bisanthe. The army, now reduced to six thousand, was thus again thrown into difficulties, when it entered on the last phase of its checkered career by engaging to serve the LacedaBmonians in a war which they had just de- clared against the satraps Tissaphernes and Phamabazus. Xenophon 406 HI8T0KT OF OKEECE. [Chaf. XXXVI. accordingly conducted Ms comrades to Pergamus in Mysia, where a con- siderable booty fell into their hands by the capture of a castle not far from that place. Xenophon was allowed to select the choicest lots from the booty thus acquired, as a tribute of gratitude and admiration for the ser- vices which he had rendered. Shortly after this adventure, in the spring of B. c. 399, Thimbron, the Lacedaemonian commander, arrived at Pergamus, and the remainder of the Ten Thousand Greeks became incorporated with his army. Xeno- phon now returned to Athens, where he must have arrived shortly after the execution of his master Socrates. Disgusted probably by that event, he rejoined his old comrades in Asia, and subsequently returned to Greece along with Agesilaus, as we have already related.* • See p. SM. B.C.405.] THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY. 407 ,> i: Choragic Monument of Lysicrates, in the Street of Tripods at Athens. CHAPTER XXXVIL PROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE SPARTAN EMPIRE TO THE BATTLE OF CNIDOS. i 1. Invasion and Reduction of Elis by King Agis. § 2. Ambitious Projects of Lysander. § 3. He procures the Throne for Agesilaus. § 4. Character of Agesilaus. § 5. Nature of the Spartan Empire. § 6. Affairs of Asia Minor. § 7. Agesilaus proceeds thither. ^ 8. Mortifies Lysander. § 9. Campaigns of Agesilaus against Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. § 10. Execution of Tissaphernes. $ 11. Proceedings of Conon. Rhodes revolts from Sparta. § 12. Agesilaus ravages the Satrapy of Pharnabazus. Interview between them. § 13. RecaU of Agesilaus. § 14. Battle of Cnidos. § 1. Resuming the thread of the narrative, we shall now briefly trace the history of the Spartan supremacy, which resulted from the battle of JEgospotami, and the consequent capture of Athens, related in the preced- ing book. This supremacy lasted altogether thirty-four years, from the victory of iEgospotami in b. c. 405 to the defeat of Leuctra in b. c. 371. ' • ' 'I '1 i * < 408 HISTORY OF GREECE, [Chap. XXXVIL B. C. 398.] ACCESSION OF AGESILAUS. 409 It was, however, only during the first nine years of this period that Sparta exercised an iindisputed sway in Greece, since the battle of Cnidus, fought in B. c. 394, deprived her of her maritime ascendency, and consequently of much of her power. After the fall of Athens Sparta stood without a rival in Greece, ihe first use she made of her undisputed power was to take vengeance on her neighbors the Eleans for some wrongs and insults which she had received at their hands. It will be recollected, that in the year in which Alcibiades conducted the Athenian theoria at Olympia with so much splendor, the Eleans had excluded the Spartans from the festival ; and moreover, that they had subsequently, in conjunction with Argos and Mantinea, borne arms against Sparta. To these causes of offence a fresh insult had been recently added by the exclusion of King Agis from the temple of Olympia, whither he had gone to offer sacrifice and consult the oracle. The Spar tans also viewed with dislike and suspicion the democratical form of government established in Elis. Accordingly, they now demanded that the Eleans should make good their quota of the expenses of the war against Athens, and also that they should relinquish their authority over their dependent townships in the district of Triphylia. Upon the refusal of the Eleans to comply with these demands. King Agis entered their ter- ritory at the head of a Lacediemonian army, in the summer of b. c. 402, but he was induced to retire and disband his troops by the unfavorable omen of an earthquake. In the following year, however, he resumed the expedition with more success. Assisted by the allies of Sparta, among whom even the Athenians now furnished their contingent, he ravaged and plundered the territory of Elis, performed by force the sacrifice at Olym- pia from which he ha^ been debarred, and ultimately compelled the Eleans to accept a humiliating peace. This success placed Sparta ma more commanding position than she had ever before occupied; and she took advantage of it to root out her ancient enemies the Messenians, some of whom had been planted by the Athenians in Naupactus, and others in the island of Cephallenia. - -r j j § 2 Meanwhile the overgrown wealth and power of Lysander made him ill-satisfied to remain in the condition of a private citizen. Stimu- lated by the flattery which he received from every quarter, he began to contemplate settmg aside the two regal families of Pausanias and Agis, and, by rendering the crown elective, to pave the way for his own accession to it. It is to be recollected, however, that at Sparta such a design must not be regarded in quite the same light as in any other monarchy. Although the two chief magistrates there enjoyed the title of Bmileus, or King, they were not kings in the modem sense of the term. They were merely hereditary magistrates, enjoying indeed certain privileges, and exercising certain definite civil and military functions ; but they had no share m the government, which was carried on by the Ephorsand the Senate, with occasional appeals t» the public assembly ; and even in the discharge of their appointed duties they were subject to the control of the Ephors. § 3. Aware of the influence of religion over the Spartan mind, Lysander m pursuance of his scheme, endeavored by bribery to procure for it the sanction of the oracles of Delphi, Dodona, and Zeus Ammon in Li])ya But the priests of those famous temples proving on this occasion incor- ruptible, he employed his influence in obtaining for another the sceptre which had eluded his own gra^sp. About a year after his campaign in Ehs, King Agis died, leaving a son named Leotychides, about fifteen years of age. The legitimacy of Leotychides was however doubted, and Aois himself suspected him to be the offspring of Alcibiades. Agesilaus, the younger brother of Agis, but by a different mother, took advantage of these doubts, and, being assisted by the powerful influence of Lysander, suc- ceeded in setting aside Leotychides and ascending the throne, b. c. 3*98. § 4. Agesilaus was now forty years of age, and esteemed a model of those virtues more pecuHarly deemed Spartan. He was obedient to the constituted authorities, emulous to excel, courageous, energetic, capable of bearing all sorts of hardship and fatigue, simple and fi-ugal in his mode of life. To these severer qualities he added the popular attractions of an agreeable countenance and pleasing address. The character of Agesilaus seems, however, to have been magnified beyond its real worth \y the indiscriminating panegyrics of his biographers,. who relate of him many trivial anecdotes with a sort of unctuous admiration ; and though he was indisputably a good general, yet his campaigns present us with'little that is striking or decisive. Previously to his accession he had fiUed no prominent public office, and his character consequently remained in a great measure unknown even to Lysander himself; who erroneously considered hun to be of a yielding and manageable disposition, and hoped by a skUful use of those qualities to extend his own influence, and under the name of another to be in reaUty king himself. ^ The personal defects of Agesilaus at first stood in the way of his promo- tion. He was not only low in stature, but also lame of one leg ; and there was an ancient oracle which warned the Spartans to beware " of a lame reign." The ingenuity of Lysander, assisted probably by the popular quaUties of Agesilaus, contrived to overcome this objection by interpreting a lame reign to mean, not any bodily defect in the kmg, but the reign of one who was not a genuine descendant of Hercules. Once possessed of power, AgesUaus suppUed any defect in his title by the prudence and pohcy of his conduct ; and by the marked deference which he paid both to the Ephors and the Senators, he succeeded in gamihg for himself more real power than had been enjoyed by any of his predecessors. The very beginning of his reign was threatened by the conspiracy of Cinadon, one of the poorer class of citizens, but possessing all the pride of an ancient Spartan. The conspiracy, however, was discovered, and Cinadon and 52 410 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXVII. lis accomplices were arrested by a stratagem of the Ephors and put to death. § 5. The discontent which gave birth to tin's conspiracy originated in a great measure from the altered condition of Spartan citizens, in conse- quence of the extension of Spartan power and dominion. Sparta had HOW stepped into the place of Athens. In the various cities which had belonged to the Athenian empire, Lysander established an oligarchical Council of Ten, called a Deharchy * or Decemvirate, subject to the con- trol of a Spai*tan Hartnosi^ or governor. The Dekarchies, however, remained only a short time in power, since the Spartan government regarded them with jealousy as the partisans of Lysander ; but llarmosts continued to be placed in every state subject to their empire. The gov- ernment of the Harmosts was corrupt and oppressive ; no justice could bo obtained against them by an appeal to the Spartan authorities at home ; and the Grecian cities soon had cause to regret the milder and more equitable sway of Athens. The commencement of the Spartan degeneracy and decay may be dated from her entrance upon imperial power. Before the victories of Lysander, iron had formed the only Spartan money. That commander brought vast sums of gold and silver into the public treasury, in spite of the opposition of some of the Ephors, who regarded such a proceeding as a flagrant vio- lation of the ordinances of Lycurgus. Several instances of corruption recorded in the course of this history have, however, shown that the Spartans were far from insensible to the love of money, and that they con- trived to gratify it even under the old system. But properly regarded, an extension of the currency was rendered necessary by the altered situation irf" Sparta. It would have been impossible to maintain a large fleet and a colonial empire without the requisite funds ; and how, for instance, could a revenue of one thousand talents, which Sparta levied from the subject states, have been represented in iron money ? Whether Sparta had now entered on a career to which the national genius was suited is another question ; and it would not perhaps be difficult to show that, in grasping tiie splendid prize of empire, she lost those homely virtues which previously formed her chief distinction, and for which her children were naturally most fitted. It is at all events certain that the influx of wealth caused a great alteration in her internal condition. It was only the lead- ing men who were able to enrich themselves by foreign conunands or at the expense of the public treasury. Hence arose a still more marked dis- tinction between the higher class of citizens, caUed Peers, and the lower, called the Equals or the Inferiors. % The latter, though nominally in the t 'ApfAeHrr^f , literally " one who fits or anranget. X Seep. 59. ft • ) B. C. 397.] WAR IN ASIA MINOR. 411 enjo}Tnent of equal privileges, were no longer able, in consequence of the altered scale of living, to bear their share at the Syssitia, or public tables, and thus sank into a degraded and discontented class, in which Cinadon found the materials of his sedition. § 6. The affairs of Asia Minor soon began to draw the attention of AgesUaus to that quarter. The assistance lent to Cyrus by the Spartans was no secret at the Persian court, and Tissaphernes, who had been rewarded for his fidelity with the satrapy of Cyrus in addition to his own, no sooner returned to his government than he attax^ked the Ionian cities, then under the protection of Sparta. A considerable Lacedsemonian force under Thimbron was despatched to their assistance, and which, as related in the preceding chapter, was joined by the remnant of the Greeks who had served under Cyrus. Thimbron, however, proved so inefficient a commander, that he was superseded apparently at the end of 399 or begin- nmg of 398 b. c, and Dercyllidas appointed in his place, a man who from his cunning and resources had acquired the name of Sisyphus. On assum- ing the command, Dercyllidas concluded a truce with Tissaphernes, in order that he might direct his whole force against Pharnabazus, from whom he had received a personal injury. He overran tlie greater part of MAm with great rapidity, reducing nine towns in eight days, and took up his winter quarters in Bithynia. Early in the ensuing spring he pro- oeeded into Thrace, where he built a wall across the Chersonese, to pro- tect the Grecian colonies from the attacks of the barbarians of the interior. On his return to Asia he received orders from the Ephors to attack Tissa- phernes in Caria, whilst the Lacedaemonian fleet under Pharax co-operated with hun on the coast. But here the Persians appeared in such force, the two satraps having united their armies, that he was able to effect but little ; and being surprised in an unfavorable position, would himself have suffered severely but for the timidity of Tissaphernes, who was afi-aid to venture upon an action. Under these circumstances an armistice was agreed to for the purpose of treating for a peace. Dercyllidas demanded on the part of the Spartans the complete independence of the Grecian cities in Asia : the Persians on their side required the Lacedaemonians to with- di-aw their army from Asia, as well as their various harmosts, or govemore. This armistice took place in 397 b. c. Pharnabazus availed himself of it to make active preparations for a renewal of the war. He obtained large reinforcements of Persian troops, and began to organize a fleet in Phoenicia and Cilicia. This was to be intrusted to the Athenian admiral Conon, of whom we now first hear again after a lapse of seven years since his defeat at .Egospotami. After that disastrous battle, Conon fled with nine triremes to Cyprus, where he was now living under the protection of Evagoras, prince of Salamis. At the instance of Pharnabazus, seconded by Evagoras, Conon consented to accept the command of the Persian fleet, which was to be raised to the number of three hundred vessels. § 7. It was the news of tliese extensive preparations that induced Ages- !• , t » ' \ 412 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XXXVIL B C. 396.] AGESILADS IN ASIA. 413 aans, on tbe suggestion of Lysander, to volunteer his services against the Persians. He proposed to take with him only thirty full Spartan citizens, or peers, to act as a sort of council, together with two thousand Neoda- modes, or enfranchised Helots, and six thousand hoplites of the alhes. But Thebes, Corinth, and Athens refused, on different pleas, to jom the expedition. Lysander intended to be the leader of the thirty Spartaiis, and expected through them to be the virtual commander of the expedition of which Agcsilaus was nominally the head. Since the time of Agiunemnon no Grecian king had led an army into Asia; and Agesilaiis studiously availed himself of the prestige of that precedent in oixler to attract recruits to his standard. The Spartan kings claimed to inherit the sceptre of Agememnon ; and to render the parallel more complete, Agesiluus proceeded with a division of his fleet to Aulis, intending there to imitate the memorable sacrifice of the Homenc hero. But as he had neglected to ask the permission of the Thebans, and con- ducted the sacrifice and solemnities by means of his own prophets and mmisters, and m a manner at variance with the usual rites of the temple, the Tliebajis were offended, and expelled him by armed force ; — an insult which he never forgave. j ^ i, § 8. It was in 396 b. c. that Agesilaus annved at Ephesus, and took the command in Asia. He demanded the same conditions of peace as those previously made by Dercyllidas; and in order that there might be time to communicate with the Persian court, the armistice was renewed tor three months. Duiing this inters al of repose, Lysander, by his arrogance and pretensions, offended both Agesilaus and the Thirty Spartans. Ages- ilaus, determined to uphold his dignity, subjected Lysander to so many humiliations that he wa^ at last fain to request his dismissal from Ephesus, and was accordingly sent to the Hellespont, where he did good service to the Spartan interests. , § 9. Meanwhile Tissaphemes, having received large reinforcements, sent a message to Agesilaus before the armistice had expired, ordering him to quit Asia. Agesilaus replied by saying that he thanked the satrap for perjuring himself so flagrantly as to set the gods against him, and immedi- ately made preparations as if he would attack Tissaphemes in Cana; but havin- thus put the enemy on a false scent, he suddenly turned northwards into Phryria, the satrapy of Phamabazus, and marched without oi^position to the neighborhood of Dascylium, the residence of the satrap himself. Here, however, he was repulsed by the Persian cavahy ; and the sacn- fices proving unfavorable for an advance, Agesilaus gave orders to retreat. He now proceeded into winter quarters at Ephesus, where he employed himself in organizing a body of cavalry to compete with the Persians. A conscription wa. accordmgly made of the richest Greeks in the various towns, who, however, were aUowed if they pleased to provide substitutes. By these and other energetic exertions, which during the winter gave to Ephesus the appearance of one vast arsenal, the army was brought mto excellent condition ; and Agesilaus gave out early in the spring of 395 B. c. that he should march direct upon Sardis. Tissaphemes, suspecting another feint, now dispersed his cavalry in the plain of the Ma^-inder. But this time Agesilaus marched as he had announced, and in three days ar- rived unopposed on the banks of the Pactolus, before the Persian cavalry could be recalled. When they at last came up, the newly raised Grecian horse, assisted by the peltasts and some of the younger and more active hopUtes, soon succeeded in putting them to flight. Many of tbe Persians were drowned in the Pactolus, and their camp, containing much booty and several camels, was taken. § 10. Agesilaus now pushed his ravages up to the very gates of Sardis, the residence of Tissaphemes. But the career of that timid and treacher- ous satrap was drawing to a close. The queen-mother, Paiysatis, who had succeeded in regaining her influence over Artaxerxes, making a pre- text of the disasters which had attended the arms of Tissaphernes,° but in reaHty to avenge the part which he had taken against her son Cyrus, caused an order to be sent down from Susa for his execution ; in pursu- ance of which he was seized in a bath at Colossas, and beheaded. Ti- thraustes, who had been intrusted with the execution of this order, succeeded Tissaphemes in the satrapy, and immediately reopened negotiations with Agesilaus ; proposing that, if he quitted Asia, the Greek cities there should enjoy their independence, with the sole exception of paying to Persia the tribute originally imposed upon them. Agesilaus replied that he could decide nothing without consulting the authorities at home. For this pur- pose an armistice of six months was concluded ; and meanwhile Tithraustes by a subsidy of thirty talents, induced AgesUaus to move out of his satrapy into that of Pharnabazus. § 11. During this march 'into Phrygia Agesilaus received a new com- mission from home, appointmg him the head of the naval as weU as of the land force, — two commands never before united in a single Spartan. For the first time since the battle of ^gospotami the naval supremacy of Spar- ta was threatened. Conon, with a fleet of forty triremes, occupied the port of Caunus, on the confines of Caria and Lycia, and was there block- aded by a Lacedaemonian fleet of one hundred and twenty triremes under Pharax ; but a reinforcement of forty more ships having come to the -aid of Conon, Pharax raised the blockade and retired to Rhodes. Here the first symptoms appeared of the detestation in which the Spartan govern- ment was held. The mhabitants rose, comj^elled the Spartan fleet to leave the island, and put themselves under the protection of Conon, who now sailed thither. § 12. Agesilaus, having despatched orders to the Lacedemonian mari- time dependencies to prepare a new fleet of one hundred and twenty tri- reines against the following year, and having appointed his brother-in-law, Peisander, to the command of it, marched himself into the satrapy of Phar- nabazus. He passed the winter in the neighborhood of DascyHura, the i 414 BISTORT OF GREKeE. [Chap. XXXVII. rich and fertae country about which afforded comfortable quarters and abundant plunder to the Grecian army. a^ii„. Towa,^ the close of the winter, a Greek of Cyz.cus, n^ed Apolte- phancs, brought about an interview between AgesUaus and ^^^^ Lesilaus, with the Tliirty, having arrived first at the appointed ptace, sat down witlK,ut ceremony on the grass. When the salrap c«me, accompa^ nicd with aU the luxury of Oriental pomp, his attendants pre,«ired to spread some rich carpets for him ; but Phamabazus, obserymg how the Spartans were seated, was ashamed to avail hunself of such luxuncs, and sat down TnThel^ by the side of Agesilaus. After mutual salutes Phan.abaz^ began to rcprJach the Greeks with their treatment of one who had always been their faithful ally. "You have reduced me so low, he obsen-ed « that I have scarcely u dinner except from your leavmgs. My residences, my parks and hm.ting-grounds, the charm of my life, are all burnt or d^ with shame ; and Agesihms, after a long pause, remarked m aP^ogT' *^ their war with the Persian kmg compelled them to act as they had done fl»t towards hhnself personally they had the most fnendly feehngs, Mid invited him to join their alliance, when they would support h.m m m^e- pendence of the Persian king. The r^ply of Phamabazus wj^ cha«^ ^zed by a noble frankness. "If the king," he said "«*;o«W depnve me of my command, I would willingly become your ally; but so long as I am intrusted with the supreme power, expect from me noth'°gJ>»t war." Agesilaus was touched with the satrap's magnanimity. Takmg • him by thThand, he observed, "Would to Heaven that with such noble iJents it wer. possible for you to be our friend But at aU evenU I win at once quit your territory, and never agam molest you or your prop- erty so long as there are other Persians against whom to turn my anns § 13. In pursuaiH* of this promise Agesikus now entered the phuns of Theb£, near the Gulf of Eteus ; but whilst he was here prepanng an ex- peditiJn on a gi-and scale into the interior of Asia Minor, he was suddenly JSned home (B. C. 394) to avert the dangers which threatened h,s native ^^MSiwhae Conon, who had remained ahnost inactive since the revolt of Khodes, proceeded in person to Babylon, and succeeded in obtaining a considemble sum of money f«.m Artaxerxes. He shared his command with Phamabazus, and by their joint exertions a powerf-ul fleet, partly Phainician and partly Grecimi, was speedily equipped, supenor in number to that of the Lacedemonians under Peisander. About the month of July Conon proceeded to the peninsula of Cnidos, in Caria, and offered Pe^an- der battle. Though inferior in strength, Peisander did not shrmk from the encounter. Being abandoned, however, by his Asiatic aU.es he was «K>n overpowered by numbers, and fell gallantly fighting to the hist. More than half the Lacedemonian fleet was either captured or destroyed. IhM event occurred about the beginning of August, b. C. 394. t! B. C. 394.] UI8SI0N OF TIJIOCKATES. 415 r ' l» View of Corinth and the Acrocorinthos. CHAPTER XXXVni. THE CORINTHIAN WAR. — FROM THE BATTLE OF CNIDOS TO THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. T^Z .1 Timocrates to the Grecmn Cities. § 2. Hostilities between Sparta and inebes §3. The Athenians join the Tliebans. Defeat and Death of Lysander. Re- treat of Pausanias. M- League against Sparta. Battle of Corinth. §5. Homeward March of Agesilaus. § 6. Battle of Coronea. § 7. Ix)ss of the Spartan Maritime Empire. ^ 8. Conon rebuilds the Walls of Athens. 4 9. Civil Di.ssensions at Corinth. 4 10. Cam- paign of Agesilaus in the Corinthian Territory. § 11. New System of Tactics introduced by Iphicrates. Destruction of a Spartan Mora by his light-armed Troops, i 12. Nego- tiations of Antalcida-s with the Persians. Death of Conon. Defeat and Death of Thim- bron. ^13 Maritime War on the Coast of Asia. Revolt of Rhodes. Thrasvbulus appointed Athenian Commander. His De.ath at A.pendus. Anaxibius defeated by i^rt^P f'^^'n' ^ 1*- ^^^'' between Athens and ^gina. Teleutias sur- prises the Peirajus. § 15. Peace of Antalcidas. § 16. Its Character. § 1. The jealousy and ill-will mth which the newly acquired empire of the Spartans was regarded by the other Grecian states had not escaped the notice of the Persimis ; and when Tithraustes succeeded to the satrapy of Tissaphemes he resolved to avail himself of this feeling by excitin^r a war against Sparta in the heart of Greece itself. With this view he de- spatched one Timocrates, a Rhodian, to the leading Grecian cities which appeared hostile to Sparta, carrying with him a sum of fifty talents to be distributed among the chief men in each for the puriDose of bringing them oyer to the views of Persia. This , transaction, however, is scarcely to be viewed in the light of a private bribe, but rather as a sum pubHcly 4 r Ill 414 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXVII. B. C. 394.] MISSION OF TIMOCRATES. 415 r rich and fertile country about wi.ich .dTorded comfortable quarters and abundant plunder to tlie Grecian army. j » ii„ Towai the close of the wimcr, a Greek of Cyzicus, named Apoll,^ phanc, b..ught about an interview between Age.ilaus and Pharrjabazus Lesilau., wUh the Thirty, having arrived fir..t at the appomted place, ^at do^n without ceremony on the gra.s. When the satrap <--'"^' "Po- nied with all the luxu.-y of Oriental iK.mp, his attendants prepared to ^,«ad some rich carpets for him ; but Pharnabazus, observn,g how the Spa tans wl seated, vas ashamed to avail himself of such luxunes, and sat down :: the grass' by the side of Agesilaus. After nu.tual salutes P an.aWs begax. to reproach the Greeks with their treatment of one vvd.o had .dways Sn their faithful ally. "You have reduced me so ^m Artaxerxes. He shared h,s command with Phai-nabazus, and by their joint exertions a powerf-ul fleet, partly Phoenician and partly Grecian, was speedily equipped, supenor m number ,0 that of the Lacedaemonians under Peisander. About the ™onth of July Conon procecled to the peninsula of Cnidos, in Cana, and offered Pevsan- der battle. Though inferior in strength, P-i^ander d.d not shnnk f,^m the encounter. Being abandoned, however, by us Astatic allies he was soon over,x,wered by numbers, and fell gallantly fighting to the last More than half the Lacedaemonian fleet was either captured or destroyed. This event occurred about the beginning of August, b. c. 394. View of Corinth and the Acrooorinthos. CHAPTER XXXVHL TIIE CORINTHIAN WAK. — FROM THE BATTLE OF CXIDOS TO THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. « 1. Mission of Timocrates to the Greeian Cities. « 2. Hostilities between Sparta and ineoes. § 3. 1 he Athenians join tlie Thcbans. Defeat and Death of Lvsander. Re- treat of Pausanias. M- League asainst Sparta. Rattle of Corinth. 4 5. Homeward March of Agesilaus. § G. Hattle of Coronea. § 7. Loss of the .Spartan Maritime Empire. § 8. Conon rebuil.ls the Walls of Athens. § 9. Civil Dissensions at Corinth, i, 10. Cam- paign of Agcs.lans in the Corinthian Territory. § 11. New Svstcm of Tactics introduced by Iplncratcs. Destruction of a Spartan Mora by his light-armed Troops. § 12. Nego- hations of Antalci.Ias with the Persians. Deatli of Conon. Defeat and Death of Thim- bron. « 13. M.aritimo War on the Coast of Asia. Revolt of Rhodes. Thrasvbulus appon>tcd Athenian Comman.lcr. His Death at Aspendus. Anaxibius defeated bv Iphicrates at the Hellespont. ^ 14. War between Athens and ^gina. Telentias snr- p-nscs the Peira:us. {15. Peace of Autalcidas. 5 16. Its Character. § 1. The jealousy and ill-will with which the newly acquired empire of the Spartans w.-is regarded by the other Grecian states had not escaped the notice of the Persians ; and when Tithraustes succeeded to the satrapy of Tissaphemes he resolved to av.ail himself of this feeling by exciting a war against Sparta in the heart of Greece itself. With this view he de- spatched one Tiniocrates, a Rhodian, to the leading Greeian cities which appeared hostile to Sparta, carrying with him a sum of fifty talents to be distributed among the chief men in each for the puqjose of bringing them oyer to the views of Persia. This, transaction, however, is scarcely to be viewed in the light of a private bribe, but rather as a sum publicly %. :|, ^*1 416 BISTORT OP GREECE. [Chap. XXXVIII. advanced for a specific purpose. Timocrates was successful in Tliebes, Corinth, and Ai^os ; but he appears not to hare visited Athens. § 2. HostiUUes were at first confined to Sparta and Thebes. A quarrel having arisen between the Opuntian Locrians and the Phocians respect- ing a strip of border land, the former people appealed to the Thebans, who invaded Phocis. The Phocians on their side invoked the aid of the Lat-e- dicmonians, who, elated with the prosperous state of their affau^ m Asia, and moreover desirous of avenging the afironts they had received from the Thebans, readily listened to the appeal Lysander, who took an active part in promotmg the war, was du«cted to attack the town of Haliartus, havin" first augmented the small force which he took with him by con- tingents levied among the tribes of Mount CEta ; and it was arranged that Kin" Pausanias should join hun on a fixed day under the walls of that tow^, with the main body of the Lacedaemonians and their Pelopomiesmn allies. e r y § 3. Nothing could more strikingly denote the altered state of feelmg m Greece than the request for assistance which the Thebans, thus menaced, made to their ancient enemies and rivals, the Athenians ; even offenng as an inducement, to assist them in recovering their lost empire. Nor were the Athenians backward in responding to the appeal. Disunion, howeve^ prevailed among the Bccotians themselves ; and Orchomenus, the second dty to importance in their confederacy, revolted at the approach of Ly- sander, and jotoed the Lacedajmonians. That commander, after ravagmg the country round Lebadea, proceeded according to agreement to Haliartus, though he had as yet received no tidmgs of Pausanias. Here, m a sally made by the citizens, opportunely supported by the unexpected arrival of a body of Thebans, the army of Lysander was routed, and himself slam ; and though his troops, favored by some rugged ground to their rear, succeeded to rallying and repulstog their assailants, yet, disheartened by the severe loss which they had suffered, and by the death of their general, they dis- banded and dispersed themselves to the night-lime. Thus when Pau- sanias at last came up, he found no army to unite with; and as an imposmg Athenian force had arrived, he now, with the advice of his council, took the humiliattog step— always deemed a confession of in- feriority— of requesting a truce to order to bury the dead who had fallen to the preceding battle. Even this, however, the Thebans would not grant, except on the condition that the Lacedsemonians should immediately quit theu- territory. With these terms Pausanias was forced to comply ; and after duly interring the bodies of Lysander and his fallen comrade^ the Lacedemonians dejectedly pursued their homeward march, followed by the Thebans, who manifested by repeated insults, and even by blows administered to stragglers, the insolence tospired by their success. Pau- canias, afraid to face the pubUc mdignation of the Spartans, took refuge in the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea; and betog condemned to death m B. C. 394.] BATTLE OF CORINTH. 417 k his absence only escaped that fate by remainmg in the .anctuarv TTo was succeeded by his son Agesipolis. = "> '"e .anctuary. He arls^' a'Jh '"^^l^fSP^"'* took fi^sh courage from this disaster to her Zneeti^tost h^r tJ ""f ^'"^ ""'^ ^"™^"^ ^"'^ Thebes a solmn AoZmZ L n ,^''%^'"8:"« ""^ ««"> joined by the Eubceans, the at Corta rrnl. ."u""" '""■"« "^ ''^ »• «• 'he a"ies assembled at Cormth, and the war, which had been hitherto re^ai-ded as mPr.W t^^'a ^'"^"'e""'^ aspect of affairs detenuined the Ephore to reca 1 Ages.laus, as related to the preceding chapter. ^ Ihe alhes were soon in a condition to take the field with a foree of wenty-four thousand hoplitcs, of whom one fourth were AtheZ together with a considemble body of light troops and cav^J Th"' d»mo„,ans, under the conduct of Aristodemus, had also made the Z active preparations. The exact amount of their force is noTkno^!^ but was m all probability toferior to that of the ahies. The lat er were ful o «.nfidence, and the Corinthian Timolaus proposed marching sti^Jt ^n Sparta, in order, as he expressed it, to buiT, the wasps m their ne^t befor^ Ihey came forth to sting. This bold, but perhaps judicious advL wl! however anticipated by the unwonted activity of tL Laceda^monilns ' X had f^UT :^ 'T'"'' ^'' ^--"^" V Tegea and jSt had tAen up a iwsition at Sicyon. The allies, who had proceeded as f^ as Nemea, now fell back upon Corinth, and encamped L ^ITtTJZ P^und m the neighborhood of the city. Here a battle ensuTdto £ ^e Lacedaemonians gained the victory, though their allied tn;.ps were pu to he rout. Of the Spartans themselves only eight men fell b^rf theu- allies e even hundred perished, and of the confederates "^ nly as twenty-eight hundred. This battle, called the battle of ^rinthTi fought^pparently about the same tmie as that of Cnidos, in j;^;! expedition into Asia, was now on his homewanl march. By the promise Znv ofr T r "" !,' "™^ '" "*='=°'"P''"y '"■"' '""ong^t whom were ma^y of the Ten Thousand, with Xenophon at their head. The route of Agesilaus was much the same as the one formerly tiuvelled by Xetes W i^pect. At Amphipohs he received the news of the victory at Corinth • but his heart was so full of schemes agamst Persia, that the feelm. wWch .t awakened m his bosom was rather one of regrot that so many Greeks OJ joy at the success of his countrymen. Having forced his way through a desultoiy opposition offered by the Thessalian "cavaliy, he crossed MolTnt da I ilB HISTORY OF GREECE. (Chap. XXX VIII. ilipTto lo *. tali™ of Ph"' '-"^'»- ""• *,',*1 ta Z neei uuu j, victory, he ordered an advance. ^"'^' T riro*" sTowtantto sUence, tUl .itWn alx,«t a furlong, rn^xTlnt^i'rtL p^^, a„d charged at a « p.. Sey succeeded in driving in the Of -— ! 7^ Z t' ^ in *! af the army of Agesilaus, and penetrated a^ tar as tne oa^, „ Ct on thrremainder of the line Agesilaus w.xs victorious, and the rear. But on tue remauiuci companions, who had Thehans now saw tl'emselves cut off from *-^ 7I'j,^i„^ ,t,„t ^a retreated and taken up a posmon <>» JT ' "^^^^^^^ ,„ ^^ ,^, ^ forming in deep and compact order, the Theb~^ '« J^ body, but they were opposed by Agesdaus and bs t^P- J the conflicting masses v'hich ensued w^ ^e o J™"^- ^^^ rt:";^ wa^shout wassuppr^s^l but^si^n.^^^^^^ 11 I 1 «« K^ a#^Pn and furious exclamations. Agesuaus, wu^ ^"^ aUy broken by deep a"™ ^^ ^„^^;„ ,„ f^rfous an onset, front ranks, unequal by his size ana strengi .as fluug down, m,dden on, -J^rhut^yrT? ;esLed him from 7^'iTr^^l S^th':^^yM.».b, - not Without !„. The victory of Agesikus was not very decisive ; but the Th:Lltcitra^2dged tleir defeat by soliciting the customary truce for the ^^f^f'^f"^"^., Delphi where he dedicated to Apollo After the batfle Agesilaus visited Uelpiu, ^n^^^ ^ ^^ a tithe, valued at the large sum of one hundred talent "f the ^^'^ !.» 1,^^ acnuired during his Asiatic campaigns. He then returnea lo wt TherThe was "received with the most lively demonstrations rf Siude -d esteem, and became henceforwards the sole director of ^TT tS less than two months the Lacedemonians had fought two Jl I'rd, and one at sea; namely, tl^ose of Corinth Corone^ a^d -^j:=t£e^reL=p:^^^^^^^ i:;h2*;-S it after the battle of iE^potami. For as Conon and B. C. 393.] CONON BEBUILDS THE WALLS OF ATHENS. 419 L'™rno";'l "'* *''\^'*='<'™- «-' fro- -land to island, and from port to port, their approach was eveiT^-her^ the signal for the flight or expulsion of the Spartan harmosts. Abydos formed tfe on^ ex eS to this unn-ersa surrender. Fortunately for Sparta the able aXx" penenced Dercyllid... was then harmost in that city, and by his "tiX and courage he succeeded in preserving not only Abydo/but Z^lT opposite Chersonese, f«,m the gi.sp of plarnabal. "^ ' ' ^" *' § 8. In the spring of the foUoiring year, b. c. 393. Conon and Ph.Tma- bazus sailed from the Hellespont with a powerful fleet, and, after^X f£: ir •'^*^^^'='^''-' •^'-'^'l their courJe to'the pC- the 1 land of Cythera, where they established an Athenian garrison, they ^M to the Istlmius of Corinth, then occupied as a cent Jpost by the alhes. The appearance of a Persian fleet in the Saronic Gulf was a strange sight to Grecian eyes, and one which might have served^ a sured the alhes of his support, and gave earnest of it by advancing to Aem a considerabk sum of money. Conon dextei^usly availed hmTself of the hatred of Phamabazus towards Sparta to procure a boon for his rl7 T'- /f "'"'"^^ "'"' "" *''" P°'"' "^ P>^eedmg homewanis Conon obtamed leave to employ the seamen in rebuilding the fortifications of Peu-ieusand the long walls of Athens. Phamabazus also granted a large sum for the same purpose ; and Conon had thus the glory of apnear- ing, hke a second Tliemistocles, the deliverer and restorer of his count'ry SV^TtwVr"'"'""" V""^""^' *'•' '^^''^'"''' ''^° ''^d "ost rejoiced at the fall of Athens, as well as the Pereians, who had subsidized Sparta to destroy the city, now gave their funds and labor to restore it. Before the end of autumn the walls were rebuilt. Athens seemed now restored If not to power, at least to independence ; and if she reflected but the shad- ow of her former greatness, she was at least raised up from the depths of her degradation. Having thus, as it were, founded Athens a second time, Conon sailed to the islands to lay again the foundations of an Athenian maritime empire. § 9. During the remainder of this and the whole of the following year (B. c. 392), the war was can-ied on in the Corinthian territory." The Onean Mount.-iins, which extend across the Isthmus south of its narrow- est part, afford an excellent line of defence against an invading army. Through these mountains there are only three passes, one by the Saronic Gulf close to Cenchrese, a second through a ravine at the eastern side of the Acroconnthos or citadel of Corinth, and a third along the narrow strip of land which lies between the western foot of the Acrocorinthos and the tonnthian Gulf. The two former of these passes could easily be defended by a resolute body of troops against superior numbers ; and the third was wanpletely protected by two long walls runnmg down from Corinth to I ^2xinth. A. Acrocorinthofl. B. Corinth. C. Lechaeum. I, I. Long Wallf. . 1, e ^o A IflTffe number of the other Corinthians par- old alliance with Sparta. A ^^^ "^^^^^^^ ^^^ -^ ^^er, who were ticipated in these feelings and *^^^;^"^";^ tion among the '''"'/'^l i „ ^^ „f jhe Eucleia, and massacred "^ t"^', Z CTjy^^ tt :tLt-ph.e and in the thea J. numbers of *« °PP°=;'r^P'*^ ^^^ „ ,i„,e union with Argos, that even the The government now f™;"^° ^ ^^„,.^a, and the very name boundary marks between the two sUU^were re .^^^^^.^, of Corinth was changed to that of Argos. m „ ^ jhe Lace- Corinth, which was stiU -»~ »" ;;^;t tn^lU thS connected d»monian commander at S-yo^ -«^n t^e Ion ^^.^^ ^^ ^^ Corinth with Lectoeum. In the spaxje between , considerable breadth and about a ™'« "^/^^i^i^t ^^ad matched , i^.«,ppn the Lacedaimonians and the tonntlwans,Tvuu ua place between the J.ace Corinthians, however, were de- out of the city to dislodge «em. ine v. considerable feated, and this victory was « %*^j2:^^ronians now mashed happened in b. c. 392. § 10. The breach effected in the long walls of Corinth excited great alarm at Athens, as it opened a secure passage to the Lacedaemonians mto Attica and Boeotia, Accordingly the Athenians moved in great force to Corinth, with carpenters and other necessary workmen ; and with this assistance the Corinthians soon restored the breach. In the summer of B. c. 391, this step was, however, rendered useless, in consequence of Agesilaus, assisted by the Lacedaemonian fleet under his brother Teleutias, having obtained possession not only of the long walls, but also of the port of Lechaeum itself. Agesilaus followed up his success by marching into the rocky peninsula between the bay of Lechaeum and the Alcyonian sea, from which Corinth derived both support and assistance. The two prin- cipal places in this district, Peiraeum and CEnoe, together with large booty and many captives, fell into his hands. Corinth was now surround- ed on every side ; and the Thebans were th^o^\^l into such alarm that they sent envoys to Agesilaus to treat of peace. Agesilaus had never forgiven the Thebans for having interrupted his sacrifice at Aulis; and he now seized the opportunity of gratifying his spite against them. Ac- cordingly, when they were introduced into his presence, he treated them with the most mai-ked contempt, and affected not to notice them. But a retributive IS^emesis was at hand. As Agesilaus sat in a pavihon on the banks of a lake which adjoined the sacred grove of Hera, feasting his eyes with the spectacle of a long train of captives, paraded under the guard of Lacedaemonian hoplites, a man galloped up on a foaming horse, and acquamted him with a disaster more novel and more astounding than any that had ever yet befallen the Spartan arms. This was nothing less then the destruction of a whole Lacedaemonian mom, or battalion, by the light-armed mercenaries of the Athenian Iphicrates. § 11. For the preceding two years Iphicrates had commanded a body of mercenai-ies, consisting of peltasts,* who had been first organized by Conon after rebuilding the walls of Athens. For this force Iphicrates introduced those improved arms and tactics which form an epoch in the Grecian art of war. His object was to combine as far as possible the peculiar advantages of the hopUtes and light-armed troops. He substi- tuted a Knen corslet for the coat of mail worn by the hoplites, and les- sened the shield, while he rendered the light javelin and short sword of the peltasts more effective by lengthening them both one half. These troops soon proved very effective. At their head Iphicrates attacked and defeated the Phliasians, gained a victory near Sicyon, and inflicted such loss upon the Arcadian hoplites that they were afraid to meet his peltasts in the field. He now ventured upon a bolder exploit A body of Amyclaean hoplites had obtained leave to celebrate the festi- val of the Hyacinthia in their native city ; and a Lacedaemonian wiwo, >!) * So called from the pelta, or kind of shield which they carried. 1^ 422 mSTOBY OF GREECE. [Cbap. xxxvm six hundred strong, was appointed to escort them till they should be considered out of reach of attack. Iphicrates, who was m Connth with his i>eltasts, suffered the Amycteans and their escort to pass unmolested; but on the return of the Lacedjemonians, he saUied forth with incon- ceivable hardihood, and attacked them in the flank and rear. So many fell under the darts and arrows of the peltasts, that the Laceaxmoman captain called a halt, and ordered the youngest and most active of his hop- Htes to rush forward and drive off the assailants. But their heavy arras rendered them quite unequid to such a mode of fighting; nor did the Lacedaemonian cavalry, which now came up, but which acted with very Kttle vigor and courage, produce any better effect. At length the Laccdie- monians succeeded in reaching an eminence, where they endeavored to make a stand; but at this moment Callias arrived whh some Athenian hoplites from Corinth, whereupon the already disheartened Lacediemo- nians broke and fled in confusion, pursued by the peltasts, who committed such havoc, chasing and killing some of them even in the sea, that but very few of the whole body succeeded in reaching Lechaum. The news of this defeat produced a great change in the conduct of the Theban envoys then with Agesilaus. They did not say another word about peace, but merely asked permission to communicate with their conn- fcrymen at Corinth. Agesilaus, perceiving their altered sentiments and taking them with him, marched on the foUowing day with his whole force to Corinth, where he defied the garrison to come out to battle. But Iphi- crates was too prudent to hazard his recently achieved success ; and Agesilaus marched back to Sparta as it were by steahh, avoiding all those places where the inhabitants, though allies, were likely to show then- satisfaction at the disgrace of the Spartan arms. No sooner was he de- parted than Iphicrates sallied forth from Corinth and retook Sidus, Crom- myon, Peineum, and CEnoe, thus liberating idl the northern and eastern territory of Corinth. But, in spite of his military abilities and great services, the domineering character of Iphicrates had rendered him so un- popular at Corinth, that the Athenians were obliged to recall him, and appoint Chabrias in his place. § 12. Meantune important events had taken place in connection ^ith the maritime war. The success of Conon had inspired the Lacedaemoni- ans with such alarm, that they resolved to spare no efforts to regam the good-wiU of the Persians. With this view they sent Antalcidas, an able pohtician trained in the school of Lysander, to negotiate with Tiribazus, who had succeeded Tithraustes in the satrapy of Ionia, m order to bring about a general peace under the mediation of Persia. His negotiations, however, though supported by the influence of Tiribazus, at present proved unsuccessful. Conon, and the other representatives of the alHes hi Asia, rejected with indignation the proposal of Antalcidas to abandon the Grecian cities in Asia to Persia; nor was the court of Susa itself as B. C. 389.] REVOLT OF RHODES. 4^5 yet disposed to entertam any amicable relations with Sparta. Tiribazus, however, covertly supplied the Lacedaemonians with money for the pur- poses of their fleet, and, by a gross breach of pubhc faith, caused Conon to be seized and detained, under the pretence tliat he was acting contrary to the interests of the Great King. This event proved the end of Conon's public life. According to one account the Persians caused him to he put to death in prison ; but it seems more probable that he escaped and again took refuge with Evagoras in Cyprus. Be this, however, as it may,\e public labors of one of the most useful, if not one of the gi-eatest, of Athe- nian citizens, were now brought to a close : a man from whose hands his country reaped nothing but benefit, and to whose reputation history seems to have done but scanty justice. Struthas, who held the command in Ionia during the absence of Tiri- bazus at Susa, carried on hostilities with vigor against the Lacedemoni- ans. In spite of his proved incapacity, Thimbron had been again in- trusted with the command of an army of eight thousand men ; but while on his march from Ephesus he was surprised by Struthas, and suffered a complete defeat. Thimbron himself was among the slain, and those of his soldiers who escaped were compelled to take refuge in the nei'»hborin<» aties. § 13. The island of Rhodes now demanded the attention of the bellige- rents. The democratical party in this island, having obtained the upper hand, had revolted from Persia; and the Spartans, fearing that they would form an alliance with Athens, sent Teleutias, the brother of Agesilaus, with a fleet to reduce the island, although tliey were themselves at war with Persia, so much greater was their fear of the Athenians than of the Per- sians. On his way from Cnidos, Teleutias fell in with and captured an Athenian squadron of ten triremes under Philocrates, which was proceed- mg to assist Evagoras in a struggle that was impending between him and the Persians. The news of this reverse, as well as the great increase of the Lacedemonian fleet, induced the Athenians to despatch, in b. c. 389, a fleet of forty triremes, under Thrasybulus, to the coasts of Asia Minor, a feat which betokens a considerable renovation of their naval power. Thrasybulus first proceeded to the Hellespont, where he extended the Athenian alliance among the people on both sides of the straits, persuad- ed or compelled Byzantium and other cities to estabhsh democratical gov- ernments, and reimposed the toll of a tenth on all vessels pas^ving from the Euxine. After this, Thrasybulus sailed to Lesbos, where he defeated the Lacedemonian harmost, and next visited several places on the main- land, with the view of raising funds for his meditated expedition to Rhodes. But the inhabitants of Aspendus in Pamphyha, where he had obtained some contributions, surprised his naval camp in the night, and slew him. Thus perished the man who had deHvered his country from the Thirty Tyrants. He was succeeded in his command by Agyrrhius. 1^, .1 J 424 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXX VTO. Tlie success of Thrasybulus in the HeUespont created such anxiety at Sparta, that the Ephors were induced to supersede DercyUidas, and ap- point Anaxibius to the government of Abydos. Anaxibius took with hun a force that rendered Wm master of the straits, and enabled him to inter- cept the merchantmen bound to Athens and other ports belonging to the aUies. The Athenians now despatched Iphicrates with eight triremes and twelve hundred peltasts to make head against Anaxibius ; and by a weU- kid stratagem the Athenian commander succeeded in surprising Anaxibms amon- the mountain ranges of Ida, whilst on his homeward march from Antandros to Abydos. The troops of Anaxibius were completely routed and himself and twelve other harmosts slain. ^ u tt i § 14. This exploit rendered the Athenians again masters of the Hel- lespont, But whilst thus successful in that quarter, their attention was attracted nearer home by the affairs of ^gina. After the battle of iEgos- potami, Lysander had restored to the island as many of the ancient popu- lation as he could find ; and they were now induced by the Lacedajmoman harmost to infest the Athenian trade with their privateers ; so that, in the lan-ua*e of Pericles, ^gina again became "the eyesore of Peineus. The most memorable event in this period of the war was the surpnse of Peiraeus by Teleutias with a squadron of only twelve sail. Teleutias was the most popular commander in the Lacediemonian fleet, and was sent by the Ephors to appease the discontent among the Lacedoemoman seamen at ^-ina, in consequence of not receiving their pay. Teleutias plainly told them that they had nothhig to depend upon but their swords, and he bade them prepare for an enterprise, the object of which he did not then disclose. This was nothing less than an attack upon Peirajus ; an enter- prise which it seemed almost insane to attempt with a force of only twelve triremes. But Teleutias reckoned on taking the Athenians by surprise. Quitting the harbor of JEgina at nightfall, and rowing along leisurely and in silence, Teleutias found himself at daybreak within half a mile of Peir^us, and when it-was fully light he steered his vessels straight mto the harbor, which was beginning to assume again some of its former com- mercial importance. Here, as he expected, he found no preparations for repellinc- an attack, and though the alarm was immediately raised, he had time to inflict considerable damage before any troops could be got together to oppose him. His men disembarked on the quays, and carried off, not only the portable merchandise, but also the shipmasters, tradesmen, and others whom they found there. The larger merchant-ships were boarded and plundered ; several of the smaller were towed off with their whole cargoes • and even three or four triremes met the same fate. All this booty Teleutias succeeded m canying safely into ^gina, together with several corn-ships, and other merchantmen which he fell in with off Sunium. The prizes were then sold, and yielded so large a sum that Teleutias was able to pay the seamen a month's wages. B. C. 387.] PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. 42^ ! § 15. Whilst these things were passing in Greece, Antalcidas, conducted by Tiribazus, had repaired to the Persian court a second time, for the pur- pose of renewing his negotiations for a general peace, on the same basis as he had proposed before. This time he succeeded in winning the favor of the Persian monarch, in spite of his dislike of the Spartans generally, and prevailed on him both to adopt the peace, and to declare war against those who should reject it. Antalcidtis and Tiribazus again arrived on the coasts of Asia Minor in the spring of b. c. 387, not only armed with these pow- ers, but provided with an ample force to carry them into execution. In addition to the entire fleet of Persia, Dionysius of Syracuse had placed twenty triremes at the service of the Laceda3monians ; and Antalcidas now sailed with a large fleet to the Hellespont, where Iphicrates and the Athenians were still predominant. But the overwhelming force of Antal- cidas, the largest that had been seen in the Hellespont since the battle of -^gospotami, rendered all resistance hopeless. The supplies of com from the Euxine no longer found their way to Athens ; the -^ginetan privateers resumed their depredations ; and the Athenians, depressed at once both by what they felt and by what they anticipated, began to long for peace. The Argives participated in the same desire ; and as without the assistance of Athens it seemed hopeless for the other allies to struggle against Sparta, all Greece seemed inclined to listen to an accommodation. Under these circumstances deputies from the Grecian states were sum- moned to meet Tiribazus ; who, afler exhibiting to them the royal seal of Persia, read to them the following teiTas of a peace : " King Artaxerxes thinks it just that the cities in Asia and the islands of Clazomen^ and Cyprus should belong to him. He also thinks it just to leave all the other Grecian cities, both small and great, independent, — except Lemnos, Ln- bros, and Scyros, which are to belong to Athens, as of old. Should any parties refuse to accept this peace, I will make war upon them, along with those who are of the same mind, both by land and sea, with ships and with money." The deputies reported these terms to their respective governments, all of which at once accepted the peace with the exception of the Thebans, who claimed to take the oath not in their own behalf alone, but for the Boeotian confederacy in general. But when Agesilaus threatened the Thebans with war if they did not comply, they consented to take the oath for their own city alone, — thus virtually renouncmg their federal headship. § 16. This disgraceful peace, called the peace of Antalcidas, was con- cluded in the year b. c. 387. By it Hellas seemed prostrated at the feet of the barbarians ; for its very terms, engraven on stone and set up in the sanctuaries of Greece, recognized the Persian king as the arbiter of her destinies. Although Athens cannot be entirely exonerated from the blame of this transaction, the chief guilt rests upon Sparta, whose designs were far deeper and more hypocritical than they appeared. Under the specious 54 • I 426 BISTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXVIII. pretext of securing the mdependence of the Grecian c.t.es her only object was to break up the confederacies under Athens and Thebes, and, with the assistance of Persia, to pave the way for her own absolute dominion in Greece. Her real aim is pithily characterized in an anecdote recorded of Agesilaus. When somebody remarked, "Alas for Hellas that our Sparfans should be Medizing ! " - « Say rather," replied Agesilaus, that the Medes are Lacanisdnff,'* Adventures of Dionysus, from the Chomgic Monument of Lysicrates. B. C. 385.] BEBUILDING OF PLAT-£A. 427 Adventures of Dionysus, from the Choragic Monument of Lysicrates. I » I CHAPTER XXXIX. FROM THE PEACE OP ANTALCIDAS TO THE PEACE OF CALLIA8. § 1. Aggressions of Sparta in Boeotia. Rebuilding of Plataea. § 2. Reduction of Mantinea. §3. Olynthian Confederation. Sparta interferes. §4. Seizure of the Cadmea at Thebes by the Lacedaemonians. § 5. Reduction of Olynthus. § 6. Unpopularity of Sparta. §7. Revolution at Thebes. § 8. The Lacedsemonians expelled from the Cadmea. § 9. Their Expeditions against Thebes. Alarm of the Athenians, who ally themselves with Thebes. 4 10. Reorganization of the Athenian Confederation. § 11. Preparations for War. The Theban " Sacred Band." ^ 12. Character of Eparaeinondas. § 13. Spartan Invasions of Boeotia. § 14. Maritime Affairs. Battle of Naxos. Success of Timotheus. § 15. Prog ress of the Theban Arms. § 16. The Athenians form a Peace with Sparta, which is im- mediately broken. Proceedings at Corcyra. ^ 17. The Lacedaemonians solicit Persian Aid. $ 18. Congress at Sparta to treat of Peace. The Thebans are excluded from it. § 1. No sooner was the peace of Antalcidas concluded, than Sparta, directed by Agesilaus, the ever-active enemy of Thebes, exerted all her power to weaken that city. She began by proclaiming the independence of the various Boeotian cities, and by organizing in each a local oligarchy, adverse to Thebes and favorable to herself. The popular feeling in these cities was in general opposed to the Spartan dominion ; two alone, Orchome- nus and Thespia, preferred it to that of Thebes ; and in these the Lace- • daemonians placed garrisons, and made them their main stations in Boeotia. Even such a step as this seemed to exceed the spirit of the treaty, which required merely the independence of each city ; but the restoration of Pla- taea, now effected by the Lacedaemonians, was an evident work of super- erogation, undertaken only to annoy and weaken Thebes, and to form a place for another Lacedaemonian garrison. Since the destruction of Pla- taea, most of her remaining citizens had become domiciled at Athens, had married Athenian women, and had thus almost forgotten their native coun- try. These were now restored, and their city rebuilt ; but merely that it might become a Spartan outpost. Thebes was at present too weak to resist these encroachments on her dignity and power, which even at Sparta t I 1 » Fill m 4^8 mSTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXIX were regarded with dissatisfaction by King Agesipolis and the more moder- ate party. j. • * t § 2. The Lacedaemonians now found themselves in a condition to wreak their vengeance on the Mantineans, by whom they deemed themselves aei^rieved. They could not, indeed, bring any charge of positive hostility aSinst the Mantineans; but they accused them of lukewarmness and equivocal fidelity; of having been slack in furnishing their contingents during the late war; and of having supplied the Ai-gives with corn when at war with Sparta. On these grounds a message was sent requiring the Mantineans to raze their walls ; and as they hesitated to comply, an army was despatched under Agesipolis to enforce obedience. Agesiix)hs suc- ceeded in taking Mantinea, which was well supplied with provisions by damming up the river Ophis which ran through it. The inundation thus caused undermined the walls, which were built of baked bricks, and obliged the citizens to capitulate. Much harder terms were now exacted from them. They were required not only to demolish their fortifications, but also a great part of their town, so as to restore it to the fonn of five vil- lages, out of which it had been originally formed. Each of these villages was left unfortified, and placed under a separate oligarchical govemment. About the same time the Lacediemonians compeUed the city of Phlms to recall a body of exiles who had been expelled on account of their attach- ment to the interests of Sparta. § 3. But the attention of Sparta was soon called to more distant regions. Olynthus, a town situated at the head of the Toronaic Gulf in the penmsula of the Macedonian Chalcidice, had become the head of a powerful confed- eration, which included several of the adjacent Grecian cities, and among them Potidiea, on the isthmus of Palle-ne. Acanthus and Apollonia, the lar-est cities after Olynthus in the Chalcidic peninsula, had refused to ioin the league ; and a^ they were threatened with war by Olynthus, they despatched envoys to Sparta to solicit aid (b. c. 383). The envoys gave an alarming account of the designs of Olynthus: and they being seconded by ambassadors from Amyntas, king of Macedonia, the Lacedaemonians were easily persuaded to enter upon an undertaking which harmomzed with their present course of policy. Their alhes were persuaded or rather overawed into the adoption of their views, and an army of ten thousand men was voted. The emergency, however, was so pressing that Eudami- das was despatched at once with a force of two thousand hoplites. March- in*- rapidly with only a portion even of these, he arrived in season to defend Acanthus and Apollonia, and even succeeded in inducing Potidaea to revolt fmm the league. But though joined by Amyntas with his forces, he was not strong enough to take the field openly against the Olynthimis. § 4 This expedition of the Lacedaemonians led mcidentally to an affair of much greater unportance. The Thebans had entered mto an alliance with Olynthus, and had forbidden any of their citizens to jom the Lace- B. C. 383] SEIZURE OF THE CADMEA AT THEBES. 429 dajmonian army destined to act against it ; but they were not strong enough to prevent its marching through their territory. Phoebidas, the brother oi Eudamidas, was appointed to collect the tooops which were not m readi- ness at the time of his brother's departure, and to march with all possible speed towards Olynthus. On his way through Boeotia he halted with liis division at a gymnasium not far from Thebes ; where he was visited by Leontia*les, one of the polemarchs of the city, and two or three othei leaders of the Lacedaemonian party in Thebes. It happened that the fes- tival of the Thesmophoria was on the point of being celebrated, during which the Cadmea, or Theban Acropolis, was given up for the exclusive use of the women. The opportunity seemed favorable for a surprise ; and Leontiades and Phoebidas concerted a plot to seize it. Whilst the festival was celebrating, Phoebidas pretended to resume his march, but only made a circuit round the city walls ; whilst Leontiades, stealing out of the Senate, mounted his horse, and, joining the Lacedaemonian troops, con- ducted them towards the Cadmea It was a sultry summer's afternoon, 80 that the very streets were deserted ,' and Phoebidas, without encounter- ing any opposition, seized the citadel and all the women in it, to serve as hostages for the quiet submission of the Thebans. Leontiades then retmnied to the Senate, and caused his fellow-polemarch, Ismenias, who was the head of the opposite, or patriotic party, to be seized and im- prisoned. After this blow, three hundred of the leading men of his party fled to Athens for safety. Ismenias was shortly afterwards brought to trial by Leontiades before a packed court, and put to death on the ground of his receiving money from Persia and stirring up the late war. This treaciierous act during a period of profound peace awakened the liveliest indignation throughout Greece. Sparta herself could not venture to justify it openly, and Phoebidas was made the scape-goat of her affected displeasure. The Epliors, though they had secretly authorized the proceed- ing, now disavowed him ; and Agesilaus alone, prompted by his burning hatred of Thebes, stood forth m his defence. The result was a truly Laco- nian piece of hypocrisy. As a sort of atonement to the violated feeling of Greece, Phoebidas was censured, fined, and dismissed. But that this was a mere farce is evident from the faet of his subsequent restoration to com- mand ; and, however indignant the Lacedaemonians affected to appear at the act of Phoebidas, they took care to reap the fruits of it by retaining their garrison in the Cadmea. § 5. The once haughty Thebes was now enrolled a member of the Lacediemonian alliance, and furnished her contingent — the grateful offer- ing of the new Theban government — for the war which Sparta was pros- ecuting with redoubled vigor against Olynthus. The troops of that city, however, especially its cavahy, were excellent, and the struggle was pro- tracted for several years. During the course of it King Agesipolis died of a fever brought on by his exertions; and the war, which had begun in 1 m HISTORY OF GREECE. [CJhap. XXXIX. Im B.C. 383, was ultimately brought to a close by his successor, Polybiades, in B. c. 379 : who, by closely blockadiog Olynthus, deprived it of its sup- plies, and thus forced it to capitulate. The Olynthian confederacy was now dissolved; the Grecian cities belonging to it were compelled to join the Laeediemonian alliance ; whilst the maritime towns of Macedonia were again reduced under the domination of Amyntas. Sparta thus mflicted a great blow upon Hellas; lor the Olynthian confederacy might have served as a counterpoise to the growing power of Macedon, destmed soon to over- whelm the rest of Greece. . , , w About the same time as the reduction of Olynthus, Phlius yielded to the arms of Agesilaus, who, on the complaint of the restored exiles tlmt they could not obtain a restitution of their rights, had undertaken the siege of that city. A government nominated by Agesikus was now appointed there. i. • i ♦ § 6. The power of Sparta on land had now attained its greatest height. At sea, she divided with Athens the empire of the smaller islands, whilst the larger ones seem to have been independent of both. Her unpopu- larity m Greece was commensurate with the extent of her harshly administered dominion. She was leagued on all sides with the enemies of Grecian freedom, — with the Persians, with Amyntas of Macedon, and with Dionysius of Syracuse. But she had now reached the tuming-pomt of her fortunes, and her successes, which had been earned without scruple, were soon to be followed by misfortunes and disgrace. The first blow came from Thebes, where she had perpetrated her most signal injustice. § 7. That city had been for three years in the hands of Leontiades and the Spartan party. During this time great discontent had grown up among the resident citizens ; and there was also the party of exasperated exiles, who had taken refuge at Athens. Among these exiles was Pelopi- das, a young man of birth and fortune, who had ah-eady distinguished himself by his disinterested patriotism and ardent character. He applied a great part of his wealth to the relief of his indigent fellow-citizens, and gave such undivided attention to pubUc affairs as to neglect the manage- ment of his own property. Pelopidas took the lead in the plans now formed for the Uberation of his country, and was the heart and soul of the enterprise. Rebuked by his friends on account of his carelessness, he replied that money was cer- tainly useful to such as were lame and blmd. His warm and generous heart was irresistibly attracted by everythmg great and noble ; and hence he was led to form a close and intimate friendship with Epamemondas, who was several years older than himself, and of a still loftier char- acter. Their friendship is said to have originated in a campaign in which they served together, when, Pelopidas having fallen in battle ap- parently dead, Epameinondas protected his body at the imminent risk of his own life. Pelopidas afterwards endeavored to persuade Epamei- B. C. 379.] LIBERATION OF THEBES. 431 nondas to share his riches with him ; and when he did not succeed, he resolved to live on the same frugal fare as his great friend. A secret correspondence was opened with his friends at Thebes, the chief of whom were Phyllidas, secretary to the polemarchs, and Charon. Epameinondas was soHcited to take a part in the conspiracy ; but, though he viewed the Lacedemonian government with abhorrence, liis principles forbade him to participate m a plot which was to be earned out by treachery and murder. The dominant faction, besides the advantage of the actual possession of power, was supported by a garrison of fifteen hundred Lacedaemonians. The enterprise, therefore, was one of considerable difficulty and danger. In the execution of it Phyllidas took a leading part. It was an-anged that he should give a supper to Archias and Philippus, the two polemarchs, whose company was to be secured by the allurement of an introduction to some Theban women remarkable for then- beauty. After they had par- taken freely of wine, the conspirators were to be introduced, disguised as women, and to complete their work by the assassination of the polemai-chs. On the day before the banquet, Pelopidas, with six other exiles, arrived at Thebes from Athens, and, straggling thi-ough the gates towards dusk in the disguise of rustics and huntsmen, arrived safely at the house of Charon, where they remained concealed till the appointed hour. Before it arrived* however, a summons which Charon received to attend the polemarchs fiUed the conspirators with the liveliest alarm. These magistrates, whilst enjoymg the good cheer of Phyllidas, received a vague message from Athens respecting some plot formed by the exUes ; and, as Charon was known to be connected with them, he was unmediately sent for and ques- tioned. By the aid of Phyllidas, however, Charon contrived to lull the suspicions of the polemarchs, who were ah-eady half intoxicated. Shortly after the departure of Charon another messenger arrived from Athens with a letter for Archias, in which the whole plot was accurately detailed. The messenger, in accordance with liis mstructions, informed Archias that the letter related to matters of serious importance. But the polemarch, completely engrossed by the pleasures of the table, thrust the letter under the pillow of his couch, exclaiming, " Serious matters to-morrow." The hour of their fate was now ripe, and the polemarclis, flushed with wme, desired Phyllidas to introduce the women. The conspirators, dis- guised with veils, and in the ample folds of female attire, were ushered into the room. For men in the state of the revellers the deception was complete; but when they attempted to lift the veils from the women, their passion was rewarded by the mortal thrust of a dagger. After thus slaymg the two polemarchs, the conspu^tors went to the house of Leontiades, whom they found recHning after supper, whilst his wife sat spinning by his side. Leontiades, who was strong and courageous, immediately seized his Bword and inflicted a mortal wound on one of the conspu-ators, but was at I' I' i' 432 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XXXIX. length overpowered and kiUed by Pelopidas. Then the conspirators pro- ceeded to the gaol, and, havmg Uberated the prisoners, supphed them with The news of the revolution soon spread abroad. Epameinondas, whose repugnance to these proceedings attached only to their secret and treacher- ous character, now appeared, accompanied by a few friends m arms. Proclamations were issued announcing that Thebes was free, and caUmg upon all citizens who valued their liberty to muster in the market-place. As soon as day dawned, and the citizens became aware that they were summoned to vindicate their Uberty, then- joy and enthusiasm were un- bounded. For the first time since the seizure of their citadel they met in public assembly ; the conspirators, being introduced, were crowned by the priests with wreaths, and thanked in the name of their country's gods ; whilst the assembly, with grateful acclamation, unanimously nominated Pelopidas, Charon, and Mellon as the first restored Boeotarchs. § 8. Meanwhile the remainder of the Theban exiles, accompanied by a body of Athenian volunteers, assembled on the frontiers of Bceotia ; and, at the first news of the success of the conspiracy, hastened to Thebes to complete the revolution. The Lacedaemonian garrison sent to Thespiffi and Plated for remforcements ; but these were dispersed by the Theban cavaliy before they could approach the gates. The Thebans, under their new Boeotarchs, were already mounting to the assault of Cadmea, when the Lacedaemonians capitulated, and were allowed to march out with the honors of war. But several of the Theban citizens of the Lacedaemonian party, who had taken refuge m the citadel, were put to death, and in some cases even their children shared their fate. The surrender of the Cadmea seems to have been a disgraceful dereliction of duty on the part of the three commanding Spartan harmosts ; nor are we surprised to hear tliat two of them were put to death, and the third fined and banished. § 9. The news of this revolution gave a shock to the Lacedaemonian power throughout Greece. At Sparta itself it occasioned the greatest consternation. Although it was the depth of winter, the allied contingents were immediately called out, and an expedition undertaken against Thebes. As Agesilaus, being now more than sixty years of age, declined to take the cwnmand, it was assigned to his colleague, Cleombrotus, who pene- trated as far into Bceotia as Cynoscephalaj ; but ailer remaining there sixteen days, he returned to Sparta without having effected anytliing, leavmg, however, a third of his army at Thespiae, under the command of Sphodrias. This expedition caused great alarm at Athens. The Lax^- dsemonians sent envoys to demand satisfaction for the part which the Athenians had taken in the Theban revolution. Among those who had mded and abetted the plot were two of the Strategi or generals, who were now sacrificed to the pubUc security, one of them being condemned and executed, and the other, who fled before trial, sentenced to banishment. B.C.378.] ATHENIAN CONFEDERACY REORGANIZED. 403 The Thebans, now fearing that the Athenians would remain quiet and leave hem to contend single-handed against the Spartans, bribed Spht dna. to mvade Attica. Accordingly Sphodria. set out from Thespt with the intention of surprising the Peir^us by night; but being over- taken by daylight whilst still on the Thriasian plain near Eleusis he retreated, though not without committing various acts of depredJion. This attempt excited the liveliest indignation at Athens. The Lacedce monian envoys still at Athens, were seized and interrogated, but exculpat- ed themselves from all knowledge of the enterprise. Sphodrias himself was mdictecl for it at Sparta, but the influence of Agesilaus procured his acquittal. His escape was denounced by the unanimous voice of Greece At Athens It at once produced an alliance with Thebes, and a declaration ot war against Sparta (b. c. 378). § 10. From this time must be dated the era of a new political combi- nation m Greece. Athens strained every nerve to organize a fresh confederaey. She already possessed the nucleus of one in a small body of maritime alhes^ and envoys were now sent to the principal ports and islands m the ^gean, inviting them to join the alliance on e^ual and honorable terms. Thebes did not scruple to enroll herself as one of its eariiest members. At Athens itself the fortifications of Peh-seus were completed, new ships of war were built, and every means taken to insure nava supreniacy. The basis on which the confederacv was formed closely resembled that of Delos. The cities composing it Were to be ^. dependent, and to send deputies to a congress at Athens, for the purpose of raising a common fund for the support of a naval force. Care was taken to bamsn aU recollections connected with the former unpopularity of the Athenian empire. The name of the tribute was no longer pharos * but ^to.,t or " contribution » ; and all previous rights of clerucL we^e formally renounced. The confederacy, which ultimately numbered sev- enty cities, was chiefly organized through the exertions of Chabria. of Timotheus the son of Conon, and of the orator CaUistratus; but of these ielZe ^^ P«^ti^"larfy successful^ in procuring accessions to the § 1 1. -Hie first proceeding of the assembled congress was to vote twenty- thousand hophtes, five hundred cavaliy, and two hundred triremes To meet the necessary expenses, a new graduated assessment of the eisphora 1 or property tax, was instituted at Athens itself (b. c. 378) ; a species of tax never miposed except on urgent occasions. These proceedings show Uie ardor with which Athens embarked in the war. Nor were the The- bans less zealous, amongst whom the Spartan government had left a hvely feehng of antipathy. They hastened to enn)ll themselves under Pelopid^ and his colleagues ; the most fertile portion of the Theban territory was I k t^t^MS^ 55 t opd. 434 HISTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. XJCXIX. B. C. 376.] BATTLE OP NAXOS. 435 surrounded with a ditch and palisade, in order to prot^t it from inv^on; the miUtary force was put in the best training and the famous &^^ Band" was now for the first time instituted. Th.s hand was a regiment of three hundred hoplites. It w;^ supported at the public expense and kept constantly un.ler arms. It was composed of young and chosen ctU- zens of the best families, and orgamzed in such a manner that each m^ had at his side a dear and intimate friend. Its special duty wa. the de fence of tlie Cadinea. . ^ § 12. The Thebans had always been excellent soldiers; but their good fortune now gave them the greatest genend that ^--^ "^^^^^ Been. Epameinondas, who now appears conspicuously in public We, deserves \he reputation, not merely of a Theban,but of a Grecian l-i.. Sprung from a poor but ancient family, Epamemonclas possessed all the b;st qiialities of his nation, without that heaviness, either of body or mmd, which characterized and deterionited the Theban peop e. In the ex- S es of the gymnasium he aimed rather at feats of ski , than of mere Tr^real strenjh. He excelled in music, --a term which among the Greeks denoted not only instrumental and vocal performance, and dancmg, but also the just and rhythmical intonation of the voice and movemen Tthe My. To these aiomplishments he united the more mtellectual IS; o^Lsophy. Through the Theban Simmias, and the Tarentme Spinthai's, both of whom had been companions of Socrates, Epameinon^^ ^bibed th; wisdom and the method of the great plnlosopher o Athen^, whilst by the Pythagorean Lysis, a Tarentme ^^^^^^^"^^^ he was initiated mto the more recondite doctrmes of the earhest of Grecian saaes By these varied communications his mind was enlarged beyond Z sphere of vulgai- superstition, and emancipated from that trniorous interpretation of nature, which caused even some of the leadmg men of those days to behold a portent in the most ordinary phenomenon. A stiU rarer accomplishment for a Theban was that of eloquence, which he possessed in no ordinary degree. These intellectual qualities were matched Tith moral virtues worthy to consort with them. Though eloquent, he was discreet; though poor, he was neither avaricious nor corrupt; though naturally firm and courageous, he was averse to cruelty, violence, and bloodshed; though a patriot, he was a stranger to personal ambition, and scorned the little arts by which popularity is too often courted. Pelopi- das as we have already said, was his bosom friend. It was natural, therefore, that, when Pelopidas was named Boeotarch, Epamemondas should be prominently employed in organizing the means of war ; but it was not till some years later that his military genius shone forth in its full lustre. § 13 The Spartans were resolved to avenge the repulse they had received, and in the summer of b. c. 378, Agesihius marched with a lar-e ai-my into Boeotia. He succeeded m breaking through the Theban .cii^umvalktion, and ravaged the country up to the very gates of Thebes though the combined Theban and Athenian armies — the latter under Chabrias — presented too formidable a front for him to venture upon an engagement. After spending a month in the BceotiaD ten-itory without stnking a decisive blow, Agesilaus returned to Sparta with the bulk of his army, leaving the rest under the command of Phoebidas at Thespia • who shortly afterwards fell in a skirmish. A second expedition under- taken by Agesilaus in the following summer (b. c. 377) ended much in the same manner. An injury to his leg, which he received on the home- ward march, and which was aggravated by the unskilfulness of his surgeoii, disabled him for a long time from active service ; so that the invasion in the summer of b. c. 376 was conducted by Cleombrotus. But the Thebans haxi now acquired both skill and confidence. They anticipated the Lace- daemonians in seizing the passes of Citheron ; and Cleombrotus, instead of invading Boeotia, was forced to retreat ingloriously. § 14 This ill-success on land determined the Lacedjemonians to try what they could effect at sea ; and a fleet of sixty tiiremes under PolUo was accordingly despatched into the iEgean. Near Naxos they feU in with the Athenian fleet under Chabrias, who completely defeated them, thus regaining once more for Athens the mastery of the seas (b. c. 376). It was on this occasion that young Phocion first distinguished himself. The Athenians followed up this success by sending Timotheus, the son of Conon, with a fleet into the western seas. Timotheus won success as much by prudence and conciUation as by arms. The inhabitants of Cepliallenia and Corcyra, several of the tribes of Epeirus, together with the Acama- nians dwelling on the coast, were persuaded to jom the Athenian alKance. Off Acarnania he was attacked by the Peloponnesian fleet, which however he defeated; and being subsequently reinforced by some triremes from Corcyra, he became completely master of the seas in that quarter. § 15. The justice and forbearance, however, which Timotheus observed towards friends and neutrals, obliged liim to draw largely upon the Athenian treasury; and the losses inflicted on the Athenian commerce by the privateers of ^gina caused the drain to be still more seriously felt. Athens was thus compelled to make fresh demands on the members of the confederacy ; with which, however, the Thebans refused to comply, though it was partly at their instance that the Athenian fleet had been sent into the ^gean. This refusal was embittered by jealousy of the rapid strides, which, owing to the diversion caused by the maritime efforts of Athens, Thebes had recently been makmg. For two years Boeotia had been free from Spartan invasion ; and Tliebes had employed this time in extending her dominion over the neighboring cities. One of her most important successes during this period was the victory gained by Pelopidas near Tegyra, a village dependent upon Orchomenus (b. c. 375). The Spartan harmost of Orchomenus having left that town with the greater part of the garrison in order to make an incursion into Locris, Pelopidas formed the I, (, 4eS0 HISTOBY OF aBEECE. [Cbap< XXXIX. project of surprising Oixshomenus, but, finding it impracticable, was on his rosd home, when he fell in near Tegyra with the Lacedemonians on their return from Locris. Pelopidas had with him only the Sacred Band and a small body of cavaby, while the Lacedaemonians were nearly twice as numerous. He did not, however, shrink from the conflict onthis account ; and when one of his men, running up to him, exclaimed, "We are tailen mto the midst of the enemy," he replied, " Why so, more than they mto the midst of us ? " In the battle which ensued, the two Spartan commanders fell at the first charge, and then- men were put to the rout. So signal a victory inspired the Thebans with new confidence and vigor, as it showed that Spaxta was not invincible even in a pitched battle and with the ad- TantagVof numbers on her side. By the year 374 b. c, the Thebans had succe^ed in entirely expelKng the Lacedaemonians from Bceotia, had put down the oligarchical factions in the various cities, and revived the Boeotian confederacy. Orchomenus alone, which lay on the borders of Fhocis, together with its dependency Cheronea, still remained under Spartan government. The Thebans now began to look beyond their own bo^ariS an4 to retaUate on the Phocians for the assistance they had en to Sparta. The success of the Thebans in that quarter would have laid open to them the temple of Delphi with aU its treasures ; nor did such a rTult seem improbable, as the Phocians were ai the same tmie hard pressed by Jason of Phene in Thessaly. But at the mstance of the Phocians Cleombrotus came to their aid, and succeeded m assunng their safety, as well as that of Orchomenus. . . ,1,^ :,«! § 16. Such were the successes of the Thebans which revived the jeal- ousy and distrust of Athens. Phocis was her ancient ally ; and the The- ban menace of that country, coupled with the anger excited by the refu^ of the Thebans to pay the required tribute, induced the AA~;«^^^ proposals of peace to Sparta, These were eagerly adopted, and Tmio- L^was instructed to sail back to Athens with the fleet. The peace, however, was broken almost as soon as made. On his way back, Tmio- theus disembarked at Zacynthus some exiles belonging to that island, and assisted them in establisldng a fortified post. For this proceedmg Sparto demanded redress at Athens in the name of the Zacynthian government ; which being refused, war was again declared. The Lacedaemonians now sent a lar-e force under the command of Mnasippus to subdue the impor- tant island of Corcyra, which has not appeared in Grecian histoiy smce the time of the fearful dissensions by which it was torn asunder m lie Peloponnesian war. Mnasippus having effected a landing and blockaded the coital, the Corcyi-^ans hivoked the aid of the Athenians, who appoint- ed Timotheus to conduct a fleet to their reUef ; and whilst tins was pieparing despatched Stesicles with six hundred peltasts overland through Thessaly and Epeirus. These, bemg conveyed across the channel to Corcyra, contrived to get into the city, and revived the hopes of the B. C. 371.] PEACE BETWEEN ATHENS AND SPARTA. m besieged with the news of the approaching Athenian fleet. The distress and privation had now become very great within the city; but the mis- conduct of Mnasippus afforded the Corcyraeans an opportunity of retrieving their affau-s. His soldiers, who were mostly mercenaries, being irregular- ly paid and harshly treated, became mutinous and insubordinate; the watch was badly kept; and the besieged, observing their opportunity, made a sally, in which the Lacedasmonians were defeated and Mnasippus hunself slain. Shortly afterwards, the approach of the Athenian fleet being announced, the Lacedaemonians hastily evacuated the island, leav- ing behind them a large store of provisions and many slaves, besides a considerable number of sick and wounded soldiers. When the Athenian fleet arrived, it was found to be commanded by Iphicrates, Chabrias, and the orator Callistratus. Timotheus had been superseded in the command, because he was thought to have wasted time unnecessarily in equipping the fleet. Iphicrates, soon after his arrival at Corc}Ta, captured nine out of ten triremes sent by Dionysius of Syracuse to the assistance of Sparta. From thence he crossed over to the opposite coast of Acarnania, and even laid waste the western shores of Pelopon- nesus. § 17. These successes of the Athenians occasioned great alarm at Sparta. Antalcidas was again despatched (b. c. 372) to solicit the inter- vention of Persia, on the plea that the peace had been infringed by the re-establishment of the Boeotian confederation. But even Athens had become anxious for peace, in consequence of the increasing jealousy of Thebes, which had recently destroyed the restored city of Platsea, and obliged its inhabitants once more to seek refuge at Athens. Prompted by these feelings, the Athenians opened negotiations for a peace with Sparta; a resolution which was also adopted by the majority of the allies. Due notice of this intention was given to the Thebans, who were also invited to send deputies to Sparta. § 18. A congi-ess was accordingly opened in that city in the spring of 371 B. c. The Athenians were represented by Callias, Autocles, and Callistratus ; and the Thebans by Epameinondas, then one of the pole- marclis. The terms of a peace were agreed upon, by which the inde- pendence of the various Grecian cities was to be recognized; the armaments on both sides were to be disbanded, and the Spartan harmosts and garrisons everywhere dismissed. Sparta ratified the treaty for herself and her allies ; but Athens took the oaths only for herself, and was fol- lowed separately by her allies. But when the turn of the Thebans came, Epameinondas refused to sign except in the name of the Boeotian confed- eration, and justified his refusal in a bold and eloquent speech, in which he maintained that the title of Thebes to the headship of Bceotia rested on as good a foundation as the claim of Sparta to the sovereignty of Laconia, wliich he maintained was derived only from the power of the sword. ■w\ } m 1S8 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XxxiX. B. C. 371.] DESIRE AT SPARTA TO CRUSH THEBES. 439 TMs norel and startling view of the matter, which nobody before had even ventured to open, was peculiarly insulting to Spartan ears. Agesilaus was incensed beyond measure at what lie regai-ded as another instance of Theban insolence. Starting abruptly from his seat, and addressmg Epameinondas, he exclaimed: "Speak out, — will you, or will you not leave each Ba>otian city indei>endent ? " Epameinondas replied by another question: "Will ijou leave each of the Laconian towns independent?" Agesilaus made no answer, but, directing the name of the Thebaus to be struck out of the treaty, proclaimed them excluded from it. Thus ended the congress. The peace concluded between Sparta, Athens, and their respective allies, was called the peace of Callias. The result with regard to Thebes and Sparta wiU appear in the foUowmg chapter. The Wind Boreas, from the Horologium of Andronicus Cyrrheates at Atheni. Ithome, from the Stadium of Messene. CHAPTER XL. THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES. § 1. Invasion of Bceotia by Cleombrotus. § 2. Battle of Leuctra. § 3. Its Effect throughout Greece. ^ 4. Jason of Phera; joins the Thebans. § 5. Progress of Thebes. § 6. Assas- sination of Jason. $ 7. Establishment of the Arcadian League. § 8. First Invasion of Peloponnesus by Epameinondas. Alarm at Sparta. Vigorous Measures of Agesilaus. § 9. Epameinondas founds Megalopolis, and restores the Messenians. § 10. Alliance between Athens and Sparta. Second Invasion of Peloponnesus by Epameinondas. § 11. Invasion of Laconia by the Arcadians. § 12. Expedition of Pelopidas into Thessaly. The " Tearless Battle " between the Arcadians and Lacedocmonians. $13. Third Inva- sion of Peloponnesus by Epameinondas. § 14, Mission of Pelopidas to the Court of Susa. § 15. Seizure of Pelopidas by Alexander. His Release. § 16. The Athenians acquire Oropus. Alliance between Athens and Arcadia. § 17. Attempt of the Athenians to seize Corinth, followed by an Alliance between the Corinthians and Thebans. § 18. Sue cess of the Athenians at Sea. A Theban Fleet commanded by Epameinondas. § 19. Death of Pelopidas. § 20. Wars between Elis and Arcadia. Battle at Olympia during the Festival. § 21. Dissensions among the Arcadians. § 22. Fourth Invasion of Pelo- ponnesus by Epameinondas. Attempts upon Sparta and Mantinea. § 23. Battle of Mantinea, and Death of Epameinondas. § 24. Death of Agesilaus. § 1. In pursuance of the treaty, the Lacedairaonians withdrew their hai^ mosts and garrisons, whilst the Athenians recaUed Iphicrates with the fleet from the Ionian Sea. Only one feeling prevailed at Sparta, — a desire to crush Thebes ; and this was carried to an almost insane extent ; so that even Xenophon, a warm partisan of the Lacedivmonians, compares it to the misleading and fatal inspiration of the Homeric Ate. But this HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XXXIX. Tliis novel and startling view of the matter, wliicli nobody before had even ventured to open, was peculiarly insulting to Si)artan ears. Agesilaus was incensed beyond nie:Hure at what he regarded as another instance of Theban insolence. Starting abruptly from liis seat, and 'iddrcssing Epameinondas, he exclaimed: "Speak out, — will you, or will you not leave each Bceotian city imlcpendent ? " Epameinondas replied by another question: "Will ,yo^r leave each of the Laconian towns hidei)endent ? " Agesilaus made no answer, but, directing the name of the Thebans to be struck out of the treaty, proclaimed them excluded from it. Thus ended tlie congress. The peace concluded between Sparta, Athens, and their resptictive allies, was called the peace of Callias. The result with regaal to Thebes and Spsirta will appear in the followmg chapter. The Wind Boreas, from the Horologium of Andronicus Cyrrhestes at Athena. B. C. 371.] DESIRE AT SPARTA TO CRUSH THEBES. 439 Ithome, from the Stadium of Messene. CHAPTER XL. THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES. ^ 1. Invasion of Bceotia by Cleombrotus. §2. Battle of Leuctra. §3. Its Effect throughout Greece. § 4. Jason of Pheraj joins the Thebans. § 5. Progress of Thebes. § 6. Assas- Bination of Jason, t^ 7. Estabhshment of tlie Arcadian I.eague. § 8. First Invasion of Peloponnesus by Epameinondas. Alarm at Sparta. Vigorous Measures of Agesilaus. § 9. Epameinondas founds Jlegalopolis, and restores the ^losseiiians. § 10. Alliance between Athens and Sparta. Second Invasion of Peloponnesus by Ej^ameinondas. § 11. Invasion of Laconia by the Arcadians. § 12. Expedition of l*elopidas into Thessaly. The "Tearless Battle" between the Arcadians and Laccdirmonians. ^ LS. Third Inva- sion of Peloponnesus by Epameinondas. § 14. Mission of Pelo{)idas to the Court of Snsa. § 15. Seizure of Pelopidas by Alexander. His Kelease. § 10. The Athenians actpiire Oropus. Alliance between Athens and Arcadia. § 17. AttemjJt of the Athenians to seize Corinth, followed by an Alliance between the Corinthians and Thebans. § IS. Sue cess of tlie Atlienians at Sea. A Theban Fleet commanded by Epameinondas. § 19. Death of Pelopidas. § 20. Wars between Elis and Arcadia. Battle at Olynipia during the Festival. ^ 21. Dissensions among the Arcadians. § 22. Fourth Invasion of Pelo- ponnesus by Epameinondas. Attempts upon Sparta and Mantinea. ^ 23. Battle of Mantinea, and Death of Epameinondas. § 24. Death of Agesilaus. § 1. In pursuance of the treaty, the Laeediemonians withdrew their har- mosts and garrisons, whilst the Athenians recalled Iphierates with the fleet from the Ionian Sea. Only one feeling prevailed at Sparta, — a desire to crush Thebes ; and this was carried to an almost insane extent ; 80 that even Xenoi>hon, a warm partisan of the Laeediemonians, com[)ares it to the misleading and fatal inspiration of the Homeric Ate. But this 440 HISTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. XL. B. C. 371.] BATTLE OF LEUCTEA. ^nkm was an afterthought Before the actual collision, the general opinion, not only at Sparta, but throughout Greece, was very different. Thebes was regarded as doomed to destraction; and it was not for a moment imagined that, single-handed, she wouW be able to resist the might of Sparta. At the time when the peace waa concluded, Cleombrotus hap- pened to be m Phocis at the head of a Lacedaemonian army ; and he now received orders to invade Boeotia without delay. The Thebans, on their side, were equally determined on resistance. In order to prevent Cleom- brotus from penetrating into Bceotia, Epameinondas occupied with a strong force the narrow pass near Coronea, situated between the Lake Copaii and a spur of Mount HeUcon, through which Agesikus had forced ft passage on his homeward march from Asia. But Cleombrotus took a circuitous road, deemed hai^ly practicable, and therefore but slightly guarded, over the mountains to the south. Arrivmg thus unexpectedly before Creusis on the Crisssean Gulf, he took that plaxie by surprise, and seized twelve Theban triremes which lay in the harbor. Then, having left a garrison in the town, he directed his march through the territory of Thespia), and encamped on the memorable plain of Leuctra. §2. This march of Cleombrotus displays considerable military skill. He had not only succeeded in penetrating into Boeotia ahnost without opposition; but, by seizing the port of Creusis, he had secured a safe retreat in case of disaster. The Thebans were discouraged at his progress, and it required all the energy and address of Epameinondas and Pelopidas to revive their drooping spirits. Omens of evil import had attended their march from Thebes ; and when they encamped within sight of the Lace- daemonians, three out of the seven Boeotarchs were for returning to the city and shutting themselves up in it, after sending away their wives and children to Athens. But Epameinondas had too much confidence in his own genius to listen to such timorous counsels. His own mind was proof against the fears of superstition, and luckily some favorable portents now gave encouragement to his troops. A Spartan exile serving with the Thebans bade them remark, that on that very spot stood the tomb of two BcBOtian virgms who slew themselves in consequence of having been outraged by Lacedaemonians. The shades of these injured maidens, he said, would now demand vengeance ; and the Theban commanders, seizing the omen, crowned the tombs with wreaths. The forces on each side are not accurately known, but it seems probable that the Thebans were outnumbered by the Lacedaemonians. The mili- tary genius of Epameinondas, however, compensated any inferiority of numbers by novelty of tactics. Up to this time Grecian battles had been uniformly conducted by a general attack in line. Epameinondas now first iulopted the manceuvre, used with such success by Napoleon in modem times, of concentrating heavy masses on a given point of the enemy's •rmy. Having formed his left wing into a dense column of fifty deep, so that its depth was greater than its front, he directed it against the Lace- daemonian right, containing the best troops in their army, drawn up twelve deep, and led by Cleombrotus in person. Meanwhile the Theban centre and right were ordered to be kept out of action, and in readiness to sup- port the advance of the left wing. The battle began with skirmishes of cavalry in front, in which the Lacedaemonian horse were soon driven in. The Theban left, the Sacred Band with Pelopidas at their head, leading the van, now fell with such irresistible weight on the Laeedjemonian right, as to bear down all opposition. The shock was terrible. Cleombrotus himself was mortally wounded in the onset, and with difficulty carried off by his comrades. Numbers of his officers, as well as of his men, were slain, and the whole wing was broken and driven back to their camp. On no other part of the line was there any serious fighting; partly owing to the disposition made by Epameinondas, and partly to the lukewarmness of the Spartan allies, who occupied the centre and part of the right wing. Tlic loss of the Thebans was small compared with that of the Lacedaemo- nians. Out of seven hundred Spartans in the army of the latter, four hundred had fallen ; and their king also had been slain, an event which had not occurred since the fatal day of Thermopylse. Many of their aUies hardly concealed the satisfaction which they felt at their defeat ; whilst so great was the depression among the Lacedaemonians themselves, that very few were found bold enough to propose a renewal of the combat, in order to recover the bodies of the slain. The majority decided that a truce should be sohcited for that purpose. But, though the bodies of the fallen were given up, their arms were retained; and five centuries after- wards the shields of the principal Spartan officers were seen at Thebes by the traveller Pausanias. § 3. The victory of Leuctra was gained within three weeks after the exclusion of the Thebans from the peace of Callias. The effect of it throughout Greece was electrical. It was everywhere felt that a new military power had arisen, — that the prestige of the old Spartan discipline and tactics had departed. Yet at Sparta itself, though the reverse was the greatest that her arms had ever sustamed, the news of it was received with an assumption of indifference chai-acteristic of the people. The Ephore forbade the chorus of men, who were celebrating m the theatre the festival of the Gymnopaedia, to be interrupted. They contented themselves with directing the names of the slain to be communicated to then- relatives, and with issuing an order forbidding the women to wail and mourn. Those whose friends had fallen appeared abroad on the morrow with joyful coun- tenances, whilst the relatives of the survivors seemed overwhelmed with grief and shame. The Ephors then directed their attention to the rescue of the defeated army. The whole remaining military force of Sparta, including even the more aged citizens, together with what forces could be collected fix)m the allies, was placed under the command of Archidamus, 56 ■ » ■ 442 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XL. B. C. 370.] JASON OF PHER-£. 443 I' eon of Agesikus, and transported by sea from Corinth to Creusis, which port now proved an invaluable acquisition. § 4. Immediately after the battle the Thebans had sent to Jasonof PhenB in Thessaly, to solicit his aid against the Lacedaemonians. We have already had occasion to mention this despot, who was one of the most remarkable men of the period. He was Tagus,* or Generalissmio, of aU Thessaly ; and Macedonia was partially dependent on him. He was a man of boundless ambition, and meditated nothing less than extendmg his dominion over the whole of Greece, for which his central situation seemed to offer many facilities. Upon receiving the invitation of the Thebans, Jason immediately resolved to join them, and marched with such rapidity that he forestalled all opposition, though he had to proceed through the hostile territories of the Heracleots and Phocians. When he amved, the Thebans were anxious that he should unite with them in an attack upon the LacedjEinonian camp ; but Jason dissuaded them from the enterpnse, advismg them not to drive the Lacedaemonians to despair, and offering his mediation. He accordingly succeeded in effecting a truce, by which the Lacedjemonians were aUowed to depart from Bceotia unmolested. Theur commander, however, did not trust to this ; but, having given out that he meant to march over Mount Cithjeron, he decamped in the night to Creu- sis, and fi-om thence proceeded by a difficult road along the side of the rocks ui)on the coast to ^gosthena in the Megarid ; where he was met by Archidamus and his army. As the defeated troops were now in safety, the object of the latter had been attained, and the whole armament was disbanded. § 5. According to Spartan custom, the survivors of a defeat were looked upon as degraded men, and subjected to the penalties of civil infamy. No aUowance was made for circumstances. But those who had fled at Leuc- tra were three hundred in number ; an attempt to enforce against them the usual penalties might prove not only inconvenient, but even danger- ous ; and on the proposal of Agesilaus, they were, for this occasion only, suspended. The loss of material power which Sparta sustained by the defeat was great. The ascendency she had hitherto enjoyed in parts north of the Corinthian Gulf fell from her at once, and was divided between Ja- son of Pherse and the Thebans. The latter, flushed by success, now panted for nothing but military glory, and under the superintendence of Epameinondas devoted themselves to an active course of warlike training. Their alliance was sought on every side. The Phocians were the first to claim it, and their example was soon followed by the Eubceans, the Lo- crians, the Malians, and the Heracleots. In this flood-tide of power the Thebans longed to take vengeance on their ancient enemy, Orchomenos, to destroy the town, and to sell the inhabitants for slaves ; and from this • Tcryof . design they were only diverted by the mildness and wisdom of Epamei- nondas. But the Orchomenians were forced to make their submission, and were then readmitted as members of the Boeotian confederation. The same lenity was not extended to the Thespians, who were expelled from Bojotia, and their territory annexed to Thebes. They took refuge, Uke the Plataeans, at Athens. § 6. At the same time Jason of Pherae was also extending his influence and power. It was known that he was revolving some important enter- prise, but it was doubtful whether he would turn his arms against the Persians, against the cities of Chalcidice, or against the states of Southern Greece. After the battle of Leuctra the last seemed the most probable. He had announced his intention of being present at the Pythian festival, which was to take place in August, 370 b. c, at the head of a numerous army; on which occasion his sacrifice to the Delphian god was to consist of the enormous quantity of one thousand bulls, and ten thousand sheep, goats, and swine. But it was unpleasant tidings for Grecian ears to learn that he intended to usurp the presidency and management of the festival, which were the prerogatives of the Amphictyonic Council. In this con- juncture the alarmed Delphians consulted the god as to what they should do in case Jason approached then- treasury, and received for answer that he would himself take care of it. Shortly afterwards the despot was as- sassinated by seven youths as he sat in public to give audience to all comers. The death of Jason was felt as a relief by Greece, and especially by Thebes. He was succeeded by his two brothers Polyphron and Poly- dorus ; but they possessed neither his ability nor his power. § 7. The Athenians stood aloof from the contending parties. They had not received the news of the battle of Leuctra with any pleasure, for they now dreaded Thebes more than Sparta. But instead of helping the latter, they endeavored to prevent either from obtaining the supremacy in Greece, and for this purpose called upon the other states to form a new alhance upon the terms of the peace of Antalcidas. Most of the Pelo- ponnesian states joined this new league ; but the Eleans declined, on the ground that they would thus deprive themselves of their sovereignty over the TriphyUan cities. Thus even the Peloponnesian cities became independent of Sparta. But this was not all. Never did any state fall with greater rapidity. She not only lost the dominion over states which she had exercised for centuries ; but two new poUtical powers sprung up in the peninsula, which threatened her own independence. The first of these was the Arcadian confedera- tion, established a few months after the battle of Leuctra ; the second was the new Messenian state, founded by Epamemondas two years later. It has been related how the Lacedasmonians had some years previously ' broken up Mantinea into its five original villages, and thus degraded it from the rank of a city. The Mantineans, assisted by the Arcadians oi 444 '^ JL A BISTORT OF OBESCE. [C I !■ various otlier quarters, now availed themselves of the weakness of Sparta to rebuild their town. Its restoration suggested the still more extensive scheme of a union of all the Arcadian cities. Hitherto the Arcadians had been a race, and not a nation, having nothing in common but their name. The idea of uniting them into a federal state arose with Lycomedes, one of the leading men of the restored Mantinea. It was expected that the Thebans and Argives would lend their aid to the project, which was well received throughout the greater part of Arcadia, though opposed by Tegea and certain other cities jealous of Mantinea. The Spartans would not tamely allow such a formidable power to spring up at theu- very doors ; and, ac- cordingly, Agesilaus marched with a Lacedaemonian army against Manti- nea (b, c. 370). But the Mantineans were too prudent to venture on an engagement till reinforced by the Thebans, to whom tliey had applied for assistance ; and as they kept within their walls, Agesilaus, after ravaging their territory, marched back to Sparta. § 8. Ever since the battle of Leuctra, Epameinondas had been watchmg an opportunity for interfering in the affairs of Peloponnesus. But his views were not confined to the establishment of an Arcadian union. He also proposed to restore the exiled Messenians to their territory. That race had formerly lived under a dynasty of their own kings ; but for the last three centuries their land had been in the ix>s3ession of the Lacedaemo- nians, and they had been fugitives upon the face of the earth. The rea- toration of these exiles, now dispersed in various Hellenic colonies, to their former rights, would plant a bitterly hostile neighbor on the very- borders of Laconia. Epameinondas accordingly opened communications with them, and numbers of them flocked to his standard during his march into Arcadia, late in the autumn of 370 b. c. He entered tliat country shortly after Agesilaus had quitted it, and, in addition to the Arcadians, was immediately joined by the Argives and Eleans. The combined force, includmg the Thebans, is estimated at seventy thousand men. Epamei- nondas, who had in reality the chief command, though associated with the other Boeotarchs, brought with him choice bodies of auxiliaries from Pho- cis, Locris, and other places, and especially the excellent cavalry and pel- tasts of Thessaly. But it was the Theban bands themselves that were the object of universal admiration ; which, under the inspection of Epamei- nondas, had been brought into the highest state of discipline and effi- ciency. The Peloponnesian allies, elated at the sight of so large and so well appointed an army, pressed Epameinondas to invade Laconia itself, mnee his services were no longer required in Arcadia, in consequence of the retreat of Agesilaus. Although it was now mid-winter, he resolved, after some hesitation, to comply with their request. Dividing his army into four parts, he crossed without any serious opposition the mountains separating Arcadia from Laconia, and reunited his forces at Sellasia. From thence he marched to Amyclse, two or three miles below Sparta, 1^ B. C. 370.] EPAMEINONDAS INVADES PELOPONNESUS. 4M where he crossed the river Eurotas, and then advanced cautiously towards the capital. Sparta, which was wholly unfortified, was now filled with confusion and alarm. The women, who had never yet seen the face of an enemy, gave vent to their fears in wailing and lamentation. Moreover, the state was in great danger from her own intestine divisions. Not only was she threatened by the customary discontent of the Perioeci and Helots, but the large class of poor and discontented citizens called " Inferiors " looked with anger on the wealth and pohtical power of the " Peers." * But the emergency was pressing, and called for decisive measures. The Ephors ventured on the step of offering freedom to such Helots as would enlist as hoplites for the defence of the city. The call was responded to by no fewer than six thousand, who now inspired fear by their very numbers ; and the altirm was justified and heightened by the fact that a considerable body of Perioeci and Helots had actually joined the Thebans. In the midst of these pressing dangers, Sparta was saved by the vigi- lance and enei^y of her aged king Agesilaus. He repulsed the cavalry of Epameinondas as they advanced towards the city; and so vigorous were his measures of defence, that Epameinondas abandoned all further attempt upon the city, and proceeded southwards as far as Helos and Gythium on the coast, the latter the port and arsenal of Sparta. After laying waste with fire and sword the valley of the Eurotas, he retraced his steps to the frontiers of Arcadia. § 9. Epameinondas now proceeded to carry out the two objects for which his marcli had been undertaken ; namely, the consolidation of the Arca- dian confederation, and the establishment of the Messenians as an inde- pendent community. In the prosecution of the former of these designs, the mutual jealousy of the various Arcadian cities rendered it necessary that a new one should be founded, which should be regarded as the capi- tal of the confederation. Consequently, a new city was built on the banks of the Helisson, called Megalopolis, and peopled by the inhabitants of forty distinct Arcadian townships. Here a synod of deputies fi-om the towns composing the confederation, called " The Ten Thousand," f was to meet periodically for the despatch of business. A body of Arcadian troops, called Epariti, J was also levied for the purposes of the league. Epamei- nondas next founded the town of Messene. Its citadel was placed on the summit of Mount Ithome, which h^ three centuries before been so bravely defended by the Messenians agamst the Spartans ; whilst the town itself was seated lower down upon the western slope of the mountain, but con- nected with its Acropolis by a continuous wall. The strength of its for- tifications was long afterwards a subject of admiration. The territory attached to the new city extended southwards to the Messenian Gulf, and i » See p. 410. f Mvptoc. ^ *Em^irot. 440 HISTOET OF GBEBCE. [Chap. XL. B. C. 368.] THE TEARLESS BATTLE. 447 northwards to the borders of Arcadia, comprising some of the most fertile hmd in Pelojwnnesus. In order to settle the affairs of Arcadia and Messenia, Epamemondas had remained in Peloponnesus four months after the legal penod of his command liad expired; for which offence he and the other Boeotarchs were arraigned on his return to Thebes. But they were honorably ac- quitted, Epameinondas havmg expressed his willingness to die it the The- bans would record that he was put to death because he had humbled Sparta, and taught his countrymen to conquer her armies. I 10. So low had Sparta now sunk, that she was fain to send envoys to beg the assistance of the Athenians. This request was acceded to ; and shortly afterwards an alliance was formed between the two states, in which Sparta waived aU her claims to superiority and headship. It was agreed that the command both on land and sea should alternate every five days between Athens and Sparta, and that their united forces should occupy Corinth and guard the passes of the Onean Mountains across the isthmus, flo as to prevent the Thebans from again invadmg Peloponnesus. Before this position Epameinondas appeared with his army m the spring of the year b. c. 369 ; and as all Ins attempts to draw on a battle proved una- vailincr, he resolved on forcing his way through the hostUe lines. Direct- ing his march just before daybreak against the position occupied by the Lacedemonians, he succeeded in surprising and completely defeating them. He wa^ thus enabled to form a junction with his alhes in Peloponnesus, whilst the Lacedaemonians and Athenians do not appear to have stirred from their position. Sicyon now deserted Sparta and joined the Theban alliance ; but the little town of Phlius remained faithful to the Lacedaemo- nians, and successfully resisted aU the attempts made to capture it. The Thebans were also defeated in an attempt upon Corinth ; and the spirits oi the Spartan allies were still further rmsed by the arrival at Lechaeum of a Syracusan squadron, bringing two thousand mercenary Gauls and Iberians, together with fifty horsemen, as a succor from the despot Dio- nysius. After a wMe, however, according to the usual desultory nature of Grecian warfare, both armies returned home without having achieved anything of importance. § 11. Meanwhile the Arcadians, elate with their newly acquired power, not only beUeved themselves capable of maintaining their independence without foreign assistance, but thought themselves entitled to share the headship with Thebes, as Athens did with Sparta. Lycomedes, whom we have already mentioned as an able and energetic citizen of Mantinea, was the chief promoter of these ambitious views, and easily flattered the national vanity of his countrymen by appeals to their acknowledged cour- age and hardihood. They responded to his representations by caUing upon him to lead them into active service, appointed him their commander, and chose all the officers whom he nommated. The first exploit of Ly- comedes was to rescue the Argive troops in Epidaurus, where they were in great danger of being cut off by a body of Athenians and Corinthians under Chabrias. He then marched into the southwestern portion- of Messenia, where he penetrated as far as Asine, defeated the Spartan com- mander Geranor, who had drawn out the garrison to oppose him, and de- stroyed the suburbs of the town. It was probably by this expedition that the annihilation of the Spartan dominion in that quarter was completed. The hardihood and enterprise displayed in it excited everywhere both ad- miration and alarm ; but at Tliebes it also occasioned jealousy. At the same time circumstances arose which tended to disunite the Arcadians and Eleans. The former objected to Elis resuming her sovereignty over the towns of Triphylia, which they had thought to regain after the decay of the Spartan supremacy. § 12. During the year 368 B. c. the Thebans undertook no expedition into Peloponnesus ; but Pelopidas conducted a Theban force into Thessaly for the purpose of protecting Larissa and other cities against the desigiis of Alexander, who, by the murder of his two brothers, had become despot of Pherae and Tagus of Thessaly. Alexander was compelled to solicit peace ; and Pelopidas, after establishing a defensive league amongst the Thessalian cities, marched into Macedonia, when the regent Ptolemy en- tered into an alliance with the Thebans. Amongst the hostages given for the observance of this treaty was the youthful Philip, son of Amyntas, afterwards the celebrated king of Macedon, who remained for some years at Thebes. , Shortly afterwards, the Lacedaemonians, under the command of Archi- damus, supported by the reinforcements sent by Dionysius, succeeded in routing the Arcadians with great slaughter, whilst not a single Lacedae- monian fell, whence the victory derived the name of " the Teariess Battle." The news of this defeat of the Arcadians was by no means unwelcome at Thebes, as it was calculated to check their presumption, and to show them that they could not dispense w ith Theban aid. § 13. Epameinondas now resolved on another expedition into Pelopon- nesus, with the view of bringing the Achjeans into the Theban alliance. Until the battle of Leuctra the cities of Acliaia had been the dependent alhes of Sparta ; but since that event they had remained free and neutral On the approach of Epamemondas they immediately submitted, and con- sented to be enrolled among the allies of Thebes. That commander, with his usual moderation, did not insist upon any change in their governments. But this was made a subject of accusation against him at home. The Ar- cadians charged him with having left men in power in the Achaean cities who would join Sparta on the first opportunity. These accusations, being supported by the enemies of Epameinondas, prevailed: his proceedings in Achaia were reversed ; democratic governments were established in the various Achaean cities ; and m the ensuing year Epameinondas hhnself r 448 mSTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XL ,.n II was not re-elected as Boeotarch. But the consequence was, that the exiles thus driven from the various Achaean cities, watching their oppor- tunity, succeeded in effectmg counter-revolutions, and afterwards took a decided part with Sparta. § 14. The Thebans now resolved to send an embassy to Persia. Ever since the peace of Antalcidas the Great King had become the recognized mediator between the states of Greece ; and his fiat seemed indispensable to stamp the claims of that city which pretended to the headship. The recent achievements of Thebes might entitle her to aspire to that position ; and at all events the alterations which she had produced in the internal state of Greece, by the establishment of Megalopolis and Messene, seemed to require for their stabiUty the sanction of a Persian rescript. For this purpose Pelopidas and Ismenias proceeded to the court of Susa, ap- parently in the years 367-366 b. c. They were accompanied by other deputies from the allies; and at the same time the Athenians sent Timagoras and Leon to counteract their influence. Pelopidas may prob- ably have pleaded the former services of Thebes towards Persia at the time of the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, as well as in having opposed the expedition of Agesilaus into Asia. But the great fact which influ- enced the decision of the Persian king would doubtless be, tliat Thebes was now the strongest state in Greece ; for it was evidently easier to exercise Persian ascendency there by her means, than through a weaker power. Pelopidas had therefore only to ask his own terms. A rescript was issued deckring the independence of Messene and Amphipolis ; the Athenians were directed to lay up their ships of war m ordinary ; Thebes was declared the head of Greece ; and the dispute between EUs and Arcadia on the subject of the Triphylian cities was decided in favor of the former power: probably at the instance of Pelopidas, and on account of the estrangement now subsisting between Arcadia and Thebes. The Athenian and Arcadian envoys had attempted in vain to secure better terms for their own states. Antiochus, the representative of Arcadia, on his return to Megalopolis, vented his displeasure by a most depreciatory report to the Ten Thousand of all that he had seen during his journey. There were armies, he said, of cooks, confectioners, ^vine-bearers, and the like, but not a single man fit to fight against Greeks ; and even the vaunted golden plane-tree itself, he affirmed, was too small to afford shade for a single grasshopper. The Thebans, on the contrary, made the most of their success. Deputies from the allied cities were summoned to Thebes Id hear the royal rescript read; but it was coldly received by all present. Lycomedes, the Arcadian envoy, even protested against the headship claimed for Thebes, and asserted that the allied synod should not be exclusively convened m that city, but in the actual seat of war. After some angry language, the Arcadians withdrew from the assembly, and the other deputies seem to have followed their example. Nor were B.C. 366.] SEIZURE OP PELOPIDAS BY ALEXANDER. 449 «ie Thebaic more successful in an attempt to get tLe rescript recognized by sendmg It round to the various cities separately. § 15 It was, in all probabUity, during a mission undertaken by Peloni- das and Ismenia., for the purpose of procuring the acknowledgment of the rescnpt m Thessaly and the northern parts of Greece, th^t they were seized and impnsoned by Alexander of Phera,. That tyrant met them at Pharsalus under all the appearances of pea^e, but took occasion of their bemg without guards to seize and carry them off to Phera;. Such value was attached to the person of Pelopidas, that his imprisonment induced several of the Thessalian partisans of Thebes to submit to Alexander. Even the Athenians did not disdain to avail themselves of this treacher- ous breach of public faith, and sent Autocles with a fleet of thirty tri- remes aiid one thousand hoplites to the supix>rt of Alexander. Meanwhile the justly incensed Thebans had despatched an army of eight thousand hophtes and s«c hundred cavalry, to recover or avenge their favorite «tizen. Unfortunately, however, they were no longer commanded by Epamemondas, who, as we have related, had not been re-elected to the office of Bteotarch. Their present commande.^ were utterly incompetent. They were beaten and forced to retreat, and the army was in such dan<.er from the active pursuit of the ThessaUans and Athenians, that its destruc- bon seemed inevitable. Luckily, however, Epameinondas was serving as a hophte m the runks. By the unanimous voice of the troops he was now called to the command, and succeeded in conducting the army safely back to Thebes. Here the unsuccessful Boeotarchs were disgraced, and Epamei- nondas, whose reputation now shone forth more briUiantly than ever was restored to the command, and placed at the head of a second Thcban' army destined to attempt the release of Pelopidas. Directed by his supenor skill, the enterprise proved successful. Anxious, however, for the hfe of his friend, Epameinondas avoided reducing Alexander to such extremities as might induce him to make away with Pelopidas ; and thus, though the main object of the expedition was attained, it was not accom- panied with such striking and decisive results as to counterbalance the advantages which Alexander had derived from his treachery § 16 The acquirement of Oropus was, however, some compensation to the Thebans for their losses on the other side of their frontier. The possession of that town, which lay on the borders of Athens and Thebes bad long been a subject of contention between the two states. For many years past it had been in the hands of the Athenians; but it was now seized by a party of exiles favorable to the Theban interest, and im- mediately occupied by a Theban garrison, which deprived the Athenians of all hopes of retaking it. The Athenians had been displeased at the want of zeal manifested by their Peloponnesian aUies in not assisting them m the afeu- of Oropus; and Lycomedes, who was disgusted with the Iheban ascendency, took advantage of this feeling to negotiate an alli- 57 )/ h^ 450 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XL. mce between Arcadia and Athens. He procured himself to be appointed ambassador to that city, where he was favorably received, and pi^ liminary arrangements made for an alliance; but on his way home he was assassinated by some Arcadian exiles of the opix)site par^y. me negotiations, however, pix>ceeded. Callistratus w^ sent from Athens a. iJbassador to the Arcadian Ten Thousand, whilst Epamemondas ha>te^^^^^^^ from Thebes, to counteract, if possible, the machinations of the elocpient Atheni^m. But though Epameinondas here displayed his ready talent m debate, he was unsuccessful. The Athenians concluded an alhance with Arcadia, but at the same time mthout formally breaking with Thebes. § 17 This connection rendered it desirable for Athens to secure an iminterrupted communication with Peloponnesus, and for this puri^se she formed the treacherous design of seizing Corinth by surpnse. She was not only at peace, but in alliance, with that city ; and her auxihanes were servin- in the Corinthian forts and outposts. These, however, were to be the inrtrument. of her treachery. Under pretence of a reinforcement, an armament under the command of Chares was despatched to Corinth. But the designs of Athens had i-eached the ears of the Cormthians, who refused to admit Chares into their port of Cenchrea. ; and at the saine time dismissed the other Athenians in their service, yet wi h aU he appearance of good-will. Though thus saved for the moment, this step hTplaced the Corinthians in a state of isolation ; and they therefore resolved to open negotiations with Thebes for a general peace^^ Their overtures were well received by the Thebans A meeting of the allies was then convened at Sparta, in which the Corintluans set forth iU necessity of their case, and endeavored to induce '^^'^'^f;^^'''''^^' erates to follow their example in concluding a peace with Thebes, the terms of which were to be the indei>endence of each individual city, including Messene., but without recognizing the headship of Thebes, or Tterincfinto any formal alliance with her. On this basis a peace was Z^^^lj conided between Thebes, Corinth, PhUus, Epidaurus, ^d ^laps^ne or two other cities; but as the Thebans ma.le the inde- Ldence of Messene an mdispensabb condition, Sparta resolutely refused to join it, and the larger states of Greece, Thebes, Athens, Sparta, Area- dia, and others, still remained at war. 1 18. Athens availed hei-self of the distracted condiUon of Greece to extend her maritime empire. She had no longer occasion to drearl any opposition from Sparta; and she accordingly sent a powerful fleet into thT^gean under the command of Timotheus, who succeeded m conquei- ing Sa^os, and in obtaming possession of Potido^a, Pydna, Methone and it is said even of Olynthus itself. But in the midst of his success, he was menaced by the unexpected appearance of a Theban fleet Epamemon- 4las, jealous of the maritime empire of Athens, had persuaded his comitiy- «>; to try their strength on a new element. Sparta, he said, was B. C. 363.] DEATH OP PELOPIDAS. 451 : humbled ; it was not she, but Athens, who was jow their prominent enemy ; and he exhorted them not to rest content till they had transferred to the Theban Cadniea the Propyla?a which adorned the acropolis of Athens. A fleet of one hundred triremes was constructed, and he himself appointed to the command ; whilst envoys were sent to Rhodes Chios, and Byzantium, to induce them to break with Athens. It Avas with this fleet that Epameinondas appeared in the Hellespont in b. c. 363. He seems, however, to have effected little, — at least nothing splendid is recorded, — and this expedition proved both the first and last of the Thebans by sea. ^ § 19. It was in the same year that his friend Pelopidas led an expedi- tion into Thessaly against Alexander of Pherje. Sti-ong complaints of the tyranny of that despot arrived at Thebes, and Pelopidas, who probably also burned to avenge his private wrongs, prevailed upon the Thebans to send him into Thessaly to punish the tyrant. The forces he had collected were far inferior in number to those of Alexander ; and when informed at Pharsalus, that the tyrant was advancing towards him with a great army, he remarked that it was so much the better, since there would be more for him to conquer. The battle was fought on the hills of Cynoscephal® ; the troops of Alexander were routed; and Pelopidas, observing his hated enemy endeavoring to rally them, was seized with such a transport of rage, that, regardless of his duties as a general, he rushed impetuously forwards and challenged him to single combat. Alexander shrunk back within the ranks of his guards, followed impetuously by Pelopidas, who was soon slain, fighting with desperate bravery. Although the army of Alexander was defeated with severe loss, the news of the death of Pclopi- das deprived the Thebans and their Thessalian allies of all the joy which they would otherwise have felt at their victory. The Thebans, however, subsequently avenged the death of their general by sending a fresh force of seven thousand hoplites into Thessaly ; with which they compelled Al- exander to rehnquish all his dependencies in that country, to confine him- self to the actual limits of Pheraj, and to swear allegiance to Thebes. The Thebans thus acquired greater influence than they had ever before en- joyed in Northern Greece. § 20. Meantime a war had been carried on between Elis and Arcadia. It has been already remarked, on more than one occasion, that the Eleans claimed the sovereignty of the Triphylian towns, in which they were backed by Sparta, but opposed by the Arcadians. The Eleans also laid claun to a traet of hilly ground lying north of the Alpheus, containing Lasion and some other towns which had been included in the Arcadian league. They seized Lasion by surprise, but were driven out again by the Arcadians, who afterwards took formal possession of the sacred dis- trict of Olympia. Other acts of hostility had occurred between the Eleans and Arcadians, and the former had called in the assistance of the Lace- daemonians, but without any decisive result. In 364 b. c. the Arcadians 'f V ' Ik "I »■ ' ^; 452 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XL. B. C. 362.] BATTLE OF MANTINEA. 453 were stUl in possession of Olympia; and as the Olympic festival occurred in that year, they availed themselves of their situation to transfer the presi- dency of the games from the Eleans to the Pisatans, who had long laid Ckim to it. It was anticipated that the Eleans would assert their ngh^ by force ; and the Arcadians prepared to resist any attempt of that kmd, not only by a large army of their own, but also by summoning their allies. The festival had already commenced, many of the games h^ been per- fbrraed, and the wrestUng match was going on, when bodies of the Eleans, and their alUes, the Acha^ans, were observed approaching the sacred Ijround. The Arcadians immediately rushed to arms, and formed on the bank of the Uttle river Cladeus, to prevent their approach. The Eleans advanced with the utmost boldness, but were finally repulsed and obliged to retire. On this occasion the temple of the Olympian deity himself was converted into a fortress, and the majestic Zeus of Pheidias looked down with cahn dignity upon those who were contending for the honor of cele- bmting his festival. The Eleans subsequently avenged themselves by striking the 104th Olympiad out of the hst of the festivals. § 2l! Not content with this insult to the Eleans, the Arcadians carried their insolence to the extent of sacrilege, by despoiling the rich temples of Olympia. But this act ripened the seeds of disunion which were al- ready springing up among the Arcadians themselves. The assembly of MantinL passed an act renouncing all participation m the sacred spoil, and though the Ten Thousand attempted at first to seize the leadmg men at Mantinea as traitors to the Arcadian league, the views of the Mantine- ans respectmg the employment of the sacred treasures were so evidently just, that even their opponents were at length shamed into them. Accord- in-ly a peace was concluded with the Eleans, who were restored to all their rights with regard to Olympia. Since the Spartans had supported the Eleans, the Mantineans were naturally bn>ught into close connection with the former; whilst the rest of the Arcadians, and especially the Te- geans, favored Thebes. Tegea thus became the centre of Theban influ- ence in Arcadia, and was occupied by a Theban harmost and a garnson Of three hundred Boeotians. The Thebans viewed the success of the Man- tineans and Spartan party with suspicion; and when the peace, recently concluded, was sworn to at Tegea, they seized the principal members of the Spartan party. The news of this treacherous act was received wil^ great indi'mation at Mantinea. Heralds were immediately despatched by the Mrntineans to demand the release of their o^ti citizens. Here- upon the Theban harmost released the prisoners, protesting that he had been misled by a false report of the approach of a Spartan force, prepared to cooperate with a party within the waUs m order to seize Tegea. The Mantineans and their party, however, were not satisfied with this apology, but sent envoys to Thebes, demanding the punishment of the harmost. Epameinondas, incensed that a peace had been concluded without the sanction of Thebes, justified the harmost's conduct, and bade the envoys carry back word that he would himself soon lead an army into Arcadia. The Mantineans and their partisans immediately made preparations for war, and sent ambassadors to request the assistance of the Lacedemonians. § 22. These events occurred in 362 b. c. and in the summer of that year Epameinondas undertook his fourth and last invasion of Pelopon- nesus. The proceedings in Arcadia, which threatened to undo all that he had done in that country, and ultimately to lead to an alliance between it and Sparta, were the motives for his expedition. His army was nu merous, and included many troops from Northern Greece. He marched without opposition to Tegea, where he was joined by such of the Arcadi- ans and other Peloponnesians as were favorable to the Theban cause. The other party concentrated themselves at Mantinea, whither the aged Agesilaus was marching with a Lacedaemonian force, whilst Athenian succors were also expected. Epameinondas, whose movements were characterized by decision and rapidity, resolved to surprise Sparta in the absence of Agesilaus by a sudden march upon it. Providentially, how- ever, a swift Cretan runner overtook Agesilaus in time to warn him of the danger. He got back to Sparta early enough to anticipate the attempt of Epameinondas ; and though that commander actually entered the city, yet he found the streets and houses so well defended, that he was fain to retire. The alarm caused by this diversion had however occasioned the recall of the Lacedaemonian aniiy destined for Mantinea, and Epamei- nondas took advantage of that circumstance to attempt the surprise of that place. Fortunately for tlie Mantineans, the Athenian cavalry had reached their city an hour or two before the arrival of Epameinondas, and, though hungry and tired with their march, succeeded in repulsing the Theban and Thessalian horse. Epameinondas now fell back upon Tegea. § 23. Thus both these well-planned manoeuvres w^ere accidentally frus- trated. As the enemy had now succeeded in concentrating their forces at Mantinea, it was clear that a general action w^as unavoidable. The plain between Tegea and Mantinea, though two thousand feet above the level of the sea, is shut in on every side by lofty mountains. In length it is about ten miles, whilst its breadth varies from one to eight. About four miles south of Mantinea it contracts to its narrowest dimensions, and here the Lacedaemonians and Mantineans took up their position. Epamei- nondas, in marching northwards from Tegea, inclined to the left, so as to skirt the base of Mount Maenalus, wliich bounds the plain on the west. On arriving in sight of the hostile lines, Epameinondas ordered his troops to halt and ground arms. Hence the Lacedaemonians inferred that he did not mean to offer battle that day ; and so strong was this per- suasion, that they left their ranks, whilst some of the horsemen took off their breastplates and unbridled their horses. But meanwhile Epamei- nondas was making his dispositions for an attack. His plan very much resembled that of the battle of Leuctra. His chief reliance was upon the Boeotian troops, whom he had formed into a column of extraordinary depth. 454 HISTORY OF GREFXE. [Chap. XL. B.C.407.] REVOLUTIONS AT SYRACUSE. 455 I (I 1 ■i » V The enemy at length became aware of hb intentions, and hurried into their ranks ; but they were in no condition to receive the onset of the The- ban hoplites, who bore down all before them. The Mantineans and Lace- demonians turned and fled, and the rest followed their example. The day was won -, but Epamcinondas, who fought in the foremost ranks, fell pierced with a mortal wound. His fall occiv^ioned such consternation among his ti-oops, that, although the enemy were in full flight, they did not know how to use their advantage, and remained rooted to the spot. Hence both sides subsequently claimed the victory and erected trophies, though it was the Laceda;monians who sent a herald to request tlfe bodies of the slain. Epameinondas was carried off the field with the spear-head still fixed in his breast. Having satisfied himself that his shield was safe, and that the victory was gained, he inquired for lolaidas and Daii)hantus, whom he intended to succeed him in the command. Being informed that both were slain : « Tlicn," he observed, « you must make peace." After this he oi-dered the spear-head to be withdrawn ; wlien the gush of blood which followed soon terminated his life. Tims died this truly great man; and never was there one whose title to that epithet has been less disputed. Antiquity is unanimous in his praise, and some of the first men of Greece subsequently took him for tlieir model. With him the commanding in- fluence of Thebes began and ended. His last advice was adopted, and peace was concluded probably before the Theban army quitted Pelopon- nesus. Its basis was a recognition of the status quo, — to leave eyery- ihmg as it was, to acknowledge tlie Arcadian constitution and the inde- pendence of Messene. Sparta alone refused to join it on account of the last article, but she was not supported by her allies. § 24. Agesilaus had lived to see the empire of Sparta extinguished by lier hated rival. Thus curiously had the prophecy been fulfilled, which warned Sparta of the evils awaiting her under a " lame sovereignty.^ But Agesilaus had not yet abandoned all hope ; and he and his son Archi- damus now directed their views towards the east, as a quarter from which Spartan power might still be resuscitated. At the age of eighty the in- domitable old man proceeded with a force of one thousand hoplites to as- sist Tachos, king of Egypt, in his revolt against Persia. The age and uisigniticant appearance of the veteran warrior made him, however, a butt for Egyptian ridicule, and he was not intrusted with the supreme command. But in spite'of this affront he accompanied the Egyptian army on an ex- pedition into Phoenicia. During the absence of Tachos, Nectanebis rose against him, and, being supported by Agesilaus, obtained the throne of Egypt Xectanebis rewarded this service with a present of two hundred and thiiiy talents. But Agesilaus did not live to carry this money home to Sparta. He died on his road to Cyrene, where he had intended to embark for Gree(;e. His body was embahned in wax, and splendidly buried in Sparta. He was succeeded by his son Archidamus HL Bust of Plato. , CHAPTER XLI. HISTORY OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF THE ATHENIAN ARMAMENT TO THE DEATH OF TIMOLEON. 4 1. Revolutions at Syracuse. Dionysius the Elder seizes the Despotism. § 2. His Suc- cesses. § 3. His Poetical Compositions. Plato visits Syracuse. § 4. Death of Dionysius. Ilis Character. Story of Damocles. § 5. Accession of the Younger Dionysius. Second Visit of Plato. Banishment of Dion. Third Visit of Plato. § 6. Dion expels Dionysius, and becomes Master of Syracuse. § 7. Assassination of Dion. § 8. Revolutions at Syra- cuse. The Syracusans invoke the Aid of Corintli. § 9. Character of Timoleon. § 10. His Successes. Surrender of Dionysius and Conquest of Syracuse. § 11. Moderation of Timoleon. He remodels the Constitution. § 12. Defeats the Carthaginians at the Cri- mesus. § 13. Deposes the Sicilian Despots. § 14. Retires into a Private Station. His great Popularity and Death. § 1. The affairs of the Sicilian Greeks, an important branch of the Hellenic race, deserve a passing notice. After the destruction of the Athenian armament in b. c. 413, the constitution of Syracuse was ren- dered still more democratical by a new code of laws, which Diodes, one of the principal citizens, took the chief part in drawing up. Shortly afterwards, in b. c. 410, Hermocrates, the leader of the aristocratical party, who had greatly distinguished himself during the Athenian invasion, was banished ; and Diodes thus obtained for a time tlie undisputed direction of the Syracusan government. But two years afterwards Diodes was in his turn banished in consequence of his want of success in the war against the Carthaginians. Meantime Hermocrates had returned to Sicily and col- lected a considerable force at Selinus, from whence he carried on hostilities against the Carthaginians and their allies with considerable success, and thus secured a strong party at Syracuse in his favor. Relying upon this circumstance, he endeavored to effect his restoration by force, but was slain in an attempt to enter Syracuse by night, b. c. 407. This state of thmgs opened the way for a still more daruig and successful aspirant .456 HISTORY OF GREECE. [<5hap. XIX B. C. 387.] mONTSIUS THE ELDER. 457 This was the celebrated Dionysius, the son of a person also named Her- mocrates. Dionysius was of humble origin, but of good education, and began life as a clerk in a public office. He had taken an active part in the enterprise of Hermocrates just mentioned, in wliich he had been wounded and given out for dead, — a circumstance by which he escaped a sentence of banishment. After the death of Hermocrates, the domestic discontents of the Syracusans were still further fomented by another in- vasion of the Carthaginians in 406 b. c, during which they took and plundered Agrigentum. Dionysius, who now headed the party of Hermo- crates, taking advantage of the prevailing discontent, in an artful address to the assembly attributed the fall of Agrigentum to the incompetence of the Syracusan generals, and succeeded in procuring their deposition, and the appointment of others in their stead, of whom he himself was one. His advent to power was immediately followed by the restoration of all the exiles of his party. His next step was to get rid of his colleagues by accusing them of treachery and corruption, and to procure his own sole appointment with unlinaited and irresponsible authority. The remaining steps towards a despotism were easy. Under pretence that his life had been attempted, he obtained a body-guard of one thousand men for his protection ; by whose means he made himself master of Syracuse, and openly seized upon the supreme power, b. c. 405. § 2. Dionysius first directed his arms against Naxos, Catana, and Leontini, which successively fell into his power, either by force or treach- ery ; but it was not till b. c. 397 that he considered himself sufficiently Strong to declare war against Carthage. This war was conducted with varying success. In 395 - 4 Synicuse itself seemed on the point of falling into the hands of the Carthaginians. The Carthaginian fleet, after ob- taining a great naval victory at Catana, sailed into the harbor of Syracuse upwards of two hundred strong. At the same time their army established itself in the neighborhood of the city, and Imilcon, the Carthaginian general, took up his head-quarters in the temple of Olympian Zeus, within about a mile and a half of the walls, and even occupied and plundered the suburb of Achradina. The situation of Dionysius now seemed des- perate. It is even said that he was on the pomt of giving up all for lost and making his escape ; from which he was deterred by one of his friends observing, " that sovereign power was an honorable winding-sheet. " A pestilence which shortly afterwards broke out in the Carthaginian camp proved the salvation of Syracuse. The Carthaginians fell by thousands, whilst the Syracusans themselves remained unliarmed. Dionysius made a successful attack both by sea and land on their weakened forces ; and Imilcon was glad to secure a disgraceful retreat by purchasing the conni- vance of Dionysius for the sum of three hundred talents. After this period the career of Dionysius was marked by great, though not altogether unvarying success. In 393 the Carthaginians under Magon once more threatened Syracuse, but were again defeated, and compelled to sue for peace. Dionysius willingly concluded a treaty with them, since he was anxious to pursue his schemes of conquest in the interior of Sicily, and in Magna Graecia. By the year 384 he had reduced the greater part of the former, and a considerable portion of the latter country. He had now arrived at his highest pitch of power, and had raised Syracuse to be one of the chief Grecian states, second in influence, if indeed second, to Sparta alone. Under his sway Sjrracuse was strengthened and embel- lished with new fortifications, docks, arsenals, and other public buildings, and became superior even to Athens in extent and population. Dio- nysius took every opportunity of extending his relations with foreign powers, and strengthening himself by alliances. He cultivated the friend- ship of the Lacedaemonians ; and among the last acts of his reign was the sending of an auxiliary force in two successive years to support them against the increasing power of the Thebans. § 3. Dionysius was a warm patron of literature, and was anxious to gain distinction by his literary compositions. In the midst of his political and mihtary cares he devoted himself assiduously to poetry, and not only caused his poems to be pubUcly recited at the Olympic games, but repeatedly contended for the prize of tragedy at Athens. Here he several times obtained the second and third prizes ; and finally, just before his death, bore away the first prize at the Lensean festival, with a play called " The Hansom of Hector." In accordance with the same spirit we find him seeking the society of men distinguished in literature and philosophy. Plato, who visited Sicily about the year 389 from a curiosity to see Mount ^tna, was introduced to Dionysius by Dion. The high moral tone of Plato's conversation did not however prove so attractive to Dionysius as it had done to Dion ; and the philosopher was not only dismissed with aversion and dislike, but even, it seems, through the machinations of Dionysius, seized, bound, and sold for a slave in the island of ^gina. He was, however, repurchased by Anniceris of Cyrene, and sent back to Athens. § 4. Dionysius died in B. c. 387, after a reign of thirty-eight years. Love of power was his ruling passion : the desire of literary fame his second. In his manner of hfe he was moderate and temperate ; but he was a stranger to pity, and never suffered it to check him in the pursuit of his ends. Although by no means deficient in personal courage, the suspicious temper of Dionysius rendered him the miserable prey of uneasiness in the midst of all his greatness, and drove him to take pre- cautions for the security of his life even against his nearest friends and relatives. The miseries of absolute, but unlegalized and unpopular power, cannot be more strongly illustrated, than by the celebrated story of the despot of Syracuse and his flatterer Damocles. The latter having ex- tolled the power and majesty, the abundant possessions and magnificent 58 I 458 HISTOBY OP GREECB. [Chap. XLI. ni \* palaces, which rendered his master the happiest of men, Dionysius invited Damocles to try what his happiness really was, and then ordered him to be placed on a golden couch, decked with coverings of the richest and most magnificent embroidery. The sideboards groaned under the weight of gold and silver plate ; pages of the choicest beauty waited on him ; his head was crowned with garlands and reeked with unguents ; the smell of burning odors filled all the apartment, and the table was covered with the most exquisite viands. Damocles now thought himself supremely happy ; but in the midst of his enjoyments he happened to cast his eyes towards the ceiling, and beheld a naked cimeter suspended over his head by a single hair. At this sight his satisfaction vanished in an instant, and he entreated to be released from the enjoyment of pleasures which could only be tasted at the risk of life.* Such was the tyrant's practical illus- tration of his own envied condition. § 5. Dionysius was succeeded by his eldest son, commonly called the Younger Dionysius, who was about twenty-five years of age at the time of his father's death. The elder Dionysius had married two wives at the same time. One of these was a Locrian woman named Doris ; the other, Aris- tomache, was a Syracusan, the daughter of Hipparinus, one of the most active partisans of Dionysius, and sister to Dion, whom we have already had occasion to mention as the friend of Plato. The marriage with Doris proved immediately fruitful, and by her he had three children, of whom the eldest, Dionysius, was his successor. But Aristomache was long childless, much to the chagrin of Dionysius, who, attributing the circumstance to the spells and incantations of the mother of Doris, caused the latter to be put to death. At length Aristomache also bore him children, two sons and two daughters. Dionysius having died without appointing any successor, Dion at first attempted to secure the inheritance for his youthful nephews, but found himself obliged to relinquish all such claims in favor of the son of Doris. The inexperience of the young Dionysius, however, inclined him to listen to the counsels of Dion, who had always enjoyed the respect and confidence of his father, and who now became the confidential adviser of the son. Plato's lofly and ideal conceptions of civil government had sunk deep into the mind of Dion, and the influence which he now en- ioyed over the youthful sovereign made him long to seize the opportunity for realizing them m practice. To expel the Carthaginians from Sicily, to civilize and Hellenize the semi-barbarous Siceliot tribes, and to convert Syracuse fix)m a despotism into a constitutional monarchy governed by equal laws, — these were the projects which floated in the imagination of « " Destrictus ensls cui super impia Cervice pendet, non Sicula dapeft Dulcem elaborabunt saporera ; • Non avium citharaeque cantos • Soninum reduceut" — Hoe. Carm. iii. 1. 17. r B. C. 360.] DIONYSIUS THE YOUNGER. 459 Dion, and which he endeavored to instil into Dionysius. With this view he persuaded Dionysius to invite Plato again to Syracuse, nothing doubt- ing that his eloquence and conversational powers would work an immense effect upon the youthful monarch. But Plato was now growing old, and had already experienced the danger of attempting to instruct despots in the sublime, but somewhat visionary, theories of perfect government. Nevertheless, after something of a struggle, he sacrificed his scruples and apprehensions to the pressing instances of his friend Dion, and the warm invitation of young Dionysius himself. The philosopher was received with the greatest honor. His illustrious pupil immediately began to take lessons in geometry ; superfluous dishes disappeared from the royal table ; and Dionysius even betrayed some symptoms of a wish to mitigate the former rigors of the despotism. But now his old courtiers took the alarm ; nor does Plato himself appear to have used with skill the oppor- tunity for a practical application of his doctrines which cliance had throwTi in his way. It was whispered to Dionysius that the whole was a deep- laid scheme on the part of Dion for the purpose of effecting a revolution and placing his own nephews on the throne. These accusations had the desired effect on the mind of Dionysius ; and an intercepted letter from Dion to the Carthaginian generals, in which he invited them to make theu' communications through him, afforded Dionysius a pretext for getting- rid of him. In the course of a conversation he enticed Dion down to tlie very brink of the harbor, when, suddenly producing the intercepted letter, and charging him to his faee with treason, he forced him to enter a vessel that was in readiness to convey him to Italy. The situation of Plato was now very critical. Many advised Dionysius to put him to death ; but the despot refused to listen to these suggestions. He even invited Plato to his palace, and treated him with the greatest respect ; but he cautiously ab- stained from any more lessons in a philosophy which he had now been taught to regai-d with suspicion, as designed only to deprive hira of his power. Plato was at length suffered to escape from the kind of honor- able captivity in which he was held ; but at the pressing invitation of Dionysius he again reluctantly returned to Syracuse in the hope of pre- vaihng upon the tyrant to recall Dion from banishment. In this, however, he proved unsuccessful ; nay, Dionysius even proceeded to measures of violence against his former guide and minister. First, the remittances which Dion, who was now residing at Athens, was in the habit of receiv- ing, were stopped, and at length all his large property was confiscated and sold, and the proceeds distributed among the personal friends of Dionysius. Plato beheld this injustice towards his friend with grief and mortification, but without the power of preventing it; and it was with difliculty that he himself at length obtained permission to return to Greece. § 6. This event took place early in 360 b. c. ; and at the Olympic fes- tival of that year Plato met his friend Dion, and acquainted him with the ! I I 460 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XIX B. C. 410.] TIMOLEON INVADES SICILY. 461 measures which had been taken against him by Dionysius. The natural iDdignation of Dion was further inflamed by other acts of the Syracusan tyrant. Dionysius compelled Arete, the wife of Dion, and his own half- sister, to m^rry one of liis friends, named Timocrates. He also acted in the most brutal manner towards Dion's youthful son. Thus wounded in the tenderest points, Dion resolved on revenge. The popularity which he had acquired, not only at Athens but at Sparta and in the Pelopon- nesus, and especially among those who were attached to Plato and his teaching, rendered many disposed to serve liim ; whilst the natural desire of a great part of the Syraeusan population to recover their liberty, as well as the contempt into which Dionysius liad fallen from his drunken and dissipated habits, promised success to any enterprise against him, though undertaken with ever so small a force. After two or three years spent in preparations, Dion, in the summer of 357 B.C., landed on the coast of Sicily with only eight hundred men. The enterprise was favored by an imprudent step on the part of Dio- nysius, who had recently sailed with a fleet of eighty vessels on an expedi- tion to the coasts of Italy. By a rapid night-march Dion appeared unexpectedly before Syracuse ; at dawn his troops were beheld from the walls in the act of crossing the little river Anapus, first crowning their heads with garlands, and sacrificing to the rising sun. Their advance re- sembled rather the solemn procession of a festival than the march of a hostile army. The inhabitants, filled with joy and enthusiasm, crowded through the gates to welcome Dion as their deUverer, who proclaimed by sound of trumpet that he was come for the purpose of putting down the despotism of Dionysius, and of hberating not only the Syracusans, but all the Sicilian Greeks. Dion easily rendered himself master of the whole of Syracuse, with the exception of Ortygia, which was still held by the partisans of Dionysius. Such was the state in which that tyrant found his capital on his return from his ItaHan expedition. Dionysius at first attempted to recover pos- session of the city by force, but having been defeated in a sea-fight, he determined to quit Syracuse, and sailed away to Locri in Italy, leaving his son Apollocrates in charge of the citadel (b. c. 356). After his de- parture, dissensions broke out among the besiegers, and Dion was deposed from the command ; but the disasters of the Syracusans, arising from the incapacity of their new leaders, soon led to his recall, and to his appoint- ment as sole general with uncontrolled authority. Not long after, Apol- locrates was compelled by famine to surrender the citadel. § 7. Dion was now master of Syracuse, and in a condition to carry out all those exalted notions of political life which he had sought to instil into the mind of Dionysius. He seems to have contempleted some pohtical changes, probably the establishment of a kind of limited and constitutional monarchy, after the fashion of Sparta, combined perhaps with the oligar- chical institutions of Corinth. But this scheme of a constitution existed only in his imagination : his immediate and practical acts were tyrannical, and were rendered still more unpopular by his overbearing manners. The Syracusans looked for repubhcan institutions, — for the dismantling of the fortifications of Ortygia, the stronghold of despotism, — and for the destruction of the splendid mausoleum, which had been erected there to the memory of the elder Dionysius, by way of pledge that the despotism was really extinct and overthrown. But Dion did nothing of all this. Nay, he even caused Heracleides, who had proposed the destruction of Ortygia, to be privately assassinated. This act increased to the highest pitch the unpopularity under which he already labored. One of his bo- som friends — the Athenian Callippus — seized the opportunity to mount to power by his murder, and, having gained over some of his guards, caused him to be assassinated in his own house. This event took place in 353, about three years after the expulsion of the Dionysian dynasty. § 8. Callippus contrived to retain the sovereign power about a twelve month. He was ultimately driven out by Hipparinus, the nephew of Dion (son of the elder Dionysius by Aristomache), who reigned but two years. Nysajus, another of Dion's nephews, subsequently obtained the supreme authority, and was in possession of it when Dionysius presented himself before Syracuse with a fleet, and became master of the city by treachery, about B. c. 346. Dionysius, however, was not able to re-establish himself firmly in his former power. Most of the other cities of Sicily had shaken off the yoke of Syracuse, and were governed by petty despots : one of these, Hicetas, who had established himself at Leontini, afforded a rallying- point to the disaffected Syracusans, with whom he joined in making war on Syracuse. Meantime, the Carthaginians prepared to take advantage of the distracted condition of Sicily. In the extremity of their sufferings, several of the Syraeusan exiles appealed for aid to Corinth, their mother city. The application was granted, and Timoleon was apjx)inted to com- mand an expedition destined for the relief of Syracuse. § 9. Timoleon was one of those models of uncompromising patriotism which we sometimes meet with in the history of Greece, and still more frequently in that of Rome, but which, under some of its phases, we in modern times are at a loss whether to approve or to condemn. Whei a man's country was comprised in a small state or a single city, the feeling of patriotism gi'ew stronger in proportion as it was more condensed; and to this circumstance, as well as to the humanizing effects of Chris- tianity, may perhaps be chiefly attributed the difference between ancient and modern views respecting the duty of a patriot. Timoleon was dis- tinguished for gentleness as well as for courage, but towards traitors and despots his hatred was intense. He had once saved the life of his el- der brother Timophanes in battle at the imminent peril of his own ; but when Timophanes, availing himself of his situation as commander of the M 402 HISTORY OF GBEECE. [Chap. XLI. garrison in the Acrocorinthos, endeavored to enslave his country, Timo- leon did not hesitate to consent to his death. Twice before had Timoleon pleaded with his brother, beseeching him not to destroy the liberties of his country ; but when Timophanes turned a deaf ear to these appeals, Timoleon connived at the action of liis friends who put him to death, whilst he himself, bathed in a flood of tears, stood a little way aloof. The action was not without its censurers even among the Corinthians themselves : but these were chiefly the adherents of the despotic party, whilst the great body of the citizens regarded the conduct of Timoleon with love and atl- miration. In the mind of Timoleon, however, their approving verdict was far more than outweighed by the reproaches and execrations of his mother. The stmgs of blood-guiltiness and the maternal curse sunk so deep into liis soul, that he endeavored to star\'e himself to death, and he was only diverted from his purpose by the active interference of his friends. But for many years notliing could prevail upon him to return to public life. He buried himself in the country far from the haunts of men, drag- gmg out the life of a self-condemned criminal and exile, till a chance voice in the Corinthian assembly nominated him as the leader of the ex- pedition against Dionysius. § 10. Roused by the nature of the cause, and the exhortations of his friends, Timoleon resolved to accept the post thus offered to him. The prospect however was discouraging. Before he sailed, a message arrived from Sicily to countermand the expedition, Hicetas and the anti-Dionysian party having entered into secret negotiations with the Carthaginians, who refused to allow any Corinthians to land in Sicily. But the responses of the Delphic oracle and the omens of the gods were propitious ; especially the circumstance that, in the temple of Delphi itself, a wreath of victory "ell from one of the statues upon the head of Timoleon. The fleet of Timoleon consisted of only ten triremes, but by an adroit itratagem he contrived to elude the Carthaginian fleet of twenty sail, and aa-rived safely at Tauromenium in Sicily, where he was heartily welcomed by the inhabitants. Hicetas, meanwhile, had made great progress in the war agahist Dionysius. He had defeated him in battle, and had made himself master of the whole of Syracuse with the exception of Ortygia, in which he kept the despot closely besieged. Hicetas, learning that Ti- moleon was advancing to occupy Adranum, hastened thither to anticipate him, but was defeated with heavy loss. Timoleon now marched upon Syracuse. Dionysius, who appears to have abandoned all hope of ultimate success, judged it better to treat with Timoleon than with Hicetas, and ac- cordinc'ly surrendered the citadel into the hands of the Corinthian leader on condition of being allowed to depart in safety to Corinth, b. c. 34i Dionysius passed the remainder of his life at Corinth, where he is said to have displayed some remnants of his former luxury by the fastidious taste which he showed in the choice of his viands, unguents, dress, and fumi- B. C. 343.] SUCCESS OF TIMOLEON. 46d ture; whilst his literary inclinations manifested themselves in teachinn,«.« and Ill>™s. ^ 6. "'t™'""^ "^ ptae. « 7. Capture of Amphipolis, and Foundation of Phd-PP;; * »• ^.".'/"^itels^ ^9. Commencement of the Sacred War. The Phooans se.ze Delph . J 10^ Successes rf the Phocians. i 11. PhUip interferes in the War Conquer The,«^ly y«^ ^^^P • Ti,_„. nemmthenes i 13. The OlynOuan War. J U. Charactei ot 1 nocion. ran^roivnthun* pJeL of the S^red War. Embassy to PUlip « 1«. Cu- ^„tt oSs by Philip. Sentence of the Amphictyonic Council on the Phocans. 8 1 The internal dissensions of Greece, which have formed the subject of the two preceding books, are now about to produce *eir natund frmte ; and in the present book we shaU have to relate the downfall of her mde pendence, and her subjugation by a foreign power. We 1>»^« A^* »V" Ln Sparta exercising a sort of empire of opinion over the other Grea^ States, and looked up to by them with willing obedience as their tradi- tional and chosen leader. After the Persian wars Athens contests the pahn with her, and, through the confederacy of Delos, becomes virtually the head of Greece in material power, if not recognized as such by the public opinion of the nation. But Sparta and most of the other Grecian states, from jealousy of the Athenian supremacy, league together for the purpose of crushing Athens. After a long struggle, Athens falls into the power of her enemies ; and Sparta becomes the ruler of Greece. The power which she has thus acquired, she exercises with harshnes.s, cruelty, and corruption ; her own allies desert her ; and in little more than thirty years after the battle of JEgospotami she is in her turn, not only deprived of the supremacy, l)ut even stripped of a considerable portion of her own ancient territoiy, chiefly through the power and influence of Thebes. For a little while Thebes becomes the predominant state ; but she owes her j)Osition solely to the abilities and genius of Epameinondas, and after his death sinks down to her former level. The state of exhaustion into which Greece had been thrown by these protracted intestine dissensions is al- ready shown by her having condescended to throw herself at the feet of Persia, and to make her hereditary enemy the arbiter of her quarrels. Athens alone, during the comparative state of tranquillity afforded her through the mutual disputes of her neighbors, has succeeded in regaining some portion of her former strength, and becomes the leading power in the struggle which now threatens to overwhelm the whole of Greece. Thi.9 new danger comes from an obscure Northern state, hitherto over- looked and despised, and considered as altogether barbarous, and without the pale of Grecian civilization. § 2. Macedonia — for that is the country of which we are speaking had various limits at different times. Proj^rly, however, it may be re- garded as separated from Thessaly on the south by the Ctunbunian Moun- tains ; from lUyria on the west by the great mountain cham called Scar- dus and Bernus, and which, under the name of Pindus, also separates Thessaly from Epeirus ; from Moesia on the north by the mountains called Orbelus and Scomius ; and from Thrace on the east by the river Strymon. It is drained by three rivers of considerable size, the Axius, the Lydias, and the Haliacmon ; each of which has its separate valley, formed by two mountain ranges running southeastwards from the mountains that divide Illyria and Macedonia, All these rivers discharge themselves into the Tliermaic Gulf. The origin of the people who inhabited this tract of coun- try has been much disputed. The Greeks themselves looked upon them as barbarians, that is, as not of Hellenic origin. They were probably an Illyrian people, and the similarity of the manners and customs, as well as of the languages, so far as they are known, of the early Macedonians and Blyrians, seems to establish the identity of the races. § 3. But though the Macedonians were not Greeks, their sovereigns claimed to be descended from an Hellenic race, namely, that of Temenus ! f, ' . ^11 I oM 466 ( [ fe -- ■ ■=r.:.- ii 1==-=- r f \.,=rr A m^^ZJ ' — m Wti^. -^ ^^^^ ftt^Si^^E^ ^jgv ^s View of Delphi and Monnt Pama«8u». BOOK VI. THE MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY. B. C. 359-146. CHAPTER XLIL raOM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP TO THE END OF THE SACEED WAK. »I. SUte of Greece. »«• '>-''Pt'» t"""'°™^*lt•Sr 1 e' "hIs M^^ uster of PhUip. « 5. He subdues the Prconmm and lll>nans. J 6. H« -i . X. 4 7. Capture of Amphipolis, and Foundation of P":"PP^ * f ^."jo 'succe.s» n Commencement of the Sacred War. The I'hocmns seize Do^ph. , 10^ Suece se» LihTpWiMs 411 Philip interferes h. the War. Conquers Thessaly. * I*- ™"P ta ThrTc^^tnil-^ M3. The Olyuthiau War^^ « U- Character o ^.o.on MofOlvuthus. M*. Progress of the Sacred War. ^^^'^^l^J'^^XL^i^l^ ^est of Phocis by PhiUp. Sentence of the Amphictyomc Council ou the Phocians. I 1. The internal dissensions of Greece, vfhich have fomed the subject of the two preee.Ung books, are now about to p«^uce A™*"™^/™ J; ^ in the present book we shaU have to relate the downfall of he mde pendence, La her subjugation by a foreign power. We ha^e fet of ^ Ln Spa;ta exercising a sort of empire of opWon over the o*^ G..«^ states, and looked up to by them with willing obedience as their tradi B.C.359.] HISTORY OP MACEDONIA. 467 tional and chosen leader. After the Persian wars Athens contests the pahn with her, and, through the confederacy of Dclos, becomes virtually the head of Greece in material power, if not recognized as such by the public opinion of the nation. But Sparta and most of the other Grecian states, from jealousy of the Athenian supremacy, league together for the puri>ose of crushing Athens. After a long struggle, Athens falls into the power of her enemies ; and Sparta becomes the ruler of Greece. The power which she has thus acquired, she exercises with harshness, cruelty, and corruption ; her own allies desert her ; and in little more than thirty years after the battle of ^gospotami she is in her turn, not only deprived of the supremacy, but even stripped of a considerable portion of her own ancient territory, chiefly through the power and influence of Thebes. For a little while Thebes becomes the predominant state ; but she owes her position solely to the abilities and genius of Epameinondas, and after his death sinks down to her former level. The state of exhaustion into which Greece had been thrown by these protracted intestine dissensions is al- i*eady shown by her having condescended to throw herself at the feet of Persia, and to make her hereditary enemy the arbiter of her quarrels. Athens alone, during the comparative state of tranquillity afforded her through the mutual disputes of her neighbors, has succeeded in regaining some portion of her former strength, and becomes the leading power in the struggle which now threatens to overwhelm the whole of Greece. This new danger comes from an obscure Northern state, hitherto over- looked and despised, and considered as altogether barbarous, and without the pale of Grecian civilization. § 2. Macedonia — for that is the country of which we are speaking— had various limits at diflferent times. Projxjrly, however, it may be re- garded as separated from Thessaly on the south by the Cambunian Moun- tains ; from Illyria on the west by the great mountain chain called Scar- dus and Bernus, and which, under the name of Pindus, also separates Thessaly from Epeirus ; from Moesia on the north by the mountains called Orbelus and Scomius ; and from Thrace on the east by the river Strymon. It is drained by three rivers of considerable size, the Axius, the Lydias, and the Haliacmon ; each of which has its separate valley, formed by two mountain ranges running southeastwards from the mountains that divide Illyria and Macedonia. All these rivers discharge themselves into the Thermaic Gulf. The origin of the people who inhabited this tract of coun- try has been much disputed. The Greeks themselves looked upon them as bai'barians, that is, as not of Hellenic origin. They were probably an lUyrian people, and the similarity of the manners and customs, as well as of the languages, so far as they are known, of the early Macedonians and lUyrians, seems to establish the identity of the races. § 3. But though the Macedonians were not Greeks, their sovereigns claimed to be descended from an Hellenic race, namely, that of Temenus ti 468 HISTOBT OP GKEECE. [Chap. XLII. of Argos ; and it is said that Alexander I. proved his Argive descent pre- viously to contending at the Olympic games. Perdiccas is commonly regarded as the founder of the monarchy ; of the history of which, how- ever, little is known till the reign of Amyntas I., his fifth successor, who was contemporary with the PeisistratidoD at Athens. Under Amyntas, who submitted to the satrap Megabyzus, Macedonia became subject to Persia, and remained so till after the battle of Plataea. The reigns of the succeeding sovereigns down to Philip 11. present little thatis remarkable, with the exception of that of Archelaus (b. c. 413). This monarch ef fected much for Macedonia by improving the condition of the army, by erecting fortresses to check the incursions of his barbarous neighbors, by constructing roads, and by endeavoring to diffuse among his subjects a taste for literature and art. He transferred his residence from iEgas to Pella, which thus became the capital, and he employed Zeuxis to adorn his palace there with paintings. He entertained many literary men at his court; such as Agathon and Euripides, the latter of whom ended his days at PeUa. Archelaus was assassinated in b. c. 399, and the crown de- volved upon Amyntas H., a representative of the ancient line. Amyntas left three sons : Alexander H., who was assassinated by Ptolemy Alontes ; Perdiccas HI., who recovered his brother's throne by slaying Ptolemy, and who feU in battle against the lUyrians ; and lastly, the celebrated Philip, of whom we have now to speak. § 4. It has been ab^ady mentioned that the youthful Philip was one of the hostages deUvered to the Thebans as security for the peace effected by Pelopidas. His residence at Thebes gave him some tincture of Gre- cian philosophy and literature. It seems probable that he made the per- sonal acquaintance of Plato ; and he undoubtedly acquired that command over the Greek language which put him on a level with the best orators of the day. But the most hnportant lesson which he learned at Thebes was the art of war, with aU the unproved tactics introduced by Epamei- nondas. At the tune of Philip's residence, moreover, Thebes was the centre of poUtical interest, and he must accordingly have had opportumties to become intimately acquainted with the views and poUcy of the various Grecian powers. The genius and character of Philip were well calcu- lated to derive advantage from these opportunities. He had great natural acuteness and sagacity, so as to perceive at a glance the men to be em- ployed, and the opportunities to be improved. His boundless ambition was seconded by an kon will, which no danger could daunt and no repulse dishearten ; and when he had once formed a project, he pursued it with untiring and resistless energy. His handsome person, spontaneous elo- quencerand apparently frank deportment were of great assistance to him in the prosecution of his schemes ; whilst under these seducing quaUties lurked no inconvenient moraUty to stand between his desires and their gratification. Corruption was his instrument as firequently as force ; and B. C. 359.] ACCESSION OF PHILIP. 469 it was one of his favorite boasts, th^t he had taken more towns with silver than with iron.* Yet when force was necessary no man could wield it better ; for with the skill of a general he united a robustness of constitution which enabled him to bear all the hardships of a campaign as well as the meanest soldier. § 5. Such was the man who at the age of twenty-three assumed the gov- ernment of Macedonia (b. c. 359). It had probably been intrusted to him when his brother Perdiccas set out on the expedition against the II- lyriaus in which he fell ; and after that event he became the guardian of his brother's infant son. This minority induced two pretenders to claim the crown : Pausanias, who was supported by the king of Thrace ; and Argaeusj whose claims were backed by the Athenians with a force of three thousand hoplites, because he had engaged to put them in possession of Amphipolis. But by his promises and address Philip contrived to propi- tiate both the king of Thrace and the Athenians ; to the latter of whom he made the same offers as Argajus had done. The two pretenders, being thus deprived of their supporters, were easily got rid of, and Philip was left at liberty to turn his arms against the Paeonians and Illyrians, who were threatening Macedonia with invasion. The former people were easily subdued, and Philip then marched against the Illyrians with a force of ten thousand men. He was met by BardylLs, the aged chief of Blyria, with an army of about the same strength. This was the first important engagement fought by Philip. He displayed in it the military skill which he had acquired in the school of Epameinondas, and, like that commander, gained the victory by concentrating his forces on one point of the enemy's line. Nearly two thirds of the lUyrian army were destroyed; and they were consequently compelled to submit unconditionally, and to place in the hands of Phihp the principal mountain passes between the two countries. It was after these victories that Pliilip seems to have deposed his nephew, and to have assumed the crown of Macedon. This revolution, however, was unattended with harshness or cruelty. Philip continued to bring up his nephew at court, and ultimately gave him one of his daughters in marriage. § 6. It was natural that success acquired with so much ease should prompt a youthful and ambitious monarch to further undertakings. In anticipation of future conquests he devoted the greatest attention to the training and discipline of his army. It was in liis lUyrian wars that he is said to have introduced the far-famed Macedonian phalanx. But perhaps the greatest of his military innovations was the establishment of a standing army. We have already noticed certain bodies of this description at * " Diffidit urbiuin Portas vir Macedo et submit aemulos Beges muneribus." —Hob. Carm. iii. 16. 13. i * 470 mSTOR¥ OF GBEEOI. [Chap. XIH B* 0> 358«J THE SOCIAL WAB. 471 Aigos and Tbebes. Philip, however, seems to have retiuned on foot the ten thoTisand men which he had employed against the Illyrians ; and tliis standing force was gradually enlarged to double the number. Among the soldiers discipline was preserved by the severest punishments. Thus we hear of a youth of noble birth being scourged for leaving the ranks to get a draught of wine at a tavern; and of another, who, though a fiivorite at couit, was put to death for a similar offence, aggravated by a breach of positive orders, . § 7. Philip's views were now turned towards the eastern frontiers of Ms dominions, where his interests clashed with those of the Athenians. A few years before, the Athenians had made various unavailing attempts to obtain possession of Amphipolis, once the jewel of their empire, but which they had never recovered since its capture by Brasidas in the ^eighth year of the Peloiionnesian war. Its situation at the mouth of the Strymon rendered it also valuable to Macedonia, not only as a commercial port, but as opening a passage into Thrace. The Olynthians were like- wise anxious to enroll Amphipolis as a member of their confederacy, and accordingly proposed to the Athenians to form an alliance for the purpose of defending Amphipolis against their mutual enemy. An alliance be- tween these two powerful states would have proved an insurmountable obstacle to Philip's views ; and it was therefore absolutely necessary to prevent this coalition. Here we have the first instance of Philip's skill and duplicity in negotiation. By secretly promising the Athenians that he would put Amphipolis into their hands, if they would give him poesession of Pydna, he induced them to reject the overtures of the Olynthians; and by ceding to the latter the town of Anthemus, he bought off their opposition. He now laid siege to Amphipolis, which, being thus left unaided, fell into his hands (b. c. 358). He then forth- with marched against Pydna, which sun-endered to him; but on the ground that it was not the Athenians who had put him in possession of this town, he refused to give up Ampliipolis to them. Philip had now just reason to dread the enmity of the Athenians, and accordingly it was his policy to court the favor of the Olynthians, and to prevent them from renewing their negotiations with the Athenians. In order to separate them more effectually, he assisted the Olynthians in recovering Potidaea, which had formerly belonged to theu* confederacy, but was now in the hands of the Athenians. On the capture of the town, he handed it over to the Olynthians ; but at the same time he treated the Athenian garrison with kindness, and allowed them to return home in safety. Plutarch relates that the capture of Potidaea was accompanied with three other fortunate events in the life of Philip ; namely, the prize gamed by his chariot at the Olympic games, a victory of his general, Parmenio, over the Illyrians, and the burth of his son Alexander. These events happened in b. c. 356. Philip now crossed the Strymon, on the left bank of which lay Pan- gasus, a range of mountains abounding in gold mines. Pangjeus prop- erly belonged to the Thracians, but had sometimes been in the possession of the Athenians, and sometimes of the Thasians ; and at this time was held by the latter people. Philip conquered the district, and founded there a new town called Philippi, on the site of the ancient Thasian town of Crenides. By improved methods of working the mines he made them yield an annual revenue of one thousand talents, nearly £250,000. But it was chiefly as a military post that Philippi was valuable to him, and as a means of pushing his conquests farther eastwards ; for whichj however, he was not at present prepared. § 8. Meanwhile, Athens was engaged in a war with her allies, which has been called the Social War; and which was, perhaps, the reason why she was obliged to look quietly on whilst Pliilip was thus aggrandizing himself at her expense. This war broke out in b. c. 358. The chief causes of it seem to have been the contributions levied upon the allies by the Athenian genei-als, and the re-establishment of the system of cleru- chies, which the Athenians had formally renounced when they were beoin- nmg to reconstruct their empire. However this may be, a coalition was formed against Athens, of which either Byzantium or Rhodes was the head, and which was soon joined by Chios, Cos, and other places. The insurgents were also assisted by the Carian prince, Mausolus. The first step taken by the Athenians in order to quell this insurrection was to attack Chios with sixty triremes, under Chares and Chabrias. The expedition proved unsuccessful. Chabrias was slain whilst gallantly leading the way into the harbor of Chios, and the armament was al- together defeated. We next find Timotheus and Iphicrates employed in this war in conjunction with Chares : but the details recorded of it are obscure, and sometimes contradictory. Chares got rid of liis two colleaones on a charge of failing to support him in a battle. On this indictment they were subsequently tried, when Iphicrates was acquitted ; but Timotheus was condemned, and retired to Chalcis, where he soon afterwards died. Athens thus lost her best commanders ; and Chares, having obtained the sole command, entered the service of the satrap Artabazus, who had re- volted against Artaxerxes, and was rewarded with a large sum, which enabled him to pay his men. He did not succeed, however, in reducin<» the refractory allies to obedience; and when Artaxerxes threatened to support them with a fleet of three hundred ships, the Athenians were obliged to consent to a disadvantageous peace, wliich secured the inde- pendence of the more unportant allies (b. c. 355). The Athenians only succeeded in retaining some of the smaller towns and islands, and their revenue from them was reduced to the moderate sum of forty-five talents. § 9. The Social War tended still further to exhaust the Grecian states, and thus pave the way for Philip's progress to the supremacy. Another 41 472 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XLII. war, which had been raging during the same time, produced the same result even to a greater extent This was the Sacred War, which broke out between Thebes and Fhocis in the same year as the Social War (b. c. 357). An ill feeluig had long subsisted between those two countries. It was with reluctance that the Phocians had joined the Theban alliance. In the last campaign of Epameinondas in the Peloponnesus, they positive- ly refused their assistance ; and after the death of that leader, they seem to have committed some actual hostilities against Boeotia. The Thebans now availed themselves of the influence which they possessed in the •Amphictyonic Council to take vengeance upon the Phocians, and ac- cordingly induced this body to impose a heavy fine upon the Phocians, because they had cultivated a portion of the Cirrhoean plain, wliich, after the first sacred war, had been consecrated to the Delphian god,* and was to lie waste for ever. The Phocians pleaded that the pay- ment of the fine would ruin them ; but instead of listening to their remonstrances, the Amphictyons doubled the amount, and threatened, in case of their continued refusal, to reduce them to the condition of serfs. Thus driven to desperation, the Phocians resolved to complete the sacrilege with which they had been branded, by seizing the very temple of Delphi itself, to the possession of which they asserted an ancient right, founded on a verse m Homer, in which the "rocky Pytho" was reckoned among the Phocian towns-t If they succeeded in seizing the temple, not only would all its treasures be at their command, but they would even be able to dictate the responses of the oracle. The leader and counsellor of this enterprise was Philomelus, who, with a force of no more than two thousand men, surprised and took Delphi. The Locrians of Amphissa, who came to the rescue of the temple, were defeated by him with great loss. Being now master of the temple, Philomelus destroyed the records containing the sentence of the Amphictyons, and appealed to all Greece against its injustice. At first, however, he carefully abstained from touching the sacred treasure ; but he levied large sums on the private property of the Delphians. He then fortified the temple afresh ; and, having hired more mercenaries, which swelled his force to five thousand men, invaded the Locrian territory. After some petty skirmishes, the Locrians were finally defeated in a pitched battle ; whereupon they applied to the Thebans for assistance. § 10. Meanwhile, Philomelus, bemg master of the oracle, extorted a decree from the priestess sanctioning all that he had done; and sent envoys to the principal Grecian cities, including Thebes, to vindicate his conduct, and to declare that the treasures of Delphi were untouched. The envojrs succeeded in obtaining the alliance of Sparta and Athens, but fmsk Thebes they were repulsed with threats. There, however, the * See p. 48. t mad, ii. 6ir. B. C. 352.] INTERFERENCE OF PHILIP. '478 apphcation of the Locrians met with a ready acquiesence ; and messages were sent by the Thebans to stir up the Thessalians and all the Northern tnbes which belonged to the Amphictyonic Council. The Locrians now saw themselves threatened by a powerful combination, wliilst from Athens weakened by the Social War, and from Sparta, hampered by Megalopolis and Messene, they could expect but little aid. In this emergency Philo- melus threw off the scruples which he had hitherto assumed, and an- nounced that the sacred treasures should be converted into a fund for the payment of mercenaries. Crowds of adventurers now flocked on all .ides to his standard, and he soon found himself at the head often thousand men. With these he again invaded Locris, and defeated the Thebans and Thessalians. Subsequently, however, the Thebans obtained larcre reinforcements, and, having become manifestly the strongest, put to dealh all Phocian prisoners, as being guilty of sacrilege. The war thus assumed the most barbarous character, and the Phocians, by way of self-prefer- vation, were obhged to retaliate. The detaUs of the struggle are not accurately known, but it appears that a great battle was at length fou^^ht, m which the Phocians were defeated and Philomelus killed. The victory however, does not seem to have been sufficiently decisive to enable the Thebans to obtam possession of Delphi, and they subsequently returned home. Onomarchus, who succeeded his brother Philomelus in the command carried on the war with vigor and success. He reduced both the AYest^ em and Eastern Locrians, as well as the little state of Doris. He then invaded Bceotia, captured Orchomenus, and laid siege to Chjeronea ; which however, the Thebans compelled him to raise, and drove him bj^k with some loss into Phocis. § 11. Such was the state of the Sacred War when Philip first be^^an to interfere in it. It was only, however, through his previous conquests in Thessaly that he was enabled to do so. Even before he could enter that country he had to reduce the town of Methone, which lay between him and the Thessalian frontier; and it was at the siege of this place that he lost his eye by an arrow. After the capture of Methone, his road lay open mto Thessaly; and at the invitation of the Aleuadae of Larissa, who were disgusted with the tyranny exercised by the successors of Alexander of Pherae, he undertook an expedition against that state. Alexander him- self had been despatched through the machinations of his wife Thebe, who caused him to be murdered by her three half-brothers. These subse- quently ascended the throne, and exercised a tyranny as harsh as that of their predecessor. Phera^, it seems, had shown some disposition to assist the Phocians ; and when Onomarchus heard that Philip was marchin^ against it, he sent his brother, Phayllus, with a force of seven thousand men, to its assistance. Philip defeated Phayllus, but was subsequently routed and compelled to retreat by Onomarchus in person. The latter 60 44«4 BISTORT OP GREECE. [Cujlp. XLH. then tamed his arms against Coronea, which he reduced ; but the news that Philip had reentered Thessaly, at the head of twenty thousand men, soon compelled him agam to march thither. Philip now assumed the character of a champion of the Delphic god, and made his soldiers wear wreaths of laurel, plucked in the groves of Tempe. Onomarchus was at the head of about an equal number of men : but in the encounter which ensued, apparently near the Gulf of Pagasae, he was slain, and his army totally defeated (b. c. 352). This victory made Philip master of Thessaly. He now directed his march southwards with the view of subduing the Phocians ; but upon reaching Thermopylie, he found the pass guarded by a strong Athenian force, and was compelled, or considered it more pru- dent, to retreat § 12. After his return from Thessaly, Philip's views were directed to- wards Thrace and the Chersonese ; but he first carried his arms so far in- to the interior of the country, that the Athenians could learn nothing of his movements. It was at this juncture that Demosthenes stepped fonvards as the proclaimed opponent of Philip, and deUvered the first of those cel- ebrated orations which from their subject have been called " the Philip- pics." Since the establishment of democracy at Athens, a certam degree of abihty in public speaking was indispensable to a public man. Hitherto, however, the leading men of Athens had, Uke Cunon and Pericles, been statesmen and warriors, as well as orators. But the great progress made in the art of rhetoric, as well as in the art of war, since the unproved tac- to mtroduced by Epameinondas, had nOw ahnost completely separated the professions of the orator and the soldier. Phocion, the contemporary oi Demosthenes, was the last who combined the pro^-inces of the two. The ears of the Athenians had become fiistidious. They delighted in dis- plays of oratorical skill; and it was this period which produced those speakers who have been called by way of eminence ** the Attic orators.** Demosthenes, the most famous of them all, was bom in b. c. 382-381. Having lost his father at the early age of seven, his guardians abused their trust, and defrauded him of the greater part of his paternal inherit- ance. This misfortune, however, proved one of the causes which tended to make him an orator. Demosthenes, as he advanced towards manhood, per- ceived with indignation the conduct of his guardians, for which he resolved to make them answerable when the proper opportunity should arrive, by accusing them himself before the dicastery. The weakness of his bodily •fmme, which unfitted him for the exercises of the gjmnasium, caused him :to devote himself with all the more ardor to intellectual pursuits. He pkced himself under the tuition of Isaeus, who then enjoyed a high repu- tation as an advocate ; and when he had acquu-ed a competent degree of skill, he pleaded his cause against his guardians, and appears to have re- covered a considerable portion of his estate, lliis success encouraged him ;to speak in the public assembly; but his first attempt proved a failure ] B. C. 352.1 DEMOSTHENES. — FIRST PHILIPPIC. 475 and he retired from the bema amidst the hootings and laughter of the cit- izens. The more judicious and candid among his auditors perceived, how- ever, marks of genius in his speech, and rightly attributed his failure to timidity and want of due preparation. Eunomus, an aged citizen, who met him wandering about the Peiraeus in a state of dejection at his ill-suc- cess, bade him take courage and persevere. " Your manner of speaking," said he, " very much resembles that of Pericles ; you fail only through want of confidence. You are too much disheartened by the tumult of a popular assembly, and you do not take any pains even to acquire that strength of body which is requisite for tlie bema.** Struck and encouraged by these remarks, Demosthenes withdrew awhile from public life, and de- voted himself perseveringly to remedy his defects. They were such as might be lessened, if not removed, by practice, and consisted chiefly of a weak voice, imperfect articulation, and ungraceful and inappropriate action. He derived much assistance from Satyrus, the actor, who exercised him in reciting passages from Sophocles and Euripides. He studied the best rhetorical treatises and orations, and is said to have copied the work of Thucydides ^vith his own hand no fewer than eight tunes. He shut him- self up for two or three months together in a subterranean chamber, in order to practise composition and declamation. It may also be well sup- posed that he devoted no inconsiderable part of his attention to the laws of Athens and the poUtics of Greece. His perseverance was crowned with success ; and he, who on the first attempt had descended from the bema amid the ridicule of the crowd, became at last the most perfect orator the world has ever seen. § 13. Demosthenes had established himself as a public speaker before the period which we have now reached ; but it is chiefly in connection with Philip that we are to view him as a statesman as well as an orator. Philip had shown his ambition by the conquest of Thessaly, and by the part he had taken in the Sacred War ; and Demosthenes now began to regard him as the enemy of the liberties of Athens and of Greece. In his first " Philippic," Demosthenes tried to rouse his countrymen to energetic measures against tliis formidable enemy ; but his warnings and exhorta- tions produced httle efiect, for the Athenians were no longer distinguished by the same spirit of enteq^rise which had characterized them in the days of their supremacy. It is true they were roused to momentary action, to- wards the end of b. c. 352, by the news that Philip was besieging the fortress of Ileranim on the Propontis ; but the armament which they voted, upon receiving the news, did not sail till the autumn of b. c. 351, and then on a reduced scale, under the command of Charidemus. For the next two years no important step was taken to curb the growing power of Philip; and it was the danger of Olynthus which first induced the Athe- nians to prosecute the war with a little more energy. In 350 B. 0., Philip having captured a town in Chalcidice, Olynthus •fl •IH 476 mSTORT OF GREECE, [Chap. XLH. began to tremble for ber own safety, and sent envoys to Atbens to crave assistance. Olyntbus was still at the head of thirty-two Greek towns, and the confederacy was a soil of counterpoise to the power of Philip. It was on this occasion that Demostlieues delivered his three Olynthiac orations, in which he warmly advocated an alliance with Olynthus. § 14. Demosthenes was opposed l»y a strong party, with which Phocion commonly acted. Phocion is one of the most singular and original char- acters in Grecian histoiy. Naturally simple, upright, and benevolent, his manners were nevertheless often rendered repulsive by a tinge of misan- anthropy and cynicism. He viewed the multitude and their affairs with a scorn which he was at no pains to disguise ; receiving their anger with indifference, and then- praises with contempt. When a response from Delplii announced to the Athenians that, though they were themselves unanimous, there was one man who dissented from them, Phocion stepped forwards, and said : '' Do not trouble yourselves to seek for this re- fractory citizen ; — I am he, and I like nothing that you do." On another occasion, when one of bis speeches was received with general applause, he turned round to his friends, and inquired : " Have I said anything bad ? " Pbocion's whole art of oratoiy consisted in condensmg his speeches into the smallest possible compass, without any attention to the smoothness of bis periods or the grace of his language. Yet their terse and Iwmely Tigor was often heightened by a sort of drj- humor, which produced more effect than the most studied efforts of oratory. "Wliat, at your medita- tions, Phocion?" inquired a friend, who perceived him wrapt up in thought. ** Yes," he replied, « I am considering whether I can shorten wba^I have to say to the Athenians." His known probity also gave bun weight with the assembly. He was the only statesman of whom Demos- thenes stood m awe ; who was accustomed to say, when Phocion rose, «Here comes the pruner of my periods," But Phocion's desponding views, and his mistrust of the Athenian people, made him an ill statesman at a period which demanded the most active patriotism. He doubtless injured his country by contributing to check the more enlarged and patriotic views of Demosthenes ; and though his own conduct was pure and disinterested, he unintentionally threw his weight on the side of those who, like Demades and others, were actuated by the basest motives. This division of opinion rendered the operations of the Athenians for the aid of the Olyntliians languid and desultoiy. Town after town of the confederacy fell before Philip ; and in B. c. 348, or eariy in 347, he laid siege to Olynthus hself. The city was \-igorously defended ; but Philip at length gained admission through the treachery of Lasthenes and Euthy- crates, two of the leading men, when he razed it to the ground and sold the inhabitants into slaveiy. The whole of the Chalcidian peninsula thus became a Macedonian province. Philip celebrated his triumph at Dium, a town on the borders of Thessaly ; where, on the occasion of a festival to B. C. 347.] EMBASSY TO PHILIP. 477 the Muses, instituted by Archelaus, he amused the people with banquets, games, and theatrical entertainments. § 15. The prospects of Athens now became alarming. Her posses- sions in the Chersonese were threatened, as well as the freedom of the Greek towns upon the Hellespont. At this juncture Demosthenes en- deavored to persuade the Athenians to organize a confederacy among the Grecian states for the purpose of arresting a power which seemed to threaten the liberty of all ; and in this he was seconded by some of those politicians who usually opposed him. But fliough steps were taken to- wards this object, the attempt entirely fniled. The attention of the Athenians was next directed towards a reconciliation witli Thebes. The progress of the Sacred War, to which we must now briefly revert, seemed favorable to such a project. After the death of Onomarclais, his brother Phaylhis had assumed the command of the Phocians ; and as the sacred treasure was still unexhausted, he succeeded in obtaining large reinforce- ments of troops. The Spartans sent one thousand men ; the Achieans two thousand ; the Athenians five thousand foot and four hundred horse under Nausicles. With these forces Phayllus undertook a successful invasion of Boeotia ; and afterwards attacked the Epicnemidian Locrians, and took all then* towns except Naryae. But in the course of the year Phayllus died, and was succeeded in the conduct of the war by Mnaseas, guardian of Phalaicus, the youthful son of Onomarchus. Mnaseas, how- ever, was soon slain, and Phaliccus himself then assumed the command. Under him the war was continued between the Phocians and Thebans, but without any decisive success on either side. The treasures of Delphi were nearly exhausted, and on the other hand the war was becoming every year more and more burdensome to the Thebans. It was at this juncture that the Athenians, as before hinted, were contemplating a peace with Thebes ; nor did it seem improbable that one might be concluded, not only between those two cities, but among the Grecian states generally. It seems to have been this aspect of affairs that induced Philip to make several indirect overtures to the Athenians in the summer of b. c. 347. In spite of subsidies from Delphi the war had been very onerous to them, and they received these advances with joy, yet not without suspicion, as they were quite unable to divine Philip's motives for making them. On the motion of Philocrates, however, it was decreed that ten ambassadors should be despatched to Philip's court. Philocrates hunself was at the head of them, and among the rest were the rival orators, Demosthenes and iEschines, and the actor Aristodemus. We have, however, no particulars on which we can rely respecting this embassy. All that we can gather in relation to it is from the personal recriminations of Demos- thenes and ^scliines, and we can only infer on the whole that it was a miserable failure. Pliilip seems to have bribed some of the ambassadors, and to have cajoled the rest by his hospitable banquets and his winning ■I f 'A\ 478 mSTOBT OF GBEEC& [Chap. XUL and condescending manners. Nothing decisive was done respecting Am- pliijiolis or tlie Pliocians ; and as far as we can learn, the whole fruits of the embassy were some vague promises on the part of Philip to respect the Athenian possessions in Thrace. Soon after the return of Philocrates and his colleagues, Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus, three of Philip's most distinguished generals and statesmen, came on a mission to Athens, where they were entertained by Demosthenes. The ba-i ; of a treaty of peace and alliance seems now to have been arranged, in which Philip dictated his own tei-ms. -Another embassy, consisting i robably of the former ten, was appointed to procure the ratification of this treaty by Philip ; and on the news that he was invading the dominions of Kerso- bleptes,* they were directed to hasten their departure, and to seek that monarch in whatever quarter he might be. AVith this view they pro- ceeded to the port of Oreus in Eubcea; but instead of following the advice of Demosthenes, and embarking for the Hellespont, which they might have reached in two or three days, they wasted some time at that place, and then proceeded by a circuitous route to Pella: hence they did not reach that city till upwards of three weeks after quitting Athens. Here they met ambassadors from other states concerned in the progress of the Sacred War, as Thebes, Phocis, Sparta, and Thessaly ; but Philip was still in Thrace, and they had to wait a month for liis return. Even when he arrived at Pella, he delayed the final ratification of the treaty, and persuaded the ambassadors to accompany him on his march to Pheraj in Thessaly, under pretence that he desired their mediation between the PharsaUans and Halus ; though his real motive undoubtedly was to gain time for invading Phocis. He at length swore to the treaty in Pheraj ; but the Phocians were expressly excluded from it. § 16. Scarcely had the Athenian ambassadors returned home, when Philip began his march towards Thermopylae. Demosthenes, on Ms return, protested against the acts of his colleagues, and his representations had such an effect, that the ambassadors were not honored with the usual vote of thanks. The main charge which he brought agamst his colleagues, and against ^schines m particular, was that of having deluded the people with false hopes respectmg Philip's views towards Athens. But the opposite party had possession of the popular ear. Not only was nothmg done for the Phocians, but a decree was even passed to convey the thanks of Athens to Philip, and to declare that, unless Delphi was de- livered up by the Phocians to the Amphictyons, the Athenians would help to enforce that step. The ambassadors were again directed to carry this decree to Philip ; but Demosthenes was so disgusted with it that he refused to go, and .Sschines also declmed, on the plea of ill-health. The Phocians now lay at the mercy of Philip. As soon as the kmg • Kersobleptes wm king of Thrace, and an aUy of the Athenians. — Ed. B. C. 346.] END OP THE SACRED WAR. 479 had passed the straits of Thermopylae, Phalgecus secured his own safety by concluding a treaty with Philip, by which he was permitted to retire into the Peloponnesus with eight thousand mercenaries. When Phihp entered Phocis, all its towns surrendered unconditionally at his approach. Phihp then occupied Delphi, where he assembled the Amphictyons to pronounce sentence upon those who had been concerned in the sacrilege committed there. The Council decreed that all the cities of Phocis, except Abae, should be destroyed, and their inhabitants scattered into villages containing not more than fifty houses each ; and that they should replace by yearly payments the treasures of the temple, estimated at the enormous sum of ten thousand talents, or nearly two millions and a half sterlmg. Sparta was deprived of her share in the Amphictyonic priv- ileges; the two votes in the Council possessed by the Phocians were transferred to the kings of Macedonia ; and Philip was to share with the Thebans and Thessalians the honor of presiding at the Pythian games. These were no slight privileges gained by Philip. A seat in the Amphic- tyonic Council recognized him at once as a Grecian power, and would afford him occasion to interfere in the affairs of Greece. Thebes re- covered the places which she had lost in Boeotia. Such was the termi- nation of the Sacred War (b. c. 346). 480 HISTORY OF GREECE, [Chap. XLIII. B. C. 344.] SECOND PHILIPPIC. 481 t The Plain of GhsBronga. CHAPTSR jlLXLL FROM THE END OF THE SACRED WAR TO THB DEATH OF PHILIP. \ £ Results of the Sacred War. § 2. Macedonian Embassy to Athens. Second Philippic \ 3. Philip's Expedition into Thrace. § 4. Third Philippic. Progress of Philip. Siege of Perinthus. § 5. Phocion's Successes m Eubflea. § 6. Declaration of War between Athens and Macedon. Phocioa compels Philip to evacuate the Chersonese. § 7. Charge of Sacrilege against the Amphissians. § 8. Philip appointed General by the Amphic- tyons, to conduct the War against Amphissa. § 9. He seizes Elatea. League between Athens and Thebes. ^ 10. Battle of Chaeronea. § 11. PhUip's extravagant Joy for his Victory. § 12. Congress at Corinth. Philip's Progress through the Peloponnesus. ^ 13. Philip's Domestic Qvia^Tels. § 14. Preparations for the Persian Expedition. § 15. Assassi- nation of Philip. § 1. The result of the Sacred War rendered Macedon the leading state in Greece. Philip at once acquired by it military glory, a reputation for piety, and an accession of power. His ambitious designs were now too plain to be mistaken. The eyes of the blindest among the Athenians were at last opened ; the promoters of the peace which had been con- cluded with Philip incurred the hatred and suspicion of the people ; whilst on the other hand Demosthenes rose higher than ever in public favor. They showed their resentment against Philip by omitting to send their usual deputation to the Pythian games at which the Macedonian monarch presided. It was either this omission, or the unwillingness of the Athenians to acknowledge Philip as a member of the Amphictyonic league, that induced him to send an embassy to Athens for the purpose of setthng a point which neither his dignity nor his interest would permit to lie in abeyance. It was generally felt that the question was one of peace or war. Yet the Athenians were so enraged against Philip, that those who were for main- taimng peace with him could hardly obtain a hearing in the assembly. On this occasion we have the remarkable spectacle of JSschines and Demo^- Oienes speaking on the same side, though from widely different motive^. The former adhered to his usual corrupt policy in favor of Philip ; whilst Demosthenes, in supporting him, was actuated only by views of the most sagacious and disinterested policy. These he detailed and enforced in his Oration On the Peace, in which he persuaded the Athenians not to expose themselves at that time to the risk of a war with Philip, supported, as he would be, by the greater part of Greece. § 2. Philip had now succeeded to the position lately occupied by Thebes, and in virtue of it prepared to exercise the same influence which that state had previously enjoyed in the Peloponnesus. He declared himself the protector of the Messenians, and the friend and ally of the Megalopoli- tans and Argives. Demosthenes was sent into Peloponnesus to e^ndeavor to counteract Philip's proceedings in the peninsula; but his mission led to no result. During his stay there, he had openly accused Philip of per- fidy ; and that monarch now sent an embassy to Athens, accompanied by envoys from Argos and Messe-ne, to complain of so grievous an accusation. It was on this occasion that the Second PMltppic of Demosthenes was delivered, which was chiefly directed against the orators who supported Philip (b. c. 344). In the following year a prosecution was instituted against ^schines and Philocrates for "malversation in their embassy" to the Macedonian court. The latter, conscious of his guilt, evaded the trial by flight ; and ^schines, who defended himself with great skill, was ac- quitted by only thirty votes.* § 3. Meanwhile, in b. c. 344, Philip overran and ravaged Illyria ; and subsequently employed himself in regulating the affairs of Thessaly, where he occupied Pherae with a permanent Macedonian garrison. He was likewise busied with preparations for the still vaster projects which he contemplated, and which embraced an attack upon the Athenian colonies, as well a3 upon the Persian empire. For this purpose he had organized a considerable naval force, as well as an army ; and in the spring'of 342 B. c. he set out on an expedition against Thrace. His progress soon ap- peared to menace the Chersonese and the Athenian possessions in that quarter; and at length the Athenian troops under Diopeithes came into actual collision with the Macedonians, whilst the former were engaged in defending their allies from the encroachments of the Cardians, who were under the protection of Philip. Diopeithes likewise invaded that part of Thrace which had submitted to Philip, and, besides committmg several acts of violence, seized a Macedonian envoy, who had come to^'treat for ♦ See the speeches of Demosthenes and ^schines Trcpi Trapanpea^eias. 61 480 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLHI. B. C. 344] SECOND PHILIPPIC. •^f 481 The Plain of Chaeronea. CHAPTER XLHL FROM THE END OF THE SACRED WAR TO THE DEATH OF PHILIP. ^ 1. Results of the Sacred War. § 2. :Mt\cedonian Embassy to Athens. Second Philippic § 3. Philip's Expedition into Thrace. § 4. Third Philippic. Progress of Philip. Siege of Perinthus. ^ 5. Phocion's Successes in Eubcpa. § 6. Declaration of War between Athens and >Iaeedon. Pliocion compels Philip to evacuate the Chersonese. § 7. Charge of Sacrilege agtua.^t the Amphissians. § 8. Philip appointed General by the Amphic- tyons,to conduct the War against Amphissa. § 9. He seizes Elatca. League between Athens and Thebes. § 10. Battle of Chjeronea. § 11. Philip's extravagant Joy for his Victory. § 12. Congress at Corinth. Philip's Progress through the Peloponnesus. § 13. Philip's Domestic Q.\a.rels. §14. Preparations for the Persian Expedition. §15. Assassi- nation DifFMlip. § 1. The result of the Sacred War rendered Macedon the leading state in Greece. Philip at once acquired by it military glory, a reputation for piety, and an accession of power. His ambitious designs were now too plain to be mistjiken. The eyes of the blindest among the Athenians were at last opened ; the promoters of the peace which had been con- cluded with Philip mcurred the hatred and suspicion of the people ; whilst on the other hand Demosthenes rose higher than ever in public favor. They showed their resentment agamst Philip by omitting to send their usual deputation to the Pytliian games at which the Macedonian monarch presided. It was either this omission, or the unwillingness of the Athenians to acknowledge Philip as a member of the Amphictyonic league, that induced him to send an embassy to Athens for the pur|>ose of settling a point which neither his dignity nor his interest would permit to lie in abeyance. It was generally felt that the question was one of peace or war. Yet the Athemans were so enraged against Philip, that those who were for main- tammg peace with him could hardly obtain a hearing in the assembly. On this occasion we have the remarkable spectacle of iEsehines and Demos- thenes speaking on the same side, though from widely different motive^. 1 he former adhered to his usual corrupt policy in fluor of Philip ; whilst Demosthenes, in supporting him, was actuated only by views of tlie mo^t sagacious and disinterested policy. These he detailed and enforced in his Oration On the Peace, in which he persuaded the Athenians not to expose themselves at that time to the risk of a war with Philip, supported, as he would be, by the greater part of Greece. § 2. Philip had now succeeded to the position lately occupied by Thebes, and m virtue of it prepared to exercise the same influence which that state had previously enjoyed in the Peloponnesus. He declared himself the protector of the Messenians, and the friend and ally of the Megalopoli- tans and Argives. Demosthenes was sent into Peloponnesus to e°ndeavor to counteract Philip's proceedings in the peninsula ; but his mission led to no result. During his stay there, he had openly accused Philip of per- fidy ; and that monarch now sent an embassy to Athens, accompanied by envoys from Argos and Messe-ne, to complain of so grievous an accusation. It was on this occasion that the Second Philippic of Demosthenes was delivered, which was chiefly directed against the orators who supported Philip (b. c. 344). In the following year a prosecution was instituted against ^schines and Philocrates for " malversation in their embassy » to the Macedonian court. The latter, conscious of his guilt, evaded the trial by flight ; and ^schines, who defended himself with great skill, was ac- quitted by only thirty votes.* § 3. Meanwhile, in b. c. 344, Philip overran and ravaged Illyria ; and subsequently employed liimself in regulating the affairs of Thessaly, where he occupied Pheraj with a permanent Macedonian garrison. He was likewise busied with preparations for the still vaster projects which he contemplated, and which embraced an attack upon the Athenian colonies, as well a:, upon the Persian empire. For this purpose he had organized a considerable naval force, as well as an army ; and in the spring^'of 342 B. c. he set out on an expedition against Thrace. His progress soon ap- peared to menace the Chersonese and the Athenian possessions in that quarter; and at length the Athenian troops under Diopeithes came into actual collision with the Macedonians, whilst the former were enga-ed in defending their allies from the encrojichments of the Cardians, wlio were under the protection of Philip. Diopeithes likewise invaded that part of Thrace which had submitted to Philip, and, besides committing several acts of violence, seized a Macedonian envoy, who had come to^'treat for ♦ See the speeches of Demosthenes and Jlschines irepl napanpea^uas. 61 482 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLIIL B. C. 341.] WAR BETWEEN ATHENS AND MACEDON. 48S iie release of some prisoners, and refused to dismiss him without a con- siderable ransom. „.^^„n*. tn thp § 4 PhiKp despatched a letter of complaint and remonstrance to the Athenians on the subject of these attacks, wMch gave occasion ^o^^^^ of Demosthenes On the Chersonese (b. c. 341), m which ^;^>'^*;^^^^^^ attention of the people from the more immediate subject oj the ch^^^^ and proceedmgs of Diopeithes to the more general question ^ ^J^^;^^^^ «f rP^istin^ Pyhp. This oration was soon followed by the Thtrd Fhilipjnc, : s^ilX call to action. Our accounts of Philip's movements m tune a^e scanty and uncertain. Diopeithes was retamed m the ^mmand of the Athenian tn)ops; and Philip must have contmued gradu- T7U Ws conquests, since in this year (341) we find b- ^egin^S Tattack the Greek cities north of the Hellespont. He first besieged L Iptured Seb^nbria on the Propontis, and then turned his arms again^ Ferilus. flatter city wa. not only strong by « bein^^^^^^^^ on a lofty promontory surrounded on two sides by the sea, but also weU Lmed.' It was bunt on a series of terraces rising one above another ; so that when Philip, by means of the improved artillery which he em- IS on this occasion, had succeeded in battering down the outer wall Knd himself m front of a fresh rampart, fonned by houses ^a^^^^^^^^ on hi<^her ground, and connected together by a wall earned across the 12 In'Iliis siege Philip was assisted by his fleet, which had prev.- ously intercepted and captured twenty Athenian -ssels .^-^^ ^^^^^^^^ But all his efforts to capture Perinthus proved unavailing, .«« bo^h ^he Byzantines and the Persians^ the latter vM^^' "^^ ^^PJl the Athenians^continually found means to supply ^^^^^^^'^^^^ visions. Finding his progress thus checked Philip lefthatf of his ^nny to prosecute the siege, and with the remainder proceeded to the attack of Byzantium itself, which he hoped to find unprepared. § 5. Meanwhile, the arms of Athens, under tlie conduct of Phocion, had been successful in Euboea, wliither Demosthenes had roused his country- ^ZZZ an expedition in the autumn of 341 b. c, for the purpose ot eomitenicting the influence of Macedon in tot quarter and thus er^ctmg Ither barrier against the encroachments of Phdip Oreus and E e na, two of the principal cities in the isknd, were in the hands of^ despots up- ported by Philip ; but Callias of Chalcis having formed a plan to reduce ^Eubiamiderhisoivn dominion, Demosthenes seized the opportunity to unite the Athenian arms with his ; and Pb-ion -th the ass^tanc^ of Callias, expelled the despots Cleitarchus and Phihstides from Eretna and Oreul For his advice on this occasion the Athenians bonored De- mosthenes with a golden crown. The same Calhas, or perhaps an Athe- Z commander of that name, ako did good servke at this time by a naval expedition into the Gulf of Pagas^, when he took the towns on the coast, 4ind made prize of a considemble quantity of Macedoman merchantmen. § 6. Ahhough Athens and Macedon were still nominally at peace, it is evident that the state of things just described was incompatible with its further maintenance. Philip addressed a long letter, or rather manifesto, to the Athenians, (which has come down to us,) in which he complained of the acts by which they had violated the existing treaty, recapitulated the legitimate grounds which he had for hostility, and concluded with a sort of declaration of war. Demosthenes was not behindhand m accepting this challenge. He excited his countrymen to pass a decree for war, to take down the column on which the treaty had been inscribed, and to equip a fleet for the immediate relief of Byzantium, then besieged by Philip. The expedition was intrusted to Chares, in whose hands it proved a miserable failure ; though he perfectly succeeded in making both himself and the Athenian name odious and suspected among the allies, by his op- pressions, and by the large sums which he extorted under the name of be- nevolences. The orators of the Macedonian party took occasion from the ill success of Chares to disgust the Athenians with the war, and they began to repent of having sent any succors to Byzantium. But Phocion, who did not act with those orators on this occasion, stood up and told the peo- ple, that they should not be angry at the distrust of their allies, but rather at their own generals, who were altogether unworthy of confidence. It is they, said he, who cause you to be suspected by the very people who cannot be saved without your help. The Athenians were so struck with these representations, that they immediately superseded Chares, and appointed Phocion in his place. Phocion sailed with one hundred and twenty triremes ; and his high reputation for probity and honor caused him to be immediately admitted with his forces within the walls of Byzan- tium. Philip was now forced to raise the siege, not only of that town, but of Perinthus also, and finally to evacuate the Chersonesus altogether. For these acceptable services the grateful Byzantians erected a colossal statue in honor of Athens. Afler his repulse from the Chersonesus, Philip marched to the aid of Atheas, king of the Scythians, who had invoked his assistance against the tribes on the banks of the Danube. Before he arrived, however, the danger had ceased, and Atheas dismissed hun with an insidting message. Hereupon Philip crossed the Danube, defeated the Scythians, and returned with an immense booty. But as he was passing through the country of the Triballi they demanded a share of the spoil; and upon being refused, gave battle to the Macedonian*, ia which Philip was so severely wounded that he was reported to be dead. Probably Pliilip's chief object in under- takmg this expedition was to withdraw the attention of the Greeks fi-om his ambitious projects, and to delude them into the belief that other affairs were now engaging liis attention. But meanwhile his partisans were not idle, and events soon occurred which again summoned him into the heart of Greece. 484 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLin. B. C. 338.] BATTLE OE CH^ERONEA. § 7. In tlie spring of 339 b. c. iEscliines was appointed with three others to represent Athens in the Amphictyonic Council. In this assem- bly the deputies of the Loerians of Amphissa, stinuilated, it is said, by the Thebans, charged the Athenians with sacrilege, for having, in commemo- ration of their victory over the Persians and Thebans, dedicated some golden shields in a chapel at Delphi before it had been regularly conse- crated. The Locrians themselves, however, were, it seems, amenable to a similar charge, for having cultivated and used for their own benefit the very land which had been the subject of the Sacred War against the Pho- cians ; and ^schines, irritated by the language of the deputies from Am- phissa, denounced them as guilty of sacrilege. A proclamation was ni consequence issued requiring all the Delphians, as well as the members of the Amphictyonic Council, to assemble and vindicate the honor of the god ; and on the following day they marched down to Cirrha with spades and pickaxes, and destroyed some buildings which the Amphissians had erected there. But as they returned, the Amphissians lay in wait for them, and they narrowly escaped with their lives. Hereupon, the Amphictyons is- sued a decree, naming a certain day on which the Council was to assemble at Thermopylse, for the purpose of bringing the Ampliissians to justice. § 8. iEschines was strongly suspected of having adopted the conduct which he pursued on this occasion in order to play into the hands of Philip. Demosthenes procured a decree, preventing any Athenians from attend- ing the Council at Thermopylae ; and the Tliebans, who were friendly to the Amphissians, also absented themselves. But, with these exceptions, the meeting was attended by deputies from the other Grecian states ; war was declared against the Amphissians; and Cottyphus was appomted to lead an army against them. Demosthenes asserts that this expedition failed ; but according to other accounts it was successful, and a fine was laid upon the Amphissians, which, however, they refused to pay. Accord- ingly, at the next ordinary meeting of the Amphictyons, either m the au- tumn of 339 or spring of 338, Philip, who liad now returned from Thrace, was elected their general for the purpose of carrying out the decree against Amphissa. § 9. Early in 338 Philip marched «)uthwards ; but instead of proceed- ing in the direction of Amphissa, he suddenly seized Elatea, the chief town in the eastern part of Phocis, and began to restore its fortifications ; thus showing cleariy enough that his real design was against Boeotia and Attica. Intelligence of this event reacl«c\«i Athens at night, and caused extraordinary alarm. The market was cleared of the retail dealers, who commonly occupied it ; their wicker booths were burned, and the whole city prepared as if for an immediate siege. At daybreak, on the follow- ing morning, the Five Hundred met in the senate-house, and the people assembled in the Pnyx, where the news was formally repeated. Tlie her- ald then gave the usual invitation to speak, but nobody was inclined to 485 come forwards. At length Demosthenes ascended the bema, and calmed the fears of the people by pointing out that Philip was evidently not act- mg m concert with the Thebans, as appeared from the fact of his havincr thought it necessary to secure Elatea. He then pressed upon the a.ssem° bly the necessity for making the most vigorous preparations for defence and especially recommended them to send an embassy to Thebes, in order to persuade the Thebans to unite with them against the common enemy. This advice was adopted, and ten envoys were appointed to proceed to Thebes, amongst whom was Demosthenes himself. A counter-embassy had already arrived in that city from Macedonia and Thessalv, and it was with great difficulty that the Athenian envoys at length succeeded in per- suading the Thebans to shut their gates against Philip. Athens had made vigorous preparations, and had ten thousand mercenaries in her service. Philip, on the other hand, was at the head of thirty thousand men ; but after the conclusion of the alliance between Thebes and Athens he did not deem it prudent to march directly against the latter city, and therefore proceeded towards Amphissa, as if in prosecution of the avowed object of the war. He sent a manifesto to his allies in Peloponnesus, requiring their assistance in what he represented as a purely religious object; bul his application was coldly received. § 10. The details of the war that foUowed are exceedingly obscure. Philip appears to have again opened negotiations with the Thebans, which failed ; and we then find the combined Theban and Athenian armies' marching out to meet the Macedonians. The former gained some advan- tage in two engagements ; but the decisive battle was fought on the 7th of August, in the plain of Chajronea in Boeotia, near the frontier of Phocis. In the Macedonian army was Philip's son, the youthful Alexander, who was intrusted with the command of one of the wings ; and it was a charge made by him on the Theban sacred band, that decided the fortune of the day. The sacred band was cut to pieces, without flinching from the ground wliich it occupied, and the remainder of the combined army was completely routed. Demosthenes, who was serving as a foot-soldier in the Athenian ranks, has been absurdly reproached with cowardice because he participated in the general flight. An interesting memorial of this battle still remains. The Thebans who fell in the engagement were buried on * the six)t, and their sepulchre was surmounted by a lion in stone, as an em- blem of their courageous spirit. This lion was still seen by Pausanias, when he visited Chieronea in the second century of the Christian era.' It afterwards disappeared, though the site of the sepulchre continued to be marked by a large mound of earth ; but a few years ago this tumulus was excavated, and a colossal lion discovered, deeply imbedded in its interior.* » This marble lion is in fragments. It is of remarkably fine workmanship. The head lies on the ground, looking upwards, and the noble expression given to it by the artist is itill very impressive and significant. — Ed. V tl ' '. ii : .1. H- 486 HISTORY OF GREECE, [Cmjlp.XLHI B. C.337.) Philip's domestic quarrels. 487 The battle of Chaeronea crushed the liberties of Greece, and made it in reality a province of the Macedonian monarchy. To Athens herself the blow was ahnost as fatal as that of iEgospotami. Such was the consternation it created m that city, that many of the wealthier citizens prepared for immediate flight ; and it was found neces- sary to arrest emigration by a decree which made it a capital ottcnce. Demosthenes roused his fcUow-citizcns by his enei-gy and eloquence to adopt the most vigorous measures for defending the city, and contributed three talents out of his own private fortune towanls the repair of the walls. He was appointed to pronounce the funeral oration over those sUiin at Chaironea ; a pi-oof that the Athenians did not consider him guilty ofar.} dereliction of duty in that engagement ; but Lysicles, the Athenian gen- eral, was brought to trial, and condemned to death. § 11. The exultation of Philip at his victory knew no bounds. He eel ebrated his triumph with drunken orgies ; and, reeling from the banquet to the field of battle, he danced over the dead, at the same time singing and beating time to the opening words of the decree of Demosthenes, which happened to have the rhythm of a comic Iambic verse.* It is said that the orator Demades put an end to this ridiculous and unroyal exhi- bition by reminding Philip, • that, though fortune had placed him in the position of Agamemnon, he preferred playing the part of Thersites." But when Philip had returned to his sober senses, the manner in which he used his victory excited universal surprise. He dismissed the Athe- nian prisoners, not only without ransom, but with all their baggage, and some of them he even provided with new apparel. He then voluntarily offered a peace on terms more advantageous than the Athenians them- selves would have ventured to propose. They were, indeed, required to relinquish a part of their foreign dependencies ; but they were in some degree compensated for this by being put in possession of Oropus, of which the Thebans were now deprived. Philip, indeed, seems to have regarded Athens with a sort of love and respect, as the centre of art and refinement, for his treatment of the Thebans was very different, and marked by great harshness and severity. They were compelled to recall their exiles, in whose hands the government was placed, whilst a Macedo- nian garrison was established in the Cadmea. They were also deprived of their sovereignty over the Boeotian towns, and Plataea and Orchomenus were restored, and again filled with a population hostile to Thebes. § 12. But the mildness of Philip's conduct towards Athens, though it bore the appearance of magnanimity, and afforded matter for triumph to the orators of the peace party, was, after all, perhaps in no small degree the result of policy. It was by no means certain that, if Philip laid siege to Athens, he would be able to take the city ; at all events, the siege * Ar}^(r6€vrjs Arifioadivovs Hcuavitvs Tab* ciirw. would be a protracted one ; the exasperated Thebans lay in his rear ; and the attempt would certainly delay the more brilliant enterprise which he had long meditated against Persia. For this latter purpose he now con- vened a congress of the Grecian states at Corinth, though its ostensible object was the settlement of the affairs of Greece. Sparta was the only state unrepresented in this assembly. War was declared against Persia, Philip was appointed generalissimo of the expedition, and each state was assessed in a certain contingent of men or ships. But before he returned to the North of Greece, he determined to chastise Sparta for her ill-dis- guised hostility. His march through Peloponnesus, and back by the western coast, though he here and there met with resistance, resembled rather a royal progress than an expedition into a hostile country. The western states north of the isthmus now submitted to his authority, and a Macedonian gan-ison was placed in Ambracia. Byzantium also executed a treaty with Philip, which was virtually an act of subjection. Having thus estabhshed his authority throughout Greece, he returned to Mace- donia in the autumn of b. c. 338, in order to prepare for his Persian ex- pedition. § 13. But the fortune of Philip, which had triumjihed over all his foreign enemies, was destined to be arrested by the feuds which arose in the bosom of his own family. Soon after his return to Macedonia, and probably in the spring of 337, he celebrated his nuptials with Cleopatra, the beautiful niece of Attalus, one of his generals. He had already sev- eral wives, for he had adopted the Eastern custom of polygamy ; but it was Olympias, daughter of Neoptolemus, king of Epeirus, by whom Philip had become the father of Alexander, who regarded herself as his le 4M HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XLIV. manded had brought the state into such a miserable plight that they de- served to be surrendered, and that for his own part he should be very happy to die for the commonwealth. At the same time he advised them to try the effect of intercession with Alexander ; and it was at last only by his own personal application to that monarch, with whom he was a great favorite, that the orators were spared. According to another account, however, the wrath of Alexander was appeased by the orator Demades, who received from the Athenians a reward of five talents for his services. It was at this time that Alexander is said to have sent a present of one hundred talents to Phocion. But Phocion asked the per- sona who brought the money, " Why he should be selected for such a bounty ? '* " Because," they replied, " Alexander considers you the only just and honest man." " Then," said Phocion, " let him suffer me to be what I seem, and to retain that character." And when the envoys went to his house and beheld the frugality with which he lived, they perceived that the man who refused such a gift was wealthier than he who offered it. § 6. Having thus put the affairs of Greece on a satisfactory footing, Alexander marched for the Hellespont in the spring of b. c. 334, leaving Antipater regent of Macedonia in his absence, with a force of twelve thou- sand foot and fifteen hundred horse. Alexander's own army consisted of only about thirty thousand foot and &\e thousand horse. Of the infantry about twelve thousand were Macedonians, and these composed the pith of the celebrated Macedonian phalanx. Such was the force with which he proposed to attack the immense but ill-cemented empire of Persia, which, like the empires of Turkey and Austria in modem times, consisted of vari- ous nations and races, with different religions and manners, and speaking different languages ; the only bond of union being the dominant mihtary power of the ruling nation, which itself fonned only a small numerical por- tion of the empire. The remote provinces, like those of Asia Minor, were administered by satraps and military governors, who enjoyed an almost in- dependent authority, frequently transmitting their provinces, like heredi- tary fiefs, to their heirs, and sometimes, as we have already seen in the course of this history, defying their sovereign or their brother satraps in open war. The expedition of Cyrus, and the subsequent retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks, had shown how easy it w^as for a handful of reso- lute and well-disciplined men to penetrate into the very heart of an empire thus weakened by disunion, and composed for the most part of an anwarlike population, and we are not therefore surprised at the confidence with which Alexander set out upon his expedition. Before he departed he distributed most of the crown property among his friends, and when Perdiccas asked him what he had reserved for himself^ he replied, *^ My hopes." § 7. A march of sixteen days brought Alexander to Sestos, where a large fleet and a number of transports had been collected for the embar B. C. 334.] BATTLE OF THE GRAKICUS. 49^ kation of his army. Alexander steered with his own hand the vessel m which he sailed towards the very spot where the Ach^ans were said to have landed when proceeding to the Trojan war. When half the passa^re had been completed, he propitiated Poseidon and the Nereids wid/d^e sacrifice of a buU and with libations from a golden goblet; and as his trireme neared the shore, he hurled his spear towanls the land, by way of daiming possession of Asia. He was, as we have said, a great admirer of . Homer, a copy of whose works he always carried with him- and on landing on the Asiatic coast, he made it his first business to visit the plain of Troy. A temple of Athena still existed there, and the very altar was pomted out to him at which Neoptolemus wa^ said to have slain Priam Alexander then proceeded to Sigeum, where he crowned with a garland the pillar said to mark the tumulus of his mythical ancestor Achilles, and, according to custom, nm round it naked with his friends whdst Hephtestion paid similar honors to the tomb of Patroclus. ' § 8. Alexander then rejoined his army at Arisb^, near Abydos, and marched northwards along the coast of the Propontis. The satraps of Lydia and Ionia, together with other Pei-sian generals, were encamped near Zelea, a town on the Granicus, with a force of twenty thousand Greek mercenaries, and about an equal number of native cavahy with winch they prepared to dispute the passage of the river. A Rhodian named Memnon, had the chief command. The veteran general ParmeniJ advised Alexander to delay the attack till the following momincr- to which he replied, that it would be a bad omen at tlie be-innincr of his ex pedition, if, after passing the Hellespont, lie should be stopped by a paltry stream. He then directed his cavalry to cross the river, and foUowed himself at the head of the phalanx. The passage, however, was by no means easy. The stream was in many parts so deep as to be hardly tordable, and the opposite bank was steep and rugged. The cavah-y had great difficulty in maintaining their ground till Alexander came up to their rehef. He immediately charged into the thickest of the fray, and exposed himself so much, that his life was often in imminent dan-er and on one occasion was only saved by the interposition of his friend Cleitus Having routed the Persians, Alexander next attacked the Greek merce- naries, two thousand of whom were made prisoners, and the rest nearly aU cut to pieces. In this engagement Alexander killed two Persian officers with his o^vn hand. After the battle he visited the wounded, and granted mimunity from all taxation to the families of the slain. He also sent three hundred suits of Persian armor to Athens, to be dedicated to Athena m the Acropolis ; a proceeding by which he hoped, perhaps, further to Identify his cause as the common cause of Hellas against the barbarians, as well as to conciliate the Athenians, from whose genius he wished to receive an adequate memorial of his exploits. § 9. Alexander now marched southwards towards Sardis, which sur- t » ■ if 496 HISTOKT OF GREECE. [Chap. XLIV. B. C. 333.] BATTLE OP ISSUS. 497 M I- rendered before he came within sight of its walls. Having left a garrison in that city, he arrived after a four days* march before Ephesus, which likewise capitulated on his approach. Magnesia, Tralles, and Miletus next fell into his hands, the last after a short siege. Halicamassus made more resistance. It was defended by Ephialtes, an Athenian exile, sup- ported by Memnon, whose head-quarters were now in the island of Cos. It was necessary that the city should be regularly approached ; but at length Memnon, finding it no longer tenable, set fire to it in the night, and crossed over to Cos. Alexander caused it to be razed to the ground, and leaving a small force to reduce the garrison, which had taken refuge in the citadels and forts, pursued his march along the southern coast of Asia Minor, with a view of seizing those towns which might afford shelter to a Persian fleet. The winter was now approaching, and Alexander sent a considerable part of his army under Parmenio into winter-quarters at Sardis. He also sent back to Macedonia such officers and soldiers as had been recently married, on condition that they should return in the spring with what reinforcements they could raise ; and with the same view he despatched an officer to recruit in the Peloponnesus. Meanwhile he himself with a chosen body proceeded along the coasts of Lycia and Pamphylia, having instructed Parmenio to rejoin him in Phrygia in the spring, with the main body. After he had crossed the Xanthus, most of the Lydan towns tendered their submission, and Phaselis presented him with a golden crown. On the borders of Lycia and Pamphylia, Mount Climax, a branch of the Taurus range, runs abruptly into the sea, leaving only a narrow passage at its foot, which is frequently overflowed. This was the case at the time of Alexander's approach. He therefore sent his main body by a long and diflTicult road across the mountains to Perge ; but he himself, who loved danger for its own sake, proceeded with a chosen band along the shore, wading through water that was breast-high for nearly a whole day. From Perge he advanced against Aspendus and Side, which he reduced ; and then, forcing his way northwards through the barbarous tribes which inhabited the mountains of Pisidia, he en- camped in the neighborhood of Gordium in Phrygia. Here he was rejoined by Parmenio and by the new levies from Greece. Gordium had been the capital of the early Phrygian kings, and in it was presented with superstitious veneration the chariot or wagon in which the cele- brated Midas, the son of Gk)rdius, together with his parents, had entered the town^ and in conformity with an oracle had been elevated to the monarchy. An ancient prophecy promised the sovereignty of Asia to him who should untie the knot of bark which fastened the yoke of the wagon to the pole. Alexander repaired to the Acropolis, where the wagon was preserved, to attempt this adventure. Whether he undid the knot by drawing out a peg, or cut it through with his sword, is a matter of doubt ; but that he had fulfilled the prediction was placed beyond dispute that very night by a great storm of thunder and lightning. and on arriving at Ancyra received the submission of the Paphla^onian He then advanced through Cappadocia without resistance ; and ^rh"^ mto the plains of Cihcia. Hence he pushed on rapidly to Tarsus, which he found abandoned by the enemy. Whilst still heated with .he Ich Alexander plunged into the clear but cold stream of the Cydnus, which runs by the .own. The result was a fever, wluch soon becan.^ so vicl^t as to threaten h.s life. An Acamanian physician, named Philip, who accompanied hmi, prescribed a remedy; but at the same time Alexander «ceiyed a letter mforming him that Philip had been bribed by Darius, the Persum kmg, to poison him. He had, however, too much confidence J ? trusty Phdip to believe the accusation, and handed him the letter whilst he drank the draught. Either the medicme or Alexander's youth- fol constitution at length triumphed over the disorder. After remain- mg some time at Tarsus, he continued his march along the coast to Mallus, where he first received certain tidings of the great Persian army, commanded by Darius in person. It is said to have consisted of six hundred thousand fighting men, besides all that train of at.endants which usually accompanied the march of a Persian monarch. This immense force was encamped on the plains of Sochi, where Amyntas, a Greek renegade, advised Darius to await the approach of Alexander. But Danus, impatient of delay, and full of vainglorious confidence in the number of his forces, rejected this advice, and resolved to cross the moun- buns m quest of his foe. Alexander had mean time passed through L.sus; h^ secured the whole country from that place to the maritime p.;s caUed the Gates of Syria and Cilicia, and had pushed forwards to Myriandrus where he was detained by a great storm of wind and rain. LaZZ Danus had crossed Mount Amanus, more to the north, at a p.,sclS with joy that the Persians were moving along the coast to overtake him. By this movement, however, Issus had fallen into the hands of the Persians. Alexander now retraced his steps to meet Darius, whom he found encamped on the right bank of the little river Pinarus. The Per sia^ monarch could hardly have been caught in a more unfavorable pol ^n, since the narrow and rugged plain between Mount Amanus and Te deprived him of the advantage of his numerical superiority. Alexander u^Z f T '!!"'"' ""'"' ""'' ^"'^'^ '^t ■"'^t, and at day- toeai began to descend into the plain of the Pmarus, ordering his troops to deptoy into line as the ground expanded, and thus to arrive in battk array before the Persians. Darius had thrown thirty thousand cavalry ^d twenty thousand mfantry across the river, to check the a.Ivan« of the Macedonians; whdst on the right bank were drawn up his choicest Per- 63 498 mSTOBT OP GREECE. [Chap. XLIV. B. C. 333.] SIEGE OF TYRE. 499 siaii troops to the number of sixty thousand, together with thirty thousand Greek mercenaries, who formed the centre, and on whom he chiefly relied. These, it appears, were all that the breadth of the plain allowed to be drawn up in Hne. The remainder of the vast host were posted in separate bodies in the farther parts of the plain, and were unable to take any share in the combat Darius took his station m the centre of the line, in a magnificent state chariot The banks of the Pinarus were in many par|p steep, and where they were level Darius had caused them to be intrenched. As Alexander advanced, the Persian cavalry which had been thrown across the river were recalled; but the twenty thousand infantry had been driven into the mountains, where Alexander held them in cheek with a small body of horse. The left wing of the Macedonians, under the command of Pannenio, was ordered to keep near the sea, to pre- vent bemg outflanked. The riglit wing was led by Alexander in person, who at first advanced slowly ; but when he came within shot of the Per- sian arrows he gave the order to charge, rushed impetuously into the water, and was soon engaged in close combat with the Persians. The latter were immediately routed ; but the impetuosity of the charge had disarranged the compact oi*der of the Macedonian phalanx, and the Greek mercenaries took advantage of this circumstance to attack them. This manoeuvre, however, was defeated by Alexander, who, after routing the Persians, wheeled and took the Greeks in flank. But what chiefly decided the fortune of the day was the timidity of Darius himself, who, on beholding the defeat of his left wing, immediately took to flight His ex- ample was followed by his whole army ; and even the Persian cavalry, which had crossed the river, and was engaging the Macedonian left with great bravery, was compelled to follow the example. One hundred thousand Persians are said to have been left upon the field. On reaching file hills Darius threw aside Ms royal robes, his bow and shield, and, mounting a fleet courser, was soon out of reach of pursuit The Persian camp became the spoil of the Macedonians ; but the tent of Darius, to- gether with his chariot, robes, and arms, was reserved for Alexander himself. It was now that the Macedonian king first had ocuhu* proof of the nature of Eastern royalty. One compartment of the tent of Darius liad been fitted up as a bath, wliich steamed with the richest odors; whilst another presented a naagnificent pavilion, containing a table richly spread for the banquet of Darius. But from an adjoining tent issued the wail of female voices, where Sisygambis, the mother, and Statira, the wife of Darius, were lamenting the supposed death of the Persian monarch. Alexander sent to assure them of his safety, and ordered them to be treated with the most dehcate and respectful attention. §11. Such was the memorable battle of Issus, fought in November, B. c. 333. A large treasure, 'which Parmenio was sent forward with a detachment to seize, fell into the hands of the Macedonians at Damascus. Another favorable result of the victory was that Jt suppressed some at- tempts at revolt fi-om the Macedonia>r power, which, with the support of Persia, had been manifested in Greece. But in order to put a c^mriete SilTnir?, "'T' T^l ''"''' ''''^''''' - theLZcTon i-ersian fleet, Alexander resolved to seize Phcenicia and E-ypt and thna to strike at the root of the Persian maritime power. ^ Meanwhile Darius, attended by a body of only four thousand fugitives had crossed the Euphrates al Thapsacus. Before he had set ou! from Babylon, the whole forces of the empire had been summoned ; but he had not thought U worth while to wait for what he deemed a m;rely useSs encumbrance; and the mor« distant levies, which comprised some of the short t,me, therefore, he would be at the head of a still more numenjus h^t than that which had fought at Issus; yet he thought it safer" negot.at.ons with Alexander than to trust to the chance of arms. Wkh ft.8 v;ew he sent a letter to Alexander, who was now at Marathus in Phng fortress on the sea-shore, obstinately held out, and delayed his progress three or four months. According to a tradition presei-ved in Josephus, it was at On. tune tha Alexander visited Jerusalem, and, struck with its pious pnests and holy ntes, endowed the city with extraordinary privileges, and fte pnesthood w.th ample gifts; but this stoiy does not appear in any other anc,ent author. After the capture of Gaza, Alexander met his fleet at Pelusmm, and ordered it to sail up the Nile as far as Memphis, whither he himself marched with his army across the desert. Alexander conciliat- ed the affection of the Egyptians by the respect with which he treated aeu- national superstitions, whikt the Persians by an opposite line of conduct had incurred their deadliest hatred. Alexander then sailed down the western branch of the Nile, and at its mouth traced the plan of the new city of Alexandria, which for many centuries continued to be not only the grand emporium of Europe, Africa, and India, but also the prin- cipal centre of intellectual hfe. Being now on the confines of Libya. Al- exander resolved to visit the celebr.ated oracle of Zeus Ammon, which by m the bosom of the Libyan wilderness, and which was reported to have been consulted by his two heroic ancestors, Hercules and Perseus. As he marched towards the oiu«is in which it was situated, he was met by envoys fi-om Cyrene, bringing with them magnificent presents, amon-^st which were five chariots and three hundred war-hordes. After marchiL along the coast for about two hundred miles, Alexander struck to the southeast mto the desert; when a five days' journey over pathless sands and under a scorching sun brought him to the well-watered and richly- wooded valley, containing the renowned .-md ancient temple of Ammon The conqueror wa^ received by tlie priests with all the honors of sacred pomp lie consulted the oracle in secret, and is said never to have dis- closed the answer which he received; though that it was an answer that con ented him appeared from the magnificence of the offerings which he mmle to the god Some say that Ammon saluted him as the son of Zeus. § 13 Alexander retui-ned to Phcenicia in the spring of 331. He then directed his march through Sam.aria, and arrived at Thapsacus on the Eu- phmtes about the end of August. After crossing the river, he struck to the northeast through a fertile and weU-suppUed country. On his march h» 502 MISTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XLIV. I' was told tlmt Darius was posted with an immense force on the left bank of the Tigris ; but on arriving at that river, he found nobody to dispute his passage. He then pixKieeded southwards along its banks, and after four days' march fell in with a few squadrons of the enemy's cavalry. From some of these who were made prisoners Alexander learned that Darius was encamped with his host on one of the extensive plains between tlie Tigris and the mountains of Kurdistan, near a village called Gaugamela (the Camel's House). The towTi of Arbela, after which the battle that ensued is commonly named, lay at about twenty miles' distance, and there Darius had deposited his baggage and treasure. That monarch had been easily persuaded that his former defeat was owing solely to the nature of the ground ; and therefore he now selected a wide plain for an engage- ment, where there was abundant room for his multitudinous infantry, and for the evolutions of his horsemen and charioteers. Alexander, after giv- ing his army a few days' rest, set out to meet the enemy soon after mid night, in order that he might come up with them about daybreak. On ascending some sand-hills the whole array of the Persians suddenly burst upon the view of the Macedonians, at the distance of three or four miles. Darius, as usual, occupied the centre, sun-ounded by his body-guard and chosen troops. In front of the royal position were i-anged the Mar-chariots and elephants, and on either side the Greek mercenaries, to the number, it is said, of fifty thousand. Alexander spent the first day in surveying the ground and preparing for the attack ; he also addressed his troops, pointing out to them that the prize of victory would not be a mere prov- ince, but the dominion of all Asia. Yet so great was the tranquillity with which he contemplated the result, that at daybreak on the following mom- ing, when the officers came to receive his final instructions, they found him in a deep slumber. His army, which consisted only of forty thousand feot and seven thousand horse, was drawn up m the order which he usu- ally observed, namely, with the phalanx in the centre in six divisions, and the Macedonian cavaby on the right, where Alexander liimself took his station. And as there was great danger of being outflanked, he foi-med a second Une in the rear, composed of some divisions of the phalanx and a number of light troops and cavaky, which were to act in any quarter threatened by the enemy. Tlie Persians, fearful of being surprised, had Stood under arms the whole night, so that the morning found them ex- hausted and dispirited. Some of them, however, fought with considerable bravery ; but when Alexander had succeeded in breaking theu- line by an impetuous charge, Darius mounted a fleet horse and took to flight, as at Issus, though tlie fortune of the day was yet far from having been decided. At length, however, the rout became generaL Whilst daylight lasted, Al- exander pursued the flying enemy as far as the banks of the Lycus, or Greater Zab, where thousands of the Persians perished in the attempt ta pass the river. After resting his men a few houi^s, Alexander continued B. C. 331.] BATTLE OF ARBELA. 503 the pursuit at midnight, in the hope of overtaking Darius at Arbela. The butTwirll; Tu '^'^ '"^"""^ ^''' ^'^''' ^'^^^^"^ ^^topping; bu he whole of the royal baggage and treasure was captured at Arbela! § 14 Fmdmg any further pursuit of Darius hopeless, Alexander now directed his march towards Babylon. At a little distance from the citv the greater part of the population came cut to meet him, headed bv their priests and magistrates, tendering their submission, and bearin^r with them magnificent presents. Alexander then made his triumphant^^ntry into Babylon, riding in a chariot at the head of his army. The streets were strewed with flowers, incense smoked on either hand on silver altai's and the priests celebrated his entry with hymns. Nor was this the mere' display of a compulsory obedience. Under the Persian sway the Chal- dean religion had been oppressed and persecuted; the temple of Belus had been destroyed and still lay in ruins; and botli priests and people consequently rejoiced at the downfall of a dynasty ft-om whicli thev had suffered so much wrong. Alexander, whose enlarged views on the sillyect of popular religion had probably been derived from Aristotle, observed here the same poUtic conduct which he had adopted in Egypt. He caused the ruined temples to be restored, and proposed to offer personally, but under the direction of the priests, a sacrifice to Belus. He then made arrangements for the safety and government of the city. He appointed Mazaeus, the Persian officer who had been left in charge of it, satrap of Babylon; but he occupied the citadel with a garrison of one thousand Macedonians and other Greeks, whilst the collection of the revenues was also mtrusted to a Greek named Asclepiodorus. Alexander contemplated making Babylon the capital of his future empire. His army was rev^^rded with a large donative from the Persian treasury ; and, after being aUowed to mdulge for some time in the luxury of Babylon, was again put in mo- Uon, towards the middle of November, for Susa. It was there that the Persian treasures were chiefly accumulated, and Alexander had despatched Philoxenus to take possession of the city immediately after the battle of Arbela. It was sun-endered without a blow by the satrap Abulites The treasure found there amounted to forty thousand talents in gold and silver bullion, and nine thousand in gold Darics. But among all these riches the interest of the Greeks must have been excited in a lively manner bv the discovery of the spoils carried off" from Greece by Xerxes. Amonol them were the bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, which Al- exander now sent back to Athens, and which were long afterwards pre- served m the Cerameicus. At Susa Alexander received reinforcements of about fifteen thousand men from Greece. Amyntas, who conducted them, brought tidin-s of dis- turbances in Greece, fomented by Sparta; and to assist in quelhng them Alexander transmitted a considerable sum to the regent Antipater. He then directed his march southeastwards towards Persepohs. His road # 104 HISTORY OP GEEECE. [Chap. XLIV. 't I He! lay through the mountainous territory of the Uxians, who refused him a passage unless he paid the usual tribute which they were in the habit of extorting even from the Persian kings. But Alexander routed them with great slaughter. The difficult mountain defile called the " Persian Gates/' fonning the entrance into Persis, still remained to be passed, which was defended by Ariobarzanes, the satrap of that district, with forty thousand foot and seven hundred horse. Ariobarzanes had also built a wall across the pass ; but Alexander turned the position by ascending the heights with part of his army, whilst the remainder stormed and carried the wall ; and the Persians were nearly all cut to pieces. He then advanced rapidly to Ferfeepolis, whose magnificent ruins still attest its ancient splendor. It was the real capital of the Persian kings, though they generally resided at Susa during the winter, and at Ecbatana in summer. The treasure found there exceeded that both of Babylon and Susa, and is said to have amounted to one hundred and twenty thousand talents, or nearly thirty million pounds sterling.* It was here that Alexander is related to have committed an act of senseless folly, by firing with his own hand the ancient and mag^ nificent palace of the Persian kings; of wliich the most charitable version is that he committed the act when heated w^th wine at the instigation of Thais, an, Athenian courtesan. By some writers, however, the story is altogether disbelieved, and the real destruction of Persepolis referred to the Mohammedan epoch. Whilst at Persepolis, Alexander visited the tomb of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy, which was situated at a little distance, at a city called Pasargadae. § 15. Thus, in between three and four years after crossing the Helle- spont, Alexander had established himself on the Persian throne. But Da- rius was not yet in his power. After the battle of Arbela, that monarch had fled to Ecbatana, the ancient capital of Media, where he seemed dis- posed to watch the turn of events, and whence, if he should be again threat- ened, he meditated flying farther north across the Oxus. It was not till about four months after the battle of Arbela, and consequently early in 330, that Alexander quitted Persepolis to resume the pursuit of Darius. On approaching Ecbatana, he learned that the Persian monarch had al- ready fled ^vith the little army which still adhered to him. On arriving at that place, Alexander permitted the troops of the alhes to return home if they wished, as the main object of the expedition had been accomplished ; but many volunteered to remain with him, and the rest were dismissed with a handsome share of booty, m addition to their pay. The treasures which had been conveyed from Persepolis were lodged in the citadel of Ecbatana, under the guard of six thousand Macedonians, besides cavalry and light troops. Alexander, with his main body, then pursued Darius through Media by forced marches, and reached Rhagae, a distance of three ♦-About $ 125,000,000. — Ed. B. C. 330.] DEATH OF DARIUS. 505 hundred mdes from Ecbatana, in eleven days. Such was the rapidity of the march, that many men and horses died of fatigue. At Rhacrae he heard that Darius had already passed the defile caUed the " Caspian Gates " leadmg into the Baetrian provinces ; and, as that pass was fifty miles diL tant, urgent pursuit was evidently useless. He therefore allowed his troops five days' rest, and then resumed his march. Soon after passin- the Gates he learned that Darius had been seized and loaded with chainl by his own satrap, Bessus, who entertjiined the design of establishing him- selt m Baetria as an independent sovereign. This inteUigence stinmlated Alexander to make still further haste with part of his cavalry and a chosen body of foot On the fourth day he succeeded in overtaking the fu^ntives with his cavalry, having been obliged to leave the infantry behind, with directions to follow more at leisure. The enemy, who did not know his real strength, were struck with consternation at his appearance, and fled precipitately. Bessus and his adherents now endeavored to persuade Darius to fly with them, and provided a fleet horse for that puq^ose. But the Persian monarch, who had already experienced the generosity of Al- exander in the treatment of his captive family, preferred to fall into his hands, whereupon the conspirators mortally wounded him m the chariot m which they kept him confined, and then took to flight. Darius expired before Alexander could come up, who threw his own cloak over the body He then ordered him to be magnificently buried in the tomb of his ances- tors, and provided for the fitting education of his chUdren. § 16. Alexander next invaded Ilyrcania, a province of the Persian em- pire, on the southern shores of the Caspian Sea, and took possession of Zadracarta, the chief io^yn in the country. From thence he undertook an expedition against the Mardians, a warlike tribe in the western part of Hyrcania, who, thinking themselves secure amidst their forests and mountains, had refused to make their submission. After chastisincr the Mardians, Alexander quitted Zadracarta, and pursued his march eastwards through the province of Aria. Near Artacoana, the capital of Aria, he founded a city on the banks of the river Arius, caUed after him (Alex- andria Ariorum), and which, under the name of Herat, is stiU one of the chief cities in Central Asia. Hence he proceeded southwards to Proph- tha^ia, the capital of Drangiana, where his stay was signalized by a sup- posed conspiracy against his hfe, formed by Philotas, the son of Parmenio. Alexander had long entertained suspicions of Philotas. Whilst still m Egypt he had discovered that Philotas had spoken disparagmgly of his exploits, and had boasted that, without the aid of his fatherland himself, Alexander would never have been able to aehieve his conquests. He had also ridiculed the oracle respecting Alexander's supernatural birth, and had more recently opposed the inclination which that monarch now began to display to assume all the pomp and state of a Persian kmg. But the unmediate subject of aecusation agamst hun was, that he had not revealed 64 fl I i06 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLIV III rff' a conspiracy which was reported to be forming against Alexander's life, and which he had deemed too contemptible to notice. He was consequently suspected of being implicated in it ; and on being put to the torture, he not only confessed his own guilt in his agonies, but also implicated his father. Philotas was executed, and an order was sent to Ecbataua, where Parmenio then was, directing that veteran general to be put to death. A letter, purporting to be from his son, was handed to Mm ; and whilst the old man was engaged in reading it, Polydamas, his intimate friend, together with some others of Alexander's principal olficers, fell upon and slew him. His head was carried to Alexander. Hepha^stion, who had been active m exciting the king's suspicion against Philotas, was rewarded with a share of the command vacated by his death ; but the horse-guards were now divided into two regunents, one of which was given to Hephaistion and the other to Cleitus. § 17. Late in the year 330, Alexander directed his march southwards, to the banks of the Etymandrus (the Ifelmund), where he remained sixty days. Hence he penetrated into Arachosia, and founded there another Alexandria, which is supposed to be the modem city of Candahar, He then crossed tlie lofty mountains of Paropamisus, called Caucasus by the Greeks (now Ilindoo-Koosh), which were covered with deep snow, and 80 barren that they did not even afford firewood for his army. At the foot of one of the passes of these mountains Alexander founded another city called Alexandria ad Caucasum, situated probably about fifty miles Borthwest of CahuL Alexander now entered Bactria ; but Bessus did not wait his approach, and fled across the Oxus into Sogdiana. Early in the summer of 329, Alexander followed him across the Oxus ; and shortly afterwards Bessus was betrayed by two of liis own officers into the hands of Alexander. Bessus was carried to Zariaspa, the capital of Bactria, where he was brought before a Persian court, and put to death in a cruel and baibarous manner. Alexander next took possession of Maracanda (now Samarcand), the capital of Sogdiana, from whence he advanced to the river Jaxartes (Sir), which he designed to make the boundary of his empire against the Scy- lihians. On the banks of that river he founded the city of Alexandria Eschate (the last or farthest), probably the modem Khojend, After crossing the river and defeating the Scythians, who menaced him on the opposite bank, he returned into winter-quarters at Zariaspa. Sogdiana, however, was not yet subdued, and accordingly, in the following year, 328, Alexander again crossed the Oxus. He divided his army into &Ye bodies, ordering them to scour the country in different directions. With the troops under his own command he marched against the fortress called the Sogdian Rock, seated on an isolated hill, so precipitous as to be deemed inaccessible, and m well suppUed with B. C. 328.] MURDER OF CLEITUS. 507 I S'tSl't '""'"': Thesu„stosu.e„derwas treated k d wS V But? "TfL'"' :'° '"''"""'' "^''""^^ "^« Macedonians nau «,ng».^ But a smaU body of Macedonians havin» succeeded in aTiTaMH?'-^ "'^"' 7^''""= '""^ ^°"--' '"^^ ^^rrisoXcle 2 aiaimed that they immediately surrendered. To tliis nlnop « T^o * • the it^r^"''"' T '"""""^ *^ Maracanda, where he wa. joined by fppid mT", r '" ^'' '"'^ ""^"^ ^'^'"^S at tins We he of r t . ? ^T' '""'"^^ °^ ^'"''"'^ <^" ">« eve of the parting of the two fnends, Alexa.,der celebrated a festival in honor of th^ D,o cu .,.„„„h the day wa. sacred to Dionysus. The banquet wa attended by several parasites and literary flatterci-s, who ma^iflel the pr,„es o Alexander with extravagant and nauseous flatte y Sut whom w,ne had released from all prudent reserve, sternly rebuked 2 me Its of the exploits of Alexander and his father Philip, he did not Wate to prefer the exploits of the latter. He reminded 'ilexander^ bs former services, and, stretching forth his hand, exclaimed, "It was thU hand Alexander, which saved your life at the battle of th Gral'u " The kmg who was also flushed with wine, was so enraged by tre;e remarks, that he rushed at Cleitus with the intention of killi^ him o^ the spot, but he was held back by his friends, whilst Cleitus was\t tl L^J tune burned out of the room. Alexander, however, was no sZr pleased, than, snatching a spear, he sprang to the dU, and melng ^rough the body. But when the deed was done, he was seized w^th r^penlance and remorse. He flung himself on his couch and remained for three whole days in an agony of grief, refusing all sustenance, and cluin" on the naines of Cleitus and of his sister Lanice, who had been his nurse It was not till his bodily strength began to fail through prot^t labTt ' nence that he at last became more composed, and c^nse' tedtlt^n t the consoteions of his friends, and the words of the soothsayers /who ascribed the murder of Cleitus to a tempoi^ry fi.nzy with which dL Kfellr' '"" -- ' ^""'^'•"'-* '- -="•->"=" '-e eelehmtion J "■/'^r '^'^"'^^ "'" "^^ °^ *" *'*«^^«^ "f S°g?f' ^ '" "^ -- his own and his father's exert on, trt^r^'' °"' '"^'^eni how, by . «on of scattered herdsllT^le Z. ^'orai^^^ 'TJ'^ -'"^- Asia; and that whiht he h^A nh„ ^ i , ^"^ ^"^ the lords of nable fruits of his conquest he hS "^ "" ™''"' ^"^^ --' ^^1- himself, a« the mark of it' ! "^T"^ ""*'""= "^"^ '^'^ diadem for He the; secluded htsSrtriof"^" ^^ """ ™'"'-"' ?-•«• nian guani was exchanged 2^ P^ '"' ''"""^ '"''''' "^'^ ^^e^o- nation were appointed tt^"^ ^f™;-'. f«^t -"es of the same Over«,me by thLe marks ZSo::!ttJ:Z ^'"'^' ^'^''~ Macedonians now supplicated «•;»!. ° °V i^ *®"" '°''^'"«'gn' 'he emn reconciliation was eS . iTZ ^ !"'""'' "^ '^"•°'-- ^ -1- to their homes under thel'^nt;: St trtT""^ ^ '"■~^ pointed to the government of MnL , ''* ^'""^"''^ '^"^ ""^^ :^tz^^:^:::^t: :^ him than of most other conquerors on a larffe scale Hk »r.n-7 terpr.»es, than m the real power of the foes whom he overeamo T. res.s.ance he met with was not greater than that which a E~ a^^ experiences m the present day from one composed of AsiatS^ Id Z H> chief difficulties were the geogiuphical difficulties of distance cwS" and the nature of the ground travelled. But this is no p^of thatte w2 mcompetent to meet a foe more worthy of his military skUlV and 1 1 pT ceedings m Greece before his departure show the reverse ^ Hb motives it must be allowed, seem mther to have sprung from the tolne^T t"^. ^'^I^^ ^^'='"^'"^'^' '' -"1-'' than from'^^h to benefit his subjects. TJie attention which he occasionally devoU to commerce, to the foundation of new cities, and to other matters ofa'to^ the we m , „ .^,, J ^ ^^^ ot::;^^.^^^ rented which he wished to prosecute before he had consolidated what Z had already won. Yet on the whole his achievements, thou^^h hey ut doubtedly occasioned great partial misery, must be regarded as "benSo ae human race; the families of which, if it were not for some such mot ! quests of Alexander the two continents were n.,t ;«/„ „i ■ With one another; and both, but vJ:^:;^^::^^^:^'^ language, the arts, and the literature of Greece ;ere introdS "nto The East ; and after the death of Alexander Greek kingdoms we formedt a.e western pans of Asia,^ ^hich^on^ exist for many geleraW * Niebuhr. m ;i Bust of the Poet Menander. 65 514 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLV. 1 I /' Hi ;( The Group of Niobe. From the coUection in the Ufflcl Palace at Florence. CHAPTER XLV. FROM THE DEATH OP ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE BATTLE OF IPSUS. 4 1. Division of the Provinces after Alexander's Death. § 8. Retrospective View of Greciaa AiTairs. Revolt of Agis. Demosthenes rom. 4 3. Arrival of Harpalus at Athens. Accusation and Exile of Demosthenes. § 4. The Lamian War. Defeat of Antipater, «nd Siege of Lamia. ^ 6. Defeat and Death of Leonnatus. Battle of Crannon. End ot the Lamian War. §6. Death of Demosthenes. 4 T. Ambitions Projects of Perdiccas. Bis Invasion of Egypt, and Death. ^ 8. Fresh Division of the Provinces at Triparadisus. Death of Antipater. Polysperchon becomes Regent, and conciliates the Grecian States. Death of Phocion. § 9. War between Polysperchon and Cassander. lll-snccess of Polvspcrchon. Cassander becomes Master of Macedonia, and pnts Olympias to Death. J W. Coalition against Antigonns. Peace concluded in B. c. 311. Murder of Roxana and her Son. 5 It. Renewal of the War against Antigonns. Demetrius Poliorcetes expels the Macedoniani fiom Athens. § 12. Demetrius Poliorcetes at Cyprus. Battle of Salamis. Attempt OD Egypt Siege of Rhodes, i 13. Battle of Ipsns, and Death of Antigonns. § 1. The unexpected death of Alexander threatened to involve both his extensive dominions and his army in inextricable confusion. On the day after his death a military council assembled to decide on the course to be pursued. Alexander on his death-bed is said to have given his sig- net-ring to Perdiccas, but he had left no legitimate heir to his throne, though his wife Roxana was pregnant. Li the discussions which ensued in the council, Perdiccas assumed a leading part ; and after much debate, and a quarrel between the cavahy and infantry, which at first threatened the most serious consequences, an arrangement was at length effected on the following basis : That Philip Arrhidseus, a young man of weak intel- lect, the half-brother of Alexander (being the son of Philip by a Thessa- B. C. 323.] PARTITION OP THE EMPIRE. 515 to the child of Roxana, if a son should be born, a share in the soverei^ty • that the government of Macedonia and Greece should be divided between Antipater and Craterus ; that Ptolemy, who was reputed to be connected with the royal family, should preside over Egj-pt and the adj.-«=ent comi- tnes ; that Aiitigonus should have Phrygia Proper, Lycia, and Pamphylia; Jat the Hellespontine Phrygia should be assigned to Leonnatus; tha Eumenes should have the satrapy of Paphlagonia and Cappa^Iocia, which countries, however, still remained to be subdued; and that Thrace should be committed to Lysimachus. Perdiccas reserved for himself the chiU- archy, or command of the horse-guards, the post before held by Hephies- faon,m virtue of which he became the guardian ofPhilip Arrhid.Bus, the nommal sovereign. It was not till some time after these arrangements had been completed, that the la^t rites were paid to Alexander's remains :n.ey were conveyed to Alexandria, and deposited in a cemetery which afterwards became the burial-place of the Ptolemies. Nothing could ex- ceed the magnificence of the funeral car, which was adomed^with oma- ments of massive gold, and so heavy, that more than a year was occupied m «.nveying It from Babylon to Syria, though drawn by eighty-four mules. In due time Roxana was delivered of a son, to whom the name of Alex- ander was given, and who was declared the partner of Arrhida=us in the empire. Roxana had previously inveigled Stateini and her sister Drypetis to Babylon, where she caused them to be secretly assassinated. ./ ^n """^ "^^''''^ to teke a brief retrospective glance at the ^.rs of Greece. Tlu-ee years after Alexander had quitted Europe, the Spartans made a vigorous effort to throw off the JLocedonian yoke. They were joined by most of the Peloponnesian states, but the Athenians kept aloof. In BC. 331, the Spartans took up arms under the commands their king, Agis ; but though they met with some success at first, they were fmally defeated with great slaughter by Antipater, near Megafopohf Agis fell in the battle, and the chains of Greece were riveted more firmly than ever. Th,s victory, and the successes of Alexander in the East, e.; couraged the Macedonian party in Athens to take active measures a-^inst Demosthenes ; a^d JEschmes trumped up an old charge against him ^hich had lain dormant for several years. Soon after the battle of Cha^ronea, Ctesiphon had proposed that Demosthenes should be presented with a golden crown m the theatre during the great Dionysiac festival, on accomit of the services he had conferred upon his country. For proposing this de ree iEsclnnes indicted Ctesiphon; but though the latter was the nomi- nal defendant, it was Demosthenes who was really put upon his trial.* htion^of 'I'xu'^'"",'""' ^ "'?'" ""P^'"" " ''''*'"■'*" "' ene- trated ; but when he at length learnt that the king was on his march back to Susa, and had visited with unsppring rigor those of his officers who had been guilty of any excesses during his absence, he at once saw that his only resource was in flight. Collecting together all the treasures which he could, and assembling a body of six thousand mercenaries, he hastened to the coast of Asia, and from thence crossed over to Attica. He seems to have reckoned on a favorable reception at Athens, as during the time of his prosperity he had made the city a large present of corn, in return for which he had received the right of citizenship. At first, however, the Athenians refused to receive him ; but bribes administered to some of the principal orators induced them to alter their determination. Such a step was tantamount to an act of hostility against Macedonia itself; and accord- ingly Antipater called upon the Athenians to dehver up Harpalus, and to bring to trial those who had accepted his bribes. The Athenians did not venture to disobey these demands. Harpalus was put into confinement, but succeeded in making his escape from prison. Demosthenes was among the orators who were brought to trial for corruption. He was de- clared to be guilty, and was condemned to pay a fine of fifty talents. Not being able to raise that sum, he was thrown into prison ; but he contrived to make his escape, and went into exile. There are, however, good grounds for doubting his guilt ; and it is more probable that he fell a vic- had become a law. If the charge was proved to be well founded, the proposer of the decree was liable to a penalty. Ctesiphon was prosecuted by Jlschines on this process. The pro- posal to crown Demosthenes is attacked on three principal points : — 1. Demosthenes had not yet settled the accounts of his oflBce. 2. The proposed place was illegal. 3. His po- litical course was unworthy of such a disthiguished honor. — Ed. B. C. 323.] THE LAMIAN WAK. 517 tim to the impbcable hatred of the Macedonian party. Upon quitting Athens Demosthenes resided chiefly at ^gina or Troezen, in si -lit of his native land, and whenever he looked towai-ds her shores it was observed that he shed tears. § 4. When the news of Alexander's death reached Athens, the anti- Macedonian party, which, since the exile of Demosthenes, was led by Hypereides, carried all before it. The people in a decree declared their determuiation to support the liberty of Greece; a fleet of two hundred and forty triremes was ordered to be equipped; all citizens under forty years of age were commanded to enroll themselves for service; and Leos- thenes was directed to levy an army of mercenaries. Envoys were de- spatched to all the Grecian states to announce the determination of Ath- ens and to exhort them to struggle with her for their independence. This call was responded to in the Peloponnesus only by the smaller states, whilst Sparta, Arcadia, and Achaia kept aloof. In Northern Greece the confederacy was joined by most of the states except the Boeotians; and Leosthenes was appointed commander-in-chief of the allied forces. Phocion, as usual, was opposed to this war, thinking the forces of Athens wholly inadequate to sustain it. Leosthenes scoffed at him, and a^ked him "what he had ever done for his countiy during the Ion- tune that he was general." "Do you reckon it nothing," answered Phocion, that the Athenians are buried in the sepulchres of their forefathers ? " And when Leosthenes continued his pompous harangues, Phocion said "Young man, your speeches resemble cypress-trees, which are indeed large' and lofty, but produce no fruit." "Tell us, then," interrupted Hypereides, what will be the proper time for the Athenians to make war." Phocion answered, "Not till young men keep within the bounds of decorum, the rich contribute with hberaHty, and the orators desist from robbinc. the people." ° ^ The allied army assembled in the neighborhood of Thermopylje. An- tipater now advanced from the north, and offered battle in the vale of the Spercheus ; but being deserted by his Thessalian cavalry, who went over to his opponents during the heat of the engagement, he was obhcred to re- treat, and threw himself into Lamia, a strong fortress on the Mahan Gulf. Leosthenes, desirous to finish the war at a blow, pressed the sie-e with the utmost vigor ; but Iiis assaults were repulsed, and he was compeUed to resort to the slower method of a blockade. From this town the contest between Antipater and the allied Greeks has been called the Lamian War. § 5. The novelty of a victory over the Macedonian arms was received with boundless exultation at Athens, and this feeling was raised to a still higher pitch by the arrival of an embassy from Antipater to sue for peace. Phocion was bantered unmercifully. He was asked whether he would not like to have done such great things as Leosthenes ? " Cer- 7 It' 518 HISTOKY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLV. vi tainlj," said he ; " but I should not have advised the attempting of them." And when messenger after messenger announced the successes of the Athenian arras, he exclauned sai'castically, " TVIien shall we have done conqueiing ? " The Athenians were so elated with their good fortune, that they would listen to no terms but the unconditional surrender of Antipater. Meantime Demosthenes, though still an exile, exerted himself in various parts of the Peloponnesus in counteracting the envoys of Antipater, and in endeavoring to gain adherents to the cause of Athens and the allies. The Athenians, in return, invited Demosthenes back to his native country, and a ship was sent to convey him to Peirajus, where he was received with extraordinary honors. Meanwiiile Leonnatus, governor of the Hellespontine Phrygia, had ap- peared on the theatre of war with an army of twenty thousand foot and twenty-five hundred horse. Leosthenes had been slain at Lamia in a sally of the besieged ; and Antipliilus, on whom the command of the allied aiiny devolved, hastened to offer battle to Leonnatus before he could arrive at Lamia. Tlie hostile armies met in one of tlie i)lains of Thessaly, where Leonnatus was killed and his troops defeated. Antipater, as soon as the blockade of Lamia was raised, had pui*sued Antipliilus, and on the diiy after the battle he effected a junction with the beaten army of Leonnatus. Shortly afterwaixls, Antipater was still further reinforced by the arrival of Crateras with a considerable force from Asia ; and being now at the head of an anny which outnumbered the forces of the allies, he marched against them, and gained a decisive victory over them near Craniion in Thessaly, on the 7th of August, b. c. 322. The allies were now com- pelled to sue for peace ; but Antipater refused to treat with them except as separate states, foreseeing that by this means many would be detached from the confederacy. The result answered his ex})ectations. One by one, the various states submitted, till at length all had laid down their arms. Athens, the original instigator of the insurrection, now lay at the mercy of the conqueror. As Antipater advanced, Phocion used all the influence which he possessed mth the Macedonians in favor of his country- men; but he could obtain no other terms than an unconditional surrender. On a second mission, Phocion received the final demands of Ant ii>ater; which were that the Athenians should deliver up a certain number of their orators, among whom were Demosthenes and Ilypereides ; that their po- litical franchise should be limited by a pro[>erty quahfication ; that they should receive a Macedonian garrison in Munychia ; and that they should defray the expenses of the war. Such was the result of the Lamian War. I 6. After the return of the envoys brmging the ultimatum of Antipater, |he sycophant Demades procured a decree for the death of the denounced orators. Demosthenes and the other persons compromised made their escape from Athens before the Macedonian garrison arrived. JSgina was B. C. 322.] DEATH OF DEMOSTHENES. 519 their hrst place of refuge, but they soon parted in different directions. Hypereides fled to the temple of Demeter at Hermione in Peloponnesus whilst Demosthenes took refuge in that of Poseidon in the isle of Calau- rea, near Troezen. But the sateUites of Antipater, under the guidance of a Thurian named Archias, who had formerly been an actor, tore them from their sanctuaries. Hypereides was carried to Athens, and it is said that Antipater took the brutal and cowardly revenge of ordering liis tongue to be cut out, and his remains to be thrown to the dogs. Demos- thenes contrived at least to escape the insults of the tyrannical conqueror. Archias at first endeavored to entice him from his sanctuaiy by the bland- est promises. But Demosthenes, forewarned, it is said, by a dream, fixincr his eyes intently on him, exclaimed, "Your acting, Archias, never touched me formerly, nor do your promises now." And when Archias began to employ threats, « Good," said Demosthenes ; " now you speak as from the Macedonian tripod; before you were only playing a part. But wait awhile, and let me write my last directions to my family." So, taking his writing materials, he put the reed into his mouth and bit it for some time, as was his custom when composing ; after which he covered his head with his garment and reclined against a pillar. The guards who accom- panied Archias, imagining this to be a mere trick, laughed, and called him coward, whilst Archias began to renew his false persuasions. Demos- thenes, feeling the poison work, — for such it was that he had concealed in the reed, — now bade him lead on. "You may now," said he, "enact the part of Creon, and cast me out unburied ; but at least, O gracious Po- seidon, I have not polluted thy temple by my death, which Antipater and his Macedonians would not have scrupled at." But whilst he was endeav- oring to walk out, he fell down by the altar and expired. § 7. The course of events now carries us back to the East. Perdiccas possessed more power than any of Alexander's generals, and was regarded as the regent of the empire. He had the custody of the infant Alex°ander, the son of Alexander the Great, and the weak Philip Arrhidaius was a pupiM3t in his hands. Perdiccas had at first courted the alliance of An- tipater, and had even married his daughter Nica?a. But when Olympias offered him the hand of her daughter Cleopatra, if he would a^^sist her against Antipater, Perdiccas resolved to divorce NiccTa at the fii-st con- venient opportunity, and espouse Cleopatra in her stead, believing that such an alliance with the royal family would pave his way to the Macedo- nian throne, to which he was now aspiring. His designs, however, were not unknown to Antigonus and Ptolemy ; and when he attempted to bring Antigonus to trial for some offence in the government of his satrapy, thai general made his escape to Macedonia, where he revealed to Antipater the full extent of the ambitious schemes of Perdiccas, and thus at once in duced Antipater and Craterus to unite in a league with him and Ptolemy, and openly declare war against the regent. Thus assailed on all sides,' n ? ^1. 520 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLV Ml Perdiccas resolved to direct his arms in the first instance against Ptolemy. Li the spring of b. c. 321 he accordingly set out on liis march against Egypt, at the head of a formidable anny, and accompanied by Pliilip Ar- rhid^us, and Roxana and her infant son. He advanced without opposition as far as Pelusium, but he found the banks of the Nile strongly fortified and guaKled by Ptolemy, and was repulsed in repeated attempts to force the passage of the river ; in the last of which, near Memphis, he lost great numbers of men, by the depth and rapidity of the current. Perdicca^ had never been popular with the soldiery, and these disasters completely alienated their affections. A conspiracy was formed agamst him, and some of his chief officers murdered him in his tent. § 8. The death of Perdiccas was followed by a fresh distribution ot the provinces of the empire. At a meeting of the generals held at Tripara- disus in Syria, towards the end of the year 321 b. c, Antipater was de- clared regent, retaining the government of Macedonia and Greece ; Ptole- my was continued in the government of Egypt; Seleucus received the satrapy of Babylon; whilst Antigonus not only retained his old provmce, but was rewarded with that of Susiana. Antipater did not long survive these events. He died In the year 318, lit the advanced age of eighty, leaving Polysperchon, one of Alexanders oldest generals, regent; much to the surprise and mortification of his son Cassander, who received only the secondary dignity of Chiharch, or com- mander of the cavalry. Cassander was now bent on obtaimng the regen- cy ; but seeing no hope of success in Macedonia, he went over to Asia to solicit the assistance of Antigonus. « , ri Polysperchon, on his side, sought to conciliate the friendship of the Gre- dan states by proclaiming them all free and independent, and by abolish- ing the ohgarchies which had been set up by Antipater. In order to enforce these measures, Polysperchon prepared to march into Greece, whilst his son Alexander was despatched beforehand with an army towards Athens, to compel the Macedonian garrison under the command of Nica- nor to evacuate Munychia. Nicanor, however, refused to move without orders from Cassander, whose general he declared himself to be. Phocion was supposed to be intriguing in favor of Nicanor, and, being accused of treason, fled to Alexander, now encamped before the walls of Athens. Alexander sent Phocion and the friends who accompanied him to his father, who was then in Phocis ; and at the same time an Athenian em- bassy arrived in Polysperchon's camp to accuse Phocion. A sort of mock trial ensued, the result of which was that Phocion was sent back to Athens in chains, to be tried by the Athenian people. The theatre, where his trial was to take place, was soon full to overflowing. Phocion was as- sailed on every side by the clamors of his enemies, which prevented his defence from being heard, and he was condemned to death by a show of hands. To the last Phocion maintmned his caboa and dignified, but some- B. C. 317.] WAR BETWEEN POLYSPERCHON AND CASSANDER. 521 what contemptuous bearing. Wlien some wretched man spat upon him as he passed to the prison, " Will no one," said he, " check this fellow's in- decency ? " To one who asked him whether he had any message to leave for his son Phocus, he answered, " Only that he bear no grudge against the Athenians." And when the hemlock which had been prepared was found insufficient for all the condemned, and the jailer would not furnish more unless he was paid for it, " Give the man his money," said Phocion to one of his friends, " since at Athens one cannot even die for nothineace, which had been merely patched up for the conven- ience of the parties concerned, was not of long duration. It seems to liave been the immediate cause of another of those crimes which disgrace the history of Alexander's successors. Alexander, who had now attained the age of sixteen, was still shut up with his mother Roxmia in Ami^i.pohs; and his partisans, with injudicious zeal, loudly expressed their wish that he should be released and placed upon the throne. In order to avert this event, Cassander contrived the secret murder both of the mother and the son § 11. This abominable act, however, does not appear to have caused a br^ch of the peace. Ptolemy was the first to break it (b. c. 310) under the pretext that Antigonus, by keeping his gan-isons in the Greek cities of Asia and the islands, had not respected that article of the treaty which guaranteed Grecian freedom. After the war had lasted three years An- tigonus resolved to make a vigorous effort to wrest Greece from the hands cf Cassander and Ptolemy, who held all the principal towns in it. Accord- ingly, in the summer of 307 b. c. he despatched his son Demetrms from Ephesus to Athens, with a fleet of two hundred and fifty sail, and five thousand talents m money. Demetrius, who afterwards obtained the sur- name of «PoUorcetes," or "Besieger of Cities," was a young man of ar- dent temperament and great abilities. Upon arriving at the Peira^us, he immediately proclaimed the object of his expedition to be the liberation of Athens and the expulsion of the Macedonian garrison. Supported by the B. C. 306.] BATTLE OF SALAMIS. 523 Macedonians, Demetrius the Phalerean had now ruled Athens for a period of more than ten years. Of mean birth, Demetrius the Phalerean owed his elevation entirely to his talents and perseverance. His skill as an orator raised him to distinction among his countrymen ; and his politics, which led him to embrace the party of Phocion, recommended him to Cas- sander and the Macedonians. He cultivated many branches of literature, and was at once an historian, a philosopher, and a poet ; but none of his works have come down to us. During the first period of his administra- tion he api)i&ars to have governed wisely and equitably, to have improved the Athenian laws, and to have adorned the city with useful buildings.* But in spite of his pretensions to philosophy, the possession of uncontrolled power soon altered his character for the worse, and he became remarka- ble for luxuiy, ostentation, and sensuality. Hence he gradually lost the popularity which he had once enjoyed, and which had prompted the Athe- nians to raise to him no fewer than three hundred and sixty bronze statues, most of them equestrian. The Athenians heard with pleasure the proclamations of the son of Antigonus ; his namesake, the Phalerean, was obliged to surrender the city to him, and to close his political career by retiring to Thebes. The Macedonian garrison in Munychia offered a slight resistance, which was soon overcome. Demetrius Poliorcetes then formally announced to the Athenian assembly the restoration of their an- cient constitution, and promised them a large donative of corn and ship- timber. This munificence was repaid by the Athenians with the basest and most abject flattery. Both Demetrius and his father were deified, and two new tribes, those of Antigonias and Demetrias, were added to the existing ten which derived their names from the ancient heroes of Attica. § 12. Demetrius Poliorcetes did not, however, remain long at Athens. Early in 306 b. c. he was recalled by his father, and, sailing to Cyjirus, undertook the siege of Salamis. Ptolemy hastened to its relief with one hundred and forty vessels and ten thousand troops. The battle that en- sued was one of the most memorable in the annals of ancient naval war- fare, more particularly on account of the vast size of the vessels engaged. Ptolemy was completely defeated; and so important was the victory deemed by Antigonus, that on the strength of it he assumed the title of king, which he also conferred upon his son. This example was followed by Ptolemy, Seleucus, and Lysimachus. Encouraged by their success at Cyprus, Antigonus and Demetrius made an attempt upon Egypt, which, however, proved a disastrous failure. By way of revenge, Demetrius undertook an expedition against Ehodes, which tad refused its aid in the attack upon Ptolemy. It was from the ii * A census which Demetrius took of the population of Attica, probably in 309 b. c, the year of his archonship, gave 21,000 freemen, 10,000 metics, or resident aliens, and the amaz- ing number of 400,000 slaves. The wives and families of the free population must of course be added. I ! 1 524 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. XLV. memorable siege of Rhodes that Demetrius obtiuned his name of Poli- oreetes." AOer in vain attempting to talce the town from the sea-siae, by means of floating batteries, from which stones of enormous weight were hurled from engines with incredible force against the walls, he determmca to alter his plan and invest it on the land-side. With the assistance of Epimachus, an Athenian engineer, he constructed a machme ^hicli, m anticipation of its effect, was called HelepoUs, or "the city-taker. "Dns was a square wooden tower, one hundred and fifty feet high, and divided into nine stories, Med with armed men, who discharged missiles through apertures in the sides. When armed and prepared for attack, it rcquirea the strength of two thousand three hundred men to set this enormous ma- chine in motion. But though this formidable engme was assisted by the operation of two battering-rams, each one hundred and fifty feet long ana propelled by the labor of one thousand men, the Rhodians were so active in repairing the breaches made in their walls, that, after a year spent in the vain attempt to take the town, Demetrius was forced to retire and grant the Rhodians peace. , , j * § 13. Whilst Demetrius was thus employed, Cassander had made great progress in reducing Greece. He had taken Corinth, and was besieging Athens, when Demetrius entered the Eurlpus. Cassander immediately raised the siege, and was subsequently defeated in an action near Iher- mopyUe. When Demetrius entered Athens, he was received as before with the most extravagant flatteries. He remained two or three years in Greece, during which his superiority over Cassander was decided, though no great battle was fought _ In the spring of 301 b. c. he was recalled by his father Antigonus, who stood in need of his assistance against Lysimachus and Seleucus In the course of the same year the struggle between Antigonus and »« "^"l^ was brought to a close by the battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, m which An- tigonus was killed, and his army completely defeated. Antigonus had at- tuned the age of eighty-one at the time of his death. Demetrius retreated with the remnant of the army to Ephesus, whence he sailed to Cyprus, and afterwards proposed to go to Athens ; but the Athenians, alienated by his in-fortune at Ipsus, refused to receive him. Seleucus and Lysima- chus shared between them the possessions of Antigonus. Lysimachus seems to have had the greater part of Asia Mmor, whUst the whole coun- try from the coast of Syria to the Euphrates, as weU as a part of Phrygia and Cappadocia, fell to the share of Seleucus. The latter founded on the Orontes a new capital of his empire, which he named after his father An- tioch. The fall of Antigonus secured Cassander in the possession of . Greece, though it does not appear that any formal treaty was entered into br that purpose. B. C. 296.] DEMETRIUS CAPTURES ATHENS. 525 ■; Gnmp of Dirce. From the Mnseum at Naples. CHAPTER XLVI. ntOH THE BATTLE OP IPSUS TO THE CONQUEST OF GREECE BT THS ROMANS. If! 1» 4 1. Proceedings of Demetrius Poliorcetes. He captures Athens. $ 2. Obtains the Mace- donian Crow^n. His Flight and Death. § 3. Lysimachus reigns over Macedonia. He is defeated and slain by Seleucus. § 4. Seleucus assassinated by Ptolemy Ceraunus. Invasion of the Celts, and Death of Ptolemy Ceraunus. § 5. Antigonus Gonatas ascends the Macedonian Throne. Death of Pyrrhus of Epeirus. Chremonidean War. § 6. The Achjean League. § 7. State of Sparta. Reforms of Agis and Cleomenes. The Cle- omenic War. ^ 8. The ^tolian League. § 9. The Social War. § 10. War between Philip and the Romans. § 11. Philopceraen. ^ 12. Second War between Philip and the Romans. Battle of Cynoscephalae. § 13. Defeat of Antiochus, and Subjugation of the .^tolians by the Romans. ^ 14. Extension of the Achaean League. Conquest of Sparta. Death of Philopoemen. § 15. War between Perseus and the Romans. Conquest of Macedonia. § 16. Proceedings of the Romans in Greece. § 17. Athens and Oropus. War between the Achaeans and Spartans. § 18. The Spartans appeal to the Romans, who reduce Greece into a Roman Province. I § 1. After his repulse from Athens, Demetrius proceeded towards Peloponnesus, but found that his allies in that quarter had also abandoned Wm and embraced the cause of Cassander. He was, however, neither ruined nor discouraged. On leaving the Peloponnesus (b. c. 300) he proceeded to the Thracian Chersonese, and ravaged the territory of Lj- fiimachus. Whilst engaged m this expedition he was agreeably surprised by receiving an embassy from Seleucus, by which that monarch soUcited his daughter Stratonice in marriage. Demetrius gladly granted the re- quest, and found himself so much strengthened by this alliance, that in the spring of the year 296 he was in a condition again to attack Athens, S26 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Cdap. XL VI. n * It" which he captured after a long siege, and drove out the bloodthirsty tyrant Lachares, who had been established there by Cassander. Such was the extremity of famine to which the Athenians had been reduced, that we are told of a father and son quarrelling for a dead mouse ; and the philosopher Epicurus supported himself, and the society over which he presided, by dividing amongst them daily a small quantity of beans. On becoming master of the city, Demetrius, much to the surprise of the Athenians, treated them with great lenity and indulgence, and, in consider- ation of their distresses, made them a present of a large quantity of com. § 2. Meanwhile Cassander had died shortly before the siege of Athens, and was succeeded on the throne of Macedon by his eldest son, Philip IV.* But that young prince died in 295, and the succession was dis- puted between his two brothers, Antipater and Alexander. Their mother Thessalonica, a daughter of the great Philip, seems to have been theur guardian, and to have attempted to anange their cUsputes by dividing the kin^om between them ; but Antipater, thinking that she favored Alexan- der°slew her with his own hand m a fit of jealous rage. Alexander now called in the aid of Pyrrhus, king of Epeirus, as well as of Deme- trius who was in the Peloponnesus with his army. Pyrrhus, as the nearest, was the first to respond to this call, and effected a partition of Macedonia between the two brothers ; an arrangement, which, as it weakened a neighboring kingdom, was favorable to his own interests. Shortly aftei-wards (294) Demetrius, who saw in the distracted state of Macedonia an opening for his own ambitious designs, appeared in that country with his forces. Alexander having joined him with his army, Demetrius caused that young prince to be assassinated, and was saluted king by the troops. Demetrius reigned over Macedonia, and the gi'eater part of Greece, about seven years. He aimed at recovering the whole of his father's dominions in Asia; but before he was ready to take the field, his adversaries, alarmed at his preparations, determined to forestaU bun. In the spring of b, c. 287, Ptolemy sent a powerf-ul fleet against Greece while Pyrrhus on the one side and Lysimachus on the other simultaneously invaded Macedonia. Demetrius had completely alienated his own subjects by his proud and haughty bearmg, and by his lavish ex- penditure on his own luxuries ; while Pyrrhus, by his generosity, affability, ^d darinn- courage, had become the hero of the Macedonians, who looked upon him'' as a second Alexander. The appearance of Pyrrhus was the si«Tial for revolt : the Macedonian troops flocked to his standard, and De- metrius was compelled to fly. Pyrrhus now ascended the throne of Macedonia; but his reign was of brief duration ; and at the end of seven months he was in turti driven out by Lysimachus. Demetrius made geveral attempts to regain his power m Greece, and then set sail for Asia, * Philip Arrhidaeus is called Philip IIL B. C. 281.] LYSIMACHUS DEFEATED AND SLAIN. 527 where he successively endeavored to establish himself in the territories of Lysimachus, and of his son-in-law, Seleucus. Falling at length into the hands of the latter, he was kept in a kind of magnificent captivity in a royal residence in Syria; where, in 283, at the early age of fifty-five, his checkered career was brought to a close, partly by chagrin, and partly by the sensual indulgences with which he endeavored to divert it. § 3. The history of Alexander's successors continued to be marked to the end by the same ambition, the same dissensions, and the same crimes which had stained it from the first. Tlie power of Lysimachus had been greatly increased by the acquisition of Macedonia ; and he now found him- self in possession of all the dominions in Europe that had formed part of the Macedonian monardiy, as well as of the greater part of Asia JVIinor. Of Alexander's immediate successors, Lysimachus and Seleucus were the only two remaining competitors for power ; and with the exception of Egypt, those two sovereigns divided Alexander's empire between them. Li Egypt the aged Ptolemy had abdicated in 285 m favor of his son by Berenice, afterwards known as Ptolemy Philadelphus, and to the exclusion of his eldest son, Ptolemy Ceraunus, by his wife Eurydic^. Ptolemy Cerau- nus quitted Egypt in disgust, and fled to the court of Lysimachus : and although Arsinoe, the wife of Lysimachus, was own sister to his rival, Ptolemy Philadelphus, he succeeded in gaining her entire confidence. Arsinoe, jealous of her step-son Agathocles, the heir apparent to the throne, and desirous of securing the succession for her own children, con- spired with Ptolemy Ceraunus against his life. She even procured the consent of Lysimachus to his murder ; and after some vain attempts to make away with him by poison, he was flung into prison, where Ptolemy Ceraunus despatched him with his own hand. Lysandra, the mother of Agathocles, fled with the rest of her fiimily to Seleucus, to demand from him protection and vengeance ; and Seleucus, induced by the hopes of suc- cess inspired by the discontent and dissensions which so foul an act had excited among the subjects of Lysimachus, espoused her cause. Tlie hostilities which ensued between him and Lysimachus were brought to a termination by the battle of Corupedion, fought near Sardis in 281, in whicli Lysimachus was defeated and slain. By this victory, Mace- donia, and the whole of Alexander's empire, with the exception of Egypt, Southern Syria, Cyprus, and part of Phoenicia, fell under the sceptre of Seleucus. § 4. That monarch, who had not beheld his native land since he first joined the expedition of Alexander, now crossed the Hellespont to take possession of Macedonia. Ptolemy Ceraunus, who after the battle of Corupedion had thrown hunself on the mercy of Seleucus, and had been received with forgiveness and favor, accompanied him on this journey. The murder of Agathocles had not been committed by Ptolemy merely to oblige Arsinoe. He had even then designs upon the sui>reme ni 528 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLVI ij \U\ 4 power, which he now completed by another crhne. As Seleucus stopped to sacrifice at a celebrated altar near Lysimachia in Thrace, Ptolemy treacherously assassinated him by stabbing him in the back (280). After this base and cowardly act, Ptolemy Ceraunus, who gave himself out as the avenger of Lysimachus, was, by one of those movements wholly mex- pUcable to our modern notions, saluted king by the army ; but the Asiatic dominions of Seleucus fell to his son Antiochus, sumamed Soter. The crime of Ptolemy, however, was speedily overtaken by a just punishment. In the very same year his kingdom of Macedonia and Thrace was mvaded by an immense host of Celts, and Ptolemy fell at the head of the forces which he led against them. A second mvasion of the same barbari- ans compelled the Greeks to raise a force for their defence, which was intrusted to the command of the Athenian Callippus (b. c. 279). On this occasion the Celts, attracted by the report of treasures which were now perhaps little more than an empty name, penetrated as far south- wards as Delphi, with the view of plundering the temple. The god, it is said, vmdicated his sanctuary on this occasion in the same supernatural manner as when it was attacked by the Persians; it is at all events certain that the Celts were repulsed with great loss, including that of then- leader, Brennus. Nevertheless some of their tribes succeeded in estab- lishing themselves near the Danube; others settled on the sea-coast of Thrace ; whilst a third portion passed over into Asia, and gave their name to the country called Galatia. § 5. After the death of Ptolemy Ceraunus, Macedonia feU for some time mto a state of anarchy and confusion, and the cro^vTi was disputed by several pretenders. At length, in 278, Antigonus Gonatas, son of Deme- trius Poliorcetes, succeeded in estabUshing hunself on the throne of Mace- donia; and with the exception of two or three years (274-272) durmg which he was temporarily expelled by Pyrrhus, he continued to retam possession of it till his death in 239. The struggle between Antigonus and Pyrrhus was brought to a close at Argos, in 272. Pyrrhus had marched into the Peloponnesus with a large force in order to make war npon Sparta, but with the collateral design of reducing the places which still held out for Antigonus. Pyrrhus, having faUed in an attempt to take Sparta, marched against Argos, where Antigonus also arrived with his forces. Both armies entered the city by opposite gates ; and in a batt e which ensued m the streets, Pyrrhus was struck from his horse by a tile hurled by a woman from a house-top, and was then despatched by some soldiers of Antigonus. Such was the inglorious end of one of the bravest and most warlike monarchs of antiquity; whose character for moral virtue, though it would not stand the test of modem scrutiny, shone out conspicuously in comparison with that of contemporary sovereigns; but whose enterprises, undertaken rather from the love of action than from any well-directed ambition, were rendered abortive by their desultory nature. B.C. 251. J THE ACH^AN LEAGUE. 529 Antigonus Gonatas now made himself master of the greater part of Peloponnesus, which he governed by means of tyrants whom he estab- lished in various cities. He then applied himself to the reduction of Athens, whose defence was assisted by an Egyptian fleet and a Spartan army. This war, which is sometimes called tlie Chremonidean War from the Athenian Chremonides, who played a conspicuous part in defending the city, lasted six or seven years, and reduced the Athenians to great misery. Athens was at length taken, probably in 262. § 6. While all Greece, with the exception of Sparta, seemed hopelessly prostrate at the feet of Macedonia, a new political jxywer, which sheds a lustre on the declining period of Grecian history, arose in a small province in Peloponnesus, of which the very name has been hitherto rarely men- tioned since the heroic age. In Achaia, a narrow slip of country upon the shores of the Corinthian Gulf, a league, chiefly for religious purposes, had existed from a very early period among the twelve chief cities of the province. This league, however, had never possessed much poUtical im- portance^ and it had been finally suppressed by the Macedonians. At the time of which we are speaking, Antigonus Gonatas was in possession of all the cities formerly belonging to the league, either by means of his garrisons or of the tyrants who were subservient to him. It was, however, this very oppression that led to a more efficient revival of the league. The Achaean towns, now only ten in number,, as two had been destroyed by earthquakes, began gradually to coalesce again; a process which was much facihtated after Antigonus had withdrawn from Greece to take up his residence at Pella, where the affairs of Macedonia chiefly occupied his attention. But Aratus of Sicyon, one of the most remarkable charac- ters of this period of Grecian history, was the man who, about the year 251 B. c, first called the new league into active political existence. Aratus was one of those characters who, though not deficient in boldness and daring, seem incapable of exerting these qualities except in stratagems and ambuscades. He had long lived in exile at Argos, whilst his native- city groaned under the dominion of a succession of tyrants. Having collect- ed a band of exiles, Aratus surprised Sicyon in the night-time, and drove out the last and most unpopular of these tyrants. Instead of seizing the tyranny for himself, as he might easily have done, Aratus consulted only the advantage of his country, and with this view united Sicyon with the Achaean league. The accession of so important a town does not appear to have altered the constitution of the confederacy. The league was governed by a Strategus, or general, whose functions were both military and civil ; a Gramrnateus, or secretary ; and a council of ten demiurgu The sovereignty, however, resided in the general assembly, which met twice a year in a sacred grove near iEgium. It was composed of every Achaean who had attained the age of thirty, and possessed the right of electing the officers of the league, and of deciding all questions of war, 67 II it 530 HISTORY OF GREECE. IChap. XLVI ■;i t i« «ace forei Ep.dau L, Hen«ione,and other cities ; and ultimately embraced Athcn^ Mega™. iE^a, Salamis, and the whole Peloponnesus, with the exception of Spar- ta, Elis, and some of the Arcadian towns. . , . , , „„ v„. S 7. Sparta, it is true, still continued to retain her mdependence, hut JhL a sh^ow of her former greatness ^^ V^^TJ':,^^:^. pUdty of Spartan maimers had been completely destroyed bj the co ec Son of weal* into a few hands, and by the consequent progress of luxury. T^ nuX of Spartan citizens had been reduced to seven l-«>-J^; b" even of these the^ were not above a hundred who po^essed a suffi^e^ quantity of knd to maintain themselves in mdependence. The^Sl««^«" Lgs hL ceased to be the patriotic servants and generals of ";™°j^'J LilTe the Ca.Mieri of more modem times, they were accu.toped srn^ the time of Alexander the Great, to let out their services o the highest MdeT .md no longer content with the simple habits of their forefathers. Sf^pSed to fo'ign courts in order to «^-«>- '•'--":„'^ q„L in luxuries which they could not procu^ at home. The young kin-, A-^is IV., who succeeded to the crown m 244 attempted to revive Temcieni SpLrlan virt.u, by restoring the institutions of Lycurgus, by ^ncXg al^ debts, and by nuking a new distribution of lands ; and w^ to view he relinquished all his own property, as well as that of his fam- STflrThe public good. These reforms, though promoted by one of the Sl^L weroppc^Tby Lconidas, the colleague of Agis in the monar- ifw^o Shed'The JyorMj of the more wealthy citizens around hmu A^ Id his party succeeded, however, in deposing Leomdas, and *-or a ^ h" is proLed to be successful ; but having undertaken an expe- Sn to S=t Aralus against the iEtoUans, the opposite party took ai- ? r„This absence to remstate Leonidas, and when Agis returned, he ::Tt t^ d^X ) But a few years afterwards, Cleomenes, the son riL'cceW in effecting the reforms wbich ^ad e- c '^^^ Lted by Agis ; a course which he was probably induced to take by the £ of aIs, whom he had married. It was his nnlitary accesses that iSbL Cleomenes to carry out his political views. Aratus, m his zed fo^ I^enlg the Achaean confederacy, attempted to seize the Arcadian towns ^OrchomLs, Tegea. and Mantinea, which the iEtolians had ceded to ot Orcnomenus, „ ^ /227-226) in which the forces of the f'^JI^Tf^edbrCir— The liter then suddenly returned ^::Z "^iSs .-..r^ ^r, and, after p.Ung the Epbo. to iath, proceeded to carry out the reforms projected^ ^ffirof Ihe!^ .•Terd others which regarded military duciphne. The effect of these B. C. 220.] THE ^TOLIAN LEAGUE. 531 new measures soon became visible in the increased success of the Spartan arms. Aratus was so hard pressed that he was compelled to solicit the assistance of the IMacedonians. Both Antigonus Gonatas and his son De- metrius 11. — who had reigned in Macedonia from 239 to 226 b. c. ^ were now dead, and the government was administered by Antigonus Do- son, as guardian of Philip, the youthful son of Demetrius 11. Antigonus Doson, who obtained the latter surname from his readiness in making promises, was the grandson of D(»metrius Poliorcetes, and the nephew of Antigonus Gonatas. The Macedonians compelled him to accept the crown : but he remained faithful to his trust as guardian of Philip, whose mother he married ; and though he had children of his own by her, yet Phihp succeeded him on his death. It was to Antigonus Doson that Aratus applied for assistance ; and in 223 the Macedonian king marched into the Peloponnesus and compelled Cleomenes to retire into Laconia. This war between Cleomenes and Aratus, which is called the Cleomenic war, lasted altogether about six years. It broke out in 227, and was not brought to a close till two years after the intervention of Doson. After his defeat, Cleomenes raised a considerable sum by allowing six thousand Helots to purchase their freedom ; and having thus recruited his army, he in the following year attacked and destroyed Megalopolis. He afterwards pushed his successes up to the very walls of Argos; but in 221 he was to- tally defeated by Antigonus Doson in the fatal battle of Sellasia in Laco- nia. The army of Cleomenes was almost totally annihilated ; he himself was obliged to fly to Egypt ; and Sparta, which for many centuries had remained unconquered, fell into the hands of the victor. § 8. Antigonus, however, did not live long *to enjoy his success. Be- fore the end of the year he was recalled to Macedonia by an invasion of the Illyrians, which' he repelled; but he shortly afterwards died of a con- sumption. He was succeeded by Philip V., the son of Demetrius H., who was then about sixteen or seventeen years of age. His youth en- couraged the JEtolians to make predatory incursions mto the Peloponnesus. That people were a species of freebooters, and the ten-or of their neigh- bors ; yet they were united, like the Achaeans, in a confederacy or league. The JEtolian League was a confederation of tribes instead of cities, like the Achtean. Its history is involved in obscurity; but it must at all events have had a fixed constitution even in the time of Philip and Alex- ander the Great, since Aristotle wrote a treatise on it ; and after the death of Alexander we find the League taking a prominent part in the Lamian war. The diet or council of the league, called the Panaetolicum, assem- bled every autumn, generally at Thermon, to elect the Strategus and other officers ; but the details of its affairs were conducted by a committee called Apocleti, who seem to have formed a sort of permanent council. The JEtolians had availed themselves of the disorganized state of Greece con- sequent upon the death of Alexander to extend their power, and had y 1 332 HISTOKT OF GREFXE. [Chap. XL VI. B. C. 208.] PHILOPCEMEN. 533 h'. 11 1 ' I I p gra^naUy made themselves masters of Locris, Pl.oe.s Bceoba, together S portions of Acamania, Thessaly, and Epeirus. Tims both the Am- pWctJonic Coanca and the oracle of Delphi were- in the.r P»«'"- J^ey had early wrested Naupactus from the Achsans, and had sub»equenUy acquired several Peloponnesian cities. , . , TJi,-r„'= „^ S 9. Such was the condition of the ^tolians at the time of Phd.p s ac- cession. Soon after that event we find them, under the eadersh.p of Dc^ rimachus, engaged in a series of-freebooting exped.t.ons m Mess ma^d ' -;7 .namier in the aflnirs of Greece ; and when Aratus remonstrated w„h 1 im ^pecting his proceedings, he got rid of his former fnend and counsellor by means of a slow and secret poison (b, c. 213). When the affairs of the Romans had begun to ^-ecoyer in Italy, they di- rected their attention more seriously towards Greece, and in the year 211 concluded an alliance with the ^tolians, who were now weary of peace, and, declared war against Philip. Before the end of the year, the Romarft made themselves masters of Zacynthus, with the exception of the capital ; and, having also wrested QEniadae and Naxos from the Acarnanians, trans- ferred these acquisitions to the iEtolians, and retained the booty for them- selves, agreeably to the treaty. In the following year the town of Anti- cyra and the island of iEgina were treated in a similar manner. § 11. In B. c. 209, the Achaeans, being hard pressed by the JEtolians, were again induced to call in the aid of Philip. The spirit of the Achjs- ans was at this time revived by Philopoemen, one of the few noble charac- ters of the period, and who has been styled by Plutarch " the last of the Greeks." He was a native of MegalopoUs m Arcadia, and had already distinguished himself in the Cleomenic war, and especially at the battle of Sellasia, which was mainly won by a decisive charge which he made, without orders, at the head of the Megalopolitan horse. In 210 he was appointed to the command of the Achaean cavaliy, and in 208 he was elected Strategus of the League. In both these posts Philopoemen made great alterations and improvements in the arms and discipline of the Achaian forces, which he assimilated to those of the Macedonian phalanx. These reforms, as well as the public spirit with which he had inspired the Achteans, were attended with the most beneficial results. In 207 Philo- poemen gained at Mantinea a signal victory over the Lacedjcmonians, who had joined the Roman alliance ; four thousand of them were left upon the field, and among them Machanidas, who had made himself tyrant of Sparta. This decisive battle, combined with the withdrawal of the Ro- mans, who, being desirous of turning their undivided attention towards Carthage, had made peace with Philip (205), secured for a few years the tranquillity of Greece. It also raised the fame of Philopoemen to its high- est pohit ; and in the next Nemean festival, being a second time general of the league, he was hailed by the assembled Greeks as the liberator of their country. § 12. Upon the conclusion of the second Punic war, the Romans renewed their enterprises in Greece, for which the conduct of Philip, who had assisted the Carthaginians, afforded them ample pretence. Philip's attempts in the iEgean Sea and in Attica had also caused many com- plaints to be lodged against him at Rome ; and in b. c. 200 the Romans declared war against him. Athens, which he had besieged, was relieved by a Roman fleet ; but before he withdrew, Philip, prompted by anger and revenge, displayed his barbarism by destroying the gardens and buildings in the suburbs, including the Lyceum and the tombs of the Attic heroes ; and in a second incui'sion which he made, with large rein- forcements, he committed still greater excesses. For some time, however A 5M HISTORY OF OBCECE. [Chap. XL VI B. C. 172.] WAR BETWEEN PERSEUS AND THE ROMANS. 535 the war lingered on without any decided success on either side. But in 198 the Consul T. Quinctius FlaminTnus succeeded in gaining over the Achsean league to the Roman alliance ; and as the ^tolians had pre- fiously deserted Philip, both those powers fought for a short time on the same side. In 197 the struggle between the Romans and Philip Avas brought to a termination by the battle of Cynoscephahe, near Scotuj^sa, in Thessaly, which decided the fate of the Macedonian monarchy. PhiHp was obliged to sue for peace, and in the following year (196) a treaty was latilied, by which the Macedonians were compelled to renounce tlieir su- premacy, to withdraw their garrisons from the Grecian towns, to surrender their fleet, and to pay a thousand talents for the expenses of the war. At the ensuing Isthmian games, Flamininus solemnly proclaimed the freedom of the Greeks, and was received by them with overwhelming joy and gratitude. The Romans, however, still held the fortresses of the Acrocorin- thos, Demetrias, and Chalcis; and it was not till 194 that they showed any real intention of cariying out their promises by withdrawing theu* armies from Greece. § 13. The iEtohans, dissatisfied with these arrangements, endeavored to persuade Nabis, who had succeeded Machanidas as tyrant of Sparta, Antiochus III., king of Syria, as well as Philip, to enter into a league .against the Romans. But Antiochus alone, at whose court Hannibal was then residing as a refugee, ventured to listen to these overtures. He passed over into Greece with a wholly inadequate force, and was de- feated by the Romans at Thermopylae (b. c. 191). The iEtolians were now compelled to make head against the Romans by themselves. After some ineffectual attempts at resistance, they were reduced to sue for peace, which they at length obtained, but on the most humiliating condi- tions (b. c. 189). These, as dictated to them in Ambracia, by M. Fulvius Nobilior, differed but little from an unconditional surrender. They were required to acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, to renounce all the con- quests they had recently made, to pay an indemnity of five hundred tal- ents, and to engage in future to aid the Romans in their wars. The power of the ^tolian league was thus for ever crushed, though it seems to have existed, in name at least, till a much later period. I 14. The Achaean league still subsisted, but was destined before long to experience the same fate as its rival. At first, indeed, it enjoyed the protection of the Romans, and even acquired an extension of members through their influence ; but this protectorate involved a state of almost absolute dependence. Philopcemen also had succceeded, in the year 192, in adding Sparta to the league, which now embraced the whole of Pelo- ponnesus. But Sparta having displayed symptoms of msubordination, Philopcemen marched against it in 188, and captured the city ; when he put to death eighty of the leading men, commanded all the inhabitants who had been enfranchised by the recent tyrants to leave the place by a fixed day, razed the walls and fortifications, abolished the institutions of Lycurgus, and compelled the citizens to adopt the democratic constitution of the Achieans. Meanwhile, the Romans regarded with satisfaction the internal dissensions of Greece, which they foresaw would only render her an ea^sier prey, and neglected to answer the appeals of the Spartans for protection. In 183 the Messenians, under the leadership of Dinocrates, having revolted from the league, Philopamen, who had now attained the age of seventy, led an expedition against them ; but having follen from his horse in a skirmish of cavalry, he was captured, and conveyed with many circumstances of ignominy to Messene, where, after a sort of mock trial, he was executed. His fate was avenged by Lycortas, the commander of the Acha*an cavalry, the father of the historian Polybius. In the follow- ing year, Lycortas, now Strategus, captured Messene, and having com- pelled those who had been concerned in the death of Pliilopoemen to^put an end to their own lives, conveyed the ashes of that general to Megalopolis, where they were interred with heroic honors. § 15. In B. c. 179 Philip died, and was succeeded by his son Perseus, the last monarch of Macedonia. The latter years of the reign of Philip had been spent in preparations for a renewal of the war, which he foresaw to be inevitable ; and when Perseus ascended the throne, he found himself amply provided with men and money for the impending contest. But, whether from a sincere desire of peace, or from irresolution of character, he sought to avert an open rupture as long as possible, and one of the first acts of his reign was to obtain from the Romans a renewal of the treaty which they had concluded with his father. It is probable that neither party was sincere in the conclusion of this peace, at least neither could entertain any hope of its duration ; yet a period of seven years elapsed before the mutual enmity of the two powers broke out into open hostilities. Meanwhile, Perseus was not idle ; he secured the attachment of his sub- jects by equitable and popular measures, and formed alliances, not only with the Greeks and the Asiatic princes, but also with the Thracian, II- lyrian, and Celtic tribes which surrounded his dominions. The Romans naturally viewed these proceedings with jealousy and suspicion ; and at length, in 172, Perseus was formally accused before the Roman Senate, by Eumenes, king of Pergamus, in person, of entertaining hostile designs against the Roman power. The murder of Eumenes near Delphi, on his return homewards, of which Perseus was suspected, aggravated the feel- ing against hun at Rome, and in the following year war was declared against him. Perseus was at the head of a numerous and well-appointed army, but of all his allies only Cotys, king of the Odrysians, ventured to support him against so formidable a foe. Yet the war was protracted three years with- out any decisive result ; nay, the balance of success seemed on the whole to incline in favor of Perseus, and mimy states, which before were wavering. 506 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLVI. I lj» now showed a disposition to join his cause. But his ill-timed parsimony restrained him from taking advantage of their offers, and in 168 the arrival of the Consul L. ^milius Paulus completely changed the aspect of af- fairs. Perseus was driven from a strong position which he had taken up on the banks of the Enipeus, forced to retreat to Pydna, and finally to ac- cept an engagement near that town. At first the serried ranks of the phalanx seemed to promise superiority ; but its order having been broken by the inequalities of the ground, the Roman legionaries penetrated into the disordered mass, and committed fearful carnage, to the extent, it is said, of twenty thousand men. Perseus fled first to Pella, then to Am- phipolis, and finally to the sanctuary of the sacred island of Samothrace, but was at length obliged to surrender himself to a Roman squadron. He was carried to Rome to adorn the triumph of Paulus (167), and was after- wards cast into a dungeon ; from whence, however, he was liberated at the intercession of his conqueror, and permitted to spend the remainder of his life in a sort of honomble captivity at Alba. Such was the end of the Macedonian empire, which was now divided into four districts, each under the jurisdiction of an oligarchical council. § 16. The Roman commissioners deputed to arrange the affairs of Ma- cedonia did not confine their attention to that province, but evinced their designs of bringing all Greece under the Roman sway. In these views they were assisted by various despots and traitors in different Gre- cian cities, and especially by Callicrates, a man of great influence among the Achaeans, and who for many years lent himself as the base tool of the Romans to effect the enslavement of his country. After the fall of Mace- donia, Callicrates denounced more than a thousand leading Achoeans who had favored the cause of Perseus. These, among whom was Polybius the historian, were apprehended and sent to Rome for trial. Polybius was one of the survivors, who, after a captivity of seventeen years, were per- mitted to return to their native country. A still harder fate was experi- enced by ^tolia, Boeotia, Acamania, and Epeirus. In the last-named country, especially, no fewer than seventy of the principal towns were abandoned by Paulus to his soldiers for pillage, and a hundred and fifty thousand persons are said to have been sold into slavery. § 17. An obscure quarrel between Athens and Oropus was the remote cause which at length afforded the Romans a pretence for crushing the small remains of Grecian independence by the destruction of the Achaean league. For some time Athens had been reduced to a sort of political mendicancy, and was often fain to seek assistance in her distress from the bounty of the Eastern princes or of the Ptolemies of Egypt. In the year 156 the poverty of the Athenians became so urgent, that they were induced to make a piratical expedition against Oropus for the purposes of plunder. On the complaint of the Oropians, the Roman Senate assigned the adjudication of the matter to the Sicyonians, who condemned the \ % A B. C. 147.] ROMAN COMMISSIONERS SENT TO GREECE. 537 Athenians to pay the large fine of five hundred talents. In order to ob^ tain a mitigation of this fine the Athenians despatched to Rome (in 151) the celebi-ated embassy of the three philosophers, — Diogenes the Stoic* Critolaiis the Peripatetic, and Cameades, the founder of the third Acad- emy. The ambassadors were nominally successful, since they obtained a reduction of the fine to a hundred talents ; a sum, however, still much greater than the Athenians were in a condition to pay. The subsequent relations between Athens and Oropus are obscure ; but in 150 we find the Oropians complaining of a fresh aggression, which consisted in an attack upon some of their citizens by the Athenian soldiers. On this occasion the Oropians appealed for protection to the Achaean league, which, how- ever, at first declined to interfere. The Oropians now bribed a Spartan named Menalcidas, who was at that time Strategus, with a present of ten talents ; and Menalcidas employed the corrupt influence of Callicrates to procure the intervention of the league. Menalcidas having subsequently defrauded Callicrates of the sum which he had promised him, the lat- ter accused him of having advised the Romans during his administration to effect the detachment of Sparta from the league. Menalcidas escaped condemnation by bribing Diasus, his successor in the office of Strategus. But such was the obloquy incurred by Diaeus through this transaction, that, in order to divert public attention from himself, he incited the Achae- ans to violent measures against Sparta, which ultimately involved the league in a fatal struggle with Rome. His pretext for making war on the Spartans \yiis, that, instead of appealing to the league respecting a boun- dary question, as they ought to have done, they had violated its laws by sending a private embassy to Rome. § 18. The Spartans, feeling themselves incompetent to resist this attack, appealed to the Romans for assistance ; and in 147 two Roman commis- sioners were sent to Greece to settle these disputes. These commissioners decided that not only Sparta, but Corinth, and all the other cities except those of Achaia, should be restored to their independence. This decision occasioned serious riots at Corinth. All the Spartans m the town were seized, and even the Roman commissioners narrowly escaped violence. On their return to Rome a fresh embassy was despatched to demand sat- isfaction for these outrages. But the violent and impolitic conduct of Critolaiis, then Strategus of the league, rendered all attempts at accommo- dation fruitless, and after the return of the ambassadors the Senate de- clared war against the league. The cowardice and incompetence of Crito- laiis as a general were only equalled by his previous insolence. On the approach of the Romans under Metellus from Macedonia, he did not even venture to make a stand at Thei-mopylie ; and being overtaken by them near Scari)hea in Locris, he was totally defeated, and never again heard of. Diieus, who succeeded him as Strategus, displayed rather more en- ergy and courage. But a fresh Roman force under Mummius having 68 1 I 538 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLVI landed on the istbmus, Diieus was overthrown in a hattle near Cormth ; imd that city was immediately evacuated, not only by tlie ti-oops of the league, but also by the greater part of the inhabitants. On entermg it Mummius put the few males who remained to the sword ; sold the women and children as slaves ; and, having carried away all its treasures, con- signed it to the flames (b. c. 146). Corinth was filled with masterpieces of ancient art; but Mummius was so insensible of their surpassing excel- lence, as to stipulate with those who contracted to convey them to Italy, that, if any were lost in the passage, they should be replaced by others of equal value ! Mummius then employed himself in chastising and rcgulat- incr the whole of Greece ; and ten commissioners were sent from Rome to settle its future condition. The whole country, to the borders of Macedo- nia and Epeirus, was formed into a Roman province, under the name of Achaia, derived froqi that confederacy which had made the last struggle for its political existence. ii Apollo CitharoBdiis. From the collection in the Vatican. Chap. XLVII.] later school of attic sculpture. 536 Group of the Laocoon in the Vatican. CHAPTER XLYH. history of GRECIAN ART FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TO ITS DECLINE. $ 1. Later School of Athenian Sculpture. § 2. Scopas. § 3. Praxiteles. § 4. Sicyonian School of Sculpture. Euphranor, Lysippus. § 5. Sicyonian School of Painting. Eu- pompus, Paraphilus, Apelles. § 6. Architecture. § 7. Period after Alexander the Great. School of Rhodes. § 8. Plunder of Greek Works of Art by the Romans. § 1. After the close of the Peloponnesian war, what is called the second • or later school of Attic sculpture still continued to assert its pre-eminence. In style and chai-acter, however, it presented a marked difierence from the school of the preceding age. The excitement and misfortunes which had attended the war had worked a great change in the Athenians. This was communicated to their works of art, which now manifested an expression of stronger passion and of deeper feeling. The serene and composed majesty which had marked the gods and heroes of the earlier artists alto- gether vanished. The new school of sculptors preferred to take other deities for their subjects than those which had been selected by their pre- decessors ; and Zeus, Hera, and Athena gave place to gods characterized by more violent feelings and passions, such as Dionysus, Aphrodite, and Eros. These formed the favorite subjects of the later Athenian school, and received from it that stamp and character of representation which they retained through the succeeding period of classic art. A change is also observable in the materials employed, and in the technical handling of i; 540 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLVIL Hi them. The magnificently adomeil chryso-elephantme statues ahiiost wholly disappear; marble becomes more frequently used, especially by the Athe- nian statuaries, and the whole execution is softer and more flowing. § 2. The only two artists of this school whom it will be necessary to men- tion are Scopas and Praxiteles. Scopas was a native of Paios, and flour- ished in the first half of the fourth century b. c. His exact date cannot be ascertained, nor is there anything known of his life, except in connection with his works, of wliich some specimens still remmn. Among these are the bas-reliefs on the frieze of the peristyle which suiTounded the Mauso- leum, or tomb of Mausolus, at HaUcamassus (Budrum), some of which s^ now deposited in the British Museum (Budmm Marhlesy Their style is very similar to that of the sculptures on the frieze of the Choragic Monument of Lysicrates, which is of the same period of art.* Both are of high exceUence, but inferior to the frieze of the Parthenon. Scopas, however, was more famous for single statues and detached groups than for architectural sculpture. His statues of Aphrodite were very celebrated in antiquity. That of the Victorious Aphrodite (Venus Victnx) in the Louvre at Paris is ascribed to his chisel by many competent judges. But the most esteemed of all his works was a group representing Achilles con- ducted by the maiine deities to the island of Leuc4. It consisted of figures of Poseidon, Thetis, and Achilles, suri-ounded by Nereids on dolphins, huge fishes, and hippocampi, and attended by Tritons and sea-monsters. In the treatment of the subject, heroic grandeur is said to have been combined with grace. A group better known in modern times, from a copy of it preserved in the Museum at Florence, is that of Niobe and her children slain by the hands of Artemis and ApoUo.f There can be no doubt that it filled the pediment of a temple. At a later period it was preserved in the temple of Apollo Sosianus at Rome, but it was a disputed point among the Romans whether it- was from the hands of Scopas or Praxiteles. In the noble forms of the countenances grief and despair are portrayed without distortion. Another celebrated work of Scopas was the statue of the Pythian Apollo playing on the lyre, which Augustus placed in the temple which he built to ApoUo on the Palatine, in thanksgiving for his victory at Actium. The copy of this statue in the Vatican is figured on p. 538. Scopas was an architect as well as %> statuary, and built the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea, in Arcadia, one of the largest and most magnificent in the Peloponnesus. § 3. Praxiteles was contemporary with Scopas, though perhaps some- what younger. Nothing is positively known of his history, except that he was at least a citizen, if not a native, of Athens, and that his career as an artist was intimately connected with that city. He excelled in represent- ing the softer beauties of the human form, and especially the female • See below, p. 544. t See drawing on p. 514. Chap. XL VII.] SICYONIAN SCHOOL OF SCULPTURE. u\ figure. But art had now sunk from its lofty and ideal majesty. The Cnidian Aphrodite, the masterpiece of Praxiteles, expressed only sensual charms, and was avowedly modelled from the courtesan Phryne. Yet such was its excellence that many made a voyage to Cnidos on purpose to behold it ; and so highly did the Cnidians prize it, that they refused to part with it to King Nicomedes, although he offered to pay off their public debt in exchange for it. In this work Aphrodite was represented either as just entering or just quitting the bath ; and it is said to have been the first instance in which any artist had ventured to represent the goddess en- tirely divested of di-apery. At the same time he made a draped statue of the goddess for the Coans, which however never enjoyed so much reputa- tion as the former, though Praxiteles obtained the same price for it. He also made two statues of Eros, one of which he deemed his masterpiece. It is related that, in his fondness for Phryne, he promised to give her any statue she might choose, but was unwilUng to tell her which he considered his masterpiece. In order to ascertain this point Phryne sent a messa^^e to Praxiteles that his house was on fire ; at which news he rushed out, ex- claiming that he was undone if the fire had touched his Satyr or his Eros. He also excelled in representing Dionysus with his fauns and satyrs. A statue of Apollo, known as Apollo Sauroctonos, or the lizard- killer, was among his most famous pieces. It was in bronze, and nu- merous copies of it are still extant. § 4. The later Athenian school of sculpture was succeeded by the Sicyonian school. It is characterized by representations of heroic strength and of the forms of athletse, and by a striving after the colossal. Its chief artists were Euphranor and Lysippus. Euphranor was a native of the Corinthian isthmus, but practised his art at Athens. He appears to have flourished during the time of Philip of Macedon, and beyond the period of Alexander's accession. He excelled in painting as well as in statuaiy. He executed figures in bronze and marble of all sizes, from a drinking-cup to a colossal statue. One of his most celebrated works was a statue of Paris. Lysippus was a native of Sicyon, and flourished during the reign of Alexander the Great. He was originally a mere workman in bronze, but through his genius and a sedulous study of nature rose to the highest eminence as a statuary. He followed the school of Polycle- tus, whose Doryphoros formed his standard model ; but by this course of study the ideal of art was sacrificed to the merely natural. Hercules, a human hero, was the favorite subject of his chisel ; but he deviated from the former models, in which Hercules was endowed with ponderous strength, and represented him as characterized by strength and agility combined. This type was adopted by subsequent artists. The celebrated Farnese Hercules in the Museum at Naples is probably a copy of one of his works. Lysippus excelled in portraits ; in which department he also adhered to his principles of art, and followed nature so closely as to por- \ I IP II r<»r' l> if 1 1 :i: 542 HISTORY OF GREECE. (Chap. XLVIL tray even the defects of his subjects. Thus, in his busts of Alexander, he did not omit his wry neck. Nevertheless, tliat monarch was so pleased with his performances, that he forbade anybody but Lysippus and Apel- les to represent him. The most renowned of Lysippus's statues of Alex- ander was that which represented him brandishing a lance, and wliich was regarded as a companion to the picture of Apelles, in which he wielded a thunderbolt. It has been observed that the features of Alexander per\'ade most of the heroic statues of this period. Lysippus worked principally in bronze. One of his most celebrated productions was an equestrian group of the chieftains who fell at the battle of the Granlcus. His works were very numerous, and are said to have amounted to fifteen hundred. § 5. With regard to painting, the Asiatic school of Zeuxis and Parrha- sius was also succeeded by a JSicyonian school, of which Eupompus may be considei-ed as the founder. He was excelled, however, by his pupil Pamphilus, who was renowned as a teacher of his art, and founded a sort of academy. His period of instruction extended over ten years, and his fee was a talent. Tlie school of Pamphilus produced several celebrated artists, of whom Apelles was by far the greatest Apelles seems to have been a native of Colophon, in Ionia ; but, as we have said, he studied ten years under Pamphilus at Amphipolis ; and sub- sequently, even after he liad attained some reputation, under Melanthius at Sicyon. Thus to the grace and elegance of the Ionic school he added the scientific accuracy of the Sicyonian. The greater part of his life seems to huve been spent at the court of Pella. He was warmly patronized by Alexander, who frequently visited his studio, and, as mentioned before, granted him the exclusive privilege of painting his portrait. In one of these visits Alexander began to descant on art, but exposed his igno- rance so much that Apelles gave him a polite hint to be silent, as the boys who were grinding the colors were laughing at him. He appears to have accompanied Alexander in his Eastern expedition, and after the death of that monarch to have travelled through the western parts of Asia. He spent the latter part of his life at the court of King Ptolemy in Egjpt. The chai-acter of Ai>elles presents us with traits quite the reverse of the silly vanity of Zeuxis. He was always ready to acknowledge his own faults, as well as the merits of others. In fact, there was only one point in which he asserted his superiority over his contemporaries, namely, ffrme; and there can be no doubt that this was no vain assumption. He was not ashamed to learn from the humblest critics. With this view he was accustomed to exhibit his unfinished pictures before his house, and to conceal himself behind them in order to hear the criticisms of the passers- by. On one of these occasions a cobbler detected a fault in the shoes of one of his figures, which Apelles corrected. The next time he passed, the cobbler, encouraged by the success of his criticism, began to remark Chap: XLVII.J ARCHITECTURE. S43 upon the leg; at which the artist lost aU patience, and, rusliing from behind his picture, commanded the cobbler to keep to his shoes. °Hence the proverb, « Ne sutor ultra crepidam," — Let the cobbler stick to his last. His conduct towards his contemporary, Protogenes of Rhodes, exhibits a generosity not always found among rival artists. On arriving at Rhodes, Apelles saw that the works of Protogenes were scarcely at all valued by his country-men ; whereupon he offered him fifty talents for one of his pictures, at the same time spreading the report that he meant to sell it again as one of his own. Apelles studied with the greatest industry, and always went on trying to improve himself; yet he knew when to leave off" correcting his pictures, and laid it down as a maxim that over-care often spoiled a piece. His pictures seem to have been chiefly on movable panels, and he was probably the first who used a sort of varnish to his pictures, with an effect somewhat similar to that of the modern toniiig or glazing. He generally painted single figures, or groups of only a few. He excelled in portraits, among the most celebrated of which was that already mentioned of Alexander wielding the thunderbolt. The hand which held it seemed to stand out of the panel ; and in order to heighten this effect of foreshortening, Alexander's complexion was made dark, though in reality it was light. The price paid for this picture was twenty talents. But the most admired of all his pamtings was the " Aphrodite (Venus) Anadyomene," * or Aphrodite rising from the Sea. The goddess was represented wringing her hair, whilst the falling drops formed a veil around her. It wa5 originally painted for the temple of JSsculapius at Cos, and was afterwards placed by Augustus in the temple which he dedicated to Julius Cajsar at Rome. Another figure of Aphro- dite, also painted for the Coans, Apelles left incomplete at his death, and nobody could be found to finish it. By the general consent of the ancients Apelles was the first of painters, and some of the later Latm poets use his name as a synonyme for the art itself. § 6. The architecture of this period was marked rather by the laying out of cities in a nobler and more convenient fashion, and by the increase of splendor in private residences, than by any improvement in the style of public buildings and temples. The conquests of Alexander caused the foundation of new cities, and introduced into the East the architecture of Greece. The two finest examples of cities which arose in this manner were Alexandria in Egypt and Antioch in Syria. The regularity of its plan, the colossal size of its public buildmgs, and the beauty and solidity of its private houses, rendered Alexandria a sort of model city ; yet it was surpassed by Antioch in the pleasing nature of the impression produced. The fittings and furniture of the apartments kept pace with the increased external splendor of private dwellings. This age was also distinguished • I * 17 avahvoyxvrj *A(f)podiTTi. r: ( I 54A HISTORT OP GREECE, [Chaf. XLVn. by its splendid sepulchral monuments : the one to the memory of her husband Mausolus, erected at Halicarnassus, by the Carian Queen Artemisia, was regarded as one of the seven wonders of the world. It was adorned with sculptural decorations by the greatest artists of the later Attic school. (See p. 540.) At the same Ume temple architecture was not neglected ; but the simple and solid grandeur of the Doric order, and the chaste grace of the louic, began to give place to the more florid Corinthian. One of the most graceful monuments of tins period still extant is the Choragic Monument of Lysicrates, at Athens, vulgarly called the Lantern of Demosthenes, which was dedicated by Lysicrates in b. c. 335, as we learn from an inscription on the architrave, in commemoration of a vic- tory gained by the chorus of Lysicrates in the dramatic contests. It is a small, circuhir building on a square basement, of white marble, and covered by a cupola, supported by six Corinthian columns ; the summit of the cupola was formerly crowned by the tripod which Lysicrates had gamed as the prize. The frieze of the monument, of which there are casts^'in the British Museum, represents the destruction of the Tyrrhenian pirates by Dionysus and his attendants. A drawing of the monument is given on p. 407, and portions of the frieze are figured on pp. 427, 428. Another extant monument of this period at Athens is the Horologium of Andronicus Cyrrhestes, probably erected about b. c. 100, and vulgarly called the " Temple of the Winds," from the figures of the Wmds upon its faces. It is an octagonal tower, with its eight sides facing respectively the direction of the eight winds mto which the Athenian compass was di- vided. The directions of the several sides are indicated by the figures and names of the eight Winds, which were sculptured on the frieze of the en- tablature. On the summit of the building there stood originally a bronze figure of a Triton, holding a wand in his right hand, and turning on a ph'ot, so as to serve for a weathercock. (See drawing on p. 657.) § 7. After the age of Alexander, Greek art began visibly to decline. The great artists that had gone before had fixed the ideal types of the oi-dinary subjects of the sculptor and painter, and thus in a manner ex- hausted invention ; whilst all the technical details of handhng and treat- ment had been brought to the highest state of perfection and development. The attempt to outdo the great masterpieces which already existed in- duced artists to depart from the simple grace of the ancient models, and to replace it by striking and theatrical effect. The pomp of the monarchs who had divided amongst them the empire of Alexander required a dis- play of Eastern magnificence, and thus also led to a meretricious style in art. Nevertheless, it was impossible that the innate excellence of the Gi«ek schools should disappear altogether and at once. The perfect mod- els that were always present could not fail to preserve a certain degree of taste ; and even after the time of Alexander, we find many works of great Chap. XLVII.] SCHOOL OF RHODES. 5ib excellence produced. Art, however, began to emigrate from Greece to the coasts and islands of Asia Minor : Rhodes, especially, remained an eminent school of art almost down to the Christian era. . This school was an immediate offshoot of that of Lysippus, and its chief founder was the Rhodian Chares, who flourished about the beginning of the third century B. c. His most noted work was the statue of the Sun, which, under the name of the Colossus of Rhodes, was esteemed one of the seven wonders of the world. It was of bronze, and 105 feet high. It stood at the en- trance of the harbor of Rhodes ; but the statement that its legs extended over the mouth of the harbor does not rest on any authentic°foundation. It was twelve years in erecting, at a cost of three hundred talents, and was so large that there were few who could embrace its thumb. It was overthrown by an earthquake fifty-six years after its erection. But the most beautiful work of the Rhodian school at this period is the famous group of the Laocoon in the Vatican, so well known by its many copies. (See drawing on p. 539.) It was the work of three sculptors, Agesander, Polydorus, and Athenodorus. In this group the pathos of physical suffer- ing is expressed in the highest degree, but not without a certain theatrical air and straining for effect, which the best age of Greek art would have rejected. To the same school belongs the celebrated group called the Fame- sian Bull, in the Museum at Naples, representing Zethus and Amphion bind- ing Dirce to a wild bull, in order to avenge their mother. (See drawing on p. 525.) It was the work of two brothers, Apollonius and Tauriscus of Tralles. About the same time eminent schools of art flourished at Pero-a- mus and Ephesus. To the former may be referred the celebrated Dyin*y Ghidiator in the Capitoline Museum at Rome, and to the latter the Borghese Gladiator in the Louvre. The well-known statue of Aphrodite at Florence, called the " Venus de' Medici," also belongs to the same period. It was executed by an Athenian artist named Cleomencs, wliose exact date is un- known, but who lived before the capture of Corinth, in b. c. 146. § 8. When Greece began to Ml into tlie hands of the Romans, the treas- ures of Greek art were conveyed by degrees to Rome, where ultimately a new school arose. The triumphs over Philip, Antiochus, the iEtolians, and others, but, above all, the capture of Corintli, and, subsequently, the victories over Mithridates and Cleopatra, filled Rome with works of art. The Roman generals, the governors of provinces (as Verres), and finally the emperors, continued the work of spoliation ; * but so prodigious was the number of works of art in Greece, that, even in the second century of the Christian era, when Pausanms visited it, its temples and other pubHc buildings were still crowded with statues and paintings. * Nero alone is said to have brought five hundred statues from Delphi, merely to adoiu his golden house. .69 in m M6 HISTORY OF SREECE. [Chap. XLVHI. Bust of Aristotle. CHAPTER xL\an. aRECIAN LITERATURE FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TO THE LATEST PERIOD. I 1 The Drama. The Middle Comedy. The New Comedy: Philemon, Menander. 4' 2 Oratory. Circumstances which favored it at Athens. § 3. Its Sicilian Origin. i 4 The Ten Attic Orators: Antiphon, Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isxus, ^schines, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Hypereides, and Dinarchus. ^ 6. Athenian Philosophy: Plato. 418. Sketch of his Philosophy. ^ 7. The Megarics, Cyrenaics, and Cynics ^ 8. The Academicians. ^ 9. Aristotle and the Peripatetics. $ 10. The Stoics and Epicureans. 4 11. The Alexandrian School of Literature. ^ 12. Later Greek Writers: Polybms, Dionvsius of Halicamassus, Diodorus Siculus, Arrian, Appian, Plutarch, Josephus, Stra- bo, Pausanias, Dion Cassius, Luciah, Galen. ^ 13. The Greek Scriptures and Fatliers. Coiuslusion. § 1. In reviewing the preceding period of Greek literature, we have al- ready had occasion to notice the decline of tragedy at Athens. It contin- ued, indeed, still to subsist ; hut after the great tragic triumvirate, we have no authors who have come down to us, or whose works were at all com- parable to thoee of their predecessors. There are, however, a few names that should be reconled; as that of Agathon, the contemporary and friend of Euripides, whose compositions were more remarkable for their flowery ele- gance than for force or sublimity: of lophon, the son of Sophocles, whose undutiful conduct towards his father has been already mentioned, the au- thor of fifty tragedies, which gained considerable reputation : of Sophocles, the grandson of the great tragic poet : and of a second Euripides, the nephew of the celebrated one. With regard to comedy the case was differ- ent. After the days of Aristophanes it took, indeed, a wholly different form ; but a form which rendered it a more perfect imitation of nature, and established it as the model of that species of composition in every civ- flized nation of after times. We have already noticed, in the plays of Ans- .tophanes himself, a transition from the genuine Old Comedy to the Middle Chap. XL VIII.] THE DRAMA. 547 Comedy. The latter still continued to be in some degree political ; but persons were no longer introduced upon the stage under their real names, and the office of the chorus was very much curtailed. It was, in fact, the connecting link between the Old Comedy and the New, or the Comedy of Manners. The most distinguished authors of the Middle Comedy, besides Aristophanes, were Antiphanes and Alexis. The New Comedy arose after Athens had become subject to the Macedonians. Politics were now excluded from the stage, and the materials of the dramatic poet were de- rived entirely from the fictitious adventures of persons in private life. The two most distinguished writers of this school were Philemon and Me- nander. Philemon was probably born about the year 360 b. c, and was either a Cilician or Syracusan, but came at an early age to Athens. He is considered as the founder of the New Comedy, which was soon after- wards brought to perfection by his younger contemporary, Menander. Philemon was a prolific author, and is said to have written ninety-seven plays, of which only a few fragments remain. Menander was an Athenian, and was bom in b. c. 342. Diopeithes, his father, commanded the Athe- nian forces on the Hellespont, and was the person defended by Demos- thenes in one of his extant speeches.* Menander was handsome in j^er- son, and of a serene and easy temper, but luxurious and effeminate in his habits. Demetrius Phalereus was his friend and patron. He was drowned at the age of fifty-two, whilst swimming in the harbor of Peirseus. He wrote upwards of one hundred comedies ; yet during his lifetime his dramatic career was not so successful as his subsequent fame would seem to imply ; and he gained the prize only eight times. The broader humor of his rival Philemon seems to have told with more effect on the popular ear. But the unanimous praise of posterity made ample compensation for this injurious neglect, and awakens our regret for the loss of the works of one of the most elegant writers of antiquity. The number of his frag- ments, collected from the writings of various authors, sliows how extensively he was read ; but unfortunately none are of sufficient length to convey to us an adequate idea of his style and genius. The comedies, indeed, of Plautus and Terence may give us a general notion of the New Comedy of the Greeks, from which they were confessedly drawn ; but there is good reason to suppose that the works even of the latter Roman writer fell far short of the wit and elegance of Menander. § 2. The latter days "of literary Athens were chiefly distinguished by the genius of her orators and philosophers. Both rhetoric and philosophy were at first cultivated exclusively by the sophists, and, till the time of Socrates, remained almost entirely in their hands. Socrates, by directing the attention of philosophers to the more useful questions of morals, effected a separation between rhetoric and philosophy. After his time we find * JJepi Tav iv Xtparov^ac^. us HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLVHI various scbools of moral philosophy springing up, as the Academicians Peripatetics, Stoics, &c., whilst the more technical pai-t of the art of speak- ing became a distinct profession. The extreme democratical nature of the Athenian institutions, especially after the reforms of Pericles, rendered it indispensable for a public man to possess some oratorical skill. All public business, both political and judi- cial, was transacted by the citizens themselves, in their courts and public assembhes. The assembly of the people decided all questions, not only of domestic policy, but even those which concerned then- foreign relations. They not only made, but administered, the laws ; and even their courts of justice must be regarded as a sort of public assemblies, from the number of dicasts who composed them. The vast majority of those who met either in the public assemblies or in the courts of justice were men of no pohtical or legal training * The Athenian citizen was a statesman and a judge by prerogative of birth. Although he took an oath to decide according to the laws, he was far from considering himself bound to make them his study, or to decide according to their letter. The frequency and earnest- ness with which the orators remind the dicasts of their oath betray their apprehension of its violation. It contained, mdeed, a very convenient clause for tender consciences, as it only bound the dicast to decide ac- cording to the best of his judgment; and the use which might be made of this loophole by a clever advocate is pointed out by Aristotle.f Hence it is surprising how little influence the written code had on the decision of a case. The orators usually drew their topics from extraneous circum- stances, or from the general character of their adversary, and endeavored to prejudice the minds of then- audience by personal reflections wholly foreign to the matter in hand, and which modem courts would not tolerate for a moment In addition to all this, the natural temperament of the Athenians rendered them highly susceptible of the charms of eloquence. They enjoyed the intellectual gladiatorship of two rival orators, and even their mutual reproaches and abuse. § 3. It is remarkable, however, that, though the soil of Attica was thus naturally adapted to the cultivation of eloquence, the first regular profes- sors of it, as an art, were foreigners. Protagoras of Abdera, who visited Athens in the earlier part of the fifth century before Christ, was the first who gave lessons in rhetoric for money. He was followed by Prodicus of Ceos, and Gorgias of Leontini ; the latter of whom especially was very celebrated as a teacher of rhetoric. The art, however, had been established in Sicily before the time of Gorgias by Corax and his pupil Tisias. Co- Chap. XLVni,] ATHENIAN ORATORY. 549 * This is not strictly correct. The Athenian had a practical training, both in law and politics, in the actual working of the civil and judicial institutions; and long before he had reached the legal age to take a personal part m public aflfairs, he was generally quite fa- miliar both with principles and forms. — El>. • Rhetoric, 1. 15. 5. rax has been regarded as the founder of technical oratory, and was at all events the first who wrote a treatise on the subject. The appearance of Gorgias at Athens, whither he went as ambassador from Leontini, in 427 B. c, produced a great sensation among the Athenians, who retained him in their city for the purpose of profiting by his instructions. His lectures were attended by a vast concourse of persons, and attracted many from the schools of the philosophers. His merit must have been very great to have drawn so much attention in the best times of Athens ; and we are told by Cicero that he alone of all the sophists was honored with a golden, and not merely a gilt, statue at Delplii. § 4. The Athenians had established a native school of eloquence a little before the appearance of Gorgias among them. The earliest of their professed oilitors was Antiphon (born b. c. 480), who stands at the head of the ten contained in the Alexandrian canon. Gorgias seems to have been, known at Athens by his works before he appeared there in person ; and one of the chief objects of Antiphon was to establish a more solid- style in place of his dazzling and sophistical rhetoric. Thucydides was among the pupils in the school which he opened, and is said to have owed much to his master. Antiphon was put to death in 411 b. c, for the part which he took in establishing the oligarchy of the Four Hundred. Fif- teen of his orations have come down to us. The remaining nine Attic orators contained in the Alexandrian canon were Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isasus, ^schines, Lycurgus, Demos- thenes, Hypereides, and Dinarchus. Andocides, who has been already mentioned as concerned with Alcibiades in the affair of the Hermje,* was born at Athens in b. c. 467, and died probably about 391. We have at least three genuine orations of his, which, however, are not distin^-uished by any particular merit. Lysias, also born at Athens in 458, was much superior to him as an orator, but being a metic, or resident alien, he was not allowed to speak in the assemblies or courts of justice, and therefore wrote orations for others to deliver. Of these thirty-five are extant, but some are incom- plete, and others probably spurious. His style may be regarded as a model of the Attic idiom, and his orations are characterized by indescrib- able gracefulness, combined with energy and power. Isocrates was born in 436. After receiving the instructions of some of the most celebrated sophists of the day, he became himself a speech- writer and professor of rhetoric ; his weakly constitution and natural ti- midity preventing him from taking a part himself in public life. His style is more periodic than that of the other Attic orators, and betrays that it was meant to be read rather than spoken. Although pure and elegant, it is wanting in simplicity and vigor, and becomes occasionally monotonous, * See p. 313. 550 HISTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. XLVIIL through the recurrence of the same turns. Isocrates made away with himself in 338, after the fatal battle of Chwronea, in despair, it is said, of his country's fate. Twenty-one of his speeches have come down to us. He took great pains with his compositions, and is reported to have spent ten, or, according to others, fifteen years over his Panegyric oration. Isa3us, according to some, was a native of Chalcis ; others call him an Athenian ; and it is certain, at all events, Ihat he came at a very early age to Athens. His exact date is not known, but he flourished between the end of the Peloponnesian war and the accession of Philip of Macedon. He opened a school of rhetoric at Athens, and is said to have numbered Demosthenes among his pupils. The orations of Isaius were exclusi\ ely judicial, and the whole of the eleven which have come down to us turn on the subject of inheritances. Of ^schines, the antagonist of Demosthenes, we have already had oc- casion to speak. He was bom in the year 389, and was a native of Attica, but of low, if not servile, origin, and of a mother of more than equivocal reputation. This, however, is the account of Demosthenes; and -^s- chines himself tells a different story. He was successively an assistant in his father's school, a gymnastic teacher, a scribe, and an actor ; for which last profession a strong and sonorous voice peculiarly qualified him. He afterwards entered the anny, where he achieved more success ; for besides a vigorous, athletic form, he was endowed with considerable cour- age. The reputation which he gained in the battle of Tamynai encour- aged him to come forwards as a public speaker. As a politician he was at first a violent anti-Macedonian ; but after his embassy along with De- mosthenes and others to Philip s court, he was the constant advocate of peace. Demosthenes and ^schines now became the leading speakers on their respective sides, and the heat of political animosity soon degenerated into personal hatred. In 343, Demosthenes charged iEschinc^ with hav- ing received bribes from Philij^ during a second embassy ; and the speech, or rather pamphlet,* — for it was not spoken,-— in which he brought for- ward this accusation, was answered in another by iEschines. The result of this charge is unknown, but it seems to have detracted from the popu- larity of JEschines. We have already adverted to his impeachment of Ctesiphon, and the celebrated reply of Demosthenes in his speech De Cq- Tona,\ After the banishment of iEschines on this occasion (b. c. 330), he spent several years in Ionia and Caria, where he employed himself in teaching rhetoric. After the death of Alexander he retired to Rhodes, and established a school of eloquence, which afterwards became very cele- brated, and which held a middle place between Attic simplicity on the one hand, and the ornate Asiatic style on the other. He died in Samos in 314. As an orator he was second only to Demosthenes. He never ncpl TrapoTrpcaiScmff. t See pp. 515, 516. Chap. XLVIIL] DEMOSTHENES. 551 published more than three of his speeches, which have come down to us ; namely, that against Timarclius, that on the Embassy, and the one a^^ainst Ctesiphon. Of the life of his great rival, Demosthenes, we have already given some account, and need therefore only speak here of his literary merits. The verdict of his contemporaries, ratified by posterity, has pronounced De- mosthenes the greatest orator that ever lived. The principal element of his success must be traced in his purity of purpose, which gave to his arguments all the force of conscientious conviction; and which, when aided by a powerful logic, perspicuous arrangement, and the most un- daunted courage in tearing the mask from the pretensions of his adversa- ries, rendered his advocacy almost irresistible. The effect of his speeches was still further heightened by a wonderful and almost magic force of diction. It cannot, however, be supposed that his orations were delivered in exactly that perfect form in which we now jwssess them. There can be no doubt that they were carefully revised for publication ; but, on the other hand, any trifling defects in form and composition must have been more than compensated by the gmce and vivacity of oral delivery. This is attested by the well-known anecdote of ^schines, when he read at Rhodes his speech against Ctesiphon. His audience having expressed their surprise that he should have been defeated after such an oration : " You would cease to wonder," he remarked, " if you had heard Demos- thenes." Sixty-one of the orations of Demosthenes have come down to us ; though of these some are spurious, or at all events doubtful. The most celebrated of his political orations are the Philippics, the Olynthiacs, and the oration on the Peace ; among the private ones, the fimious speech on the Crown. The remaining three Attic orators, viz. Lycurgus, Hypereides, and Dinarchus, were contemporaries of Demosthenes. Lycurgus and Hyper* eides both belonged to the anti-Macedonian party, and were warm sup- porters of the iK)licy of Demosthenes. Of Lycurgus only one oration is extant ; and of Hypereides only two, which have been recently discovered in a tomb in Egypt Dinarchus, who is the least important of the Attic orators, survived Demosthenes, and wjis a friend of Demetrius Phalereus. He was an opponent of Demosthenes, against whom he delivered one of his three extant orations, in relation to the affiiir of Haq^alus.* § 5. Whilst Attic oratory was thus attaining perfection, philosophy was making equal progress in the new direction marked out for jt by Socrates. Of all the disciples of that original and truly great philosopher, Plato was by far the most distinguished. Plato was born at Athens in 429 b. c, the year in which Pericles died. By Ariston, his father, he was said to be descended from Codrus, the last of the Athenian kmgs ; whilst the "l. 1 * See pp. 516, 517. 552 HISTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. XLVIIl Chap. XLVin.] PLATO. 553 family of his mother traced a relationship with Solon. His own name . which was originally Aristocles, is said to have been changed to Plato on account of the breadth of his shoulders.* He was instructed in music, grammar, and gymnastics, by the most celebrated masters of the time. His first literary attempts were in epic, lyric, and dithyrambic poetry ; but his attention was soon turned to philosophy by the teaching of Socrates, whose lectures he began to frequent at about the age of twenty. From that time till the death of Socrates he appears to have lived in the closest intimacy with that philosopher. After that event Plato withdrew to Megara, and subsequently undertook some extensive travels, in the course of which he visited Cyrene, Egypt, Sicily, and Magna Grcecia. His in- tercourse with the elder Dionysius at Syracuse has been already related.f H|8 absence from Athens lasted about twelve years ; on his retuni, being then upwards of forty, he began to teach in the gymnasium of the Academy, and also in his garden at Colonus. His instructions were gratuitous, and his method, like that of his master, Socrates, seems to have been by inter- rogation and dialogue. His doctrines, however, were too recondite for the popular ear, and his lectures were not very numerously attended. But he had a narrower circle of devoted admirers and disciples, consisting of about twenty-eight persons, who met in his private house ; over the vesti- bule of which was inscribed, " Let no one enter who is ignorant of ge- ometry." The most distinguished of this Httle band of auditoi-s were Speu- 8ippus, his nephew and successor, and Aristotle. But even among the wider circle of his hearers, who did not properly form part of his school, were some of the most distinguished men of the age, as Chabrias, Iphic- mtes, Timotheus, Phocion, and others. Whether Demosthenes attended his lectures is doubtful. In these pursuits the remainder of his long life was spent, relieved, however, by two voyages to Sicily .J He died in 347, at the age of eighty-one or eighty-two, and bequeathed his garden to liis school. § 6. Plato must be regarded principally as a moral and political philos- opher, and as a dialectician ; as a physical inquirer he did not shine, and the T^mnBus is his only work in that branch of philosophy. His dialectic method was a development of that of Socrates ; and though he did not, like Aristotle, produce any formal treatise on the subject, it is exemplified in most of his works, but especially in the Theoetetus, Sophistes, Parmeni- des, and one or two others of the same class. The fundamental principle of Plato's phijpsophy is the belief in an eternal and self-existent cause, the origin of all things. From this divine being emanate not only the Bouls of men, which are also immortal, but that of the universe itself, w hich is supposed to be animated by a divine spirit. The material objects of our sight and other senses are mere fleeting emanations of the divine idea ; * irXarvff. It IS only this idea itself that is really existent ; * the objects of sensuous perception f are mere appearances, taking their forms by participation J in the idea. Hence it follows that in Plato's view all knowledge is imiaie, and acquired by the soul before birth, when it was able to contemplate real existences, and all our ideas in this world are mere reminiscences of their true and eternal patterns. These principles, when applied to the mvestigation of language, necessarily made Vlato , a realist ; that is, he held that an abstract name, expressing a genus, — as, for instance, mankind, comprehending all individual men, tree^ comprehending every species of tree, and so forth, — were not mere signs tp express our modes of thinking, but denoted real existences, in fact the only true existences, as being the expressions of the eternally pre-existent idea. In this matter he seems to have departed from Socrates ; and, indeed, the reader who should seek the philosophy of Socrates in the writings of Plato would often be led very far astray. Socrates believed in a divine cause, but the doctrine of ideas and other figments with which Plato surrounded it seem to have been his own. As a moral and political philosopher the views of Plato were sublime and elevated, but commonly too much tinged with his poetical and some- what visionary cast of mind to be of much practical utility. They are speculations which may awake our admiration as we read them, but which for the most part it would be difficult or impossible to put in practice. His belief in the immortality of the soul naturally led him to establish a lofty standard of moral excellence, and, like his great teacher, he con- stantly inculcates temperance, justice, and purity of life. His political views are developed in the Republic and the Laws. The former of these works presents us with a sort of Utopia, such as never has existed, and never could exist. The main feature of his system is the subordination, or rather the entire sacrifice, of the individual to the state. The citizens are divided into three classes, in fanciful analogy with the faculties of the soul. Thus the general body, or working class, represents the passions and appetites ; the will is typified by the military order, which is to con- trol the general mass, but which is in turn to be thoroughly subservient to the government, whose functions correspond with those of the intellect, or rational faculty. With such views Plato was naturally mimical to the unrestricted democracy of Athens, and inclined to give a preference to the Spartan constitution. In the Laws, however, he somewhat relaxed the theory laid down in the Republic, and sought to give it a more practical character. Thus he abandons in that work the strict sepa- ration of classes, sets some hmits to the power of the government, and attempts to reconcile freedom and absolutism by mingling monarchy with democracy. ^ t See p. 457. X See pp. 458, 459. * TO ojrrcDS ov. 70 f ra'yiyvd/ifva. t IJL($€(lS. §§4k HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLVIII § 7. Flatoy as we have said, visited Megara after the death of Socrates, where other pupils of that philosopher had also taken refuge. Among these the most famous was Eucleides, who must not be confounded with the great mathematician of Alexandria. Eucleides founded the sect called fix)m his residence the Megaric, and which, from the attention they paid to dialectics, were also entitled DiaUctici and Mristid (or the Disputatious). Two other offshoots of the Socratic school were the Cyrenaics and Cynics. The former of these sects was founded by Aristippus of Cyrene in Africa, the latter by Antisthenes. Aristippus, though a hearer of Socrates, wan- dered far from the precepts of his great master. He was fond of luxurious living and sensual gratifications, which he held to be shameful only when they obtained so uncontrolled an empire over a man as to render him their entire slave. His chief maxun was to discover the art of extracting i)leas- ure from all the circumstances of life, and to make prosperity and adversity alike subservient to that end. Such tenets made him a favorite with the clever and cultivated man of the world, and we find him more than once approvingly alluded to by Horace.* Antisthenes was an Athenian, and also a pupil of Socrates. He taught m the Cynosarges, a gymnasium at Athens designed for Athenian boys bom of foreign mothers, which is said to have been his own case. It was from this gymnasium that the sect he founded was called the Cyiiic, though some derive the name from their dog-like habits, which led them to neglect all the decent usages of society. It was one of the least important of the philosophical schools. One of its most remarkable members was Diogenes of Sinope, whose interview with Alexander the Great at Corinth we have had occasion to relate.f No writings of any of the three last-mentioned sects have survived. § 8. Such were the most celebrated minor schools which sprang from the teaching of Socrates. The four principal schools were the Academi- eiansy who owed their origin to Plato ; the Peripatetics, founded by his pupil Aristotle ; the Epicuream, so named from their master Epicurus ; and the Stoics, founded by Zeno. Speusippus, Plato's nephew, became the head of the Academy after his uncle's death. Under him and his unmediate successors, as Xenocrates, Polemon, Crates, and Grantor, the doctrines of Plato were taught >vith Mtde alteration, and these professors formed what is called the Old Academy. The Middle Academy begins with Arcesilaus, who flourished towards the dose of the third century b. c, and who succeeded to the chair on the And again: — t See p. 493. * " Nunc in Aristippi furtim praecepta relabor E^ mihi res non me rebus subjungere conor." HoR. £p. i. 1. 18. « Omnis Aristippum decuit color et status et res." Ibid. 17. 28. Chap, XL VIII.] ACADE^nciANS. — peripatetics. 555 death of Grantor. Under him the doctrines of the Academy underwent some modification. He appears to have directed his inquiries almost ex- clusively to an investigation of the grounds of knowledge, and to have approached in some degree the Pyrrhonists or Sceptics. The Platonic doctrines suffered a further change in the hands of Carneades, the founder of the New Academy. Carneades flourished towards the middle of the second century b. c. Under him doubt and hesitation began still more strongly to characterize the teaching of the Platonists. His distinguish- ing tenet was an entire suspension of assent, on the ground that truth has always a certain degree of error combined with it; and so far did he carry this principle, that even Clitomachus, his most intimate pupil, could never discover his master's real tenets on any subject. § 9. But of all the Grecian sects, that of the Peripatetics, founded by Aristotle, had the greatest influence, so far as the researches of the intellect are concerned ; and this not merely in antiquity, but even perhaps to a still greater extent in modem times, and especially during what are called the Middle Ages. Aristotle was bom in 384 b. c, at StagTra, a sea-port town of Chalcidice, whence he is frequently called the Stagirite. His father, Nicomachus, was physician to Amyntas II., king of Macedonia. At the age of seventeen, Aristotle, who had then lost both father and mother, repaired to Athens. Here he received the instractions of Hera- cleides Ponticus, and other Socratics ; and when, about three years after his arrival at Athens, Plato returned to that city, Aristotle immediately attended his lectures. Plato considered him his best scholar, and called him " the intellect of his school." Aristotle spent twenty years at Athens, during the last ten of which he established a school of his own ; but during the whole period he appears to have kept up his connection with the Macedonian court. On the death of Plato, in 347, Aristotle quitted Athens, and repaired to Atarneus, in Mysia, where he resided two or three years with Hermias, a former pupil, who had made himself dynast of that city and of Assos, and whose adopted daughter he married. Atarneus being threatened by the Persians, into whose hands Hermias had fallen, Aristotle escaped with his wife to Mytilene, and in 342 accepted the invitation of Philip of Macedon to undertake the instruc- tion of his son Alexander. Philip treated the philosopher ^vith the greatest respect, and at his request caused the city of StagTra to be rebuilt, which had been destroyed in the Olynthian war. It was here, in a gym- nasium called the Nymphaeum, that Aristotle imparted his instructions to Alexander, as well as to several other noble youths. In 335, after Alex- ander had ascended the throne, Aristotle quitted Macedonia, to which he never returned. He again took up his abode at Athens, where his friend Xenocrates was now at the head of the Academy. To Aristotle himself the Athenians assigned the gymnasium called the Lyceum ; and from his habit of delivering his lectures whilst walking up and down in the shady 556 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XL VIII. Chap. XLVIII.J STOICS. — EPICUREANS. 557 walks of tliis place, his school was called the peripatetic* In the morning he lectured only to a select class of pupils, called esoteric j'\ and these lectures were called acroamatic,l iti contradistinction to being written and published. His afternoon lectures were delivered to a wider circle, and were thecefore called exoteric.^ His method appears to have been that of a regular lecture, and not the Socratic one of question and answer. It was during the thirteen years in which he presided over the Lyceum that he composed the greater part of his works, and prosecuted his researches in natural history, in which he was most liberally assisted by the munificence of Alexander. The latter portion of Aristotle's life was unfortunate. He appears to have lost from some unknown cause the friendship of Alexander; and, after the death of that monarch, the disturbances which ensued in Greece proved unfavorable to his peace and security. Being threatened with a prosecution for impiety, he escaped from Athens and retired to Chalcis ; but he was condemned to death in his absence, and deprived of all the riglits and honors wliich he previously enjoyed. He died at Chalcis in 322, in the sixty-third year of his age. In person Aristotle was short and slender, with small eyes, and something of a lisp. His manners were characterized by briskness and vivacity, and he paid considerable attention to his dress and outward appearance. Of all the philosophical systems of antiquity, that of Aristotle was best adapted to the practical wants of mankind. * It was founded on a close and accurate observation of human nature and of the external world ; but whilst it sought the practical and useful, it did not neglect the beautiful and noble. His works consisted of treatises on natural, moral, and politi- cal philosophy, history, rhetoric, criticism, &c. ; indeed, there is scarcely a branch of knowledge which his vast and comprehensive genius did not embrace. Any attempt to give an account of these works would far exceed the limits of the present work. His greatest claim to our admira- tion is as a logician. He perfected and brought into form those elements of the dialectic art which had been stnick out by Socrates and Plato, and wrought them by his additions into so complete a system, that he may be regarded as at once the founder and perfecter of logic as an art, which even down to our own days has been but very little improved. § 10. The school of the Stoics was founded by Zeno, a native of Citium in the island of Cyprus. The exact date of Zeno's birth is uncertain ; but he seems to have gone to Athens about the beginning of the third cen- tury (b. c. 299) ; a visit which, according to some accounts, was owing to his having been shipwrecked in the neighborhood of Peineus. At Athens ♦ From Wfpmariiv, to walk about. Others, however, perhaps more correctly, derivo it from the place itself being called o irfptVaTos, orihejtromenade. f iawrtpiKosj inner ^ intimate. I aKpoafiOTiKoSi to be hearrd^ i. e. communicated orally, § cf ©repucrff, external he first attached himself to the Cynics, tlien to the Megarics, and lastly to the Academicians ; but after a long course of study he opened a school of his own in the Poecil? Stoa, or painted porch, whence the name of his sect. The speculative doctrines of Zeno were not marked by much originality. He inculcated temperance and self-denial, and his practice was in accordance with his precepts. The want of reach in the Stoic tenets, which did not demand so much refined and abstract thou-ht as those of many other sects, as well as the outward gravity and decorum which they inculcated, recommended their school to a large portion of mankind, especially among the Romans, by whom that sect°and the Epi- curean were the two most universaUy adopted. Two of the most illustri- ous ^vriters on the Stoic philosophy, whose woriss are extant, are Epicte- tus and the Emperor M. AureUus. Epicurus was bom at Samos in 342, of poor but respectable Athenian parents. He followed at first the profession of a schoohnaster, and, after spending some time in travelling, settled at Athens at about the age of thu-ty.five. Here he purchased a garden, apparently m the heart of the city, where he established his philosophical school. He seems to have been the only head of a sect who had not previously gone throu^rh a regular course of study, and prided himself on being self-taught. In physics he adopted the atomic theory of the Pythagoreans aud^Ionics ; m morals that of the Cyrenaic school, that pleasure is the highest good ; a tenet, however, wliich he explained and dignified by showing that it was mental pleasure that he intended. His works have perished, but the main substance, both of his physical and religious doctrines, may be derived from Lucretius, whose poem Be Rerum Natura is an exposition of his principal tenets. The ideas of atheism and sensual degradation with which the name of Epicurus has been so frequently coupled are founded on ignorance of his real teaching. But as he denied the immortality of the soul, and the interference of the gods in human affairs, — though he held their existence, — his tenets were very liable to be abused by°those who had not sufficient elevation of mmd to love virtue for its own sake. § 11. AYe have thus traced the progress of Grecian literature from its earliest dawn till it was brought to perfection by the master-minds of Athens. After the death of Alexander, Grecian literature did not be- come extinct : there was a vitality about it that msured its subsistence for several ages, though not in its former splendor. Alexandria, now the emporium of commerce, became also the chief seat of learning, where it was fostered by the munificence and favor of the first Ptolemies. It was here that literature became a profession, supported by the foundation of noble and extensive libraries, and cultivated by a race of grammarians and critics. These men were of great assistance to literature by the critical care which they bestowed on editions of the best authors, and by 5dS HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLVIH. ' the inventioQ of many aids to facilitate the labors of the student, as better systems of grammar, punctuation, kc. One of the most eminent of them was Aristophanes of Byzantium, chief Hbi-Arian at Alexandria in the reijms of the second and third Ptolemies, and who founded there a school of grammar and criticism. It was he and Iiis pupil Aristarchus who were chiefly concerned in forming . the canon of the Greek classical writers ; and in their selection of authors they displayed for the most part a correct taste and a sound judgment. To Aristophanes is ascribed the invention of the Greek accents. Aristarchus is chiefly renowned as the editor of the Homeric poems in the form in which we now possess them. From their school proceeded many celebrated grammarians and lexicog- raphers. It must not, however, be supposed that this was the sole species of literature which flourished at Alexandria. Theocritus, the most charm- ing pastoral poet of antiquity, — of which species of composition he was the inventor, — though a native of Syracuse, lived for some time at Alex- andria, where he enjoyed the patronage of Ptolemy II. His contempora- ries and imitators, Bion of Smyrna and Moschus of Syracuse, also wrote with much grace and beauty. This school of poetry was afterwards culti- vated witli success by Virgil, TibuUus, and others among the Romans. At Alexandria also flourished Callimachus, the author of many hynms, elegies, and other poems, which were much admired at Rome, and were translated and miitated by Catullus and Propertius. Amongst numerous other poets we can only mention ApoUonius Rhodius, the author of an epic poem on the exploits of the Argonauts ; and Ai-atus, who composed two poems on astronomy and natural phenomena. Among the Alexan- drian writers on pure science, the mathematician Euclid (Eucleides) stands conspicuous, whose elements of geometry still form the text-book of our schools. He flourished during the time of the first Ptolemy (b.c 323- 283). § 12. The list of the Greek writers down to the extinction of the Greek empire might be indefinitely enlarged; but our limits would only pennit us to present the reader with a barren hst of names; and we therefore content ourselves with selectmg for notice a few of the most eminent. The liistorian Polybius (b. c. 204-122) has ah-eady been mentioned as taking a part in the final struggle of his country with Rome. His His- tory, though the greater part of it has unfortunately perished, is one of the most valuable remains of antiquity. His long residence among the Ro- mans aflbrded him an opportunity of studying then: annals ; and from the period of the second Punic war he has been very closely followed by Livy. Another Greek writer of Roman history was Dionysius of Halicanias- Biis, who flourished in the ktter half of the first century b. c. He spent a considerable part of his life at Rome, and devoted liimself to the study of Chap. XLVinj LATER GREEK WRITERS. 559 the history and antiquities of that city, on which he wrote a book, a con- siderable part of which is still extant. He was, however, a better critic than historian, and we still possess several of his treatises m that departr ment of Hterature. Diodorus, called from his country Siculus, or the Sicihan, also Kved at Rome m the time of JuHus and Augustus Caesar. He was the author of a universal history m forty books, caUed- The Historical Library, of which fifteen books are still extant. Arrian, of Nicomedia in Bithynia, who lived m the first centuiy of our era, wrote an account of Alexander's expedition, as well as several works on philosophical and other subjects. Appian of Alexandria lived in the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian, and An- toninus Pius, and was the author of a Roman history. One of the best and most valuable Greek writers of this tune was Plu- terch, the biographer and philosopher. He was a native of Chaeronea in Boeotia. The exact date of his birth is unknown, but it must have beea about the middle of the first century of our era. He passed a consider- able time m Rome and Italy ; but it was late in his life before he apphed himself to the study of Roman literature, and he appears never to have completely mastered the language. The hiter years of his life seem to have been spent at Cha^ronea, where he discharged several magisterial offices, and filled a priesthood. His Lives, if not the most authoritative, are certamly one of the most entertaining works ever written. They have perhaps been more frequently transited than any other book, and* have been popular in every age and nation. Besides liis Lives, Plutarch was the author of a great number of treatises on moral and other subjects. About the same time flourished Josephus, the Jewish historian, who was born at Jerusalem a. d. 37. Though a Hebrew, the Greek style of Jo- sephus is remarkably pure. Strabo, the celebrated geographer, was a native of Amasia in Pontus and lived in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. His valuable work on' geography, which also contains many imiK)rtant historical facts, still exists pretty nearly entire, though the text is often corrupt. Pausania^s, author of the Description of Greece, is supposed to have been a native of Lydia, and flourished in the second century of our era His account of Greece is of considerable value, for many of the great works of Greciaji art were extant when he traveUed through the country and he appears to have described them with fidehty as well as minuteness! Dion Cassius, the historian, was born at Nicaia in Bithynia, a. d. 155. His History- of Rome in eighty books extended from the earhest times to A. D. 229. It has come down to us in a veiy imperfect state, but is stiU a valuable authority for the history of the later repubhc and a considerable portion of the empire. Lucian, one of the wittiest and most entertaining of ancient writers, and ■i I 560 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLVIH. who, from his sparkling style, his turn of mind, and his disregard for au- thority, may be compared to Swift or Voltaire, was born at Smnosata, probably about a.d. 120. Of his numerous works, the best known are his Dialogues of the Bead, which have been universally esteemed, not only for their wit, but also for their Attic grace of diction. We cannot close this imperfect list of Greek profane writers without mentioning the name of Galen, the celebrated physician. Galen was bom at Pergamus in Mysia, a. d. 130. He completed his education at Smyr- na, Corinth, and Alexandria, after which he undertook some extensive travels. He seems to have visited Rome at least twice, and attended on the Emperors M. Aurehus and L. Verus. Tlie writings of Galen formed an epoch in medical science, and after his time all the previous medical sects seem to have become merged in his followers and imitators. § 13. But the Greek language was not merely destined to be the ve- hicle of those civilizing influences wliich flow from the imagination of the Bublimest poets and the reasonings of the most profound philosophers. The still more glorious mission was reserved for it, of conveying to man- kind through the Gospel that certain prospect of a life to come, which even the wisest of the Grecian sages had beheld only as in a glass, darkly. Three at least of the four Gospels were written in the Greek tongue, as well as the greater portion of those Scriptures which compose the New Testament. We have already alluded to the facilities which the con- quests of Alexander afforded to the spreading of the Gospel ; nor were t iere wanting in subsequent ages men who assisted its extension by their writings. Even the works of an author like Lucian were subservient to this end, by casting ridicule on the gods of paganism, and thus preparing the minds of men for the reception of a purer doctrine. Among the Greek Fathers of the Church were many men of distinguished talent ; as Justin Martyr, one of the eariiest of the Christian writers, Clemens of Alexandria, Origen, Gregory of Nazianzus, and many others ; especially Joannes, sumamed Chrysostomus, or the golden-mouthed, from the power of his eloquence. The Greek language and literature continued to subsist till the taking of Constantinople by the Turks m 1453. Even that shock did not entire- ly destroy then- vitahty. The many learned Greeks who then took refuge in Italy were the means of reviving the study of their tongue, then almost entirely neglected, in the West, and especially at Florence, under the au- spices of Cosmo de* Medici, who appointed Johannes Argyropulus, one of these refugees, preceptor to his son and nephew. Maximus Planudes, Manuel Moschopulus, Emanuel Chrysoloras, Theodore Gaza, and others, assisted in this work ; and through these men and their successors, and particularly through the labors of Aldus Manutius, the Venetian printer, who flourished in the same century, the chief masterpieces of Grecian lit- erature have been handed down and made intelligible to us. The Acropolis of Athens in its present State. BOOK VII. GREECE FROM THE ROMAN CONQUEST TO THE PRESENT TIME. i lij CHAPTER XLIX. GREECE UNDER THE ROMANS. S 1. Roman Administration. ^ 2. Sylla, Mithridatic War. § 3. Cilician Pirates. S *• State of Greece. § 5. Eflects of the Establishment of tlie Roman Empire. § 6. Hadrian's Bene factions to Greece. Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius, lleroaes Atticus, Caracalla. § 7. Goth ic Invasion. § 8. Language, Poetry, Christianity. \ 9. Decay of Pagjinism. Popular Elements of Christianity. § 10. Roman View of Cln-istianity. Triumph of Christianity. « § 1. The Roman julministration of Greece, commencing about the middle of the second century d. c, was at first wise and moderate. The public burdens, instcful of being increased, were lessened. The local adminis- trations and municipal institutions remained unchanged, so far as they were comi>atible with the exercise of supreme power by the Romans. The conquerors felt the superiority of the conquered in letters and art, and though they had no profound appreciation of tliese excellent ornaments of the life of man, yet they at first conceded to the authors and cultivators of them a social esteem very flattering to the vanity of the Hellenic race. In general, they paid resi)ect to the religious feelings and the objects of worship, and the plundering of temples and robbing cities of cherished 71 I I! ■ ', -i 560 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLVm. who, from his sparkling style, his turn of mind, and his disregard for au- thority, may be compared to Swift or Voltaire, was born at Samosata, probably about a.d. 120. Of his numerous works, the best known are his Dialogues of the Dead, wiiich have been universally esteemed, not only for their wit, but also for their Attic grace of diction. We cannot close this imperfect list of Greek profane writers without mentioning the name of Galen, tlie celebrated physician. Galen was born at Pergamus in Mysia, a. d. 130. He completed his education at Smyr- na, Corinth, and Alexandria, after which he undertook some extensive travels. He seems to have visited Rome at least twice, and attended on the Emperors M. Aurelius and L. Verus. The writings of Galen formed an eix)ch in medical science, and after his time all the previous medical sects seem to have become merged in his follow ers and imitators. § 13. But the Greek language was not merely destined to be the ve- hicle of those civilizing influences which flow from tlie imagination of the snblunest poets and the reasonings of the most profound philosophers. Tlie still more glorious mission was reserved for it, of conveying to man- kind through the Gospel that certain prospect of a life to come, which even the wisest of the Grecian sages had beheld only as in a glass, darkly. Three at least of the four Gospels were written in the Greek tongue, as well as the greater portion of those Scriptures which compose the New Testament. We have already alluded to the facilities which the con- quests of Alexander afforded to the spreading of the Gospel ; nor were there wanting in subsequent ages men who assisted its extension by their writings. Even the works of an author like Lucian were subservient to this end, by casting ridicule on the gods of paganism, and thus preparing the minds of men for the reception of a purer doctrine. Among the Greek Fathers of the Church were many men of distinguished talent ; as Justin Martyr, one of the earhest of the Christian writers, Clemens of Alexandria, Origen, Gregory of Nazianzus, and many others ; especially Joannes, surnamed Chrysostomus, or the golden-mouthed, from the power of his eloquence. The Greek language and literature continued to subsist till the taking of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453. Even that shock did not entire- ly destroy their vitality. The many learned Greeks who then took reftige in Italy were the means of reviving the study of their tongue, then almost entirely neglected, in the West, and especially at Florence, under the au- spices of Cosmo de' Medici, who appointed Johannes Argyropulus, one of these refugees, preceptor to his son and nephew. Maximus Planudes, Manuel Moschopulus, Emanuel Chrysoloras, Theodore Gaza, and others, assisted in this work ; and through these men and their successors, and particularly through the labors of Aldus Manutius, the Venetian printer, who flourished in the same century, the chief masterpieces of Grecian lit- erature have been handed down and made intelligible to us. The Acropolis of Athens in its present State. BOOK VII. GREECE FROM THE ROMAN CONQUEST TO TUE PRESENT TIME. CHAPTER XLIX. GREECE UNDER THE ROMANS. S 1. Roman Administration. § 2. Sylla, Mithridatic War. § 3. Cilician Pirates. 4 4. State of Greece. § 5. Eilects of tlie Establishment of the Hoinan Empire. § C. Hadrian^ Bene foctions to Greece. Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius, lloro.les Atticus, Caracallu. § 7 Goth JC Invasion. § 8. Language, Poetry, ChristiiiniTy. ^ 9. I)ec:.v of Paganism. Popular Llenients ot Chnstianity. ^ 10. llonuui View of Christianity. Triumph of Christiauity. § 1. TiiK Roman aJniinistration of Gre(X'e, coinnienciiig about the middle of the second centuiy i;. c, was at first wise and moderate. The public bui-deiis, iiistead of being increased, were lessened. The local adminis- trations and numiclpal institutions remained unchanged, so far as they were compatible witli tlie exercise of supreme power by the Romans. The con(in.-rors felt the sui>eriority of tlie conquered in letters and art, and thou-h tluy had no profound appreciation of tliese excellent ornaments of the life of man, yet they at first conceded to the authors and cultivators of them a social esteem very flattering to the vanity of the Hellenic race. In general they paid respect to the religious feelings and the objects of worship, and the plundering of temples and robbing cities of cherished 71 ^i| t ii i IN 562 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLDL B. C. 30.] GREEK LITERATURE AT ROME. 563 works of art — which afterwards became one of the most irritating forms of proconsular oppression — was looked iii>on with abhorrence by the hon- orable men at Eome. Polybius uses the strongest language, when he speaks of the Roman honesty. Under their circumstances, as Mr. Finlay says, " Prudence and local interests would everywhere favor submission to Rome ; nationtil vanity alone would whisper incitements to venture on a struggle for independence." § 2. Hie Mithridatic war furnished the occasion on which the national vanity, concurring with the private inclinations of many leading men, in- duced the Greeks to make the attempt Sylla was charged with the conduct of the war against the king of Pontus ; and when he appeared in Greece, at the head of a powerful army, Athens almost single-handed confronted him, — the others having submitted with as much lightness as they had taken up arms. Sylla laid siege to the city, and found it no easy task, with the whole force of his army, and the abundant resources with which he was supplied, to reduce the fiery republicans, under the command of Aristion. At last, their material means of defence l^einjr ex- hausted, they resorted to a motle of proceeding quite characteristic of the Athenians, — they sent out some of their orators, to try what eloquence could do Avith the hard-headed Roman. Admitted to an audience, the spokesman began to remind the general of their past glory, and was proceed- ing to touch upon Marathon, when the surly soldier fiercely growled, " I was sent here to punish rebels, not to study history." And he did punish them. He broke down the wall between the Peii-anis and the Sacred Gates, and poured in his soldiers to plunder and slay. With drawn swords they swept through the streets. The ground ran witli blood, which poured its horrid tide into the ancient burying-place of the Cerameicus. Great numbers of the citizens were slain : their property was plundered l)y the soldiers. The groves of the Academy and the Lyceum were cut down ; and columns were carried away from the temple of Olympian Zeus, to ornament the city of Rome. The town of Peineus was utterly destroyed, being treated with more severity than Athens itself. From this frightful moment the decline of the population of Greece commenced. " Both parties," says the able historian already quoted, "during the Mithridatic war, inflicted severe injuries on Greece, plundered the country, and destroyed property most wantonly, while many of the losses were never repaired. The foundations of national prosperity were undermined : and it hencefonvard became impossible to save, from the annual consumption of the inhabitants, the sums necessary to replace the accumulated capital of ages, which this short war had annihilated. In some cases the wealth of the com- munities became insufficient to keep the existing public works in repair.'* § 3. Scarcely had the storm of Roman war passed by, when the Cilician pirates, finding the coasts of Greece pecuharly favorable for their maraud- ing incursions, and tempted by the wealth accumulated in the cities and temples, commenced their depredations on so gigantic a scale, that the Ro- mans felt obliged to employ all their militaiy force for their suppression. Ihe exploits of Pompey the Great, who was clothed with autocratic power to put down this gigantic evil, fill the brightest chapter in the history of that celebrated but too unfortunate commander. He captured ninety brazen-decked ships, and took twenty thousand prisoners, with whom he repeopled the ancient town of Soli, which henceforth wa^ called Pompei- opo IS. The civil wars, in which the Roman Republic expired, had the fields of Greece for their theatre. Under the tramp of contending armies, her fertile plains were desolated, and civU blood, in a cause not her own, again and agam moistened her soil. § 4. But at length the civil wars have come to an end, and the Empire mtroduces, for the first time in the melancholy histoiy of man, a state of universal peace. Greece still maintains her pre-eminence in literature and art; and her schools aro frequented by the sons of the Roman aristocracy The elder poetry serves as models to the literary genius of the August^ age. Horace copies Alcaius, and admires Sappho. Virgil copies Theocri- tus in his Eclogues, and the Iliad and Odyssey in his iEneid. The histo- rians foi-m themselves on Attic prototypes ; and the philosophers of Rome divide themselves among the Grecian sects, while in Athens the Plato- nists, the Stoics, the Peripatetics, and the Epicureans still haunt the scenes with which the names of their masters were inseparably associated. The ancient spirit, which animated the breasts of the Greeks in the republican days, and wliich broke forth like an expiring gleam in Philopoemen and Polybius, had either vanished utterly from the hearts of the people, or had been smothered and oppressed into silence, by the evils of the times The country was, however, still covered with splendid temples, and crowded with the works of art, — the productions of the best ages; — nor had the practice of art been entirely lost. But the ravages of war had left the most important cities in such a state, that, even in the time of Cicero, they suggested melancholy reflections to the most thoughtful minds. Says Sul- picius, in his letter of consolation to the great orator, " When I returned from Asia, and was sailing from uEgina towards Megara, I bec^an to gaze upon the regions around me. Behind me lay ^gina ; beforo nfe, Me-ara • on my right, Peira^us; on my left, Corinth; cities which once were most flourislimg, but now overwhelmed, and in ruins." Such was the ffen eral aspect of that illustrious region even then ; but the gi-eat temples whose ruins still astonish the traveller by their magnificence and melan' choly beauty, had suffl-red nothing from time and comparatively little from the hand of man. They were regarded, even by those who had no con- ception of the genius required for their construction, with a kind of awe and reverence. § 5. The establishment of the Empire made but little change in the administration of Greece. Augustus indeed showed no great ''solicitude 564 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. XLIX A. D. 267.J GOTHIC INVASION. 565 except to maintain the country in subjection by his military colonies, — especially those of Patrae and Nicopolis, — a policy fii*st intnxlueed by Julius Cuesar. He even deprived Athens of the privileges she had enjoyed under the Republic, and broke down the remaining power of Sparta, by declaring the independence of her subject towns. Some of his successors treated the country with favor, and endeavored by a clement use of power to mitigate the sufferings of its decline. Even Nero was proud to dis- play the extent of his musical abilities in the theatres, which had resounded with the compositions of the Greeks. He hstened eagerly to their flat- teries, as they accompanied him from the city, received with comj)laceney the eighteen hundred laurel crowns with which they decorated him, and when at last — in an excess of adulation which it is wonderful he did not suspect of satire — they styled him the Saviour of the Human Race, the musical monster repaid the compliment by declaring them free from tribute. The noble Trajan allowed them to retain their former local privileges, and did much to improve their condition by his wise and just administration. § 6. Hadrian was a passionate lover of Greek art and literature. Athens especially received the amplest benefits from his taste and wealth. He finished the temple of Olympian Zeus ; established a public library ; built a pantheon and gymnasium ; rebuilt the temple of Ai)ollo at Megara ; im- proved the old roads of Greece, and built new ones, and especially made the difficult highway into Peloponnesus, by the Scironian Rocks, passable for wheeled carriages. A part of it is still to be seen, running along these dangerous and lofty precipices, with the ruined masses of the immense sub- struction which su[>ported it. Antoninus and ^Marcus Aurelius showed gootl-will to Greece ; the latter rebuilt the temple at Eleusis, and improved the Atlienian schools, raising the salaries of the teachers, and in various ways contributing to make Athens, as it had been before, the most illustrious seat of learning in the world. It was in the reign of this Empei-or, in the second century of our era, that one of the greatest benefactors of Athens, and all Greece, lived, — Herodes Atticus, distinguished alike by his wealth, learning, and eloquence. Bom at ^larathon, within sight of the spot where the Persian hosts were defeated ; educated at Athens by the best teachers his father's wealth could procure, he became, on going to Rome, which he did in early life, the rhetorictd teacher of Marcus Aurelius himself. An- toninus Pius bestowed on him the dignity of the consulship ; but he pre- ferred the career of a teacher at Athens, to the higher political dignities which imperiid favor placed within his reach ; and he was followed thither by young men of the most eminent Roman families, from the emperors down. Later he withdrew from Athens to Cephissia, a town about eight miles distant, where he built a magnificent villa, adorned with porticos, walks, groves, and fountains, traces of which still remain. At Athens he built the Stadium, lined with Pentelic marble, whose enormous dimensions, south of the Eissus, testify to the magnificence and liberality of this prmcely citizen ; and the theatre of Regilla, — so named in honor of his wife —at the southwest angle of the Acropolis, the walls, arches, and seats of which are to a great extent still remaining, though the interior is encumbered with the accumulated rubbish of sixteen centuries ; at Corinth he built a the atre, at Olympia an aqueduct, at Delphi a racecourse, and at Thermop- ylae a hospital. Peloponnesus, Euboea, Boeotia, and Epeirus experienced his bounty ; and even Italy was not forgotten in the lavish distribution of hiswealth He died in A. D. 180. The grateful citizens of Athens would not allow his body to be buried at Marathon, as he had desired, but insisted on bestowmg upon his remains every honor in their power to devise His praises were commemorated in a funeral discourse by his friend and pupil Adrianus, of whose genius Herodes had expressed himself in the strongest terms of admiration. Of the numerous literary works left by this illus- trious citizen, whose character and genius gild the declining days of Athen. nothing has been preserved; but few have left so many traces of their public spirit and libemlity in the land of their birth. The frantic Cara caUa early in the third century, pursued by the avenging demons of those he had murdered, yet did one good deed in clothing the free inhabitants of the provinces with the rights of Roman citizenship: "but the moral sup- ports, says Finlay, " of the old framework of society were destroyed before the edict of Caracalla had emancipated Greece ; and when tran- quillity arrived, they were only capable of enjoying the felicity of haVin<. been forgotten by the tyrants." ° § 7. About the middle of the third century, the Gothic hordes be-an to appear on the northern frontiers of Greece. A few years later they crossed the Hellespont and ^gean, and descended upon the coasts of Attica. Dis- embarking at the Peirjeus, they marched upon Athens, which was bravely but unsuccessfully defended by Dexippus,* who added the abilities of a I * I an. sorry we have so few traces of this scholar warrior. He did not let the Goths escape w,.h .mpun-ty ; but, rallying his follower in a gmve near the citv, addre sed th™ in an animating harangue, of which the following sentences are all that is'nreserved! -.™ iTTf' ■'' n '"" """""■■ "^ '^""'''atants, governs the issue of war. Our force is still considerable. Onr ,nny numbers two thous..„a warriors ; our position is concealed From th.s spot we must attack the enemy when they disperse over tie country. So w^H victory msp.re us w.th new vigor, and fill our invaders with terror. If we meet them in om-Ifllf remember that courage mounts with danger. Victory comes unJkedtr n the hou'^ofS and m battle for all that is dearest, when the soldier is animated with the hope of re™ the mercy of the foe? I am resolved to share your fate, to fight boldiv for all ,ve most never be dishonored. It becomes us to rememberthe decdsofourfathers; to shine forth an nZn"" °d fT"' ""' 'r'^J" ""' ""■" "^""^ ■' -0 «o -cun, for ouielves amoTt^ present and future generations, the imperishable renown of having shown bv our actions that he courage of the Athenians remains unbroken, even in adve^itv. We march obattta to redeem our chddren and all we hold most dear. May the g«i, be our sup^^" I„.w WH "^Tl ' '""'f' '" " "^"'P""^ '"' <'"'l'»*i»«"'. "-d demanded to be led to to.taut battle. We have no clear account of what followed; but it appears, that, after th. i A 4 \l 566 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. aLDl. genend to the accomplishments of the scholar and philosopher. Athens was subjected to the plunder of the savages. It is related by Zonaras, "that one of the Gothic chiefs, finding a party of his soldiers on the point of burning the libraries of Athens, having collected the books in a pile, told them to leave those things to the effeminate Greeks ; for the hand accustomed to the smoothness of the papyrus would but feebly grasp the brand of the warrior." Happy influence of letters, whicli, had it uni- versally prevailed, would have saved the earth from becoming the dreadful slaughter-house it has been in every age, and seems likely to be again in ours. § 8. The language of Greece, no longer existing under the forms of numerous dialects, all in their several countries, and in special depart- ments of literature, of equal classical authority, had become, under the designation of the later Attic, or Hellenistic, the medium of political com- munication and hterary composition throughout the Eastern World. In- tellectual activity in Egypt, where the institutions of the Ptolemies were respected by the Boman Emperors, assumed a motley aspect among the philosophic and Oriental systems and jargons, which concentrated, in an astonishing medley, in that land of pyramids and hieroglyphics. Of the poetical names which shine witli mild lustre here, we have Callimachus, the author of hymns, and Theocritus, the pastoral poet, whose naive Sicil- ian Doric still charms the student more than the stately imitations of Vir- gil ; Apollonius, the Rhodian ; Lycophron, chiefly famous for his unintel- ligibility, whose sixty tragedies have not come down to us. Christianity was early preached, and churches established, not only among the Greeks of Asia Minor, but on the continent of Greece, as appears both by the early history of the religion, and by the apostolic documents themselves. The most memorable passage in apostohc history is beyond all compari- son the appearance of St. Paul at Athens, and the discourse he delivered to the philosophers, who courteously invited him up the Hill of IMars, — the most sacred and venerable spot, from the mythical times, down to the latest days of Attic splendor, and in our own times. The Greeks, though some of them found the preaching of the Apostles foolishness, were in many respects morally and intellectually susceptible to its influences. Some of the elder thinkers had reasoned out the great peculiar doctrines of Christianity. Plato, looking upon the sorrowful and fallen condition of man, had felt the want of a. divine being to raise him up and restore him to the lost dignity of his nature. Socrates, his master, had reflected upon the immortality of the soul, and the joys of a better life to come, until these sublime truths assumed a clearness and consistency which nerved barbarians had sated themselves with the plunder of the city, they found some difSculty in escaping to their ships, or hurrjnng to the North. Those who went by land rushed tumultuously through Boeotia, Acamania, Thessaly, and Epeims, spreading terror and destniction wherever they appeared. Chap. XLIX] CHRISTIANITY IN GREECE. 567 him to meet the felon's death an unjust sentence had doomed him to suffer ; and just as he was about to drink the fatal hemlock, he declared the memo- rable Christian doctrine, that it was better to forgive injuries than to aven^re them. The tenderness and humanity of the Christian faith found an echo in the Grecian heart; and a sentiment deeper than curiosity — thouo-h that mingled largely in the emotions of the hour — secured to the great Apostle the respectful attention of the most cultivated audience he ever addressed. Philosophy had strengthened the great minds of Greece, and the most accomplished intellects of Rome, but still had left an aching void m the heart No doubt, when death parted families, bereaving the parent of the hope and the charm of life, or leaving tender children orphans in a desolate world, the sunshine of nature lighted the universe in vain for their sorrowing spirits, and the theories of philosophy fell far short of that blessed assurance which alone can soothe the agony of the dark hour. In this period, also, the behef in the ancient divinities must have died out m nearly every thinking mind. The glory of the nation had suffered an echpse, from which the gods of Olympus had been powerless to save. Private life had been overwhelmed with disaster and woe ; and philosophy could only help the sterner natures to bear the general lot with composure. The tenderness of the sepulchral inscriptions, in the anthologies, or those briefer ejaculations of sorrowing affliction from the dymg to the living and the hving to the dying, which still speak to us so touchingly fix)m the crumbling marbles of ancient Hellenic tombs, tell us by what is not said, still more eloquently than by what is expressed, how ready was the heart of Hellas for the consolations of the Christian faith. § 9. The temples remained in their magnificence ; ceremonies and pro- cessions represented the ancient pomps of popular worship ; but, in many cases, the wealth belonging to them was monopolized by private persons, or diverted from its religious use by the corporations charged with their management, and Christianity gained a victory — though not without a long struggle against the conservative element of Paganism — over the indilference of the people to their ancient rites. It has been well remarked, that the early converts to the Christian Church were from the middlino- and the literary classes. Besides the pecuhar consolations afforded by Christianity to the afflicted, of all ranks and conditions, there were popular elements in its early forms which could not fail to commend it to the regards of common men. It borrowed the designition ecclesia from the old popular assembly, and lihirgy^ from the services required by law of the richer citizens for the popular festivities. It taught the equaUty of all men in the sight of God ; the brotherhood of all the races of man ; and this doctrine could not fail to be affectionately welcomed by a downtrodden people. Their assemblies were organized upon democratic principles, at least in Greece, and retained a semblance of the free assemblies of for- mer time ? ; and the daily business of communities was transacted under s A^ 'v(. nr \i I 5€8 mSTOBT OF GREECE. [Chap. XUX. A. D. 330] INAUGUllATION OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 5G9 these i>opiilar forms, no less than spiritual affairs. " From the mo- ment a people," says Mr. Finlay, "in the state of intellectual ci^ilization ia which the Greeks were, could listen to the preachers, it was certain they would adopt the religion. They might alter, modify, or corrupt it, but it was impossible they should reject it. The existence of an assembly, in which the dearest interests of all human beings were expounded and dis- cussed, in the language of truth, and with the most eaniest expressions of persuasion, must have lent an irresistible clmmi to the investigation of the new doctrine among a people |>ossessing the institutions and feelings of the Greeks. Sincerity, truth, and a desire to persuade others, will soon create eloquence, where numbers are gathered together. Christianity revived oratory, and with oratory it awtikened many of the characteristics which had slept for ages. The discussions of Christianity gave also new vigor to the communal and municipal institutions, as it improved the intellectual qualities of the people." : § 10. But it was imjwssible for such organizations to exist, without gradu- ally rising to an important influence in the state ; and it was impossible for the maxims of Christianity to gain an extensive prevalence, without coming in collision with the maxims of the Roman government. The responsibility of nilers and ruled to a common and impartial tribunal could not be veiy tasteful to the rapacious masters of the Roman Empire ; and the doctrine of etiuality and brotherhood was a strange lesson for those whose policy and anns had enslaved the worid. A bond which united the Christians of all countries in the strictest relations of friendship and affec- tion, could not but be viewed with suspicion by those who regarded the citizenship of Rome as the most binding and exalted relation possible among men. And the Roman, in his nature, was less susceptible to relig- ious influences than the Greek ; he looked upon Christianity with refer- ence to its supposed political bearings, and persecuted it accordingly. But, in spite of all obstacles, in defiance of all persecutions, Christianity identified itself with the habits, thoughts, sentiments, hopes, and nation- ality of the Hellenic race. It was bound up with the language, in which the Apostles and eariiest Fathers preached and taught and wrote. It held them together, and saved them from absorjition into the vast body of the lioman Empire, and from annihilation by the hordes of barbarians who swept the country hke a whirlwmd, and settled upon it like de- vouring locusts. It ascended the tlirone with Constantme, and for eleven centuries shared in'the highest dignities of the Eastern Empire. Cathedral Church of St. Sophia. CHAPTER L. FROM THE ACCESSION OP CONSTANTINE TO THE IMMIGRATION OF THE SLAVONIANS INTO GREECE. § 1. Building of Constantinople. § 2. Effect of transferring the Seat of Government to By- zantium. § 3. Local Governments. § 4. The Emperor Julian. § 5. Separation of the Eastern and Western Empires. The Goths. New Meaning of the Name Hellenes. Attila and the Huns. § 6. Reign of Justinian. § 7. Slavonians. § 1. Constantine removed the seat of empire from Rome to Constanti- nople, and inaugurated the latter city, with great pomp and ceremony, in the year a. d. 330. For thirty-four years the newly founded capital was the single seat of government in the Roman world, down to the reign of Jovian. For one hundred and one years the Empire was double-headed, the East- ern Empire having its seat of government at Constantinople, and the Western at Rome, until Romulus Augustulus closed his inglorious reign, and with it the Western Roman Empire, in the year 476. Fi-om this time the Roman Empire was the Eastern Empire, living on, under the Roman organization and Roman law, and claiming to be Roman, in all essential respects, under a succession of twenty-eight Emperors, until the accession of Leo III., commonly called the Isaurian, who ascended the throne in the year 717, and reigned twenty-four years. With the reign of this reforming Emperor, the old Roman spirit of the administration was ex- 72 I t i J ii !:• ,!^" II I HISTORY OF GREECE. [CiiAP. XLIX. these popular forms, no less tlian spiriliiiil affiiirs. " From tlie mo- ment a people," snys Mr. Finlay, «i!i tlie state of intellectual civilization in wliieli the Greeks were, eould listen to the preaehei-s, it was certain tliey would adopt tlie religion. They miglit alter, modify, or eornii>t it, hut it was imi>ossible tliey should reject it. Tlie existence of an asscinhly, in which the dearest interests of all liuman lieings were expounded ;nid dis- cussed, in tlie lanimage of truth, and witli the raoJ*t earnest expressions of persuasion, mu-t have lent an irresistil>le charm to the investigation of the new doctrine nnion«r a peoph' possessing the institutions and tcclings of the Greeks. Sincerity, tiiilli, and a desire to persuade others, Avill soon create eloquence. avIkmc nunihers are gathered togi'ther. Christianity revived oratory, and with oratory it awakened many of the characteristics which had slept for ages. The discussions of Christianity gave also ih w vigor to the communal and municipal institutions, as it improved the intellectual qualities of the people." § 10. But it was impossible for such organizations to exist, without gradu- ally rising to an important influence in the state ; and it was impossible for the maxims of Christianity to gain an extensive prevalence, without coming in collision with tlie maxims of the Roman government. The responsibility of rulers tmd ruled to a common and imi)artial tribunal could not be very tasteful to the rapacious masters of the Koman Empire ; and the doctrine of equjdity and brotherhoml was a strange lesson for those whose policy and arms had enslaved the world. A bond which united the Christians of all countries in the strictest relations of friendship and affec- tion, eould not but be viewed with suspicion by those who regarded the citizenship of Home as the most binding and exalted relation possible among men. Ami the Koman, in his nature, was less susceptild*' to relig- ious influ'^nces than tlie Greek ; he looked upon Christianity with refer- ence to its sup|>osed political Inarings, and persecuted it accordingly. But, in spite of all olistacles, in defiance of all i»ersecutions, Christianity identified itself with the liabits, thoughts, sentiments, hopes, and nation- ality of the Hellenic race. It was bound up with the language, in which tlie Apostles and earliest Fathers preached and taught and wrote. It held them together, and saved them from absorption into the vast body of tlie Komiui Empire, and from annihilation by the hordes of barbarians who swei;: the country like a whirlwind, and settled upon it like de- vourin"- locusts. It ascended the throne with Constantine, and for eleven centories ahMed ii the Mgheot 4igiuties of the Eastern Empire. A. D. 330] INAUGUUATION OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 0G9 Cathedral Church of St. Sophia. CHAPTER L. I FROM THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE TO THE niMIGRATION OF THE SLAVONIANS INTO GREECE. $ 1. Building of Constantinople. § 2. Effect of transferring the Seat of Government to By- zantium. ^ 3. Local Govermnents. § 4. The Kini)eror Julian. ^ 5. Separation of the Eastern and Western Empires. The Gotiis. Xew Moaning of the Name Hellenes. Attila and the Huns. § 6. Reign of Justinian. § 7. Slavoiiiaus. § 1. Constantino removed the seat of empire from Rome to Constanti- nople, and inangurated tlie latter city, with great pomp and ceremony, in the year a. d. 330. For thirty-four years the newly founded capital was the single seat of government in the Roman world, down to the reign of Jovian. For one hundred and one years the Eni|)ire was double-headed, the East- ern Em{)ire having its seat of government at Constantinople, and the Western at Rome, until Romulus Augustulus closed his inglorious reign, and with it tlie Western Roman Empire, in the year 47(). From this time the Roman Empire was the i:astern Empire, living on, under the Roman organization and Roman law, and claiming to be Roman, in all essential respects, under a succession of twenty-eight Emperors, until the accession of Leo III., connnonly called the Isaurian, who ascended the throne in the year 717, and reigned twenty-four years. With the reign of this reforming Emperor, the old Roman spirit of the admmistration was ex- 72 («■ wo HISTORY OF GBBECE. [Chap. L. tinguished, and the proper Byzantine penod commences, ^rom the clo»e of this Emperor's reign, in 741, to the conquest of Constantmopte by the Western princes, or the termination of the re.gn of Alexms D«''^' >" 1204, forty-three rulers, including three Empresses, Irene, Zoc, and i neo- dora, held the reins of government for a period of four hundred and s.^y- three years. The Latin Emperors, five in number, he d the throne of Con- stantinople fifty-seven yea., only, when, in 1261 the hne of Greek En^ perors was restored, in the person of Michael Palicoogus Vm. A Accession of nine Emperor, filled *^P«"«^ f »''» »° ^•'^. '^':'" .tSl Btantine XUI. the last of the Paloaolog., who closed h.s ■"^g" ^"^ »>" j* ^th the downM of the By^tine Empire, m 14o3, when Mohammed IL, entering the dty of Constantinople over the body «>f «;'! ^'"iJ; tered Emperor, planted the crescent on the dome of St. Soplua. tor the long period of more than eleven hundred years Constantmople had been the great Christian capital of the East. . . The ancient city of Byzantium was founded by Meganan colon.^ts, in the seventh century before Christ. It was built on a promontory, fac.ng the waters of the Bosporus and the shores of Asia: and certa'nly no c.ty in the world can surpass it in the beauty of its position, its fac.ht.es foi commerce, or the picturesqueness of the scenery that sum,unds ,t It ,» washed on the east by the Bosporus, on the north by the Golden Horn, which derived this name from the rich traffic the fisheries supphed, at a very early period, and retams it to the present day. The harbor is seven miks in length, and the water, scarcely affected by tides, is deep enough to float vessels of the krgest size. It was and is the key to the Euxme and the^gean Seas, and its possession was an object of eager nvalsh.p among Z mit poweri-^l nations of antiquity. Philip of Macedonia, no less than Nichotes^ Bussia, made every eifort to bring f^"\'"\Y'Zl^ was prevented only by the energetic resistance of Demosthenes, for ^^h,cl the people of Byzantium decreed, in honor of the Athemans, a — and a gTlden crown. In the wars of the Romans, Byzantium suffered her faU share of disasters, in sieges, slaughters, the demolition of her walU, and chmiges in her political institutions. When Cons&ntine determined to place his new cap.tal here, he greatly enlarged the boundaries, and, to make it in all resi>ects another Rome, took to the seven hills, which rise one above the other, and are covered by the city. From his time it has borne the name of Constantinopolis — Con- stantinople - in the languages of Europe, Constanyi in the Arabic, and Stamboul in the Turkish, which is formed from the Greek words u, t,- irfXo. into or in the city. The line of walls across the peninsula was marked by the Emperor, marching at the head of a procession : a splendid exhibition of chariot games was given in the hippodrome, after which the Emperor was drawn in a magnificent car through the city, beanng a golden .tatue of Fortune in his hand, surromided by his guards arrayed in f A. D. 361.] THE EMPEROR JULIAN. 571 festa robes, and carrying lighted torches. The ceremonies of inaucnira- tion lasted forty days. The walls were not completed untU the rei°n of Constantius; they were overthrown by an earthquake at the beginning of the fifth century; and the dilapidated walls which still exist, runnin° trom the Sea of Marmora to the harbor, are the remains of the double Une° reconstri,cted in a. d. 447 with rectangular flanking towers at short inter' vals. The circuit of the city was about thirteen miles. ^ § 2. One effect of the transference of the seat of government to Byzan- ^um was to bring the Greeks into a more direct communication with the Roman administration. It was the ami of the first Roman Emperors — those of the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries — to establish the Latin Ian- guage, the Roman law, and Roman institutions generally, on a more per- manent footing than they had yet gained in the East. The influence of the court had some effect. Those who were connected with it, or dependent on Its favors, prided themselves in adopting the style, manners, and di great Ixnly of intrusive settlers gradually disappeared from the soil of Greece as mysteriously as they came. Some had, of course, mingled with the Greeks, were converted to Christianity, and in the course of time, by the blending of families, became Ilellenized in language, maimers, and l)lood, and to all intents and purposes Greeks, just as the descen«lants of a foreign settler in England, mingling his blowl with the native race, lose the ori'fiiial luitionalitv of tlieir ancestors and become Englishmen. Trotosor Falhiiercyer indeed, in liis learned and entertaining work, written in Ger- man, — the History of the Peninsuhi of tlie Morea, — maintains that the Hellenic population was entirely exterminated, and that the jieople who cull thenuelves Greeks at the i)resent day are nothing but descendants of these Slavonian hordes. His book has calhd il)rth several replies; and his unibunded a»innptions and numerous misre|)re>entjUions of his- torical facts have been ably exposed l)y Zinkeisen, in his exct'llent Ilistoiy of Greece. But in truth, it is cpiite unnecessary to enter largely into historical research, to show the fallacy of Falhnereyer's opinion. The Slavonians are light-haired, blonde-complexioned, anil bluc-eyi-d ; the Greeks liave dark hair, brown comi>lexions, and sparkling Idaek vyvs. The Slavonians are broad-faced, stout, and somewhat clumsy; the (i reeks are lithe, slender, nind>le, gracetul. The same features that we admire in the ancient statues, nature still reproduces everywhere in Greece. The in- tellectual qualities of the races are strikingly different. The Cireek is liA ely, quick to understand, adroit, eloquent, curiinis, eager for novelty ; the Sla- vonian slow, inditferent, not easily moved to take an interest in anything that does not immediately concern liimself, and, what is more, th<3 trav- eller in Greece falls in, here anv rirers, tUeir Ueneral Char actenstics. § 10. Zosiinu?, Procopius, Constantino Porphyrogenitus, Xicephorus Bry ennius, Anna Comnena, Laonicos Chalcocondyles. § 1. From the period of which we have been speaking, the condition of Greece remained without undergoing any imjiortant change, until the con- quests of tlie Normans in the eleventh century. In 1081 Robert Guiscard passed over from Brindisi to Corfou with a powerful fleet. The iidiabitants of the islnnd making no resistance, he tlien landed in Epeirus; but in conse- quence of the deatli of tlie chieftain the expedition had no permanent con- sequence on the condition of the country. Another invasion of Greece was made by liohemuncl, called the Duke of Antioch: it was repelled by the Emi)eror Alexis, and llohemund forced to acknowledge himself liege- man of the Byzantine Emperor. A third invasion was conducted by Roger, tlie powerful and wealtliy king of Sicily. He appeared off Coifoii in 1140 witli a fleet of seventy sail, and, having easily mastered the island, proceeded to the mainland, marched through Epeirus and Attica, and plun- 73 \i m 578 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LI. i III ' I dM HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LI. the ingiiliftg offer. On the night before the assauh, the Emperor rode round to all the posts, encouraging the troops by his cheerful demeanor ; then, resorting to the churdi of St. Sophia, he partook, with his companions, of the holy saci-anient, according to the Latin foms. He returned to tlie imperial palace, and, asking pardon of all the members of his household for every offence he might ever have given them, withdrew, amidst their sighs and prayei-s and tears, mounted his horse, and rode away, with the solemn certainty that he should never meet them again in this world. § 6. Before the dawn of day, May 29, A. d. 1453, preparations were made for the assault, the troops rapidly taking their positions before the portions of the wall they were to attack, and the galleys, witli towc.^ and scaling platforms, moving up against the fortifications of the fort, protected by the artillery on the bridge. The principal attack was directed to the gate of St. Romanos, where a passage had already been effected into the city. For more than two hours the defence was maintained at every point, and in the harbor victory seemed for a time to incline to the besieged ; but at length, the small number of the defenders being diminished by death, ex- hausted by fatigue, unrelieved by rest, their commander wounded, and the Emperor left almost unsupported, a chosen band, led on by a gi- gantic warrior, Hassan of Ulubad, gained the summit of the dilapidated tower which flanked the passage. Theophilus Palajologos, when he saw the Emperor fighting, and the city on the i>oint of foiling, cried out, with a loud voice, and with tears, " GcXo) eavtlu fiaWov ?/ C^i/," — "I wish to die rather than to live," — and rushing into the midst of the enemy, and hew- ing many down with his sword, was at length overpowered and slain. The Emperor, left almost alone, was slain by the Turks, who, in the dim tmligh't of the morning, failed to recognize him. Hassan, and many of his followers, fell ; but fresh columns coming up, a corps of Janizaries i-ushed into Constantinople over the lifeless body of the unrecognized Emperor. Other columns entered at other points, and the despairing people — sena- tors, priests, monks, nuns, husbands, wives, and children — sought safety in the church of St. Sophia. A prophecy had been circulated, that here the Turks would be an-ested by an angel from heaven, with a drawn sword ; and here the miserable multitude crowded, in the expectation of super- natural help. The conquerors followed, sword in hand, slaughtering those they encountered in the streets. They broke down the doors of the church with axes, and, rushing in, committed every act of atrocity that a frantic thirst for blood and the inflamed passions of demons could suggest "Who," says Ducas, "shall describe the calamity? The lamentations of children, the tears and cries of mothers and fathers, who shall describe ? Men dragged away by the hair of the head; the servant bound with her mistress, the master with his slave ; maidens, whom the sun had never looked upon, dragged away, and beaten if they resisted." The unhappy victims were divided as slaves among the soldiers, without regard to blood A. D. 1453.] CAPTURE OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 58S \(\ or rank, and hurried off to the camp ; and the mighty cathedral, so long the glory of the Christian world, soon presented only traces of the most frightful orgies.' The other quarters of the city were plundered by other divisions of the army, and similar scenes enacted. " Those who yielded at once " says Plinmtzes, an eyewitness, " 'were made slaves ; those that resisted, slain. In some places the earth was hidden by the dead. A stran'^e spectacle was there ; — loud laments, and measureless violence in seizino* noble ladies ; maidens, and nuns consecrated to God, pitilessly dragged by the hair from the churches by the Turks ; the cries of children, — who shall describe the horrors that were seen and heard ? " The rich ware- houses along the port were speedily pillaged of their accumulated mer- chandise. About noon the Sultan made his triumphal entiy by the <^te of St. Romanos, passing by the body of the Emperor, which lay concealed among the slain. Entering the church, he ordered a moolah to ascend the bema, and announce to the Moslems that St. Sophia was now a mosque consecrated to the prayers of the true believers. He directed the body of the Emperor to be sought, his head to be exposed to the people, and afterwards to be sent as a trophy, to be seen by the Greeks, in the principal cities of the Ottoman Empire. For three days the city was given up to the indescribable horrors of pillage and the license of the Mussulman sol- diery. Forty thousand perished during the sack of the city, and fifty thousand were reduced to slaves. Youth, strength, beauty, and rank only insured their possessors the sad lot of servitude, adding often the harsher doom of an enforced conversion to the Moslem faith. Many families were utterly destroyed. The Grand Duke Notaras, one of the most distinguished persons in the Empire, refused to comply with the demand of the Sultan, that his youngest son should be sent to become a page in the palace, well knowing the fate which would await him there. The Sultan ordered him and all his sons to instant execution. The scene of the execution, as described by Ducas and Phrantzes, is most pathetic, the father encouraging his sons by Christian exhortations to meet death bravely, and then, retiring to a chapel for a moment's prayer, calmly submitting to the headsman, with the bodies of his murdered children ly- ing before him. Of other fiimihes, the men were put to death, the male children placed in the schools of the Janizaries, and the females shut up in the harems of the Sultan and his courtiers. Even Mohammed, when he arrived at the imperial palace, was struck by the melancholy aspect of the place, and so awful an illustration of the mutability of human affairs. Even he — stained with blood — recalled a couplet of the Persian poetFirdusi: — " The spider's curtain hangs bef'ore the portal of Caesar's palace, The owl fills with his nocturnal wail the watch-tower of Afrasiab." § 7. The princes of the Morea, learning the capture of Constanti- nople, sent their submission to the Sultan, which was received, on condition 74 sm PISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LI. of a yearly tribute of twelve tliousand gold ducats. But disturbances and revolts called for the presence of the Sultan, and by a vigorous campaign, in A. B. 1458, he reduced the rebels to submission. Again, in A. d. 1460, he passed the Isthmus of Corinth, to suppress new tumults ; and by a se- ries of the most atrocious massacres, not only of men taken with arms in their hands, but of unarmed men, women, and children, — more than six tliousand having been put to death, and ten thousand tnxnsported to Con- stantinople, — finally overthrew the power of the Byzantine rulers ; and after a few more desperate struggles by the local organizations, where similar scenes of slaughter were enacted, the subjection of Morea, with the exception of a few places held by the Venetians, was completed, — its re- sources exhausted, — its spirit broken, — so that the annual payment of children the Christians were compelled to send to Constantmople failed to awaken either patriotism or despair among the Greeks. And now nearly the whole of Greece, from north to south, was subjected to the sceptre of the Moslems, almost without further resistance. § 8, A singular chapter, or appendix, of Byzantine life and history, is presented by the empire of Trebizond. Along the shores of the Black Sea many cities were early settled by colonists from Greece. From the mouth of the Halys to the Caucasus extends a magnificent country, of rich plains, wooded hills, forests, and rapid, fertilizing streams. On a table- shaped rock, on the southeast shore of the Euxine, the Greeks established a citadel, which from its form they called TVapcsow*, — now changed into Trebizond, — as early as the eighth century before Christ. In the Roman times it became an important centre of commercial relations between Persia and Europe, enjoying the privileges of a free city. It shared the fortunes of the Byzantine Empire, and in the Iconoclastic period became the capital of the Theme of Chaldia, and the centre of the diplomatic re- lations between the imperial government and the princes of Armenia ; and when the wars between the Saracens and Christians broke out, the Duke of Chaldia, who was charged with the business relating to them, made Trebizond his principal residence. From time to time, the rulers of this theme attempted to make themselves independent of the imperial government. But it was not until the Crusaders captured Constantmople, Zd divided the greater part of the provinces of the Empire among their princes, that Trebizond became a separate government, under the rule of a descendant of the Comneni. This family, who gave a dynasty to Byzantium, first appeared prominently towards the end of the tenth cen- tury, and from that time, for four hundred years, took a conspicuous, though not always an honorable, part in the affairs of the world. Alexius Comne- nos, a young prince, nephew of the Emperor Isaac Comnenos, escaped to Colchis, during the siege of Constantinople, with his brother David ; and there succeeded m raising an army, with which he entered Trebizond just at the moment of the fall of the capital. Assuming the title of Megas A. D. 14G1.] CONQUEST OP TREBIZOND. 587 Comnenos, or Grand Comnenos, to distinguish himself from the nu- merous descendants of other branches of the family, he was readily acknowledged Emperor, and at the age of twenty-two was crowned at Trebizond.* His career of conquest at first was rapid and brilliant. At length, the young Emperor, coming into collision with the Seljouk Turks who were spreading desolation along their path, was obliged to acknowl- edge himself a vassal of the Seljouk empire, and to pay an annual tribute to the Sultan Azeddin. From 1222 to 1280 Trebizond continued tributary to the Seljouk Sultans, but on the accession of John II. her independence was completely restored. The history of Trebizond, from this time for- ward, under twelve Emperors, and three Empresses, is crowded with the detads of external and civil wars, which have no important beai-in- upon the general condition of the worid. The Orthodox Eastern Church was here supported, under the protection of St. Eugenios, who was so -reat a favorite, that one son out of every family bore his name. A document relatmg to a lawsuit was found by Fallmereyer, in which three of the litigating parties were named Eugenios. In the conquering career of the Turks, its doom was postponed until Constantinople had faUen, and the Morea had yielded to the arms of Mohammed II. In 1461, the Sultan advanced with his fleets and armies, resolved on the subjugation of Trebi- zond. He met with little opposition from David, the last Emperor of the Comnenian line, who made terms with the invader, surrendered the city and withdrew with his family and his treasures to his European appana-e! The wealthy inhabitants were compeUed to emigrate to Constantinople and their estates and palaces conferred on Ottoman officers ; the remainder of the population of both sexes were set apart as slaves of the Sultan and the army. The sons of the noblest families, remarkable for personal beauty, were placed as pages in the imperial seraglio, and others were em-olled in the corps of Janizaries, or distributed among the soldiers as slaves. Ancient churches and monasteries, with curious paintino^s in the Byzantme style, — pictures of saints and portraits of emperors, — stiU attest its foi-mer arts and piety ; but they are fast disappearmg, by decay and neglect, and, unless the lovers of art soon take measures fo^'r their pro- tection, will utterly disappear, as Christian art has long since perished at Constantinople. At the present day, not a single descendant of an ancient * This chapter of history has not been fully known until the last few years Docu- ments have come to light, since Gibbon's time, which have cleared up a subject he had not the means of illustrating; in particular, a manuscript work, by Michael Panaretos, a monk of Trebizond, who held an office about the person of the last Emperor, and which contains a list, nearly complete, of the Grand Comnenoi, with some of the principal events of their reigns. This very curious document was found by Professor Fallmerever amono- the books of Cardinal Bessarion preserved at Venice, and was published, in 1832, by Professor Tafel of Frankfort. It is also very curious as an illustration of the state of the language. It is the basis of the History of Trebizond by Fallmereyer, and of the very elegant chapters on the fam 3 subject in Mr. Finlay's Jiledioeval Greece. f HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LI Trapezuntian family is known to sumve. The dethroned Emperor was permitted to Uve in peace a few years ; but about a. d. 1470 he fell under the jealous suspicions of the Sultan, was arrested, with all his family, and carried to Constantinople. He was ordered to embrace the faith of Islam, under pain of death ; but he rejected the condition with firmness. The Eraperar, his seven sons, and his nephew Alexius, were put to death, and their lifeless bodies cast out, unburied, beyond the walls. They would have been consumed by the dogs, « accustomed," says an eloquent writer, « during the reign of Mohammed IL, to feed on Christian flesh," but for the" pious cai-e of the Empress Helen, who, clad in humble garb, repaired to the spot where they lay, watched over their bodies during the day, and in the darkness of night, assisted by a few compassionate friends, silently committed them to the earth. Her daughter was torn from her arms, and worse than buried in a Turkish harem. Widowed, childless, or more unhappy still, the fallen Emijress, having suffered the saddest changes of public fortune and the most harrowing and heart-breaking of private calamities, — like some doomed heroine of the tragic families of antiquity, — passed the short remainder of her life in mournmg and prayer, and then found a welcome refuge in the grave. § a. The series of Byzantine historians extends from the fourth nearly to the sixteenth century, if we include the few who wrote after the capture of Constantinople. These writers contain the immense mass of materials of which Gibbon made so admirable use in his unequalled History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. The most convenient edition is the octavo reprint, projected and in part superintended by Niebuhr. •These writers are quite apart from the usual range of classical studies, and are generally neglected. But some of these works are written by men of literary accomplishments, honorable characters, and large expe- rience in affairs. None of them equal the Attic historians in the high qualities of natural and lucid style. But some are clear, accurate, in- structive, and interesting. Others, in striving to acquire a factitious elegance, become pompous and inflated. Some aim at the antique man- ner° and become affected ; others, writing in the language of their times, fall into the corrupt forms of the vulgar Byzantine Greek ; and others, finally, are marked by all the peculiarities of idiom and construction which belong to the spoken Greek of the present day. In passages of the best, there is often vivid description and stirring eloquence ; in the worst, uni- foiin tediousness. § 10. Zosimus wrote on the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, in a style clear and concise ; but being a Pagan, he is described by Photius as one " impious in religion, and howling against the pious." Procopius lived in the sixth century, and is conspicuous for having been the secretary of Belisarius, whom he accompanied in his wars. In hterary ability he was, perhaps, the best of aU the Byzantine historians, and his style is a A.D. 1137.J BYZANTINE HISTORIANS. 589 nearer approach than any of them to the classic models. He wrote the history of the wars with tlie Persians, Vandals, and Goths, besides other works, particularly a scandalous chronicle of the court. Agathias, a lawyer and scholar of the same century, besides love poems, whicli are lost, wrote a continuation of the history of Procopius, in a somewhat bombastic style. In the next two centuries there is but little of any interest. It was an evil time for literature. In the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centu- ries there was more literary activity, if not a revival of letters. In the tenth century reigned the learned and excellent Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, who, besides being a connoisseur in art, wrote many un- portant works on history and administration, and labored assiduously to encourage literature, and to improve the education of the times. The greatest name, in the eleventh century, is that of Michael Psellos, who was the prodigy of his age. The Emperor gave him the title of Prince of Philosojihers. His works were on the most extniordinary variety of subjects, theological, philosophical, mathematical, legal, and one on the operation of Demons. Many of them still remain unpublished. The style is said to be persi)icuous and elegant, and worthy of a better age. To the twelfth century belong Anna Comnena, and iier husband, Nice- phorus Bryennius. This illustrious family presents a pleasing picture of happiness and literary accomplishments. Bryennius was a G^i-eek noble- man, of a family distinguished for its antiquity and the many high places which had been held by members of it. He became the confidential friend and adviser of the Emperor Alexis Comnenos immediately ujwn his accession to the throne. As a mark of his respect the Emperor created a new title, Panhypersebastos, All-superlatively'amjust and, what was still more to the purpose, bestowed on him the hand of his beauti- ful daughter, Anna Comnena, who was equally remarkable for the graces of her person and her intellectual accomplishments. Bryen- nius took a leading part in the wars of the age, and was one of the most skilful diplomatists at the imperial court. His various talents and his affiible manners made him so great a fiivorite, that his ambitious wife endeavored, but without success, to persuade her father to name him his successor; and the only serious fault chargeable upon his life is, that he listened to her suggestion, and endeavored to deprive his young brother-in-law of the crown, on the death of Alexis. Failing in this, his estates were confiscated, and he, with his wife, wa^ banished to (Enoe,' on the Black Sea, where they lived in retirement several years. He was, however, restored to favor, and died, soon after 1137, at Constantinople! The peculiar interest of the period in which he lived arises from the cir- cumstance that the Crusaders at this time brought the Western and Eastern powers into contact and collision ; and it was by his prudent counsels that the Emperor was chiefly guided in the first differences between himself and the crusading princes. Bryennius wrote a history, in four books, of 090 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LI tlie events of whieli he liad been a contemporary and in great part an eye- witness. He left it incomplete, covering a period of a little more than twenty years, from about A. b. 1057 to 1078, — intending to bring it down to the reign of Alexis, but being interrupted by death. "This mighty task," says he to his mother-in-law, the Empress, " O thou, my wisest in- tellect and inspiration, thou hast laid upon me ; thou hast commanded me to write the deeds of Alexis the Great, who having foUen on troublous times, and assuming the power when the affairs of the Empire were fallen to the earth, raised them up and reinstated them in then- greatest glory I dare not assume to write this history, nor to compose a eulogy on him ; for this, scarcely would the power of Thucydides and the eloquence of Demosthenes suffice. I presume only to funiish the means to those who desire to celebrate his deeds ; and therefore let this work be called the materials of history." Notwithstanding the modest estimate he ventures to entertain of liis own ability, his work is written in a very manly style, and shows the experience of a man versed in affairs, and the calm and cool judgment of the philosophic statesman. Anna Comnena was considerably younger than her husband, being bom in 1083. She was celebrated as the handsomest woman in the high- est society of Constantinople ; and her accomplishments in literature were equally the admiration of the scholars, philosophers, and poets by whom she was surrounded. Tlie domestic happiness she enjoyed is certainly a remarkable and bright spot in the general degeneracy of the age. Her married life lasted more than forty years, and the only interruption to its felicity was its close by the death of her husband. Her palace was the resort of the Uterary men and of the most brilliant society in the twelfth century, — the centre of the arts and sciences of Constantinople for many years. She sur\'ived her husband, and worthily employed the remainder of her days in finishing the task he left incomplete at his death. It is the life of her father Alexis, — under the name of the Alexiad ; and though abounding in rhetorical fauhs, it is one of deep interest. She writes with the partiality of a daughter for her father, and with a good deal of ambitious vanity, — presenting in this respect a strong contrast to the simple and honest style of her husband, for whom she cherished the most unbounded affection as long as she lived. She describes him *' as a man surpassing in personal beauty, fineness of understanding, and eloquence of speech, all that lived in his time ; he was a wonder to look at and listen to, and in all respects a most distinguished person." She then recounts the circumstances under which he began his history, and its interruption by his death, — " a misfortune to the subject," she adds, "and the loss of much pleasure to the readers." "What har- mony and what grace were in his words, those know best who were most familiar with his writings." She attributes his death to his unceasing la- bors, and his exposure during the long campaigns he served in. As she A D. 1446.] BYZANTIJ^E HISTORIANS. 591 writes these things, her soul, she says, is weary with sorrow, and her eyes fill with tears, recalling to memory the graces of his person, and the gifts of his mind, worthy of a higher than royal dignity. Her affliction would move the hardest heart to sympathy. But she wipes her tears, and com- mences her task. The work is certainly a remarkable illustration of the literary cul- ture of the twelfth century, and proves that the women of the highest classes were carefully trained in literary discipline. The narrative is generally clear, though at times ambitious and turgid ; and the period embraced by the work is of the highest interest, — especially the latter part, the period of the Crusades. It has something of the spirit ot hero-worsliip and self- worship ; and when she enlarges on her own ac- complishments, one is tempted to smile. But, remembering that she was an emperor's daughter, and surrounded through a long life by the adulations of a luxurious court, — that she was beautiful bey'^nd her con- temporaries, and that amidst the dangerous influences of the times she kept the purity of her character untainted, exhibited a lofty example of domestic virtue, and cherished with undiminished ardor the common affections of daily life, which grace the highest station, wliile they lend a sanctity to the lowliest, — we may admit that her vanity is pardonable and her pedantry not without excuse.* We will mention only one more of these writers, Laonicos Chalcocon- dylas, who belongs to the fifteenth century. Very few incidents of his life have been preserved, except that he was a native of Athens, and employed by tlie Emperor John Pala3ologus VII. as ambassador to Amurath or Murad II. in 1446, that he probably hved till towards the end of the century, and consequently witnessed the downfall of Constantinople, the conquest of Greece, and periiaps the overthrow of Trebizond, by the Turks. He seems to have remained in Constantinople, or returned after the Sultan had introduced some degree of order in the affairs of the capital, * A few sentences will show the style into which she rose, when she aimed at being par- ticularly fine. It is fair to say that the whole book is by no means in this vein. " Time, rolling on, irresistibly and for ever, wliirls and sweeps away all existing things, and sinks them in the depths of oblivion, — where lie both those of little worth and those which are great and worthy of remembrance, — or, as the tragedy hath it, brings to light the hidden things, and hides those that are conspicuous. But the word of history is the strongest dike against the stream of time, and checks its mightv current, binding up and holding together what is therein, that it may not glide down 'into the depths ol" Lethe. Knowingthis, — I, Anna, daughter of the imperial Alexis and Eirene, child and nursling of the purple, — not unskilled in letters, but accomplished in the Greek to the highest per- fection,— not unpractised in rhetoric, but having carefully read the treatises of° Aristotle and the Dialogues of Plato, — and having strengthened my intellect by the quaternion of the sciences, — (for it is my duty, and not a matter of self-gratification, to set forth those qualifi- cations which either nature or the study of the sciences has given me, or God has bestowed on me from above, or occasion has contributed,) — I, Anna, desire, in this my composition, to narrate the deeds of my father, undeserving to be betraj'ed to forgetfulness, or swept away by the stream of time into the ocean of oblivion." 592 HISTORY OF 6BEECE. [Chap. LI. and formed one of the small circle of literary men who stfll kept up the spirit of ancient scholai-ship. He wrote a work, in ten books, on the his- tory of the Turks, from their origin down to the conquests of Mohammed II., and the best judges have pmnounced it eminently worthy of credit. He was a wise and sound judge of affairs ; a scholar of great and various learning; and his work is one of the best sources for the history of the decline of the Greek Empire. His style is not perfectly simple, but affects too much the classical phraseology of antiquity. We feel the labor of the writer a little too much ; but it is i)erspicuous, and in many places exceedingly interesting and animated. He introduces here and there cu- rious episodes upon the condition and character of the Western nations, sometinies correct, and always worthy of attention, as coming from an Athenian writer of the fifteenth century. Germany, Fnmce, and England are described with some detail.* In an historical point of view, the most striking part of this very inter- esting work is the minute, graphic, and vivid description, in the eighth book, of the capture and sack of Constantinople. It is more affecting Than the stately picture Gibbon has given of that great event ; because it is written with the sense of the reality which so tremendous a tragedy mast have left in the mind of a contemporary, and that profound sym- pathy with its horroi-s and sufferings, which a countryman, a patriot, and a victim cannot but feel, whenever he calls up the image of so dire a catastrophe ; and when he says, at the conclusion, « Such were the events that befell the Greeks of Byzantium, — and this disaster appears to me to surpass in woe all that have ever happened in the worid," — he cimies the reader along with him, and we close the book with the feeling of pity and terror which the tragic downfall of a nation ought always to hispire. * After describing the geographical position and political arrangements of the British Isles, he says : " The king could not easily take away his principality from any of the great lords, nor would they submit to him, contrary to their own usage's. The kinc^doni has suffered many calamities from civil wars, &c. The island does not produce wine, nor many fruits; but It bears com and bariey and honey. They have the most beautiful wool in the worid, so that they weave immense quantities of cloth. Thev speak a lan«niage that re- sembles no other; neither German, nor French, nor that of any of the surrounding nations. Ihey have a custom throughout the island, that, when a visitor enters the house of a friend the wife receives him with a kiss, as a prelimmary to the hospitalities of the house. The City of London is the most powerful and prosperous of all the cities in these i«;land« and mferior to none in the West; and in the martial valor of its inhabitants, it is superior to all who hve towards the setting sun." He gives many other particulars, but these are the most characteristic. He evidently did not understand the English language, and probably was mistaken in some of the customs of the country ; but his notices of the industry- an'd martial virtues of the English people show that he had well observed the quaUties that have made them the foremost power in the world. A. D. 14.53.] EFFECT OF THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. ms Side View of the Theseum. CHAPTER Ln. GREECE UNDER THE TURKS. § L Effect of the Fall of Constantinople on Western Europe. § 2. Efforts to combine the Christian Powers against the Turks. § 3. Greek Literature in the West before the Fall of Constantinople. § 4. Difl'usion of Greek Literature after tlie Fall of Constantino- ple. § 6. Wars of the Venetians with the Turks. Battle of Lepanto. Expedition of Morosini. ^ 6. Efforts of the Turks to recover the Peloponnesus. Peace of Passaro- witz. § 7. Turkish Organization of Greece. Extortions of the Pachas. Taxes Ha- ratch. Land Tax. Other Burdens. Condition of the Rayahs. § 8. The TraiSo/xaVw/xa, or Levy of Children for the Janizaries. History of the Janizaries. $ 9. General Con- dition of Greece. Greek Islands. § 10. Presei-vation of the Greek Nationality during the Period of Turkish Domination. Armatoloi, Klephtai. Character of the Klepht^ Klephtic Ballads. § 11. Prepanitions for the Revolution. Rhegas. Coraiis. § 1. The fall of Constantinople sent a shock throughout the Christian nations of Western Europe. The capture of Constantinople by the Cru- saders had destroyed the most precious memorials of ancient art and wealth in the city ; had exhausted its resources, and broken down its mar- tial energies ; had divided the Empire into fragments for the benefit of their own princes, driving out the native rulers. And when, sixty years later, they were themselves driven back from a conquest they had wrongfully held, the Emperors of Constantinople reassumed an empire shorn of its power and splendor, not only by Saracens and Turks, but 75 F.I ^ 'I 592 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LI. and formetl one of the srnsill circle of literary men who sttll kept up tlie spirit of ancient :«eholarsliip. He wrote a work, in ten books, on the liis- tory of the Turks, from their origin down to the conquests of Mohannned II., and the best judges luive pronounced it eminently wortliy of credit. He was a wisi.' and sound judge of affairs ; a scholar of great and various leaniing; and his work is one of the best sources for the history of the di'dine of the Greek Empire. His style is not peifectly simple, but affects too much the cla»i(al phraseol(>gy of antiquity. We feel the labor of tlie writer a little too nmch ; but it is persi)icuous, and ui many phices exceitliugly interesting and aninwited. He introduces here and there cu- rious ei>is(Hles u]K)n the condition and character of the Western nations, sometimes correct, juid always worthy of attention, as coming frt.m an Ailif nian writer of the iifteenth century. Genuany, France, and England are di-scribed with some detail* In an historical point of view, the most striking part of this very inter- esting work is the minute, graphic, and vivid description, in tlie eighth book, of the capture and sack of Cunstantinople. It is more affecting than the stately picture GM)on has given of that great event ; because it is written with the sense of the reality which so tremen the most i>owerful and prosi.erous of all the cities in these i^land< and inferior to none in tlie West : and in the martial valor of its inhabitants, it is superior to all who hve towards the setting sun." He gives many other particulars, but these are the most characteristic. He evidently did not understand the English langua-e, and i.n.bablv was mistaken in some of tlie customs of the country ; but his notices of tlie industry and martial virtue? of the Englisli people show that he had well observed the quaUties that have made them the foremost power in the world. A. D. 1453.] EFFECT OF THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 593 Side View of the Theseum. CHAPTER LIL GREECE UNDER TIIE TURKS. f 1. Effect of the Fall of Constantinople on Western Europe. § 2. Eflbrts to combine the Christian Powers against the Turks. § 3. Greek Literature in tlie West before the Fall of Constantinople. § 4. Diffusion of Greek Literature after the Fall of Constantino- ple. § 5. Wars of the Venetians with the Turks. Battle of Lepanto. Expedition of Morosini. § 6. Eflbrts of the Turks to recover the Peloponnesus. Peace of Passaro- witz. §7. Turkish Organization of Greece. Extortions of the i»achas. Taxes Ha- ratch. Land Tax. Otlier P>urdens. Condition of the Rayahs. § 8. The 7rai5o/xaVa)/ia, or Levy of Clnldren for the Janizaries. History of the Janizaries. $ 9. General Con- dition of (Jrocce. Greek Islands. § 10. Preservation of the Greek Nationality durinolh-,nomy, to remunerate the Pacha and his suite for the fat,™ of 76 ' tJ I ' i 602 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LII. the Ottoman dynasty, in the fourteenth century, and consisted at first of young Christians, taken captive in war and trained up in the Moham- medan feith, and discipline of aims. When organized, the troop was blessed by an aged dervish. " The soldiery which you have just created," said he to the sovereign, "shall be Jani-Tscheri, — New Troop; it shall be victorious in every combat ; its face shall be white, its arm formidable, its sabre sharp-edged, and its arrow piercing." It became, in the course of time, a formidable power, not only to the Sultan's enemies, but to the Sultan himself. Revolutions were made, at the beck of this band ; Sul- tans were enthroned and Sultans were dei)Osed, according to their licen- tious will. It was one of those instruments of despotism which most emphatically turn to plague their inventors. The supply of boys to re- cruit this body, in Greece, amounted to about one thousand annually, and was afterwards increased. The imijosition was cidled the nmBo^dCa^ui, or child-tribute, — the form the impost assumed after the captives taken in war ceased to be sufficient. It continued down to the middle of the seventeenth century, and the whole number of those furnished by Greece alone amounted, according to the estimate of one of the Professors in the University of Athens, to little less tlian five hundred thousand.* After- wards, the recruits were taken fi-om the children of the Janizaries. This military organization existed until 1826, when Sultan ISIahmoud, finding their power and turbulence obstacles in the way of his projected reforms, resolved on disbanding them, and putting his armies on the footing of the Europeans. Thirty thousand rose in rebellion ; but the Sultan, having consulted the highest authorities of the Moslem law, and received their solemn sanction to the measure, unrolled the standard of the Prophet, and rallied all true Moslems to the support of the throne. Fifty thousand men marched against them, surrounded the bari-acks in the IIipix)drome, set them on fire, and slaughtered those who attempted to escape. So per- ished, by flame and sword, a body of men descended from Christian captives, or children torn by violence from Christian families, forced to apostatize from the religion of their fathers, and for centuries the instru- ment and the terror of tyrants. § 9. We have a few notices of the condition of Greece in these times. Gerbel, in a work published in tlie middle of the sixteenth centurj', in speaking of Athens, exclaims : " O tragic change of human power ! a city once surrounded by walls, filled with edifices, powerful in arms and wealth and men, now reduced to a miserable village ; once free and living under its own laws, now subjected by the yoke of slavery to the most cruel and brutal masters. Go to Athens and behold, in place of the most magnifi- cent works, a mass of deplorable ruins." And Pinet, a French writer, at the close of his description, exclaims : " And now, O heavens, there * Professor Paparrhegopoulos, *IoTopia r^s EXXaSos. «■ Chap. LII.] preservation of greek nationality. 603 remains only a little castle, and a miserable village, unprotected from foxes and wolves, and other wild beasts." Another writer, a little later, says : " Greece once was, Athens once was ; now there is neither Athens in Greece, nor Greece in Greece itself." And Ortelius, the geographer, says : " Now only a few miserable huts remain ; the place at the V^sent day is called Setine," In 1584, a work was published by Martin Kraus, a German professor, under the title of Turco-Graicia, containing letters 'in answer to inquiries addressed by him to the Patriarch of Con^'stantinople and other distinguished Greeks, on the condition of Hellas. They all tell the same story of poverty and ignorance, but describe the Greeks as still possessing natural brightness of intellect. Says Zygomak, the protho- notary of the Patriarch, " They are very quick to receive instruction whenever they have the chance of being taught by a professor of letters " ; but the same writer states that at this time only one school existed, and that was at NaupUa, in which ancient Greek was taught. The Greek islands, being visited by the Turks only periodically, for the collection of tribute, were much less wretchecithan the mainland, and much less exposed to the vices of the Turkish system, whether of plunder- ing m general, or of the administration of justice. To sum up aU, says Sir James Emerson Tennent, « The energies of the nation were either cramped in their infancy, or crushed in their mature development ; the course of justice was diverted from its genial channels, or fouled by ve- nality and religious favoritism ; the fruits of domestic toil were aiTested by local despots and delegated tyrants, or sacked by the unresisted spoiler and the wandering bandit." § 10. There were, however, several causes which tended to the pres- ervation of their nationality during this period. In the first place, it was impossible for them to combine with their oppressors and form one people, because the moral, intellectual, and social tendencies of the two races were mutually repulsive at every point of contact. A second cause was the superiority of the Greeks in mental capacity, which made it necessary for the Turks to intrust the direction of affairs to native leaders, in many parts of the country. A thii*d cause was then- inextinguishable devotion to the Christian Church, which they regarded, from an early period of the Byzantine times, as their ark of safety. And finally, the preservation of the national spirit is due in a great measure to the fact, that there were parts of Greece which the Turks were never able to subdue. The Manotes of the Peloponnesus long maintamed their independence, and always asserted the right of being governed by a native ruler. The wariike inhabitants of the mountainous regions in the North — Olympus, Pelion, Pindus, and Agrapha — steadily refused submission to the Turks, and were permitted, on the payment of an inconsiderable tribute, to retain their arms, and to assume the military protection of their native districts. These were called Armatoloi, or bearers 604 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LH of aims, and tbeir districts Armatolics, of which, at the beginning of the last century, there were seventeen. Each of these districts or counties acknowledged the authority of a chieftain, called Capitanos, or Headman, whose office was hereditary, descending with his sword to his oldest son. The members of his military corps were called Pallecaria, — a term fipom an ancient Greek word signifying youth, but used in the ]Mod- em Greek for Braves, and quite as famous in poetry as the term Hero in the Iliad. But besides the Armatoles, there were many impatient and daring spirits, who, refiising to make any terms with their con- querors, betook themselves to a life of lawless rapine among the inac- cessible fastnesses of the mountains. These, too, were organized, like the Armatoles, into bands commanded by Capitanoi, and bore the honorable name of KXct^rac — the ancient KXcVrat — or Robbers. The same general characteristics prevailed in both. Their valor, their endurance of fatigue, their well-strung frames, and wonderful activity, were the themes of native bards, whose songs almost reproduce the pictures of ancient Homeric times. The Klephts ■aaintained themselves in a wild independence, seizing every opportunity of rushing down upon the Turkish villages and camps, plundering, killing, or taking captive, and climbing back into their Idmeria, — their rocky eyries, — before the Turks could rally in pursuit. The life of the EHephts placed them beyond the reach of lettered culture. They had no more time or taste for reading and writing than the warriors of the Biad, under the walls of Troy ; but, like them, they delighted in feats of strength and hai'dihood, and listened with ecstasy to the ballads which perpetuated, in unwritten minstrelsy, the glory of their fathers* achievements. Achilles singing in his tent the lays of heroes, is the clas- sical prototype of the poet Iflepht of Agrapha ; and swift-footed Achilles himself could scarcely have overmatched him in speed of running or lightness of leap. Nico-Tsara sprang over seven horses abreast, and it was no uncommon thing for a full-armed Klepht to outrun the swiftest racer. The Capitanos Zacharias, whose exploits in speed of foot are commemorated in more than one Klephtic ballad, used, when doing his best at running, to strike his ears with his heels. In other more martial qualities, he and his band were equally conspicuous. One of the ballads says: — " Three days he keeps the battle up, three days and nights incessant, And snow they ate, and snow they drank, and flash on flash retorted." And again : — " Three days he keeps the battle np, three days and nights unceasing, Nor bread ate he, nor water drank, nor sleep came o'er his eyelids." Such men could expect no quarter from the Turks, whenever the chances of war threw them into their hands. The tortures they underwent with- out a groan make us shudder, as we read the horrible details. The euthanasia of a Klepht was death in battle. The favorite toast at Chap. LILl KLEPHTIC BALLADS. 605 their banquets was Ka\6p fioU^t, " Welcome the bullet." The bodies of those who fell they honored with the name of victims, (rcjidyia, but those who died of sickness or age, — of what we call a natural death, — they stigmatized as carcasses. Their religious ideas were primitive. The principal use which they conceived a priest could be put to, was to shrive the soul of a dying hero ; and monasteries they regarded simply as maga- zines of provisions, which it was their duty to help themselves to, when- ever occasion served. It was a special triumph to carry off a Turkish Bey or Aga to the mountains, and keep him there under careful watch, until ransomed by the payment of- a pretty large sum. Whenever the wives and daughters of the Turks fell into their hands, as not unfrequently happened, they were treated with the most scrupulous delicacy and honor, — a striking contrast, it is needless to say, to the practice of the Turks; and they seldom retorted upon men the cruelties practised on themselves. Tlie worst they did was to make them turn the spit in preparing a Kleph- tic feast. One of the ballads speaks thus of Kaliakoudas, a chief, and hia troop : — " And they had lambs, and roasted them, and rams were duly spitted: Five captive Beys they also had, wlio kept the spits a turning." It is not difficult to imagine the charm of this Klephtic life to the young and fiery spirits, chafing under the Turkish domination in the lowlands. The ballads are full of simplicity and natural feeling, and redolent of the mcy freshness of the free, wild ways among the mountains. The following is literally translated from a collection published last year by Zampelios, a Greek gentleman of Leucadia. It illustrates at once the intolerable op- pression of the Turkish rule, the seducing charm of Klephtic life, and the sweet touch of love of nature, which was ever springing freshly up in the hearts of this people. " Mother, I tell thee I can no longer be a slave to the Turks ; I cannot ; my heart struggles against it. I will take my gun and go and become a Klepht ; — to dwell on the mountains among the lofty ridges : to have the woods for my companions ; to hold converse with the beasts ; to have the snow for my covering, the rocks for my bed; —with sons of the Klephts to have my daily habitation. I will go, mother ; but weep not ; and give me thy blessing. And we will pray, my mother dear, that I may slay many a Tuik. — And plant the rose and plant the dark carnation ; — and give them sugar and musk to drink. And as long, O mother mine, as the flow- ers blossom and put forth, thy son is not dead, but is warring with the Turks. And if the day of sorrow comes, the day of woe, and the two fade away and the flowers fall, then I too shall have been slain, and thou may- est clothe thyself in black " Twelve years have passed and fifteen months, when the roses blos- somed, and the buds bloomed ; and one spring morning, the first of May, when the birds were singing, and the heaven was smiling, at once it thun- 4 I m 606 HISTORY OP GREECE. [Chap. LU. «brs, and Eglitens and darkens. Tlie carnation sighed, the rose wept, — Both withered up together, and the flowers fell; and with them the hap- less motlier became a heap of earth." § 11. But towards the end of the century, a remarkable revival took place in the intellectual energies of the Hellenic race. Of those remaining at Constantinople, many had risen to eminent j)ositions as interpreters, physicians, and even as Ilospodai-s, with the title of Prince, in the Molda- vian and Wallachian provinces. The distinguished and patriotic families of the Mavrocordatos and Ypselantes belong to these chisses. Others lia€l become wealthy merchants and "bankere, at Constantinople, Smyrna, and in the principal cities of Western Europe. The Ralles, the Zosimades, so well known for their liberal patronage of letters, splendidly illustrate the commereial genius and generous patriotism of the reviving race. In •Greece itself, a growing zeal for education, never wholly lost sight of even in their deepest miseiy, showed itself in the estal)lishment of sdiools and colleges, and the increased circulation of books. A society was formed, called tlie Hetan-ia, which extended all over Greece, and wherever Greeks were to be found, uniting them in a secret system of concerted action for the emancipation of the country. Tlie lyric songs of Rhegas, especially his animated and Tyrtieus-like rallying-cry to fight for liberty, thrilled the heart of the nation ; and his tragical death, when he was de- livered up to the Turks by the Austrians, seemed to seal the simctity of their cause by the baptism of blood. Later still, the illustrious Coraes, a scholar and patriot second to none in this age, — who in the year 18:33 closed at Paris a long life of virtuous and distinguished lal)ors, — by his elegant and animated appeals to all that was august and glorious in their past history, and to every patriotic and kindling sentiment native to the Hellenic heart, nerved his countrymen to dare every extremity of fortune in the struggle to regain their long-lost independence. Tlie lieart of the nation was ready for the great encounter; it had gone through tlio stern discipline of adversity, until adversity had exhausted its lessons of patient endurance. The moment for striking the long-meditated blow had come ; asad the people, led on by their chieftains, and inspired by the approba- tion, and in some instances by the active participation, of their spiritual guides, rose in arms, in the sacred cause of nationality and hberty. A. D. 1768.] INSURRECTION OF 1769. 607 ^■'. Vj% -•v* ■^r^' !^v Castle of Patrae. CHAPTER LHI. THE GREEK REVOLUTION. — KINGDOM OF HELLAS. 4 1. ^lovemcnts previous to the War of the Revolution. Insurrection of 1769. OrloflT and the Eussian Fleet. Xaval Expedition of Lampros, in 1787. Ali Pacha. Androutso*. ^ 2. Char- acteristics of the War of the Rcvohition, as sketched by Mr. Tricoupes. ^ 3. Opening of the War. Prince Ypselante>. Gerinanos, Archbishop of Patra?. Scenes at Constantinople. Defeat at Drairasclian. '^ 4. Death of Diakos !it Thenuopyla\ -^ 5. Cajiture of Tripohs ( Ti*i- politza.)- I'Ocal Governments. First National Assembly at Kpidanros. First Constitution. § 6. Massncre of Scio. § 7. Second National Assembly at Astros. Marcos IJotzares. ^ 8. Ktlbrts in Favor of the Greeks. § 9. Intervention of Mcheniet Ali, Pacha of Kirypt. Loan, § 10. IMiilhellenes. Gonlon, Fabvier, Meyer, Hastinirs, General (Church, Miller, Howe, Finlay, Lord Byron. § 11. Sie. Interference of the European Cabinets. § 17. Obstinacy of the Porte. Battle of Navarino. War between IJnssia and Turkey. Cessation of H<:)stilities. ^ 18. At- tempts to settle the Affairs of Greece. Assassination of Capo D'Istrias. Selection of Otho of Bavaria as Kinj;. His Arrival. Orjranization of Greece. His Marriage. ^ 19. Constitution of 1843. § 20. State of Education. § 21. Language. § 22. Litera- ture. ^ 23. Popular Poetry and Klephtic Ballads. § 1. Ix tlie reign of Catherine TL, in the year 17G8, a war broke out between Turkey and Russia. The crafty Empress endeavored, and with instant success, to rouse the Greek nation to throw off the yoke, inspiring them with the hope of recovering their ancient hberty. Two years pre- M." i M HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LII, A. D. 1768.] INSURRECTION OF 1769. 607 ders, aiKl ligliteiis anil darkens. The carnation sighed, the rose wept, — both withered up together, and tlie flowers fell ; and with them tlie hap- less mother IxcaiiK' a heap of earth." § 11. IJut towards tlie cud of the centuiy, a remarkahlc revival took place in tl..' iiitelhc-tual en<'rgi.-s of tlie ITellenie raee. Of tho.h% many had risen to eminent positions as iiiterpnt.'rs, phy>ician-., and rven as nnsi»odars, wilh the title of Prince, in the Molda- vian and Wallachian provinces. Tlic distinguished and ])afi-iotic families ot the MaM'ocordatos and Ypselante> helong to these cla-.-es. Others had h.-conie wealthy m.-rchaiits an.l hankei-s, at Constmuinople, Smyrna, and in the j.riuclpal cities of Wotern Europe. The Ralies, the Zosimades, so well km.wn f .r their liheral patronage of letters, splendidly illustrate the eonuneicial genius and generous ])atriotisin of the reviving race. In Greece itself, a growing zral for education, never wholly lost sight of even in their deej^est mi>eiy, sliowid itself in the e.taMishmeut (.f " -hools and coll. g.'.. an.l the increased circnlati(.n of hooks. A swiety was iormed, called the lletaria, wliich ext<'nded all over Oreeee, and wherever Greeks were to be found, uniting them in a secret .^y.^iem of concerted action for the emancipation of the country. The lyric si)ngs of Khegas, especially his animated and Tyrtanis-like rallying-cry to tight for liberty, thrilled tlie heart of the nation ; and his tragical dc^ith, wlieii he was de- livered np to the Turks by the Austrians, seemed to seal the simctity of their cause by the baptism of blood. Later still, the illu>ti'ie*us Coraes, a schohir and patriot second to none in this age, — who in the year l.s:j;] closed at Paris a long life of virtuous and distinguished lalws, — by his eh'gant and animated appeals to all that was august and glorious in their past histi>ry, and to every pati-iotic anh". Trie<>u))t''<. v) 3. Opetiipo; of the War. I'rinee Vp>elaiite>. Gcnnaiios, Archh;slnMi ol"l'atra'. Scents ;e (''>:ist:M;tii!o])ie. Defeat at Draiia-elian. '^ 4. Death of Diakot Xational AsstMiiltly at llpiilaur'ts. Kir>t Constitution. § 6. Mas>afiv of Srio. § 7. Secuud National Aofzar«"'S. ^ 8. Kll'orts in Favor of the (ireeks. § [>. Intervention of Mclicnict Ali, I'aelia of Kiryj)t. Lofin. § 1". IMiiUielkMK's. (Jorlon, Falivicr, Meyer, Hasrin-x-, (icncral (Miureh, Miller, Howe, I'inlay. I^nnl r>yron. § 11. Sie^can-l Capture of Me-n'mivri. ^^ 12. Movements sub- «eipient to the Fall of Me-olon^i. Siciic of Athens, (ionra< takes F(»>session of the Citascnibly at Tro?- zene. Election of Capo D"I-trias to the I'lv-iilcney of (Jreec(\ Karai-kake-, § 14. r»:i(i Faith of the Greeks. Death of Karai-kakes. His Ciiaraeter. § 15. jiattle in the IMain of Athens. § 1<». Interference of the European Cabinets. § 17. Olistinaey of the IVtrte. Battleof Xavarino. War I>etween Knssia ami Turkey. Ce-sation of Hostilities. ^ IS. At- tempts to x-rtle the Affairs of Greece. Assassination of Capo D'Istrias. Selection of Otho of llavaria as King. His Arrival. Oi'irani/.ation of (Jreece. His .Marriajre. § li». Constitution of 1S4.'5. § 20. State of Fdueation. § 21. Lanjiuaire. § 22. Litera- ture. § 23. Tupular Poetry and Klephtic liallad^. § 1. Ix the reign of Calhciiiie II., in the year ITCxS. a war broke out between Turkey and Russia. The erafty Empress eniU'avored, and with instant success, to rouse the Greek nation to throw oft" the yoke, ins[)iring them with the liope of recovering their ancient liberty. Two years pre- 'Jil HISTORY OF GBEECE. [Chap. LIU. Tiouslj, a Greek, who had been in the Russian anny, was despatched into Peloponnesus to prepare the insuiTection, and in 1769 a Russitin fleet, under the command of Orloff, came to the Peloponnesus. The population flew to arms. The Turkish government poured a host of Albanians mto the Peloponnesus, and suppressed the revolt with immense slaughter. Or- loff, witnessing the ill success of the attempt, forgot his promisesrand sailed away, leaving the Greeks to their fate. An Armatole chieftain, named Androutsos, distinguished himself by feats of eminent braveiy in this affair; and a body of four hundred Laconians showed themselves no un- worthy descendants of the heroes of Thermopylse. At the conclusion of the peace between Russia and the Porte, the provinces which had re- ceived the Russians, or were suspected of having co-operated with them, were heavily punished. The patriimjh Meletios was tortured, and then banished. Large fines were inflicted on the wealthier classes. The city of Moschopolis was plundered and destroyed. Three thousand of the in- habitants of Tricca were killed. Many Larissa?ans were slain, and their only church was demolished ; priests and magistrates were beheaded in Lemnos, and the Christians of Smyrna were indiscriminately massacred as they came out of the church. The enormities practised by the Alba- nians in Peloi)onnesus were indescribable ; and the question was debated in the Divan, whether it would not be advisable to seize this opportunity of extirpating the entire Hellenic race: But by the influence of Hassan Pacha milder counsels prevailed, and he was intrusted with the pacification of the Peloponnesus. This he accomplished by calling to his aid the mountain Klephts, by whom the Albanians were speedily routed, and driven from the Peloi>onnesus. The family of Colocotrones, one of whom, Theodore, played so conspicuous a part in the war of independence, first appear as leaders at this crisis. In 1787, war was renewed between Russia and Turkey, and new commotions again agitated Greece. Lampros, a Leba- deian, who liad taken part in the former insurrection, supported by many wealthy merchants of Smyrna and Constantinople, led a naval exi>edition against the Turks, with considerable effect ; and about the same time the Souliotes of Ei)eirus, who for a century liad maintained their independence among the mountains, commenced their heroic struggle with tlie cruel and crafty Ali Pacha ; they were joined by many Thessahan warriors, of whom the most distinguished was Androutsos, who since the insurrection of 1 76i) had led a wandering life, constantly pursued by the Turks, and with ditliculty escaping tlie dangers by which he was encompassed. A treaty of peace was again concluded between Russia and Turkey in 1792. Andi-outsos attempted to escape into Russia through Venice, but he wai seized and surrendered by the Venetians to the Turks, sent to Constanti- nople, and there put to death. The Souliotes continued the war until 1803, when they were obliged to come to terms witli the Pacha ; but, with the cruelty and perfidy natural to his character, he violated his pUghted A D 182L] THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 609 faith. IVIany of these brave men fell a sacrifice to his falsehood, others escaped to Parga and the Ionian Islands, and, as a Greek historian says, "afterwards avenged the treachery of the Turks in a thousand battles.'' § 2. It is well remarked by Mr. Tricoupes, in his excellent History, that "the Greek revolution is distinguished from other revolutions by some peculiar and very important characteristics. This revolution attempted neither to put a check to absolutism nor despotism ; neither to change the local government, nor to break the bonds of union with the mother countiy. It aimed at a mightier and more glorious object than all these : to expel from Greece, by force of arms, an alien race of another faitl^ which had made her captive by arms, ages before, and to the last continued to regard her as their captive, and subject to their sword." " This war broke out between two nations, living indeed in Europe, but ignorant of the military art and the political science by which all the rest of Europe was and is distinguished ; and for this reason it may be regarded as a political and military anomaly in the midst of the political and military sciences of the present day, often reminding us, by many of its events and catastrophes, of the heroic times of ancient Hellas." "Greece," continues he, "declared and proclaimed before God and all mankind, at the beginning of her contest, that she aimed to break the for- eign yoke and to recover her nationality and her independence." The disproportion between the resources of the contending parties is another circumstance worthy of consideration. The party which fought to throw off the yoke, for years without support from other quarters, he estimates at one twentieth of the enemy, and their resources were triflmg in comparison, because they were, as the resources of private individuals, contrasted with those of an ancient and powerful despotism. " The happy and unlooked for result," adds the patriotic and eloquent historian, " is suf- ficient to breathe courage into suffering and outraged nations, when, poor and powerless, they engage, with firm resolve, in the saered struggle for faith and fatherland, for freedom and for justice, for national honor and happiness, against spiritual oppression and the devastation of their country, slavery and wrong, national annihilation and social wretchedness." The passions out of which the struggle grew determined its character. On the one side, the habit of tyranny, rapine, and oppression, and the contempt of barbarian masters for those whom they had so long op- pressed ; on the other, a sleepless sense of wrong and desire of revenge, mingling with and inflaming the love of country, inspired by consciousness of superior intellect, and the illustrious memories of the past. Religious hatred — the fiercest perhaps of all human passions — gave intensify tfl resolve, and steeled the hearts of the contending parties to sympathy and pity. Hatred of race was another irritating element which envenomed the strife ; but, after all, it was a desperate struggle of barbarism, mis- placed in this century, against revivmg civilization and the Christian 77 I i 610 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LIIL *! Mth. And it was this circumstance which finally gathered around the Grecian cause the hearty sympathies, the fervent prayers, the effective co-operation, of Christian nations everywhere. For years after the com- mencement of the struggle, the cabinets of Europe looked coldly on ; more than once the cry for help was answered by the disheartening re- sponse, " Let the Greek rebels return to their allegiance to their lawful sovereign," — as if at any moment of the four centuries of their enslave- ment there was a single element of legal sovereignty in the oppressive rule of the Turks, — a single moment when the Christian victims had not a right to use every means within their reach to reclaim the freedom theirs by inheritance, and ravished from them by overpowering wrong. And so the great powers of Europe were forced, by the irresistible course of events, to acknowledge, when the contest was drawing nigh to its con- clusion, *' for the first time," as the Greek historian truly remarks, " the discordant politics of Europe harmonized, and listened to the salutary pre- cepts of moi-ality, and the sacred voice of suffering humanity." § 3. The insun-ection was opened by Prince Alexander Ypselantes, se- lected as leader by the Hetaeria, at the head of the Greeks of Moldavia, who issued a proclamation in March, 1821, that all the Greeks on that day had thrown off the Turkish yoke ; and within a few weeks the provinces of the Peloponnesus, and the other parts of Greece, had risen in arms. Among the most gallant leaders of the opening scenes of the war was Ger- manos. Archbishop of Patrae. At Constantinople a suspicion had already existed that a conspiracy was forming among the Greek inhabitants of the city, and when the information arrived of the movements in Greece, the most rigorous measures were taken against the Greeks ; their schools were suppressed, their arms were seized, and the annihilation of the Hellenic race was again proposed in the Divan ; women and children were thrown into the sea, and Prince Mourouzes, chief Dragoman, was beheaded in the Se- raglio. A proclamation called on all Moslems to arm against the rebels, and the wildest and most ferocious fanaticism prevailed in the capital. In the streets where the Greeks resided, bodies of the dead and dying were everywhere to be seen. Ten thousand persons disappeared* in the first few days ; and before three months had passed, it is supposed that more than thirty thousand Greeks were butchered in different cities of the em- pire. The Beys of Greece struggled in vain to smother the insurrection. The resolution to strike for liberty was universal and unchangeable, and the massacres were renewed at the capital. Gregorios, the Patriarch of Constantinople, then eighty years of age, with three bishops and eight priests, was seized by the order of the Grand Vizier, as they were leav- ing mass, and all were hung in their robes before the principal gate of the church. The lifeless body of the patriarch, two days after the murder, was cut down, dragged through the streets, and thrown into the sea. It was taken up by Greek sailors, carried to Odessa, and there honored with AD. 1821] CAPTURE OF TRIPOLIS. a magnificent funeral. In the army of Prince Ypselantes were many of the noblest young men, — the very flower of the Grecian youth. Five hundred students rallied at the call of their country, and enrolling them- selves as the Sacred Band, — with uniform of black, and the Spartan mot- to on their standard, *n rav Ij enl rdv, "Either this or on this," — placed themselves under the command of the Prince. Four hundred of this gal- lant troop perished in the battle of Dragaschan, on the 19tli of June, and the rest dispersed. Such was the ill-omened beginning of the war. § 4. Among the first who fell in Greece in the struggle for independence was a Klephtic leader named Diakos, who at the head of a small band met the army of Omer Vriones, near the pass of Thermopylaj. The Turkish force was so overwhelming, that most of his followers fled to the mountains, leaving him with only eighteen Palicars, as the ballad relates, — or at all events a very small number, as we know from histori- cal sources. This little band, as devoted and as worthy of inunortal fame as the three hundred Spartans, held their ground for three hours, and, after killing many times their number of Turks, were themselves either killed or taken. Diakos was among the latter. According to Tricou- pes,* after the battle they carried Diakos and his companions to Zeitoun. In the course of the night he was brought into the presence of Halil Bey and other Turkish officers, and questioned with regard to the insurrection. Diakos told them fearlessly that all Greece was resolved to be free or perish in the attempt. Mehemet Pacha, admiring the boldness of the hero, promised him his life if he would enter his service. " I will not serve you," answered Diakos, " and if I did, it would not help you." " I will kill you," answered the Pacha, " unless you join me." " Greece," he replied, " has many a Diakos beside me." On the following day, it was de- termined to impale him. As he was proceeding to the place of execution, casting a look around him upon the face of nature, all smiling with the beauties of Spring, he repeated the following distich from an old bal- lad: — " Behold the time that Charon chose to take me from the living; The boughs are blooming now with flowers, the earth puts forth its herbage." Then continuing his way, he bore with unshaken soul for three hours the tortures of the agonizing death they inflicted on him. § 5. In the latter part of the year, several marked successes attended the arms of the insurgents in Peloponnesus who rallied '•ound the popu- lar chiefs Petros Mavromichales and Theodore Colocotrones. Monemba- sia surrendered in July to Alexander Cantacuzenos ; Pylos (Navarino) was taken by a land force conunanded by Gregorios, Bishop of Mcthone (Modon), with the co-operation of the Spezziotes by sea. But the most remarkable event was the siege and capture of Tripolis (Tripolitza), the * 'loTopia T^s ^EWijviKrjs ^ETravaa-rda-eooSi Ke^. td. 612 mSTORT OF GREECE. [Chap. LIU Turkish capital of tlie province, and the ordinary residence of the Pachas of the Morea. This city lies on the central tahle-land of Arcadia, sur- rounded by the summits of Mfcnahon, Parthenion, and Artemision. It was surrounded by a wall, and strongly fortified, and at the time of the siege contained about twenty-five thousand inhabitants. The besiegers were commanded by Colocotrones, Anagnostaras, Ypselantes, Yatrakos, and Petros Mavromichales. The siege was continued until the 5th of October, when the city was taken by assault, and the captors, inflamed by the memory of long-continued wrongs, and eager for plunder, enacted a scene of horror only surpassed by the cruelties of the Turks at Scio. "Their insatiable cruelty," says Gordon, "knew no bounds, and seemed to inspire them with a superhuman energy for evil, which set lassitude at defiance During the sack of the city, the air was close, dull, and oppressively hot, and the whole terrible picture afforded a lively image of Tartarus." With all the difficulties of their position, it is surprising how readily 'Hie old instinct of legality and political order revived among the Greeks, when the responsibility of conducting a national conflict fairly began to be felt. Mavrocordatos formed a local government in the western part of Greece ; in the eastern part, a local council, called the Areopagus, as- sumed the control, under the presidency of Theodore Negres ; a Pelopon- nesian Gerousia, or senate of twenty members, assembled at Argos, under the presidency of Prince Demetrius Ypselantes, and these three govern- ments, under the influence of Mavrocordatos, undertook to form a consti- tution and a central government for confederated Greece. The first na- tional assembly of Hellas, consisting of sixty-seven deputies, met in Jan- uary, 1822, at Epidaurus, and proceeded at once to frame a provisional constitution. They proclaimed the national independence in the following terms : — " In the name of the Holy and Indivisible Trinity. The Greek nation, under the frightful tyranny of the Ottomans, unable to bear the unexam- pled weight of the yoke of tyranny, and having shaken it off" with great sacrifices, proclaims this day, through its lawful representatives, in a national congress assembled, before God and men, its political existence and independence.'' The vigor and eloquence of the proclamation are worthy of the cause. Its authors state clearly and briefly the causes of the war, declaring that, * far from being the effect of a seditious and Jacobinical movement, or the pretext of an ambitious faction, it is a national war, undertaken for tiie sole purpose of reconquering our rights, and securing our exist- ence and honor. A thousand ages of prescription would not bar tiie sacred rights, whose creation was the work of Nature herself. They were torn from us by violence ; and violence more righteously diivicted may one day win them back Grecians, but a little while since ye A. D. 1822.] MASSACRE OF SCIO. 613 said, * No more slavery ! ' and the power of the tyrant has vanished. But it is concord alone which can consolidate your liberty and independence. The assembly offers up its prayers, that the mighty arm of the Most High may raise the nation towards the sanctuary of His Eternal Wisdom." The constitution, while making the Orthodox Eastern Church the ec- clesiastical establishment of the nation, enacted the toleration of all other forms of worship. It lodged the government in a Senate and Executive body, — the Senate to consist of thirty-three members, and the Executive Council of five ; it provided annual elections ; eight secretaries were ap- pointed, namely, of State, Interior, Public Economy, Justice, War, Navy, Religion, and Police. The judicial branch consisted of eleven members, chosen by the government, but holding office by an independent tenure ; civil and criminal justice to be administered according to the legislation of the Greek Emperors ; and the French Commercial Code was adopted for the regulation of mercantile affiiirs. Torture and confiscation were abol- ished, and freedom of the press established. The great defect of the con- stitution was the limited power of the Executive, especially in the critical circumstances of the country ; a defect severely felt in the conduct of the war. Alexander Mavrocordatos was chosen President of the Executive body ; Athanasius Kanakares, Vice-President ; and Ypselantes was offered the presidency of the Senate, but he declined, and Petros Mavromichales was put in his place. The departments were organized by the appointment of secretaries or commissions ; the first Secretary of State was Theodore Negres. Mavrocordatos and his colleagues proceeded with great energy and ability to organize and arrange the operations of the government, and to introduce some degree of order into the military affairs. § 6. The most striking and terrible event of the year 1822 was the massacre of Scio. The inhabitants of this island had risen to a high de- gree of wealth and refinement. The population, before the Revolution, was estimated at more than one hundred thousand. They took Uttle or no part in the war until March, 1822, when an insurrection broke out, and the Turkish garrison was shut up in the citadel. The Capitan Pacha, or Turkish admiral, who was on his way to the Peloponnesus with a large fleet, changed his plan, and suddenly landed fifteen thousand men upon the island, resolved to strike terror into the people by an example of frightful severity. A massacre of the defenceless inhabitants at once commenced, such as the annals of warfare seldom record. Men, women, and children were tortured, and then put to death. Some fled to the mountains, and hid themselves in caverns ; others succeeded in getting on board the foreign ships lying in the harbor ; others made their escape to the neighboring islands ; more than forty thousand were slain in the com'se of a month ; thousands of the most refined and cultivated were car- ried off, and sold into slavery in the bazaars of Smyrna and Constantuio- ple. Many were bought by Turks for the pleasure of torturing and put- •iA I I mSTORT OF GEEECE. [Chap. LIII. ting them to death ; and many — as eyewitnesses to these scenes have re- lated — were redeemed by Europeans residing in Smyrna, who sacrificed their wealth in this work of Christian charity. From one hundred and twenty thousand the population was reduced to sixteen thousand souls, in one year ; a terrible catastrophe, an unheai-d of series of atrocities, for which our own age is res|X)nsible. The news of these events filled all Greece with sorrow and indignation. The Hydriotes, Spezziotes, and Ipsa- riotes sailed with a large fleet under the command of the illustrious naval hero, Andreas Miaoules, and on the 19th of May encountered the Turk- ish armament between Seio and the coast of Asia Minor, and a battle en- sued. But it was not until June that deserved vengeance overtook the bloody Kara Ali, — the Capitan Pacha, — at the hands of another Greek hero, Canares, who with his countrymen had been watching at Ipsara an opportunity of striking a fatal blow at the hostile fleet. By a bold move- ment, he conducted some fire-ships within the Turkish lines, and, attaching one of them to the prow of the flag-ship, which was lying at anchor hi the centre of the fleet, instantly set it on fire. Canares and his gallant crew escaped m a boat ; the ship wms burned ; two thousand men perished. The Capitan Pacha, severely injured by the flames, leaped into a boat, but had scarcely seated himself when one of the masts fell, crushing him and capsizing the boat ; and he was borne ashore by swimmers, bruised and burnt, and in a dying condition, and expired in the midst of the most terrible suflTerings, on the veiy scene of his unparalleled cruelties. § 7. The disheartening answer received from the Congress at Verona, in December, 1822, pronouncing the enterprise inconsiderate and cul- pable, and requiring the Greeks to submit to their lawful sovereign, the Sultan, — the civil dissensions between Colocotrones and the centml gov- ernment, — led to the calling of a second national convention at Astros, in March, 1823, which introduced some amendments into the constitution, and elected Petros Mavromichides, President. They made various changes in the ministry, and resolved to organize a land force of fifty thousand troops, and a fleet of one hundred men-of-war. The events of the year were confused and bloody j but one act of heroism shines conspicuous above all others, — the midnight attack of Marcos Botzares and his gallant band of Souliotes upon the Turkish camp at Carpenesion. The immediate object — the capture of the Bey in his tent — was not accomplished, and Botzares fell m the battle. Eight hundred Turks were slain, with a loss of only my of the Greeks. « The commander," it is well said by one of his countrymen, " did not cease, after his death, to serve his country ; for, if we except the achievement of our naval heroes, and the last siege of Mesolongi, no other event excited such admiration for Grecian valor as the death of Marcos Botzares." This heroic acliievement has been im- mortalized in American literature by the splendid lyrical poem of HaU leek, — A. D. 1824.] EFFORTS IN FAVOR OF THE GREEKS. 615 " One of the few, the immortal names That were not born to die." These transactions certainly show that the Greeks had fallen in no respect below the martial spirit of their ancestors. § 8. The sympathy growing up among the people everywhere was some compensation to the Greeks for the coldness and indifference of the Holy Alliance. In 1823, Louriottes, a confidential friend of Mavrocordatos, proceeded to London to negotiate a loan, which the executive was author- ized to contract, on the security of the national lands. His arrival in the British capital, and the details he communicated on the state of Greece, excited the greatest interest. Under the auspices of Mr. Baring, and with the approbation of liberal politicians, like Lord John Russell, Lord Mil- ton, and others, public meetings w^ere called, and circulars addressed to the principal cities in the kingdom, soliciting subscriptions ; and donations poured in from every quarter. Committees were appointed for the man- agement of the funds, and to correspond with Philhellenic committees in other countries. An agent, Mr. Blaquiere, was sent to Greece to con- fer with the government. In Germany and Switzerland similar move- ments took place, and large supplies of money, arms, and soldiers were furnished by their activity. To add to the sympathy now growing stronger and stronger daily, the unhappy refugees w^ere expelled from the countries embraced in the Holy Alliance. A large number were driven from Russia ; many of them died of cold and hunger on the journey; the wretched survivors Avere refused admission to Austria, France, and the Sardinian States. At length, with great difficulty, the committees ol Geneva and Zurich obtained permission for them to traverse France by small detachments, and sent them from Marseilles to Greece at their own expense. From the United States contributions were not wanting In 1824, about $ 80,000 were sent, which had been collected by the local committees. Some attempts w^ere made by the English and Russians to bring about the pacification of Greece. The plan proposed by the Rus- sian agent, craftily arranged to bring the revolted provinces under the control of the Czar, while nominally replacing them as tributaries to the Porte, was rejected by the Sultan ; and as he had been assured by the British minister that the great powers were determined to leave the Greeks to their fate, the rejection of any interference could not well be made the ground of complaint. § 9. The ill success that had, however, attended three campaigns, con- vinced the Turks that they would be unable to reduce the Greeks without assistance; and Mehemet Ali, the Viceroy of Egypt, who had made himself almost an independent sovereign, received flattering proposals from the Sultan, with the offer of the Morea as a Pachalic to his step-son Ibrahim, on condition of suppressing the revolt. But, notwithstanding the formidable arrangements made for the invasion of the Morea by the M U€ HISTORY OF 6BEECE. (Cbap. Lm. Egyptian fleets and armies, the Greek government was greatly encour- aged by the success of their agents in contracting a loan of a large amount, on the security of the national property ; and, ahhough procured on very disadvantageous terms, — a debt of £800,000 being incurred for an available sum of only £280,000, a Httle more than one fourth of the amount, — the money was a very important reUef in the pressure of their affairs. The Egyptian armament did not reach the Peloponnesus until 1825. Tills invasion, and the ravages carried over the Peloponnesus by the Egyptian armies, disciplined and led by European officers, and ap- parently the instruments by which the subjugation of Greece must be accomplished, were, under the guiding hand of Providence, the means of bringing this people out of their great perils, in the darkest hour of dis- tress and danger. § 10. The accession of numerous Philhellenes to the cause was not, in «n respects, beneficial. They came with different views, objects, and ex- pectations. Some of them were ardent, enthusiastic men, whose sympa- thy for the country rested more on her ancient greatness than her present ■ufferings. But there were many honorable and distinguished men, who, well understanding the nature of the stniggle, and not led away by liter- ary enthusiasm, or by the memories of the past, consecrated their best efforts, their lives and their fortunes, to the restoration of Greece. There was Colonel Gordon, a man of calm intrepidity and the coolest head • there was Fabvier, the gallant Frenchman, who refused all pecuniarj^ compensation, and spent his property in the service ; there was Meyer tihie German, who stood to his post bravely, and perished beneath the ruins of Mesolongi ; Htistings, whose modest worth and gallant spirit have left • name never to be forgotten in the annals of those times; General Oiurch, who, though he arrived in Greece only to share in the last year ^the struggle, showed the virtues of chivalry and the humanity of a Oiristian gentleman, and who still lives, an object of universal respect for his probity, his defence of liberal principles, his unbending virtue in pub- be and private life. He is a member of the Senate, and though not an ora- tor, is a man of sagacity and of widely extended influence. There were our countrymen, Miller and Howe, both brave men, and the latter known throughout the world for his genius and philanthropy, having by his later achievements in peace eclipsed the fame he won on the theatre of his early adventures. There was Finlay, an accomplished Scotch gentleman who, having lent his aid to the achievement of independence, is now ^vms studious years to the history of the country of his adoption, and whose works rank with the best productions of historical research in this age so flniitfiil of distinguished authorship in that department of letters. But the greatest sensation was created by the advent of Lord Byron, and his early death at Mesolongi gives a profound interest to this chap- ter of Hellenic history, which a much longer period of active service A. D. 1823.] LORD BYRON. 61? might have failed to inspire. The most indulgent judge must pass severe censure on many parts of Lord Byron's life. But his better nature began to waken from the delusions of the passions ; and his good angel gave him an opportunity of crowning his life — all too short for himself and for the world — with a radiant and glorious close. He had formerly ti*avelled through Greece, and celebrated its past achievements, as well as painted its present degradation, in the most transcendent poetry of modern times. He was misled by no enthusiasm of lettered and romantic youth ; he knew thoroughly the condition of the Greeks, and no man had judged their faults of character with more severity. Blended with his poetical genius, there was in Lord Byron a quality of practical good sense, which, in other circumstances, would have made him eminent in the busmess of public or private life. With this good sense he scrutinized the condition of Greece, and reasoned out the probability of his power of rendering her a worthy service in that hour of her peril. He came to the conclusion cahnly, without passion, without enthusiasm, without delusion, that here was a field in which he could achieve a good beyond the value of any poetical success ; and having come to this conclusion, he forthwith consecrated his thoughts, his time, his fortune, his personal exertions, to the cause of Greece. He set sail from Leghorn on the 24th of July, 1823, and ten days after arrived in Cephalonia, and thence despatched messengers to make particular inquiries into the state of affairs in Greece. In the mean time he made an excursion to Ithaca, and examined with interest the an- tiquities of that rocky capital of Ulysses' kingdom. Finding here a num- ber of families who had escaped from the massacre of Scio, from Pat- mos, and other places, he furnished generously the money for their relief. One of his messengers brought him a letter from Marco Botzares, writ- ten only a few hours before his heroic death. In this letter he says, «I shall have something to do to-night against a corps of six or seven thousand Albanians, encamped close to this place. The day after to- morrow I will set out, with a few chosen companions, to meet your ex- cellency. Do not delay. I thank you for the good opinion you have of my fellow-citizens, which God grant you will not find ill-founded; and I thank you still more for the care you have so kindly taken of them." ♦ He did not embark for Mesolongi until the end of Decem- ber, having employed the intervening tune in corresponding with the friends of Greece, the Greek government, and the heads of the different parties, by whose dissensions the condition of the country was much en- dangered. It is impossible not to admire the just and comprehensive views developed by Lord Byron during these months of preliminary arrangements for his great enterprise. The wisdom of his conduct in re- * This refers to his having taken into his pay a body of the Souliotes, who had been homeless since their defeat by Ali Pacha. 78 618 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LIII. t^'- ft fusing to be drawn into the schemes of any of the factions, and the sagacity with which he penetrated and baffled their intrigues to secure his adhe- sion, the earnestness of his exhortations to concord and union, can never be sufficiently praised. To the general government of Greece he writes : " We have heard some rumors of new dissensions, nay, of the existence of civil war. With all my heart I pray that these reports may be false or exaggerated, for I can imagine no calamity more serious than this." ** You have fought gloriously ; act honorably towards your fellow-citizens and the world, and it will then no more be said, as has been repeated for two thousand years, that Philopoemen was the last of the Grecians. Let not calumny itself compare the patriot Greek, when resting from his la- bors, to the Turkish Pacha, whom his victories have exterminated." And to Mavrocordatos he says : " I am very uneasy at hearing that the dis- sensions of Greece still continue, and at a moment when she might tri- imiph over everything. Greece is at present placed between three meas- ures: either to reconquer her liberty, to become a dependence of the sovereigns of Europe, or to return to a Turkish province. Civil war is but a road which leads to the two latter." He arrived at Mesolongi on the 5th of January, 1824, having narrowly escaped being captured by the Turkish fleet. The whole population welcomed him on the shore ; the ships fired salutes as he passed ; and Mavrocordatos, at the head of the troops, and the civil autliorities of the place, gave him a reception as hearty as it was full of joy, and escorted him in a body to the house which had been prepared for him. His conduct, in the midst of the difficulties by which he was at once surrounded, showed the same coolness, good sense, and generosity, where generosity could be serviceable, that had marked Ms course ever since he engaged in the enterprise. The suppression of discord, and the diminution of the inevitable horrors of war, by tempering it with sentiments of humanity, too often forgotten by the Greeks as well as by the Turks in the moment of victory, were the first objects he Lad at heart He let no opportunity escape of inculcating and illustrating this spirit ; he employed his influence successfully, in inducing the gov- ernment to set some Turkish prisoners, who had been long languishing in dungeons, at liberty, and restoring them to their friends. Others he re- lieved by pecuniary aid, and others still he provided the means of sending to their homes. His ample income was employed without stint, and at the same time with excellent judgment, in the public service. It is an interesting incident in his literary life, that the last lines he wrote are these memorable ones, on the 22d of January, 1824, on completing his thirty-sixth year. The last stanza was ominous of his approaching late: — " Seek out — less often sought than found — A soldier's grave, for thee the best; Then look around and choose thy ground, And take thy rest." A. D. 1824.] DEATH OF LORD BYRON. 619 He had been haunted from the beginning by a presentiment that he was destined to close his hfe in Greece. In taking leave of his friends in Italy, he more than once expressed this apprehension. The first indica- tion of his fiiiling health was given by a violent convulsion, on the loth of February, while he was conversing with a few friends. This alarming incident created the most serious anticipations, and Lord Byron was urged to retire to some more healthy place, until his health should be re- stored. In reply to one of these friendly invitations he says : " I cannot quit Greece while there is a chance of my being of any (even supposed) utility ; there is a stake worth millions such as I am, and, while I can stand at all, I must stand by the cause." In the following month he took the fever, from an exposure to a violent rain, which in a few days ended his life. The details of that last illness and death fill one of the saddest chapters in the history of Greece ; and the aflliction which fell on the country, as the news rapidly spread from province to province, testified how deeply his generous devotion to their cause had sunk into the hearts of the Greeks. In his last thoughts, indistinctly uttered in the broken words which were all the dissolving organs could convey, the names of his friends, his wife, his daughter, and of Greece, were confusedly mingled, daughter and Greece were the very last words he spoke, — ■ and then the silence and sleep of death settled on him who had electrified the world, and on whom, but now, the hopes of a nation centred. A storm of thun- der broke over the town at the moment of his departure, and the Greeks who thronged the street to learn his condition cried out, as the awful crash fell from the sky, " The great man is gone." It was the festival of Easter, — usually celebrated with great joy by the Greeks. But the day of festivity and rejoicing was turned into sorrow and mourning. All amusements ceased ; the shops were shut ; prayers were offered in the churches. The funeral ceremony took place on the 22d of April, in the church where lie the bodies of Marcos Botziu-es and the brave General Norman. Mr. Tricoupes, the friend of Mavi-ocordatos and of Byron, the able secretary, the vigorous historian, and now the worthy representative of his country in England, delivered a funeral ora- tion in the church on Easter Sunday. " What an unlocked for event ! " exclaimed the orator, " what a deplorable misfortune ! It is but a short time since the people of much-suffering Greece, all joy and exultation, welcomed to their bosoms this distinguished man ; and to-day, all woe and despair, they bedew his funeral couch with bitterest tears, and mourn without consolation. The sweetest salutation, Christ is arisen, became joyless on Easter day, upon the lips of the Christians of Greece ; who, when they met one another in the morning of that day, before they had yet spoken the congratulations of the festival, anxiously inquired, How is my lord ? Thousands of men, assembled to interchange the sacred salu- tation of love, in the broad plain outside the walls of our city, appeared 628 HISTORY OF 6B£ECE. [Chap. LIIL iil : f h to have assembled only to beseech the Saviour of all for the health of the champion in behalf of the freedom of our nation." The orator goes on to speak, in the most feeling manner, of the services Lord Byron had rendered ; of the liberal employment of his wealth ; of his excellent judgment; of his splendid genius. ''All lettered Europe," says he, ^ has eulogized, and will eulogize, the poet of our age ; and all ages will celebrate him, because he was bom for all Europe and for all ages." "In the agony of death, — yes, at the moment when the veil of eternity is rent to him who stands on the borders of mortal and immortal life, — in that awful hour, the illustrious departed, when leaving all the world, bore only two names upon his lips, that of his much beloved daughter, and that of his much beloved Hellas. These names, deeply rooted in his heart, the moment of death itself could not obliterate. ' My daughter ! * he said ; * Greece ! ' he said ; and his voice expired. What Grecian heart is not broken, when it recalls this scene ? ** Thine arm, O dearly cherished daughter ! will receive him ; thy tears wiU console the tomb which holds his body, and the tears of the orphans of Greece shall be shed over the urn that holds his most precious heart, and upon the whole land of Hellas, because the whole land of Hellas shall be his sepulchre. As in the last moments of his life he had thee and Hellas in his heart and on his lips, it was just that after his death Hellas also should receive a part of liis precious remains. Mesolongi presses in her arms the urn that holds his heart as a symbol of his love ; but all Greece, in mourning and inconsolable, renders his body back to thee with ecclesiastical, civil, and military honors, crowned with her grat- itude and bedewed with her tears. Learn, most noble maiden, that cliief- tains bore it on their shoulders to the church ; that thousands of Grecian warriors lined the way through which the procession moved, with arms reversed, as if they would war against the very earth which snatched away their faithful friend ; they surround his bier, and swear never to forget the sacrifices your father made, and never to allow a barbaious and tyrannic foot to trample the spot where his heart remains. A thousand Christian voices are this moment raised, and the temple of the Most High resounds with funeral chants ; all is filled with prayers that his re- vered remains may be safely restored to his native land, and that his soul maj rest where rest the righteous for ever." Mr. Tricoupes spoke the feelings of the whole country. A deeper sense of loneliness and woe never fell upon that afilicted land than when her greatest benefactor died. " Such honors Dbn to her hero paid, And peaceful slept the mighty Hector s shade." § 11. The successes of Ibrahim Pacha were checkered with reverses and defeats; but wherever he went, he laid the country waste, and, ilHightering the men, sent the women and children to be sold as slaves ia A. D. 1826.1 CAPTURE OF MESOLONGI. 621 Egypt. On the 18th of November, 1825, the fleet of Ibrahun arrived from the Peloponnesus at Mesolongi, and a few days after another division of his army joined the forces by way of Lepanto, and the city was imme- diately invested by an army of thirty thousand men. The most active measures for its reduction by a vigorous assault were taken. The be- siegers were often repulsed with heavy losses, and in February it was re- solved to reduce the place by a rigorous blockade. The gallant attempts of Miaules to break the blockade were fruitless. Ibrahim Pacha sent to the garrison a request that they would depute persons to treat with him who could speak Albanian, Turkish, and French ; but they replied, " We are illiterate, and do not undei'stand so many languages ; Pachas we do not recognize, but we know how to handle the sword and gun." In three days eight thousand shot and shells were fired into the town, demolishing the houses, but killing few of the people. The outposts were taken one by one, but only after the most desperate and bloody resistance. At length the supplies from without were cut off, and the garrison reduced to the most miserable condition, feeding on rats, raw hides, and sea-weed. The earth was covered with the starving, sick, and wounded ; but they persisted in their refusal to surrender, and resolved, since the place could no longer be defended, to leave it with arms in their hands. A sortie was arranged for the night of April 22d, and would probably have been quite successful but for the treachery of a Bulgarian, who gave notice to Ibra- him Pacha, and thus enabled him, shortly before the appointed moment, to make preparations for the attack. The plan was that three thousand armed men should throw themselves suddenly upon the enemy's line, and open a way for the women and children. The women and boys armed themselves with swords ai^ daggers. Many of the inhabitants, however, including the sick and wounded, resolved not to quit their native place, but to share its downfall and bury themselves in its ruins. The leave- taking of those who determined to make the desperate attempt, and of their friends and relations who remained behind, is described as heart- rending ; the wailing and lamentations not only filled the city, but reached the posts of the besieging army. According to the arrangement, the sol- diers of the gaiTison passed out by the eastern outlet, and awaited the sig- nal ; but growing impatient under the enemy's fire, they started up, and, shouting " Death to the barbarians ! " passed the trenches, broke through the infantry, silenced the batteries, and killed the artillery-men at their guns. In the confusion of the hour, a part of the plan failed to be carried into effect. A panic broke out among the people, and instead of taking instant advantage of the enemy's confusion, they rushed back to the town. The Turks and Arabs, eager for slaughter and plunder, poured in from every side, and commenced the work of destruction and blood. The cries of the wounded and dying filled the night. The roll of mus- ketry, and the explosions of magazines, fired by the inhabitants, and HISTOBY OF GREECE. [Chap. LIH. I nil slaying multitudes of the besiegers, added to the horrors of the scene. A lame private soldier named Capsales had retired with his family into the principal magazine, which contained thirty barrels of gimpowder. He sat with a lighted torch, and when it w\as crowded by the frantic Moslems the veteran applied the torch, and all were blown, mutilated corpses, into the air by the horrible explosion. The loss of the besiegers was increased by the struggle for the spoils between the Eg} ptians and the European Turks. When the assault conuuenced there were in Meso- longi nine thousand souls: five hundred were slain in the sortie, six hun- dred afterwards died by starvation in the mountains ; about eighteen hun- dred esca|)ed, of whom two hundred were females. The spirit shown by these Grecian heroines is illustrated by one of the incidents of the escape. A young girl, flying with a brother in delicate health, was pursued by a Turkish horseman. Carrying the brother, exhausted by fatigue, to a neighboring hillock, she seized his gun, received the fire of the Turk, which fortunately was without effect, and then coolly took aun and shot him dead. Among the slain were a number of European Philhellenes, and two brothers of Tricoupes, the orator and historian. Three thousand were sabred in the streets, and nearly the same number of women and children were sold into slavery. Greece was again clothed in mourning. Hot only was the downfall of Mesolongi disastrous in a military and po- litical view ; it gave new occasion for civil strifes, wliich the government could not repress ; and it placed in the hands of the enemy the spot which they had sworn at the death of Byron he should never pollute with his footsteps. But the endurance and heroism of the defenders, the gallantry of those who cut through the besieging lines, and of those who stayed to perish in the ruins, crowned the njime of Mesolongi with unfiiding glory. § 12. After the siege of Mesolongi, Ibrahim returned into the Pelo- ponnesus only to renew his ravages; but in attempting to reduce the Manotes, he suffered several severe repulses. Athens, almost the only place in Eastern Greece that still held out, was closely besieged. An attempt of Colonel Fabvier on Euboea had failed. The third national assembly of the Greeks, held in April at Epidauros, dismayed at the fall of Mesolongi, appointed two commissions, one of twelve members, for the regulation of the war, the other of thirteen, for the civil govern- ment and the administration of the revenue. The assembly then ad- journed until September, and the committee repaired to Nauplia to as- sume their functions. The war was carried on in Eastern Greece, West- em Greece, Peloponnesus, and the Islands; the state of affairs now seemed hopeless in all these great divisions of the theatre of action. In the month of July, the Turkish commander, Kiutahi or Reschid Pacha, conunenced his operations against Athens, then commanded by Gouras, formerly a lieutenant of Odysseus, who, having surrendered himself to the troops sent against hkn m 1824, was held in close confinement A. B. 1826.] SIEGE OP ATHENS. 623 as a prisoner in the Acropolis at Athens. A few days after, his mutilat- ed body was found at the foot of the Acropolis, under a tower in which he was imprisoned. It was given out that he fell, and was accidentally killed in attempting to escape. But various circumstances afterwards, concurring with expressions of remorse uttered by Gouras, led to the opinion that that chieftain had yielded to the importunities of enemies of Odysseus, and consented that he should secretly be put to death. Gouras was instructed by the government to keep the Turks at a dis- tance from Athens ; but, disregarding their orders, he filled the magazines of the Acropolis with provisions, which he forced the inhabitants of Athens in the most arbitrary manner to supply, and prepared with his troops to stand a siege in that ahnost impregnable fortress. Many of the citizens went over to Salamis, as tliey did in the old Persian wars ; the rest stood by their hearths and altars in the city. The Turks soon got possession of the town, though the outposts were bravely defended by the citizens. The operations of the siege were interrupted by the appearance of Colonel Fabvier and Karaiskakes in the plain of Athens, with a considerable force. But a battle taking place, the Greeks were routed, and fled, and the bom- bardment of the Acropolis from the hill of the Museum, near the monu- ment of Philopappus, was resumed with great energy. The siege was carried on, not only by the incessant firing of the batteries, but by a series of mines and countermines, in which many men perished. Gouras lost his life early in October. One night, as he w^as going the rounds, one of his attendants snapped a musket, and two shots being fired in the direction of the flash, one of them struck him on the ^ead, and he died without a groan. Several attempts were made to relieve the garrison, but only one suc- ceeded. It was executed by Colonel Fabvier and a body of about six hundred picked men, who, on the night of December 13tli, broke through the Turkish lines, and entered the Acropolis under a shower of grape from the Museum, with a loss of only six killed and fourteen wounded. A large supply of powder was almost the only advantage secured to the garrison by this daring adventure. The siege was vigorously pressed, and the distress arising from the crowded state of the Acropolis increased. The constant discharge of cannon did great mischief to the splendid mon- uments of the Acropolis, despite the firman obtiiined from the Sultan by Sir Stratford Canning, that the Parthenon and the Erechtheion should be spared. A large part of the Erechtheion was battered down, and the family of Gouras, with the principal ladies of Athens, who had taken shel- ter there, perished beneath its ruins. § 13. A fresh national assembly assembled at Troezen in March, 1827, and introduced some very important modifications into the constitu- tion, the most essential of which was the placing the executive power in the hands of a single magistrate, under the title of President of Greece, I w i I 624 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LUI. extending the term of office to seven years, and enlarging his powers gen- erally. After a good deal of angry dispute, and with great reluctance on the part of many members, the choice finally rested on John Capo Dls- trias, a Corfiote, a man of great talent and sagacity, and of large experi- ence in affairs, having been long in the Russian service, and being at the moment a member of the cabinet of that country. As some time must elapse before he would arrive in Greece, the executive power was in- trusted to a commission of three. The same assembly appointed Lord Cochrane to the chief command by sea, and placed General Church in the supreme command of the land forces. These two officers immediately entered upon their respective commands, and arrangements were at once made for an attack on the Turkish besiegers of the Acropolis. Karais- kakes also returned from a brilliant expedition in the North. Public at- tention was concentrated upon the operations for raising the siege of Athens, as if that was the last hope of the country, and troops poured in fit>m every quarter, in answer to the calls of the government and the com- manders. § 14. The Greeks, during the operations that followed, committed one of those acts of bad faith which have brought so much reproach upon them. An attack was made on the Turkish positions in Munychia. The Turks fled, and three hundred took refuge in the monastery of St. Spyri- don. Though surrounded by the Greeks and cut off* from all communica- tion, and without the slightest chance of escape, they refused to surrender Unless allowed to retain their arms. The monastery was cannonaded, and at last General Churchy proposed to allow them to pass out with their arms, contrary to the wishes of the native officers. The Greeks were dis- appointed and enraged, thinking that the garrison would in a few days be reduced to an unconditional surrender. Hostages had been given for the &ithful performance of the agreement ; among the rest Karaiskakes him- self, and other distinguished chiefVains of the Greeks, placed themselves at the disposal of the Turks. The troops left the monastery, having the hos- tages in their centre. But the Greeks, murmuring and tumultuous and little accustomed to military obedience, surrounded them ; a quarrel arose between a Turkish officer and a Greek soldier, which led to an instant attack. The Greek officers did their best, at the risk of their own lives, to save the Turks, and one was killed and several wounded. Karaiskakes, frantic at this shameful violation of the truce, struggled in vain against his countrymen ; then, turning to the Turks, cried out, " Kill me, as I have killed you.** Two hundred were killed, and about seventy made their escape and reached the camp of Reschid Pacha. The result of such an act of treachery was most disastrous. It demoralized the Greek forces, and disheartened the European commanders. General Church, horror- struck, was on the point of resigning his command, and was only dis- suaded from this step by the entreaties of the Moreote officers. The next A. D. 1827.] BATTLE IN THE PLAIN OP ATHENS. 625 disastrous incident was the death of Karaiskakes, in a skirmish on the 4th of May. A body of Greek soldiers made an irregular attack upon some of the Turkish outposts. The assailants were driven back. Karaiskakes was sick and in bed ; but, hearing the fire, he rose, sprang upon his horse, and galloped into the midst of the battle. While endeavoring to rally the fugitives he received the fire of a Turkish horseman, and was carried mor- tally wounded from the field. He was taken on board one of the ships, and there, conscious of his approaching death, passed the last hours of his exist- ence in an earnest conversation with Lord Cochrane and the other chiefs on the state of the country and the proper measures to be taken for her deliverance. When some words of consolation were addressed to him in praise of the brilliancy of his achievements, he answered, *' What I have done, I have done ; what has happened, has happened ; now for the fu- ture." And when he was drawing his last breath, he said to those around him, among whom were Lord Cochrane and General Church, " My coun- try laid upon me a heavy task ; I have fulfilled my duty by ten months of terrible battles ; nothing remained except my life ; this I owed to my country, this I surrender to my country. I am dying ; let my fellow-sol- diers finish my work ; let them save my Athens." These were the last words he spoke. His bravery, his patriotism, his heroic death, made the errors of his previous life forgotten, and he is justly regarded by his coun- trymen as one of the most illustrious of her heroes. Funeral honors were paid to his memory by the national assembly at Trojzene, and an eloquent discourse pronounced by Mr. Tricoupes in the presence of the deputies and the Executive Council, and a large concourse of citizens. The stran- ger who visits Athens gazes with interest, as he enters the harbor of Pei- raeus, upon the ruins of the tomb of Themistocles, which looked out upon the waters of Salamis, the scene of his glory ; and as he passes up from Peiraeus to Athens, along the foundations of the ancient walls which con- nected the port with the city, he beholds with equal interest, in a field at a distance from the road, the monument erected on the spot where the modem hero fell. ■ § 15. Two days afterwards the fate of the attempt to raise the siege of Athens was decided. On the 6th of May, one of the most sanguinary bat- tles which had occurred in the whole war was fought in the environs of the city. Lord Cochrane had said that he should dine on the Acropolis. Vain boast. The Turkish horsemen — always the most formidable arm of the service — dashed impetuously upon the Greeks, and cut them to pieces with dreadful slaughter. The panic-stricken survivors of the main body fled. A band of Souliotes maintained their ground, and were nearly all slain. The rout was complete ; " and for two hours," says Dr. Howe, ** the plain presented only a picture of detached fights between bands of ten, five, or three Greeks and dozens of Turks, who soon cut them to pieces, though after desperate resistance." Lord Coclu-ane and General 79 ff" 1 1 HISTORY OF GREECE. i r, i i [Chap. LIIL Church, who were advancing with supplies and reinforcements, were obliged to retreat and take refuge on board the ships. The centre and left wing, amounting to seven thousand men, who had taken no part in the battle, immediately fled in the direction of the Isthmus ; the posts around Peiraeus were abandoned. The ground was strewn with fifteen himdred of the flower of the Grecian warriors ; nearly all the Europeans engaged in the battle perished ; many of the bravest leaders fell ; others were taken prisoners, of whom two hundred and forty were beheaded the next morning. Lord Cochrane immediately withdrew with his squadron to Hydra. General Church remained at Phaleron with two thousand men three weeks longer, when, finding his men disheartened and ready to de- sert, he dismantled the batteries and abandoned all the positions. Some attempts were subsequently made to reheve the garrison by an expedition in the enemy's rear, to cut off his supplies. The citadel was, however, surrendered on the 5th of June. The fall of Athens was felt as a tremendous blow over all Greece. It seemed to extinguish the last spark of hope that the war could be contin- ued. The poverty that covered the country was indescribable. But the sympathies of the world were aroused anew by the tales of starvation and woe which reached the ears of the humane everpvhere. In the United States societies were formed to raise contributions, and seven ship-loads of provisions and clothing were despatched, which saved from death thousands of the wretched population, and infused new strength into the heart of the nation. § 16. The cabinets of Europe also were no longer insensible to the duty of putting a stop to the present state of things. The tone of the Eng- lish government had been greatly altered by the influence of Canning's genius and fine humanity ; and the former sympathy with the Turks in their lawful efforts to suppress the unjustifiable msurrection of their re- bellious rayas was felt to be false to the spirit of the times, and traitorous to the rights of man. Before the insurrection, the Greeks had sent a depu- tation to St. Petersburg, to offer the crown of Greece to one of the Grand Dukes, in the hope of securing the support of so powerful a state to their cause. The offer was declined. During the war they sent another dep- utation to Paris, proposing that one of the sons of Louis Philippe — then Duke of Orleans — should be placed on the throne ; here, again, they met with disappointment Later still, they threw themselves on the pro- tection of England, offering to confer the crown on Prince Leoi)old ; but the proposition was at first coldly received. The successes of Ibrahim Pacha, and the prospect of having a powerful Egyptian government, in- dependent of the Porte, established in Greece, had some effect in exciting the alarm of Europe, and the disturbance of commerce in the Levant became more and more serious. In 1826 Russia manifested a disposition lo take the settlement of affairs into her own hands. Mr. Cannmg seized A. D. 1627.] BATTLE OP NAVARINO. 627 the occasion of the mission of the Duke of "Wellington to St. Petersburg, in that year, to communicate the readiness of the British cabinet to join in an arrangement for the pacification of Greece. The result of this communication was the signature of the protocol of the 4tli of April. This was followed by a series of diplomatic discussions, leading to the treaty signed at London on the 6th of July, 1827, by the plenipotentia- ries of Russia, France, and England, which provided that an immediate armistice should be established between Turkey and Greece, and pro- posed to place Greece on the footing of a tributary province, under the sovereignty of the Sultan, but with the right of electing her own gov- ernors, subject to the approval of the Porte. The feeble and wretched condition of Greece made it difficult for her to reject even these humil- iating terms ; but the Porte refused to allow any interference in its own affairs, and even to receive a written communication from the ministers of the Western powers. § 17. This obstinacy of the Porte, which was but too well justified by the previous assurances of the cabinets that they had no intention of in- terfering, induced England and France to augment their naval forces in the Mediterranean. Russia sent a squadron to join them. The British Admiral, Sir Edward Codrington, was instructed to prevent the landing of any forces in Greece from Egypt or Turkey. The Greeks had abstained from all military operations as soon as the treaty was known ; but as Ibrahim continued his ravages, and violated a temporary armistice he had agreed to with Codrington, ihey again took up arms. The combined Egyptian and Turkish fleets lay concentrated in the harbor of Navarino, when, on the 20th of October, the English, French, and Russian squad- rons entered the Bay, resolved, at all hazards, to put a stop to the enor- mities still perpetrated by Ibrahim, and to force him to comply with their proposals. He was required either to quit the Peloponnesus altogether, or at least to cease from devastating the country. The Turks were drawn up in order of battle, and having fired upon a boat with a flag of truce, and killed several persons on board, a terrible battle instantly commenced, which lasted four hours. The Turco-Egyptian fleet consisted of seventy- nine ships of war, and other vessels, amounting in all to one hundred and twenty, carrj'ing two thousand two hundred and forty cannon ; the fleet of the allies amounted to only twenty-six vessels, with thirteen hundred and twenty-four gun?? ; but, though the battle was obstinate and bloody, it result- ed in the utter defeat of the Turks and Egyptians. They refused to strike ; some of their ships were burned, others driven on shore, and nearly all dis- abled ; only twenty or thu'ty corvettes and brigs remaining in a sailing condition. Six thousand men perished. So tremendous a catastrophe caused for a moment an involuntary cessation of hostilities. Europe and America resounded with triumph and exultation ; and the Greeks, filled with new hope, returned thanks to Heaven for so signal and unlooked for 62S mSTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. MIL a deliverance. But when the news reached Constantinople, it found the Forte still intractable and violent. " My positive, absolute, definitive, un- changeable, eternal answer," said the minister to the interpreters of Eng- land, France, and Russia, " is that the Sublime Porte does not accept any proposition concerning the Greeks, and means to persist in its own will for ever and ever, even unto the day of the last judgment." In this obsti- nate course of conduct the Porte was sustained by Austria, under the inspiration of Mettemich, to whom the alliance between Russia, France, and England, and all the recent proceedings for the salvation of Greece, were in the highest degree distasteful. But it was impossible for the Porte long to hold out. In April, 1828, Russia declared war against her, and compelled the Sultan to turn his chief attention in this direction. The President elect. Capo D'Istrias, having been dismissed from the Rus- Bian service, and having spent about ten months in St. Petersburg, Paris, and London, in order to come to a distinct understanding with the three protecting powers, and having effected a loan, then highly necessary to the new organization of Greece, arrived at Nauplia in January, 1828, and thence proceeded to ^gina, where the government had at that time es- tablished itself. While in England, he succeeded in winning the good- will of the leading statesmen, except the Duke of Wellington, who pei> sisted in thinking the battle of Navarino an untoward event. Immedi- ately on his an-ival he assumed the duties of his office, and set about the Herculean task of restoring order in the demoralized and disorganized condition of the country, with extraordinary activity and talent, having the aid of Mr. Tricoupes as Secretary of State. But the Porte still re- fusing to make peace, a French expedition sailed from Toulon, and Ibra- him Pacha was glad to accept terms and make his way back to Egypt with the remains of his shattered fleet. The last sail of the hostile arma- ment disappeared from Greece on the 7th of October, and the last battle on land was fought in Boeotia, a year after, by Prince Demetrius Ypse- lantes, who, with three thousand men, gained a brilliant victory over a force of seven thousand ; thus triumphantly completing a struggle, which eight years before his brother Alexander had opened by a disastrous de- feat. The Porte at last, terrified by the successes of the Russian arms, accepted the propositions of the great powers, and hostilities thenceforth ceased between the Turks and the Greeks. On a general review of the contest now brought to a close, a few of the leading incidents of which have been thus briefly treated, we may venture to assert that the Greeks were right in commencing it, and justified in com- mencing it when they did ; that they were entitled to the sympathy and support of Christian nations at the outset, — though, so far from receiving it, they were denounced by the Holy Alliance as rebels ; that the course of Hie great powers was at first cold and cruel, and afterwards wavering ; and that they ungenerously required the emancipated country, at the A. D. 1832.] SELECTION OP OTHO AS KING. 629 moment of pacification, to acknowledge itself tributary to the Porte, when the Greeks had fairly entitled themselves, by their conduct and sufferings, to the guaranties of Europe for their national existence and their absolute and unqualified independence. § 18. The settlement of the afitiirs of the country now occupied the at- tention of the great powers. It was proposed at first to retain Greece under the sovereignty of the Porte, but to give it a separate administra- tion on the payment of a large annual tribute ; but this plan was found impracticable. It was next proposed to erect the country into an inde- pendent principality, and to give it a ruler from one of the reigning houses in Europe, under the title of Sovereign Prince. Prince Leopold, the present king of Belgium, was selected for this station, and the choice was an excellent one. The Prince accepted the appointment, but, for rea- sons equally honorable to his head and heart, four months afterwards, in May, 1830, abdicated the yet unoccupied thi'one. The principal reason which induced this step was the absurd boundary fine on the north, pro- posed and insisted on by the protecting powers. Negotiations were again renewed; fresh protocols filled up another year; when, in October, 1831, Count Capo D'Istrias, who had been President of Greece for four years, with almost dictatorial power, was assassinated at Nauplia by two mem- bers of the Manote clan of Mavromichales, whose chief, Petros Bey, he had illegally imprisoned. This tragical event was followed by six months of tuiarchy. Augustine Capo D'Istrias, a younger brother of the mur- dered President, was nominally placed at the head of affairs. He found it impossible to stem the tide of opposition, and, resigning his office, on the 15th of April took passage with the dead body of his brother on board a Russian vessel bound for Corfou. These events made it necessary to bring the arrangements of the great powers to the speediest possible con- clusion. The plenipotentiaries now turned their attention to Louis, king of Bavaria, who had always been a lover of Hellenic art, and had ren- dered generous aid to Greece in the hour of her distress. Finally it was determined to make a kingdom of Greece, and to raise Prince Otho to the throne, with all the honors and dignities of sovereignty. Otho was the second son of the king, born June 1, 1815 ; consequently only seven- teen years old when charged with the august office of reconstructing a shattered state. The period of his majority was fixed at the age of twen- ty ; in the mean time a regency of three Bavarian statesmen — Count Ai'mansperg, the Chevalier von Maurer, and General Heidecker — was appointed to carry on the government in the name of the youthful monarch. A loan of sixty miUions of francs (S 12,000,000) was guaranteed by the three powers, and a Bavarian army of tliirty-five hundred men enrolled, for the maintenance of order in the new kingdom. On the 8th of Au- gust, 1832, Prince Otho was solemnly acknowledged by the national as- Bembly at Pronoea — a suburb of Nauplia — the whole assembly rising I>ll> €30 mSTOET OF GREECE. [Chap. Lin. I and sbouting with one voice, " A long life and a happy reign to Otho the First, King of Hellas." On the 6th of February, 1833, he landed at Kauplia, amidst the acclamations of the peo[)le ; " a happy day," says a Greek wnter, "on which the Hellenic nation, after three hundred and eighty years' bereavement of their imperial throne, had tlie happiness again to welcome their o^ti monarch, and saw at length, with unspeaka- ble exultation, and with profound gratitude to the Most High, their long- ings fulfilled, their patience rewarded, and the struggles of four centuries crowned with triumph." The boundaries were determined by a treaty between the great powers and Ihe Sublime Poite, in 1832. The northern line runs from the Gulf of Volo, or the Pagasiean Gulf, on the east, along the chain of Othrys, and strikes the Gulf of Arta, or the Ambracian Gulf, on the west. The east- ern line includes Euboea, the Northern Sporades, and the Cyclades. Crete was ceded to the Pacha of Egypt, and the other islands of the iEgean, with the provinces north of the line above indicated, were replaced under the government of Turkey. The islands on the western coast still constitute the Septinsular Republic, under the protectorate of England. The coun- try was organized within these boundaries, and the ancient divisions with the classical names restored. It was divided into ten Nomoi, or Provinces, thirty Eparchias, or Cantons, and 453 Demoi, or Communes, witli their sev- eral local administrations. The first Nome embraces Attica and Boeotia ; the second, Phocis and Phthiotis ; the third, ^tolia and Acarnanla ; the fourth, Aigolis and Corinth ; the fifth, Achaia and Elis ; the sixth. Area- dia; the seventh, Messenia ; the eighth, Laconia; the ninth, Euboea and the Northern Sporades ; the tenth, the Cyclades. The seat of government was at first established at Nauplia, but in 1835 it was transferred to Athens ; and in the same year, the king, having at- tained his majority, assumed the reins of government, and addressed on the occasion a proclamation to the Greek peoide, wliich excited the liveliest hopes and the brightest anticipations of the future happiness of the country. In the following year the king was married to the Princess Amelia, the daughter of the Grand Duke of Oldenberg, then seventeen years old, and one of the most beautiful princesses in Europe. The marriage took place on the 22d of November, 1836, and they ai-rived at the Peira^us on the 14th of February, 1837. The next day, the youthful pair entered Ath- ens under triumphal arches, decorated with laurel and myrtle branches, amidst the huzzas of the whole population. § 19. The period has not yet arrived when the history of Otho's reign can be impartially written. In this brief sketch of events, it has not been intended to dwell much on details ; and in what remams, only a few addi- tional points will be considered. The Greeks have always been an eminently constitutional people. The first step taken by them after the war broke out was to establish a A. D. 1843.] REVOLUTION OF 1843. 631 constitution; and during the war, although dissensions often prevailed, still the Greeks were in the main governed by constitutional forms. Prince Leopold, during the brief period of his nominal sovereignty, was urged by President Capo D'Istrias to recognize the constitutional rights of the nation. When Prince Otho was elected by the great powers, the national assembly began a revision of the constitution, but were prevented from completing their labors by the intervention of the king of Bavaria, and the Residents of the protecting powers. The treaty which placed Otho on the throne contains not a word about a constitutional monarchy ; and it was well understood that Russia was hostile to constitutional gov- ernments everywhere, and France and England were perhaps indifferent. King Otho, therefore, was an absolute monarch, so far as the treaty de- fined his powers ; and if his government was administered upon absolute principles during the first ten years of his reign, both by the regency and by his cabinets after he assumed the reins, the blame ought justly to be shared by the European powers, who neglected to guarantee a constitu- tion to the people. It is not proposed to dwell upon the complaints urged against the Bavarian dynasty in general ; but it must be admitted that the regency committed a grave en-or in not calling a national assembly, at an early date, to frame a constitution, and that the king, on attaining his majority, committed a similar error. At all events, the people became unpatient for a constitutional government. The dissatisfaction of the country reached its height in 1843, and a universal determination was formed to have a constitution at all events, while there was an equally general puqiose not to violate the respect due to their Majesties. Com- binations and arrangements were entered into between the civil author- ities and the military, to enforce the changes called for by the country, but to use no more force than was necessary for the purpose. The movement was headed by General Kalerges, who had been a distin- guished officer in the war of the Revolution, and was then inspector of the cavalry quartered at Athens. Some intimation of the design reached the government, and several ar- rests were ordered on the night of the 14th of September, 1843. This action of the government was seized upon as the moment to carry out the long-meditated revolution. Kalerges hastily summoned the officers and put the garrison in motion, amidst loud cries of Long life to the constitii- tion ! which were responded to by the large bodies of citizens now rapidly gathering from every quarter of the town. Kalerges marched his troops, accompanied by the citizens, to the square in front of the palace ; in a few moments the artillery came up, the guns were pointed at the pal- ace, and the artillerymen cried out, Z^ro rh avvrayfia ! Long life to the constitution 1 The king, appearing at the window, demanded the cause of the disturbance and of this parade of the garrison. Kalerges replied, BO as to be heard by the whole multitude, " The people of Greece and the t Mp ' I i 032 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LIIL army desire that your Majesty will redeem the promise that the countiy Bhould be governed constitutionally." The king oi-dered the troops to re- toe to their quarters, promising to consult with the ministers, the Council ©f State, and the ambassadors of the three protecting powers. But Kaler- ges replied, that "neither the garrison of Athens nor the people would quit the spot until his Majesty's decision should be made known." The Council of State, meantime, hjid been discussing the great question, what was to be done in this emergency. They were not unanimous; but the constitutional party, led by General Church, Londos, and RheVas Palame- des, were in the majority, and at last all united in drawing up a procla- matioo, a list of a new ministry to be recommended to the kin- and an address advising his Majesty to call a national assembly to prepare a constitution. Betbre the king's answer was given, the carriages of the for- eign mmisters appeared at the gates of the palace, but were politely thou-h firmly refused admittance. All submitted quietly except the minister V Prussia, who persisted, with harsli and disrespectful language, in demand- ing admittance to his Majesty. Kalerge's, getting out of patience, finished the scene by telling the minister that « his advice had generally been unfor- tunate, and he was afraid the king had had too much of it lately." Upon this, the diplomatic gentlemen stepped into their carriages and drove off amidst the laughter of the people, who maintained the most perfect good humor through the whole scene. The king signed the ordinances ap- pomting a new ministry and convoking a national assembly. The troops having been thirteen hours under arms, marched back to their barracks • the citizens dispersed to their homes ; the business of the city was not in- terrupted an hour ; the courts sat without the slightest obstruction ; no tumults took place in the country ; a chief, named Griziotes, who wal on his way from Euboea to the capital with more than a thousand irre-ular troops, hearing that the object had been accomplished, enjoired his'' fol- lowers to return to their homes, and asked leave "to come alone to obey the law, and not to give it." The next night the city was illuminated, and great rejoicmgs celebrated the event, without a single act of violence In the same moderate spirit of tranquil triumph, the great constitutional victory was commemorated all over the country, and the 15th of Septem- ber was henceforth added to the national festivals. This revolution was accompKshed without shedding a drop of blood; without even disturbing the qmet of a single citizen, except a person named Tzinos, who had made himself odious as chief of police, by the cruelties he had inflicted to the discharge of his functions. He took shelter in the palace, but was given up, and merely sent away to one of the islands ; and the only uneasiness manifested anywhere was the opposition made by that island — Tenos — to receiving so odious a person on its shores. TTie kmg and queen drove out the next day, as usual, and were cheered by the people. The new ministry entered upon their functions ; the Ba- IL' A. D. 1844.] CONSTITUTION OF 1843. 633 varians were dismissed, and many of them took the Austrian steamer for home in less than a week. The national assembly was convoked for th^ 13th of November. The elections resulted most satisfactorily. The best men, almost without exception, were chosen. The assembly was opened on the 20th of November by the king in person, accompanied by his min- isters, and in the presence of the diplomatic body, all of whom attended except the Russian legation. In fact, Russia had totally withheld her sanction from the constitutional proceedings, not only at Athens, but through her ministers at the other courts. The king's speech was con- ceived in a most excellent spirit, and raised his popularity to the highest point; and the marks of affection and respect everywhere accorded to their Majesties, then and whenever they appeared in public, deeply im- pressed them. The assembly, consisting of two hundred and twenty-five members, was organized by the choice of Mr. Panoutsos Notaras, an emi- nent patriot, who took arms at the opening of the Revolution, being then eighty-four years old. He had been a member of all the preceding national assemblies. At the age of one hundred and seven, he was chosen a member for his native province, Corinth, and was now elected president of the constitutional assembly, in the midst of the acclamations of his colleagues. Four vice-presidents were appointed, — iMavrocordatos, Metaxas, Collettes, and Londos. The draft of the constitution was submitted to the assembly on the loth of Januaiy, and after being carefully discussed was laid before the king on the 4th of March. It was thoroughly studied by his Majesty, and returned by him with a few changes suggested, and on the 16th of March, 1844, to the great joy of the nation, the constitution was formally accepted. A deputation immediately waited upon his Majesty, and ex- pressed, in fervid and eloquent language, the thanks and gratitude of the assembly. The constitution embodies all the securities which were incorporated into the earlier forms, with such other principles as the actual state of the country made necessary. The settlement of Otho and his family on the throne is confirmed. The Oriental Church is the established religion, but all other religions are tolerated. Proselytizing and attacks upon the es- tablished religion are forbidden. All Greeks are declared equal in the eye of the law, and personal liberty is inviolable. No titles of nobility are to be created. It is declared that in Greece man is not bought and sold. A serf or a slave, whatever may be his nationality or his religion, is free from the moment that he sets foot on Hellenic ground. The press is free, and a censorship cannot be established. Public instruction is at the charge of the state ; torture and confiscation cannot be intro- duced, and the secrecy of letters is inviolable. The legislative power is divided between the king, the Chamber of Deputies, called BouU, and the Senate, or Gerousia; but all money bills must originate with the 80 634 HISTOKY OF GREECE. [Chap. LIII I ill; Deputies. The king has the usual powers, under the usual restrictions, of a constitutional monarch. His person is inviolable, but his ministers may be impeached for maladministration. He is the executive magistrate. In case of the failure of heirs, and the vacancy of the throne, provision is made for the appointtnent of a regent, and then for the election of a king by vote of the assembly. The deputies (BovXevrm) are elected for three years. No one can be elected who has not reached the age of thirty years. The number of deputies is in proportion to the population, as regulated by law, but never to be less than eighty. The senators (r€pov(ria(rrai) are appointed by the king for life. A considerable number of conditions and qualifications are prescribed; the legal age is forty. The minimum num- ber of senators is twenty-seven ; but the king may, when he sees fit, raise it to one half the number of the deputies. The princes of the blood and the heir presumptive of the crown are senators by riglit, as soon as they shall have completed their eighteenth year, but they are to have no voice in the deliberations until they have completed their twenty-fifth year. The ministers are appointed by the king, with the usual re^sponsibilities. Justice is administered by judges appointed by the king for life. Argu- ments before the tribunals are to be public, unless such publicity be deemed by the court dangerous to morals and public order. A judge can accept no salaried employment, except that of Professor in the University. The trial by jury hi civil cases, and in cases of political crimes and offen- ces of the press, is presersed. No oath can be exacted without a law which prescril)es and dctennines it. All conflicting jurisdiction is to be reviewed and decided by the Areopagus, which is the supreme court, or court of final appeal. § 20. Greece has been under a constitutional govemment alx)ut eleven years. But the condition of the country is not yet such as its friends hoped and desired. Agriculture is still imperfect and rude. Roads are neglected. The public domain is badly administered, and the po})ulation has but slowly mcreased. Manufacturing industry has made some prog- ress, but only in the larger towns, sjich as Athens, Argos, and Naui)lia. The people are generally poor; but few, if any, beggars are to be seen. A large accession of capital is needed. The country is loaded with debt, and the system of taxation is at once oppressive and wasteful. It must be remembered, however, that scarcely a quarter of a century has passed since the country emerged from a most destructive war, which left no villages standing, and reduced the people to a state of destitution almost unparalleled in the history of the world. Slow as the progress of Greece has been in material civilization, her zeal for education and literature is not surpassed by the most enlightened nations in the worid. We have seen that one of the preparations for the Revolution was a rapid improvement in the schools, and a large increase of their number. During the war the provisional governments never lost Chap. LHI] STATE OF EDUCATION. 635 sight of this subject, and Count Capo DTstrias gave to it much of his at- tention. The regency of Otho organized the system of public education more thorougldy than had previously been done. The Greeks also raised large sums by private subscriptions and by local taxes. Prince Demetrius Ypselantes left his whole fortune to found a school in Nauplia, which annually educates several hundred scholars. Many schools for girls have been established in different parts of Greece. There are two or three in Athens ; one under the charge of IVIadame Mano, a sister of Alexander Mavrocordatos ; another, the justly famous missionary school of our countryman. Dr. Hill, which has been of incalculable service to the women of Greece. Private schools flourish in the principal towns. But doubtless the most characteristic feature is the scheme of public education, as it now exists in the system of public schools. Under this system are, — 1. The Demotic, or schools of mutual instruction, in which are taught read- ing, writing, arithmetic, with the elements of history, geography, natural philosophy, &:c. to both boys and girls. 2. The Hellenic schools, in which are taught, in addition to the further study of the above-enumerated branches, the elements of the ancient Greek grammar, and translations from ancient into modern Greek and the Latin and French languajies. 3. The Gymnasia, in which the Latin and Greek are continued, with philosophy, logic, ethics, physics, general history, mathematical geogra- phy, and the French, Geiman, and English languages. 4. The Univer- sity of Otho, which is organized with four departments, or faculties, — philosopliy, theology, medicine, and law. According to the reports of 1853, more than forty thousand children were taught in the Demotic schools ; in the Hellenic schools, more than five thousand ; in the G3nn- nasia, two thousand ; in the University, above six hundred ; — in all amounting to about fifly thousand. If we add the scholars of the numer- ous private schools, this number will be considerably increased. There were in .1853 three hundred and ten schools of mutual instruction, eighty- five Hellenic schools, and seven Gymnasia. Besides these, there is a teachers' school, a naval school, an agricultural school, and a polytechnic school. The University, organized in 1836, has a corps of nearly forty professors, and an excellent library of eighty thousand volumes. Among the professors are men who would do honor to any European university. The venerable Asopios expounds Homer with the vivacity of a Nestor. The lectures of Philippos Johannis, on moral philosophy, are admirable for purity of style and clearness of method. Rangabes expounds the fine arts w ith learning and taste. Manouses lectures eloquently on liistory. Pericles Argyropoulos, now the Minister of Foreign Affairs, is a most able professor of the law. Professor Kontogones is profoundly versed in Bib- lical literature, and expounds the Hebrew Scriptures to numerous and attentive classes. Many others might be mentioned in terms of great and just commendation. tH iili 636 HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. Lin. § 21. The Greek, as spoken at the present day, is substantially the language that was spoken in the Alexandrine and Byzantine periods ; and its preserration is one of the most surprising instances of tenacious na- tionality. But there are important distinctions between the ancient and modem, which grow out of clianges in the structure, no less than modifi- cations of tlie meaning of words. Nearly all the words now employed by educated Greeks aye the same words that were used by their ancestors ; but the gi-amraar of the knguage is modern. From the time of Homer, down to six or seven centuries after Christ, though the language under- went many modifications, it retained unchanged its essential character- istics; and for a still longer period, namely, to the middle of the fifteenth century, the grammatical structure of the language, as employed in litera- ture, was still undisturbed, although the combination of riiythm and accent had some time before ceased to mark the pronunciation. This period embraces about twenty-five bundled years. In the language spoken by the common people, the old system of gram- matical forms — perhaps never existing in its completeness among the uneducated — was abandoned somewhere between the sixth and eleventh centuries. We cannot trace the changes step by step, for want of docu- ments ; but it is certain that the popular speech of the Byzantine Empire, before the twelfth century, possessed all the grammatical peculiarities which mark the language of Greece as spoken and written at the present day. The first poem published in modem Greek, was addressed by The- odore Ptochoprodromos, a contemporary of Anna Comnena, to the Em- peror Manuel Comnenos ; and this has not only the grammatical, but the rhythmical forms of the popular poetry at the present day. The changes that took place in the spoken language before the twelfth centuiy are,"^ 1. Several tenses of the verb were formed by auxiliaries, as in the other modem languages, instead of being modified forms of the root of the verb ; e. g. €x« ypafeiy 6€X(o ypa^ci, / have written, I shall write, instead of yfypacfM, ypd^a. 2. The increased use of prepositions to express the relations of cases, instead of expressing them by changes of termination in the words. 8. The disapi)eanince of quantity as the principal rhyth- mical element in poetical composition, and the substitution of accent, as in the other modern languages, and perhaps the introduction of rhyme. 4. Various changes and corruptions in the sounds of the vowels and diph- thongs, especially the representing the long e by six difterent letters or combinations of letters, i, rj, «, v, oi, vi, w hich originally, without doubt, were distinguished from each other. In the successive periods of the occupation of Greece by Romans, Goths, Slavonians, French, and Turks, many words from the languages of these races found a lodgement in the Greek ; but at the present day they have nearly all disappeared from the language of good society. Among the uneducated people, as in all other countries, corruptions and vulgarisms prevail; but not more than in Eng- Chap. LIIL] PRESENT LANGUAGE OF GREECE. 637 land, France, and Germany. The general character of the language is the same at Constantinople, Athens, Thebes, and Delphi. There is no subject to which more attention is given in the schools of Greece than the language. The present Hellenes are like the Greeks of old, in this respect ; no small part of the business of education is devoted to the mother tongue. It will readily be perceived, that the language of the great body of the people is a popular language, and, as such, dif- fers a good deal from that spoken in cultivated society. It will also be easily understood, that the state of things under the Turks was not favorable to the cultivation and maintenance of purity of speech, either among the learned or the unlearned classes ; and one of the first cares of the scholars who inspired the country with the hope of regeneration was to settle the principles of the language, which was not only cor- rupted by the admixture of foreign words, but exceedingly irregular in its forms and chaotic in its constructions. Coraes was the first and the ablest of these reformers; and his system has been followed, with some modifications, by the majority of his educated countrymen. It recognizes the form and principles of the Greek as a modern lan- guage, but proposes to settle the usage and purify the language from Turkish, Italian, and other foreign mixtures, by substituting words of Greek derivation for these intrusive elements. There never was a time when even the popular speech was not, in by far the greater part of its words and phrases, genuine Greek. Some of the more enthusiastic in their classical zeal hoped to restore the language absolutely as it was spoken by Demosthenes. Mr. Buchon, with pleasant exaggeration, says: " Philology is the .passion of all the Greek students, in whatever depart- ment. A physician, an advocate, a professor, has often become a minister of state, because he had a good mastery of his language Greek grammar is at the basis and summit of all instruction Not content with having eliminated all foreign words, the Athenians endeavor to ap- proach the ancient language as near as possible, in words, in forms, in the shape of phrases, and in inversions The paladins of Greek phi- lology march to the conquest of a grammatical form, as to a rich province. The dative had disappeared, — they have raised it from the tomb ; the aorist had been nearly extinguished, — all are seeking to breathe mto it a new life ; at present they flatter themselves with the ardent hope of re- conquering the infinitive, which had emigrated so long ago." This was written in 1843; the process of purification and reformation has gone steadily on ; though the infinitive has not yet returned from its emigra- tion, the aorist is restored to perfect health. In short, the usage of the language may now be considered as established. Several of the recent gi'ammars — those now of the highest authority in Athens — are admirable specimens of philological skill. The course of nature has not been vio- lated by forcing upon it the ancient constructions, while Turkish words, W'^ Otfo HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LIIL like the Turks themselves, have been unceremoniously turned out of doors. In the mean time, the natural growth of Ihe language, and its ap- plication to the larger range of thought required by the superior civiliza- tion of the age, has made it necessary to enlarge its vocabulary by copi- ous drafts from other sources. Whence should these drafts be made? Obviously, not from English, French, or Italian; but naturally, as the Greek scholars instuictively decided, from the abundant wealth of the ancient Greek. Thus the word for steamboat was made of the two an- cient words which signify steam and boat, ar/ioVXotoi^, instead of t6 vapore, as the people at first called it. The post is called r6 raxvSpofjLfiop, instead of posta; the national bank is 7 idviKri rpaTrefa; and the University is to UavfTnarrjfuov. A cigar-shop is appropriately called KanpoTrcoXeiov, a place for selhng smoke; a barber's shop, as in ancient Athens, is called a Kovpthv ; a merchant tailor figures on his sign-boai'd as an einropos pdimjs ; a hotel is a ((vobox^'iov, § 22. There are published in Greece about thirty newspapers, two or three literary journals, and an arclueological jounial, most of them written with talent, and some, as the Panhellenion, which was commenced in 1853, quite equal in elegance of style and power of argument to the best journals of Paris and London. The text-books for schools, Gymnasia, and the University are very numerous, and will bear a favorable comparison with those used in the Prussian schools. The hsts of books printed by the principal pubhshers, Koromelas and Blastos, are surprisingly large.* Works of a higher grade than text-books are beginning to appear. Pro- fessor Asopios is publishing a very elaborate history of Greek hterature, and Professor Rangabes another on Greek antiquities. The national history is much studied, and several very able and well-written works have recently appeared. Professor Paparrhegopoulos has written an ex- cellent summary of the history of Greece, and Spyridon Tricoupes is now pubhshing a History of the Revolution, which will take its place among the classics of his country. With regard to the poetical development of the nation, there is a dis- tinction to be made between the cultivated poetry and the popular poetry. The former has not yet attained its complete growth. Yet the works of Khegas, Soutsos, Rizos, Rangabes, ZampeUos, Zalacostas, and others, give rich promise for the poetical literature of Modern Greece. Christo- poulos has written in the popular dialect naive and charming songs, which depict the festive side of Hellenic life with mfinite grace and vivacity. § 23. At present the most characteristic feature in the poetry of the Greeks is the popular songs. Like the ancients, the present Hellenic race have a vein of natural poetry, which breaks out on all the occurren- ♦ The number of copies annnally published by Koromelas, of text-books for the schools C ym nasi a , and the University, amounts to six hundred thousand. 1 Chap. LIII.] POPULAR POETBT. G39 ces of life, — birth, death, separation, departure for a foreign country, — in the most simple and unpremeditated style. A large proportion of these songs exist only on the lips of the people, most of them having never been reduced to writing at all. The first collection ever made was by Fauriel, published in 1824 and 1825, and the ballads excited great attention in Europe. Goethe, then the undisputed monarch of Continental literature, pronounced them the most genuine poetry of art- less feeling and unsophisticated nature in our times. Since then, much has been added, commemorative of the events of the war, and several other collections have been made. It will not be long, however, before this period of popular poetry will have passed, and the dialects in which the songs are composed will have become, through the general diJBTusion of education, obsolete curiosities, for the researches of the mous- ing antiquarian. They ought, therefore, to be at once placed beyond the reach of casualty. The popular life, to which allusion has been made, includes that of the Klephts and Armatoles ; life on the islands, as well as the mainland; life in the valleys, as well as on the mountains; and the poems which depict it run back mdefinitely into the Turkish times. Love and marriage, funerals, feasts, the dying scene, the sorrow for absent love, the joys of victory and revenge, the fortitude which bears tortures without a groan, and the courage which defies and dauntlessly encounters an overwhelming array of foemen, — these, and every feature in every scene of this popular Hellenic life, and every feeling of this sim- ple, fresh Hellenic heart, are rhythmically embodied. Among them we sometimes find strange echoes of old Greek poetry, still reverberating among the mountains. Charon, the ferryman of the Styx among the an- cients, has become a mysterious minister of Death, hanging invisibly above the doomed, or sweeping like a storm over the mountains, on horseback, with the ghosts of the dead borne at his saddle-bow or marching at his side. The birds, whose voices and fiight were full of omens to the an- cients, and whose knowledge was proverbial, in modern poetry are en- dowed with speech and supernatural powers of vision, and often appear as collocutors in the abruptly changing dialogue. The measure in which most of these poems are composed is the accented iambic, of fifteen syl- lables, without rhyme. We close this sketch with a few short specimens on different sub- jects, carefully abstaining from adding ornaments, and translating them line for line, in the same rhythm as the original. The brevity and abruptness of their style, the rapidity of the narrative, and the racy simplicity of their dialectic peculiarities, can scarcely be reproduced in another language ; and the charm they possess when read or heard in the open air on the mountains of Greece, in the midst of the life they embody, and the scenery that suggested their coloring, can scarcely be imagined where these accessories to the picture are wanting. m iMi HISTORY OF GREECE. [Chap. LUX m LOVE DETECTED. Maiden, we kissed, but »t was at night; and who think'st thou beheld us? The night beheld, the morn beheld, the moon and star of evening; The 8tar dropped earthward from the sky, and told the sea the story; The sea at once the rudder told; the rudder told the sailor; The sailor sang it at the door, where sat his sweetheart listening. Among the Klephts the passion of love was not looked upon with much favor, as appears by the following, entitled, THE CAPTAIN IN LOVE. ** Conduct thee wisely, Nicholas, as well becomes a captain, Nor with thy children be at strife, nor venture to insult them; For they an evil plot have laid, resolving they will slay thee." " Who is it with my children talks, who is it tells them stories? Well ! when the blooming spring shall come, and when shall come the summer, To Xerolibada I go, and to our ancient quarters. Thither I go to wed my love, to take a fair-haired maiden: With golden coins I 'U deck my love, with strings of pearls adorn her." The Pallicars, they heard his words, and scornful was their anger, Three shots they gave him all at once, and all the three were fatal. "Down with the weakling fool! " they cried, "shoot down the worthless wanton! From us he took the golden coins to win the fair-haired maiden: Our fak-haired maid the pistol is, the sabre is our mistress." The following describes the death scene of a Klepht, who for a won- der lived to old age, and died without being killed by a bullet. It com- bmes, in a curious way, the strong contrasts and opposite feelings of the Klephtic character ; it is a kind of compound of piety, powder, and simple love of nature. The hero of it is resolved, even after death, to have a ihot now and then at the Turks. To understand its simple allusions, we must remember that such a family, living for the most part in the open au-, would always select the bank of a running stream for their supper- table, and the sparkling water for their beverage. THE DYING CHIEF, The sun was setting in the west, when Demos gives his orders: — "Hasten, my children, to the brook, to eat your bread at evening; And thou, Lampakes, nephew mine, come, take thy seat before me. Here! wear the arras that now I wear, and be a valiant captain; And ye, my children, take my sword, deserted by its master. And cut green branches from the trees, and spread a couch to rest me, And hither bring the holy man, that he may haste to shrive me, That I may tell him ail the sins I ever have committed While thirty years an Armatole, and twenty-five a robber. But now the conqueror Death has come, and I for Death am ready. Build me a broad and spacious tomb, and let the mound be lofty, That I may stand erect and fire, then stoop and load the musket; And on the right hand of the tomb, a window leave wide open. That swallows in their flight may come, the eariy spring announcing, And nightingales, of lovely May, in morning song, may tell me." The subject of the followmg is a dispute between Olympus and Kis- Chap. Lin.] POPULAR POETRY. Ul savos — the ancient Ossa^ — on the right of precedence. The persons of tjie dialogue are the two rival mountains, an eagle, and the head of a slain warrior, each of whom has something characteristic to say. It is called OLYMPUS AND KISSAVOS. Olympus once, and Kissavos, two neighboring mounts, contended, Which of the two the rain should pour, and which shed down the snow-storm; And Kissavos pours down the rain, Olympus sheds the snow-storm. Then Kissavos in anger turns, and speaks to liigh Olympus. KISSAVOS. Browbeat me not, Olympus, thou by robber feet betrampled, For I am Kissavos, the mount, in far Larissa famous ; I am the joy of Turkestan, and of Larissa' s Agas. OLYMPUS. Ha! Kissavos! ha! renegade! thou Turk-betrampled hillock: The Turks they tread thee under foot, and all Larissa's Agas; I am Olympus, he of old, renowned the world all over, And I have summits forty-two, and two-and-sixty fountains, And every fount a banner has, and every bough a robber. And on my highest summit's top an eagle fierce is sitting. And holding in his talons clutched a head of slaughtered warrior. EAGLE. What hast thou done, head of mine, of what hast thou been guilty? How came the chance about that thou art clutched within my talons? HEAD. Devour, bird, my youthful strength, devour my manly valor, And let thy pinion grow an ell, a span thy talon lengthen, • In Luros and Xeromeros I was an Armatolos; In Chasia and Olympus next, twelve years I was a robber; And sixty Agas have I killed, and left their hamlets burning. And all the Turks and Albanese that on the field of battle lily hand has slain, my eagle brave, are more than can be numbered. But me the doom befell at last, to perish in the battle. The following ballad commemorates the bravery of Tsamados,* repre- senting him as returning after death in the shape of a bird to revisit Georgakes, a friend in arms, who expresses his wish to know what is passing at Mesolongi. * In May, 1826, Ibrahim Pacha attacked Palaeo-Castro and the little island Sphacteria, with a powerful fleet and army. Mavrocordatos had rushed to their defence. He threw himself with his suite into the island, which was at the moment held by a brave young Hy- driote captain named Tsamados, and a small body of soldiers and sailors. Fifteen hundred Arabs landed on the island, but met with a desperate resistance from Tsamados and his gallant band. Tsamados was shot in the leg, but continued fighting on his knees until he was knocked down and killed. When this was known, the sailoi-s, regaining their brig, on board which Mavrocordatos had already taken refuge, ran out through the Turkish fleet of thirtj'-four ships of war, aiid, having been exposed for more than four hours to their fire, escaped with riddled sails and rigging shot awaj--, with two men killed and eight wounded. The surrender of Navarino followed ; and not long after, the whole Morea, ex- cept the unconquerable Manotes, lay at the mercy of Ibraliim. 81 i' 642 HISTORY OF GREECE. TSAMADOS. [Chap. LUI. I would I were a bird to fly and visit Mesolongi, That I might see them wield the sword, and how they ply the mnsket; How wage the war in Ronmeli, her still unconquered vultures. A bird then came, on golden wing, and said to me, in singing, " Patience, Georgakes mine ! if thou for Arab blood art thirsting Here too are Agarenes enow for even thee to slaughter. Beholdest thou yon Turkish ships, now floating in the distance ? Charon is standing over them, and they shall bum to ashes.'' My bird, where didst thou learn these things that thou to me art telling? "I seem unto thine eyes a bird, but 't is no bird thou seest; For in the island opposite to Navarino's haven I yielded up my latest breath, against the Moslem fighting. I am Tsamados, from the tomb back to the world returning; For though from heaven where I dwell, 1 clearly can behold thee, To come and see thee face to face my heart was ever longing." And what wouldst see among us now, in our unhappy country? Hast thou not heard what has befallen, how fares it in Morea? " Georgakes mine, be not downcast, nor lose thy manly courage; If the Morea wars not now, the time again is coming "When they will fight like savage beasts, and chase away the foemen, And blackened bones bo strewn around the walls of Mesolongi, And Souli's lions prowling there shall seize their prey exulting." And then the bird resumed his flight, and mounted up to heaven. Mount Olympus. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. Book I. — MYTHICAL AGE. B. C. 1184. Capture of Troy. 1124. Emigration of the Boeotians from Thessaly into Bojotia. 1104. Return of the Heraclidae. Conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians. 1050. Cumse founded. 850. Probable age of Homer. Book n. — GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES. 776. 747. 748. 784. 723. 720. 710. 708. 700. 693. 690. 685. 683. 670. ms. 6«4. 657. 655. C44. 630. 625. 624. C12. «.410. COO. 5:tC. (j'Jb. 594. 591. 589. 686. 585. 582. 581. Commencement of the Olympiads. Age of Lycurgus. Pheidon, tyrant of Argos, celebrates the 8th Olympic games. Beginning of the first Messenian war. Syracuse founded by Archias of Corinth. End of the first Messenian war. Sybaris, in Italy, founded by the Achaeans. Croton, in Italy, founded by the Aclia;ans. Tarentum founded by the Lacedaemonian Parthenii, under Phalanthus. Archiloclius of Paros, the iambic poet, flourished. Simoiiides of Araorgop, the lyric poet, flourished. Foundation of Gela in Sicily. The beginning of the second Messenian war. First annuiil Archon at Athens. Tyrtaeus, the Athenian poet, came to Sparta aftjwr the first success of the Messenians, and by his martial songs roused the faintmg courage of the Lacedaemonians. Alcnian, a native of Sardis in Lydia, and the chief lyric poet of Sparta, flourished. End of the second Messenian war. A scii-fight between tlie Corinthians and Corcyrreans, the most ancient sea-fight re- corded. Zaleucus, the lawgiver in Locri Epizephyrii, flourished. r>vzautiiim founded bv the Mec:arians. The liacchiadae expelled from Corintli. Cypsclus begins to reign. Pautaleon, king of Pisa, celebrates the Olympic games. Cyrcnc in Libya founded by Battus of Tliera. Periander succeeds Cypsclus .it Corinth. Arion flourished in the reign of Periander. Legislation of Dracon at Athens. Attempt of Cylon^to make himself master of Athens. Sappho, Alcaeus, and Stesichorus flourished. ^Massiliti in Gaul founded by the Plvocaians. Kpinienidee, the Cretan, came to Athens. Commencement of the Cirrhaian or Sacred War, which lasted ten years. Legislation of Solon, who was Athenian archon in this year. Cirrha taken by the Amphictyons. ., Commencement of the government of Pittacus at Mjrtilene. The conquest of the Cirrhseans completed and the Pythian games celebrated. Thi Seven Wise Men flourished. Death of Periander. Agrigentum founded. The dynasty of the Cypselidse ended. 642 HISTORY OF GEEECE. TSAMAD'O'S. [Chap. LIII. 1 wcrnM 1 were a Mrf to' §j and visit Jlesoloiigi, That I might see them wield the sworii, ami how they ply the musket; How wage the war in Iloiimeli, her still iinconquered vultnrcs. A bird tlieii came, on goMen wing, and said to me, In singing, '* Fatiencc, GeorgakOs mine ! iftliou for Arab blotxl art thirsting Here too are Agarenes enow for even thee to slaughter. Beholdest thou yon Turkish ships, now floating in the distance? Charon is standliif O'Tcr them, and. the}' sliall burn to ashes.'*' BIy bird, where didst tiiou leiini tliese things that thorn to lUt art. telling? "I seem unto thine eyes a bird, but 't is no bird tlioa »eest| For ill the ishind iipiM^ite to Xa\arino's haven I yielded up my latest brcatli, a'lainst the Moslem fighting. I am Tsamados, from tlie tomb back to the workl returning; For thougli from heax-en where I dwell, I clearly can behold thec» To come and see thee face to face my heart was ever longing." And what wouldst see among us now, in our unhappy country? Hast tliou not Iieard what has befallen, how fares it in ^llorea? ** Gcorgakt'"* mine, be nut downcast, nor lose thy manly courage; If tlie Morca wars not now, the time nrnvn is coniin*' ■ Wlien tliey will fight like suvMge beasts, and chase away the foenea, And blackened bones be strewn arMiiiid the walls of .Mesolnngi, And Souli's lions prowling there shall seize their prey exidting," Aiid then the bird resumed his fiiglit, and mounted up to heaven. Mount Olympus. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. ihifaiii^^ Book I. — MYTHICAL AGE. 1184. Capture of Troy. 1124. Kniiirration of the Bopotians from Thcssaly into Bopotia. 1104. lletuni of the Heraclida;. Conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians. 1050. Cuma* founded. 850, Probable nm of Homer. 77B. T47. 143. 784. 723. i2u< 710. ■70S. 7i..H). em. €^-'. GT' 61.:' c:; ■ uy4. 591. 580. 585. S82. S81. Book n. — GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES. Commonccnient of the Olyinjdads. Aire of Lycm-gus. Plieidoii, tyrniit of Ari^s, c''-!<'ln-ates the 8th Olympic games. Begitnii'i;r of the fir-t M<'suiMled by Arcliias of Corinth. Krnl of the iiist Messenian war. Svbaris. in Italv. t'onmled hv the Acha'ans. Ci'iitnii, in Italy, founiit'd liy the Acliaaiis. Tanvituni founded by the I.tu-eda'iooninn Parthonii, under Phalanthus. Aii'hilochus (tf I'aros, the iarnl»ic Jioet, tlourished. .Sinioiiid"- of AnmrpN, thi- lyric poet, tlourished. Fonndati<.;i of licla in Sicily. ']'1,(> lM':_'iiiiiiii,Lr of the u(tc-- of the Mf^-cnians, and by his martial songs rousf(l the fainting c-'rr:i;v' ' •' ti!'' !/"•!'■ i;iMii' >niaMS. A'fMi.i;:. a !!;i!i • "i' >:ir.lis hi l.ydia, and tlie chief lyric poet of S]>arta, flourished .r !!..• XT. .|v! M.--.-r;,iaa war. • .,:;■.■;: i-eiwriMi t'n' C >ri;itliians and Coreynrans, tli? mo^t ancient sea-figlit re- cnii'd. ZaleuciiN. the I aw -river in Locri l-^ii/e^ili^Tii, i!"ur;-!:0'l. ;. -' .',';ii;u I'uin'ir.i ],y the Mc;ra]-ians. 1 lie r>:;c'-h!a.!:'' c\;..'l!c,i fniui < 'orinlli. Cy|)selus Ix^^bis to rei£;:a- ,'.' ■ i'".H!. kin-- ot' 1'1-a. crl.'hrates the Olyiiijiie ^.-anies. ' , ,. in I.il-y;i foiii: '••'1 hy l'.;ittus of Thcra. I'- nii.ler .-uccccds (;y|i>"'us at ('orinih. Arion l]oi:rishcd in the reign of Periander. I ■.;■-':!;!< >n oi' Uraeoii at AtiuMis. \ ' i!;:,t ni' <'\-i.iu to iijiikc hi!ii>-elfrnauii'!ed \>y the IMn.ca'ans. i''?iiih-S, t!i-' Cretan, cainr' to Alliens. 1 ■ ::n.ici,ccnir;it of tl'H' Cirrhi'viu or Sacn'd War, which lasted ten years. I.c^i-lation of Solon, w!io was Athenian archon in this year. Cirrha taken hv the Amnhiotvons, Coianiencenieut of the government of Pittacus at Mytilenc. 1 lu coM'iiiest of the Cirrlneans completed and the Pythian games celebrated. The Seven Wise Men flourished. Death of Periander. A'M-i'reiitum f< muded. The dynasty of the Cypsclida) ended. I ■ 1> m\ •I IK 644 HISTORY OF GREECE. S7e. ftZ2. MO* 559. 566. 548, 646. 544. 539. 538. 535. 532. 531. 629. 527. 525. 523. 522. 514. 511. 510. 504. 501. Pittiiciis resigns the goyemment of Mytilene: The war between Pisa and Elis ended by the subjection of the . ..,«««. Peisistratus usurps the government of Athens. Ibycus of Rhegium, the lyric poet floarished. j f n Cyrus begins to reign in Persia. Simonides of Ceos, the lyric poet, bom. ' The temple at Delphi burnt. Auaximenes flourished. Sardis taken by Cyrus, and the Lydian monarchy overthrown. Hipponax, the iambic poet, flourished. Pherecydes of Syros, the philosopher, and Theognis of Megara, the poet, flourished. Ibycus of Rhegium, the lyric poet, flourished. Babylon taken by Cyrus. Xenophanes of Colophon, the philosopher, flourished. Thespis the Athenian first exhibits tragedy. Polycrates becomes tyrant of Samos. The philosopher Pythagoras and the poet Anacreon flourished. Death of Cyrus and accession of Cambyses as king of Persia. Death of Peisistratus, thirty-three years after his first usurpation. Cambyses conquers Egypt in the fifth year of his reign. Birth of iEschvlus. Choenhis of Athens exhibits tragedy. Polycrates of Samos put to death. *Birth of Pindar. Death of Cambvses, usurpatipn of tlie Magi, and accession of Darius to the Persian throne. Heciitaus, the histo- rian, flourished. Hippurclms, tyrant of Athens, slain by Harmodius and Aristogeiton. Phrynichus, the tragic poet, flourished. Expulsion of Hippiiis from Athens. The ten tribes instituted bv Cleisthenes. Charon of Lampsacus, tljc historian, flourished. Naxos besieged by Aristagor.is and the Pe.*siims. Aristagoras revolts from the Persiani. Book III. — THE PERSIAN WARS. 500. 408. 497. AIM 495. 498» 4il. 490. 4u0. 486. 485. 484. 481. Aristagoras solicits aid from Athens and Sparta. Birth of Annxagoras, First year of the Ionian rorojf. Sardis burnt. iEschyhis, offod twontv-fivo. fTr^t exhil.its tracredy. Third year of the Ionian revolt. Aristagoras slainMn Thrace. Death of Pvthagoras. Fourth year of the Ionian revolt. Histiajus comes down to the coast. Buth of Hel- lanicus of Mytilene, the historian. Fitlh year of the Ionian revolt. Birth of Sophocles. Sixth and last year of the Ionian revolt. The lonians defeated in a naval battle near Miletus, and Miletus taken. The Persians take the islands of Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos. Miltiades flies from the Chersonesus to Athens. Mardoiiius, the Persian general, invades Europe, and unites Macedonia to the Persian " empire. Darius sends he'ralds to Greece to demand earth and water. Demaratus, king of Spar- ta, deposed by the intrigues of his colleague Cleomenes. He flies to Darius. Datis and Artaphemes, the Persian generals, invade Europe. Thev take Eretria In Euba-a and hind in Attica. They are defeated at Marathon by the* Athenians under the command of Miltiades. Jlschylus fought at the battle of MaraUion, act 86. War between Athens and ^gina. Miltiades attempts to conquer Paros, but is repulsed. He is accused, and, unable to pay the fine in which he was condemned, is thrown into prison, where he died. Revolt of Eg,vT>t from the Persians in the fourth year after the battle of Marathon. Xerxes, kuig of Persia, succeeds Darius. Gelon becomes master of S>Tacuse. Egj'pt reconquered by the Persians. Herodotus bom. iEschylus gains the prize in iraged V. Ostracisni .f Aristeides. ThemiM . '.'< the leading man at Athens. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 645 B. C. 480. Xerxes invades Greece. He sets out from Sardis at the beginning of the spring. The battles of Thermopylae and Artemisium were fought at the time of the Olympic games. The Athenians deserted their city, which w^as taken by Xerxes. The battle of Salamis, in which the fleet of Xerxes was destroyed, was fought in the autumn. Birth of Euripides. 479. After the return Of Xerxes to Asia, Mardonius, who was left in the command of the Persian ai-my, passed the winter in Thessaly. In the spring he marches southward and occupies Athens ten months after its occupation by Xerxes. At the battle of Plataea, fought in September, he is defeated by the Greeks under the command of Pausanias. On the same day the Persian fleet is defeated off Mycale by the Greek fleet. Sestos besieged by the Greeks in the autumn and surrendered iu the follow- ing spring. 478. Sestos taken by the Greeks. The history of Herodotus teiminates at the siege of Sestos. Book IV. — THE ATHENIAN SUPREMACY AND THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 478. In consequence of the haughty conduct of Pausanias, the maritime allies place them- selves under the supremacy of Athens. Commencement of the Athenian ascen- dency or empire, w^hich lasted about 70 years, — 65 before the rain of the Athenian affairs in Sicily, 73 before the capture of Athens by Lysander. 476. Cimon, commanding the forces of the Athenians and of the allies, expels the Persians from Eion on tlie Strymon, and then takes the island of Scyrcs, where the bones of Theseus are discovered. Simonides, set. 80, gains the prize in the dithyrambic choras. 471. Themistocles, banished by ostracism, goes to Argos. Pausanias convicted of treason and put to death. Thucydides the historian bom. 469. Pericles begins to take part in public atTairs, forty years before his death. 468. Mycence destroyed by the Argives. Death of Aristeides. Socrates born. Sophocles gained his first tragic victory. 467. Simonides, a?t. 90, died. 466. Naxos revolted and subdued. Great victory of Cimon over the Persians at the rivw Eurymedon, in Pampliylia. Themistocles flies to Persia. 465. Revolt of Thasos. Death of Xerxes, king of Persia, and accession of Artaxerxes L 464. Earthquake at Sparta, and revolt of the Helots and Messenians. Cimon marches to the assistance of the Lacedemonians. Zeno of Elea flourished. 463. Thasos subdued by Cimon. 461. Cimon marches a second time to the assistance of the Lacedaemonians, but his offers are declined by the latter, and the Athenian troops sent'back. Ostracism of Cimon. Pericles at the head of public afftiirs at Athens. 460. Revolt of Inaros, and fii-st year of the Egyptian war, which lasted six years. The Athenians sent assistance to the Egyptians. 458. The Oretitia of /Eschylus performed. 457. Battles in the Megarid between the Athenians and Corinthians. The Lacedsemonians march into Doris to assist the Dorians against the Phocians. On their return they are attacked by the Athenians at Tanagra, but the latter are defeated. The Athe- nians commence building their long walls, which were completed iu the following year. 456. The Athenians, commanded by Myronides, defeat the Thebans at (Enophyta. Recall of Cimon from exile. Death of iEschylus, set. 69. ' 455. The Messenians conquered by the Lacedaemonians in the tenth year of the war. Tol- mides, the Athenian general, settles the expelled Messenians at Naupactus. See B. c. 464. Tolmides sails round Peloponnesus with an Athenian fleet, and does great injury to the Peloponnesians. End of tlie Egyptian war in the sixth year. See b. c. 460. All Egypt conquered by the Persians, except the marshes, where Amyrtaeus continued to hold out for some yeai-s. See b. c. 449. -.^ m mill mi Mifi! 646 MISTORY OF OBEECS. iPi'l i6&. Euripides, net. 25, first gains the prize in tragedy. 4M. Campaign of Pericles at Sicyon and in Acamania. Cratinus, the comic writer, flourished. 462. Five years^ trace between the Athenians and Peloponnesians, made through the inter- vention of Cimon. Anaxagonis, set. 50, withdraws from Athens, after residing there thirty years. 449. Renewal of the war with Persia. The Athenians send assistance to Amyrtojus. Death of Cimon and victory of the Athenians at Salamis in Cyprus. 448. Sacred War between the Delphians and Phocians for the possession of the oracle and temple. The Lacedaemonians assisted the Delphians, and the Athenians the Pho- cians. 447. The Athenians defeated at Cha?ronea by the Boeotians. 445. Revolt of Euboea and Megiira from Athens. The five years' trace having expired (see B. c. 450), the Lacediiemonians, led by Pleistoanax, invade Attica. After the Lacedemonians had retired, Pericles recovers Euboea. The thirty years' trace between Athens and Sparta. 444. Pericles begins to have the sole direction of public affiiirs at Athens. Thucydides, the son of Milesias, the leader of the aristocratical party, ostracized. 443. The Athenians send a colony to Thurii in Italy. Herodotus, aet. 41, and Lysias, aet. 15, accompany this colony to Thurii. 441. Euripides gains the first prize in tragedy. 440. Samoa revolts from Athens, but is subdued by Pericles in the ninth month. Sopho- cles, set. 55, was one of the ten Athenian generals who fought against Samoa. 489. Athens at the height of its glory. 437. Colony of Agnou to Amphipolis. 436. Cratinus, the comic poet, gains the prize. 433. War between the Corinthians and Corcyraeans on account of Epidamnus. The Co- rinthians defeated by tlie Corcyraeans in a sea-fight. 434. The Corinthians make great preparations to carry on the war with vigor. 433. The Corcyraeans and Corinthians send embassies to Athens to solicit assistance. The Athenians form a defensive alliance with the Corcyraeans. 482. The Corcyrajans, assisted by the Athenians, defeat the Corinthians in the spring. lu the same year Potidaea revolts from Athens. Congress of the Peloponnesians in the autumn to decide upon war with Athens. Anaxagoras, prosecuted for impiety at Athens, withdraws to Larapsacus, where he died about four years afterwards. Aspasia prosecuted by the comic poet Hermippus, but acquitted through the influence of Pericles. Prosecution and death of Pheidias. 431. First year of the Peloftonnesian war. The Thebans make an attempt upon Platsea two months before midsummer. Eighty days afterwards Attica is invaded by the Peloponnesians. Alliance between the Athenians and Sitalces, king of Thrace. Hellanicus, aet. 65, Herodotus, rot. 53, Thucydides, aet. 40, at the commencement of the Peloponnesian war. The Medea of Euripides exhibited. 410. Second year of the Peloponnesian war. Second invasion of Attica. The plague rages at Athens. 429. Third year of the Peloponnesian war. Potidaea surrenders to the Athenians after a siege of more than two years. Naval actions of Phormio in the Corinthian Gulf. Commencement of the siege of Plataea. Death of Pericles in the autumn. Birth of Plato the philosopher. EupoHs and Phrynichus, the comic poets, exhibit 418. FoDrth year of the Peloponnesian war. Third invasion of Attica. Revolt of all Les- boe, except Metliymna. Mytilene besieged towards the autumn. Death of Anaxagoras, aet. 72. 117. Fifth year of the Peloponnesian war. Fourth invasion of Attica. Mytilene taken by CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 647 ». 0. 426. 425. 424. 423. 422. 421. 420. 419. 418. 417. 416. 415. 414. 413. the Athenians, and Lesbos recovered. The demagogue Cleon begins to have great influence in public affairs. Plataea surrendered to the Peloponnesians. Sedition at Corcyra. The Athenians send assistance to the Leontines in Sicily. Aristophanes, the comic poet, first exhibits. Gorgias ambassador from Leontini to Athens. Sixth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Peloponnesians do not invade Attica, in consequence of an earthquake. Lustration of Delos. Seventh year of the Peloponnesian war. Fifth invasion of Attica. Demosthenes takes possession of Pylos. The Spartans in the island of Sphacteria surrendered to Cleon seventy-two days afterwards. Accession of Darius Nothus. The Acharnians of Aristophanes. Eighth year of the Peloponnesian war. Nicias ravages the coast of Laconia and cap- tures the island of Cythera. ^larch of Brasidas into Thrace, who obtains possession of Acanthus and Amphipolis. The Athenians defeated by the Thebans at Delium. Socrates and Xenophon fought at the battle of Delium. Thucydides, the historian, commanded at Amphipolis. The Knights of Aristophanes. Ninth year of the Peloponnesian war. Truce for a year. Thucydides banished in consequence of the loss of Amphipolis. He was twenty years in exile. The Clouds of Aristophanes first exhibited. Tenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Hostilities in Thrace between the Lacedaemo- nians and Athenians. Both Brasidas and Cleon fall in battle. The Wasps of Aristophanes and second exhibition of the Clouds. Death of Cratinus. Protagoras, the sophist, comes to Athens. Eleventh year of the Peloponnesian war. Truce for fifty years between the Athe- nians and Lacedaemonians. Though this truce was not formally declared to be at an end till b. c. 414, there were notwithstanding frequent hostilities meantime. Twelfth year of the Peloponnesian war. Treaty between the Athenians and Argives efiected by means of Alcibiades. Thirteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Alcibiades marches into Peloponnesus. The Peace of Aristophanes. Fourteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Athenians send a force into Pelo- ponnesus to assist the Argives against the Lacedaemonians, but are defeated at the battle of Mantinea. Alliance between Sparta and Argos. Fifteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Sixteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Athenians conquer Melos. Seventeenth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Athenian expedition against Sicily. It sailed after midsummer, commanded by Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus. Mu tilation of the Hermae at Athens before the fleet sailed. The Athenians take Cata- na. Alcibiades is recalled home : he makes his escape, and takes refuge with the Lacedaemonians. Andocides, the orator, imprisoned on the mutilation of the Hermae. He escapes by turning informer. Eighteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Second campaign in SicUy. The Athe- nians invest Syracuse. Gj'^lippus, the Lacedaemonian, comes to the assistance of the Syracusans. The Birds of Aristophanes. Nineteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Invasion of Attica and fortification of Decelea, on the advice of Alcibiades. Third campaign in Sicily. Demosthenes sent with a large force to the assistance of the Athenians. Total destraction of the Athenian army and fleet. Nicias and De- mosthenes surrender and are put to death on the 12th or 13th of September, six- teen or seventeen days after the eclipse of the moon, which took place on the 27th of August. i • u 048 HISTORY OF GREECE. ■. c. iia. Twentieth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Lesbians revolt from Athens. Alci- biades sent by the Lacedaemonians to Asia to form a treaty with the Persians. He succeeds in his mission and forms a treaty with Tissaphemes, and urges the Athe- nian allies in Asia to revolt. The Andromeda of Enripides. 411. Twenty-firet year of the Peloponnesian war. Democracy abolished at Athens, and the government intrusted to a council of Four Hundred. This council holds the gpvemraeut four months. The Athenian army at Samos recalls Alcibiades from exile and appoints him one of its generals. He is afterwards recalled by a vote of the people at Athens, but he remained abnmd for the next four years at the head of the Athenian forces. Miudarus, the Liacedfiemouian admiral, defeated at Cynos- sema. Antiphon, the orator, had a great share in the establishment of the Four Hundred. After their downfall he is brought to trial and put to death. The history of Thucydides suddenly breaks off in the middle of this year. The Lysistrata and Thesmopiianazusce of Aristophanes. Lysias returns from Thurii to Athens. 410. Twenty-second year of the Peloponnesian war. Mindanis defeated and slain by Al- cibiades at Cyzicus. 409. Twenty-third year of the Peloponnesian war. The Philocietes of Sophocles. 408. Twenty-fourth year of the Peloponnesian war. Alcibiades recovers Byzantium. The Orestes of Euripides. The Plutus of Aristophanes. 407. Twenty-fifth year of the Peloponnesian war. Alcibiades returns to Athens. Lysan- der appointed the Lacedaemonian admiral and supported by Cyrus, who this year received the government of the countries on the Asiatic coast. Antiochus, the lieutenant of Alcibiades, defeated by Lysander at Notium in the absence of Alcibi- ades. Alcibiades is in consequence banished, and ten new generals are appointed. 106. Twenty-sixth year of the Pelopoimesian war. Callicratidas, who succeeded Lysander as Lacedaemonian admiral, defeated by the Athenians in the sea-fight off the Argi- nusse islands. The Athenian generals condemned to death because they had not picked up the bodies of those who had fallen in the battle. Dionysius becomes master of Syracuse. Death of Euripides and Sophocles. 405, Twenty-seventh year of the Peloponnesian war. ' Lysander defeats the Athenians off Jlgospotami, and takes or destroys all their fleet with the exception of eight ships which fled with Conon to Cyprus. The Froffs of Aristophanes. 404. Twenty-eighth and last year of the Peloponnesian war. Athens taken by Lysander in the spring, on the 16th of the month Munychion. Democracy abolished, and the government intrusted to thirty men, usually called the Thirty Tyrants. The Thirty Tyrants held their power for eight months, till Tlirasybulus occupied Phyle and advanced to the Peiraeus. Death of Alcibiades during the tyranny of the Thirty. Book V. — THE SPARTAN AND THEBAN SUPREMACIES. 408. Thrasybulus and his party obtain possession of the Peiraeus, from whence they carried on w^ar for several months against the Ten, the successors of the Thirty. They ob- tain possession of Athens before July; but the contest between the parties was not finally concluded till September. Thucydides, aet. 68, returns to Athens. 401. Expedition of Cyrus against his brother Artaxerxes. He falls in the battle of Cunaxa, which was fought in the autumn. His Greek auxiliaries (sommence their return to Greece, usually called the retreat of the Ten Thousand. First year of the war of Lacedaemon and Elis. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. •64^ 401. 400. 399. 398. 397. 396. 396. S84. 898. 391. 390. 889. 888. 387. 386. 385. 384. 882. Xenophon accompanied Cyrus, and afterwards was the principal general of the Greeks in their retreat. The (Edipus at Colonus of Sophocles exhibited after his death by his grandson Soph- ocles. Return of the Ten Thousand to Greece. Second year of the war of Licedaemon and Elis. The speech of Andocides on the Mysteries. The Lacediemonians send Thimbron Avith an army to assist the Greek cities in Asia against Tissaphemes and Pharnabazus. The remainder of the Ten Thousand incor- porated with the troops of Thimbron. In the autumn Thimbron was superseded by Dercyllidas. Third and last year of the war of Lacedaemon and Elis. Death of Socrates, aet. 70. Plato withdraws to Megara. Dercyllidas continues the war in Asia with success. Dercyllidas still continues the war in Asia. Agesilaus supersedes Dercyllidas. First campaign of Agesilaus in Asia. He winters at Ephesus. Second campaign of Agesilaus in Asia. Hs defeats Tissaphemes, and becomes master of Western Asia. Tissaphemes superseded by Tithraustes, who sends envoys into Greece to induce the Greek states to declare war against Lucedaimon. Commence- ment of the war of the Greek states against Lacedaemon. Lysander slain at Hali- artus. Plato, set. 34, returns to Athens. Agesilaus recalled from Asia to fight against the Greek states, who had declared war against Lacedajmon. He passed the Hellespont about midsummer, and was at the entrance of Boeotia on the 14th of August. He defeats the allied forces at Coronea. A little before the latter battle the Laceda;monians also gained a victory near Cor- inth; but about the same time Conon, the Athenian admiral, and Pharnabazus, gained a decisive victory over Peisander, the Spartan admiral, off Cnidus. Xenophon accompanied Agesilaus from Asia and fought against his country at Coro- nea. He was in consequence banished from Athens. He retired under Lacedae- monian protection to Scillus, where he composed his works. Sedition at Corinth and victory of the Lacedaemonians at Lechaeum. Pharnabazus and Conon ravage the coasts of Peloponnesus. Conon begins to restore the long walls of Athens and the fortifications of the Peiraeus. The Lacedemonians under Agesilaus ravage the Corinthian temtory, but a Spartan mora is cut to pieces by Iphicrates. The Eccksiazusce of Aristophanes. Expedition of Agesilaus into Acamania. Speech of Andocides " On the Peace." He is banished. Expedition of Agesipolis into Argolis. The Persians again espouse the cause of the Lacedaemonians, and Conon is thrown into prison. The Athenians assist Evagoras of Cypms against the Persians. Thrasybulus, the Athenian commander, is defeat- ed and slain by the Lacedaemonian Teleutias at Aspendus. Agyrrhius sent, as the successor of Thrasybulus, to Aspendus, and Iphicrates to the Hellespont. Plato, ret. 40, goes to Sicily ; the first of the three voyages. Antalcidas, the Lacedaemonian commander on the Asiatic coast, opposed to Iphicrates and Chabrias. The second edition of the Plutus of Aristophanes. The peace of Antakidas. Restoration of Plataea, and independence of the towns of Boeotia. Destruction of Jklantinea by the Lacedaemonians under Agesipolis. Birth of Aristotle. First year of the Olynthian war. Phoebidas seizes the Cadmea, the citadel of Thebes. 62 6lii HISTORY OF GREECE. 9» C'« 883. 881. 880. 878. 878. 877 376 375 974 873. 87L 370. 367. 806. 865. 864. '863. Ml. Birth of Demosthenes. Second year of the Olynthian war. Third year of the Olynthian war. The Panegyrkm of Isocrates. Fourth and last year of the Olynthian war. The Cadmtia recovered by the Theban exiles in the winter. Cleombrotus sent mto Bceotia in the middle of winter, but returned without effecting anything. The Lacedaemonian Sphodrias makes an attempt upon the Peirseus. The Athenians fonn an alliance with the Thebans agamst Sparta. First expedition of Agesilaus into Bceotia. Death of Lysias. Second expedition of Agesilaus into Bceotia. Cleombrotus marches into Bceotia, and sustams a slight repulse at the passes of Cithferon. The Lacedjemonian fleet conquered by Chabrias off Naxos, and the Athenians recover the dominion of the sea. Cleombrotus sent into Phocis, which had been invaded by the Thebans, who withdraw into their own country on his arrival. The Athenians, jealous of the Thebans, conclude a peace with Lacedceraon. Timo- theus, the Athenian commander, takes Corcyra, and on his return to Athens restoi-es the Zacy nthian exiles to their country. Tliis leads to a renewal of the war between Athens and Lacedaemon. Second destruction of Platsea. Jason elected Tagus of Thessaly. The Lacedjemonians attempt to regain possession of Corcyra, and send Mnasippns with a force for the purpose, but he is defeated and slain by the Corcyraeans. Iphic- rates, with Callistratus and Chabrias as his colleagues, sent to Corcyra. Pi-osecution of Timotheus by CaUistratus and Iphicrates. Timotheus is acquitted- Timotheus goes to Asia. Iphicrates contmued in the command of a fleet m the Ionian sea. Congress at Sparta, and general peace (called the peace of CaUias), from which the Thebans were excluded, because they would not grant the mdependence of the Boeotian towns. The Lacedaemonians, commanded by Cleombrotus, invade Bceotia, but are defeated by the Thebans under Epamemondas at the battle of Leuctra. Commencement of the Theban Supremacy. Foundation of Megalopolis. Expedition of Agesilaus into Arcadia. Jason of Pheraj slain. After the mterval of a year, Alexander of Pherae succeeds to his power in Thessaly. First mvasion of Peloponnesus by the Thebans. They remam m Peloponnesus four months, and found Alessene. Embassy of Pelopidas to Persia. Second invasion of Peloponnesus by the Thebans. Expedition of Pelopidas to Thessaly. He is unprisoned by Alexander of Pherce, but Epaminondas obtains his release. Archidamus gains a victory over the Arcadians. Death of the elder Dionysius of Syracuse, after a reign of thirty-eight years. Third invasion of Peloponnesus by the Thebans. The Archidamus of Isocrates. War between Arcadia and Elis. Second campaign of the war between Arcadia and Elis. Battle of Olympia at the time of the games. Fourth invasion of Peloponnesus by the Thebans. Battle of Mantmea, in June, la which Epaminondas is killed. Xcnophon brought down his Greek history to the battle of Mantinea. A general peace between all the belligerents, with the exception of the Lacedcemo- CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 651 B.O. nians, because the latter would not acknowledge the independence of the Messe- nians. Agesilaus goes to Egypt to assist Tachos, and dies in the winter, when preparmg to re- turn home. Birth of Deinarchus, the orator. 860. War between the Athenians and Olynthians for the possession of Amphipolis. Timotheus, the Athenian general, repulsed at Amphipolis. Book VI.— THE MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY. 869. Accession of Philip, King of Macedonia, ast. 23. He defeats Argaeus, who laid claun to the throne, declares Amphipolis a free city, and makes peace with the Athenians He then defeats the Pasoninns and Illyrians. 358. Amphipolis taken by Philip. Expedition of the Athenians into Euboea. 367. Chios, Rhodes, and Byzantium revolt from Athens. First year of the Social War. The Phocians seize Delphi. Commencement of the Sacred War. The Thebans and the Locrians are the chief opponents of the Phocians. Dion sails from Zacynthus, and lands in Sicily about September. 356. Second year of the Social War. Birth of Alexander, the son of Philip and Olympias, at the time of the Olympic games. Potidoea taken by Philip, who gives it to Olynthus. Dionysius the Younger expelled from Syracuse by Dion, after a reign of twelve years. 355. Third and last year of the Social War. Peace concluded between Athens and her for mer allies. 864. Trial and condemnation of Timotheus. Demosthenes be^ns to speak in the assemblies of the people. 368. Philip seizes upon Pagasae, and begins to besiege Methone. Death of Dion. 362. Philip takes Methone and enters Thessaly. He defeats and slays Onomarchus, the Phocian general, expels the tyrants from Pherae, and becomes master of Thessaly. He attempts to pass Thermopylae, but is prevented by the Athenians. War between Lacedaemon and Megalopolis. The first Philippic of Demosthenes. 849. The Olynthians, attacked by Philip, ask succor from Athens. The Olynthiac orations of Demosthenes. 348. Olynthian war continued. 347. Olynthus taken and destroyed by Philip. Death of Plato, a3t. 82. Speusippus succeeds Plato. Aristotle, upon the death of Plato, went to Atameus. 346. Peace between Philip and the Athenians. Philip overruns Phocis and brings the Sacred War to an end, after it had lasted ten years. All the Phocian cities, except Abae, were destroyed. Oration of Demosthenes on the Peace. r 345. Speech of ^schines against Tiraarchus. 844. Timoleon sails from Corinth to Syracuse, to expel the tyrant Dionysius. Aristotle, after three years' stay at Atameus, went to Mytilene. The second Philippic of Demosthenes. 343. Timoleon completes the conquest of Syracuse. Disputes between Philip and the Athenians. The speech of Demosthenes respecting Halonnesus. The speeches of Demosthenes and ^Eschines Ilfpi Uaparrpea-^eiaS' 842. Philip's expedition to Thrace. He is opposed by Diopeithes, the Athenian general at the Chersonesus. Aristotle comes to the court of Philip. Isocrates, set. 94, began to compose the Panathenaic oration. Birth of Epicurus. 341. Philip is still in Thrace, where he >vintered. Ilpi' jam, JiW JKKk, B.C. Ml* U9 8S3. 836. 835. 834. 888. 882. 881 HISTORY OF GREECE. i.u rti,««./.n««i« and the third and fourth Philippics, rhe amtion of Demosthenes on the Chem>ne8U8, and me Philip besieges Selymbna,Perinthns,a^^^^ ^^^^ ^ Renewal of the war between Phihp and «^e A^^^"**'"^* raise the siege both of Byzantium and Pennthus. Xenocrates succeeds ^F^^/PP^^ ?^^^^^^^^^^ on the war against Amphissa. Philip is chosen general of the A^P^^'^^J^XVV Elal^ The Athenians form an alii- and Philip appointed to conduct it. Beiith of Isocmtes, »t. 98. Death of Tiraoleon. Ai^*o«^*>r »>t 20 MurderofPhiHp a„dacce.ionof»^,«,„^^^^^^ ^,,,^ ,^ ,, ^. ^^;fu.T«XTi ^or H:"S^witK ;...hes southwa^s, and dest^y, Thebes. . „ t^^e Hellespont in the spring, Alexander commences t^ejaragmnst Pe^a^ H^ conquers the western part defeats the Persian satraps at the Gramcus m May, h of Asia Minor. ^"::^err«wi L^r-in the .>»*«, .^^.^uf^^^^^^-^^^^^^^"^ M,d defeats Darius at bsus late in »>»« «»*"""• ^ ,„ j„, He takes Gaza in .Alexander takes Tyre, after a «^,S« "^ ^^^.i^^^'mi" ,„ 1,L. In the winter he Septeml«r, and then marches f »^f^^ ^^^ foundation of Alexanciria. visits the oracle of Ammon, and pves ordeB »' "^^ '"'^^ ^ ^ Phoenicia and Syria, Alexander sets out from M-P-;'' " '''^^f.litSme If 2 summer, and defeats Sr r-'Sutr^^I'ontttstof Octoher. He wintered at Pe. In G?^; Agis is defeated and slain >>? A""!"*^; ^^ ^^ence he sets out in pur- Alexander marches into Medm, «~>'"^;'^^"=5,''^;the death of Darius Alexander con- sult of Darius, who B slam by K«^'»-^lr" through Drangianaand An.d,osia, ^ers Hyrcania, and marches m pursuit of Bessus througn i^ t towards Bactria. . , . ^^-i, nf pemosthenes on the The .oeech of vEschines against Ctesiphon, and the speectt Menander. , ,. _,;_.„ passes the Oxus, takes Alexander marches across the P^^P^'^"' ™ *' '"X' Alexandria Eschat^. He Bessus, and reaches the Jaxartes, where '•« '°»"f' » "^t^^^,. He winters at Bactra. subsequently cr-^ses the Jaxartes ana defeas«^ebcy*,^^^^ ^^ ^ ^^ Alexander is employed during tlie whole of this campaign He mtLTKoxana, the daughter of Ox^ri^ a Ba^^^^^^^ ^„^^^^ ,^ • rth"'rarwhichhereachedinJu,yin^he«y- ^^ ^„^ n^::s:urrrer^:i?rt^eror':fLi^dus.„thePer.ianGuif. Near^hus accomphshes the T'y*^*."' ''/, i* Vear Towards the close of it he visit. the Greek orators. 324. Alexander reaches Babylon in the spnng. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 653 880 329. 828. 827. 826. 82&. B.O. 824. ) 328. 322. 321. 318. 317. 317. 316. 315. 314. 313. 312. 311. .-310. » 308. 307. 4 306. 305. 304. 303. 302. 301. 1297. 295. / Demosthenes, accused of having received a bribe from Harpalus, is condemned to pay a fine of fifty talents. He withdraws to Troezen and £gina. Death of Alexander at Babylon, in June, after a reign of twelve years and eight montlis. Division of the satrapies among Alexander's generals. The Greek states make war against Macedonia, usually called the Lamian war. Leos- thenes, the Athenian general, defeats Antipater, and besieges Lamia, in which An- tipater had taken refuge. Death of Leosthenes. Demosthenes returns to Athens. Leonnatus comes to the assistance of Antipater, but is defeated and slain. Craterus comes to the assistance of Antipater. Deffeat of the confederates at the battle of Crannon on the 7th of August. End of the Lamian war. Munychia occupied by the Macedonians. Death of Demosthenes on the 14th of October. Death of Aristotle, ast. 63, at Clialcis, whither he had withdrawn from Athens a few months before. Perdiccas invades Egypt, where he is slain by his own troops. Partition of the provinces at Triparadisus. Menander, set. 20, exhibits his first comedy. Death of Antipater, after appointing Polysperchon regent, and his son Cassander chiliarch. War between Cassander and Polysperchon in Greece. The Athenians put Phocion to death. Athens is conquered by Cassander, who places it under the government of Demetrius Phalereus. Death of Philip ArrhidjEus and Eurydice. Olympias returns to Macedonia, and is besieged by Cassander at Pydna. Antigonus becomes raa«iter of Asia. Cassander takes Pydna, and- puts Olympias to death. He rebuilds Thebes. Coalition of Seleucus, Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus against Antigonus. First year of the war. Polemon succeeds Xenocrates at the Academy. Second year of the war against Antigonus. Death of the orator ^Eschines, aet. 75. Third year of the war against Antigonus. Fourth year of the war against Antigonus. General peace. ^lurder of Roxana and Alexander IV. by Cassander. Ptolemy appears as liberator of the Greeks. Renewal of hostilities between him and Antigonus. Ptolemy's expedition to Greece. Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, becomes master of Athens. . Demetrius Phalereus leaves the city. Demetrius recalled from Athens. He defeats Ptolemy in a great sea-fight off Salamis in Cyprus. After that battle Antigonus assumes the title of king, and his example is followed by Ptolemy, Seleucus, and Cassander. Epicurus settles at Athens, where he teaches about thirty-six years. Rhodes besieged by Demetrius. Demetrius makes peace with the Rhodians, and returns to Athens. Demetrius carries on the war in Greece with success against Cassander. War continued in Greece between Demetrius and Cassander. Demetrius crosses over to Asia. Battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, about the month of August, in which Lysimachus and Seleucus defeat Antigonus and Demetrius. Antigonus, aet. 81, falls in tb« battle. Demetrius returns to Greece, and makes ah attempt upon Athens, but is repulsed. Death of Cassander and accession of liis son Philip IV. Death of Philip IV. and accession of his brother Antipater. Demetrius takes Athens. I ii^l 654 B. a BISTORT OF GREECE. 296. Civil war in Macedonia between the two brothers, Antipater and Alexander. Demetrius becomes king of Macedonia. Itli Death of Menander, aet. 62. 1 390. Demetrius takes Thebes a second time. He celebrates the P3rthian games at Athens. 287. Cotilition against Demetrius. He is driven out of Macedonia, and his dominionB di- vided between Lysimachus and PjTrhus. Demetrius sails to Asia. PyiThus driven out of Macedonia by Lysimachus, after seven months' possession. 286. Demetrius surrenders himself to Seleucus, who keeps him in captivity^. 285. Ptolemy II. Philadelphus is associated in the kingdom by his father. 283. Demetrius, aet. 54, dies in captivity at Apamea in Syria. Death of Ptolemy Soter, jet. 84. 281. Lysimachus is defeated and slain by Seleucus, at the battle of Compedion. 280. Seleucus murdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus seven months after the death of Lysimachus, Antiochus I., the son of Seleucus, becomes king of Asia, Ptolemy Ceraunus king of Thrace and Macedonia. I Irruption of the Gauls and death of Ptolemy Ceraunus. I Rise of the Achaean league. 279. The Gauls under Brennus invade Greece, but Brennus and a great part of his army are destroyed at Delphi. 278. Antigonus (lonatas becomes king of Macedonia. i. 273. Pyrrhus invades Macedonia, and expels Antigonus Gonatas. I 272. Pyrrhus invades Peloponnesus, and perishes in an attack on Argos. Antigonus regains Macedonia. 262. Death of Philemon, the comic poet, aet. 97. 251. Aratns delivers Sicyon, and unites it to the Achsean League. 243. Aratns, a second time general of the Achsean League, delivers Corinth from the Mace- donians. 241. Agis IV., king of Sparta, put to death in consequence of his attempts to refonn the state. 239. Deatli of Antigonus, and accession of bis son, Demetrius II. 236. Cleonienes III. becomes king of Sparta. 229. Death of Demetrius IL, aiul accession of Antigonus Doson, wfio was left bv Demetrius guardian ofhis son Philip. 227. Cleomenes commences war against the Achaean League. 226. Cleomenes carries on the war with success against Aratus, who is again the general of the Achsean League. 225. Eeforms of Cleomenes at Sparta. 224. The AchjBans call in the assistance of Antigonus Doson ngaiust Cleomenes. 221. Antigonus defeats Cleomenes at Sellasia, and obtains possession of Spartn. Cleomenes sails toEgj^pt, where he dies. Extinction of the royal line of the Heracleidre at Sparta. 220. Death of Antigonus Doson, and accession of Philip V., a-t. 17. The Achseans and Aratus are defeated by the iEtolian?. The Achaeans apply for assist- ance to Philip, who espouses their cause. Commencement of the Social War. I 217. Third and last year of the Social War. Peace concluded. I 216. Philip concludes a treaty with Hannibal. 213. Philip removes Aratus by poison. 211. Treaty between Kome and the iEtolians against Philip. 208. Philip marches into Peloponnesus to assist the Achaeans. Philopoemen is elected general of the Achaean League, and effects important reforms in the array. 107. Philopoemen defeats and shiys Machanidas, tyrant of Lacedaeraon, at the battle of Mantinea. 205. The Jltolians make peace with Philip. Philip's treaty with Rome, too. War between Philip and Rome. 197. Philip defeated at the battle of Cynoscephalae. H r-' -I CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 655 ■. c. 1196. 192. '191. 189. 188. ,183. \ 179. 1171. 168. 167. 1 161. 147. 146. Greece declared free by Flamininus at the Isthmian games. Lacedaemon is added by Philopcemen to the Achaean League. Antiochus comes into Greece to assist the ^tolians against the Romans. He winters at Chalcis. Antiochus and the ^Etolians defeated by the Romans at the battle of Thermopylae. The Romans besiege Ambracia, and grant peace to the ^Etolians. Philopoemen, again general of the Achaean League, subjugates Sparta, and abrogates the laws of Lycurgus. The Messenians revolt from the Achaean League. They capture and put to death Philopoemen. Death of Philip and accession of Perseus. War between Perseus' and Rome. Defeat and capture of Perseus by ^Emilius Paulus. Divisions of Macedonia. One thousand of the principal Achaeans are sent to Rome. Polybius is among the Achaean exiles. Embassy of the three philosophers to Rome. Return of the Achaean exiles. War between Rome and the Achaeans. Destruction of Corinth by Mummius. Greece becomes a Roman province. Colonial Coin of Corintlf. On the obverse, the head of Antoninus Pius ; on the reverse, the port of Cenchrece. The letters C. L. I. Cor. stand for Colonia Laus Julia ''Corinthus, the name given to the city when Julius Caesar founded a colony there in b. c. 46. t: Book VII. — GREECE FROM THE ROMAN CONQDEST TO THE PRESENT TIME. ^. c. ^ 87. Sylla lays siege to Athens. A. o. 117-138. Hadrian embellishes Athens. 267. The Goths appear in Greece. 330. Constantinople built. 361. The Emperor Julian ascends the throne. 364. Divi.sion between the Eastern and Western Empires. 447. Walls of Constantinople rebuilt. 476. Western Empire terminates, at the close of the I'eign of Romulus Augustulus. 627. Justinian's reign commences. 717. Accession of Leo the Isaurian. • 746. The pestilence depopulates the East. 1081. Robert Guiscard passes from Brindisi to Corfou. 1146. Invasion of Greece by Roger of Sicily. 1203. Fourth Crusade. 1204. Constantinople taken by the Crusaders. 1205. The Dukedom of Athens estabUshed. I860. Adrianople taken by the Turks. i u 11 es6 4.9. 1452. 1453. 1458. 1460. 1461. 1478. 1670. 1680. 1687. 1699. 1715. 1718. 1768. 1769. 1787. 1792. 1803. 1821. BISTORT OF GREECE. 1822. 1823. 1824. 1825. 1826. 1827. 1828. 1829. 1830. 1831, 1832. 1833. 1835. 1836. 1843. 1644. The Emperor Constantino unites himself to the Catholic Church. Ottoman army leaves Adrianople. Constantinople besieged and taken in May. The Sultan makes a campaign in the Pelopcmnesus. Conquest of Greece completed. Conquest of Trebizond by the Turks. Armistice between the Venetians and the Turks. Crete conquered from the Turks by the Venetians. Conquests of Morosini. Athens taken by the Venetians, under Morosini. Peace of Carlowitz. The Peloponnesus invaded by Achmet III. Peace of Passai'owitz. War between Turkey and Russia. The Russian fleet, under OrlofT, appears on the coast of the Peloponnesus. War renewed between Russia and Turkey. Peace concluded between Russia and Turkey. The Souliotes make terms with Ali Pacha. The insurrection breaks out in Greece. Prince Ypselantes raises the standard of re- volt m IMoldavia, and is defeated at Dragaschan. Bloody scenes at Constantinople. Tnpolitza taken. • '^ National Assembly at Epidaurus. Proclamation of Independence. First National Constitution. Massacre of Scio. National Assembly at Astros. Death of Marcos Botzares. Loan negotiated by Lou- riottes. Lord Byron sails for Greece. Lord Byron arrives at Mesolongi. His last illness and death. Ibrahim Pacha arrives in Greece. Mesolongi besieged and taken, Athens taken. Karaiskakes killed. National Assembly at Trojzene. Capo D'Istrias chosen President. Treaty of London. 6th of July. Battle of Navarino. ^ ^ Arrival in Greece of President Capo D'Istrias. Departure of Ibrahim Pacha. Protocol of March 22. Peace between Russia and Turkey. Cessation of hostiUties between tiie Greeks and the Turks. Lidependence of Greece decided on by England, France, and Russia. Leopold select- ed as Sovereign Prince. He abdicates. Assassination of the President, and subsequent disturbances. Prmce Otho of Bavaria is selected as King of Greece. He is formally proclaimed by the Assembly at Prouaa. The territory of Greece includes Acaniania, MtoM Phocis, Locris, Boeotia, Attica, Peloponnesus, Eubcea, wiUi the adjacent islands and tiie Cyclades. The King arrives in Greece, with a Regency and a Bavarian anny. The Government is transferred from Nauplia to Atiiens. Marriage of King Otho and the Princess Amelia of Oldenburg. The Univereitvof Athens organized. ^ Political revolution. Constitutional Assembly. Formation of the Constitution The Constitution accepted by the King, and a Constitutional Monarchy fiuallv es- tabhshed m Greece. ^ ■' Horologium of Andronicus Cyrrhestcs at Athens. (See p. 544.) INDEX. Abdera, 148. . Abrocomas, 397. Abydos, battle of, 336. Academy, the, 373, 555. Ac.irnania, 5. Acciuoli, house of, 580. Acliajans, 11 seq. Achrean League, 529 seq. Achaeus, 11. Achaia, 6, 55. , a Roman province, 538. Acharnaj, 267. Achelous, 4, 9. Achilles, 21. Achmet III., 599. . Acliradina, 322. Acrisius, 17. Acropolis, Athenian, 367, 392. Acusilaus of Argos, 219. Adeimantus, 183. Admetus, 232. Adrastus, 20. Adrianus, 565. JEetes, 19. Mgx, 488. 88 ^galeos, Mt., Xerxes at, 194. JEgean Sea, 2. iEgeus, 17. iEgina, 7 ; described, 168 ; taken by the Athenians, 268. iEginetan scale, 57 ; sculpture, 140. yEginetans submit to the l*ersians, 172. yEffospotami, battle of, 344. /Eor>^ptus, 14. iEoiians, 11. jEolic migration, 34. iEolns, 11. yEschines, 477; Amphictyonic deputy, 484; accuses Demosthenes, 515 ; retires to Rhodes, 516; account of his life, 550. jEschylus, 166; account of, 378 seq. iEsvninetes, 8. ^tiira, 17. ^tolia, 5. . iEtolian Lea^ie, 531. iEtolians reduced, 534. Agamemnon, 14, 21. Agathon, 546. Ageladas, 362. Agesilaus becomes king of Sparta, 409 ; character, ib.; his expedition against the Persians, 412; attacks Pharnabazus, ib.; m 658 HISTORY OP GREECE, *■ f wnits the Persians on tbe Pactolns, 413; his interview with Phamabazus, 414; re- called, i6.; homeward march, 417; offer- ing at Delphi, 418; takes Lechjeum, 421; invades Bocotia, 434; attacks Mantinea, 444; saves Sparta, 445, 453; expedition to Egypt, 454; death, ib. Agesipolis, 417 ; death, 429. Agis, 288, 305, 408. IV., 630. Agnon, 252. Agora, 25. , Athenian, 373. Agrigentura, 112, 456. A^rrhius, 423. Aimnestus, 210. Ajax, 21. Alaric, 370. Albanians, 608. Alcjeiis, 124. Alclbiades, character of, 802; deceives the Spartan ambsissadors, 303; at Olympia, 304; attacks Epidaiirus, ib.; in Sicily, 308; accused of mutilating the Hermie, 310; arrest and escape of, 313; condemned, 814; goes to Sparta, ib.; excites a revolt of the Chians, 326; dismissed by the Spar- tans, 327; flies to Tissaphernes, 327; in- trigues of, 328; proceedings at Samos, 331 ; arrested by Tissaphemes, 336; defeats the Peloponnesians at Cyzicus, ib. ; returns to Athens, 337 ; dismissed from the command of the Athenian fleet, 340; flies to Phar- nabazus, 351 ; murdered, ib. Alcidas, 280, 285. Alcma?on, 84. Alcma-'onidaj banished, 89. Alcman, 123. Alcraena, 17. Alcuiu, 594. AleuadsB, 473. Alexander, King of Macedon, 204. Alexander of I'herre, 449; defeated by P©- lopidas, 451 ; subdued, ib. Alexander the Great, 487; education, 490; accession, 491 ; overawes the Thebans and Athenians, 492 ; generahssimo against Per- sia, t&.; interview with Dio|;enes, /6. ; ex- petlition against the Thracians, &c., ib.; reduces the Thebans to obedience, 493; demands the Athenian orators, ib.; crosses to Asia, 495; forces the passage of the Granicus, ib.; progress through Asia Mi- nor, 496; cuts the Gordian knot, ib.; dan- gerous illness, 497; defeats the Persians at Issus, 498; march through Phoenicia, 499; besieges Tyre, 500; answer to Pannenio, »6. ; proceetis to Egypt, 501 ; visits the tem- ple of Ammon, ib. ; defeats Darius in the battle of ArbeUi, 502; enters Babylon, 503; seizes Susa, ib. ; marches to Persepolis, ib. ; pursues Darius, 504; invades llyrcania, 505; enters Bactria, 506; defeats the Scy- thians, 507 ; marries Roxana, ib. ; kills Cli- tus, ib. ; plot of the pages against his life, ib,; crosses the Indus, 508; vanquishes Ponis, ib, : marches iiomewards, 509 ; peril At Malli, ib. ; arrives at the Indian Ocean, 510; marcli through Gedrosia, ib.; marries Statira, i6.; quells a mutiny at Opis, 511; •olemnizes tlie festival of Dionysus at Ec- liatana, ib.; his ambitious projects, 512; death, ib. ; character, ib. ; estimate of his exploits, 513; funeral, 515; portraits and statues of, 542. Alexander, sou of Alexander the Great, 515, 522. Alexandria in Arachosia, 506. Alexandria Ariorum, 505. Alexandria ad Caucasum, 506. Alexandria in Egypt, founded, 501 ; descrip- tion of, 543 ; literature at, 557. Alexandria Eschate, 606. Alexis Comnenos, 589. Alexius IV., 578. Ali Pacha, 600. Alphabet, Ionic, introduced, 354. Alpheus, 6, 7. Altis, the, 50. Ambracian Gulf, 4. Ameinias, 196. Amelia, Princess, 630. Ammon, Zeus, 501. Amorapharetns, 209. Amphipolis, 252, 470. Araphissians, 484. Amphitryon, 15. Amphictyonic Council, its origin and consti- tution, 47. xVmphictyons, decree of the, at the end of the second sacred war, 479. Amurath I., 581, Amyntas, 428. Anacharsis, 81. Anacreon, 126. x\nactorium, 117. Anaxagoras, 128 ; charged wiUi impiety, 261. Anaxibius, 405; slain, 424. Anaxicrates, 245. Anaxima!ider, 128. Anaximenes, 128. Andocidcs, 313, 549, Androsthenes, 362. Androutsos, 608. Anna Comnena, 689. Anniceris, 457. Antalcidas, Peace of, 425 ; mission to Persia, 422. Antigonias, Athenian tribe, 523. Antigonus, 515, 519; coalition against, 622; assumes the title of king, 523 ; slain, 624. Antigonus Doson, 531. Antigonus Gonatas, 528. Antioch, founded by Seleucus, 524. Antiochus, 339, 448. Antiochus Soter, 528. Antiochus III., 534. Antipater, defeats the Spartans, 515 ; defeat- ed at the Spercheus, 517; overthrows the allied Greeks at Crannon, 518; demands the Athenian orators, ib. ; declared regent, 520 ; death, ib. Antiphon, 329, .332 ; executed, 333; charac- ter as an orator, 649. Antisthenes, 564. Antoninus, 564. Anytus, 391. Aputuria, festival of, 342. Apelles, 542. Apollo Pyth reus, 56; Temnltcs, 815 ; Epicn- rius, temple of, 373. Apollodoms, 364. Apollonia, 117. A[X}llonius Rhodlus, 569^ INDEX. 659 Appian, 559. Arachosia, 506. Aratus, 529. Arbela, battle of, 502. Arcadia, 6, 55. Arcadian confederation, 448. Arcadians transfer the presidency of the Olympic games to the Pisatans, 452. Arcesihius, 554. Arcliehius, 468. Archias, 431, 519. Archidamus, 260, 265, 266, 268, 269- he- sieges Platii^a, 274. Archilochus, 121. Architecture, 133, 543. Archon, 77; Athenian, 84; eponymus and * basileus, 86. Areopagus, court of, 87; reformed by Peri- cles, 239; hill of, 357, 372. Arglnusaj, battle of, 341. Argives and Spartans, struggles between, 74. Argi>, ship, 19. Argolis, 6. Argonauts, 19. Argos, 7, 13, 14, 55; progress of, 241; head of a new confederacy, 301. ArgjToponlos, 635. Ariadne, 18. ArijBUs, 399. Ariobarzanes, 504. Arion, 123, 377. Aristagoras, 154 seq. Aristarchus, 558. Aristeitles, character of, 171 ; recalled from exile, 189; defeats the Persians, 196; or- ganizes the confederacy of Delos, 226; change in his views, 230"; deatli, 234. Aristion, 562. Aristippus, 554. Aristocratcs, 72. Aristodemus of Messenia, 71. Aristmlemus of Sparta, 212. Aristogeiton. See Ilarmodius. Aristophanes, his politics, 282; account of, 382 seq. Aristophanes of Byzantium, 558. Aristonienes of Messenia, 71. Aristotle, 491; account of, 555; method and philosojiby, 550. Armatoloi, 603. Arrian, 559. Arsinoij, 527. Art, Greek, 28, 132 seq.; Athenian, 356 seq.; Greek, 539 seq ; decline of, 544. Artabazus, retreat of, 211. Artaphernes, 154, 161. Artaxerxes, 233, 394. Artemisia,. 191 ; her prowess, 196. Artemislum, battle of, 184. Asia Minor, Greek colonies in, 33. Asopios, Professor, 635. Asopius, 280. Aspasia, 261. Assyrian empire, 143. Astacus, 268. Astros, Assembly at, 614. Asty, the, 359. Astyochus, 326. Atheas, 486. Athena, 18; statue of, 3Y0. Athenian navy, 280. Athenians, divided mto four classes, 92; as- sist the lonians, 156; war with ^gina, 168; abandon Athens, 188; reject the Per- sian alliance, 204 ; constitution more dem- ocratic, 230; form an alliance with Argos, 241 ; assist Inarus, ib. ; defeat the ^gine- tans, 242; conquer Boeotia, 244; reduce yEgina, ib.; lose their power in Bo'otia, 246; despotic power of, 253; make peace with Persia, 245 ; conclude a thirty years' truce with Sparta, 247 ; subjugate Samos, 253 ; form an alliance with Corcyra, 256 ; their allies and resources in the Pelopon- nesian war, 265; their fleet annoys the Peloponnesus, 268; ravage the Megarid, ib. ; their decree against the Mytileneans, 282; take Pylus, 288; expedition against Boeotia, 295 ; conclude a truce with Spar- ta, 298; peace of Nicias, 299; refuse to evacuate Pylus, 302; treat}-- with Argos, 304 ; conquer Melos, 307 ; massacre tiie in- habitants, lA.; interfere in Sicilian aftairs, ib.; expedition to Sicily, 308; progi'ess of, 312; insult the coasts of Laconia, 318; send a fresh fleet to Sicily, 319; defeated at sea by the Syracusaiis, 320; retreat from Syracuse, 321 ; defeated by the Lace- daemonians oil" Eretria, 333 ; gjiin a naval victory at Cynossema, 335; at Abydos, 336; at Cyzicus, ib.; regain possession of the Bosporus, 337 ; totally defeated at iEgospotami, 344; ally themselves with Thebes, 416; form a league with Corinth and Argos against Sparta, 417; lose the command of the Hellespont, 425; head of a new confederacy, 433; declare war against Sparta, ib.; peace with Sparta, 437; form an alliance with the Pelopon- nesian States, 443; send an embassy to Persia, 448; support Alexander of Pherae, 449; their desire to seize Corinth, 450; re- viving maritime power of, ib.; deceived by Philip, 470; coalition against, 471; send an embassy to him, 477 ; court Phil- ip, 478; send a fleet to relieve Byzantium, 483; their alarm at the approach of Philip, 484; prostrated by the battle of Choeronea, 486; their piratical expedition to Oropus, 536 ; condemned in 500 talents by the Ro- mans, 537. Athens, its origin, 14, 18; early constitution of, 86; taken by the Persians, 190; second occupation of, by the Persians, 205; re- building of, 228 ; long walls of, 242 ; incipi- ent decline of, 246 ; crowded state of, dur- ing the Peloponuesian war, 267 ; plague at, 269 ; dismay at, 325 ; oligarchy established at, 330; invested by the Peloponnesians, 346; famine at, 347; surrender of, t&.; Spartan garrison at, 349; democracy re- stored at, 354; description of the city, 357 seq. ; origin of its name, 358 ; rebuilt, ib. ; walls, ib. ; harbors, 359 ; streets, &c., 360 ; population, 361; long walls rebuilt, 419; captured by Demetrius, 526 ; siege of, dur- ing the Revolution, 625. Atlios, Iklount, canal at, 174. Attaginus, 212. Attic tribes, four, 85; increaJsea to ten, 102. Attica, 5; early history of, 83; three factions in, 90. Attila, 574. , k €60 mSTORT OF GREECE. B. Babylon, 144 ; taken by Cyrus, 148; submits to Alexander, 503. Babylonian.*, the, 144; Aristophanes's come- dy of, 282. Bacchiadii?, oligarchy of the, 383. Bucchylides, 219. Bacon^ Roger, 595. Bad, the, 82. Barkman, meaning of the term, 46. Barea, 117. Bards, ancient, 28. Bardylis, 469. Barhinm, 595. Basihrn, what, 25. Basing, 595. Bede, 594. Belus, temple of, 503. Bessarion, 596. Bessus, 505; put to death, 506. BiE9, 128. Bioii, 558. Boar's grave, battle at the, 72. Boccaccio, 595. Boeotarchs, re«tored, 432. Bo£?()tia, descrij>tion of, 5. B(eotians, imniijrnition of the, 31; their con- federacy restored, 436. Boges, 227. Boniface, 579. Bosponis, Athenian toll at the, 337. Botzares, JIarcos, 614. Boule, 25. Brasidas, 289; his expedition into Thrace, 296; death, 299; honors paid to his mem- orj*, ib. Breiinus, 528. Bribery among the Greeks, 186. Br}'as,*306. Bucephala, founded by Alexander, 508. Buchon, 637. Byron, Lord, 616 seq. Byzantine Historians, 588 seq. Byzantines, erect a statue in honor of Ath- 'ens, 483. Byzantium, 118; taken by the Athenians, 225; second capture of, 254 ; third capture of, 337 ; besieged by Philip, 482 ; relieved by the Athenians, 483; sketcii of, 570. C. Cadmea, or Theban citadel, 14; seized by tlie Spartans, 429 ; recovered, 432. Cadmus, 14. Cadmus of Miletus, 219. Calamis, 362. Callias, peace of, 438. Callias of Chalcis, 482. Callicrates, 536. Callicratidas, 340. Callimachus, 558, 566. Callippus, 461. Calirrnoe, fountain of, 99. Galiistratns, 433. Callixenus, 342. Cambunian Mountains, 2. Cambyses, 149; conquers Egypt, i6.; death, ib. Canachus, 362. Canares, 614. Candia (Crete), 598. Capo D'Istrias, Augustine, 029. Capo D'Istrias, John, 624, 628. Capsales, 622. Caracalla, 565. Carduchi, 402. Carlowitz, Peace of, 699. Canieades, 555. Caryatides, 371. Carthaginians invade Sicily, 201, 456. Caspian gates, 505.' Cassander, 520; establislses an oligarchy at Athens, 521 ; takes Pydna, ib. ; kills Kox- ana and her son, 522. Casting, art of, 139. Catana, surprised by the Athenians, 313. Cathiei, 509. Catherine II., 607. Caucones, 13. Cecropia, 14. CecropidoB, 358. Cecrops, 14. Celts invade Macedonia, 528. Cephallenia, 7, 268. Cephissus, the, 357. Cerameicus, the, 373. Caifies, the, 328. Chiibrias, 422, 433; defeats the LacedawnO- nian fleet at Xaxos, 435; slain, 471. ClKTreas, 331. Chaerephon, 390. Chairilus, 377. Chieronea, first battle of, 246; second battle, 485. Chalcedon, 337. Chalcocondvlas of Atliens, 597. Chalvbes, the, 403. Chares, 450, 471, 483. Chares (sculptor), 546. Charicles, 318. Charidemus, 475. Charilaus, 58, 74. Chariots of war, 29. Chai*on of Lampsacus, 220. Charon of Thebes, 431. Cheirisophus, 404. Chians, revolt of the, 326. Chileos, 205. Chilo, 127. Chionides, 382. Chios, attacked l>y the Athenians, 471. Chremonidean war, 529. Christopoulos, 038. Chrotiology, Grecian, 36. Chryselephantine statuary, 869. Chrysoloras, Emanuel, 595. Cilicians, 562, 563. Cimon of Cleonie, 141. Cimon, son of Miltiades, 227 ; his character, 235; assists the Lacediemonians, 238; ban- ished, 240 ; his sentence revoked, 244 ; ex- pedition to Cyprus and death, 245; his patronage of art, 366. Cinadon, conspiracy of, 409. Cirrhssan plain, 48, 472. Cithseron, Mount, 4. Cities, independent sovereignty of, 52. Clearchus, 394, 398. Clearidas, 302. Cleippides, 279. Cleisthenes of Sicyon, 7&. INDEX. 661 Cleisthenes, 101 ; his reforms, 102 ; their ef feet, 107. Cleitus, saves Alexander's life, 495 ; killed by Alexander, 507. Cleobulus, 127. Cleombrotus, 432; assists the Phocians, 436 ; invades Hoeotia, 440; slain, 4^1. Cleomeiies, 101, 105 seq., 169. Cleomenic war, 531. Cleon, 267; character of, 282; his violence, 290; his expedition against Sphacteria, 291; to Thrace, 298; flight and death, 299. Cleopatra, Philip's wife, 487. Cleopatra, Philip's daughter, marries Alex- ander of Epeirus, 488. Cleophon, 337. CleriuM, 107, 251. Cnemus, 273. Cnidos, battle of, 414. Cochrane, Lord, 624. Codrington, Sir Edward, 627. Codiiis, death of, 84. Colchians, the, 403. Colocotrones, 608. Colonies, Greek, 108 seq.; relation to the mother country, ib.; how founded, 109; mostly democratic, 110; in Asia Minor, ib.; in Sicily, 111; in Italy, .113; in Gaul anti- Spain, 116; in Africa, ib.; in the Ionian Sea, ib.; m Macedonia and Thrace, 117; progress of, 251. Comedy, old Attic, 382 ; new, 547. Conon, supersedes Alcibiades, 340; defeated by Callicratidas, ib. ; accepts the command of the Persian fleet, 411; occupies Caunus, 413; proceeds to Babylon, 414; defeats the Spartan fleet at Cnidos, ib.; reduces the Spartan colonies, 419; takes Cythera, ib. ; rebuilds the long walls of Athens, ib. ; seized by Tiribazus, 423. Conquest of Constantinople, 582. Constantine, 569. Constantinople, 570. Constitution of 1822, 612 seq. Constitution of 1843, 633, 634. Contablacos, 597. Copais, Lake, 6. Coraes, 606. Corax, 4. , Corcyra, 7, 117; troubles in, 284; massacre at,'293 ; defended by an Athenian fleet, 436. Corcyraeans, quarrel with Corinth, 255 ; send an embassy to Atliens, 256. Corinna, 217. Corinth, 55; despots of, 80; battle of, 417; massacre at, 420; congress at, 487; an- other congress at, 492 ; destroyed by Mum- mius, 538. Corinthian Gulf, 5. Corinthian order, 137. Corinthian war, 417. Corinthians assist the Epidamnians, 255 ; ally themselves with Argos, 420; conclude "a peace with Thebes, 450. Coronea, battle of, 418. Corupedion, battle of, 527. Cottyus, 484. Cotys, 535. Cranai, 358. Crannon, battle of, 518. Crantor, 554. • Craterus, 509. Crates, 554. Cratinus, 382. Crete, 7, 36. Candia, 598. * Creusis, 440. Crimesus, battle of, 464. Crissa, 48. Critias, 348; seizes Salamis and Eleusis, 368; slain, ib. Crito, 391. Critolaus, 537. Croesus, 145; fall of, 147. Croton, 113. Crusades, 578. Crvptia, 61. CllUKC, 111. Cunaxa, battle of, 398. Cj-clades, 7. Cyclic poets, 39. Cyclopean walls, 134. Cyllene, Mount, 6. Cylon, conspiracy of, 88. Cynics, the, 554. Cynosarges, the, 554. Cynoscephalffi, battle of, 451. Cynuria, 74. Cypselus, 80. Cyrenaic sect, 554. Cyrene, 117. CjTus, empire of, 146; captures Sardis, 147; takes Babylon, 148 ; death, 149. Cyrus the younger, arrives on the coast, 338; his expedition against his brother Arta- xerxes, 394 ; march, 396 seq. ; slain, 399. Cythera, 7. Cyzicus, 111, 336; recovered by the Atheni- ans, ib. D. Dngdalus, 139. Damocles, story of, 457. Danae, 17. Danai, 14. Danaus, 14, 17. Dandolo, 578. Darius, 149; his administration, 150; Thra- cian expedition of, 151 ; extorts the sub- mission of the Macedonians, 152; death, 172. Darius Codomanus, defeated by Alexander at Issus, 497 ; overthrown by Alexander at Arbela, 502 ; murdered, 505. Datis, 161. Decarchies, Spartan, 346, 410. Decelea, 318. Deianira, 17. Delfino, 599. Delium, Athenian expedition against, 296; battle of, 296. Delos, confederacy of, 227; tribute, 252; svnod removed to Athens, 253 ; lustration of, 287. Delphi, temple of, 48; oracle, 51; taken by the Phocians, 472; oracle of, concerning Philip, 488. Demades, 518. Demaratus, 169. Denies, Attic, 102. Demetrias, Athenian tribe, 523. Demetrius of Phalems, 521; character 0^ 523 ; retires to Thebes, ib. Demetrius Poliorcetes, 522 ; besieges Salamis, li i!' 4 $m mSTORT OF GREEECE. I n >:«! 623; besieges Rhodes, ib.; takes Athens, ' 525; king ofJUacedon, 526 ; death, 527. Demetrius of Plaros, 532. • Demiurgi, 18. Democracy, 77; Athenian, progress of, 281. Demosthenes (general), 288, 291; death, 322. Demosthenes (orator), account of, 474; Phi- lippics, ib,; first, ib.; Olifuthincs, 476; eni- bassv, 477; second Philippic, 481; oration o» the PeacCy ik; mission into Pelopon- nesus, *6.; third Philippic, 482; oration tm the C^ermmese, ib.; presented with a golden crown, ib.i goes envoy to Thebes, 465; fights at Chieronea, ib!; his conduct after Philip's death, 491 ; proiMvcs religious hon- ors for Philij>'s assassin, ib.; his opinion of Alexander, ib. ; exertions to rouse Greece, ib.; embassy to x\lexander, 492; accused by iEschines, 515 ; speech on the Croicn, 516 ; condemned of corruption, ib. ; recalled from sxile, 518; demanded by Anti pater, 518; escapes to Calaurea, 519 ; death, ib.; char- acter as an orator, 551. Dercyllidas, 411, 419. Deucalion, 11. Dexippus, 565- Diacria, 90. Diasus, 537. Diakos, 611. Diasia, 88. Dicasteries, 240. JOinarchus, 551. Diocles, 455. Diodorus Sicnlus, 559. Diodotus, 283. Diogenes, his interview with Alexander, 492. Dion, 457; patriotic projects of, 458; exiled, 459; takes Syracuse, 460; assassinated, 461. Dion Cassius, 559. Dionysius the elder, tyrant of Syracuse, 456 seq. ; death and character, 457. Dionysius the younger, 458; expelled by Dion, 460; retires to Corinth, 462. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 558. Dionysus, theatre of, at Athens, 371. Diopeithes, 481. Dithyramb, invention of the, 124; the source of tragedy, 377. Dodona, oracle of, 13. Dorcis, 226. Dorian, 11, 13; in Peloponnesus, 31; migra- tions of the, 36 ; three tribes of, 59. Doric Hexapolis, 36 ; order, 136. Doris, 5. Dorus, 11. Draco, law^s of, 87. Dragaschan, 611. Ducas, 584. Dukedom of Athens, 57&. E. EccUsia^ the. 108; church, 567. Education, Spartan, 63: Athenian, 887; in Modern Greece, 634, 635. Egestjeans, the, deceive the Athenians, 308. Egypt, its influence on Greece, 15. Eion, Athenian colony at, 2otj. Eisphoraj the, 433. Etatea, 484. Elea founded, 148. Eleans, 32; attack the Arcadians at Olympia, 452. Eleusiniarus, condenoned to death by the 3000 at Athens, 353. Eleutheria, festival of, 212. Elis, 7, 55; reduced by the Spartans, 408. Embassy of the tluW philosophers to Rome, 537. Embroidery, 28. Ennea Ilodoi, 237. Epamehiondas, 430; named Boeotarch, 432 ; his character, 434; embassy to Sparta, 437 ; militiuy genius of, 440 ; defeats the Spar- tans at'Leuetra, 441 ; invades Laconia, 444; establishes the Arcadian confederation, and restores the Jlessenians, 445; again Invades Peloponnessus, 447; saves the Theban anny, 449; rescues Pelopidas, ib.; naval expedition of, 451 ; last invasion of Pelo- ponnesus, 453 ; death of, 454. Epariti, 445. Epeans, 32. Epeinis, 4. Ephesus, 111. Epheta?, 87. Ephialtes, 182. Ephialtes (the friepd of Pericles), 240. Ephors, 61 ; power of the, 62. Epic poetry, 39. Epicharmus, 376. Epicnemidian Locrians, 6. Epicurean sect, 554. Epicurus, 526, 590. Epidamnus, 117, 255. Epidaurus, 6. Epigoni, 20. Epimenides, 89. Epipolfe, 315. Epitadas, 292. Epyaxa, 396. L'fjuahj Spartan, 410. Erechthcum, 250, 370. Eretria, capture of, 162. Erigena, 595. Eteocles, 20. Eua?phnus, 70. Euboea, 7 ; revolt from Athens, 247 ; secona revolt of, 333. Euboic scale, 57. Eucleides, archon, 355. Eucleides of Megara, 554. Eucleides of Alexandria, 568. Eudamidas, 428. Eugcnios, St., 587. Eumenes, 515. Eumenes, King of Pergaraus, 535. JiunH'iii'les of .Eschylus, 240. Eumeuides, cave of the, 372. Eumolpidas 313, 328. Eunomus, 475. Eupaimla, 18; nature of their goveniment, 87. Euphaes, 70. Euphranor, 541. Euphrates, surveyed by order of Alexander 512. Eupolis, 382. • Eupompus, 542. Euripides, account of, 381; character as a poo tti^. Euri^MJI the younger, 646. INDEX. 66a Eurystheus, 17. Eury blades, 180. Eurj'dice, 521. Eurotas, 6. Eurvmedon, battle of the, 236. Eurymedon, 288, 293 ; fined, 308. Eurystheus, 17. Evagoras, 411. F. Fabvier, 616, 623. Falhnereycr, 576. Farnesian bull, 545. Fathers, Greek, 560. Few, the, 249. Filelfo, 595. Finlav, 616. Five llundred, Sacred Band of, 611. " Five Thousand," the, 330, 332. Flamininus, T. C^., 534. " Four Hundred," Athenian Senate or Coun- cil of, 93: enlarged to five hundred, 103; their Judicial power abrogated, 240. "Four Hundred," conspiracy of the, 330; put down, 333. Franchise, Athenian, restricted, 355. Freemen, 25. * G. Galatia, 528. Galen, 560. Gargaphia, fountain of, 207. Gaugtimela, battle of. See Arbela. Gaza, Theodore, 596. Gelon of Syracuse, 178, 201. Generals, ten Athenian, condemned, 343. Gennadios, 582. Geoff'rey Villehardouin, 579. Geomori, 18, 77, 85. George of Trebizond, 596. Geranean Mountains, 5. Gerbel, 602. Gennanos, of Patrae, 610. Gerusia, Spartan, 62 ; modem, 633, 634. Good, the, 82. Gordian knot, the, 496. Gordon, 616. Gorgias, 307, 388, 549. Goths, 565, 573. Gouras, 623. Government in the heroic age, 24. Granlcus, battle of the, 495. Graphi paraiiomon, repealed, 330. Greece, fonn of, 2; physical features of, 7 seq.; climate, 9 seq.; products, ib.; re- duced to a Roman province, 538. Greek language, 12, 46; history, early, t&.; modern, 636 seq. Greeks, character of the, 8 ; causes which united them, 46; disunion of, on the ap- proach of Xerxes, 177 ; celebrate the bat- tle of Salamis, 200 ; expedition of the Ten Thousand, 394 ; retreat of, 399 seq. ; arrive at the Euxine, 403 ; at Byzantium, 405. Gregorios, Patriarch of Constantmople, 610. Griziotes, 632. Gvges, 144. Gylippus arrives in Sicily, 317 ; captures the fort of Labdalum, ib. W Hadrian, 564. HaUeck, 615. Hamilcar, 201. Hannibal, 532. Haratch, 601. HannocUus and Aristogeiton, conspiracy of, 99. Hannosts, Spartan, 346, 410. Harpagus, 148. Harpalus, 516. Hassan, 584. Hastings, 616. Hecataeus, 155, 219. Hegias, 362. Helen, 21. Helen, Empress of Trebizond, 588. Heliaju, 104. Helicon, 4. Hellanicus, 220. Helliuiodicae, 49. Hellas, 2, 3, 11. Hellen, 11. Hellenes, 2, 11, 573. Hellenotamise, 227. Hellespont, bridge over the, 174. Helots, origin of, 33 ; condition, 60 ; revolt of, 237 ; massacre of, 294. Hephaistion, 509; marries Drypetis, 511; death, ib. Heracleidse, return of the, 31. Heracleitus, 128. Hercules, 17. Hernia?, mutilated, 309. Hermione, 6. Hermippus, 201. Hennocrates, 307, 455. Hermolaus, 507. Herodes Atticus, 564. Herodotus, 220; account of his work, 221 seq. ; at Thurii, 252. Heroes, 16. Heroic age, 16 ; manners of, 26, seq. Hesiod, 120. Hetaerai, 261. Hetaeria, 606. Hicetas, 461, 462, 464. Hiero of Syracuse, 217. Hieromnemon, 47. Hill, Dr., 635. Hipparchus, 99 ; assassinated, 100. Hipparinus, 461. Hippias, 99; expelled from Athens, 101. Hippocrates, 295. Hippodamus of Miletus, 359. Hippolyte, 17. Histiajus of Miletus, 151 ; crucified, 157. Historj'', rise of, 219. Holy Places, 578. Homer, 38 ; his identity, 40 ; date, ib. Homeric poems, their value, 23; preserva tion of, 40; arranged by Peisistratus, 42; poetical unity of, 44. Horologium, the, 544. Howe, S. G., 616. Hyllus, 17. Hymettus, Mount, 4. Hyperbolus, murdered, 329. Hypereides, 517, 551. Hyphasis, the, 509. I * M> i «♦ I 664 mSTOKT OF GREECE. Iambic verse, 122. Ibycus, 218. Ictinus, 250, 868. lUssiis, 357. Ilium, or Troy, 21. Inaros, revolt of, 241. Independence proclaimed, 612. Mcos, 11, 19. lole, 17. Ion, 11. Ionia subjugated by the Persians, 159. lonians, il, 12; four tribes of, 85; revolt of the, 155 ; defection from Sparta, 226. Ionic mi«p^tion, 34. Ionic order, 136. lophon, 546. Iphitus, 49. Iphicrates, tactics of, 421 ; successes of, 422 ; recalled, ib.; defeats the Lacedasmouiaus near Abydos, 424; indicted, 471. Ipsus, battle of, 524. Ira, fortress of, 72. Isaeus, 550. Isagoras, 102, 105. Ismeiiias, 448, 449. Isocrates, 549. Issus, battle of, 497. Isthmian games, 49, 50. Ithaca, 7. Ithome, becomes subject to Sparta, 71; Mount, 445. J. Janizaries, 601 seq. Jason, 19. Jason of PhersB, 442; assassinated, 443. Jerusalem, Alexander's reported visit to, 501. Jocasta, 20. Josephus, 659. Jove (Zeus), temple of, at Olympia, 373. Juhan, 571. Justinian, 573, 574. Justiiiiaui, 582. Kalcrges, 631. Kara Ali, 614. Karaiskakes, 624. Kings, Grecian, 24. Klephtai, 604. Klephtic Ballads, 640 seq. Knights, Athenian, 92. Knights of Aristophanes, extract from, 383. Kontogones, 635. Kraus, Martin, 603. • JLacedaemonians. See Sparta. Lacedajmonius, 257. Lachares, 526. Laconia, 6; reduced by the Spartans, 68; northern frontier of, 78. Laconizers, what, 240. iljui^ battle of, 158 LiBvinus, M. Val., 682. Laius, 20. Laraachus, 308 ; advises an attack on Syim- cuse, 312; slain, 316. Lamian war, 517. Lampros, 608. Larapsacus, 343. Laocoiin, 545. Laonicos Chalcocondylas, 591. LapithoB, 18. Larissa, 402. Lascaris, Constantine, 596. Lasus of Hermione, 216. Laurium, 9; silver mines at, 170. Legends, heroic, their value, 22. Leleges, 13. Leonidas, 180; his death, 182. Leonnatus, 518. Leontiades, 429. Leontines, 307. Leontios Pilatos, 595. Leopold, 626. Leosthenes, 517. Leotychides, 169, 213; treachery of, 238. Lepanto, 598. Lesbos, revolt of, 326. Lesche, at Delphi, 364. Leucas, 117. Leuctra, battle of, 440. Lichas, 327. Lingon Mountains, 2. Literature, Greek, history of, 119, 215, 876, 646; revival of, in the West, 660; modem, 638 seq. Liturgy, 567. Locrians, 5; Epizephjnrian, 114. Lociris 6» Long walls, Athenian, 358; rebuilt, 419. Louis, King of Bavaria, 629. Louriottes, 615. Lucian, 559. Lycabcttus, 35T. Lycambes, 122. Lyceum, 373, 555. Lycians, destruction of the, 148. Lycomedes, king, 18. , - i_ Lycomedes of Mantinea, 444, 446; defeats the Spartans, 447, 448. Lycon, 391. Lycophron, 81, 566. Lycortas, 535. Lycurgus (legislator), 57. Lycurgus (orator), 551. Lydian monarchy, 144. Lvgdamis, 98, 220. Ljric poetry, 121; occasions of, 122; devel- 'opment of, 215. Lvsander, appointed Navarchus, 338; Epts 'toleus, 343 ; intrusted by Cyrus with his satrapy, ib. ; his proceedings after the vic- tory of iEgospotauii, 346 ; blockades Pirae- us, ib.; takes possession of Athens, 347; establishes the Thirty TjTants, 349; tri- umph, ib. ; honors, 352 ; re-enters Athens, 353 ; his ambitious schemes, 408 ; de- spatched to the Hellespont, 412; expedi- tion into Boeotia, 416 ; slain, ib. Lysias, 252, 649. Lysicles, 486. Lysicrates, choragic monument of^ 544, Lysimachus, 490, 615, 627; slain, tb* I Lysippus, 541. INDEX. 665 M. Macedonia, description of, 467. Macedonian empire, partition of, 515 ; over- throw, 536. Macedonians, their origin, 467. Machanidas, 533. Macrones, the, 403. Magi, 143. I^Iagna GraBcia, 113 ; causes of the decline of its cities, 116. Magon, 463. Mahmoud, Sultan, 602. Malca, 6. Malian Gulf, 4. Main, the, 509. Mane, 600. Manouses, 635. Mantinea, 55; battle of, 305; taken by the Spartans, 428; rebuilt, 443; battle of, 453; third battle of, 533. Mantineans, invoke the aid of Sparta against the Thebans, 453. Marathon, battle of, 164. ^larcus Aurelius, 564. Mardians, subdued by Alexander, 505. Mardonius, 160; adroit flattery of, 199; ne- gotiations with the Athenians, 204 ; march- es against Athens, 205; retreats, 206; death, 210. Mardbntes, 213. Masistius, 206. ^lassagetae, 149. Massaiia, 116. Mausoleum, the, 640, 644. Mausolus, 471. Mavrocordatos, 606, 612. Mavroraichales, Petros, 611. Mazaeus, 503. Medea, 19. Medes, the, 143. Media, wall of, 400. Medon, first Athenian archon, 88. Iklegabazus, 152. Megabyzus, 241. Megacles, 80, 88, 96, 98. Megalopolis founded, 446 ; battle of, 515. Megara, 55; revolutions of, 81; long walls at, 241; revolts from Athens, 247; com- plains of Athens, 258 ; Athenian expedition iigainst, 314. Megaric sect, 654. Megaris, 5. Mcgas Comnenos, 686, 587. Alehemet Ali, 615. Melesander, 273. Meletios, 608. Meletu?, 391. Melos, 307. Menalcidas, 537. Menander, 547. Mende, 298. Menelaus, 21. Menon, 401. Mesolongi, siege of, 621 seq. Mespila, 402. Messene, 56. Messene founded, 445; taken by Lycortas, 635. Messenia, 7. Messenian war, first, 70; second, 71; third, 287. Messenians conquered by the Spartans, 71; subjugated, 73. Metelius, 537. Methonc?, 473. Meton, 309. Meyer, 616. Miletus, 111; fall of, 159; revolt of, 326. Miller, 616. Milo tlie Crotoniate, 114. Miltiades, 162; accusation and death of, 168 Mindarus, 335 ; slain, 336. Minos, 17, 19. Minotaur, 18. Minyans, 36. ^Inaseas, 477. Mnasippus, 436. Mohammed IL, 581. Mohammed IV., 598. Morea, 6. Morosini, 598. Moschos, 597. Moschus, 558. Mosynaeci, 404. Mourouzes, 610. ^lummius, 537; his ignorance of art, 538 Muntaner, 580. Munychia, 353, 359. Museum, 357. Mycal^, battle of, 213. Mvcenie, 14, 16; ruins of, 29, 134. Myron, 363. Myronides, 242. Mytilene, naval engagement at, 340. ]\Iy tileneans, revolt of the, 279 ; embassy to Sparta, ib. ; capitulate, 281. H. Navarino, battle of, 627. Nauclides, 263. Naucrary, 85. Naujiactiis, 32 ; taken by the Athenians, 244. Navnrchia, Spartan, 335. Naxos, Spartan expedition against, 164; re- volt of, 236; battle of, 465. ' Ncapolis, 315. Xearchus, voyage of, 510. Nemean games, 49, 60. Neodamodes, 61. Nero, 564. Nessus, 17. Nicwa, founded by Alexander, 508. Nicephorus Bryennius, 589. Nicias, 291 ; reduces Cythera, 294 ; con eludes a peace with Sparta, 299 ; appoint- ed commander in Sicily, 308; his dilatory proceedings there, 314; desponding situa- tion of, 318; indecision, 319; surrender, 322 ; death, ib. ; character, 323. Nicopolis, 564. Nicostratus, 284. Nico-Tsara, 604. Nik^ Apteros, temple of, 366. Nimroud, 402. Nineveh, 402. Nisjeus, 461. Nobilior, M. Fulv., 534. Nobles, 25, 77. Normans, 677. Notaras, Grand Duke, 582. Notaras, Panoutsos, 633. ^ > |!lt WW HISTORY OF GREECE. 0. Oceanus, 28. Odenm, 250, 872. Odvsseus, death of, 623. (Edipus, 26. CEnophyta, battle of, 244. (Eta, Blount, 4. Oligarchy, 77. Olympia, 7; temple of, plundered by the Arcadians, 452. Olympiad, first, 10. Olympian Zeus, 14. Oljmpias, 487 ; takes refuge with Alexander m Epeirus, 488; whether coucerned in Philip's assassination, 489; puts Eurydice to death, 521; murdered, ib. Olympic games, 48. Olympus, 4. Olynthiac orations of Demosthenes, 476. Olynthian confederacy dissolved, 428; its extent, 476. OljTitlms, 428; taken by the Spartans, 429. Omphale, 17. Onatas, 362. Onoraarclius, 473. Opuntian Locrians, 5. Oracles, 51. Orators, Athenian, demanded by Alexander, 493 : ten Attic, Alexandrian canon of, 549. Oratory, Greek, rise and progress of» 547. Orchomeuos, 305, 435, 442. Orders of architecture, 135. Orkan, 601, Orloff, 608. Oropus, 449, 536. Ortelius, 603. Ortha^oras, 79. Ortygia, 315. Ossa, 4. Ostracism, introduced by Cleisthenes, 104. Otho, Prince, 629. Othryades, 74. Othrys, Mount, 4. Ottoman Empire, 581. Oxyartes, 507. OzoUan Mountains, 4. P. Pachas, 599. Paches, 281, 284. Pactolus, the, 145. Paeonians, 469. Paestum, 113. Pamting, origin and progress of, 141 ; devel- opment of, 364; Sicyouian school of, 542. Pamisus, river, 7. Pamphilus, 542. Panuretos, 587. Panathenaja, 18. Pancratium, 49. Panga3us, .Mount, 237, 471. Panhellenion, Journal, 638. Pan-Ionic festival, 35. Papias, 595. Pambasis, comic, 383. Parali, 90. Paris, 21. Pamieuio, 500; put to death by Alexander, 606. Parnassus, Mount, 4. Parnes, STount, 5. Paruon, Mount, 6. Paropamisus, 506. Parrhasius, 365. Partheniie, 116. Parthenon, 250, 368, 599. Parysatis, queen, 400, 413. Pasargadaj, 504. Passarowitz, peace of, 699. Patra;, 564. Paul, St., 566. I'aulus, L. .Em., 536. Pausanias, king of Sparta, vanitvand treason of, 225; recall and impeachment of, 231; conviction and death, 232. Pausanlas (second), 353 ; expedition into Bcfotia, 416 ; condemned to death, ib. Pausanias assassinates Philip, 488. Pausanias (historian), 559. Pedieis, 90. Peersy Spartan, 410. PeirjBus fortified, 229, 250; re-fortified, 419; surprised by Teleutias, 424. Peirithous, 18. Peisander, 328, 414. Peisistratus, usurpation of, 95; his strata- gem, 98 ; death and character of, 99. Pelasgia, 12. Pelasgians, 13. Pelasf/icon, the, 267. Pelias, 19. Pelion, 4. Pelopidas, character of, 430 ; gains a victory at Tegyra, 436 ; subdues Alexander of Phene, 447 ; imprisoned by Alexander, 449 ; defeats Alexander, 451 ; slain, ib. Peloponnesian confederacy, meeting of, 258; decides for war against Athens, 260 ; war, commencement of, 264; invasion of Attica, 266; Thucydides' character of the war, 285. Peloponnesians, attempt to surprise Peiraeus, 278. Peloponnesus, 6. Pelops, 14. Peneus, 4. Penj-ab, the, 508. Pentacosiomedimni, 92. Pentathlum, 49. Perdiccas, 258. Perdiccas (Alexander's general), 514; march- es agsiinst Ptolerav, 620 ; assassinated, ib. Periander, 80 ; his cruelty, ib. ; abilities and power, ib. ; and Arion, ^23. Pericles, character of, 239; innovations of, ib.; his administration, 240; reduces Eu- boea, 247; plans for adorning Athens, 260; his banishment demanded 'bv the Lace- dasmonians, 260; pleads for Aspasia, 261; persuades a war, 262 ; funeral oration by, 268 ; accused of peculation, 270 ; deatli and character, 271. Pericles, age of, character of art in, 361. Perinthus, siege of, 482. Perioeci, 59. Peripatetics, 555. Pers«^'polis, taken and burnt by Alexander, i 504. Perseus, 17. Perseus, 535; defeated by the Romans, 536. Persian Gates, 504. INDEX. 667 Persians, 146; their cruelties towards the Ionic Greeks, 159; invade Greece, 160; de- mand earth and water from the Grecian states, 161 ; second invasion of Greece, ib. ; land at Marathon, 162; third invasion of Greece, 174; their number under Xerxes, 176; destruction of their fleet by a storm, 184; their progress, 189; attack Delphi, t6.; take Athens, 190; retreat of, 199; their fleet reassembles at Samos, 203. Petrarch, 595. Phcedo, Plato's, 391. Phalanx, ^IaceoUtion, ib.; established in the king- dom of Hellas, 629. Rumeli Valesi, 599. Russia, 626. S. Sacred Band, Theban, 434; of five hundred, 611. * Sacred war, first, 48; second, 472; barbarity of, 473; progi-ess of, 477; termination, 479*; results, 480. Sages, the seven, 127. Salsethus, 280, 2S1. Salamis, 7 ; acquired by the Athenians, 90 ; battle of, 194. Salamis (in Cypnis), battle of, 623. Samos, revolt* of, 253 ; subdued, ib. ; its im- portance to Athens, 326; revolutions at, 331 ; snhtlued by Lysander, 349. Sappho, 125. Sardis, 144 ; burnt, 166. Saronic Gulf, 6. Scanderbeg, 594. Scarpheti, battle of, 537. Sclo (Chios), massacre of, 618. Scione, 298. Scopas (sculptor), 540. Scyros, reduction of, 227. Scythini, the, 403. Sedition, Sf>lon's law respecting, 94. Seisachtheia, the, 91. Seleucus, 520 ; founds Antioch, 524 ; succeeds to the greater part of the Macedonian em- pire, 527 ; assassinated, 528. Selinuntine sculptures, 140. Sellasia, battle of, 531. Selym, Sultan, 598. , Selymbra, 118. Ses'tos, reduced by the Athenians, 214. Seuthes, 405. Sicilian expedition, 311 ; termination of, 821. Sicily, dissensions in, 307. Sicybn, 7 ; despots in, 79. Silver mines, 9. Sinionides of Amorgos, 122. Simonides of Ceos, 215. Sinope, 111. Sipylus, 14. ^ Sisvgambis, 498. Sitalces, 268, 273, 278. Slaves, 25. Slavonians, 575, 576. Smerdis, 149. Smilis, 139. Smyrna, 34. Social war, 471; ill cfTects of the, 472; sec ond, 532. Socrates, at Delium, 296; his opinion of the Sicilian expedition, 309; opposes the con- demnation of the ten generals, 342 ; refuses to obey the commands of the Thirty, 349; summoned before them, 351; sketch of his life, 388; his teaching and method, 390; how he diflered from the Sophists, i6. ; wis- dom of, ib. ; unpopularity and indictment of, 391; condemned, ib.; refuses to escape, ib. ; death, 392. Sogdiana, fortress of, taken, 507. Soliium, 268. Solon, 89; legislation of, 90; supposed inter- view with Croesus, 95; laws of, brought down into the Agora, 240. Sophists, prohil)ited from teaching, 351 j de- scription of the, 387. Sophocles, at Samos, 254; account of, 379; character as a poet, 381. Souliotes, 608. St. Sophia, church of, 574. Sparta, 12, 55; landed property in, 66; power of, 76; head of the Grecian states, 169; eartlujuake at, 237; allies of, in the Pelo- pomiesjan war, 264; introduction of gold and silver at, 410 ; league against, 417 ; con- cress at, 437; rapid fall of^ 443; entered by Kpameinondas, 453; taken by Antigonua Doson, 531 ; taken by Philopojmen, 534. Spartan constitution, 59; tribes, lb.; educa- tion, 63; women, 65; money, 67; fleet totally defeated at Cyzlcus, 330; mora de- feated by Iphicrates,*421. Spartans, make war on Arcadia, 73 ; alone re- tain their kings, 76; overthrow the despots, 79; send an embassy to Cyrus, 148; con- duct of, at Thermopylae, 1*81 ; selfish con- duct of, 188; their apathy, 205; dismiss the Athenians, 238 ; oppose the Athenians in Bceotia, 243; require the Athenians to withdraw the decree against Megara, 262; invade Attica, 266 ; reject the advances of Alcibiades, 303 ; send an embassy to Ath- ens, ib. ; invade Argos, 305 ; force the Ar- gives to an alliance, 306 ; establish them- selves at Decelea, 318; invade Elis, 408 j duration of their supremacy, ib. ; assist the Phocians against tne Thebans, 416; de- feated at Haliartus, ib. ; lose their colonies, 418; proclaim the independence of the Boeotian cities, 427 ; garrison Orchoraenus and Thespiie, ib.; assist Amyntas against the Olyniliians, 428; height of their power, 430; expelled from Boeotia, 436; attack Corcyra, ib. ; solicit the aid of the Atheni- ans, 446 ; defeat the Arcadians, 447 ; send an embassy to Persia, 448 ; excluded from the Amphictyonic Council, 479; attempt to throw oft' the Macedonian yoke, 515 ; their decline and degradation, 630; call in the Romans, 537. Sp<^usip[»iis, 554. S|)Uacteri:i, blockaded, 290; captured, 292. Sphinx, 20. Sphodrias, 433. Sporades, 7. Statira, 498, 510; murdered by Roxana, 515. Statuary, 28; progi-ess of, 139; schools of, 140, 362, 539. Stesichorus, 124. Sthenelaidas, 260. Stoics, 554. Strabo, 559. Strategi, Athenian, 104. Stratonice, 525. Sulpicius, 563. Sujiium, 4; fortified, 325. Susa, treasures at, 503. Susarion, 376. Sybaris, its luxury, 113; destroyed, 114. Sybarites, 251. Sybota, naval battle off, 257. Svennesis, 396. Sylla, 562. Synoikia, 18. Syntfuvis, the, 433. Syracusans, their vigorous defence, 315. Syracuse, 112; description of, 315; naval battle at, 318; engagement in the Great Harbor of, 320 ; constitution of, 455. Syssitia, 64, 411. T. " Table Companions," the, 398. Tajiiarnm, 6. Tantalus, 14. Tanagra, battle of, 243. Taoclii, the, 403. Tarentum, 116. Tavgetus, Mount, 6. Tearless battle, the, 447. Tegea, 55 ; reduced by the Spartans, 74. Teleclus, 70. Teleutias, 423, 424. Temenus, 56. Tempe, 4 ; pass of, 178. Temi)les, Greek, description of, 134; of Diana at Ephesus, 137; of Juno at Samos, 138; of Delphi, U>.; of the Olympian Zeus, ib.; • at Paestum, ib. ; at Selinus, ib. ; in ^gina, 139. " Ten Thousand," expedition and retreat of the, 393 seq. " Ten Thousand," the Arcadian, 446. Teos, revolt of, 326. Terillus, 201. Terpander, 121. Tetralogies, 377. Thais, 504. Thales of Miletus, 128. Thasos, reduced, 237. Theagenes of Megara, 81. Thebans, surprise Plata;a, 263; expel King Agesilaus from Aulis, 412; invade Phocis, 416; fonn an alliance with Athens, ib.; forced into the Lacedaemonian alliance, 429 ; rise of their ascendency, 442 ; defeat- ed by Alexander of Phera?^ 449 ; fit out a fleet, 450; their proceedings at Tegea, 452; ally themselves with the Athenians against Philip, 485; humbled by Philip, 486; rise agtiinst the Macedonians, 493. Thebes, Seven against, 20. Thebes, 20 ; reduced by Pausanias, 212 ; lib- erated from the Spartans, 432; declared head of Greece by the Persians, 448 ; de- stroyed, 493 ; restored by Cassander, 522. Themtstocles, 102; proposes a fleet, 170; his character, ib.; his advice to fight at Salamis, 191 ; his stratagem to brinoj on an engagement, 193; his message to Xerxes, 199; his rapacity, ib.; rewarded by the Spartans, 201; his views, 228 seq.;* goes ambassador to Sparta, 229 ; corruption of, 230; ostracized, 231; flight, 232; recep- tion in Persia, 233 ; death, ib. ; tomb, 234. Theocritus, 558, 566. Theodorus of Samos, 139. Theognis, 81. Theophilus Paleeologos, 584. Theopompus, 71. Theramenes, 332, 347, 348 ; his death, 350. Thermopylae, 4; pass of, 179; battle of, 181. Theron of Agrigentum, 201. Thespis, 215, 377. Theseum, the, 366. . Theseus, 17,* 84; bones of, brought to Athens, 097 Thessalians, 31. Thessaly, 4 ; submits to Xerxes, 179. Thesmothetaj, 86. Thessalus, 313. Thetes, 26, 92, 230. Thimbron, 406, 411; defeat and death, 423. Thirty years' truce, 247, 252. Thirty 'lyrants at Athens, 349; proscription of the, 350; defeated by Thrasybulus, 352; deposed by the Spartans, 354. Thrasybulus of ]\Iiletus, 80. Thrasybulus, 351; takes Phvl^, 352; seizes Peirreus, 353 ; defeats the Thirty, ih. ; de- feated by Pausanias, 354; marches into Athens, ib. ; commands an Athenian fleet, 423 ; restores the Athenian power in the Hellespont, ib. ; slain, ib. Thrasyllus, 331. Thrasymelidas, 288. Thucvdides (statesman), 248; ostracized, 250* Thucydides (the historian), in Thrace, 297; banished, ib.; account of, 385; his history, ib. Thurii, 221, 251. Thyrea, reduced, 294. Tigranes, 213. Timagenidas, 212. Timocrates, 415. Tunolaus, 417. \ 670 HISTORY OF GREECE. Timoleon, character of, 461; expedition to Sicily, 46*2; defeats the Carthaginians, f km '■If li|HH|i|, :^4iil 464; becomes a Syracusan citizen, 465. Timotheus, 483; his success on the western coasts of Thrace, '435 ; attacks Zacyuthus, 436; successtul naval expedition of, 450; indicted and condemned, 471. Tiribazus, 402, 422. Tirvns, remains of, 28, 184. Tissaphenies, 326 seq., 336, 394, 401 ; attacks the Ionian cities, 411; beheaded, 413. Tithniustes, 413, 415. Tohnides, 244, 246. Torone, 298. Tragedy, Greek, origin of, 376. Tra{)eztis, 404. "Treasury" of Atreus, 184. Trebizonif, 586. Tricoupes, 609. Trilogies, 377. Triparadisus, treaty of, 520. Triphylian cities, 443, 448. Trijwiitza, 611. TrUti/s, 85. Trojzeu, 6. Trojan expedition, 20. Troy captured, 22. Tsaraados, 641. Turks, 581. Tyche, 315. Tvmphrestus, 4. Tyrant, value of the term, 7B. Tyre, besieged by Alexander, 499. Tyrtieus, 72, 123. Tzinos, 632. U* Ulj^ses, 21. Uxians, the, 504. V. Valentinian and Valens, 573. Venetians, 597. Venus de' Medici, 545. Walter de Brienne, 579. Wellington, 627, 628. William de Cliamplitte, 579. Wolfj Homeric theory of, 42. Writmg, use of, 43. X. Xanthian marbles, 140. Xanthii)pus, 168; recovei-s the Thracian Chersonese, 214. Xenocrates, 554. Xenophanes, 129. Xenophon, account of, 386; his works, iJ., accompanies Cyrus, 395; his (h-eani, 401; saluted General of the Ten Tliousand, ib.; returns to Athens, 406; joins Agcsilaus, 417. Xerxes, character of, 173; subdues Egypt, ib.; chastises the Hellespont, 174; marches towards Greece, ib.; reviews his troops, 175; crosses the Hellespont, ib.; number of his host, ib. ; takes Athens, 191 ; his alarm and retreat, 198. Xuthus, 11. Y. Ypselantes, Alexander, 610. Ypsclantes, Demetrius, 612, 628. Ypselantes, 606. Z. Zacharias, 604. Zacynthus, 7. Zaieucus, laws of, 115; suicide, t6. Zampelios, 605. Zea, 359. Zelea, 495. Zeiio, 556. Ztugitm, 92. Zeiis Ekuiherioi. 212. Zeuxis, 365. Ziukeisen, 676. Zonaras, 566. Zoroaster, 143. Zosimus, 688. Zosimades, 606. Zygomala, 603. THE END. * !' '^J' ■"./■iiiiiAHiiiiiiiidiii. . > |Fi| iiiaiiiiiww" ■}'■ "t%, , I... Hi *..♦■¥:«.,. ^l■. o O m \ - (0 OS cv CVJ a k r< r^ I ?d2: