Columbia SBnitJersiftp LIBRARY POLITICAL PORTRAITS. POLITICAL PORTRAITS, ^IN THIS MEW MMA^ WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL, IN TWO VOLUMES. BY WILLIAM PLAYFAIR, 'author op the political atlas, the decline and fall of nations, and other works. VOl5.'I. Aiincus Plate, l/ihi'cui' Socriites, Sed Magis Arnica Veritas. LONDON: Printed b^ W, M'Dowail, Femberton Row, Coueti Square< FOK C. CHArri.E, ItOOKSKLLEll TU THE PRINCE REGENT, 60', I'ALL MALL. 1813. PREFACE. WHKN I first determined on publishing tlie following portraits, I intended doing it under the assumed signature of Albahicus, but a little reflec- tion induced me to alter my design. Where individual character is to be discussed, I thought candour required that it should be done by an ostensible person, and indeed I feel an apology irecessary for ever having circulated a Prospectus of such a work, without my name to it; which I was led to do under the impression that, having no name would attract more curiosity, and consequently draw a greater number of readers. I believe, still, that it would have that advantage, but the reason for avowing myself was more powerful. My intention in writing this work was, that I might give my sentiments and opinions on a number of subjects of public importance, under the form most likelv to obtain attention; and mv first idea Vol. 1. a I-; p- o ^ r^ 11 PREFACE. was occasioned by the impossibility I found of ' obtaining the means of making truth approach the ear of the Prince Regent. That any communica- tion containing an unwelcome or unpleasant truth might have been refused })resentation, though the refusal might not have been right, it would not have been surprising; but that information in no way disagreeable, but which might have been highly advantageous, should be shut out, surprised me much; I could not then, nor can I now, form any rational conjecture M'hy a prince is surrounded by persons who act on a principle so contrary to every thing that I can conceive to be wise or proper*. * In the portrait of his Royal Highness the particulars of the case alluded to are explained. There are, indeed, three cases, but the one particularly in view was a Memorial respecting the price of bread, which deserved attention ; and it is not a little singular that the truths which could not be attended to, are now brought, in some measure, into evidence by the present worthy Lord iNlayor. What a glorious op|)ortunity has the prince lost of making himself the idol of the people! If his ministers do not wish a king of England^ or a regent to be admired and loved by the people, (which I think is possible), at least such cannot be the case with private friends. It was on this idea that I first applied to the private friends of the prince, and not till they had refused, did I address myself to a secre- tary of state. PREFACE. i^ Do those persons act in consequence of orders received to keep his Royal Highness in ignorance of the wants and wishes of his father's people? Are they forbid to let even useful or agreeable intelli- genence disturb his royal slumbers, or interrupt his pleasureable pursuits? Such were questions that presented themselves, but to which 1 could give no answer. Though ignorant of the cause, I cannot help supposing that his Royal Highness knows the world too vi^ell, and has too much good sense and good nature not to know that there is great danger in any man, in any situation, refusing to receive, generally and indiscriminately, all communications that may be addressed to him, and in a prince no small degree of rudeness and injustice. The tyran- nical and the mild, the wisest and the weakest, and even the worst of princes, act on different principles, with respect to admitting access to their subjects; and those around are only instructed to suppress and withhold what is useless, or improper to be communicated. If his Royal Highness be ignorant of the fact, then he should be informed of the circumstance, that he may alter it; and if it is his will that it should be as it is, then it is proper, at least, that he should be told, plainly and boldly, this simply IV PREFACE. truth, " That there is neither wisdom nor justice in ** such conduct." Curiosity is a leading passion, and mankind are impelled by it to listen to what is said of persons that they know, and from this arises the love of private anecdote, which is so universal. The portraits of the political characters of the present time, will probably attract some attention, and those who would not listen to the observations attached to the portraits, w ere they nnconnected with persons, will read them when so connected. Even a prince will wish to know what is said of himself, and what is said of others, I therefore wrote these portraits to procure that attention which other- wise I could not find means to obtain. A great change has taken place within the last twenty-five years, on the method in which public opinion is acted upon by means of the press: that change has been artfully and gradually brought about; it is much for the w^orse, but it has been brought about so imperceptibly, and so plausibly, tliat it excited no alarm at the time, and now there is no means of finding a remedy. About twenty years ago the j)ress produced a great number of pamphlets, most of which were written by well-intentioned men, who in that man- PREFACE. V tier threw in their proportion to the common stock of knowledge. The great expense of paper and printing, added to the still more enormous expense of advertising in the public papers, have put an end to the labours of those literary volunteers*. Perio- dical papers have now monopolized the discussion of politics. There is no longer that cool and deliberate sort of discussion that used to take place: neither do we find that originality which occasionally astonished the public, from some unknown, or from some new quarter. The literary champions of the day, who have occupied the political field almost exclusively, are all enlisted under the ])anners of party; and when by accident any one who is not • Mr. Pitt, whose management was admirable in some instances, and able in all, knew that any direct attack on the press would be dangerous ; but, under the pretence of revenue, he gave it a terrible blow. The booksellers know so well the expense of circulating a pamphlet, that they generally dissuade those who propose publishing in that way. Il in fact requires more money to advertise sufficiently in the papers, than any ordinary pamphlet will produce by its sale. Bookseller's discourage such publications ; and all those scattered literary patriots who volunteered their service, (those men who were what might be termed ihe yeomanry of the press), have quitted the field to the mor« regular mercenaries, who fight in daily, weekly, monthly, or quarterly publications. VI PREFACE. connected with party, wishes to address the public in a way that might obtain some attention, he feels all the periodical channels occupied by others, or at least shut against such intruders as himself; and the old mode of address, by pamphlets, having, as before observed, become quite inefi'ectual, he is condemned to silence; and so far as he is capable of serving his country, his country is deprived of the advantage. The number of pamphlets published is not above one fourth of what it was, though, according to the important objects that require discussion, it might be expected to be doubled; and what renders the efforts of those literary volunteers less useful, the greatest part of those pamphlets that are published, fall still-born from the press*. The expense neces- sary to circulate a pamphlet deters the bookseller, who, considering the matter as a mere affair of * These observations are made to show by what imperceptible means the liberty of the press has been abridged, and by what an indirect method it was attacked, as well as the result of the attack, which is merely this, that editors of newspapers, and the persons they employ, have almost exclusively the management of public opinion, so far as it is guided by temporary publica- tions. PREFACE. Vll profit and loss, advises the author to stop, when he has expended a few pounds, though he knows, that to advertise sparingly is entirely to throw money away*. The giving short essays, in the form of notes, to the Political Portraits, appeared to me a good way to ohtain attention; and it is with this view that the work was undertaken ; but it may be asked — For what purpose do you, in a circuitous manner, attempt to attract public attention? I think the question is natural enough, and very fair, and there- fore shall give it an answer. A person who ventures to speak freely of the political conduct of others, ought to be able to give some account of his motives for so doing. The circumstance of my having been in Paris * The bookseller is not to be blamed, fur if he were to advise .expending a sum sufficient to make the pamphlet fairly and fully known, it would probably terminate in greater loss to the author. Unless a pamphlet has what is termed a run, it must end in loss, as at least fifteen copies of a two shilling pamphlet must be sold, for every advertisement inserted, to pay the expense. The size of the newspapers, their multiplicity, and a variety of other circum- stq.nces, prevent advertisements, unless very frequently repeated, or announcing some very striking production, irom producing almost any effect. viii PREFACE. during' the last years of the ancient monarchy, when France was such an agreeable country, and the French so pleasant a people ; as well as during the first years of the revolution, which converted the seat of ease and pleasure into one of misery and woe*; led me naturally to seek for the connection between the cause and the event. At the same time that my mind was thus set upon observation and inquiry, my feelings were acted on in a most sensible man- ner, so that the character of a violent reforming patriot, and of a modern philosopher, preaching up equality, became my detestation, and the government of the many my greatest dread-j'. The impression made on my mind was lively, forcible, and perma- * The misery and woe began from the first hour of the revolution, though it WHS disguised, at first, under the appearance of an effort to produce a better order of things. As to the former government, it was improvident, wasteful, and corrupt; but under it the people were happy, and with moderate exertion, instead of violent revo- lution, France might have been made the rqost delightful country in the world. t Those who attend only to theory may still admire the govern- ment of the many, but those who have seen its practical effect will shudder. The philosophers, themselves, who led the way, were the first to disapprove of their own work. Of this, many instances wit) be given in the notes to the Political Portraits. PREFACE. IX nent, and every line that I have written on political subjects, shews that it has never varied. With that manner of feeling; and that love for my country which every man ought to have, I endea- voured to turn mv observations to some useful purpose. To oppose the admiration of the French constitution, that threatened the extension of French principles, was my first view. 1 saw that those who viewed the revolution from a distance, and who were unacquainted with the French cha- racter, were led to make a false estimate of its nature and consequences; and I well knew the danger of the principles, and the villainy of the men by whom they were promulgated*; and I hav© * A distinction is to be made between some well-intentioned men ■with moderate views, who only aimed at a removal of abuses, and those wicked demagogues who, taking advantage of the effervescence and confusion of the times, became the leaders of the multitude, and led on to murder, and every species of crime; who, in the words of Raynal, one of the philosophers, " by a species of infernal magic, converted, in eighteen months, a magnificent and happy kingdom, into a den of robbers, murderers, and thieves!" We are not to forget that the man who says this, was himself one of those writers who bad led to the revolution ; hut he had too much wisdom not to see, and too much virtue, not to abandon and condemn, such a ruinous systeri). Mr. Burke foresaw the consequences. Abbe Raynal, and X PREFACE. never ceased to labour in preventing a similar revolution in England, so far as I had means and ability. I do not expect to be considered as impartial; and if by partiality is meant giving preference to one system of government more than another, I glory in such partiality, I should blush for myself if I had not supported the views of the British government, in opposition to the wild miscreants who acted with Robespierre, or the insolent directory that established despotism in the place of anarchy, and the present ruler of France, (Buonaparte), who has in his own person combined the power of the whole, which he exerts for the subjugation of the world, and the extinction of liberty amongst men. Every thing that I have written shews that I had a decided preference for the British govern- ment, and the system it pursued; and this decided preference, acted on by the feelings of which I have spoken, in regard to the change produced during my residence in France, has made me take many others, acknowledged their error after it was too late ; but Mr. Fox, and a number of our wise men in England, would never see the error committed by the French, in aiming at a degree of liberty incompatible with the imperfect nature of man. PREFACE. Xi a lively interest in political events, and on many occasions ex])ress myself warmly. I have never changed, and never been indifferent. Conceiving that the present moment is highly important, and that a great change is immediately about to take place, I thought it might be useful to give to the public the following portraits. The change that I foresee is very near at hand, and ine- vitable, though I do not pretend to know its nature, as that depends on some future events. The struggle in Europe has now become so violent that it must soon terminate in the crushing the tyrant, or in submitting to his will. I do not speak of which of the two is the more likely to take place, I speak of the alternative ; it must be one or the other. Now, if the tyrant should succeed (which may the Almighty avert) in extending his sway over the continent, Britain, with abridged resources, will be under the necessity of continuing the con- test, the expenses of which are every day augment- ing at a most alarming rate. If, on the other hand, the ambitious despot fails, the continent will be free, and there will probably be a long period of peace: but even in that event, England, in which the value of XII PREFACE. money* is so different from what it is in all other countries, will have great difficulties to encounter. • A statistical fable, on a new and more comprehensive plan than any before published, is given in an Essay on the Balance of Power, by W. Playfair, and published by J. Stockdale, Piccadilly. The re- lative value of money in different countries is there stated from the best authorities, and on the estimates of persons who have lived in the different countries at a late period. It is plain that accuracy is unattainable, but it is equally plain that it is not necessary in such a table. In the same work it is stated, that England has expended above 600 millions to save Europe from being reduced by the power of France; and it is recommended to make one great effo/t to support the great Emperor of Russia, and the other powers, with the money they may want to bring the contest to a fortunate issue. If ten, or even twenty millions are required for that purpose, they ought to be granted, as one year more of war will cost us fifty millions. As such is our scale of expense, and as Britain cannot assist with men, (and as she is the only country in which loans of money can be made at present), it would be unpardonable not to assist with money. Had the British ministers furnished money in 1 806, the peace of Tilsit would never have taken place. It is perhaps better that the contest should have continued till the powers of Europe, seeing one common danger, should make one common cause; but that was no excuse for withholding money in 1806, as such a result neither was nor could be foreseen, nor even expected. The madness and folly of Buonaparte in penetrating into Russia in the beginning of winter, PREFACE. Xili Men and capital will be transferred to other countries* The rents of land, and prices of articles of the first necessity, will be reduced, and the taxes must fall off; and it is known from the experience of all nations, and all times, that when the finances fail, governments fall. Convinced, then, that in ei- ther alternative, the issue of this struggle must bring on a crisis in the affairs of Britain, and persuaded that any such would be injurious to the country, I have wished to explain, in a brief manner, some things which appear to me may be useful towards preparing those who rule, and those who are ruled, for averting the probable danger, which they do not at present appear to foresee. The steps that seem to be most necessary to preserve tranquillity in this country, in either case are nearly the same — First. Economy in public expenditure. Second. Steady perseverance in Mr. Pitt's plan for paying off the national debt ^I'hird. The aban- donment of Mr. Pitt's plan about the price of provi- sions — Fourth. An effort on the part of the wealthy, to assist in reducing the debt And last, though not the bravery and skill of the Russian armies, the firmness and mag- nanimity of the emperor, astonished all mankind, and certainly were not expected. ±iv PREFACE. least, our joining with a firm resaliition to resist all theoretical reforms; together with a disposition ta make practical and safe ameliorations, both in Bri- tain and Ireland. On these important subjects it is that I have endeavoured to give my views in the portraits, and the notes, which, with the assistance of the index will easily be found. The infringement on the sinking fund, by Mr. Vansittart, I consider as one of the most rash and hardy steps that has yet been taken with respect to finance, and its natural tendency is to lead to very great difficulties and dangers, which may not be felt till too late to provide a remedy. At all events the step taken shews a bold spirit, rather dispropor- tioned to the abilities of the man by whom it is displayed, and not quite becoming a person, who at a humble, and a great distance used to look with admiration to William Pitt. Admiring, as I do, the spirit by which the present ministers are guided, I am very far from admiring many of their acts; and I consider them altogether as unconscious of the very important, but approach- ing crisis. Mr. Pitt was the founder of the present system, and the present men arc his followers. They are PREFACE. XV right they cannot do better. But Mr. Pitt had foresight, and above all, bad the courage to encoun- ter danger, and the magnanimity to persevere. In his plans there was nothing mysterious, nothing of the state juggler. When he wanted to reduce the debts of the state, he Taised a revenue for the pur- pose. He did not amuse us with volumes of calcu- lations, (where algebra and arithmetic danced the hayes like the sun and moon in Bays's Rehearsal), as was done by Lord Henry Petty, and the present chancellor of the exchequer ; nor did he profess to carry on the war without new taxes. William Pitt was above either pretexts that were illusory, or contrivances that were dangerous; and it would be well that those who wish to support the same good cause, would pursue the same means of doing it that he so successfully pursued. I am aware that it will be said that this is a ministerial work that it is to support party. In answer to that assertion I have to appeal to what I have written for these more than twenty years, on po- litical subjects, without ever receiving a single favour from ministers, and with a certainty that if I had chosen to write in support of opposite principles, I might have been well supported; but the truth is, ministers had no interest in rewarding me. I did ivi i*REFACE. not write to serve them, but to serve a cause wliicii my residence in France convinced me was a good one*; and if the present pdblication serves the pre- sent ministers, it will only be in so far as it serves the country ; for I repeat, that though I approve highly of the end they have in view, I do not think they take the right means to obtain that end^ and I think it my duty to say so, and to show of what it is that I d is appro vci It will perhaps be said also, that I am riot impar- tial when I speak of the royal family; tliat 1 in particular shew a disposition to plead the cause of, and defend her Royal Highness the Princess o£^ Wales. I have an explanation to give here also. I saw that the French nation was ruined by an attack on royalty, which began by traducing the • Before I left France, early in IfPl* I wrote a work to prove that the constitution of 1 789, as it is termed, carried with itself the seeds of anarchy. That it would speedily be overturned, being full of inconsistencies and contradictionsj as well as being founded on an imaginary degree of perfection, which never did nor never can exist in this world. I had not then any intention of reluming to England, for though I was convinced the constitution could not stand, yet I imagined the theorists would be contented with trying to remedy its defects: but those gentry knew nothing short of radical reform,and they always destroyed what existed whenever they began any thing new. PREFACE. XVU king, and all the members of the royal family: all those who were supposed to be the favourites of his majesty, or of the queen, were also calumniated, and every foible converted into vice or criminality^*. It further was discovered that those calumnies originated in the blackest intentions, were produc- tive of the worst effects, and were entirely without foundation. In one word, having seen that the ruin of a nation was begun by calumniating the sovereign and his family; and observing that the same plan was pursuing in England, as far as the virtues of their Majesties rendered calumny practicable; and that, with respect to the rest of the family, not so * Without having been in France, it is intipossible fully to coq- ceive how extravagantly these calumnies were conceived and pro- pagated. The king, because he was a plain honest man, was represented as a sort of idiot, a glutton, and drunkard. The queen was accused of every vice of which a queen can be guilty, and a- mongst other things, of sending large sums to her brother the emperor. Adversity, however, tried all, and proved the falsity of those asser- tions. The king shewed himself to be a good, moral, and religious man, and his defence proved he did not want ability. As to her Majesty, great rewards were offered for any one that would accuse her, yet none was found. As to the money said to be sent to her brother, it was all a fiction. Vol. 1. ^ • •'• XVlll PREFACE. protected, the abuse was unbounded*: seeing fur- ther, that this practice, which originated with the anarchists, who wanted to abolish all royalty, is now continued bv the abettors and emissaries of the ruler of France, (who wishes to abolish all the old dynasties), I have long endeavoured, and I still endeavour, to counteract such wicked and dangerous calumnies. The hostility to royalty has changed its nature, but it exists in other respects the same as formerly; and the same men who were hostile to kings on republican principles, are now hostile to the same thrones, and favour the views of a despot. The danger, though changed in its nature and form, is not diminished, but is rather augmented. I am far from thinking that what I have written • The moral characters of their Majesties were not only invulne- rable, but they extorted praise even from enemies. Unfortunately, circumstances prevented the sons from imitating the virtues of the father, and they have been loaded with abuse from every quarter. In these portraits I have endeavoured to set matters in what appear* to me to be their proper light. I vindicated his Majesty's political conduct during his reign: and I have in these portraits shewn that the princes are improperly treated in respect to public opinion, as it regards thcra. PREFAC£. XlX will be approved of by princes, or persons in high situations. I know them well ; indiscriminate praise is what they want; and to venture on criticism is to commit offence. In respect of the Prince Regent, what t have said in his praise 1 am persuaded will be far overbalanced by what I have said of the Princess^ and of those by whom he is himself surrounded. If I wanted to please, rather than to render service, it would be wisdom to flatter his confidents; for through them does the prince hear and see, and through them does he dispense his favours: at all events I should have maintained silence respecting the Princess of Wales, or at least have avoided speaking in her favour or defence* There appears to me to be a great disposition in the many to judge harshly of the royal family, without considering circumstances that ought to be taken into account, and of this propensity there are a number of revolutionists who wish to take advan- tage. Those who delight in blackening exalted characters, are dangerous men, and I avow my wish to expose their designs, and counteract the eifect that they are intended to produce. What a torrent of blood has been shed in Europe, XX PREFACE. in consequence of listening to the designing men who stirred up the ])eople against the virtuous Louis, and his innocent, but unhappy, and unsus- pecting family!! What misfortunes have arisen from calumniating public men, and ascribing to them wrona: motives ! ! With all this before our eyes, and seeing that in the place of those mild and calumniated persons, has arisen an unexampled tyrant, surrounded with half a million of assassins, who are ready to execute his orders, and labour to enchain mankind, how can we listen with complacency to those who excite si- milar discontent in England, at the risk of producing a similar result? As I am perfectly convinced that our public men mean all for the best, though they are sometimes mistaken, 1 have endeavoured, to the extent of my inadequate means, to ])revent so la- mentable a result* It may be said, why suppose that the people of England will err like those of France ? Are they not wiser? Are they not better? Have they not the fatal example before them, to teach them to shun a similar error? I hope they are wiser and better, but I will not admit that they liave profited of the example, at least not generally nor sufficiently, PREFACE. Xxi else they would not so willingly lend an ear to those who endeavour to magnify grievances, and thereby excite discontent. Having' now explained my feelings and motives, I have only to add, that the miscellaneous articles are to be found by the Index. The portraits must be judged of from a perusal of them, and it is to be hoped they will not be found to belie what was announced concerning them in the following prospectus, which has been distributed. AS there never was a more important era than the j)resent, so was it never more useful to take a fair A'iew of those political characters, who flourish, guide, and direct public aftkirs. These portraits are intended to delineate the lead- ing men as they are, without flattering their vanity by j)raise undeserved, or gratifying the malignity ol others, by those ill-natured sarcasms which are sure to please the many, and afflict the individual; toip^s. Xxii PREFACE. jure the latter, \vithout either informing or benefitmg the former: our maxim shall be that of the poet; Curst be the lines, how well soe'er they flow, Which tend to make one worthy man my foe. We shall not take any imaginary degree of virtue for a standard, but the fair, honourable English character, such as it has been ; and we shall never expose the foibles of the man Avho. deserves well of his country: nor shall we screen the selfish vanity of those who, possessed of great fortunes, and the means of doing much good, seem to live but for themselves, and to be dead to the calls of humanity. There is always, in every age and nation, some particular bias and propensity to influence the character and conduct of the great. Our principal business shall be to dix'ect that bias or propensity to sorx^e useful purpose when good, or to counteract it when bad. This we shaU attempt, not by precept, but by example; and we observe with pain, that the firmness of the English character, and that bold decision which are so useful and so admirable in great affairs, are now mistaken for inflexibility! It is thought beneath the dignity of a great man (a man of place or power) to acknowledge error. PREFACE. KXIU and change his conduct: he perseveres at his peril. This may often be bold, and is the opposite of cowardice; but it is likewise often the opposite of wisdom : such men only yield to necessity, and it is the prevailing feature of the English character at this time. Perhaps the inflexibility of Mr. Pitt, who guided affairs for so long a term, has had some influence on the English way of thinking and acting: for the example of one whom we esteem and admire is often followed when it is neither estimable nor admirable. Looseness of morals, prodigality, and meanness, will all find a check; for when properly depicted, they excite feelings of hatred, disgust, and contempt. But we remark with pleasure, that the prevalent vices of the age rather proceed from want of thought, and a blind, easy compliance with fashion and custom; there are none of those criminal characters, none of those flagrant transactions that have stained the annals of great countries when about to fall, such, for example, as preceded the fall of the Roman republic, or of the empires of the West and of the East. In comparison with moderns, the English cha- racter stands high; cowardice or treachery have XXIV PREFACE. brought on the ruin of most of the continental states; but amongst Public Men in England, we have neither found a coward nor a traitor, and our enemies know that it is useless to seek for such characters amons^st us. And we can assure those who honour this work with their support, that the facts are from good authority, and the observations - 11 The Spanish monarch wished atid attempt- ed to subdue the lest of Europe, in the end of the l6th century, and l)egan with attacking mities, and still greater dangers, she at length broke the strength of the enemy, and reduced his power within such limits as to be compatible with the safety of England, and of all Europe. Her only effectual ally was the spirit of her people; and her policy flowed from that magnani- mous nature which in the hour of peril, teaches better lessons than those of cold reason: her great heart in- spired her with a higher and a nobler wisdom, which disdained to appeal to the low and sordid passions of her people, even for the protection of their low and sordid in- terest ; because she knew, or rather, she felt, that these are effeminate, creeping, cowardly, short-sighted passions, which shrink from conflict, even in defence of their awn mean objects. In a righteous cause she roused those ge- nerous affections of her people which alone teach boldness, constancy, and fore-sight, and which are therefore the only safe-guardians of the lowest as well as the highest interests of a nation. In her memorable address to her army, when the invasion of the kingdom was threatened by Spain, this v:oman of heroic spirit, disdained to speak to them of their 12 England; when England bravely and gene- rously assisted the French, the Dutch, and the provinces of Brabant and Flanders, to re- ease and their commerce, and their wealth and their safety. No, she touched another chord ! She spoke of their national honour; of their dignity as Englishmen, of " the foul scorn that Parnta or Spain should dare to invade the borders of her realms!" She breathed into tliem those grand and jiowerful sentiments which exalt even vulgar men into heroes; which led them into the battle of their country, armed with holy and irresistible enthusiasm, which even cover with their shield all the ignoble interests that base calculation and cowardly selfishness tremble to hai:ard, but shrink from defending. That wise and great queen knew the great and generous character of the English nation; she appealed to that, and roused those feelings, which, on more than one occasion have rendered England irresistible. Lord Bacon, in one part of his discourse on her reign, speaks thus of her support of Holland: " But let me rest upon the honourable and continual aid and relief she hath given to the distressed and desolate people of the low countries ; a people recommended unto her by ancient confederacy and daily intercourse; by their cause so innocent, and their 13 isist oppression, and she succeeded. In tlie end of the 17th century Louis XIV. of France had similar plans of ambition, and again fortune so lamentable!" In another passage of the same discourse, he thus speaks of the general bystem of her foreign policy, as the protector of Europe, in words too remarkable to require any commentary : " Then it is her goverment, and her government alone, that hath been the source and fort of all Europe, which hath kept this proud nation from over-running all. If any state be yet free from his factions, erected in the bowels thereof; if there be any state wherein this faction is erected, that is not yet fired with civil troubles; if there be any state under his protec- tion that enjoyeth moderate Hberty, upon whom lie tyran- nizeth not; it is the mercy of this renowned queen that^ standeth between them and their misfortunes!" The next great conspirator against the rights of men and nations, against the security and independence of all European states, against every kind and degree of civil and religious liberty, was Louis XIV, In his time the charac- ter of the English nation was the more remarkably dis- played, because it was counteracted by its own apostate and perfidious governmeut. During great part of bis reign, 14 Britain stood foremost in the field for the protection of the liberties of mankind. In the end of the 18th century the French we know that the throne of England was filled by princes who deserted the cause of their country, and of Europe; who were the accomplices and the tools of the oppressor of the world; who were even so unmanly, so unprincely, so base, as to have sold themselves to his ambition ; who were content that he should enslave the continent, if he enabled them to enslave Great Britain. These princes, traitors to their own royal dignity, and to the feelings of the generous people whom they ruled, preferred the condition of the first slave of Louis XIV. to the dignity of the first freeman of England. Yet ev$u under these princes, the feelings of the people of this kmgdom were displayed on a most memorable occasion, towards foreign sufferers, and foreign oppressors. The revocation of ihe edict of Nantz, threw fifty thousand French protestants on our shores : they \vere received, as we trust the victims of tyranny ever will be in this land, which seems chosen by Providence to be (he home of the exiled, the refuge of the oppressed: they were welcomed by a people high-spirited as well as humane ; who did not iusijlt thera by clandistine charity; who did not fear the 15 nation, under a new aspect, and under the pretence of making all the world free, has attempted to make all the world slaves ; and Britain has constantly resisted the attempt, in which above six hundred millions of Bri- tish money have been expended. The transactions are so recent, and belong- ing, many of them, to the portraits of living men, we shall only here observe, that the same generous nation that resisted the cruel Duke of Alva in the Netherlands, above two centuries ago, and that received with open arms those who fled from his persecution, did with equal readiness resist the arms of Louis XIV. and at the same time receive the fugi- tives whom his cruel policy drove from France above one century ago. And, in our own days, we have seen the same generous nation anger of the Grand Monarque in such a rause; and who scorned to shrink from the danger attendant on a good action/ 1^ fighting to save Europe against tlie oppressioii of France; and protecting those fugitives whom the injustice of the nilers expelled, whether princes, priests, or people; all were well received, and it was sufficient to be the victim of oppression, to receive aid and assis- tance from England. But to appreciate properly the magnanimity and the generosity of this conduct, we must observe, that the British people, who are divided into political parties, never unite completely in one effort, but when the gene- rous and magnanimous impulse acts on their minds. When Britain has fought for territory, or any specific British object, tlie nation has been generally divided in opinion, though its interests were evident enough; but aid to Spain, (though she was at war with us), when she was betrayed, deceived, and oppressed, becoming a matter in question, there was but one voice in the nation, and the same people ^\\^o are divided when the question is If oiie of interest^ was not only unanimous, but enthusiastic in the cause of an oppressed na- tion of enemies. In oar own concerns at home we are cavil- ing, discontented, and divided into party; but when to relieve the oppressed, or to reward merit is the question, all paultry considera- tions are banished at once. Such is the cha- racter of the British nation!! As a nation, it is not to be wondered at, therefore, that the enemies of freedom detest England, since the English character constantly impels the na- tion to defend the cause of liberty with a dis- interestedness and generosity which it does not manifest on other occasions. Such then to us appears the British cha- racter: it is far from being j erfect; but, ac- cording to the standard ot human nature, it stands at the highest point on the scale of honour and magnanimity: " For even its errors lean to virtue's side!" Iff BRITISH NOBLEMEN. From one end of Europe to the other, the British nobility are held in the highest estimation, by those who yet remember to have seen a British nobleman: but it happens most strangely that at home the character of the British peer is not held in such high es- teem as in foreign countries. In England (where unfortunately money is rather too eager an object of pursuit) the representative of an ancient family, surround- ed as it were, by hereditary expenses, as well as in the enjoyment of a hereditary fortune^ is contrasted with the man of yesterday; with the citizen who has risen at once to opulence, or the returned nabob, who have no employ- ment for wealth but that sort of luxury and ostentation that surround their persons. The moderation and equality of conduct of the man born to enjoy fortune, when compared 19 with the lavish expenditure of the mushroom- man suffers in the eyes of those who only look at the outside of things ; as the bhizhig and passing meteor that shines for a moment, and ends in smoke, attracts more notice than all the steady stars that shine in the firma- ment, that have long shone, and will still longer shine. It requires not so much a near, as ian atten- tive and unbiassed observer to appreciate the true merits of the British nobility, who, in common with the nobility all over Europe^ have, for more than half a century, been stu- diously held up to contempt, as being men of light minds, small capacities, and of insigni- ficant avocation. The bringing of nobility into contempt was a deeply laid and widely extended plan ; when the French, who generally lead the way in innovation, succeeded with respect to their own nobility: and had it not been for their impatience, and want of moderation, they might have had imitators in every nation in 20 Europe, but their impetuosity and iinpatienCe defeated the plan. When the feudal system fell, nobiUty could no longer depend on force for its protection; it therefore stood in need of the support of opinion*: but so far were the most part of the nobles from seeing the necessity of this support, that though they all individually wished to be respected, and receive the ho- nour due to their rank, yet they heedlessly joined in laughing at the order to which they belonged, and their enemies carefully took the advantage. The great mass of mankind will always be ready to assist in abolishing distinction of ranks, by which they feel hu- * In feudal times, the nobles had armies of their own, composed of vassals, who protected their masters as if they had been independent princes, and who joined the king in his wars. Standing armies did away, by degrees, with these, and the nobility lost their power and importance without a struggle, or perceiving in what all must terminate at last. SI iniiiated ; and men who have amassed money, but have no rank or title, will generally be ready to lend their powerful assistance, so that there is no doubt that if the nobles of a country do not act so as to have opinion for their support, there will not long be any he- reditary nobility*. The character of lightness and frivolity, that rendered the counts and marquisses on the continent fit objects for ridicule on the stasre, and in the writins:s of men of wit who led public opinion in such matters, does not, however, apply to the British nobility. In Britain we have no men who enjoy the rank of peers, who are not able to support it — Their numbers are not considerable, and * The nobility are peculiarly placid and correct in their conduct ; but those advantages are naturally, like all others, allied to certain defects: as for example, the placid correct man is apt to be cool and indifierent; this, in the times we live, is dangerous, for the enemies of the anciept system are warm and impetuous. 2t they are for the most part affluent; and with a few exce|3tions, act in a way l)ecoming men of rank and fortnne, so that, individnally, they are respectable and respected, though, like the nobles on the continent, they do not seem aware of the designs ca';rying on against them, which, notwithstanding all that we have seen in other countries of misery and woe are not abandoned*. There has lately been a work pul:)lished, from which it appears that the nobility of the three kingdoms do, according to their * Though new nobility are rising up on the continent, they do not appear to be heredilaiy, but entirely connected with military service and personal exertion. The system of equality, in its extreme latitude, is entirely abandoned, as impracticable and absurd, but at the same time the res- pect for antiquity of race, or for the honours of ancebtry, no longer exists. Upstarts are the masters of a great part of the world, and it must require ages to restore that respect for an honourable lineage that has led to so many honour' able actions. 23 numberSj furnish more men of merit, as statesmen, soldiers, men of letters, and even inventors in the arts, than the large class of men who enjoy affluence and are well edu- cated, but have neither rank nor title.* To the peers, as a body, England owes much indeed: they first obtained the charter from king John, which serves as the basis of our liberties; they soon afterwards compelled the sovereign to assemble the representatives of the commons from counties and boroughs: and what is most to their praise, in every struggle for liberty, though the nobility stood honourably foremost in the l)attle, they never * It may perhaps be impossible, in times like the present, to bring people back to the respect they formerly had for hereditary rank ; but the statement of facts must always in some degree intlueiice opinion : and the fact is, that of about 1500 noble individuals, 97 have been of distinguished abilities; which is above three times the proportion amongst other men of education and affluence. See Playfair's Fa- inily Antiquity, Conclusion to Vol. IV. 24 fought for themselves and their order, but for the people at hirge. That conduct was admi- rable; and what is not less so is, that they saw the house of commons rise to its present im- portance without jealousy, being, as it appears, at all times contented with sharing the benefits of liberty with their fellow sul)jects. The moderation and wisdom of the house of peers has, on more than one occasion, saved the nation from great misfortune; so that neither for utility as a body, nor for in- dividual merit and virtue, are the British nobility to be considered as useless to the state, or unconducive to national prosperity: and in defiance of modern reformers* it must * The reform in parliament, upon principle, as it is sought after, must, if ever brought about, end in destroying the house of peers: they will then be for having a senate, like the Americans or the French; for the reformers set no value on an institution merely because it is found useful • To please those gentlemen every thing must be done by 25 be admitted, M'ith Mr. Burke, that the nobi- lity constitute the Coriiithian order of society, and that while they assist in supporting, they greatl) adorn the edifice ; for without an in- dej)endent body, who have power for life, without election, to controul an elected and temporary house of commons, liberty could not long be preserved. BRITISH GENTLEMEN. Except in their legislative capacity, as peers, a Briti^^h gentleman resembles greatly the British nobleman, of whom we have al- ready given the portrait, with some shades of difference. rule and system : like the physician in one of Molliere s plays, who held that, " belter kill by rule, than cure by irregular practice," 26 In other countries the word that is equiva- lent to gentlemen with us, has some relation to the family, or official situation of the per- son to whom it is applied; but in England it has not necessarily any connection with either, for it rather applies personally to the qualities and actions of the man, than to his situation in life, with which it however is so far con- nected, and on which it so far depends, as the qualities and actions of men must al- ways depend on their situation in a greater or more remote degree*. To illustrate this, a continental sovereign can make a man a gentleman-l^, or the purchasing of an estate, or of an office; but in England it is a word * A mail with all the honourable principles, and even talents, who depends on manual labour for bread, cannot be called a gentleman, though in mind and manners he jnay be such. t A man who cut the hair of dogs upon the Pont Neufe at Paris became a gentleman by purchasing an estate that belonged to one of that class. 27 well understood, and implies a man witli a cultivated mind, and a conduct correct and honourable: and to the honour, as well as advantage of this nation, it is by no means a rare character, but to be met with amongst men of business, as well as men of indepeii' dent fortune and professional men. MEN OF BUSINESS. As the character of the British gentleman bears a near resemblance to that of the noble- man, so that of the man of business is much blended with that of the gentleman; insomuch that in the same person the gentleman and man of business are very frequently found combined. The general character of men of business in England, is being honourable and punc- tual in their dealings, joined with a thorough knowledge of such affairs as they undertake 28 to manage, which is greatly owing to a sort of division of skill and attention, something similar to the division of labour that takes place in mechanical labours*, which division of skill and attention is carried to a greater length in this country than in any other. The man of business of course includes people of very different degrees of wealth and importance, who in their manners have not much resemblance; but who resemble each other much in their general character for honour in their dealings, punctuality, and a certain liberality in their way of trading, that * Mr. Adam Smith, in his Wealth of Nations, has attri- buted the great dexterity of workmen, the cheapness of many articles of manufacture, and the excellence of the work, to the division of labour, which enables men of very ordinary capacities to attain great excellence and dexterity in operations so frequently repeated. In our mercantile affairs, and business in general, something similar takes place : we seldom find one man embracing opposite objects in his line of business. 29 enables them to transact a great deal of bu- siness in a short time. In most countries, the principle of buying cheap and selling dear, which is the founda- tion of mercantile speculation, and indeed of all business transactions, is carried to aU extreme; that the English man of business avoids; and that principle is tempered with another that is very honourable to the British character, and very beneficial to the commu- nity at large; namely, to allow others to have a fair profit, and not to do business at an under price. The general effect of this is beneficial almost beyond comprehension, as it facihtates the transaction of business, and makes affluence general amongst those who live by it. A contrary conduct makes busi- ness go on with great difficulty and little ad- vantage. In England, commercial people are gene- rally in greater affluence than in any other part of the world; and fortunes are made more rapidly, and in greater numbers, in 36 proportion to the whole, than any wliel'e else*. The general punctuality and honour of men of business in England, added to the freedom and security of property, have inspir- ed a degree of confidence that was never equalled in any country, and one that pro- duces the happiest effects. The scarcity of gold, vvhicli in other countries would have been ruinous to credit, in England only roused up commercial men to exertion, and the evil disappeared almost as soon as felt; and when- ever any general calamity takes place, it produces general energy and exertion; and * The extensive range of meaning of the term man of business, prevents it from being possible to find any general similarity of character : punctuality, honour, and assiduity are particular qualities which they for the most part pos- sess; but while the most wealthy live in a style equal to the nobility, and have frequently as good an education, others are inferior to many labouring arlizans in their way of living. 31 it is very seldom that any man is found suffi- ciently base, mean, and interested, to seek his own interest at the expense of the general good*. Whether this conduct, apparently disinte- rested, arises from that sentiment or not, or whether it is occasioned by the belief that the good of the whole is necessary for the good of the individual, is not of much importance, since the effect is the same, and it is most beneficial, inasmuch as it arrests the progress of calamity, and sometimes turns an un- toward event to an advantageous purpose. * No man that wishes to support the character of a man of business would (for example) traffic in guineas. In France, when gold and silver began to disappear, every person took all the advantage he could, and so the deprecia- tion greatly increased. Even before the quantity of paper was great, depreciation took place, from large notes to small, for every one took all the advantage he could of existing circumstances. If the people here were of a similar dis- position, nobody would change a one-pound note without getting three or four shillings for doing it. 32 In England the man of business is never above fulfilling punctually the duties of his situation: he considers himself honourably employed when he is attending to his business; and he has a spirit of independence that is both to be envied and admired, and that is not to be found in any other country. POLITICAL PORTRAITS, HIS MAJESTY. Jr EW monarchs have reigned so long;, and none during so important a period, as George III. His character will therefore naturally be more or less coloured by the events that have taken place during a reign in which the British empire has stood high amongst nations; and notwithstanding his unex- ceptionable conduct, and his many virtues, there will not be wanting those who will attribute to his Majesty many of the misfortunes that have over- whelmed mankind during the period that he has swayed the British sceptre. The great events that have taken place, and their rapid succession, have prevented the minds of most people from taking a fair and true view of circum- stances; add to this, that the spirit of party has been very active in misrepresentation. The two greatest events, are the emancipation of 34 HIS MAJESTY. the North Americans, and the French Revolution. The first was considered as very unfortunate for England, and the second has been disastrous to the whole world. Owing to the reasons mentioned, the British sovereign has been represented as the primary cause of both those unfortunate occurrences. The revolt of America is attributed entirely to the British cabinet; and though the first breaking out of the disturbances in France cannot even by malevolence be ascribed, or by credulity be admitted, to have originated in England, yet to England is attributed the failure of the attempt to establish liberty in France, and the wars that broke out, which have been attended with unexampled disaster, and nearly changed the face of the civilized world. Nothing, however, can be more mistaken than this view of the matter. When the English first colonized America, they laid the foundation for that revolt which took place in 1775- It was impossi})le that so large a country could remain subject to an island at so great a distance; and Avhen the seeds of an event are sowed, by the nature of things, though it may be hastened or retarded, its prevention is impossible. The Americans wished for representation in the British parliament, but in what must that have HIS MAJESTY. 35 terminated in less than a century? That country, forty times the extent of the British islands, would have contained more inhabitants. Proceeding on the same principle* on Avhich the representation was demanded, the representatives from America must have out-numbered the native British repre- sentatives, and, in time, Britain must have become an appendage of America!! The intrigues of France, the natural ambition of the Americans, and the necessity at some near pe- riod of fixing a solid plan of government, and such as might satisfy men educated with principles of freedom, gave energy to the Americans ; and as their efforts were crowned with success, the British go- vernment was severely censured for the conduct it * If America had been limited in extent like Ireland, then, indeed, the representative system might have been extended to her; but the American states will contain 150 millions of people. It is one of the greatest misfortunes of those politicians of ihe present day, who afl'ect to make every thing be regulated upon principle, that those who once begm on it must contmue, or incur greater blame than if they never had begun. Thus, " give us representation," is the first demand; " let that be increased according to our popu- lation," will be the second; and the third, " where the majority reside, there let the government be." New York or Philadelphia, or some newly-planned town, would on this plan have contained ai government legislating for England at no very distant period. 36 HIS MAJESTY. pursued; but never was a question treated with a greater degree of party spirit, or argued more un- fairly, than that between Britain and America, particularly as it regards his present Majesty. There were only three ways of dealing with the Americans giving them representation: giving them their liberty, as it has been termed, without a struggle: or maintaining the superiority by force of arms. The first must have ultimately led to the destruction of the mother country. The second would have been attended Avith a more sudden dan- ger: for this nation never Avill give up any foreign possession but to force, and therefore no minister could have been found to advise such a measure*, as it must have been done at the risk of losing his head. And as to the third, that was the best: it was the duty of the king of Britain to preserve his kingdom to the best of his power, and so long as the public voice sup])orted him in the contest, he maintained it: v. hen that suj^.port was withdrawn, his Majestv did not for one moment wish to perse- vere. The emancipation of America was a settled point * As the Britibh maxim, that " the king can do no wrong," makes the minister resjionsible, it would have been impossible to liiid any one to eiuaijcinate America. HIS MAJESTY. 37 with the American leaders before his Majesty mounted the throne, and indeed, all that those leaders had to do was to fix the time for the effort, for the event was inevitable, the nature of things called for it: and from what has been said, it is evident his Majesty had no alternative but to try to maintain his authority as long as possible. The next great measure of the present reign was the war in which the nation is still engaged. This was also an event in causing which his Majesty had no part. England kept aloof as a spectator till nei- ther her honour nor safety would permit her to do so longer*; and though heavy has been the ex- pense, and great the exertion, yet, in the general wreck of Europe, the British islands have escaped, not with diminished, but with increased splendour. * England did not meddle in the contest till her ally Holland was attacked; she refused to become a party to the treaty of Pilnitz; and when, in the beginning of 1792, war was actually begun on the continent, the British army and navy were placed on the lowest peace establishment. These are indisputable proofs that Britain did not attack France through any wish to prevent the establish- ment of liberty in that country. In the face, however, of those facts, the enemies of England persist in saying, that she was hostile to the liberties of Trance — that she made the constitution fail — and that she occasioned the present war; all which are direct falcities. 38 HIS MAJESTY. The disposition to complain is so inherent in the British people, that the present times are always represented as bad, and all the publications on tem- porary politics since the British press was free are a proof of that. But to go no farther back than the first years of the present reign, when the country was literally overflov\hig with wealth, were not the discontents greater than almost at any period of British history short of actual rebellion? His Majesty began his reign by a voluntary sa- crifice of a povA'er, that was of great importance to the liberties of the people, namely, the power of removing judges in the courts of justice. This was a great and glorious concession, and let us re- member it was voluntary, it vi^as not the consequence of any of those struggles for power on the part of the people that have been so frequent, so honourable, and so advantageous to this kingdom, from the days of King John till the accession of William III. If in the great external policy of the kingdom his Majesty has acted well, in the internal he has acted still better. By the establishment of the sinking fund, and keeping it sacred, a remedy has been applied to the increase of national debt; an increase, which if not arrested in its progress, must sooner or later HIS MAJESTY. 39 have destroyed the government by which it was contracted. . If we are not to attribute to his Majesty the loss of America, or the expensive war in which we are now engaged, so neither are we to attribute to him the increase of commerce, the prodigious augmen- tation of internal wealth during his reign, nor the general improvements that have taken place; but we must grant to his Majesty the palm for steadi- ness in every good purpose: he has been unwearied in well-doing; and a pattern to his subjects for aU most every virtue. Never did any of the malignant passions find a harbour in the royal breast; no man ever felt his anger, but many have experienced his clemency; and on all occasions he has taken care to shew his detestation of the vicious, and his esteem for virtue. If George III. could not crush the vices of the age, he at least forced them to remain concealed, and to fly the royal presence; and there is no doubt, that during a certain period of the French revolution, when the nation was nearly mad, and just prepare- ing to go into all the extravagances of the day, af- fection for his Majesty's person, and esteem and ad- miration of his virtues, had a great share in prevent- ing an explosion ; even the lowest and the most jg^ 40 HIS MAJESTY. norant have been beard to say, " we must have a change, but God bless his Majesty, let him end his days in peace." The most malignant conld never find any hold on his Majesty further than what might be termed a foible, or a particularity of manner; but as there is not the smallest degree of hypocrisy in his cha- racter, he never appeared with that outside show which dehides the multitude, and sometimes obtains great praise*, and at other times secures one from the attack of the wily and malignant. As in no one instance his Majesty shewed any of those wrong propensities which men find oc- casion to conceal, so he was above taking any step to give a false eclat to his actions, or steal the affections of his people-|~. * There are three sorts of hypocrisy: that most commonly known by the name, applies only to appearances in religion and morality: the second is an affectation of generosity, when the real end is to produce some personal advantage: and the third is that general hypocrisy that makes some men studiously conceal all their foibles, as well as faults; such men are constantly acting a part; with them all is artificial; they do not so much affect virtue, as to be free from vice; and it is difficult to say, which of the three is the n;ost dangerous character. t How easily a sovereign in England might appear generous. HIS MAJESTY. 41 His Majesty seems to possess that truly honest mind that feels uneasy at obtaining applause that is not deserved; a mind so far from ])rompting to dissimulation, that it leads the nian who possesses it to avoid every action that does not spring from the real feelings of the heart*. There is a sort of shame attends applause, where it is not deserved, which prevents the best of men from attaining the po])ularity of men far their inferior in every virtue. One of the chief traits in his Majesty's cha- racter is inflexibility in matters of conscience, and this has very unfairly or very ignorantly, been represented as a general inflexibility of charac- without any sort of personal sacrifice; indeed more easily than a continental sovereign; for as all that a sovereign, such as the Emperor of Russia or Gernniany, or a King of Prussia receives in taxes is at his disposal, whatever he gives away is a dinrxinution of his revenue ; but a King of England, if he chooses to give away, in acts of generosity, ^20,000 a-year, would acquire a popularity that would procure a much greater sum when the deticiencies of the civil list are supplied. He might be a gainer by his bounty. * Perhaps the greatest distinction between good and bad minds is, that a good mind feels uneasy under undeserved praise; a bad or base-minded man is satisfied, so as he obtains the advantage, what- ever may have been the means of obtaining it, and he rather rejoices in the deception under which the world labours on bis account. 42 HIS MAJESTY. ter;" whereas, whenever the good of the state de- manded it, he never consulted either personal feel- ings, personal conveniency, or his own private wish. How often has his Majesty received into his cabi- net men who were to him personally disagreeable, and thereby suffered what many of his subjects would not consent to undergo. It seems certain that in matters of conscience there is no prevail- ing on his Majesty to make a compromise; and in this accommodating age, when liberal opinions are in fashion, this is considered as at least an anti- quated, that is, an old-fashioned awkward way: but let it be remembered by those Avho belong to the old as Avell as the new school of philosophers, that in matters of taith, of principle, and conscience, compliance, either from fashion or a desire to please and accommodate, is just as ill-placed as ornamental and fancy work in a mathematical figure. His Majesty has on some occasions appeared actually, in his own person, to represent all that is respectable of the ancient order of things: as for example, when he reviewed his brave and loyal volunteers, embodied to resist the robbers of France, and in his suite, or around his person were seen, together with his august family, many of the first nobility of this kingdom, the French princes, and the grandson of the great Conde. HER MAJESTY. 43 But it must remain for future historians to do justice to his many excellent equalities and his virtues, which his cotemporaries and suhjects have not been able or willing fully to appreciate*, and which they seem too soon to have forgotten. HER MAJESTY. The history of nations, and the biography of in- dividuals are for the most part composed of details of crimes or misfortunes. Short is the history of the virtuous and the happy. The mildness and mo- deration of the queen of England, her exemplary conduct, and many virtues, have been conspicuous through the whole of her life, and have heen the theme of praise for more than half a century. The greatest private misfortune of the royal family arises from the ill-advised law about the * The vindication of his Majesty above referred to, was published after his last unfortunate illness; and in the present portrait no suspicion of a selfish design to flatter can be suspected; neither is it even supposed that this portrait will be generally pleasing ; for at this time " the wind does not blow that way." 44 HER MAJESTY. marriage of the princes, on which some observa- tions will be freely made; from which has sprung a situation of things that cannot but be highly dis- tressing and embarrassing', and her Majesty has had of that distress and embarrassment her full share. Great prudence and circumspection of conduct have screened her Majesty from those malignant at- tacks that are generally directed against royalty; • and though society is infested with a detestable set of beings, who delight to invent and fancy defects In the characters of exalted personages, they lost their labour with our virtuous queen; they could not give any appearance of truth or feasibility, or procure credit and circulation to falsehoods, that, like Cain, carried their condemna- tion on their front. Possessing both the love and confidence of his Majesty, the queen was never suspected of employ- ing them either to procure patronage or to obtain any indirect purpose; and, to conclude in conformity to the observation with which the portrait began, the virtues which her Majesty is known to possess, are so many, and the imperfections of her cha- racter so few, that it is impossible to give exten- sion to the subject. 45 THE PRINCE REGENT. If persons of inferior rank in life would con- sider the great difficulties that princes have to encounter, they would be less inclined to judge with so much severity as they generally do. They ought in the first place to consider that in ordinary life, the vices, the errors, and the foibles of the man, are easily concealed, and that only the careless or imprudent allow half their faults to be known*. From the beginning of time, from the earliest * The higher classes do not make sufficient allowance for the vices of the lower orders of society, neither do the lower orders, in judging of their superiors, judge as they ought. The reason appears to be this : the rich and poor are assailed with temptations of different descriptions, and therefore their aberrations and vices are of different descriptions also. They have not any sympa- thy, or what is commonly called fellow-feeling, which arises from one man towards another only where there is a similarity of feelings. The afflictions arising from the loss of those who are dear to us, are common to all mankind, and we all sympathize with each other on the loss of a son, a father, mother, &c. but we do not sympathize with a lady grieving for the loss of a lap dog : the pain felt by a per- son who has lost a limb by an accident excites pity, because all are capable of conceiving what he feels, but the i)ain of Hogarth's en- raged musician, though, perhaps, as great, only excites laughter. 46 THE PRINCE REGENT. periods of recorded history, such has been the situ- ation of princes; and the consequence is, that their characters have been transmitted to us in a more unfavourable light than those of other men, who have ostentatiously displayed their virtues, and cautiously concealed their vices. To this perpetual and general cause for error, with respect to the characters of princes, must be added another, almost peculiar to the present times, and to the British nation. It has become a lucrative employment to slander and libel the great, particularly the members of the royal family, which is done with unremitting in- dustry, by a great variety of writers, who assume every form for that purpose, and who are ready to brave the utmost terrors of the law. There is a sufficient fund of ill nature amongst mankind to make publications that deal in slander be eagerly sought after; but this eagerness is doubly great when the person slandered is of high rank: then envy as well as ill nature is gratified; for though most men are internally convinced that the situation of the great is not enviable, yet the great are, nevertheless, always objects of envy*. * Nothing is tiiore certain than that hap^)iness does not depend THE PRINCE REGENT. 4^ Libels on the great seem to bring them down nearer the general level, and therefore they give a sort of satisfaction to their readers, and always have done so ; but it is only of late years that to write such became a gainful trade, and that the man who might probably starve if he wrote truth or common sense, might live in affluence if he would deal in abuse and slander*. To slander individuals of high rank on external appearances ; nevertheless, grandeur and splendid shew excite envy: and even the misanthrope, that rails at mankind, does it through spite, more than through conviction. This is one of the cases where reason is led avvay, in part, by the effect produced on the organs of sense; and in part hy that sympatliy which leads us to admire and esteem what others admire, though contrary to our better understanding. * On a late trial about the publication of some libelous matters It appeared that scurrility sells better than any thing else, and that the reviewers of books are severe on the authors in order to procure sale for their own. The jealousy of the liberty of the press, the imperfection of the law of libel, and the ingenuity of writers, all combine to prevent the suppression of what Sir Richard Phillips calls scurrility, but what for the most part would be more properly termed unmeaning, ill-natured ribaldry. When INJr. Cobbett esta- blished a newspaper in support of government, though he was sup- ported to a considerable extent, yet the public absolutely would have nothing to do with it : afterwards Cobbetl turned round, declared he had made a new discovery ; that his former patrons were scoun- 48 THE PRINCE REGENT. or in public office, and to abuse the measures of government, are the modes by which the public mind is acted upon to create discontent. In addition to these causes for calumny, it has long* been the phm of those who wish for change, to de- grade royalty. The French prepared the way for their revolution by this means, and the same method has been tried here ever since their first success: and though their revolution terminated in unex- ampled misery, yet there are great numbers of persons who wish to effect a change, and to excite drels: he abused them without mercy, and he soon purchased an estate! ! The talents that could not procure bread when employed in candid discussion or true narrative, enable a man to live in affluence when engaged in violent declamation or hardy assertion ; and the law is absolutely unable to restrain this exercise of the pen, as it is better to live at ease in a prison, than to starve at large. As for the disgrace, there is none attaches to the libelling of great men or public characters ; for so numerous are the partizans and abettors of such writers, that they convert what is intended to be disgrace into triumph. The evil, however, is not near so great as it appears to be, for those dashing libelists who make assertions w ithout proof, are only read for amusement, and momentary gratification; they are not credited, or productive of any lasting impression. One great disadvantage to writers who do not adhere to truth, or to a fixed principle, is, that they run into errors and contradictions, that by degrees take away all credit from what they produce. THE PRINCE REGENT. 4^ discontent, and withdraw the affections and respect of the people from their rulers, as the way to prepare for a change in the government. Unfortunately a number of circumstances have occurred which have facilitated attacks on his Royal Highness, who is surrounded with persons not suffi- ciently attentive to the honour and happiness of their royal master, or who mistake the mode by which they might really serve him; so that without any fault committed by himself, he has been led into such a labyrinth, as it will be difficult to extri- cate him from, if indeed it be possible. His Royal Highness, on his coming to power as regent, gave an impressive proof of his devotion to the duties of his high office, when he made his private feelings and attachments subservient to the good of the nation: yet this has been so distorted, and so misrepresented, as to be considered a blemish in his character. History is full of examples of princes who sacrificed public duty to private attachments to favourites who have made themselves agreeable or useful ; but never before have we seen a prince condemned for prefer- ring public duty to private attachments. We have frequently seen kings compelled to abandon their favovirites, but we could not conceive, till we actually Vol. 1, £ 30 THE PRINCE REGENT. ^ saw it, that a prince should be censured for not gratifying his private feelings, at the expense of the nation, and of his jmblic duty. In a time of peace, ministers may be changed Avithout any material inconveniency to a state; but at this time, when we are waging war for existence, a change of ministers must be a very ruinous step, unless it were to arise from a determination to change measures also. It does not appear that the public wish for a change of measures. The public certainly do not wish to see those men at the head of affairs, who misconducted them so com})letely and so unfortu- nately for Europe, in 1806*. Yet they blame the prince for abandoning his early friends ; which, being interpreted into common language, signifies, that the prince should have overturned the politics of the * Tlie mission of Lord Lauderdale to beg for peace at Paris, the known hostility of Air. Fox and his friends to tlie plans of Mr. Pitt, (in which plans the continental powers had confidence), all combined to bring on the disastrous treaty of Tilsit, the invasion of Spain, und the last gigantic strides of Buonaparte to universal daiuinion. Mad the Greys and Grenvilles come in again, very pro- bably the Emperor Alexander, seeing himself abandoned by England, might have made terms with the arch enemy of all Europe. THE PRINCE REGENT. 51 country, and sacrificed objects that had cost five hun- dred millions, for the purpose of briuj^ing in some early friends'! A very pretty wish indeed, and one that might have come well from an enemy of Eng- land; but, even then, that enemy could not have blamed the prince: he, on the contrary, would highly have praised him for his magnanimity. The wonder at the public feeling on this occasion is the greater, that the early friends were most of them obnoxious characters, and their line of politics generally dis- approved. Yet, with all this, so it is, that the Prince Regent has been represented as having acted wrong, when it is in fact the action of his whole life that deserves the greatest praise. The friends of the prince who are not abandoned, probably think that there is no importance attached to this misrepresentation, for they are at no pains to contradict it. They act either as if they were in- different to his popularity, or as if they thought that his Royal Highness already enjoyed that ad- vantage sufficiently. The character and success of a prince generally depend more on the persons by whom he is imme- diately surrounded, than on himself; because they influence his conduct either by persuasion, or by opening the door to certain parties, and shutting it 32 THE PRINCE REGENT. against others ; by letting some truths reach the royal ear, and keeping others at a distance. The prince, in taking upon hifn the royal functions, in becoming virtually sovereign of England, did not Cease to be Prince of Wales; and Carlton-house, without ceasing to be Carlton-house, became vir- tually St. James's palace. But unfortunately, (we say unfortunately), those who immediately surround his Royal Highness do not seem themselves to perceive the change, and they so manage it that it is difficult, if it is even possible, to approach the ro- yal ear. In every court of Europe it is practicable to lay before the sovereign any truth in which the rights ot an individual, the good of the nation, or the good of the sovereign himself, are concerned. As for the emperors of Russia and Germany, they can be approached at any time, and they never refuse or neglect to give an answer, such as they think right. Even the grand Turk, from the midst of his women in his seraglio, receives and gives answers. Buo- naparte, the despot of Europe, who affects to hold princes, and even sovereigns, in contempt, and who certainly treats them with no great respect, can be approached by ordinary men. But not so with his Royal Highness, whose gates are barred, more to his THE PRINCE REGENT. 53 own disadvantage and loss, than to that of any one who will ever wish to approach them*. * That the prince is inaccessible is asserted, and it must be prov- ed: — III April 1812, just after he came into power, a person who has always wished well to the royal family, and frequently done services to the prince, wished to suggest to his Royal Highness a method by which he might greatly serve himself and the nation, and become more pepular than any sovereign since the reign of Eli- zabeth. The plan suggested to his Royal Highness was to send a message to parliament, desiring a commiitee to be named to in- quire into the high price of flour, when compared with the quarter of wheat. The memorial containing the suggestion shewed that flour, (und consequently bread), is above 40 per cent, dearer than it ought to be; that within these last fifty-five years this alteration has gra- dually taken place to the great injury of the public; and that above ^1 6,000 a-week is thereby taken from the pockets of consumers within the bills of mortality, many of whom are indigent, and some in great necessity. The memorial further stated, that even should what it asserted prove untrue, great good would arise from the inquiry, as people would submit cheerfully to what could not be remedied. It was observed, that, since Queen Elizabeth, none of the sove- reigns of England have identified their interests with those of their people — That she did so ; and, though a great despot, was adored, and even to this day her name is dear to England. Every channel was tried to get this paper introducf-d to the prince. Colonel M'Mahon, his private secretary, declined; Lord Moira, u« a private friend of the prince, was requested to present it, but he perused attentively, and returned the paper without saying a word; 54 THE PRINCE REGENT. Whenever nature is violated, it costs dear to somebody; and it is in the nature of things every and, last of all, it was given to the minister of the home department, who declined also!! Had the prince received that paper, and acted on it, he might have laughed at all the intrigues of those men who wanted to nomi- nate his household officers, or tie up his royal hands in any other shape; but the way was barred, and the prince was blameless. A paper was in last March sent, which pntbably might have pre- vented the late misunderstanding with the Princess of Wales; it contained nothing that could give otfence, and pointed out an easy, a fair, and an honourable road to adjustment, yet there was no means of getting it to his Royal Highness, Mr. Bicknell, his solicitor, re- fused first, and Lord Sidmouih afterwards; and all England sees with how little skill that business has been managed, so far as it has yet gone. A memorial on a private business, a claim on the prince, as Prince of Wales, was sent in last November; but his solicitor would not present that.— Thus memorials of three different sorts: one for the public interest, one for the prince's domestic happiness, and the third containing a private claim, were all refused. Perhaps the Prince Regent might not have approved of the contents of the papers ; but in fairness, he should have been allowed an opportunity of judging for himself: and it is more than probable, that had he received and attended to them, he would now at this moment have been loaded with the blessings of the public, for his regard to the happiness and comfort of the poor. The vexatious interference with the Princess of Wales might also have been prevented. THE PRINCE REGENT. 55 human being should have an opportunity of inform- ing himself of what may be for his safety or advan- tage. This is a natural right, and no person or persons can guarrantee the prince against the con- sequences of not receiving such papers, and judging for himself. The prince has never in his life been accused of an ill-natured action, he is known to be, on the con- trary, possessed of all the finer feelings of humanity, which upon unforeseen occasions have been fre- quently called forth, and which have attended the call with that readiness which natural benevolence can alone produce. The great expences, and the aftair with the prin- cess, are the only two things which throw a shade of doubt on the goodness of the prince's heart, or the ability of his head. As for his debts, those who, by way of preference, term themselves his early friends, led him into them when he was too young to know the consequences, and he was always treated by ministers in an ungenerous manner, that prevented him from extricating himself. The prince has taste, but he has always been led into a wrong line of expense*, and has, in short, The grandeur and splendour of the Augustan age has been so 56 THE PRINCE REGENT. been so involved, that he could neither discontinue an old, nor begin on a new, plan; and out of this arose the unhappy marriage-alliance which has of late so much occupied the public mind. much celebrated, that the imagination forms to itself an idea of every thing around that en)peror being magnificent in the extreme. Words do not alvvays convey the ideas intended to be communicated; and when Louis XIV. affected to imitate Augustus, he ruined his country in building palaces, and establishing every thing on the most expensive scale. He did not know that the anibition of Augustus was not tinctured with the littleness of vanity. To give popularity to his government, by rendering his subjects happy, was more the study of Augustus, than to make an ostentatious display of his own wealth or consequence. While he possessed an absolute dominion over the lives and fortunes of his former fellow-citizens, when in the words of scripture, he sent out a decree, " That the world should be taxed," he affected no external appearance of superiority, but lived in every respect like a private gentleman of moderate fortune. The house he occupied was far from being one of the best iu Rome, nor was it furnished in a manner that was either so magni- ficent or so expensive as those of many other senators. His table was remarkable for the same plainness and frugality; but to those who possessed a taste for the pleasures of conversation, it never failed to afford 3 most luxurious treat. His parties were usually small, but they were enlivened by wit, and adorned by genius and wisdom. All the young persons of the family were placed at an adjoining table, and had the advantage of listening to the various subjects of discussion, or of criticism, that engaged the attention of their seniors. THE PRINCE REGENT. 5? The dignity, as well as ability, with Avhich the prince acted in the case of the regency-bill in 1789: his conduct when he was refused promotion in tho The merits of works of genius were examined and discussed with that candour and attention which renders such discussions useful and agreeable. Though decorum was preserved, restraint was banished from the social board; and in the house of Augustus, the guests for- got that Rome had a master! Our ideas of grandeur in the present times are greatly differen from those of Augustus and the great men of that age. The magni- ficent, but plain and simple emperor, lived more like a President Washington, or a Sir Joseph Banks, (bitting modestly siurounded by scientific friends), than one of those splendid modern sovereigns who are to be discerned in the midst of a blaze of gold, surrounded by sycophants, whose chief business is to amuse their master, and to prevent any thing " that smacks of noyance or unrest" from ap- proaching his ear. Our ideas of grandeur are vitiated since Louis XIV. pretendei to renew the Augustan era in France. Voltaire, in his Philosophical Dictionary, under the article Beauty, says some things that will apply equally to grandeur and magnificence. Henry IV. of France, and Frederick of Prussia, had peculiar ideas of grandeur. A young boy being asked what he would do if he were a king? answered, "He would walk about all day with a crown op his head, eating gingerbread!" But the most severe criticism on the gaudy pageantry which has r*,ow usurped exclusively the name of splendour, is upon the record of 58 THE PRINCE REGENT. army, his letter to the Princess on their separation^ and all the public occasions on which he has had any difference of opinion with ministers, have shewn a mind incapable of little chicanery,, of petty wrang- ling for trifles, or pretended misconceptions; and as the conduct towards the princess has been of a very different description, it is evidently not that of the prince himself, whose chief fault is, not to act, but to suffer others, who neither have so good a head, nor so good a heart, as himself, to act for him*. acres and the uuiied voice of mankind. Antony, the colleauiie of Au- giistus, carried that gaudy pageantry perhaps to a greater length than any man vvhoevci lived; }et the world has never spoken, nor histo- rians \vritten,concerning the splendour of INI ark Antony; but the united voice of ages has given to the latter the more appropriate name of luxury. Not even his chariots dragged by lions, his silver oars and purple sails, could obtain for him and Egypt's queen the applause of mankind. The world appears to have thowght with the poet, " 'Tis use alone that sanctifies expense, " And splendour borrows all her rays Irom sense." * This portrait may not perhaps please the persons who serve or surround his Royal Highness. It is not, however, meant to ofl'end them; but it is hoped, that should his Royal Highness see what is here written, he will do himself justice: and at the risk of offending, and without any hope of pleasing, the truth is spoken for that pur- pose. Were the prince to try to become popular, he would certainly THE PRINCE REGENT. 59 The man who stands first in the rank of polished gentlemen in the kingdom, and second in royal rank, would stand, as he ought, high in the esteem and love of his father's people. The prince will observe that though it is a British maxim '^ that the king can do no wrong," yet that there is nothing to prevent him from doing good. Good actions are attended with great satisfaction, but no responsibility. succeed. The unhappy spell that keeps him under would be broken, his nervous system, which depends so much on the mind, would be restored to vigour, he would be a great prince, and a happy man. do THE PRINCESS OF WALES. The British nation is always ready to do justice to those who appear to be oppressed; and indeed there are many circumstances that particularly entitle her Royal Highness to protection. Though the age of chivalry may be gone past, yet the time is not past when u female, who is supposed to be injured, AvilJ find protectors amongst a gene- rous, open-hearted, and a brave people. Were any unprotected and insulated female to be attacked either in the })ublic papers or in the public streets, she would not want defenders, and she would fiiid the innate generosity and justice of Englishmen supply the })lace of ancient chivalry. If a female, unprotected and unknown, would find in every stranger, and in every passenger, a friend, what is it to be sup])osed will be the case, where that female is unprotected, but not unknown? A princess of the House of Brunswick, so deservedly dear to England, and so nearly allied to the British throne A princess who was invited over to this country The grand-daughter of Frederic, Prince of Wales The wedded consort of the Prince of Wales THE PRINCESS OF WALES. 6l And the mother of the Princess Charlotte of Wales! The mother of her who will probably be so far as it gives commercial knowledge, he adds as much experience as a man at his early period of life can well be possessed of. It is wonderful how much business is done in London, and how great the aggregate amount of commercial knowledge, compared with the little possessed by most of the individual merchants, particularly since all the details, and actual trans- actions, are left id men called brokers. About forty years ago, the division of labour had not been extended to the London merchants, who generally looked after the whole of their business 136 ALEXANDER BARING, ESft. themselves, hut now it is very diiFerent, and most part of the great merchants neither look after their business, nor study to understand it*. Mr. Baring is an honourable exception, for he is one of the few who understand what they are about ; and, as a member of parliament, his commercial knowledge has often been of service to his coun- try. The fashion of the day in England is to follow theory in commercial matters; but our ancestors, who were guided by practical experience, took a much safer road; and so has Mr. Baring and his brother, therein copying their father, who was one of the first mercantile men Europe has produced. * It is generally supposed that the superior quality of English goods forces a market in other countries ; but it is not so: the long credits the English merchants give, are the chief cause of the ex- tention of English commerce. About 1 50 years ago Holland had the superiority that England has noM', and for a similar reason. MR. JOEL BARLOW. Though Mr. Barlow is now removed from tlie political scene, yet, as his works have not gone with him, and his portrait was written before his death, we shall give it; softening down, however, a few of the asperities, as he can no longer answer for himself. Mr. Barlow, who was a sort of methodist preacher at the time of the American revolution, got himself into some notice by writing a long, tedious poem, intituled the Vision of Columbus, in which there are some beauties, and a trreat manv defects; but in which he lavishly flatters the new world, at the ex- pense of the old. This flattery to the American character could not fail to procure him friends in America; accordingly, Mr. Barlow came over to Europe as an agent for the sale of lands on the right bank of the Ohio, to the extent of three millions of acres, for which his principals had ne\er paid one shilling; and for the sale of which they had formed no plan, further than to give a promise of delivery vis a vis t argent comptant. It was in Paris that 138 MR. JOEL BARLOW. he arrived in 1788, unable to speak Fretich, and ignorant of business*. At last, having with the assistance of others sold part of the lands, and having staid long enough in France to learn something of the language, he united with his friend Thomas Paine in flattering and serving the jacobins, and in abusing England and the English constitution. Taciturn and selfish. Barlow was at great pains to give an idea to others that he was a profound genius; and as in the kingdom of the blind, a one-eyed man is king, so, amongst the personages that started up at the beginning of the revolution, Mr. Barlow passed for a great man. His hatred of * The title to the lands was merely one of preference, in case the persons contracting should pay for half a million of acres at a time, at the rate of about eight-pence : with such a title an American agent thought he might sell half a million of acres at a time, at five shil- lings an acre, that is, get about £200,000 for £18,000, without any kind of security for the delivery 1 ! The plan devised by ano- ther person was to sell the land in lots, leaving a mortgage on each lot, more than sufficient to pay the American states for the first purchase, I\lr. Jefferson, the American ambassador, consenting to the sales. This plan set Mr. Barlow afloat, though his avarice, and that of his employers, stopped the sales when 150,000 acres were sold. MR. JOEL BARLOW. 139 England, his speaking English, his infidelily, and contempt for reHgion, all tended to make him useful, and a favourite. He came over to Eno-land several times, as a member of the propaganda^ and at last got a mission to Barbary, in the time of Robespierre, when it is said he signed an instrument in which he disclaimed Christianity. On his return, he came again to this country, having collected some money in France, by waiting to seize upon occasions when the property of the emigrants was sold for a tenth of what it was worth. Returned to America, he intrigued, and made his court to the president, whose hatred to England, and attachment to France, were not less than his own; and by that means he obtained his nomination as ambassador to Buonaparte. With all due detestation for the man on account of his total want of a principle of justice, and con- tempt for him as an enemy to all religion, justice compels us to say, that he appears to have stood up boldly and firmly for the interests of America, and that he was much better fitted for an ambassador than many persons who have been regularly bred to diplomacy. Mr. Barlow had a great degree of cunning ingenuity, such as was highly advantageous in France; and being unrestrained by principle, and 140 MR. JOEL BARLOW. accompanied with a grave exterior, he was wdl calculated to acquire the confidence of those who ruled in France, and after that to be well received in America, as a person capable of rendering- the Americans great service, by returning to France, and combining with the French for the destruction of England: a Avork for which he had considerable ability, and the most unbounded inclination. The zeal of Mr. Barlow in this cause, induced him to follow Buonaparte to Moscow, but he was taken ill, and died on his way^ after finding the French army had been obliged to return in the most disastrous state. Barlow, In his early times, was the friend of Tho- mas Paine and Paul .Jones, and was protected by the v»eak, but well-intentioned La Fayette, who patronized most of the Americans in France, and who at onetime was their only patron. The author of Columbus was then humble and subservient, for he knew that " lowliness is young ambition's ladder;" and had he lived it is more than probable he might have been president of the United States. 141 EARL BATHURST. A NOBLEMAN of great family connections, who has repeatedly filled offices of importance on very important occasions. His lordship had the management of the Mint a few years ago, previous to the great distiirhance that has taken place about the difficulty of procuring change for bank notes; and at the same time that his lordship was informed, by letter, of the difficulty that would arise, he was offered a means of preventing it, but no notice was taken * . The difficulty arrived, as had been predicted, but his lordship was removed, and is now secretary for the colonial and war de- partment. * The information was not sent directly to Lord Bathurst, but by mistake to Mr. Perceval, who answered that it was not his department : the writer of the letter, not very well pleased, returned for answer, that though it was not his department, as one of his Majesty's ministers, perhaps he might take the trouble to forward a letter, it being from a volunteer, who, asking no reward, ought uot to be troubled with writing it twice over. Mr. Perceval seemed to feel the reproach, and answered immediately that he had forwarded the letter. 142 RIGHT HON. C. BRAGGE BATHURST. As all goes well on in his department. Earl Ba- thurst is entitled to the credit of filling his post ad- vantageously, for if matters went wrong, he would he ohhged to bear the blame. In whatever department his lordship may be placed, he will be found to possess business abilities, general knowledge, and a well cultivated mind, guided by good intention, and political views cor- responding with the plan to preserve Britain inde- pendent of French interest, and free from French connection. THE RIGHT HONOURABLE CHARLES BRAGGE BATHURST, M. P^ A BARRISTER by profession, but whose time has been more devoted to the house of commons than to the courts of justice. When Mr. Addington, now Lord Sidmouth, was speaker of the house of commons, Mr. Bragge was chairman of the committee, a situation of considera- ble difficulty, and that requires great knowledge of the rules and forms of parliament. In that situation Mr. Bragge gave general satis- faction, and when Mr. Addington became first lord RIGHT HON. C. BRAGGE BATHURST. 143 of the treasury, Mr. Bragge, who is his brolher-in- law, was made secretary at war, a situation which he alio filled to satisfaction. Mr. Bathurst, (a name lately adopted), is a man of sound understanding, and free, entirely, from the violence of party; so that what he says in the house always carries with it considerable weight. If Mr. Bathurst were not any way allied by family ties to Lord Sidmouth, yet it would be natural to expect to find them both voting on the same side of the question, as thej are both moderate men, sup- porting such measures as are at the same time safe and honourable. In the house of commons there are a few members who, without heading any party, do, by the steadiness of their conduct, and their moderation and wisdom, carry a great number of persons with them, when- ever they declare themselves fairly on a subject; and of that number Mr. Bathurst is one. Every mem- ber of the house knows that he will not recommend a foolish, or a dangerous measure; every one knows also that he will not speak on a subject without having considered well what he has to say, and that he is in general well acquainted with the affairs that come for discussion and decision. It is therefore yery well that men who have not time or inclination^ 144 JOHN BECKET, ESft. or perhaps knowledge enough of the subject, to depend on their own judgment, should let their conduct be guided by one who may be followed with safety. JOHN BECKET, ESQ. UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE, In a country governed either by party or by in- trigue, there are frequent changes of ministers. The public seeing men go at once into important offices, for which they had made no preparations; and still more, observing that they change from one depart- ment to another frequently, conclude that there is either nothingto do, or no difficulty in doing it; and they are not a little surprised to find, that the busi- ness of each department goes on without interrup- tion, and apparently without change. It is very natural to be surprised at this, and it is almost impossible to avoid assigning a Avrong cause, for the real one is not generally known *. The fact People of the middling classes, as well as the lower orders, have JOHN BECKETj ESa. 145 IS, that the under secretaries of state are always men of abilities, fidelity, and attention to business, and on them the conduct of the department depends ; other- wise, as there is sometimes a sort of interregnum, as it were, that is, an interval of time between the re- signation of one minister and the appointment of another, the official business would be suspended — -, Even after a new nomination takes place, it would be impossible for any man, however able he might be, all at once to guide the affairs of the depart- ment. The under secretaries of state are not in general liable to be changed with the ministers, and therefore it is from them that government may be said to derive a very important part of its identity, namely, continuity, and that uninterrupted progress which is necessary in order to transact affairs well. As the removals which party, or court intrigue often been heard to observe, that, to be a cobler or any ordinary trade, requires an apprenticeship, but to be a minister of state re- quires no particular instruction. The conclusion is natural, though erroneous, that, to be a common handicraft business requires more art than to be a minister of state. This arises from not knowing that the details of the particular departments are conducted by the under secretaries of state,, Vol. 1- L 146 JOHN BECKET, ESft. occasion amongst ministers themselves, do not affect the under secretaries of state, so also, neither intrigue nor party can ever place an idle or ignorant man in that situation. From this statement it follows, that the under secre- taries of state, are 5 without exception, men of unim- peachable integrity, and tried business talents. The gentleman of whom we speak, to those indispensable requisites adds an uncommon degree of attention, and what is more honourable still, the control of aliens is in his department; and though those un- fortunate men are subject to an arbitrary order to quit the country, (which is, with respect to them, equivalent to imprisonment in the bastile, without trial or inquiry, and without redress); yet Mr. Becket, so far from exerting that power to oppress, receives great praise from the aliens themselves, for his jus- tice, and his attention to inquire into circumstances when it is necessary. One of not the least important functions of the minister for the home department is, the procuring the extension of royal clemency, on pro- per occasions, to convicted criminals; for as the law punishes small transgressors, for a first of- fence, with transj)ortation, or the hulks, and there are old offenders who receive a similar sentence. JOHN BECKET, ESft. 14/ ahd as there is no remedy with the judge or jury, the exercise of royal clemency may be said to be the only corrective for that injustice which is unavoidable when men are punished by a strict abstract rule of law, that has.no regard to particular circumstances*. * A free constitution requires that punishment sho'ild be fixed by law, previous to the offence, and though judges miiy recom" mend to mercy, they must pronounce the sentence of the law. In other countries, and in former times in our own, judges could apply such punishment as to them seemed good, and kings themsels'es were the original judges. In such circumstances, whilst every man was liable to oppression, every case, where there was not enmity or favour, stood by itself, and the duty of a judge consisted in his proportioniiig the punishment to the crime; and if that was done, there could be seldom occasion for the exertion of royal clemency. Now that happily we are in the power of the law, this proportioning of the punishment to be applied to the crime committed, is no longer pos- sible, and royal clemency is the only means by which it may, in some manner, be obtained ; and it is become essential to the ends of Justice that royal clemency shoidd be extended, where the punishment happens to be ton severe. It is not enough to conceive the exten- sion of royal clemency merely as being an act of mercy, but it is very frequently an act only of justice. The greatest perfection in the administration of justice consists in being regulated by written laws, and not being subject to the will or caprice of men ; but still, like other human instilutious, that is but 148 JOHN BECKET, ESS. Both justice and mercy require some new regula- tions, and they cannot be attempted at a better moment than when Lord Sidmouth and Mr. Becket a mechanical sort of perfection, and requires adjustment. Though it is certain that there can be no true freedom where men are not judged according to written law, and independent of the will of judges, yet this, like every other human scheme, has its imperfec- tions, and disadvantages in the execution. About the middle of the last century forgery was made a capital offence, and in a nation, the prosperity of which depends so much on credit and good faith, it has been found necessary to enforce the law in this case very rigorously. It has so happened, however, that either from an imperfect defi- nition of what constitutes forgery, or a want of attention to the legal meaning of the word, a practice has till this time prevailed, of drawing bills of exchange, in fictitious names, but with real indorsers and acceptors, on whose credit, and on whose only, tKe bill became negotiable. This practice has been considered as a harmless mode of giving the necessary form to the instrument; the practice has uot been considered dishonourable, nor has it injured the credit of those who negotiated acceptances of that description. Let us suppose a person who had, like many other men in trade, accepted bills thus drawn, and procured tliem to be negotiated, should be tried, and found guilty of forgery! — As death is the punish- ment, the conclusion is terrible; here would be an honourable but unfortunate man in the same situation with those who are hardened in crime and guilt, and the law of the land affords no remedy, nor could either ihe judge or jury give relief. .Here then is a possible JOHN BECKET, ESa. I49 are in that department; for it seldom happens that so humane, unassuming, and well-intentioned a case where the royal prerogative of pardoning the convicted is not only to be exerted in mercy, but injustice; for the comnumity has no right to deprive an innocent man of his life; it can, at best, be but a legal murder so to do: the blood of man ought not to be shed by man without just caube, and in this case there is no just <:ause; for though it may be forgery, yet it was committed in igno- rance, and without a fraudulent or corrupt intention; and at the worst, bearing only the same analogy to the forgeries usually prac- tised, that man-slaughter or chance-medley do to murder. A stronger example of the necessity of extending royal mercy to those whom the law in its unbending, unaccommodating application condemns, could not occur, than that here supposed; but it is one that may easily occur, and there are other cases, not so extreme, that occur continually, such as young offenders, whose crime comes Just within the statute, being subject to the same punishment with hardened offenders, whose crime is of a very deep dye. The application of royal clemency, then, being much more necessary in this free country, than where judges exert their discretion, it becomes a great object to have that clemency extended with a thorough knowledge of the merits of each case; but with the greatest attention and best intentions, this cannot be done by the secretaries of state, as matters now stand. Each individual culprit is anxious lo obtain alleviation of his sentence; those who have friends to make repre- sentation and interest, often succeed, whilst others who have no one to take any steps in their favour, generally receive their fate; and 150 JOHN BECKET, ESa. minister of state, has so able a coadjutor as his lordship enjoys in Mr. Becket. the sentence, whatever it ib, takes place, unanointed and unannealed, without the extenlion of royal clemency. If to extend mercy with a proper regard to the circumstances of the case, Le an object of importance, how much more important must it be when justice requires the intervention of the royal pre- rogative, to mitigate the severity of the law? It is therefore with great humility suggested, that some establishment should be formed for the purpose of ascertaining the meritg of each case, and reporting to the secretary of state, in order that what it is so essential to do, should be done well, and in no case left to accident, as it often has hitherto been, without the secretary of state having the means of preventing it, for he can hut act in consequence of the information received, and in such cases there is no trusting to individuals for in- formation, unless some very strict control could be established. Those who may object to the length of this note, are requested to remember that the express purpose of the notes to these Portraits, is to treat of subjects connected with the portrait given, in a way that, it is trusted, may be uselul. Neither flattery nor scandal are the object of these pages ; and all will readily admit the importance of a subject so intimately connected, both with justice and huma- nity. Even if one should fail in such an attempt, no blame wil^ attach on account of the intention. 151 LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. This gentleman, who is a brother of the Duke of Portland, has risen to his present elevated situation, as men of rank and family often do, though he has nevertheless done justice to his elevation, by the abilities he has displayed, and the attention he has bestowed, in a very arduous situation. In the vicissitudes of things it is not one of the least remarkable to see Sicily, which was a great and renowned island, lon^^ before Britain was known, now indebted to Britain for its preservation from a foreign yoke. To see a small portion of our army commanding in Sicily, and threatening the shores of ancient Italy. Lord William Bentinck is both governor and commander-in-chief, and he has to defeat all the ma- noeuvres that malcontents amongst the natives, or emissaries from France can contrive, aided by a weak king, and a proud vindictive queen. Surely some fatality attends the crowned heads of Europe! that restless, vindictive queen, is the sister of the unfortunate Maria Antoinette, queen of Fraiice, who was so basely slandered, and sq pruelly murdered by the French. 1 52 LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. That restless, vindictive queen, was repeatedly insulted by the French in h^r palace, and at last driven from her capital j when she owed her liberty, and j^erhaps her life, to the British fleet commanded by the brave Lord Nelson; yet would that restless and vindictive queen betray the English, and become the slave of France after seeing Murat, the bro- ther of Buonaparte, on the throne of Naj^les. She risks to change the throne of Sicily for a dungeon, and to be sent to keep company with the king of Spain, and the ill-treated queen of Etruria. The ability with which Lord William Bentinck governs is great, but the plan is bad. It is a mix- ture of Sicilian and English government, just suffi- cient to preserve the island from falling into the hands of the enemy, but inefficient to any good purpose. There, as in many other places, English blood, and English money will continue to flow, and run to waste, without effecting any one good pui-pose. England should boldly, at onccj become master of Sicily. 153 THE DUKE OF BEDFORD. A NOBLEMAN, who, to the highest rank, and most splendid fortune, joins much moderation, and all the virtues of private life*. When lord lieutenant of Ireland, he conducted himself in such a manner as to give satisfaction to that country, and to both parties in England, and that at a very difficult })eriod, when the affairs of Ireland caused the downfal of the administration to which his grace owed his high situation. Without taking, or attempting to take, any leading part in politics, the rank and fortune of the duke make him of importance; but for near a century no chief of the house of Russell has taken so little in- terest in the affairs of his country, though none ever * Nothing can be a stronger proof of the great influence of party on the mind, and the comparative weak force of reason, than that families, from father to son, embrace one line of policy, and approve or disapprove of certain measures in politics ; though, in matters that are not connected with party, fathers and sons are as ready to differ as any other persons. Mr. Locke, in the Management of the Human Understanding, explains this well, and the house of Russell is a great and prominent example of the truth. 154 DUKE OF BEDFORD. lived at a time -when to lend an active hand was more necessary. This is not the less surprising that his grace was over in Paris during the short interval of peace, and was an eye witness, to rank, power, and influence, as well as wealth, being in the hands of persons who, ten years before, were unknown, or filled the lowest situations, whilst the descendants of the Montmorencys, the Richelieus:, and other great families were in exile abroad, or in indigence at home; though the storm that operated this great change is not yet over, and though its force is directed against, this country. Let this be called apathy, or indifference, or mode- ration, still it is dangerous at a crisis like that which we, (unfortnnately for ourselves), see only resisted by the greatest sacrifices on the part of men who strug- gle for mere necessaries, while those who are able to make sacrifices make none they can avoid*. * The late Duke of Bedford, the idol and support of the opposition, ■was heavily fined for avoiding the payment of a tax on servants. In England it is a curious circumstance relative to the revenue law, that a man who defrauds government of the smallest sum, hy a false stamp, is hanged without mercy, while he who defrauds it of thou- sands, by false returns, is only fined. You may cheat the cus- toms, or excise, or commissioners for income and assessed taxes, if you can; but if you meddle with the stamps, death will be your portion. BERNADOTTE. 155 The Duke of Bedford has less excuse than almost any other nobleman, yet he seems never to have given the dangers of the country one serious consi- deration. BERNADOTTE, THE CROWN PRINCE OF SWEDEN. Sweden has for more than a century been under the influence of France; and its monarch, previous to the revolution, received from thence a regular pension of about i:J 160,000 a-year. There was, consequently, at all times, a strong party in the interest of France, The unfortunate monarch who was assassinated in 1792, at a masquerade; actuated by honour and by- gratitude, rather than by interest, adhered to the royal family of France, and fell a victim to the French party in Sweden, which had transferred its services from the king to the jacobin club. Ankerstrom, the assassin, was the instrument of that faction, and Sweden became the friend of the factions that ruled in France^, so long as the Due de Sudermania was regent. When the young king came of age, he adopted the policy of his father, and became the enemy of 156 BERNADOTTE. those who had usurped the government of France^ and we know how he was dethroned by the French party, now become the subservient slaves of Buona- parte. The subservient uncle was made king, and Bernadotte, a revolutionary general, chosen crown prince by adoption. It would be neither necessary nor useful to enter into the examination of the external ceremonies with which this change was eifected, or the absurd and ridiculous reasons adduced for so doing, as it was simply a permanent revolution in the government, such as had prevailed in a temporary manner during the minority of the young king. The kingdom of Sweden then may be said to have undergone quietly a revolution such as cost France so much blood ; and in place of the successors of Henry the Great, and of Gustavus Vasa, the thrones were filled by two of those new men who had raised themselves during the confusion of the revolution. Bernadotte had distinguished himself as one of the ablest irenerals that the French revolution had produced, and what is still more to his praise, he surpassed them all in that generosity and honour that formerly distinguished French military men, and will always distinguish gentlemen. When minister at war in Paris, and when governor BERNADOTTE. 157 over the oppressed people of Hanover, Bernadotte distinguished himself by his mildness and modera- tion, whether compared with those who preceded, or succeeded him; but when he arrived in Sweden, he came to a situation very critical, and very dif- ferent from any he had hitherto occupied. Arri>'^d amongst a brave people, he seems at once to have determined to consider himself as a native Swede, and to labour for the interest of the country. This was, indeed, the natural line for a man of abi- lities, who was bred in the French revolution, without falling into its errors. It was taking a firm, vigorous resolution, to depend upon a decided manly con- duct, and not to endeavour to become a vacilating tool in the hands of Buonaparte. In the history of the few years in which Bernadotte has been in Sweden, where he may be said to reign, he has shewn as much attachment, to the full, to Buonaparte, as was in any way compatible wuth the interests of the country tbat had adopted him; but when the two were at variance, he does not appear to have hesitated a moment; and it is to be hoped, that being now appertaining to one of the ancient regular dynasties of Europe, he will instil into those with whom he co-operates, some of that decision and energy that they have so much wanted duriuj^ 158 BERNADOTTE. the late conflicts, and for want of which they hat^ suffered so much. Bernadotte has exactly acted as might have heen expected of one of the revolutionary French generals, when detached from the country and the persons to whom he owed his rise. Thrown up from the re- volutionary volcano, and now heyond the reach of the lava which it v omits forth, he has liberty to cool at leisure, and to take the temperature of the sur- rounding atmosphere. He considers his interest, and finds it is united with that of the country he is destined to govern; and with that promptitude and ability for which those persons who have risen during the revolution are famous, he has detached himself from the interests of his once companion in arms Buonaparte, his once sovereign, and him to whom he owes his elevation to the rank of Crown Prince of Sweden. It could scarcely escape the penetration of so able a man as Bernadotte, that the extravagant ambition of Buonaparte must bring danger on himself, and on all those who attach themselves to his fortunes; and as the Crown Prince of Sweden is himself a man of moderation, who wishes to be happy, and make the people he governs happy, he very naturally disapproves of the conduct of a man whose only aim BERNADOTTE. 150 seems to be to rule over all mankind, vvltliout either estimating at what price he makes the attempt, oi* considering the Improbability of succeeding in esta- blishing an order of things so new, and so much at variance with the prejudices, the attachments, and the general propensities of mankind. National spirit, and attachment to country are universally found to prevail: a disposition to be mdependent is Inherent in every peo])le; and as to individuals, they wish to be at liberty to indulge themselves in their own way; but Buonaparte seems to conceive it practicable to regulate every nation, and every individual, not by will or Inclination, but by force. It is well known, and indeed self-evident, that whoever governs a nation, an Individual, or any number of individuals, on this principle, must ex- pect that there will be a constant struggle. No happiness and no durability*. * The Romans were the only great conquering nation : but one of the most studied parts of their plan, was to make the people they subdued happy; to indulge their prejudices, and to wound their national pride as little as possible. They civilized those who required it, and the Germans, the Gauls, and Britons, owe their first progress towards civilization to the great-minded Romans, when they were their 1^0 NAPOLEON BUONAPARTfJ. Bernadotte, aiming at being happy himself, and seeing the people he rules contented, and that permanently, has very wisely taken the side of the powers who aim at a similar object; and his setting at defiance the ruler of France, is one of the strong- est signs of the instability of that ruler's power. Bernadotte was one of the best, mildest, and most of a gentleman of any of the revolutionary generals; at the same time he was not inferior to any of them in military skill and abilities. NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE, RULER OF FRANCE. Posterity alone will be able to appreciate truly the character of this extraordinary man*; at present masters, Even ihe wild and mad jacobins, amongst whom Buo- naparte was bred, only expected to succeed in subduing mankind by making them happy. * A \^ork has lately got into private circulation without any name of the author or bookseller, intituled — The Perspective of the Human Mind; it appears to be a highly interesting work. It ob- serves, and truly, that the great moral philosopher Locke, in bis NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. l6l every thing is seen in an exaggerated view, and through a false medium: neither are we proper Management of the Human Understanding, had omitted one of the greatest causes of error in the judgment, namely, the recencij, or im- pvrfance of an event. What is recent or near, is always exaggerated, not in fact onl}, but in its supposed importance and consequences. Such is the position of the writer, which he demonstrates and illus- tjaLes in a variety of w'ays, drawing a comparison between what he terms — The perspective of the mind, and — The perspective of the eye, and shewing in what they resemble each other, and in what they differ. — As applied to Buonaparte he says: " When we hear it said that the ruler of France is a much greater man than Alexander or Caesar, we should make the same allowance that we do for the tra- veller, who comirg in drenched in wet, says that he never saw so heavy a rain before, although he may have seen many much heavier. We cannot admit that the battles of Marengo or Austerlitz were more glorious to the conqueror than when Charles XII. beat five times his numbers. We see great victories gained by great armies over inferior ones, and we admit the importance of the result; but we cannot allow ourselves to admit that they are more astonishing than any victories that have ever been gained : neither can we admit that Buonaparte^ (the wonder of the age), is the worst of usurpers, or the most cruel of conquerors. We set down those opinions also as being the effect of the perspective of the mind, which makes a near object appear greater in proportion to the distant object, than it is in reality." Vol. 1. M l62 NAPOI.Ii;0?J feUONAPARte. judges of the importance and magnitude, oi" even of the nature of most of the events, which, hy his am- bition, his talents, and his restless activity, he has contributed to produce. At this time, Buonaparte is termed by some the greatest statesman, as well as the greatest warrior, that ever appeared; by others he is represented as the most ferocious villain that ever existed; but fu- ture historians will find that he is neither the one nor the other; and that it is scarcely excusable, even in the present existing race, to fall into so gross an error as to consider him as being so gigantiq a cha- racter as he is represented. Buonaparte did not, like Caesar or Alexander, by the main strength of his genius, commence that ca- reer by which he has distinguished himself: he did not create the circumstances to which he owes his greatness and reputation. The French revolution had proceeded in a career of conquest that threatened the continent, and asto- nished the world, before Buonaparte was at all known. To the jacobins is due the credit of giving that energy that has occasioned so many political changes; and the chief circumstance to which Buo- naparte owes his success, is his adhering to all NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. l63 those plans, and means of obtaining success, by which, in the time of Robespierre, the French de- feated the allies*. Buonaparte found every thing ready created and prepared for his purpose; the numbers and confi- dence of armies so long accustomed to triumph; where every officer and every subaltern, owed his rank to his merit, and where every private soldier saw the way to preferment lying open before him. * General Dumourier was the person who first taught the Frencli raw levies that violent and new method of fighting by which regular armies were defeated ; and Pichegru, Aloreau, and twenty others of the French generals following on in the same plan, improved upon it. The great success obtained by a numerous flying artillery ; by bringing in fresh troops nearly at the end of a battle ; by fighting unremittingly, and fatiguing an enemy inferior in numbers; by changing, and bringing fresh troops day after day, without intermission, on a fatigued and infe- rior army, when such is practicable ; and by quick, rapid movements, at all times, was well known before Buonaparte appeared on the scene; and, as a general, he only had the merit of putting the same plans in execution with veteran troops, that had before succeeded with raw levies. The enemies of France persisting most stubbornly in getting beat, by using no new means of counteracting those new plans, greatly facilitated his vv^ork. How does man conquer all the ferocious animals, but by adopting modes of fighting suited to circumstances, while lions and tigers fight as they did a thousand years ago? l64 NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. insured him success, in combating armies accus-r tomed to defeat, and unpractised in any of the new arts by which victory had been obtained. Never did any man find such materials for victory ready prepared. The essence of the art of war consists in suiting the effort to the circumstances, and altering the mode of fighting when it is required by the nature of the enemy. The Romans conquered the world by proceeding on this plan : the revolutionary armies, in addition to their skill, energy, and despe- rate exertion, had adopted new modes of fighting; and the allies, Avith an obstinacy, that, on such an emergency, can only be termed stupidity, ^persevered in the military tactics of the last century, and their being defeated was an inevitable consequence of such a line of conduct. The revolution had arrived at a period when it must of necessity terminate in military despotism, and when the government of one man must be substituted for that of the many. That Buonaparte did evince abilities and address is certain; but he did not attain that high situation by any wonderful effort; and his merit since has chiefly consisted iu persevering in the plans of his predecessors. Bred amongst the revolutionists^ he knew well that there NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. l65 was no way of calling forth the energies of those he wished to assist him, hut by largesses and benefits, and those he allowed thein to take from the enemy*. The French armies had done more wonderful things before the arrival of Buonaparte to power, than they have done since. The plan of universal conquest was laid in 179:2, or at latest 1793; the manner of fighting, and also of bribing, and buying off the enemy, were practised by the jacobin armies; and in one word, Buonaparte, after crushing the jacobins, and climbing up by degrees, has only the merit of exerting all their energies, and con- centrating in his own person, the whole of their power and means of subjugating surrounding na- tions: but so far has he been from experiencing unexpected success, or acting with superior abilities and wisdom, that he has failed in two material points. * Besides, the new methods of fighting in the field, the method of Stimulating men by promotion to rank, according to success, was practised before Buonaparte's time. The living at the expense of the enemy, and carrying off every thing valuable, tu France, were all jacobin inventions, in which Buonaparte has carefully perse- vered. l66 NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. entirely by his own want of moderation, and of judgment. In the attack on Spain, he destroyed the best ally he ever had; and from being a country with great resources, all of which he could command, he con- verted it into an enemy, which, if he should ever be able to subdue, will be a conqviest of no importance. To say nothing of the insidious and mean manner in which the royal family were trepanned ; in which th© armies were drawn out of the country, and the strong places seized upon*, the result was evident; a civil war must ensue, in which case South Ame- rica would throw off' the yoke, and the value of Spain be destroyed. This was a great error. The * There was much cunning and bad faith in the manner in which Spain, the most obedient, if not the most fiiithful ally of France, was decoyed into the power of Buonaparte. It is recent and well remem- bered, and much resembles the mode by which Edward I. of Eng- land got possession of the strong holds in Scotland, in the time of the contests for the throne between Bruce and Baliol. He invited the princes and nobility to Norham-castle, a position very similar on the Scottish borders, to Bayonne; he got possession of most of the strong holds from the princes and nobility when they were in his power, under the pretext of enabling him to enforce the execution of the award he was about to make. A contest of seventy-three years succeeded, when Scotland at last eniancipated herself. NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. i()7 second was the attack on Russia^ and penetrating into the heart pf that empire, at the commencement of winter, which was attempting the most difficult of all possible conquests, at the most disadvan- tageous and dangerous of all possible periods ; and the result of such combined error was what might be expected — The most singular disaster that ever overwhelmed an army. Did Alexander or Csesar ever commit such errors, or had they ever such ad- vantages as heading armies like the French, against sovereigns who persisted in fighting in an antiquated style, by which defeat was absolutely certain for them, and victory for himself*? Thus finding that Buonaparte achieved nothing wonderfully great by his own powers ; that he has done ample justice to the situation in which he was placed, and that he fought fine armies to the best advantage, must be admitted without hesitation. That he has a great talent for military affairs, as well as for political intrigue, is not to be dispyted-j'; but * In addition to the disadvantage of adhering to the old mode of fighting, Austria and Prussia, the two principal powers capable of residing the French arms, acted treacherously to each other, and to Russia. See the portrait of the Emperor Alexander, page 117. t The great qualities in which Buonaparte seems tp surpass aU 1^8 NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. we must remember he is at the head of a nation that stands above all others for military skill and those around him are, constant attention to his object, indefatigable industry, and allowing no secondary consideration to interfere with his resolves. To these he adds much penetration and cunning, ao that he has in every contest had the advantage of all his competitors: and as a time must have come when some of the generals must have arrived at the head of affairs, Buonaparte was that general ; owing, not to surpassing all the others in merit or reputation, but to his uniting in himself in a singular manner, those qualities necessary to success. That those who consider Buonaparte as unique, and as surpassing all men in his abilities and singular modes of acting, may be con- vinced that there is nothing new under the sun, the following parti- culars relative to Nadir Shah, a usurping tyrant, on the south border of the Caspian sea, are given, on the authority of the late Jonas Hanway, who saw the tyrant in his camp, and whose autho- rity is indisputable. In order to reclaim a caravan seized by some officers belonging to Nadir Shah, who had built a new palace at Casbin, (a city famous for having been the residence of many kings of Persia, one of the chief cities of Parthia, and the burial place of llephaestion, the fa- vourite of Alexander the Great), Mr. Hanway went there, but the Shah having taken the field, he followed, and pitched his tent near the royal standard. He delivered his petition, and immediately obtained a decree — " That the particulars of his loss should be delivered to the Shah's general at Astrabad, who would return what could be reco- NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. I69 experience, and famous, at all times, for political intrigue. In short, let us remember that no man was ever so ably served and assisted, and then we vered, and the rest should be repaid from the sequestered estates of tbe rebels." Nadir was indefatigable; he was in his tent giving audience, from seven in the morning till ten at night, except retiring for very short intervals : the ministers, officers of state, and generals, had their tents pitched on the right and left, that they might be near. The circuit of the Shah's tents was very large; the entrance con- sisted, on one side, of a line of uniform tents for guard-rooms, and on the other side for the affairs of chancery and public business. About two hundred yards beyond this avenue was the pavilion, iu which the Shah sat to give audience. The front was always open, even in the worst of weather, but when extremely cold, pots of char- coal were placed in the middle: behind the pavilion were his private tents, to which were admitted only secret emissaries; near those were the tents for his ladies; and the whole was surrounded by a fence, round which a strict guard patrolled. The officers of state, and people of business stood in the open air, before the tent, in all wea- thers, forming a semicircle. The Shah often inquired into the prices of provisions, and reduced them to the rates he thought proper. The two imperial standards, though they requiied twelve men to move them, were lengthened by his orders, and made heavier. When he travelled he had about sixty women, and as many eu- nuchs, who generally rode near his person: and before, were his body i/O NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. may form some judgment of his claim to the great reputation he enjoys. Without admitting that he is no wonderful a man, and so gigantic a genius, as many guards and running footmen, extending a mile or two. His standing forces amounted to 200,000, to support which be oppressed and ruined Persia. He thought a soldier always fought better when he had something to lose, and therefore encouraged the wearing of costly furniture, particularly for the horse: he himself had four complete setsj one mounted with pearls, another with rubies, a third with emeralds, and a fourth with diamonds, most of which were of a great size. The Shah had established a nianufactory at Amul, for horse shoes, arms, and other works in iron. Soon after Mr. I Ian way left the can>p, Nadir, having been over- heard by a Georgian slave, giving orders to put to death all the Per- sians in his camp the following night, the slave discovered the secret to some of the Persian officers, who, finding there was neither time for delay, nor for hesi^ation, got admittance to his tent, determined lo assassinate hiiu, when the tyrant cried, " have mercy, and I will pardon you all ;" to which an officer replied, ** you never show«d mercy, and shall receive none." He attended to every part of military discipline, and restored the use of the battle-axe, which he wielded himself, with great dexterity. His memory was as remarkable as his perfect knowledge of the genius and temper of the Persians. His presence of mind was remarkable, and his resolutions almost as quick as his thoughts. In his youth he had b^en addicted to drinking, but be had strength of NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. 1/1 would have him to be, he has certainly the most indefatigable industry, and a surprising talent for taking a quick view of circumstances, so as to turn mind to abstain from it when he became a chief. He used to feed liberally, but on a simple diet; yet he would march a whole day ou the strength of a few parched peas, which it is common for the Persians to carry in their pockets. His dress was not remarkable; his mind seemed to be superior to external pomp, or luxurious soft- ness; he was cruel, generous, or just, according to-his interest, but always with reflection ; he had numbers of spies, and was very severe against those who spoke against him ; he treated persons of the highest and lowest rank without much distinction; he was very ingenious in discovering whether his sub-governors had kept back money, and very rigorous in punishing: this is the eastern mode of finance. Courage and liberality establish the affections of soldiers: Nadir was a master of every art of this sort; and at his first appearance in life, gained the universal affection of the army, and when vested with the command, ingratiated himself still more by procuring them their pay regularly, and good clothing ut a cheap price, with occasional donations. No part of his character was more distinguished than that of general : he lived in the field in the several characters of a peasant, a captive, a robber, a soldier, a general, and a king: his intrepidity was wonderful; and success established his cLarartcr as an able general. His quickness of observation wliere his forces were weak- est, and his presence of mind in succouring them, gave him a won- if 2 KAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. tliem to the best advantage. If Buonaparte is not the surprising hero that some represent him^ neither flerful superiorit}' over his enemies. His resolution seemed to inspire :nis army Avith a determined resolution to conquer or die; nor did Ins officers ever behave ill with impunity. In action he generally tired many horses, being never long absent where his presence was wantinrr; and on such occasions he used to address his soldiers in familiar terms, that inspired affection and confidence. He found it necessary to keep his army in motion, to prevent conspiracies, and keep the people in the remote parts of his empire in awe. His acti- vity was scarcely to be exceeded : he was a predestinarian, which made him the more bold, yet he never exposed himself to unnecessary danger. In war he preferred stratagem to force : his marches were always amazingly rapid, and his progress so irregular, and contrary to the ordinary rules of war, that he confounded his enemies. In the height of his grandeur he would, at any moment, on an emer- gency, out march his baggage, and suffer any hardship incident to a common soldier: thus he often defeated the best schemes of his enemies, and attacked them v;here they were least able to defend themselves. In matters of the greatest moment, his resolutions were generally so quick, and surpassing ordinary apprehensions, . that it seemed difficult to judge whether they were the effects of solid judgment, or of a blind temerity. Under the difficulties in which he was often involved, irresolution seemed to be what he dreaded most; nor did he dare to ask advice, lest he should weaken the superiority by which he governed. ^lany circumstances of the politics of this extraordinary man NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. l7^ h he the most cruel and detestable of tyrants, as others would have us believe him to be. In the first place he did not dethrone the good Louis, but he drove the jacobin directory from the throne which they had usurped, and he crushed that mutinous and restless spirit that had, in a few years, deluged France with blood, and that would soon have reduced it to a desert. All this was excellent; he did not, indeed, fight to restore the old order of things, and the ancient family to the throne, but he restored order: he took the poignard from the ja- cobin, and crushed his audacious head in the dust. He substituted a vigorous and despotic government for the wildest and most cruel tyranny that ever were unfathomable, says Mr. Hanway ; to which we may add, that allowing for the difference of manners and people, the similarity between him and Buonaparte is remarkable: the same indefatigable industry, eternal attention to business, promptitude in resolution, and in action, and contempt of personal gratifications when ambition demanded a sacrifice. Nadir Shah flourished from about the year 1730 to 1750, and was succeeded by his nephew. Considering that it was late in life before Nadir could even read; that he only acted from natural genius and experience, he seems to have been a more extraordinary man than even Buonaparte, and to have been a phenomenon much of the same species. 174 NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. existed*. But let us, in justice to him, remember that France, degraded and sunk in wickedness and crime, as she was, would not submit to any but a rigorous goTernment ; one that would be obeyed with- out resistance, without either asking or answering questions. Those who saw the audacious and cruel jacobins, on the day that they dragged Louis XVL and his family from their palace-}-, for the last time. * Buonaparte first distinguished himself by becoming the general of a faction in the national assembly, that wished to crush the jaco- bins, to which society he had himself belonged. He is said, in a most resolute manner to have commanded a cannonade, in which about 6000 Parisians fell, on the 5th October 1795 ; just six years to an hour, from the time that the Parisians dragged the royal fa- mily from their palace at Versailles, never to return! The poisoned chalice retuined to their own lips in that short period. •f The unfortunate royal family were dragged from Versailles on the>5th of October 1789, and on the 10th of August 1792, from the Thuilleries: on this last occasion the spectacle was the most disgusting possible. Whilst the massacre of the guards and the servants of the palace was yet going on, and the royal family were ill the gallery of the national assembly, a man with his arms bare, and drenched in blood, appeared at the head of a ragged niultitude, at the bar of the assembly, anddcmandiid, in the name of his ferocious blackguards, the dethronement of Louis XVI. The president, with great gravity and cowardice, put the motion to the vote, and it passed by acclamation!! Can a people like this ever be free? or NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. I 75 will never enongli admire the man who dragged those cruel monsters from their cavern, and cou- ought they to be so? Surely Buonaparte did a great service to man- kind, in subduing the many-headed monster. Buonaparte is a most remarkable example of that want of mode- ration which is often to be observed in men who rise from a low condition. Louis XIV. was a very proud and ambitious monarch; he aimed at ruling Europe; but he was moderate, mild, and merciful in comparison to Buonaparte ; and when he ceased to be successful he gave over boasting. At this instant Buonaparte has most deservedly felt a severe reverse, and is reduced far below the situation he occupied last year; most men in his situation would feel humili- ated, because he brought the evil on himself; and he, certainly, if he had any moderation, would be contented with ruling over France. To sit on the throne of the Bourbons ought to be a sufficiently high destiny for a man born in a low situation, and who, previous to his cannonade on his friends, the jacobins, on the 5th October 1795, was glad in any shape to find means of subsistence. That he might not only occupy the throne of France, but have his elevation con- firmed, and his possession guaranteed by other powers is more than probable; but his immeasurable ambition will, it is most likely, make him spurn at such a compromise, and put every thing to the hazq.rd once more. This is a lesson of some importance ; for as the people sutler and pay for the extravagancies of their rulers, it is evidently belter to submit to moderate men, than to men whose ambition knows no bounds : that is to say, legitimate hereditary authority is the h^st and safest for those who are to submit to it. 1 / 6 NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. verted them into tame, fawning, and submissive hypocrites. The French appear to be unfit for freedom ; they have not enough of moderation and steadiness; besides, they never can be made to understand the difference between licentiousness and liberty; and if that was the case with the uncontaminated French in 1789, what must it have been in 1797? when the nation was degraded by every crime? As to his conduct in regard to the interior of the country over which he rules, Buonaparte is not then to blame, but deserves great applause; and even as to his conduct to foreign powers, there is a good deal to be said in his favour. That a man of his abilities and energy, who had risen so rapidly, should feel a proportionate degree of pride, is by no means astonishing, and as he knew that all the crowned heads in Europe affected to despise him, who had so often triumphed over them, it is by no means surprising that he should feel displeased, and disposed to retaliate. When he compared those monarchs with himself, under- valuing hereditary rank, and antiquity of family; and considering moral principle as of little import- ance, or rather as an incumbrance, he could not fail to think himself greatly their superior. NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. 1/7 The character of Buonaparte has not been fah'ly dealt with, either by his enemies, or by those who admire him. If he is to be compared with other rulers, let him be compared with those who have ruled in tempestuous times. If we are to make comparisons, let us compare tragedy with tragedy, and comedy with comedy; but do not let us com- pare tragedy with farce, or a man racked on the wheel, witji a man reposing on a bed of roses. If we are to draw parallels, let it at least be where there is some resemblance and analogy, and not where all things are completely different. If we look at the history of former times; if we look at Peter the Great, massacreing the peasants with his own hand, because they would not change the garb worn by their fathers; if we look at our own history, to the times of Richard III. Henry IV, and Henry VII-*3 we shall be able to appreciate the * Let us look at the orders of council given to the Marquis of Hertford, when he commanded the army in Scotland, in the mino- rity of Queen Mary, (the nearest relation of the royal family). Let us look at the conduct of Louis XIV.'s armies in Holland, in later times, and then we shall be able to make a fair comparison. No dpubt those who have read history require nothing more than to bp. Vol. 1. N IfS NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. conduct of a man who, having obtained power by the sword, is obliged to maintain it by the sword. Serious occasions have always been attended, and always will be attended, with severe measures, and tragical events. The virtuous, but undecided and humane Louis XVI. would not shed a drop of blood; and by that means, he probably has occa- sioned others to shed more blood than any man,^ almost, that ever existed. It is not at all astonishing, then, if we compare the present mode of acting with that practiced in latter times, that Ave consider it as rough, and devoid of all humanity. We are, indeed, in that, comparing reminded of the necessity of comparing men under similar circura- stcinces, if they are to make comparisons*. • To the imbecomiug and dangerous conduct of railing at an enerny suffi- ciently forniidablcj and sufficiently incensed against us already, and one to wljom abuse is peculiarly displeasing, we have most absurdly tolerated abuse from persons who have no sort of right whatever to be abusive. It may be laid down as an axiom in politics, that an individual, or assemblage of indivi- duals, have no right to bring danger on his or their country, by any act that it may be either his or their interest or pleasure to perform : it matters not what the nature of the danger is, and whether the person from whom it comes is justifiable in his anger j it is sufficient that it is contrary to the interest of the country. NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. 1/9 very serious business, with very silly play. Euro- pean wars, for a century before the revolution, were merely amusements; there was nothing serious: the kings " played at soldiers" to amuse themselves, or appease the discontents of their subjects, who are generally most discontented when they have the least reason for discontent*. In forming a judgment of any individual man, any particular thing, or particular transaction, the object is first of all to be considered in itself; and in the ■* The discontents, for example, in England, never were at a greater height than in the factious times of Wilkes, the then idol of the people ; yet that was the time of peace and national prosperity which preceded the war with America; our expenditure was then about one-seventh of what it is now : the taxes were small, and trade greater than at any former period ; we were giddy with prosperity, yet the demon discontent was never more worshipped and adored. It is this sort of conduct in the people that occasions wars, and not the will of kings, who being made governors, must take the means to govern. Whoever saw the ragged regicides in their squalid dens, blasphem-* ing their God, and murdering their neighbour, cannot but admit that a great change for the better has taken place, and that it is absurd to expect that the instrument of that change is to be either very soft, or very pliable: we cannot expect direct contrariety of character in mind, any more than direct contrary qualities in jnalter. 180 NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. second place, to be compared with other men, things, or transactions, to which it has the greatest resemblance or analogy. The revolution of France, which is the greatest event that has taken place, (in an equal space of time), since the world existed, or at least since the Roman empire fell, although in many respects different from all that have come before it, has, nevertheless, its analogies. All revolutions, more or less great, have ruined some, and raised others; and in all of them, vice has frequently triumphed over virtue: blood has been shed, and treasure wasted, but it has been the alteration in the ultimate situation of those connected with it, the change effected for the better or for the worse, that deter- mines in what light it is to be looked upon by posterity. All wars cost blood and treasure, and so do revolutions, but still there are fortunate and unfortunate wars, as well as fortunate and unfortu- nate revolutions. No one can tell, in the ultimate result, whether the late revolution, and the wars that followed it, will be advantageous or not for the human race. If we consult history, we must say that to determine that point is impossible. In considering the invasion of Britain by Julius i^APOLEON BUONAPARTE. 181 Ceesar, and other Roman conquerors, the inja«;tice is undeniable the immediate evils with which the invasions Avere attended, great — and the horrors ]jro- duced were terrible; but let us follow those unjust invaders for three hundred years, and we find that they not only enlightened and improved the island, but by bringing it under one governing power, prevented, perhaps, more blood-shed than they oc- casioned. At all events, the ultimate consequences were highly advantageous to Britain. With respect, however, to the evils of the revolu- tion, the present ruler of France cannot be called to account; he found the French nation in a state of frenzy, threatening the whole of civilized society with an overthrow, and its scaffolds streaming with blood; and whatever the horrors and dangers of that time were, we are at least greatly indebted to Buonaparte for doing them away. In the present revolution there is a principle that increases animosity. When nations go to war for territory, they fight, but animosity does not take place. The present war is one of talents against he- teditary nobility, and of favouritism against effective service ; and when there is such a difference, there naturally arise those feelings of the mind that lead to mutual accusations. There is something of th^ 183 NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. ferocity of civil wars, or wars for opinions. Tlie best and mildest of wars are always for a tangible object. Whether the future historian may or may not applaud this portrait, will dej)end on circumstances. The man who ultimately succeeds is a great man; and he who fails is judged with unbecoming severity. Buonaparte is considered as a most extraordinary man, to which it is answered, that the times called for great exertion, and some one must obey the call; and he who did so was a man who was completely ruled by ambition, and had none of the foibles of ordinary men : he had not even one trait of huma- nity. With respect to his moral comjjosition, Buona- parte has great advantages, in so far as to subdue mankind is the object: his heart never combats his head; and he is never led from his purpose either by the feelings or the failings of humanity; but he is neither so great a hero, nor so wicked a monster, as he is represented to be ; but a man certainly of far more than ordinary talents and industry, furnished with uncommonly great means, which he employs energetically agahist his enemies, who have for the most part acted as if they were eager to be undone. Extraordinary times must call forth extraordinary characters; and the experience of ages, and our NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE. 183 own feelings in short, the history of the world, shews, that what is recent or uncommon, is always greatly exaggerated; and it is not to be forgotten, that Baonaparte, as well as the other heroes of the French revolution, have, in imitation of their ori- ginal roasters, the jacobins, disembarrassed them- selves of all the trammels which morality and honour, according to the ancient customs of man- kind, impose on their actions, by which the means of overcoming an enemy, either by manoeuvre in the cabinet or the field, are greatly diminished. It is, at the same time, deeply to be lamented, that those who are so ready to expose his faults, and dwell upon his crimes, should not endeavour to imitate him in those qualities in which he excels other men, and by which he has been enabled to rule over so many that are better than himself*. * His perseverance in his undertakings, rewarding those who do real service, and dismissing those who are found unfit to serve the public, highly deserve imitation, and cannot but be admired, even by his greatest enemies: this practice he adopted amongst the jaco- bins, and if folly and ambition did not destroy their works, such a mode of proceeding would insure success. 184 HENRY BROUGHAM, ESQ. M.P< A YOUNG counsellor of more than ordinary merit, who got early into parliament, and became a very active, and for awhile, a leading man in the politics tending to a reform in parliament. To begin with violent opposition to government is the regular step towards participating, afterwards, in the good things of the state, which, by a sort of allegorical expres- sion, are known by the cant phrase of the Loaves and Fishes. This is the apprenticeship of speculative po- liticians; rich ones come into power by connections: and as we have mentioned allegorical expressions, we may, with propriety, speak here of the Fox and the Grapes, reversing the picture. The fox abused the grapes when he could not reach them; our apprentice politicians, the candidates for office,, abuse the grapes in order to get them within their reach. To drop allegory, patriots rail at places and pensions till they get hold of them, after which, either for want of time or of inclination, they gene- rally cease railing. As Mr. Brougham's career is- only begun as a politician, he may be an exception;, HENRY BROUGHAM, £SGL. l85 but at all events, he may be expected to act with honour and ability; for he is, though enterprising and ardent, entirely free from those extravagancies, or indirect, crooked ways, which are so often obser- vable in politicians who aim at change*^. There is a decision and manliness in Mr. Broug- ham's character, that give reason to expect that he will, before many years, rise high in the state, and become a leading man in the political world. THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. This nobleman, who is now at the head of the Board of Controul for Indian afl'airs, is as much of a man of business, without noise or bustle, as almost any in the kingdom. There are many public men whose actions are attended with an unaccountable, and very useless publicity; but who, nevertheless, by that means, without doing much, are supposed to do a great deal; who appear to be always occupied in the * For the advantages and dangers of a reform in parliament, see Major Cartwright's portrait. 186 EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. affairs of the nation ; while others do a great deal^ and are seldom spoken of. The Earl of Buckinghamshire is of the latter class, who are so honourably occupied without vanity or noise, in filling the respective offices with which they are intrusted. Never was the office of president of the board of controul so important a situation as it has now become, by the late bill: it is no less than a con- troul over the twenty-four merchants who govern fifty millions of subjects in India; to whom kings and princes are tributary, and by whom kings and princes are sometimes pansioned off!! The question between government and the com- pany, and between the company and the free mer- chants of England, is a very important one; but it is also very intricate, and involves a great multipli- city of considerations, and in such cases the only safe mode of proceeding is to go slowly, and with caution. Human wisdom appears to be unequal to the task of making great changes in great adminis- trations, without committing great mistakes, and the court of directors has very luckily succeeded, for the present, in preventing ministers from pro- ceeding so fast as they were at one time about to do. EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 18/ The directors were firm, and showed great ac- quaintance with the interests of the company, and Lord Buckinghamshire and ministers *= were candid * That the present minislers, whose chief claim to the confidence of the nation consists in their steady adherence to practised rules, and the old system of government; that they who are afraid of innovation, should be so eager to innovate in the affairs of the East India Company, is very strange: Mr. Fox fell from an attempt not half so hardy; and Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas never would attempt such a change; they knew the danger, both to themselves and to their country. The time chosen for this dangerous innovation is not the least strange part of the business. The ministers have more to do than they are able to perform, and the safety of the empire depends on their attention to the general interest of Europe, yet it is just at this moment they choose to increase their labour by deciding the India question. There is still another consideration that greatly adds to the won- der already excited. A very few months must make a great change in the situation of this country, and of Europe: the greatest contest ever engaged in is now raging in the heart of Germany; and it must soon be determined whether French despotism is to be curbed, and brought within the boundaries of that ancient kingdom, or to be extended over Europe! and on this depends the safety of Britain, and the value of our possessions in India. The eastern commerce, as well as all other branches of commerce, must be greatly dependent on the issue of the great conflict on the 188 EARL OF BUCKrNGHAMSHIRE, and attentive; so that though another time might have been more favourable for making a change on the affairs, for many evident reasons, yet the alte- continent, which cannot be a contest oif long duration — it is one last great effort, and must soon terminate in one way or other; so that it is the height of absurdity to choose this moment for making a change in the affairs of India : the nature of their charter is at pregent indeed, such as no trading company ever held, or ever ought to hold, but it has long been such ; for the dividends are independent of the profits: and whilst the utmost exertion would not increase the pro- fits of those concerned, profligacy or waste will not diminish them. This arrangement is contrary to common sense, common justice, and above all, contrary to the nature of things ; and the consequence is, what might be expected, the business is a losing concern, while contracts for shipping, provisions, or stores, are all productive of gain ; so that the proprietors do not receive much in the shape of dividends, yet under various forms, the sum total of advantages i^ very great; the division, however, is very unequal, and is on a prin- ciple both unsatisfactory and unfair. The Dutch East India Coni])any, though it never had exclusive possessions in India, divided, on an average, 25 per cent, it was con- sequently well managed ; but the English company' is badly managed, and that for the reason given; that while economy and good ma- nagement will not increase the dividends, neither will mismanage- ment diminish them : this unnatural, unfair, and absurd arrangement is at the bottom of the evil, and must be removed before that effect ceases: it has occasioned a gradual increase of debt, and the com- EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. I89 ration that has taken place appears not to be very objectionable, and there is no doubt that Lord pany has ceased to be independent, as companies and individuals n)ust always do the moment they become insolvent. With a capital of twelve millions, a trade is carried on, that pro- duces to the revenue of tbe country four millions a-year; and the wisdom of ministers in precipitately making a change which may endanger an establishment so productive, is as unwise as it is unne* cessary. The same unfortunate and unwise regulation which makes dividends independent ot profit and loss, and has had such bad effects on the commercial affairs of the company, has had still worse on their territorial possessions ; revenues that maintained the splendid and luxurious establishments of the native princes, are all absorbed in the hands of the agents of tbe company : patronage is the order of the day, and the persons patronized are the men who absorb the great revenues of the Indian territory. Tippoo Saib, was reduced, in 1792, to pledge his children for a sum of money, and though he had lost part of his dominions, with the revenue remaining, he redeemed his pledge, and amassed large treasures before the year 1798, when he again made war on the company. All this time he lived in splendour, yet when the whole of his territory fell into the hands of the British, what did it produce! only enough to pay the agents, writers, and military ! ! Nothing but mismanagement could occasion such a state of things; and that is owing to the way that government treats the cpmpany ; though every person employed lives in splendour, and the greatest luxury, and retires with a fortune, yet the company is ia debt! 190 SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, BART. Buckinghamshire will do it all manner of justice: his abilities, his moderation, and his correct way of thinking and acting, are at least the best guarantees, where the power is great, and in many cases its exertion discretional. SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, BART, This baronet first distinguished himself from the ordinary politicians of the day in rather an eccentric manner. He visited prisons, not quite in the way of Howard, to solace the unfortunate, but to support as far as he could with his countenance, men accused of mutiny, sedition, or such crimes as had some connection with politics. The noted Mr. Home Tooke, a M'ell known and eccentric character, had been the tutor of Sir Francis, and probably he might have suggested that the best road to the notice of the public is to do something that nobody else would chuse to do. Thus it was that beau Nash, (an eccentric man of the last century), first raised himself to notice by SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, BART. I9I riding naked on a cow, through the city of Bath; this was a singular enough ceremony itself, but nevertheless it led him who performed it to becoming master of the ceremonies to all who repair to that celebrated resort of fashion and fri- volity. One Callot d'Herbois, in France, raised himself to notice by patronizing mutinous soldiers who had been sent to the galleys, and the French revolution had given a sort of reputation to that description of politicians, called Sans Culottes; men who through idleness or vice were in a starving desperate state, but who, conscious that they were men, insisted on a participation of rights with those who, by industry and good conduct had maintained a higher rank in society. Those same sans culottes, finding that they were very numerous, and might obtain, by strength, the sway over the other ranks of society, had fairly made the effort, and they unluckily had succeeded. It was soon discovered, indeed, that when the multitude ruled, to rule was not worth the trouble, and that to obey was to be a slave. Mr. Tooke was, from the first of the French revolution, a partizan of the new doctrines by which men were said to be all equal by right, and he had therefore judged very properly, that as they were 1^2 SIR FRANCIS BURDFTT, BART. not equal in fact, he could not do better than try to raise those who were low, and pull down those who were high. It seems to have been on this plan that he launched young Sir Francis from the Wimbledon dry dock, ready, on all occasions, to complain of government, and support those who were inclined to oppose it. It is well known, that when once the imagination occupies itself on the defects of government, it becomes jaundiced, sickly, and at last unjust in its conclusions, although the mind of the man may he naturally well-disposed. Sir Francis Burdett has nothing of the mahgnant disposition of Home Tooke ; on the contrary, he seems to be a man of good disposition and good intention, but he pursues the same plan, thinking to do good, that his tutor pursued with the most factious intentions*. Sir Francis has shewn a readiness to give credit to every accusation against government, and to pa- tronize the criminal that has induced him on more * Through the whole of his life Mr. Tooke perverted abilities of a superior sort, by cavilling, in order to excite others to discontent; and he became a sort of chief to those who wished to be troublesotne to the government of the country. SIR FRANCIS BURDI:TT, BART. I93 than one occasion to bring forward motions in the house of commons, that were afterwards discovered to be made on grounds entirely false: he increased the discontent and audacity of bad men, and thereby injured the cause he intended to serve; for the liberty that may be enjoyed by any people, is always lessened l)y the disposition to misrule. Sir Francis is said to be, in private life, a very amiable man*, and nobody has doubted but that his public motives are good. He appears to see the abuses of government with vexation, and with a jaundiced eye, for he makes not the proper distinctions between abuses that multiply and are magnified in their con- sequences, and those simple abuses that appear at once at their full extent; neither has he qualified * It has also been said, that previous to his parliamentary career he was an over-bearing man; this nnuch, however, is certain, that he equivocated with Paull, who gave both him and Home Tooke the lie direct, yet Paull was not contradicted. The law-suit at Edin- burgh, where a declar.ation was made on th« part of Sir Francis, " that his opponents had perjured themselves", and his afterwards settling the matter, to keep it out of court, looks very suspicious. — These circumstances are mentioned because it is a common practice of the friends of Sir Francis, to try to silence those who object to his politics, by boasting of his immaculate private character. Vol. 1. o 194 SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, BART. his ideas of government with the conviction that all human institutions are imperfect, and that the imperfection originates in the imperfection of human nature itself; and that therefore, whoever takes per- fection for his standard, necessarily adopts a wrong one*. A few more such men as Sir Francis, an4 Ens^land would be undone. The difference between a few useless places and pensions, and that system of favouritism which fills places where talents and industry are required, with men who have neither the one nor the other, is im- mense: the one is a mt»le-hill, the other a huge mountain. But Sir Francis complains most of the nuisance of the mole-hill, and for the removal of that, to what does he look? Why to a reform in the commons house of parHament-i~! Not recollecting that it is in the nature of the representative system that all the evil originates ; for though the representa- * This is the less to be excused, as the French revolutionists did the same thing ; and that it was by doing it they ran into such errors us no ignorant people ever could have run into. And indeed Sir Francis seems little anxious about the country, so as he can get applause from the mob who always follow him. + For the further discussion of a reform in parliament, see the portrait of Major Cartwright, SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, BART. 195 tive system is the best that has been imagined for preserving the liberties of a great nation; yet it is attended with many expenses, and many other evils; that from it the great accumulation of places and pensions spring, and particularly that prac- tice of favouritism which fills all subordinate places with protected men. In other countries men of talents are drawn round government^ and round the throne: in England men of merit are, as it were, driven from the public affairs altogether, which, in the higher departments, are exclusively conducted by members of parliament; and in the lower, by those who have more or less parliamentary interest and protection. Whether or not a reform (such as Sir Francis wants, if indeed he has settled in his mind what he wants) would or would not mend the matter, it may be difficult to prove; but this much is certain, that the members chosen, when they once are chosen, will do the best they can for themselves, as they do now, as they always have done, and always will do, it being the nature of man that it should so be. It is singular that Sir Francis, who speaks so much about purity of election, has occasioned, by his own elections, some of the most scandalous scenes that ever look place: who were to blame, it 196 SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, BART. is not necessary to inquire, because it is impossible to ascertain*; but capricious fortune could scarcely play a patriot a more spiteful trick than to permit such things to be; as they seem to prove, that those patriotic purification gentlemen just make their May like other mortal men, as well as they can, by all the means in their power. This leads us to think, that it is possible that Burdett's purge would be little better than Pride's purge, in the time of Cromwell, and that the purified parliament would be not any better than those so much com- plained of. * The first affair was an ingenious device for multiplying votes by dividing a freehold mill into a number of shares, each producing 40s. a-year, and thus giving a voter's qualification. This did not succeed, and if it had, might have ruined the representative system entirely, as real or fictitious divisions of property might have been used to the worst of purposes. The second affair consisted in a de- vice much more simple, but less ingenious, being nothing more nor less than perjury, and men swearing that they had votes when they had none! Several convictions and transportations to Botany Bay were the consequence to those simple, ignorant patriots, whose zeal for their patron was said to have been stimulated by what vulgar men call a bribe. Be that as it may, it is certain that if the election at Brentford is meant to show us how the representatives of the peo- ple should be chosen, we may wish that things may remain as they are. SIR FRANCIS BURDETTj BART. 197 Opinions have been various as to the conduct of Sir Francis, when he incurred the censure of the house of commons, and was sent to the tower, but all admit that he there got a lesson of modera- tion. The modest manner in which he retired from his attending friends, avoiding pomp, and show, and ceremony, and refusing triumphal honours, as well as his conduct ever since, have shewn that the ba- ronet is capable of making a reform in his own conduct, when he finds it prudent or necessary. The opinions of Sir Francis are so much in the extreme, that he will never effect any thing impor- tant in regard to political changes, for he will not be assisted by moderate men, who are necessary assistants in all cases where a change is to be ope- rated by public opinion : this is very fortunate for his country, and particularly so for himself. Men of the most exaggerated caul extravagant ideas may float on the surface of a revolution after it has begun ; but those who begin it, must have wisdom for their guide, and moderation for their object; which alone can bring men from a state of order and tranquillity, into one of action and resistance. 198 GEORGE BYNG, ESQ. M.P. One of the old whigs, a moderate reformer, and a man who has never acted an equivocal, but rather a manly, fair, and open part. It would be well for themselves, and well for the country, if many others possessed the moderation of Mr. Byng; but it must also be added, that unless there were others more active, and more ardent, public affairs would receive but little attention. Mr. Byng, like most men who do not adopt the extreme opinions of either party, and who has not sufficient talents or exertion to make a party of his own, is not a favourite with any set of political cha- racters, nor does heenjoy their confidence, though it would be far better for them to adopt his modera- tion, than for him to go into their mad projects of reform, the nature of which they do not know; concerning which there are a hundred different opinioub; and the dangerous tendency of which has been made very evident, by recent and fatal exj)c~ rience. Lord byron- This young nobleman has only hitherto shewn his abilities as a poet and a traveller; but it is not difficult to see, that possessing rank, fortune, and talents, and actuated by ambition, he will some day mix in poKtics, and in all human probability will play an important part. Lord Byron's poetry is not of the light sort, that is generally expected from young men; on the con- trary, there is a turn of thought runs through the whole, that would lead one rather to think the writer was a man in years, who had seen and proved all things, and who was disposed to exclaim with the King of Israel, " Vanltas Fanitatis"' Some of Lord Byron's works attach the reader much to his person ; but the reader so attached must be greatly distressed, to see that, like Rinaldo, in the forest of Ardennes, his lordship seems pursued by something that hangs upon his mind, from which neither velocity of movement, nor his own exertions, can rescue him. When his lordship first appeared, he was attacked 20O LORD BYRON. by the reviewers, but tbey had no reason to boast of the result*. A simihir thing happened when Dr. * The manner in which books are reviewed in this country is one that requires some regulation, were it practicable to regulate it; but it is not practicable. Those great men who sit in judgment over poor authors, amuse themselves and the public at their expense, ill a manner rather more curious than feeling. Being a congregated set of men, who, like cabinet ministers, or bank directors, are sworn or pledged to secrecy, (and what is better, interested in keeping it), however much they offend an author, they run no personal risk as individuals ; and as a body, having a periodical work at their disposal and command, they can, without any trouble to themselves, defend their conduct, should they be attacked; and whoever does not receive correction kindly, may have it repeated, till he is tired with a contest, in which not the rights of the question, but the relative situation of the parties, makes the chief conside- ration. Whoever has seen a school-boy humanely occupied in what is termed spinning a cock-chaffer; or noticed the London bullock- hunters, with sticks and stones, (and assisted by dogs), driving one of those fatigued and tormented animals before them, may form some idea of the luxury of a reviewer, and the safety and facility with which he torments the poor author whose work he criticises. It is not a difficult matter to treat with severity any work, provided, (as is a very common practice), the reviewer is only to notice \Ahat suits his purpose, and is careful to avoid setting off beauties against defects. Writers are in some respects like the people LORD BYRON. 201 Walcott, alias Peter Pindar, first began to write: he was violently attacked by the reviewers, but he of France before the revolution ; they have their privileged orders and their tiers etat : some authors are protected by the multitude of those whose interests are the same with their own ; and others, because their reputation is already established. Reviewers look at such writers with a distant sort of kindness, and just make one or two sharp, but friendly remarks, in order to shew what they could do if they pleased. Reviewers who set to work generally with a strong disposition to find fault, and with considerable talents for that purpose, feel but little difficulty or danger in hurting the feelings of a young writer, or of one who does not belong to any literary phalanx; not but that reviewers themselves might be attacked with success, as to critical observation, but then there would neither be advantage nor safety in the attack. In this country reviews are generally conducted on an unfair prin- ciple, representing, as they do, every fault or error as being a disgrace to an author ; that is to say, judging as if perfection were attainable, and that whoever falls short of that, must be held up as one of the writers who disgrace the age. It is admitted by all the best wri- ters, and by all reasonable men, that there being no such thing on earth as perfection, the degree of merit of any person, or of any production, is comparative, and therefore to be estimated by com- paring it with other works of the same kind. Thus Mr. Hume very properly says, " That when one observes that able men are fev*' in number, the observation amounts to nothing, because it must, in 202 LORf) BYRON. made them repent their rashness: a few more such poets as Pindar and his lordship, and the self-created censors of the press would be more cautious. every case, be those few who distinguish themselves from the many, that are by preference called able; and if the great n)»mber were endowed with the same ability, the few that excelled would still be called the able, and those now called able would be considered as ordinary men." As, then, perfection, is not attainable, some criterion for oiir judgment is to be sought after, that will prevent the mistake of condemning an author for every error; and it occurs that there is no way so fair as to examine critically books that have long stood the test, and are generally considered as excellent. The reviewers, (counting the regular troops, the supernumeraries, and volunteers doing duty occasionally), form of themselves a considerable literary phalanx, whether estimated by their numbers, or by their talents, or by the mode they have of distributing their works. They are like riflemen, hid amongst bushes, and taking aim at their ease, and with perfect safety; they have their favourite authors; their favourite theories and tenets; and their favourite public characters. Whoever comes not under the description of a favourite, or is connected with themselves, is certain to be treated as an enemy. The advantages nf a periodical work, supported by numbers, over an individual, are too evident to require being pointed out; it is sufficient to say, that though an individual may reply victoriously, in a particular case, that will be of little avail; the reviewers return LORD BYRON. 203 When Lord Byron first began to write, his lines had merit, but they breathed a quite different sort of to the subject without difficulty or expense, and where they fail in argument, they raise a laugh, which, accompanied with some hardy assertion, serves the same purpose with the greater number of readers. It might surprise those who think that an error in a book is a proof of the ignorance of the author, to be told, that in the first page of Euclid's Elements, (perhaps the most correct book that exists), there is an error unnoticed by Simpson, or any of the able men who have edited it. The eighth definition runs thus:— " An angle is formed by the meeting of two lines in one point, that are in the same plane:' In order that a definition in mathematics should be correct, it should express the properties essential to what is defined; but there should be no condition attached that is not necessary, much less that is absurd, as every thing is that makes a condition of what is not conditional, but necessary. Now, the condition of two lines meeting in the same plane, is one of this sort, it cannot be orlherwise: two lines must be in the same plane, if they form an angle at one extremity, for the same reason that all the feet of a tripod must touch the substance on which it stands. As mathematics is the only science that admits of perfect accura- cy, one error in a book of that sort, committed by one of the greatest masters, (a book universally studied for above twenty centuries, and translated and edited by the ablest men in every country), is equiva- lent to a great number of errors in a l^ook on any other subject. So much, then, for perfect infallibihty : after this we certainly must 204 LORD BYRON. language from what his latter productions do. His lordship's farewell to the abode of his fathers seek for some other criterion to judge by, and not set down every writer as ignorant, who is detected in an error. If tlie great master in mathematics fell into such an error at his first outset, what is to be expected from writers on subjects that are not susceptible of such accuracy as mathematics? It is therefore not at all surprising tc detect the great David Hume, (the Olympic Jove), committing a Jauxpas: as for example, in his Dissertation on the Passions, section iii. 7, (page 501, vol. 2, edition 1777), Mr. Hume says — " In respect there is a mixture of humility with esteem or affec- tion. In contempt, a mixture of pride." — With what? Now what is the meaning of the latter part of this sentence? The first part is perfectly clear and right, but the second incomprehensible. With what is pride mixed in order to compose contempt? Not, certainly, with esteem or affection, which, according to the natural construction of the sentence, it ought to be ; but which we feel that it cannot be. Were we, without understanding any thing of the matter, or which is the same thing, without using our understanding, to mix up the ingredients, as an apothecary's apprentice, merely by the recipe of Hume, we should say — esteem and affection, with some quantity of humility, compose respect; take away the humility, and sub- stitute quantum sufficit of pride, and you have contempt in place of respect: if there is any meaning in the sentence this is it. But again, it is impossible that Mr. Hume could ever mean to say that esteem and affection make any of the component parts of contempt, when we know that so different is the case, that when there are sufficient LORD BYRON. 205 though short, is excellent; and at the same time that it shews a sacred respect for an honourable and long causes for contempt, afi'ection will prevent their operation; and as to esteem it is exactly the opposite, and quite incuuipatible with it. So that, of this mixture, two of the ingredients are opposite, and could never be combined; and of the remaining two, the one would destroy the other. Have we a friend who acts contemptibly, so as to excite that passion, friendship flies, and pity succeeds, perhaps, as a com- pani(»n to contempt, and probaby anger and disgust. Mr. Hume has either erred in writing what was wrong in its substance, or incomplete in expression ; if the former, he has erred as a philoso- pher, if the latter as a grammarian and accurate writer. The latter is probably the case. Perhaps he meant to say — In resjicct there is a mixture of humility 'with esteem or affection— in contempt a n)ixture of pride with disapprobation, and anger or enmity. This might not have been his meaning, but it is nevertheless right, and renders the sentence complete: it neither wants grammar nor truth ; for wherever there is contempt, there is a comparison to our own advantage. This is connected with pride; and there must be disap- probation, for we do not contemn a man for misfortune, unless his own conduct has had some share in bringing it on : if the misfortHi^p is unmerited, then it is pity, not contempt. Now, again, disappro- bation or blame is always accompanied with some degree, greater or less, of anger; so that it is more than probable Mr. Hume meant something like that. In making this criticism on the works of ^o great a man, there is not the least intention to depreciate hinj, either as a wnier or philo- g06 LORD BYRON. line of ancestorsj it expresses a resolution to emulate their virtues by following their example: it is ex- sopher, for he had few equals as either the one or the other; but merely to shew, that if justice were laid to the line, and judgment to the plummet, none could stand; and that therefore the mightj writers in the reviews proceed on a false principle, when they tear op a work for a few inaccuracies and mistakes. If critics were to go to work so with their favourite demi-gods in literature, their pantheon would soon be empty. Returning to article sixth of the same section in Hume, we find an analysis of contempt- " Poverty, meanness, and disappointment produce contempt and dislike; but when these misfortunes are very great, or rc'iresented to us in very strong colours, they excite com- passion, and tenderness, and friendship." Now, here again must be a mistake: it is difficult to say whether it is in the meaning or in the language; if by meanness Mr. Hume signifies mean condition, he is right in the philosophy of the thing, but wrong as a man of letters; for meanness only applies, when so used, to mean conduct: as for instance, Belisariiis, begging and Ijlind, was in a mean condition^ but the word meanness could not apply to him. And again, if by meanness is intended meanness of conduct, though that is not altoge-. tber incompatible with compassion and tenderness, it is inconipatible vith friendship, in so far, that if the friendship existed previously, it would paliate and disguise the meanness of the action by finding some excuse for it; but if it were not able to do that, it would, cease to be friendship. Why, it may be asked, do not the reviewers see the tvrors in the LORD BYRON. 207 pressed as if he thought their shades were hovering over their former habitation, and watching the object of their adoration? The answer is this — They look not for errors, but for beauties; and if by chance they were to see any error, like the sons of Noah, they would walk backwards, that they might not discover the nakedness of their father. Perhaps we might find far more important errors and inconsis- tencies in the writings of the same great philosopher, for such he certainly was ; but this criticism on his work is only meant to show the impropriety of running down a book merely because there are some errors in it, which is the practice of reviewers in general, wherever the writer does not belong to their own party; and when he does, then he is treated with proportionate tenderness. It is possible, however, that this practice prevails through not considering the nature of the case and what is right, and from following what is become custom, as if it were an established rule; which originated, not in ill nature, but rather in a wish to make the reviews sell. It would certainly be better to do as the reviewers oij the continent did, previous to the French revolution, and as they do with books of science still ; where they point out the useful parts of a vi'ork, and pay their chief attention to the circumstance of, whether or not it accomplishes the end proposed by the author when he began the work ; keeping always in mind, that some allowances are to be made for the man who is employed in investigating or communicating useful truths, and who sometimes forgets the due attention to the elegance, or even accuracy of his language. Mr, Locke, one of the greatest of writers, in his Essay on the 208 LORD BYRON. conduct of their descendant. It is with feelings of much regret that we find a turn of thought quite the opposite running through the latter works of his lord- ship: and if a portrait painter may be allowed to ask him who sits to change his position, we should wish Lord Byron to change his, and to recollect what he was when he so impressively addressed the honoured Conduct of the Understanding, on the important article Despondency, (§ 38, page 111, edition in octavo, 1706) says—'* Nobody knows the strength of his mind, and the force of study and regular applica- tion, lil! he has tried. This is certain, he that sets out upon weak legs, will not only go farther, but also grow stronger than one who, with a vigorous constitution, and firm limbs, on/i/ sits still." Here is a double error; a vigorous man who sits still is out-walked by a weak man, who sets himself fairly in motion! — a complete absurdity. Again, the weak man is to grow stronger than the vigorous one: this is not quite so absurd as the former assertion, because it may happen, though not necessarily ; yet who would look upon these, in Mr. Locke, as any thing but an oversight. The conclusion from all this is, that perfection is a wrong standard, and that new men are treated with a rigour and ill nature, by the self created critics of this country, that does not tend to advance the interests of literature, and that is neither fair nor equitable. Euclid, Locke, and Hume, three of the greatest men, are found inaccurate, and guilty of mistakes for which men of mediocrity would obtain no excuse. LIEUTENANT-GENERAL CALVERT. 209 shades of his brave ancestors ; he would then be a far happier man, and like Rinaldo, before he finished his journey, he would find that black care had quitted his company. LIEUTENANT-GENERAL CALVERT. ADJUTANT-GENERAL. Thls gentleman fills, and has filled for a number of years, one of the most important offices in the military department, for even when only deputy- adjutant-general, the whole of the labour and duty fell upon him, his principal being in a state of health that disabled him from personally conducting an office where the details are numerous, and the attention required incessant. When but a young soldier, Captain Calvert dis- tinguished himself in Flanders, and was noticed by his Royal Highness the Duke of York, whose confidence he gained by his attention to performing every service assigned to him, and by those mild Vol. 1. p 210 LIEUTENAKT-GFNERAL CALVERT. and obliging manners for which he is so highly distinguished. To possess great power, and display the same obliging disposition to inferiors that men in office generally reserve for those above them, is not a very common thing, and entitles to no small degree of praise; but when to that is added the most eager desire, and constant attention to do justice to all those who have any business to transact, such a man in office is still more deserving of praise. His Royal Highness, the Commander-in-chief, could not possibly have had a better officer in the situation of adjutant-general, for in every ameliora- tion or improvement. General Calvert has not only aided readily, but has displayed a zeal for the welfare of the army, that overcame every obsta- cle. The establishing of a military school for science, and an asylum for the children of soldiers, with a constant attention to all fair remon- strances, whether coming from a body or from individuals, have distinguished the conduct of the Duke and of General Calvert, and so perfectly have they acted in unison, that when they have not been interrupted, or shackled by persons in other departments, they have constantly been LIEUTENANT-GENERAL CALVERT. 21 1 promoling the welfare of the service*. They are both practical soldiers, and know that mere routine * If the ordnance department, as it is termed, were not a separate department, it would be much better; if it is for the manufacture of cannons and mortars that there is a master-general, it would be full as necessary to have a master-general for the manufacture of muskets and bayonets, and far more necessary to have one for the construction of ships of war. It is always an injury to the service when there are two admi- nistrations independent of each other, but co-operating for one purpose. The commander-in-chief, and the war-office should have as complete a controul over the ordnance department, as over any other establishment for military equipments. It is not meant to be said, that the ordnance or artillery department is not of great import- ance; but however great the skill required, it is but a part of the mi- litary system, it is not a whale of itself, and ought not to be separate or independent. The master-general, as he is termed, (the title is tolerably appropriate, for he meddles %vith no particulars),is the person to whom the artillery officers make their reports, and to whom they are responsible; but as the master-general is sometimes a man of scientific knowledge, and sometimes not, it would be much better if the artillery officers reported to the commander-in-chief, who always understands military affairs in all the departments, and who feels deeply interested in every thing concerning the properly furnishing the army. Lord Chatham was for a time master-general, and that nobleman, so amiable in private life, it will be allowed, had not one of the qualities necessary for superintending that department. As for the officers who inspect any new invention in the military art, it 212 LIEUTENANT-GENERAL CALVERT. will not always do, and that in the present times expedition in execution is as necessary as good plans, and that to proceed in new improvements in the slow way that was done formerly, is of no sort of utility. The flying artillery, Congreves rockets, and several other improvements, have been brought forward with a spirit and expedition that deserve is a curiosity to see them: they are like so many philosophers, abstracted from all earthly considerations, cool, slow, and quite beyond any of those human movements that give animation. The proposer of any thing new is treated with a distant species oi hauteur that is scarcely describable : a spy brought into the camp of an enemy is not looked on with much more suspicion, and is often treated with more civility ; so much is this the case, that whoever has expe- rienced the humiliation once, if he has any feeling, will avoid it a second time. They manage this matter better in France, and the consequence is, that they have twenty new improvements for our one. Mauper- tuis, and his brother astronomers, when they went into the frozen regions, to measure a degree, did not act with more deliberate dignity; and the boors in Kamskatka found them more condescending than the proposer of a new plan finds the board of inspectors at Woolwich. The misfortune of all this is, that the reports to the master-general are obliged to pass for something at the war-office^ where they are much more capable of judging themselves. This is a part of the military arrangements that should be altered. MARaUIS OF CAMDEN. 213 much credit: and indeed, at the commander-in- chiePs* office, every proposal for improvement meets with a proper attention; there it is examined, the proposer is treated with good nature and civility, and so far as it depends on that office, every thing that is necessary is done, which was not the case before the Duke and General Calvert had the ma- nagement of that department; but unfortunately, every new invention must be submitted to the board of ordnance if it has any sort of connection with the arming of the military, and there the manner of acting is quite the reverse*. MAROUIS OF CAMDEN. There are, in the political world, services of a public nature, and others which, though public as to the good they produce, are very private as to their nature and performance. The Marquis of Wellington, for example, has done public service in a very public manner; all Europe knows it, and more than half of Buonaparte's marshals can testify how rude he is when serving * This assertion is made with a positive knowledge of its truth. 214 MARaUIS OF CAMDEN. his country, and how seriously he sets about it. Lord Nelson's services were of the same description, and made a great noise in the world; but, as the tree is known by its fruit, and as Earl Camden has been raised to the high rank of marquis, there is not a doubt that he has done some great service, though in a less noisy way than the heroes of the Nile and of Vittoria. When we saw the order of the garter* given to the Marquis of Stafford, we were sure he had been privately at work serving his country; and so of the Marquis of Camden. On some day, no doubt, when it is least expected, the world will find out the nature and description of the services that have so modestly been rendered, and so honourably rewarded. This family has risen to rank very rapidly: the father of the marquis officiated at the coronation of his present majesty as plain Mr. Pratt. •* It was with great difficulty that Earl Howe obtained the order of the garter, though it was he that, on the 1st of June 179^, broke the spirit of the French navy, and prepared the way for all the vic- tories that have followed. Till then the French dared us openly at sea; since that period they have always tried to .skulk, in preference to fighting. The order of the garter was originally instituted for warriors. The first 24 knights companions of the brave black prince were all fighting men and commoners; now no commoner vrears the garter, let him fight ever so well. 215 THE RIGHT HON. GEO. CANNING, M.P. This gentleman is calculated to serve his country both by his abilities and his zeal for its welfare, but he does not do either his country or himself justice. His talents are both solid and brilliant: he is a man of business, and a man of wit, but he seems more anxious to display the latter talent than to exercise the former, without reflecting on the great injury which he thereby does to himself. The utility of public men depends greatly on public opinion, and it is very difficult, as we may easily learn from the experience of past times, for a man who has the reputation of a wit, to have also that of a solid man of business, without which he does not enjoy that confidence which is neces- sary for important affairs. Mr. Burke was one of the most profound men of his own or of any age; he might have ranked with Montesquieu, Locke, Hume, and others, who have written on abstruse and difficult subjects; but his eccentricity, and his admirable talent for sarcasm and ridicule, broke down his character, which being 2l6 RIGHT HON. G. CANNING. thus divided, he has never had justice done him.__ Even Voltaire, who was the idol of the literary world for more than half a century, owing to his being a wit and a poet, has been held very cheap, and under- valued as a philosopher and a historian ; he has been supposed to be superficial and inaccurate, though he was neither the one nor the other; and it would be easy to produce a number of examples to the same purpose*. Mr. Canning does not require more than a hint, and it yet remains with himself to alter- the public opinion, for he is but a young man. * Dr. Robertson (no mean authority) says, that he had followed Voltaire through some of his historical works, and found him very accurate: he said he believed if the quotations from authorities, and the sources of facts had been given, he would then have had that reputation for accuracy which he deserved. Voltaire wrote history jn a flippant manner; and although he actually was the literal^ Colossus of his age, though he ruled as supremely over the majority of men of letters, as Buonaparte does over the princes of the continent, he could not obtain the reputation for accuracy that he deseived. How then can a man of inferior talents expect to succeed, if he neglects the costume, the manner, and the semblance of what he Avishes to b| thought? A parliamentary speaker, if he only means to be a speaker, may be a wit if he pleases, and deal in epigrams; but if he aspires to be a statesman, and a man intrusted with business, he must be serious, and shew that his heart is as well placed as bis head. RIGHT HON. G. CANNING. 217 Mr. C. has great acuteness of parts, united with taste, and therefore should know the beauty of fitness. The great Lord Chatham was irresistible when he wished to attack his antagonist personally, but he had majesty, not levity in his manner. Even Lord North, a man of infinite good humour as well as wit, only called the latter in to his aid occasionally, and there never was any unbecoming levity, much less flippancy, in his manner. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox had both great powers of irony in aid of reason, but they used them sparingly, knowing that the first requisite of an orator is to seem impressed with the importance of his subject, and to appear seriously convinced of the truths he wishes to impress on the minds of those to whom he addresses himself. Mr. Sheridan, whose wit is so brilliant that it runs quite away with his character as a speaker, is, nevertheless, a very sound politician ; he never reasons badly, but sometimes admirably well ; yet he never could obtain the credit he deserved ; for when- ever he rose to speak, the house expected a rich en- tertainment, without looking for much instruction. We are at this pains with Mr. Canning'* because * It is impossible to speak of Mr. Canning without adverting to 218 RIGHT HON. G. CANNING. we think he does not do himself justice, and feel that it is desirable he would do it; and we mean no offence in telling him plainly, that there is a flip- some circumstances relative to his conduct when minister for foreign affairs. The dispute with Lord Castlereagh has been pretty gene- rally canvassed, but very little understood. There was no duplicity on either side, as has been supposed; it was not owing to any per- sonal dislike, but a difference of opinion respecting certain official business, that the misunderstanding that terminated in a duel took place. It is believed that some cabinet secrets relative to the expedition to Walcheren, (the most fatal and the worst conducted that ever sailed from the British shores), must be known before we can fairly decide on this difference. The appointment of Lord Cha- tham, the delay in recalling the men, the whole was so ill conducted, and so ill explained, that there is evidently something concealed^ and Mr. Canning was justly discontented. Mr. Canning was said to have remunerated the Count d'Antraigues (an intriguing emigrant of no mean abilities) in a very liberal man- ner, for a supposed copy of the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit. The count pretended to have obtained the cojiy privately, when the fact was that he had fabricated it; and ministers might have known that it was a fabrication, as the pretended history of the document could not be true. The document could only be obtained from a minister in high con- fidence with the Emperor of Russia! Could such a man be supposed to betray his master, in order that a French emigrant in London might put ^5000 in his pocket? If such a strange thing had taken place, must not the Emperor Alexander have discovered it, and RIGHT HON. G. CANNING. 219 pancy in his manner which ill accords with the solidity of his matter: he is, moreover, too eager to seek occasion to shine. Great men seize occasion when it comes, but they do not seek for it: to seek for it is bad taste, and seldom answers the purpose. It is easy to understand that on a serious business, such as national prosperity, or national destruction, (which are the subjects of debate at the present period), gaiety canaot be interpreted in a way favour- punished the traitor! What would have been the conduct of Buona- parte on such an occasion? Would not he have demanded the head of the traitor? If he had done so, could Alexander, either in justice or in honour, have refused it? The expedition to Copenhagen, it is also said, was undertaken in consequence of this fabricated document, and when the fabricator came to a sudden, a miserable, and an unaccountable end, by the hands of an unprovoked and unsuspected assassin, there were not wanting persons who said that the obscure Italian had revenged the sacking of the capital of Denmark. It has been alleged that ministers were not deceived, but wanted such a document, and pretended to give it credit; this is more likely : but to those who know the talents of D'Antraigues, and the general speculations of intriguing foreigners, on the credulity of ministers, and their success in a thousand in- stances, will not be surprised at the success of an impostor on this occasion. True or false, what ministers wanted was furnished, and the man who furnished it was rewarded. 220 RIGHT HON. G. CANNING. able to a man who wishes to be intrusted with national affairs; let Mr. Canning, then, think for himself. Except as a speaker, Mr. Canning has not that levity of character which is supposed. He is assi- duous and attentive, and enters, with great warmth, into the interests of his country. It is the more to be regreted that Mr. Canning is not in an official situation, that being a man of genius he appreciates it in other men, and unfortu- nately it is a contempt, or at least neglect of men of talents, which renders this nation inferior to France in so many of her operations in war, diplo- macy, and internal policy. Mr. Canning has good views, and much energy, united with talents for public business ; and if more difficult times should come, we hope and expect to see him called to an important situation, in which it is to be regretted that he did not continue. 221 EARL OF CARLISLE. His lordship has long been a political character, without entering deeply into the plans or schemes of any party, probably owing to his attention being much taken up in literary pursuits. Most part of our politicians attend to nothing but politics, and some of them have a supreme contempt for literature of every description. On his taking his seat in the house of peers, he soon distinguished himself, during Lord North's ad- ministration, and was made treasurer of the house- hold in 17fS» When it was resolved to make an at- tempt to come to an amicable arrangement with the American congress. Lord Carlisle was chosen to be one of his Majesty's commissioners for that purpose, which is a proof of his being considered as a man of address, integrity, and ability ; but the attempt did not succeed. Soon after his return from America, he became first lord of trade and plantations, and was nominated Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in which country his administration gave great satisfaction. His lordship has divided his time betwixt politics and the muses: he is a nobleman of an elegant 222 EARL OF CARLISLE. taste, has written several plays that have considera- ble merit, and in politics he has always had a laudable degree of moderation, that prevented his going to such great lengths as some of his contem- poraries and friends have done. When the whig party separated in 179^? the Earl of Carlisle was one of those who differed in politics from the late Mr. Fox; and by a sort of misconception that is not uncommon, Mr. Fox, and those who agreed with him, were considered as remaining stationary, and the others as deserting them, when in reality the contrary was the case — The admirers of the French revolution were those Avho adhered to Fox; and the abolition of rank, and the house of peers, was a part of their system. The old whigs never dreamt of such innovations ; and Mr. Burke very properly, and with infinite humour and powers of ridicule, exposed the inconsistency of their conduct; but Mr. Fox gloried in his first opinion of the French constitution, and adhered to it till his dying day. There are few statesmen who have run so long a political career as this nobleman, without getting into some misunderstanding with one party or other, but Lord Carlisle, either by his prudence or modera- tion, has steered clear of all altercation. 223 MAJOR CARTWRIGHT, (called the father of reform). This gentleman, who has been labouring for more than thirty years to bring about a reform in parliament, is now termed the Father of Reform by his followers: he is the Nestor of the reformers. But with all his wisdom, and notwithstanding the time he has been recommending a change, he has never once had the goodness to tell us what sort of a reform he wants. In the mere abstract, a reform is always desirable, because in the abstract we neither estimate the price nor the risk, we merely consider the reform, which, of course must, taken simply in itself, be a desirable thing; but as in putting schemes in practice, the price and the risk ought always to be calculated, men who wish to avoid such rocks as others have split upon, will never seek to produce reform, merely as reform; they will not act till they have in view some particular species of reform, the difficulty and danger of which may be in some measure esti- mated. When Major Cartwright and his associates began 224 MAJOR CARTVVRIGHT. to call for a reform in parliament, there was some excuse for thinking that a reform might be effected without much risk, but there has been so great and so fatal an experiment made in a neighbouring country, that it is absolutely incumbent on him who would reform the government of his country with safety, to re-consider the subject. Lord Bacon and Sir Isaac Newton both laid it down as a rule, to be guided by the result of experi- ment in preference to theory, in all subjects of inves- tigation in natural philosophy; and it is, if possible, more necessary to follow that rule in political arrangements, wherein forms of government are included. Our political alchymists, who aim at some ideal perfection, should look around them ; they ought to consider whether or not this world pro- duces any thing like perfection, and whether great danger is not sometimes incurred in seeking to attain what never yet has been attained. When the experimental alchymist, in trying to make gold, composed gunpowder, and blew up his apparatus, he took a lesson from experience, and profited by what had taken place: he took care, and those who followed him also took the ne- cessary precautions when they made so dangerous a compound, for they were convinced that they had MAJOR CARTWRIGHT. 225 discovered an instrument of destruction, and not the object of their first research. When about forty years ago those reformers sought to make a perfect government by means of equal representation and universal suffrage, they were in the situation of this alchyjgnist when he mixed his combustible materials; before the explosion, they did not know the mischief that such a composition would produce. We are now convinced, or at least ought to be convinced, that there is great danger in great changes, and we should examine in what that danger consists*. * Though the reformers have never condescended to tell us what sort of a reform they want, and though they are certainly bv no means agreed amongst themselves on that point, yet it is well understood, that an equal representation, and universal suffrage, are the basis of all their schemes. This is what they term a reform op principle; and indeed what other reform can men aim at, who object to the present representation, not so much on account of the badness of the members chosen, as the bad manner of choosing them? Such men are complete theorists, vvbo, having formed to them- selves a plan, or theory, conceive it of more importance to adhere to that at all risks, than to follow fi safe road that does not corres- pond with their theory. This way of thinking is nothing less than political fanaticism, where men adopt some imaginary guide, and make happiness consist in obstinately adhering to that, whether ^Towned with success, or productive of serious misforiune.-r- VOL, 1. ^ ■ 226 MAJOR CARTWRIGHT. Major Cartwright, and those who adhere to him, are above this sort of wisdom: they despise such The great body of whigs who, since the days of Queen Ann, have formed the opposition, were constantly employed in finding out some greivance to render the people discontented, and annoy go- vernment: it was not, however, till about thirty years ago, that they found out the nation would be ruined if there was not a reform in parliament. It is no doubt true, and must be admitted, that considering the members of the house of commons as representatives of the people, they are chosen in a way that looks rather as the effect of caprice, or of accident, than of any regular plan. Opposition could not, therefore, hit on any expedient more fit for maintaining discontent, than calling for reform; accordingly a reform was de- manded, on this plan and principle — That all men in the nation should be equally represented, which they are not. The most ignorant could be made to comprehend that it was wrong that Old Sarum, or a de- cayed place in Cornwall, should be represented by two members, when Westminster or York had no more. They could also be easily made to conceive, that unequal representation did harm ; and ignorant men, (disposed readily enough to be discontented), were not difficult to persuade that all their misfortunes and inconveniences might be removed by a reform in parliament. Whilst thus thought .the ignorant multitude, many men of good understanding conceived that it was possible that the mode of election of members might be with advantage brought nearer to an equal representation. Those who called out for reform were ^t one time a very numerous body, divided into three distinct sorts MAJOR CARTWRICHT. 22f precautions, and therefore continue (something like a pan'ot in a cage), hauling out reform without any of persons. First —Those who sought reform merely as a basis on which to stand while they annoyed government. Second — Those ^ho, wishing for the best, and conceiving that things might be improved, allowed themselves to be led away by the arguments of the oppositionists. Third — The great mass of discontented and ignorant people who catched at the word, and without talents to exa- mine, or seeking to inquire, adopted the opinion on trust, that a re- form was necessary. Of such component parts did the reformers consist previous to the French revolution ; but when that took place, it soon made an alteration. The French at first wished to imitate the English in the repre- sentative system, and in their ardent and uninformed impetuosity, they soon attempted to surpass their neighbours; in short, they went (as we shall presently explain) on the plan of equal representa- tion, and universal sufl'rage. Their plan completely failed. The consequence of which was, that the class No. 2, of the reformers in England, finding the danger of such a plan, quitted the other two portions. Mr. Burke was at the head of this party, and by his pro- found arguments and eloquence, greatly augmented their number. Those who sought reform for party purposes, those who were too obstinute to change, and all who were too ignorant to profit by making a comparison, still continued to call for reform; and at the head of this body stands Major Cartwright, who, nevertheless, does not conduct himself like a factious man, and who certainly is not a.ri ignorant man, but who seems to be too obstinate (a softer word 228 MAJOR CARTWRIGHT. mercy, thinking, like the Charlatan who sold his orvietan, that though he had poisoned the people in does not occur) to learn from the experiment that has been made. This is worth examining, and it is well worth while to show that the English could not avoid ruin any more than the French, were they to go on the plan of universal representation. The French were represented in the first assembly of 1789. in a mixed sort of way, something like our house of commons ; and, with a little attention and management, all might have gone well enough ; but a few factious leaders led them astray by a false defini- tion of equality, and by establishing equal representation. The assembly that succeeded was chosen by the lower orders, they con- stituting a great majority of the electors, and that assembly over- turned the monarchy, and established the guilotine for refractory constituents. It is one of the misfortunes of a reform on principle, that there Is no point to stop at till we go to the full length. Expediency, pro- priety, practicability, and fitness, are words that sink before principle, which is the magic talisman that is to produce every advantage. — As the first assembly did not want to make the very rabble rule, they had made a sort of restriction on voters: they required a quali- fication, namely, to pay three livres a-year direct taxes: those who did not pay that small sum ($8. 6d.) were not to have a vote; but though there was some wisdom in this, it was absurd from men who had proclaimed equality ; and therefore when the king was de- throned, and the constitution overturned, the sans culottes (and that not unreasonably) insisted that there should be no qualification fpT MAJOR CARTVVRIGHT. 229 the Village on the right border of the river, yet that those on the left bank should buy and swallow voters, but that, except paupers and criiiiinals, all should be alike* It was then that the principle of eqUal representation had its full extent, and certainly a more villanous or vile assemblage of men than those elected, never were congregated. Equal representation in England would lead nearly to the same end, and if we begin reform, we cannot stop; let us therefore consider how it would be. As every borough is a part of a county, the boroughs must all be done away, and the counties chuse members according to their population. Middlesex would send about forty members, and all would be chosen by the lower class of people, for the voters of a b€tter sort being a minority, would not find any utility in voting, and if they did, they would be liable to be ill-treated. There would be about seven thousand votes for each member, so that there would not be any very great importance gained by the individual. Now Major Cartwright, aiid all radical reform hnen, must let the thing come to this; there is no intermediate pomt to stop at. The same arguments that there hOw are for a change, would be still stronger ff the reform were once begun. We can at least plead our present degree of happiness for remaining as we are; but if once begun to reform, we have nothing to plead for not going the full length. In taking another view of the matter, a reform is less desirable than even theorists think. The most able members of parliament get first into the house, (and have long done so),by rotten boroughs, oral least by close boroughs ; and when they are in, they just act as much for the advantage of the country, as those who represent the Jargest 230 MAJOR CARTWRIGHT. his prescription all the same, as if none had suffered, alleging that they, living on the other side, might not feel the same effect. Major Cartwright and the reformers, hy their continual clamour, the long continuance of their efforts, and the boldness of their assertions, gain an influence over the minds of many persons, which is altogether of a dangerous nature ; for if a demand be repeated ten thousand times, and for a century, though it does not alter its nature, yet wonderfully powerful is that repetition on the minds of the bulk of mankind: the slave trade was happily repealed through that perseverance ; the law of imprisonment for debt was lately altered through the same means, and many good changes have been brought about in like manner; but so may bad changes be produced; for it appears that the mind at last yields without an eflbrt, after repeated demands, to what it resisted, in the first instance, in the most decided and deter- mined manner. county in the kingdom. When a nation sees others far before it iu arts, sciences, or in political arrangements, it may copy boldly, but the nation that stands higher than all others cannot copy, neither can it know that there is any certain means of amelioration ; such a nation should be contented, and act with caution; for it has much more to lose than it can calculate upon gaining. LORD CASTLE REACH. 231 Major Cartwright is a gentleman, and a man of good intentions; and it is most sincerely to be hoped that he will re-consider the business of reform, for his example will influence many. LORD CASTLEREAGH. This nobleman is a strong example of the utility and advantage of hypocrisy to a statesman. Had Lord Castlereagh been less open and frank, had he concealed part of his conduct, and blazoned forth the rest, he would have passed for one of the best men of the age; one of the politicians who mixed humanity with policy, and who never, even when it was to effect a good purpose, permitted himself to do an action unbecoming a man. The union with Ireland, and the attack on Copenhagen, are the two great political operations for which Lord C. is attacked, and in these he has shewn how vain and useless it is to offer a defence where the matter is prejudged to a man's disad- vantage. It would require a large volume to contain an examination of the policy and justice of the union. 232 LORD CASTLEREAGM. and not a small one to say all that might be said relative to Copenhagen; but though the details are long, and the questions intricate, a few words may set both these matters to rest. Ireland, at the time of the union with Scotland, bitterly complained of the preference given to the latter; and Swift, its patriot and organ, augmented the discontent. Earl Clare's speeches clearly prove that Ireland required a union: it was determined on, and adopted as much as a matter of necessity as of voluntary policy. Lord C. was a most active in- strument, and even Mr. Plowden, in his history of the union, though an enemy to the measure, admits, and states that Lord C. in several instances miti- gated the severity of the law, and procured pardon for men who were about to suffer, by suspending sentences too hastily obtained. It is too soon yet to say that the union has not answered: the Irish are too impatient. The Scottish union in 1707? did not begin to be advantageous till about 1755, and now we see what an excellent effect it has produced. As to Copenhagen, every succeeding day bas shewn that it was necessary, for that, according to the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit, tbe fleet of the Noble Dane was destined to swell that of the Ruler of the continental system, and of the enemy of Britain, LORD CASTLEREAGH, 233 her colonies and commerce*. It was but snatching from the innocent by-stander the weapon desthied * We can state from the authority of a person every way entitled to credit, both for veracity and intelligence, that the seizure both of the Danish and Portuguese fleets were determined upon in May 1807; that the Danish and Dutch fleets united, were to have made a landing somewhere on the east coast of England or Scotland, in order to make a serious diversion, while the ships from Brest, Roch- fort, Cadiz, Lisbon, and the whole line of coast, were to have united (as well as they could) for the purpose of landing twenty or twenty- four thousand men in Ireland, and as near to Dublin as possible : preparations were continued for months, and amongst other things the pilots that had been got from Ireland were all in readiness. The Irish regiment was also ordered to be ready to march, of which the celebrated Arthur O'Connor (of Maidstone memory) was at one time the colonel : but that rebel had carried over to France the same turbulent and factious disposition that made him become a traitor to his sovereign: he was consequently dismissed, and is looked upon with contempt by all his brother refugees; who, though they are enemies to Britain, do not carry matters so far as O'Connor, whose innate malignity, and perversion of disposition, are now perfectly known and appreciated. The attack meditated on Copenhagen was known in Fi-ance seve- ral weeks before it took place; and it was supposed the English ministers, though they had projected, would not be bold enough to execute it; and when it was done with such decision, promptitude, and success, the mortification and rage of Buonaparte were beyond description. 334 LORD CASTLEREAGH. for our destruction, a measure admitted by the law of nations on the great scale, and of nature in the case of individuals. It was then right. As to the miseral)le Walcheren business, the strange contest between two members of the cabinet exonerates his lordship, who, it seems, was all the time sitting on a barrel of gunpowder, on a mine ready to be sprung. The manly manner in which he got through an affair of honour, from which, in spite of all his unpopularity, he escaped with appro- bation, is a proof of the esteem in which his conduct was held on that occasion. His lordship's knowledge of finance was well exemplified by his speeches on Lord Henry Petty's plan in 1806. His speeches are able, but want some- thing of the animation and confidence necessary; and his lordship seems to feel that he is not the favourite of the people. His own countrymen, who in a great measure, conduct the diurnal press, have leagued against him : they are nearly all his oppo- nents as to political matters, and those who are on the same side with himself, found it not at all in- convenient to make Lord C. the scape-goat both of Pitt and Perceval. He was the Boiic d' Israel, the sin-offering, and carried harmless the ministers of the day, as the electrical conductor keeps safe the LORD CASTLEREAGH. 235 edifice to which it is attached. We repeat, that it is the bold, frank character of Lord Castlereagh, which prevents him from using that mantle or cloke to which many ministers owe their reputation. We recommend to him, however, in future, not to be so bold; he is not in an open field of honour, amongst the knights of old, in the days of chivalry, but he is at a masquerade, where some wear arms, of their own, and others are provided with armour. If serious times arrive in this new era. Lord C. will soon be better and more advantageously known. All liberal minded men should assist in vindicating a man whom the illiberal seem to have leagued to attack, and to whom they attribute actions of which the policy was at worst but doubtful, and in which he was only a participator. His lordship's late speech in vindication of the treaty with Sweden, was a masterly piece of argu- ment and eloquence: and his conduct on the Roman Catholic question has compelled even his enemies to admit him to be much more liberal minded than they have been hitherto willing to allow. 236 LORD VISCOUNT CATHCART. This nobleman was bred to the bar in Scotland, but his father dying just as he was called to the exercise of his profession, on becoming ft peer, he went into the army, and distinguished himself, though very young, in the American war. He is reckoned an excellent cavalry officer, and had great merit in bringing to perfection some of the new manoeuvres, and improving the cavalry exercise. He was commander-in-chief of the land forces on the attack on Copenhagen, when the fleet of Den- mark was brought away, to prevent it from being seized on by the French, and employed against this country. On that occasion Lord Cathcart acted with great moderation as a commander empowered to oifer conditions ; and with great firmness, courage, and conduct, when compelled to have recourse to force of arms. There are vast numbers of persons who condemn, or affect to condemn, the attack on Copenhagen, many of whom, it is believed, do so to impress the LORD CATHCART. 237 world with a high opinion of their nice honour. If it were not for some such reason those men would condescend to enter into the merits of the ease; but that they refuse to do, contenting them- selves with saying, that it was a dishonourable robbery*. Even if it had been a robbery, Lord Cathcart was not answerable for that; but he * If the law of nations were the same as the laws that govern men in society, it would have been a robbery, but they are not; and the first duty of a nation is to attend to its safety. The Danish fleet was to have been seized by our enemies, and to be employed against us, which was a reason quite sufficient for seizing the fleet, for which fleet, as it happened, Denmark had not the smallest occa- sion. When all the nations of Europe had fleets, and a sort of balance of power was preserved, by each being ready to assist with its proportion of force, then a fleet was necessary to every nation ; but under the then existing circumstances, it was of no utility to Denmark. It could not go to sea against England or France, nor was it the interest of Denmark to interfere in the war; so that a fleet was rather an inconvenient appendage to the state. England offered to take it to keep, for a time, in which case it would have been restored when circumstances altered ; but the Danes, either from a point of honour, or from fear of Buonaparte, refused to give it up : there was no safe alternative but to seize it, to prevent it from being employed against us. This is the true state of the case, and it was very far from being a robbery. 238 LORD CATHCART. certainly would have been highly blarneable if he had not taken the most mild and moderate steps in executing such a disagreeable service. His lord'ship was selected for the purpose of going to Russia, at the time that Buonaparte made his violent and mad attempt on that empire, by march- ing to Moscow; and perhaps it would have been difficult to find a more proper person. Such a mis- sion required military knowledge, as well as that sort of talents which are necessary for a diplomatic character. Lord Cathcart unites, in no very common degree, the qualities necessary for such a mission, which is a very important one at this time, when the Emperor of Russia is standing forward so boldly and so honourably, to protect the continent of Europe from slavery. The Emperor of Russia has nothing to fear for himself: the bravery of his people, the abilities of his generals, and his own honour and firmness, are all now known, and will deter the ambitious dis- turber of nations from making another attempt on so powerful and so distant an empire. Russia and Sweden excepted, the whole of the European con- tinent is in great danger; and if the Emperor of the North withdraws his troops before France is reduced to moderation, Prussia must fall first, and LORD CATHCART. 239 Austria afterwards. The moderation of the Emperor Francis, or rather his blameable partiality to Buo- napartej will go for nothing whenever the latter has it in his power to show his real disposition ; for Buonaparte is not a man disposed to be satisfied with half measures. He will seek revenge, because the Emperor Francis did not at once draw the sword in his favour. The interests of Europe are too complicated, and Buonaparte has too much arrogance, and too much power for any good or permanent arrangements to be made at present; but however matters may go, this country could scarcely have selected a better mi- nister to represent her interests in Russia, than Lord Cathcart; and it is to be hoped that he will not be superseded by some person, who, coming from a distance, knows little of the business; as was the case with the gallant Marquis of Wellington (then Sir Arthur Wellesley) at the battle of Vimiera. 240 EARL OF CHATHAM. This nobleman was appointed, at one time, first lord of the admiralty, a place for which he was by no means qualified, either by his acquirements or his liabits of business, and therefore much to the injury of the service, as the whole nation saw, when he was succeeded by Earl Spencer, than whom no man was ever better qualified. / He was master-general of the ordnance, a place for which he was in part qualified : as the master- general has nothing to do, but merely, from formality, to receive reports. Lord C. was perfectly qualified fov that; but when the sedate, scientific engineers of Woolwich warren drew up their reports respecting the ranges of guns, or the qualities of any new warlike engine, for Lord Chatham, they must have possessed all the gravity of face for which they are 50 well known, not to have laughed when they recollected the attention of that scientific master- general the Duke of Richmond. Unfortunately for himself, Lord Chatham accepted of the command of the Walcheren expedition, where EARL OF CHATHAM. 241 promptitude, exertion, and military experience and skill, were necessary. The disgrace of this expedi- tion fell upon the earl, and the punishment upon his unfortunate countrymen, thousands of whom where there})y sacrificed. At home we consoled ourselves with the repeti- tion of the following lines, Avhicli were made on the delay arising from some mistake between the com- mander, and the admiral of the fleet ^' Lord Chatham with his sabre drawn, * Stood ticaiting long for Admiral Strahan ; ■' And Strahan, wishing to be at 'em, " Stood waiting too — for whom? for Chatham ! The great Lord Chatham, who was superior to common rules, left his chief inheritance (his genius) to his younger son, and only gave the title and the pension by which he had been disgraced, to the present earl. Lord Chatham has the misfortune to be the son of the greatest statesman Britain has lately produced, and brother to the second in point of abilities; so that he is not to be let off himself with an ordinary share of talents. An amiable nobleman, really beloved by all to whom he is known, and possessed of abilities that would be held in estimation in another man, he Vol. 1. R 242 MRS. CLARKE. does not receive justice, nor does he do justice to himself. He feels that he can neither equal his father nor his hrother, and therefore he has never attempted to do so. MRS. CLARKE. This lady owes her celehrity to the intrigues of Colonel Wardle, and his associates: she was merely their tool, when the aim was to injure his Royal Highness the commander-in-chief. Being a woman of quick parts, ready apprehension, and one who knew the world well, she came off with flying colours; left her mean and selfish employer Wardle in the lurch, as he deserved to be; and, without actually stating what was false herself, having the address to make what was so, to pass with the house of commons, and the public, for truth. The facility and address with which a woman, left alone, and without advisers, acquitted herself before the attorney-general, and the king's ministers, in the house of commons, excited a lively interest. It was impossible not to feel respect for the talents of MRS. CLARKE. 243 a female so situated, and so acquitting herself: this interest was not a little heightened by the contrast that the scene presented. All the leading men of the nation, the king's ministers, with their legal aids, (and in short " with all appurtenance and means to boot)" to be held at bay by Mrs. Clarke, and all the good things that were said, proceeding from her, was an occurrence well calcuhited to amuse, and excite interest*. It seemed to be a trial of abilities, when it was no such thing: it seemed to be a very unnatural result from such a collision of persons, whereas, in reality, it was perfectly natural; but every one must allow that it was highly diverting, and the place where the scene was acted, contributed greatly to increase the effect of Avhat was at last quite a theatrical ex- hibition-l-. * XT, Nothing excites laughter so much as seeing grave men, with the appearance and apparel of wisdom, out-witted by a person of light conduct and behaviour, which indicate folly rather than wis- dom. The chief entertainment received from the bufToons or fools formerly kept at courts, consisted in seeing pert, saucy, or smart replies made by a man in a motley dress, who represented ignorance or folly. t Whenever a person, situated as ]\Irs. Clarke was, is happy in one 244 MRS. CLARKE. Mrs. Clarke's influence over the commander-in-t chief was supposed to be very great, and the print- shops had been filled with caricatures to that effect long before the attack made on his Royal Highness by Colonel Wardle. His Royal Highness was wrong in not causing the authors of those libelous productions to be prosecuted ; but when the attack was made, every thing shewed that Mrs. Clarke had no such interest, and had never supposed that she had it ; and in reality, so far from the character of his Royal Highness suffering in the opinion of those who coolly considered the matter, by the investiga- tion that took place, the obscure suspicions that had been excited, were entirely done away. The levity of the British public was, however^ seldom more conspicuous, and indeed that of the house of commons likewise, for every circumstance proved that Mrs. Clarke was a clever woman, who, profiting of her supposed influence, had given hopes sally, she takes courage, and her opponents become an awkward squad. A witness at the bar, by one smart reply, sometimes sets down the nrtost brow-beating council in the kingdom. Those who try to support dignity are quite abashed and ashamed the moment that a person of light manners, and one who affects no dignity, ex- cites a laugh at their expense. MRS. CLARKE. 245 and received money from many persons; but that so far from attempting to give any effect to her numerous ])romises, she, with great trouble, does appear to have obtained one or two small favours*. Let it boldly be asked — Is there a man in either house of parliament, that does not know that in every department favours are obtained through indirect influence? While the nature of man remains what it is, such will always be the case; The insinuations of what took place when alone with his Royal Highness, relative to lists of promo- tion, were altogether fabulous; and indeed it was inexcusable for one moment to give credit to them. One of the most impudent of these was, that to some part of the bed was attached a written list of promo- tions solicited. Why was not some servant brought to prove the existence of slich a list? Miss Taylor appeared to witness one short conversation: she remembered nothing but what just happened to answer the purpose of Mrs. Clarke and Wardle; but why was no proof given that this same little * The ensioncy given to the young man about whooi so much was said, was a well-judged act of good nature in the duke, who had often seen the young man; and the circumstances of his birth made it a very meritorious act, he being the son of an old officer. 246 MRS. CLARKE. school mistress did actually dine with the duke and Mrs. Clarke, for it never was proved that she ever was once in his Royal Highness's company? And last of all the note produced by Huxley Sandon bore evident marks of forgery; and if Taylor's evidence was true, the note must be forged ; for the note implied that the duke was anxious to pacify Sandon, (very likely indeed!) whereas the school mistress says the duke had threatened to cut him up. The trial with the upholsterer shewed an excel- lent and well-timed piece of address on the part of Mrs. Clarke. Wardle wished, evidently, to give great hopes of remuneration without intention to remunerate ; and he thought he might, by lending his person, merely as a companion at the uphol- sterer's, thereby, without implicating himself, pro- cure credit ; but Mrs. Clarke and the upholsterer were aware of what might happen, and contrived to make him act so as to ie implicated. This trial did great good; it developed all the underhand tricks that. had been played oft', and the connection between Mrb. Clarke and Wardle, when they de- clared there was none; it showed also that Wardle had the infamy to suborn an accuser; and that Mrs. Clarke was induced, by her necessities, to become his instrument. MRS. CLARKE. 24f Mrs. Clarke does not appear to be either a de- signing-, a cunning, or a malicious woman; but to have an admirable talent at taking advantage of circumstances that occur, and address in playing her part far beyond what is common. She did not see the treasure she possessed in the letters in her hands, till the knowledge was in a manner forced upon her; but when she did see it, she turned it to the best advantage. She does not appear to have laid any part of the plans that were formed, but she acted her part wonderfully well in all ; to her quickness and address, and to accidental blunders made by Mr. Perceval, and the uproar that prevailed in the house, did Mr. Wardle owe a momentary triumph a triumpli, which to any honourable man must appear as a disgrace; it originated in a villanous intention, and was procured by deceit and fraud of the meanest and most contemptible description. Such was the enthusiasm of the moment that Miss Taylor received a contribution of JO20OO, as an indemnity for her loss of character, by appearing in such company ; that is to say, she got, like other actors, a sum of money for assuming a character, not for the loss of one, for that was lost long before; and the story of the school, which it was said to be 248 LORD COCHRANE. no longer In Miss Taylor s power to keep, was a mere invention. Mrs. Clarke was certainly the least culpable of all those who were concerned in Wardle's attack on the duke, and she was by far the most able, and possessed of the greatest share of talents, not ex- cepting even Lord Folkestone, that zealous and disinterested patriot. LORD COCHRANE, M. P. Amongst the naval commanders who are the pride and defence of the nation, and the terror of our enemies, no one of an equal number of years service, stands higher than his lordship, who to great intrepidity adds naval skill, and that sort of scientific ingenuity that seems hereditary in the family of Cochrane*. In the attack on the French at Basque Roads, great skill, intrepidity, and an uncommon share of * The Earl of Dundonald, his lordship's father, is one of the best chemists in England. His uncles are ingenious men, and indeed, even among the lower classes of the Cochranes, in Scotland, there is a distinguishing genius. LORD COCHRANE. 249 ingenuity were all united and displayed; and it is only to be lamented that his lordship's idea of a pre- datory war, a war of invasion from hovering squa- *" drons, has not been adopted, and a squadron for that purpose placed under his command. It is evident that such a mode of warfare compels the enemy to be prepared on every part of the coast, so that the number of troops occupied, and the attention ne- cessary, must be very great, though impossible to be calculated, as they must depend on particular circumstances. Such a species of warfare discourages an enemy, and damps the spirit of the people attacked, by harassing them constantly, under circumstances where they have the disadvantage, and if conducted by a vigorous, active, and enterprising officer, like his lordship, must be peculiarly advanta- geous*. In every respect his lordship is a true-spirited British naval officer. It is impossible not to be surprised, that with our immense fleets, with all the navies in Europe put in hors dii combat, the Ameri- * If the American coast were so harassed by a squadron under Lord Cochrane at this time, it might probably procure a peace in less than three months. 250 LORD COCHRANE. cans, with a most contemptible navy, composed only of a few frigates, have never met with a British ship of war but to conquer, (till very lately), and that under the most distressing circumstances. Lord Cochrane, in politics, is as decided as he is in his naval character; he appears to have in view the redress of grievances, and removal of abuses; but as the tactics necessary for this sort of combat, are not naval tactics, he has not been very suc- cessful; for the truth is, that in a representative government, like ours, much of the evil origi- nates in the natural corruption of man. What- ever minister has places and patronage, will have majorities, and he will employ those majorities to increase places and patronage. This is the great secret of the corruption of parliaments; for let men be chosen to represent others by general suffrage, by the present irregular plan, or by any other, still the majority of those who are chosen, when once they are in place, will act as their interest prompts them: all that we can expect is, that in matters where the interests of the country are vitally at stake, our representatives will act vvith patriotism ; and bad as matters are, we find that they do so. The whole country wishes to see Lord Cochrane einjdoyed in the command of a squadron; for as the T. CREEVY, ESGl. 251 enemy Is on the reserve, it requires such a nian to contrive methods of hringing forth opportunities for the exertion of British naval skill and hravery*. THOMAS CREEVY, ESQ. M.P. This gentleman has been very active In parlia- mentary business ; and has, in particular, paid much attention to East India affairs: he is a man of talents, solid sense, and industry, and is what may very properly be termed a very useful member of the house. He was a member of the board of controul for the affairs of India, during the short and ill-fated administration of Fox, Grey, and Grenville, and of course he still is in the interest of the scattered remnants of the party distinguished by the title of " All the Talentsf ." * Lord Cochrane gained great honour by giving back the wealth taken on board of a Spanish prize, because it belonged to individuals returning to old Spain. Me called the crew on deck, and proposed this genfirous sacrifice: the proposal was received by the British tars, with three cheers, in an instant. t How the party came to get that title would be curious to inquire, were it not that it is given in derision. The term sans ctiioftes, \i\ 252 T. CREEVY, ESftc Mr. Creevy vvas lately fined for publishing his own speech in the house, though any newspaper reporter might have published that speech without being amenable to the law. This is one of the best and most luminous decisions in point of libelous matter that ever took place in a court of justice*, and shews France, was given just in the opposite way: the opposite party, by way of contempt, called the rabble sans culottes; but the rabble being at that time the sovereign rulers, converted it (in France) into a term of honour. The party did not absolutely say they had monopolized all the talents, but they accused their opponents of having none, which was a negative method of laying in an exclusive claim. * Had a newspaper reporter given this speech in the usual course of his occupation to his employers, and had the proprietor inserted it in his paper, it would have been an ordinary transaction^ which the house permits, and of which the house only could com- plain; but here a member, for private purposes, prints a speech that libels an individual, and though he was privileged m the housft, yet, as publisher, he can neither plead the privilege of a member of pai'- liament, nor his duty to the public as a reporter. If a man foUowiftg legally, his occupation, injures another, it is quite a different thing from his wantonly, or interestedly, injuring him, although the quantum of injury may be the same in the one case as in the other. This decision is certainly a great victory to the public; for had it been other than it is, members of parliament might have libelled other men, without being punishable by law. A speech in the house would have served as the shield by which a libeller might protect himself. JOHN WILSON CROKER, FSft. 253 that the true principle is at length nearly approached, in decisions in matters of libel, and that it is not the substance of the paper written or published, that determines whether or not it is a libel, but rather the circumstances under which it was published, and the motives of the publisher*. JOHN WILSON CROKER, ESQ. The naval department of Great Britain is the most important in the country; as, on the superiority of our fleets, the safety of the country, as well as of its colonies and conquests, depend. Notwithstanding that this is the case, those who manage the admiralty affairs are removed, as in other departments, according to political intrigue, political interest, or perhaps we may say chance; and thus it was that by way of shewing how much could be done in this sort of changing, the (late) * For more of this see the portrait of Ellenborough. i$4 JOHN WILSON CROKER, ESft. present Earl of Chatham* was for a number of years first lord of the Admiralty, and even that did no material injury to our naval affairs. The fact is that in this, as in other departments, the principal secretary, who is not so capriciously changed, has the great burthen on his shoulders, so that those who wonder that the changes are attended with no interruption of business, and that men who know nothing of naval affairs, or affairs of any sort,, take the ostensible situation of first lord, are only wondering because they do not know the real secret. Neither caprice, nor intrigue, nor any political conveniency, would be able to place a man as secre- tary to the Admiratly, who had not great abilities and industry; or if such a thing were possible, he could not remain in place a week. Mr. Croker is the secretary, at a time when there is an immensity of detail, and of intricate detail. The * All the world knows that the present Earl of Chatham is called the lafe Earl of Chatham, from his attachment to his bed in the morning, and his club in the evening. The earl's father, who once made the enemies of Britain tremble, is known by the name of the great Earl of Chatham, that he may not be confounded with thir late earl. JOHN WILSON CROKER, ESft. 255 part of convoys is not the least difficult, and consi- dering our situation, was never so well attended to, not even under Earl Spencer and Mr. Nepean, two men of first rate business abilities and indefatigable industry*. To the situation Mr. Croker holds, which is a proof of talents and industry, we must add, that as a member of parliament his speeches are re- spectable, and sometimes very impressive-^". * Mr. Croker was honoured with the abuse of Mrs. Clarke, who has made her boast of setting no value on truth, provided she can raise a laugh. All the sensible, as well as virtuous part of mankind, must consider the enmity of such a person as honooiable rather than otherwise. Mr. Croker enjoys that honour, and has wisely taken no notice of the scurrility founded on mere imagination. t Mr. Croker's description of the combat between the Shannon and Chesapeak frigates, on the coast of America, was very well drawn. His attack on Lord Cochrane, when he introduced that victory, was ready-minded, fair, and done with judgment. 256 SIR WILLIAM CURTIS. The worthy alderman, or baronet, as he is gene- rally called, is chiefly intituled to be considered as a political character, from the profound information he receives from his barber, whose opinions and intelligence, communicated to him in the morning, are conveyed to the house of commons in the evening, no doubt to the great information of our national representatives. Sir William shews, in his own person, what sort of a character is best calculated for succeeding in London. With good natural sense, and a disposition to follow his object honestly, and strait forward, he has realized a great fortune, without being accused of any one act of dishonour. As a public man he speaks a bold and plain language to his constituents, whom he will not flatter at the expense of truth, or obey at the expense of deviating from what he apprehends to be his duty. Without any pretensions to the advantages of education, and without the least bashfulness on SIR WILLIAM CURTIS. 2^7 account of his want of It, Sir William good naturedly joins in the laugh which his occasional blunders produce; but the laugh against him is never one of contempt, neither is it attended with any feelings of anger or ill-nature. The openness of his cha- racter, and his own good nature, are his protec- tion against both. Those men who pervert great talents to bad purposes, and who aim, by dishonest means, to gain money, which they do for the most part without success, might take an excellent lesson from Sir William Curtis,whOj without underhand manoeuvres, or any deep laid schemes, supports a princely esta- blishment, increases in wealth, and obtains the good will, and good word of his fellow citizens. Vol. 1. 258 EARL OF DARNLEY. A PEER, who, whenever he interferes in publlic business, is known to speak the words of an hd— nourable, honest man, who has a cultivated mind^ and good understanding. Lord Darnley is an independent character, who has never sought his own particular advantage ; ha has never either flattered, or violently opposed the minister of the day; but he has uniformly preserved that line of conduct whi^h indicates the true friend of his country. It is unfortunate, nevertheless, that such inde- pendent and upright characters, in general, want that attention and energy that are necessary to produce much real good. Lord Darnley does not take firm enough hold of a question, and does not persist in the manner that is necessary to obtain, success; yet mostly all the members of both houses^ who act on similar principles, act also in a similar manner*, notwithstanding the lessons of experience. * This appears to be a necessary consequence of independence of EARL OF DARNLEY. 259 It would be well, and highly desirable, that there should be a toalition amongst such men aS his lordship, for thfc purpose of keeping parties in check; but unfortunately such men are of too independent minds to enter into any stipulations^ and therefore^ acting individually and interruptedly, they effect nothing df importance*. s|Jirit, and disinterestedness of disposition. We see many instances of men, who for puUic good would remove parish abuses, but the mdre constant efforts of the interested, triumph over them nitife times in ten. It is so very seldom that any good results from a struggle between independence and interestcduess, that there are numbers of persons of the best intentions, who will not even make an effort, but rather choose tamely to submit to abuses than to engage in a hopeless struggle for amelioration. * Men who act without private ends, or view to gain, feel them- selves always overpowered by the mercenary and selfish ; and it was in allusion to this hopeless struggle that Mr. Pope said — " Truths would'st thou teach, and save a sinking land, " All hear, none aid you, and few uhdej-stand." 26o EARL OF DERBY. This noble lord was once one of the great sup- porters of the opposition, and still adheres to the party which was termed Mr. Foxs party. When the failure of the French attempt to esta- blish liberty took place; and when Mr. Burke, by his strong arguments, and fascinating eloquence^ undeceived those who had admired the new system of government, and caused a separation amongst the whigs of England, the Earl of Derby, as well as some other noblemen of great fortune, took a middle line of conduct. It was scarcely to be expected that a man possessed of thirty or forty thousand a-year, would, in his cool senses, embrace a political faith that put the individual sans-culottes, the ragged vagabond, on an equality with himself: this was particularly unlikely, as there are at least twenty thousand poor men for one that is so rich. The Earl of Derby, therefore, did not go all the length that Charles Fox and some of his companions were inclined to go; neither did he adhere to Mr. Burke, the Duke of Portland, and those who openly opposed the new-fashioned political creed; and if it were not EARL OF DERBY. 26l for seeing him croudeu into the caricatures, with other members of the opposition, we should be apt to think that he had quitted politics: and, sorry that such abilities should be lost, we would cry out " On, Stanley, on! " In the last words of Marmion*." * The reader is requested not to think that this familiar apos- trophe from a dying knight to the general-iu-chief is from Marmion Travcstie, for upon honour it is from the real Marmion, as sure as the water on the stage at Sadlers Wells, or that on the prince's table was real water. Not only the laconic address to Stanley is from the real poem, but the last line, (that rhimes so well), is from it top. Tliere are, nevertheless, some antiquarians who think that the beauty of poetry, more than correfit truth, has been attended to, for that Marmion reuly said — On, Stanley, on! And leave to fate poor Marmion. This is indeed more likely. If Stanley stopped to assist the bleeding hero, as he might possibly do, the address would be proper, and fitting a soldier; but if that was not so, when Stanley was killing the enemy as fast as he could, in short, as he was going on very well, the order, or request, was neither very becoming nor very ne- cessary, according to modern ideas of propriety, and of military dis- cipline. It was as if, in a poem on the battle of Vittoria, one were to read — On, Wellesley, on! Were the last words of Captain Con. 263 EARL OF DONOUGHMORE. A NOBLEMAN of good abilities, and great loyalty, which have been proved on a number of occasions; and as he is a zealous friend and advocate for what is termed the catholic cldims, that is a certain crite- rion for determining the general question of the loyalty of some of those who support that measure. The advocates of the Roman Catholics are divided into three classes : those who expect that the grant- ing what is requested will be really a good measure; that it is right in principle, and wise in policy; of this class is the noble earl. The second class appears to aim at something more that is meant than meets the ear; they know, and the unwise brethren amongst them have avowed it, that granting what is demanded will not satisfy the Catholics; and this is the chipf circurnstance that gives well-intentioned men cause to refuse what is demanded : it is asked un- der a false appearance, under the aspect of a satisfac- tory concession ; whereas it is only meant as a scaling ladder, to seek something more important, that it is not yet thought prudent to mention. The third class of persons advocating the Catholic claims con- sists of men who have personal vievv§ joined with that numerous body of persons, who have at all EARL OF DONOUGHMORE. 2^3 times been ready to foment disturbances, and increase discontents in Ireland. It is a misfortune that the well-intentioned are at all times the dupes of the designing, who crowd into their company; into whose conduct if they would be at the pains to look attentively, they would soon discover marks of secret intentions. Under the por^ traits of men who have taken a more active and deci- ded part in this question than the Earl of Donough- more,we shall notice this question more at length; but it is clear, that the impatience to have an immediate decision manifested by some, in opposition to others, and the high language held on the audacious demand of what is termed the Veto, are marks of something more being aimed at than a fair liberty to enjoy, in peace and tranquillity, the Catholic mode of worship, which is pretended to be the object. A few years, at most, will remove several obstacles that now are in the way to granting the reasonable claims of the Catho- lics; and nothing but a most unaccountable and ab- surd impatience, or some hidden motives, can make any set of men insist on the immediate termination of a state of things that has go long pxisje/d, particu- larly as gijeat ameliorations have already taken place. To the ^ood sense and good intention of Lordj D. and such men, the country can alone look for an, .^micable adjustment of this important question. 264 ADMIRAL SIR JOHN DUCKWORTH. A VERY brave and skilful officer, who has wisely contented himself with serving his country in his own profession, without interfering in politics. Those officers of talents and genius, who become politicians and orators, are much mistaken. If they are to support the minister to obtain prefer- ment, they are doing what is not necessary, as their talents would procure for them honourably, what they are intriguing to obtain. If they are to oppose ministers, then they are destroying those prospects which, as professional jnen of abilities, they have a right to entertain. A seat in the house of commons is a mill-stone about the neck of an officer of merit; and we are therefore sorry to see such men as Sir Sydney Smith and Lord Cochrane mixing in politics; men who can so eminently distinguish themselves in their }>rofes- sion, arid so greatly seive their country. There is, in fact, sopiething incompatible in military service and political duty in the house of commons; first, because the same man caqnot be RIGHT HON. PATRICK DUIGENAN. 265 on both services at once; and next, because there must be some animosity between him and ministers, if he is in opposition. Officers of no abilities, and who can resolve to go with ministers through thick and thin, may certainly thereby obtain promotion; but such men as Sir John Duckworth have no occasion to employ such unfair and unbecoming expedients, which Sir John Is too wise and independent to employ. THE RIGHT HONOURABLE PATRICK DUIGENAN, L.L.D. M.P. This representative of Armagh, in Ireland, was one of the most zealous abettors of the union of that country with England; one of the most active instruments in bringing it about, and is now one of the most violent and active opposers of the Roman Catholic claims*, though he was once a Roman Catholic himself. * The manner in which the Roman Catholic claims have been urged, is in itself a reason for resisting them. The Catholics speak the language of masters ; they tell England what they want, and 266 RIGHT HON. PATRICK DUIGEXAN. Much is to be said in favour of the union, whicb Irish impetuosity has condemned prematurely; and much is to be said against the manner in which the Roman Catholics lay their claims to an equality* with the protestant establishment: yet there is something that is highly displeasing in a man who so violently, and seemingly unfeelingly, takes the part against a majority of his countrymen. The T^^tive of Ireland, who can in a rough and unbending way set himself that ihey will be contented with nothing less: this is language not to be eiKltired, and certainly not to be yielded to. To illustrate what is very important, with what is very farcical and trifling, but apt, and to the purpose, we m^y quote the words of tke Dqaiine Felix in the farce: — \Vhen a husband once gives way. To his wife's imperious sway, I'or his small clothes, the next day, He may go hoop and hollow. * Dr. Duigenan having himself been a Roman Catholic, makes the opposition he gives more qnsepmly than it would otherwise be, although that very circumstance probably is the cause of his energy in opposing ihem : he may know their secret intentions, and their ul- timate views; and, knowing those, may have good reason to act as he does. Undoubtedly he knows that a concession of all that i^ now demanded will only lead to further requisitions. This is a cir- cumstance which the Catholics are not at the pains to conceal. RIGHT HON. PATRICK DUIGENAN. ZGf in opposition to the popular cause, may be right, but he cannot expect that we should admire his conduct. The prejudices of a whole country are to be resisted when wrong, but still they ought to be treated respectfully; and tenderly should we tread upon the errors of millions of our country- men. In all differences with the Irish people, it should be considered that the feelings called national feelings must operate; for though Ireland is a por- tion, and a most essential portion of the British empire, still Ireland is a country by itself, and the Irish people are a people by themselves: their pre^ judices, their feelings, and their regard for their country, ought to be taken into the account. This, Jiowever, Dr. Duigenan never seems to take, for ^ moment, into consideration. Dr. Duigenan is probably right enough In his endeavours to resist the Catliolics, knowing them as he must know them. It is in the manner, rather than in the Intention, that he appears to be wrong. The error that is most prevalent amongst men of education and good intention, at the present day, is a predilection for what are termed liberal opinions. Liberal opinions are certainly highly honourable to those who are possessed of them; but then they are 268 RIGHT HON. PATRICK DUIGENAN. to be entertained with that moderation which is con- sistent with prudence ; and in every case a distinction onght to be made between what a proposed measure is merely in itself, and what it is likely ultimately to lead to and })roduce. The Roman Catholic faith is of that nature that it never changes imperceptibly. The dogmas of that church, unless altered in a great assembly of the pope, the cardinals, and dignified clergy, must remain unaltered: of those do£jraas some that once led to the most intollerant proceedings against protestaiits, are at this day in their complete inte- grity. Tliose who speak of the toleration of the present church, compared w ith that of past times, only speak of practice^ not of principle; and it is well known that practices, in point of toleration, are voluntary, not necessaiy. The same persons who contend for the alteration of the laws for restraining Roman Catholics, and who speak of their altered mode of action, are great ene- mies to the feudal system,but surely without reflecting that the feudal system was more softened by the man- ners of the times, and by the practices of those wha had power, than the Romish churcli has yet been*. * The French revolutionists overturned the feudal system to ti>e RIGHT HON, PATRICK DUIGENAN. iSf) Those persons were right who rose in opposition to feudal power, because, while the power remained, the practice could at any time be altered and the ri2:orous system be resumed; and so it is with the Romish chnrch. Those who are protestants have therefore as good a right, at least, to look with jealousy on the Roman Catholics, as the friends of liberty had to be jealous of the power of feudal lords: we said as good, but the term was not suffici- ently strong. They have a better right. The feudal lords only acted in consequence of what they con- ceived to be their interest, and what was protected by their power, but the Roman Catholics (till their dogmatical principles are reversed in a regular last vestige, and raised an outcry of the most violent nature, by recapitulating the horrible abuses of the dark ages ; nobody then rose up to say, that because such extreme abuses had ceased, the system that admitted of them should be continued. Let any one read the speeches of the national representatives of France, on th^ 4th of August 1789, and he vi'ill abhor the rights of the feudal lords, as much as he will abhor the Catholic practices, when protestante were tied to the stake; but by no means let the argument of altered practices be extended in one case, and refused in the other. Let the Roman Catholics worship in their own way, but let them not insist opon their moderation, provided they had power : that would depend on circumstances. 2^6 RIGHT HON. PATRICK DlJIGENAy, manner) are not actuated by such considerations; but by others far more powerful : they are not guided by interest, which a man may forego if he will, they are actuated by religious principle, which a man is not at liberty to forego, but which he must implicitly obey. Let us suppose that the Roman church were to resume its power, and that an intollerant pontiff were seated in the papal chair; that he were then to say^ (and he might speak so with great plausibility and appearance of reason) "that the recent calamities of the Christian world have arisen from the relaxation of the discipline of the church, and its tolerant prac- tices"— i- would not the inevitable consequence be that the same rigours would be reverted to that were in the days of Charles IX. of France, and of Louis XlV? How could there be any difference? Would not the Catholics of Ireland be then obliged to obey, or be expelled from the bosom of the mother church*? * It would not be very difficult to prove that there was a conside- rable degree of connection between the relaxation of the church dis- cipline and the French revolution ; and it is certain that if ever the papal power is re-established, church discipline will be much more rigorously enforced ; and let it not be forgotten that one part of the RIGHT HON. PATRICK DUIGENAN. 2fl This, it may be said, is hypothesis, and hypothesis contrary to probability. That it is hypothetical is true, and perhaps it is improbable, but it is not by any means impossible ; and as to the degree of pro- bability, that is not easily determined, for it depends entirely on circumstances. But to leave hypothesis, in looking forward to what may take place, we shall consider what natu- rally must take place. Equality in point of establishment is what is asked and insisted upon as a positive condition. Equality in religion is, in the first place, contrary to the very essence of every religion, which is sup- posed, by its followers, to be the best; therefore, whoever thinks the religion followed by others is equal to his own, has no religion. He may say that he has religion; and that it is liberality and indulgence towards others that would make him put them on an equality; but that is either a pretence, or self-deception. Every man that is sincere, be he right or be he wrong, must think himself right; and the Roman Catholics, to do them justice, openly tell us that they are right, and all others are wrong j discipline is intimately connected with intollerance towards pro- testants. 2^2 RIGHT HON. PATRICK DUIGENAN. in this they are frank, fair, and open, and so far are* to be praised*. They never can, in principle or thought, admit of equality, which, being contrary to every tenet of their faith, we ought to consider the same in our conduct with respect to them. Supposing, for a moment, that it were possible ta have equality (in point of liberty of rising to every oiBce in the state), and in every respect except the temporalities of the church, would it not necessarily be msisted on that the Roman Catholic clergy should be paid in the same manner as those now on the establishment? And must not double tythes, and double revenues, be the consequence, or the abolition of all tythes, and all church revenues? This would * It is necessary, in arguing this matter, to recur often to what happened in France, because there the experiment of equality of religions was tried, and it not only failed, but was the cause of the abolition for a time of all religion : even the monster Robespierre found that it was necessary to restore national religion, and it was amongst the last of the actions of his life so to do. He imagined the ingenious device of burning atheism and the goddess of reason, in effigy, as his fellow revolutionists, two years before, had burned the pope; he had previously guilotined Hebert, and those who wor- shipped the goddess of nature, in the person of a naked prostitute, (who was exhibited on the altar of the metropolitan church of Notre Dan)e), and now he set atheism on fire in the garden of the palace. RIGHT HON. PATRICK DUIGENAN. 273 not only be a natural but a necessary consequence; • and one step fnrtber still we must look: — Would not dissenters of every denomination begin by seeking spiritual equality, and then imitate the Catholics with regard to the temporalities of the church. To support such a number of establishments being in every respect impossible, we must necessarily abolish all ecclesiastical revenues! We must be as the French were in the zenith of their liberal and phi- losophical career, a nation without any religion! Such are the future occurrences of which the foundation would be laid by equality of rights, and it is against such that those who act with Dr. Dui- genan are seeking to protect the nation. May suc- cess attend their endeavours, though the manner in which they proceed is neither becoming in itself, nor well conducted. The great mass of the Irish })opulation labour un- der very great inconveniences, and therefore, like all people under pain or difficulty, seek relief. It is given out that Catholic emancipation (which is itself a term of deception) will remedy every grievance, and set to right every wrong: it would do no such thing Why then are the people not told so? Why are not steps taken to remove their grievances, and rectify their wrongs? If that were done, instead of simply Vol. 1. T $74 RIGHT HON. PATRICK DUIGENAN. resisting the claims, the claimants would separate, and seek comfort and ease in remedies not only more safe but more effectual. Dr. Duigenan appears to be a man of principle, energy, and loyalty, and it is to be hoped he will so act as to protect the Protestant without offending the Catholic; and endeavour to improve the situa^ tion of his fellow countrymen by a mode that will at the same time augment the prosperity of every other part of the united kingdom. The Irish are a generous people, and in. the great civil war v/ere remarkably loyal. Let their natural disposition be well directed, instead of being met and mortified by flat contradiction, and the united kingdom may stand against the united world. May the British ministers and Irish patriots act on this plan, and then the Irish people will be con- tented and happy. 2f5 LORD DUNDAS. A TRUE model of a British peer; a patriot* with- out violence, and an oppositionist without rancour, or any of those tricks that captivate the vulgar, and obtain popularity, which have disgraced not a few qf the leading whigs of the present day. With the good sense and good intention that Lord Dundas is known to possess, it is a wonder of no common sort, that he has not seen through the errors of what is termed the party of Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox rendered himself so amiable, and so inte- resting to his personal friends, that they forgot, or * The term patriot was formerly very honourable, but when the character of a sans-culotte was raised to honour, that of a patriot sunk into disgrace. Modern patriots alone are thus sunk, for the word is one that has a meaning independent of times and particular circumstances ; and it will be honourable when the demagogues who have usurped the name are dispersed by time, as the east wind scatters the locusts who devour the fruits of the land. It is of the permanent patriot, not of the evanescent ojie, that we speak when we mention Lord Dundas. 2^6 LORD DUNDAS. overlooked the errors of the politician; otherwise Lord D. must have seen, that, for an English whig, who took the revolution of l6S8 for his guidc; it was unpardonable to hold up the French constitution of 1789 as a work of merit, and a glorious fabric. The two constitutions were in direct opposition, almost in every thing, except in what they professed to aim at, namely, the establishment of a free con- stitution: the means of obtaining this end were quite different; and before Mr. Fox passed the last great and famous eulogium on the French constitu- tion, it had occasioned more misery, and more crimes than any error into which mankind ever fell*, at any former period. It does not fall to the lot of man to be perfect, and therefore those persons who, like Lord D. have many virtues, and are moderate, are generally too easy, too forbearing, and too forgiving; they do not generally take a sufficient interest in what is going on. The virtuous Due de la Rochefaucault was * For this see the port) ait of Lord Erskine, and the opinion of the Abbe Reynal, the elegant historian of the two Indies, one of the philosophers who helped to bring on the revolution. Nothing can be piore severe! Nothing can be more true! Nothing can be more « terrible ! LORD DIJNDAS. 2^7 ti in an of this sort, and he pardoned the errors of Condorcet, and his other friends, till they became complete revolutionists, and found it convenient to have the duke assassinated on his own estate*. This was one of the results of the structure that Mr. Fox admired, and which he admired long after that and a thousand other atrocities had arisen from it. It is to be hoped the good men amongst the old whigs, and Lord Dundas amongst others, will look into the revolutionary mirror, where they may see the prototypes of many of their companions. *■ — * He was dragged fiOQi his carri:ige, in which his wife and daugh- ter were, and murdered by his own tenants at the instigation of his former friends. The party of Condorcet was in power immediately after die 10th of August 1792. When the family of Louis XVI. were imprisoned, the duke was murdered, and such men as Clermont Tonnere Fell. It is perhapis one of the strongest marks of ihe danger of revolutions, and strongest proofs of the errors of the French, that we find Condorcet, one of the finest and most elegant scholars of the agej converted into the companion and captain of assassins and thieves. The assassination of the duke can bfe traced to Condorcet's party, and the atrocities of that party can be proved to have sprung from the constitution of 1789- 278 SIR DAVID DUNDAS. This officer, who for a time was commander-in- chief, is distinguished for his attention to the duties and details of his profession. He is author of a book on military manoeuvres, which is of great prac- tical utility, and of high reputation; but he is not only author, he was personally instrumental in in- troducing several of those manoeuvres, and no officer of rank is supposed to know the details of the array better. When commander-in-chief, Sir David was as well liked, and gave as much satisfaction as, under the circumstances, was possible; but, having succeeded his Royal Highness the Duke of York, the idol of the army, who retired in consequence of the shame- ful intrigues of Colonel Wardle and his assistants, it was impossible for him to be, what may be termed, agreeable to the army; and if any officer under those great circumstances of disadvantage, could be less objectionable than another, that officer was Sir David Dundas. 279 LORD ELDON. TrtE lord bich chancellor of England has such a Variety of very important functions to perform, that it requires no small degree of merit for him to acquit himself without committing great errors, and to-' tally impossible for him to give general satisfac^ tion. The chancellor has first of all to preside and administer justice in the most important and intricate cases, without the assistance of a jury, which takes off the great weight and responsibility from the other English judges; he has, in addition to this difficulty, often to decide cases when there is no written law for his guidance, and therefore his court is termed a court of equity. The head of a man of labilities and legal knowledge, or the heart of a good conscientious man, cannot well be assigned a more severe task. If any thing were necessary to render the business still more dithcuk, it is its multiplicity, and the long period that has elapsed since many cir- cumstances took place by which the decision must be guided. Lord Eldon feels strongly those diffi- 280 LORD ELDON. ciilties, for which he has no remedy but in immense labour, and indefatigable attention. Those who form judgments without reflectionj or ■who think lightly, say that Lord Eldon is too slow, and takes too much time over a cause; but even if that were true, it w^ould be an honoui* to his lordship, though a misfortune to the country. This, how^ever, is by no means the case, for Lord Eldon has a remark- able talent for distinguishing l)etwecn ])oints of im- portance, and j)oints of no importance, as was proved by his conduct when at the bar, where he took on himself to alter the forms of practice, by the omis- sion of certain habitual, but useless preambles, to which long custom had given a sanction. As Lord Eldon labours incessantly, and as he does not occupy himself on the unimportant circum- stances of a case, we must be allowed to differ in opi- nion M ith those who say that his lordship is tedious in his judgments. He may take longer time to make up his mind than many other men would do, but he is not accused of introducing what is unimportant; therefore, if he goes sloAver than some other chan- cellors, it must be attributed to his great desire to fulfil his duty the most conscientiously possible. To increase the labour of the lord chancellor, he is, in virtue of his office, speaker of the house of LORD ELDON. 281 lords, which recjiiires very punctual attendance. He is also a member of the cabinet, and therefore obliged to attend its meetings ; so that, on the whole, he has to bear, as Cardinal Wolsey said, " A load would sink a navy," yet in all this does his lordship acquit himself with general approbation. His decisions are always perspicuous, and occa- sionally luminous in a high degree; and were the nature of the court where he presides like that where Sir William Scott, his brother, is, perhaps he would shine as bright*; but in the court of chancery th« occasions for shining are not frequent, never- theless they sometimes occur, and when they have done so, he has greatly shone, as he has on some occasions in the hou^e of lords, where either his office of speaker, or his connection with the subject, led him to interfere in the debate. It is not here the place to enter into a discussion on the propriety or impropriety of uniting so many • There is nothing in Grotius or Puffeudorff, or the first writers on the law of nature and nations, equal either for elegance or precision, to some of the decisions of Sir William Scott, at the same time that his ideas are fully as profound, and there is great ingenuity frequently in his manner of investigating and atraining a true judgment from great intricacy of circumstances. 282 LORD ELDON. official duties in one person, as that national question is quite unconnected with the portrait of the noble and learned lord; but we cannot let pass the subject without adverting to some of the consequences. Being a cabinet minister, Lord Eldon is said to- have soon gained the confidence of his royal master^ who is one of the most upright and conscientious men in his own dominions; and who was also a much better judge of the characters of men than is gene- rally supposed ; this gave occasion to various allega- tions which have been bandied about. Our business is to speak truth, (look at our motto, and put flattery out of the question), and therefore we must say, though the conduct of Earl Cirey and Lord Grenville is not likely to gain by touching on the subject, yet,, that the accusation against Lord Eldon of intriguing' to turn them out, is quite unfounded. There are two assertions relative to that myste- rious affair. It was said by his Majesty's friends, that alterations were made in tbe despatches for Ireland, by the cabinet, and that when they were sent to his Majesty, at Windsor, for final approba- tion, the customary mark that indicated an alteration was omitted*. Of course his Majesty gave an implied m n The whole dispute was involved in uiybtery, and the Public LORD ELDDN. 583 jsaiiction to the contents, without exanriinationw This must have taken place either by accident or design: if by accident, it was of all other moments the most extraordinary ; besides, if it had been accident, regret would have been manifested by the ministers, and shame would have been the consequence, of so sus- picious a circumstance. A convenient and useful could the less easily understand the real state of the matter, owing to being ignorant of the official formalities relative to despatches. The matter appeared, however, to be as follows — Everj' cabinet resolution is submitted to his Majesty for his approval or rejection, when he returns it either with or without alteration. It is then returned to the minister who sent it, and copied fairly to be once more submitted to his Majesty and despatched. If the minister returns it without any alteration, of course his Majesty has only to sanction it, and let it be sent olT. It is merely a matter of form, and the reading of it again would be of no use. It sometimes, however, happens, that the cabinet ministers re-consider the subject, particularly if his Majesty has made any observations; and then, when returned to his Majesty, a particular mark is made, indicating, that alterations have taken place: his Majesty of consequence reconsiders and examines the alterations. The Irish Catholic despatches were in this latter situation; an alteration had taker* place, but when returned to his INIajcsty no mark was made: his Majesty could not suspect such a thing, and th«refore gave his ap- probation, (in confidence), to what he did not intend. This is the manner in which the affair seems to have been managed. 584 LORD ELDON. accident, is always attended with suspicion. If, by* design, ministers would be prepared to defend them- selves : now, as they were so prepared, and did defend themselves, it is natural to suspect that they intended to deceive his Majesty. Many other collateral cir- cumstances lead to the same conclusion, but the de- tails of the business were rendered so intricate, that the public opinion was divided between the king and his ministers, and many persons confessed themselves unable to form a judgment. Though persons best able to make an estimate from all circumstances that have transpired, as well as from the character of the parties, doubt whether there was any intention to deceive his Majesty, yet we shall leave that question at rest, and only maintain, that, whether by accident or design, his majesty was deceived; that Is, he sent off despatches that had been altered without knowing it. Now, it is said that Lord Eldon, like a true friend to his sovereign, as well as to the established church, waited on his Majesty, who, when aware of what had been done, sent for Lords Grey and Grenvllle; the result Is known, and a change of ministers was the consequence. It is also known, that Lords Grey and Grenville acted a verv strange part, and one that was far from frank, manly, and LORD ELDON. f 85 open, tliough they had the boldness openly to ac- cuse his Majesty of having changed his mind, and of having deceived them. Nobody who knows the character of the parties, will for one moment put the words of the noble peers in competition with that of their sovereign, whose conduct was frank, and like that of a man of principle, who had escaped an error just before it was too late. That men who dared accuse their sovereign should accuse Lord Eldon, his faithful servant, was a matter of course; but Lord E. certainly did what was right. He prevented his sovereign from being deceived in a case where his conscience was concerned, and that was of great consequence; it was certainly the act of a friend ; and when it is considered that his successor. Lord Chancellor Erskine, the keeper of his Majesty's conscience for the time being, was also absent from the council, when the alterations were made*, it * This circumstance, accidental also, pcrliaps, was not ever properly accounted for; and when such accidents, all in favour of one side, lake place, they become very suspicious; they are at least questionable as to their fortuitousness; and one must be tempted to say, with poor Beverley, in the Gamester—'* Ah! this looks like management !" 286 LORD ELDON. became almost a duty to forewarn his Majesty of what was about to happen, in consequence of what had already taken place. The result of this information was so sudden and so fatal to the party in power, that undue influence was proclaimed, though nothing was more natural to expect than that his Majesty would feel alarmed, if not indignant, at ministers who had attempted clandestinely to trick him out of his assent to a measure that was known to be contrary to his con- science*, and which might have rendered him mi-^ s-erable through the remainder of his life. The change which this information produced on his Majesty, is yet too recent not to be re- membered; and it was highly creditable to Lord Eldon, though calumny immediately set to work, and charged his lordship with unfair and underhand means of producing it-j-, from which charges it is * What means can a king have to guard against such proceedings in ojinisters? Me could not, after that, have any confidence; and therefore his only safety, at best, mast consist in employing minis- ters by whom such mancruvres are not likely to be practised. t His lordship was accused of having given weight to the threat* of Mr. Perceval, relative to the publication of what was termed the delicate investigation; and the facts on which the accusation seena LORD ELDON. 287 not necessary to clear his lordship, as the duplicity of Grey and Grenville, in the first part of the business, and their arrogance in arraigning his Majesty before parliament as it were, in the second, rendered their remaining in office impossible, even if they had stipulated never more to urge the grant- ing the Catholic claims which they refused in posi- tive terms to do. The next question in which his lordship's conduct has been criticised, is in the conduct held with regard to the Princess of Wales; but, to avoid too often touching on the same subject, we must refer the reader to the portrait of the princess herself, where it comes in with greater pro> priety. founded are, first, that Mr. Perceval did get that investigation printed before he was minister, and that he paid money for suppres- sing it afterwards ; that he was restored to administration with Lord Eldon and his other friend-i ; but all those facts lose their weight as to the conclusion, the moment it is considered that not only a number of other facts render that improbable, but one fact renders it impossible. It is sufficient to prove that his Majesty offered to keep in the Grey and Grenville administration if he was insured not to be again importuned on the Roman Catholic question, which was refused : now his Majesty could not have made this offer if he had acted under the impression of fear arising from another affair. 288 LORD ELDON. His lordship may be said to be truly a man as to his feelings, for though free from all the vices and extravagancies of the times, he most generously, some years ago, assisted a chancery barrister, a man of merit, with two thousand pounds, to pay his debts, and this without security*. Of other lesser disin- terested actions we have also heard. When a man, capable of such acts is accused of parsimony in his own expenditure, we think it is only increasing the merit of the deed. All cases of bankrupts come under the lord high chancellor, and it may seem astonishing, that in a commercial nation, the first in the world for its laws and mercantile knowledge, there should be a possibility of such abuses existing in the matters of bankrupts, as are known and proved before his lordship, when petitions are presented: this as- tonishment must be the greater, that the com- missioners are all gentlemen of education and honour. Yet though all this is so, the abuses in the cases of bankrupts are great beyond compre- * We couUl add circumstances that are infinitely honourable to Lord Eldon in this business, but it is a subject on which we wish to touch lightly; as, though honourable to him whose bounty gave, and him to whose merit it was granted, it might hurt the feelings of both; LORD ELDON. 289 hension, much more beyond credibility. The reason is this, (at least in part) : — ^There are now above two thousand bankruptcies in a year, and the list of commissioners is nearly the same as it was when there were not 500 in a year*. The same list will sometimes have eighteen meetings of creditors before it in one day, that is to say, in about three hours, without any separate rooms to meet in ! The confu- sion of a retreating army after a battle; or of Bartholomew fair at a late hour in the evening, is scarcely greater than it is at Guildhall on Tuesdays and Saturdays, when the meetings are held. Such are physical causes of error; but then comes, in addition, a most unfortunate and most shameful practice. Wherever the bankrupt has secured a friendly solicitor, and gets friendly assignees, every thing goes easy, and the commissioners generally let matters pass, as all parties seem satisfied. When the contrary is the case, and the solicitor and assignees are severe on the bankrupt, the commis- sioners, being called on to exert their authority. * About one hundred years ago, there were from thirty to forty bankrupts in a year; in 1750 about 500; and they have risen, till in 1811, they were 2500!! Vol. 1. i; ' 290 LORD ELDON. are generally severe also. In the one case the bankrupt is represented as an honest man, in the other as a fraudulent trader, though it is often quite the reverse. The commissioners act on a wrong principle, but the confusion, the shortness of time, and the established practice, all combine to prevent them from discovering their mistake. If they were to scrutinize the conduct of the bankrupt who is kindly treated, it might perhaps be as well. It must be admitted that huny, confusion, want of time for reflection, and the general practice, lead to those errors, and are some excuse for them: but there should be some punishment for the attorneys and assignees who connive at proceedings that are contrary to the true spirit of the bankrupt law: till there is such punishment, men transgress in hopes of gain, without any danger. Many of the late decisions of his lordship on bankru])t cases have been '■ excellent, and have developed scenes of ifiiquity for which there is no adequate punish- ment ; and until there is, such crimes will be committed. Sir Samuel Romilly's bill will probably cure some of these evils; but more time and space, as well as a greater number of lists of commissioners, or more days attendance in the week, arc necessary; and it LORD ELDON. 291 is full time for the credit of a commercial nation, as well as for the sake of justice, that it should be attended to and altered* The late decisions in matters of bankruptcy, which are numerous and complicated, are paving the way to a better order of things, and will occa- sion the commissioners, and those who deal in bankruptcies, to be more cautious how they act than they have hitherto been*. It is impossible * There are a great number of attorneys who might be called bankruptcy-hunters, with much more propriety, than undertakers are termed death-hunters. The poor undertaker only watches for deaths, he does not either assassinate, or become an accessory to mur- der. *rhere are numbers bf attorneys who, with the aid of certaitt tradesmen, their confederates, sue out commissions, and act as solicitors and assignees. It would be well to have a list of those who appear frequently in such affairs, for frequency is a proof of conni- vauce. As the whole is managed by perjury, there would be strange havock in certain quarters if this list were rpade out, and the lord high chancellor would search into such practices. There are other cases where, by connivance, property is kept back from the credi- tors. In one particular case the property of a house, amounting to above £20,000, after a dividend of siJi shillings, and where the debts remaining to pay do not amount to £8000, has been kept back for %en years, and not a step has been taken to wind up the affair. One single e§_tate that is worth above £lS,000 to $ell, and£40Q a year 292 LORD ELDON. sufficiently to praise Lord Eldon for the labour he has exerted, and the talents he has displayed in these late cases of bankru])tcy ; but until the bank- rupt law is brought to a more perfect state, neither talents nor industry, though directed by the best intention, can remove the great evil which augments with the wealth and commerce of the country. The a])pointment of a vice chancellor will in future leave the lord high chancellor more leisure than hitherto; but if it is considered that the business of the chancellor in bankruptcies is about fifty times what it was a century ago, and double wliat it was twenty years ago, it must be evident, that two per- to let, has been not only left quite unproductive for fifteen years, but the tenant has brought the assignees into debt! There are many eases of the same nature, though few so bad as the above. The difBculty of getting redress consists in a petition to the chancellor costing money. The money is in the hands of those who profit by the delay, and the creditors are too much tired out to combine and act together, and no one will act singly, for the benefit yf all: besides, the solicitor and assignees cajole some, buy over ■others, and defy the remainder. A sort of supervisor, like those who watch over excisemen, would be very useful amongst assignees : he could report to the lord chancellor, and inquiry might ensue; for it is certain, that the solicitors and assignees, in many cases, appro- ^iriate the estate to themselves, and laugh at the creditors. LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 293 sons cannot be equal to all the details of the business that comes into the court of chancery, the delay of which is proverbial all over the kingdom. LORD ELLENBOROUGH, CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE KING's BENCH. The present race of men have only seen three lords chief justice, Earl Mansfield, Lord Kenyon, and Lord Ellenborough. The talents of Lord Mansfield were various and great, and his acquirements by no means less varied or extensive. iVn accomplished courtier, an elegant and eloquent speaker, a man of wit, and one of the first scholars in the elegant walks of literature in his time, though that period was very productive of men who excelled in that species of learning termed the helles lettres^-. * In his youth, William Morray (his name before he waS made a peer) was a favourite of all the wits and poets of the day, and it Js very probable, that, had not his loVe of money equalled his love of 294 LORD ELLENBOROUGH. In point of legal knowledge Lord Mansfield was held, by those who were fascinated by the inexpres- sible charni of his eloquence, as one of the most learned and profound, but it is already more than suspected, that posterity will not acquiesce in the opinion. To the most prepossessing exterior his lordship united the most melodious voice, and the most correct taste, but he had the fault of wishing to shine where he ought to have been only anxious to inform and to guide: the consequences were more than inconvenient, they were very injurious to the cause of justice, so far as it is to be attained by the unbifissed judgment of a jury*. Before Lord Mans- the muses, and finally extinguished it, his lordship might have become one of the unfortunate men of letters who adorn and disgrace Eng- land, instead of rising to the highest rank amongst the fortunate men of the law, who are more likely to overwhelm than to adorn the kingdom. Sir Isaac Newton, the wonder of the world, and the ornament of the human race, was raised to the lowest rank of temporary title — a knight for life only; had he been a father, his son would have been plain Mr. Newton, whilst the son of Mr. Pratt, solicitor-general at the coronation, is now the most noble t,he Marquis of Camden, * It was very natural that so accomplished and elegant a man should endeavour to shine, which he did constantly when on the bench, and every where except in the house with the great Lord Chatham, when he was glad to purchase his safety by his silencQt*. LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 295 field had finished what is termed the summing up, those who attended the court could easily tell what verdict the jury would give in. The jury and spectators were all led away without knowing it, and from that arose part of the delusion of his lordship's contemporaries. Lord Kenyon, who succeeded, was a man in many respects very different, but generally speaking a better chief justice*. He had neither the brilliant accomplishments, nor the vanity of his predecessor, and in his charge to the jury seemed only anxious to be impartial, and to inform, not to guide them. The amateurs of trials at law, (for there are such in all great cities), the students, and the professional men who attend the courts, (and who guide the * The desire of admiration naturally led Lord Mansfield to take one side of a question, that he might draw opinion along with him, so that the jury were only like twelve men in his suite. It is said that Lord Mansfield kept his place several years, in order to prevent Lord Kenyon from succeeding him, probably foreseeing that the contrast would terminate in dimming the lustre of his splendid repu- tation. It could not be that he dreaded that his successor would be a greater favourite in his dav, but that it would in the end lead to a, discussion respecting the dangerous brilliancy of one, and the sterling worth of the other. 296 LORD ELLENBOROUGH. public opinion in respect to a jud^e), finding that they were not any longer led away as by en- chantment; finding that they retained their own opinion after the charge to the jnry ; and above all, finding that instead of the attendance at Westmin- ster Hall being a luxurious treat, it became a dry piece of work, all united in making a comparison to the disadvantage of Lord Kenyon, who remained only anxious to do his duty, and see impartial jus- tice administered. Lord Kenyon was not a courtier, but he sat on the bench at the most perilous moment England ever saw, when the French revolution threatened to extend over every country in Europe. His lordship then shewed what it was to have an impartial and upright judge. Even the discontented abstained from blaming him, while the guilty felt the force of law, and the peace of the country was preserved till the storm was over. As Lord Mansfield valued too much the opinion of the public, so Lord Kenyon valued it scarcely enough, and the public did not do him justice, though with one voice he was declared to be an honest upright man. It was with respect to legal knowledge, and the acute and discriminating talent LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 297 requisite for a judge, that the public did not do Lord Kenyon justice*. Time, that has lessened the fame of Lord Mansfield, has increased the repu- tation of Lord Kenyon; and the gradual effects of that trier of the merits of men is probably not yet near the ultimate extent of its operation-^. * The law of libel had been the great touchstone of Lord Mans- field's abilities; but on an attentive comparison it will be found that Lord K. though with less art, and less parade, understood the subject better. The same may be said with respect to the law of patents for inventions; but of this more in another note. t The subject of monopoly got Lord Kenyon many enemies amongst the writers of the present day. Adam Smith had said *' that monopoly was as impossible as witchcraft," and that writer leads the fashion in opinion, on all subjects of political economy. Lord Kenyon, who paid the proper respect to the oaths of respec- table witnesses, charged several juries by whom men accused of monopoly were found guilty. In fact his lordship avowed that he believed in the existence of monopoly; now here was theory against well attested fact. In Mr. Hume's Essay on Miracles, he says, that we ought to give credit to the best testimony, and that if even a miracle could be well attested by a number of credible witnesses, independent and unconnected, he would believe that miracle, as the concurrence of a number of witnesses, unconnected and independent, in the support of any falsehood, would itself be a very great miracle. Those wlio attacked Lord Kenyon on this subject, did not probably remember what Mr. Hume had said, else they would not have spoken S^S LORD ELLENBOROUGH. Lord Ellenborough is admitted by all to be as unbiassed a judge as Lord Kenyon was, while he has much more dignity, a very essential requisite in a judge, and at the same time has a species of elo- quence much more suited to the ends of justice than that of Lord Mansfield. Lord Ellenborough has done more than either of his predecessors towards bringing the law of libel to a perfect state, and though it may be said, that in the progress of things every law must be brought to great- er perfection by degrees, yet the observer is to mark those degrees, and in so doing, great praise seems due to Lord Ellenborough, Avho has aimed at attaining a principle by which decisions may in some degree be quite so lightly of him. To find a living toad in the heart of a large stone, seemed at first contrary to nature, and was discredited ; so was the fall of large stones in the fields, far from all buildings ; yet concurrent and unconnected testimony have removed all doubts on both subjects, though they appear to be contrary to the laws of nature. Lord Mansfield himself had a high opinion of testimony on oath, and one day a witness being very positive to a fact, his. lordship asked, " Pray Sir, and how do you know this ? Do you know it of your own knowledge?" " No," said the witness, " but I am certain, for I had it from a ghost." *' Very well," said Lord M. " Let the ghost be brought before me and sworn, and I shall then give credit to his testimony*" LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 299 guided*, for he at last seems to be very nearly obtaining his object. The law respecting patents for inventions has also been put in force (according to its true meaning and intention)-|-, better under Lord Ellenborough * For this subject see the portrait of Sir William Garrow, his Majestj/'s attorney-general. t The intention of a patent is, by giving an exclusive privilege for a limited time, to the inventor, to enable him to indemnify him- self, and procure remuneration for the service he does in producing a new invention. No principle can be more wise^ or more equitable. In the first place it gives encouragement to inventors, and in the second proportions the reward to the service. This patent or privilege is not a reward for ingenuity or invention, but pa}'- ment fur the advantage that arises from the application of the invention, to the public. Till lately this principle was not under- stood in our courts; and a patent for an invention was liable to be overturned if another person could prove that he had privately in- vented the same thing. This occasioned many cases of great injus- tice. Argand, the inventor of the lamps that have a current of air in the centre, and a glass chimney, lost his patent because it was proved that privately, and on one occasion, but long previous to Argand, a man had made a trial of a lamp or candle, with a current of air in the centre. The person vyho made the first attempt, and did not succeed, might have great merit, but be had done no public service. Argand might or might not have merit, but he had intro- duced a very useful invention, and was entitled to rewai d according to the true intent and meaning of the act, and so it would now be 30O LORD ELLENBOROUGH. than any other chief justice, although it is no new law, and although previously it might have been perfectly well understood. In England the practice of Westminster-hall is of higher importance than the law practice in any iletermined, were the cause to be tried at this time. The country may congratulate itselton this change; first, because it is a deviation from the blind and injurious mode of being guided by precedent ; and second, that it shews a disposition, as well as abilities, to bring courts to be governed by the spirit of an act, and not by the words. The affidavit that is required of an inventor, when be solicits a patent, was what led to the former erroneous mode of judging. The person who solicits a patent swears to his being the first inventor, to the best of his belief: it thereby appears on the face of the patent, that he loses his right if another has been before him. If, however, such really were the case, a man might invent and let lie dormant the most useful things, at the same time that, like Argand the intro- ducer of the lamp, no one would be safe in expending money on a new invention, as some abortive schemer might come in and prove priority; for there are few inventions that can be brought to perfec- tion without expense and loss of time, which a patent only can re- imburse. This amelioration of law-practice is a great advantage: for it is to the inventions brought to perfection under the law of pa- tents that Britai.p owes its chief commc'cial wealth. Mr. Watt's steam-engine, and Mr. Arkwright's spinning machine, are two won- derful examples of what patents enable men to do. Genius makes an inventor, but protection and encouragement are necessary to bring ac invention to perfection. LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 301 other country, a great error or absurdity having crept into the administration of justice. It has be- come a practice to look back to former cases, and. former decisions, similar to that about to be decided, and to be guided by the precedent. This is in the first place, proceeding on a wrong principle, in as much as it takes it for granted that the former deci- sion must be right, a thing indeed possible and pro- bable, but by no means certain or necessary. The consequence of this is, that precedent constitutes law with respect to all the minor circumstances of a case, which leads to considerable difficulties in the admi- nistration of justice, and is contrary to the constitu- tional rights of the subject, which require that men jhould be governed by laws made by king, lords, and commons, contained in written statutes, which are presumed to be known, or at any rate which every one has the power of knowing. If, however, the interpretation of the law is to depend on former judgments in similar cases, or if future judgments are to be determined by the cases of the present day, what is this but the courts of justice building a structure of their own, on the fouiuiation of acts of parliament? One most obvious evil arising from this })ractice is, that it is not enough to know the law as written 302 LORD ELLENBOROUGrf. • and promulgated, we ought to know all the decision? of the judges, as on those depends the interpretation of the law. Lord Ellenborongh was much censured by those who blame all the measures of government for accepting of a seat in the cabinet. The outcry would have been much greater had it not been that it was during the administration of Mr. Fox, and those men who by way of pre-eminence laid claim to a more than ordinary portion of talents and pub- lic virtue: men who had told the world that they had a particular regard for the liberties of the peo- ple, and who had for many years been calling out to restore the constitution to its pristine purity. That Lord EUenborough was not censured, much more severely, was owing to the above circumstance, and not to the true nature of the case. Nothing can be wiser, we had almost said more necessary, than to have the lord chief justice in the cabinet; and the advantages far overbalance any danger that is to be apprehended. It is not, however, necessary to vindicate that measure here; it is sufficient to state that Lord EUenborough did not imitate Lord Mansfield by l)ecoming a complete courtier, and by sinking the judge in the statesman, (which was indeed a misfortune to be carefully avoided) but he LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 303 gave his time, attention, and talents, to his judicial duties, so that even those who speculated on the evils of a lord chief justice having a seat in the cabinet, did not find any room for complaint. The grievance existed only in theory, and evaporated in premature declamation, which ended when it was discovered that the danger was imaginary. It is much to the honour of Lord EUenborough, that he has not, like his predecessors, given any de- cided opposition to the relief of insolvent debtors. It is much to his credit, that it was during his pre- siding as chief justice, that a permanent insolvent act, as it is termed, took place, by which perpetual imprisonment for debt is no longer tolerated by the law of England*. One man cannot now condemn * That a law so absurd^ and at the same time so unjust, should exist amongst an enhghtened people to so late a period, will be at some future day a matter of wonder ; particularly as in Scotland, a country the natives of which are sufficiently tenacious of their rights and properties, they pursue a much more merciful, liberal, and wise plan. By a law called the Cessio Bviiorum, or Delivery of Property, a debtor who gives up his all can obtain personal liberty in Scotland, where imprisonment for debt was considered, as ic ought to be, a means of recovering all that could be recovered, but not as a measure of punishment. In England it seems to have been the chief object to punish the 304 LORD ELLENBOROUGH. another and his family to misery and want, merely because he owes a few pounds, which misfortune has deprived him of the ability to pay-|~. The English character has many peailiarities> and it is none of the least, that, though the most jealous of their liberties of any people on earth, when the government is in question, they are the most tame and submissive, when the oppression is to come from their fellow-citizens. In no country unfortunate man, and that with a heavy hand. There was no term assigned to the loss of liberty. The duration of imprisonment de- pended entirely on the will of the creditor: so that a man who had the misfortune of incurring a small debt that he could not pay, tnight be punished far more severely than a transported felon. The felon is clothed and fed — the debtor is dieted on bread and water, which is the regimen prescribed (as a mark of peculiar severity) for murderers after their conviction and order for execution ! The term of the felon's punishment is fixed ; it may be shortened, but it cannot be prolonged. The natural term of the imprisonment of an insolvent debtor has hitherto been his departure for the other world. t 1st. The new law will prevent facility of obtaining credit by unworthy persons. 2d. It will render the creditor reasonable. 3d. It will prevent the great impositions practiced by bailiffs and attor- neys time after lime. And lastly. It will prevent a man fronrj falling a complete victim to a debt, whether arising from imprudence^ misfortune, or extravagance. It will prevent much evil to indivi- duals, and will be a great benefit to the country. LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 305 are there so many prisoners as in England, and, like men equally void of common sense and common humanity, we seem to look upon the liability of be- ing imprisoned for life as compensated by the power of imprisoning some one else in the same way. It is true, there is some reciprocity in this business ; but it is one in which a good man would not indulge, and which even to a bad one is no compensation. As it is to the benign influenceof Christianity that mankind owe the abolition of slavery, as well as that equality of rights of which we are justly so proud and so tenacious, let us hope that the same mild spirit will banish for ever that savage and unjust law, through the influence of which a savage spirit was encouraged in this, that prevails in no other country. The language of the lower class of credi- tors was frequently, that their debtors " should lie and rot in jail;" and the law enabled them to put the inhuman threat in execution, till the recent change took place, Free even to insolence towards our king, we have hitherto been slaves to each other; and instead of one bastile belonging to the sovereign, we had hun- dreds pr^o bono publico — that is, at the service of every petty tyrant who had an army of attorneys and bailiffs always ready at his command! Such are Vol. 1. X 30G LORD ELLENBOROUGH. the contradictions in the human character — Such are the effects of laws, manners, and example. Next to the honour of introducing the bill, (as Lord Redesdale did), is that of LordEllenborough; and it is to be hoped that he will exert his talents and his influence in rendering it more perfect than it now is: for, though this is not like the abolition of the slave trade, a question of party, though it has been carried in the fair unostentatious manner that such measures should be carried, yet it is a measure of not less importance, nor less nearly connected with humanity and justice. On a general view of the administration of justice in this country, the present moment will appear to the greatest advantage. Lord Ellenborough is the third chief justice since judges were appointed for life; and therefore we have only compared him with those other two, who acted under similar cir- cumstances with himself. 307 LORD ERSKINE. The abilities of this nobleman, when a barrister, and the reputation he then acquired, are well and generally known ; but it has been generally supposed and propogated with considerable industry, tbat his talents were more brilliant than solid, and that he was more eloquent than profound. In short, it has been said that he trusted to his wit and his abilities for success, but that he was not a sound lawyer. The very contrary of this, however, was the case. No lawyer ever studied closer, or more assiduously, although, being a man of genius, the application that he made of his talents was not in that formal stiff way, that is often considered as a mark of deep study, and attentive research. Mr. Erskine's pleadings were easy and elegant, and having little appearance of labour, were sup- posed to be the pleadings of a man who did not labour much; but in stating the contrary to have been the case, it may be said that it is necessary to give a proof for what is so opposite to the generally received opinion. 308 LORD ERSKINE. Were a barrister to declaim merely for the enter- tainment of mankind, eloquence and brilliant abili- ties would be sufficient; but a counsel at the bar is like a general in the day of battle ; he is opposed to other counsel, besides being under the eye of the judge: ii] therefore, he were not a sound lawyer, his brilliant talents would only lead him to expose himself, and ruin his clients. Mr. Erskine had as much practice as any barrister ever had, and was "Very successful for his clients, and during his long practice, he was never once accused of ignorance of the law, a thing that must have happened five hundred times, at least, had his legal knowledge not been equal to his natural abilities. Lord Erskine was an admirer of the French re- volution, which is only to be accounted for by his bias to Mr. Fox's party, as his better judgment might have shewn him the inconsistency, contra-^ diction in principle, and wickedness of the early revolutionists*.. He might have seen^ and he ought • There is not, perhaps, a more singular feature attendant on the revolutionists who sought liberty and equality, and who pretended to respect human nature in a superior degree, and preached up the rights of man, than this, that the same men were generally enemies to the Christian religion, and that moit part of the speculators on LORD ERSKINE. 30^ to have seen, that while they aimed at perfection in government, they laboured hard to degrade indivi- the freedom of mankind, are so to this day. The self-sufficiency and arrogance of the new philosophers were great without example, and it is no small reproach to them, as men pretending to superior information, that they did not know that it is to the spirit of the Christian 7'tligion alone, that men owe any sort of ecjualitj/. It is to the Christian religion that mankind owe the abolition of slavery, that total destruction of the rights of man ; and wherever the Christian religion has spread its benign influence, men have, as it were, risen to the rank of men: no slavery, no degradation by different casts, wherever Christianity extended. Besides the thousands of proofs in individual instances, and besides the general fact of the equality of man, (as man), owing almost every right to the Christian religion, there is an express decree of the third Lateran council, under Pope Alexander III. declaring that all Christians ought to be exempted from slavery (Ilenault Hist. Chron. 1. lt)5.) There was also a law made in Sweden, about the middle of the 13th century, known by the name of King Birger's law, by which the sale of slaves was forbidden, expressly on account of the injustice of such a practice, amongst men whom Christ made free at the price of his Hood. Commanded tu consider all men as brethren, it was not necessary to be endued with great powers of reasoning to discover that slavery was incompatible with such a doctrine, though it was long before religious principle could eradicate the influence of private interest, and abolish the practice. But it was not merely by the abolition of slavery that the Christian religion improved the tempo- 310 LORD ERSKINE. dual character; to destroy morals, and corrupt maiinersj which was uudermining the very fabric ral situation of men, for, to it we also owe, in a great measure, the fall of the feudal system, which derived its existence from that spirit of revenge and bloodshed which made the poor seek protection from the feudal lords, in return for which they became abettors in all their quarrels with each other. This was a state of things incom- patible with men professing the religion of Christ ; consequently, about the end of the 10th century, a regulation called — The truce of the Lord, was promulgated, commanding men to lay aside their animosities, on pain of incurring the wrath of the Almighty. This truce, said to have been brought in writing from heaven by an angel, to the Bishop of Aquitaine, was followed by a general peace for several years, and it was afterwards agreed upon, that Christians should not attack one another from the Thursday evening of one week till the Monday of the following, on account of the resur- rection of our Lord. To the present day, wherever Christianity has not penetrated, the oppressed state of mankind is evident by the servile condition of the greater number ; and it is certainly no proof of the knowledge of history possessed by the political reformers of mankind that they were ignorant of these facts, for had they not been so, it is scarcely possible that those who were so enthusiastically devoted to the rights of man, should have been desirous of the destruction of the Christian religion, as most of the reformers in France were. If this conduct is a proof of ignorance of history, which ill agreed with the high opinion those democratic leaders had of themselves, it is not lORD EkSKlNE. 311 they were attempting to raise. Mr. Erskine had a mind of that class that left him no excuse for a much less proof of the negligence, indifference, or ignorance of those who wished to defend the Christian religion, and the ancient order of things. By the ancient order of things is not meant any particular form of government, but all governments connected with proper subordination, and gradation of ranks, in contra-distinction to governments founded on the absurd basis of what has been termed the rights of man, and equality of conditions. Those who, bona jide^ wish for the welfare and happiness of mankind, should be very cautious how they listen to men whose errors have been so great; who with one hand tried to erect a new fabric for the happiness of man, by establishing equality, whilst with the other hand, they were occupied in destroying the very foundation upon which all equality stood. Such was the absurdity of the leaders of the revolution, from which few of the writers ia favour of the French system, such as it was during the first years of the revolution, are exempted; and the most singular part of the business is, that their opponents never discovered their error, or al least were never at the paias to point it out. One of the most able, and most successful supporters of the revolution, was M. Volney, who, in his Ruins of Empires, (a sort of political reverie) attacks the Christian faith in the following manner. Volney having allegorically represented the Genius of Truth addressing the whole of mankind, assembled on an imiftense plain, makes the Genius (that is Volney himself) ask triumphantly — " If gold is heavier than brass?" " Yes," (resounds from all quarters) 512 LORD ERSKINE. falling into an error which is to be pardoned in ordinary men, such as those who conducted clubs *' gold is heavier than brass." The Genius then, with a still higher tone ol triumph a&ks, " Which is the true religion ?" Here a thousand voices call out at once, " The Christian!" " The Mahommedanl" " The Hindoo," &c. and all the sectaries put in claims of preference at the same instant. The conclusion is worthy of a revolutionary &age — " Gold," says the Genius, " is really heavier than brass, and therefore you all agree. But, as to religions you dift'er, there is then no decided preference ; and as each claims preference, all are in error; all are cheats." This is, however, a proof either of the ignorance or bad intention of M. Vohiey, (a man held in high esteem), and also of the facility with v/bich men with good intentions may be led to form virong conclusions! In the treatise on the Perspective of the Human Mind, of which we have seen a copy, without name of author or publisher, there is & most victorious exposure of this philosophical jargon — this sophis- tical deception It is as follows : " It would neither have required much acuteness nor genius in M. Volney, to have perceived, that instead of estimating the religions from those answers, they only proved that the minds Uom which the answers proceeded were incapable of forming a true judgment on the subject of religion. Even supposing all religions to have been equal, still every one who answered was wrong, because he preferred what deserved no pre- ference. But to come directly to the point: if the genius of truth had asked whether gold or brass was most useful, he would have had more than one answer to the question, because the degree of utility LORD ERSKINE. 313 or spouting societies: he and his friend Mr. Fox were not to be excused ; and the less so, that their depends upon circumstances, and all minds would not come to one conclusion oh that subject; hut it does not therefore follow that gold and brass are equally useful, or that neither are of any utility, ^gain let us suppose, that instead of the question about religion, the Genius of Truth had asked, " Which of the French generals was the most able comnjander?" Would not the answers have been various? Had he asked, " Which country on earth was the finest?" "Which people the most enlightened?" Would it be fair from these to conclude, that none of the generals had any abilities ; or that they were all equally able? — Or, that all countries were equally good,and all people equally enlightened? — Or, what would be still more absurd; to conclude, that no country was good for any thing, nor any people possessed of any knowledge? Such conclusions, however, would have been just as reasonable as that of M. Volney. The difference is, that in one case the absurdity is quite evident, in the other it is hidden, and disguised by sophistry and the appearance of the question. " The most ignorant must see, that neither generals nor countries, nor people, could be equal in qualities, nor totally devoid of the qua- lities inquired into: the variety of opinions did not then arise from what Volney inferred. Why then, it may be asked, do not people see through the absurdity of Volney 's conclusion ? Why, we ask in return, do those who want to mislead mankind fortify themselves by constantly discussing questions which cannot receive an answer that may be supported by proofs, and which unfortunately cannot S14 LORD ERSKINE. ' mutual friend and companion, Mr. Burke, did all that he could to open their eyes to the error into which they fell. Mr. Erskine's name is always coupled, in drink- ing toasts at public meetings, with the Trial hy Jury. A stranger would suppose that his lordship had invented juries, as Bishop Blaze is said to have invented wool-combing; but those who have read the history of England, know that the most honour- able decisions of juries were before his lordship was born. In difficult and dangerous times British juries have done their duty, at the risk of their persons, but in Lord Erskine's time there has been no personal danger to encounter, and there was no particular merit in doing their duty, nor in his pleading boldly before them. be positively affirmed or denied ; the end of which is doubt, irresolu- tion, scepticism, and a rejection of the whole?" If the admirers of revolutionary men are mortified to find M. Volney thus treated, let them console themselves with reflecting, that, from being a conceited free-thinking philosopher, he has become a servile senator, bending at the throne of Buonaparte; he must indulge in no more philippics or allegories, tending to shew that all men, and all religions, are equal. LORD ERSKINE. 315 The politicians wliom Lord Erskine professionally protected, always talked of bringing back the con- stitution to its original purity, just as if it had been at any former time more pure than since his present Majesty mounted the throne, and appointed the judges for life, thereby giving up all undue influence over them, such as all of his predecessors had enjoyed. When we hear ignorant, or half informed men^ speaking of an original purity that never existed, and when the phrase is repeated from man to man, we are not surprised; or when a leader of the mul- titude, like Sir Francis Burdett, speaks about original pnrity, we can conceive that it is owing to not knowing better, or at least to want of reflection; but such errors cannot be passed over in a man like Lord Erskine. When lord high chancellor of England, Lord Erskine gave great satisfaction, and despatched business with unusual quickness, and it has been said was not at all concerned in the intrigue about the Roman Catholic question, by which Lords Grey and Grenville contrived to get themselves and their colleagues turned out of ofl^ce, a transaction attended with very suspicious circumstances, and one which 3l6 LORD ERSKINE. rendered the two noble lords unpopular In no common degree. When Mr. Fox took the fancy (for we cannot call it any thing else) of going over to France, to bow before Buonaparte, Mr. Erskine went also, and had the honour of looking at the first consul, who inquired if he spoke French, and then took a pinch of snuff. Nothing, perhaps, was ever so absurd as to see the assertors of liberty, (par excellence) , the grand protectors of the press, crowding the anti-chamber of despotism, in France, and contending for prece- dence in entering to the consular presence, to bend before the first and greatest enemy of liberty that ever polhited the earth. That Buonaparte is not absolutely the worst of conquerors is true, and has been said in his portrait ; but certainly never did any man lay so many plans to crush every species of freedom as he has done; and therefore his title to adoration from the apostles of liberty, was more than equivocal, and it is not greatlv to the credit of the discernment of those who followed in the suite of Mr. Fox, that they did not see how much they were out of their proper place when bending to Buonaparte. LORD FRSKINE. 317 Any one who reads Mr. Trotter s description of the introduction and audience given by the French consul, and who knows any thing of the French cha- racter, will easily see that the English visitors were considered merely as curious animals, admitted in order to be viewed, and examined as so many oddi- ties*, of which his lordship was one. It is so strange to see men of honour and probity overlooking all the wickedness, and impudent tricks of the French, who unblushingly commit every crime, that when such men as Lord Erskine join in the deception, it is difficult to say whether it is most to be lamented or condemned. When a man whose life has been devoted to the study of justice, and the preservation of liberty, and, above all, to the freedom of the press, is seen gravely and seriously paying homage to a tyrant who labours to expel justice from the face of the earth ; who tramples on the * Mr. Fox said that he thought it was an honour to be erased from the list of privy councillors of the king of England; and by his actions he shewed himself proud to bend to Buonaparte. The same gentleman highly admired the French constitution of 17S9. In short, whether republican, consular, or imperial, he admired what arose in France, but he disliked whatever was allied to royalty in Jingland. 318 LORD ERSKINE. libei-ties of all whom, by force or fraud, he can touch, and who is the most bitter and avowed enemy of the press that ever existed; what but wonder, mixed with anger, and some portion of contempt, can be the consequence r Can Lord Erskine, who has so often defended others, defend himself in this case? We have only to add, that Lord Erskine, after his return, expressed his admi- ration of the abilities and power of Buonaparte; in short, he did every thing but praise him for his virtue*. The best excuse for Lord Erskine is, that he went as a follower of Mr. Fox who had the keeping of his political conscience ; and that such being the case, he in fact was not answerable for what he did, as no party-man is permitted, on any condition, to examine into the conduct of his leader, or differ from him, on pain of being called a turn-coat, and twenty * When Du Roc made bis last dying speech to Buonaparte, who eame to bid him farewel, he said, amongst other things, that he was an honest man; Buonaparte, willing to play the hypocrite, told hin» *' there was another world;" and thus the two robbers of mankmd, and enemies of religion and of every thing good, mutually cajoled each other, with a design, no doubt, of the world giving them some credit for sincerity. LORD ERSKINE. 319 opprobrious epithets, such as were lavished on the great Mr. Burke, the Duke of Portland, and all those old whigs who would not, at Mr. Fox's com- mand, worship the revolutionists of 1789* It is true that Buonaparte cannonaded all those who supported the first system of French liberty, and therefore it might be asked, how could the admirer of the constitution of 1789 pay homage to Buona- parte? It would have been very impertinent in Mr. Erskine to have asked that question of his leader, and it is now too late for any one else to ask it; Mr. Fox is gone to the world of shades, and has only left Avith us the remembrance of his amiable quali- ties as a private man, and his unconquerable and obstinate perseverance in opposing the British plans of government, such as were pursued during his life-time. M. Raynal, one of those philosophers and men of letters who had a share in preparing, by his writings, the way for the French revolution, without knowing the evil he was about to produce, expresses himself thus in 1793, after he had witnessed it. *' The chimera of equality is the most dangerous that can enter into the mind of man ; to inculcate that system on the multitude, is not teaching them 320 LORD ERSKINE. their rights^ it is inviting them to murder and pil- lage: it is to change domestic animals into ferocious beasts of prey. In the name of that frightful equality it was that I saw hords of robbers and murderers, such as hell might produce, after having overtm"ned, by a species of infernal magic, the finest empire in the world, in eighteen months, defiling it with such crimes as the sun never before shone upon: demolishing the monuments of their former glory, and making the progress of arts and sciences retrograde for many ages: declaring the most atro- cious war on their fellow citizens, by beheading, shooting, and drowning them by thousands, after making them suffer unexampled torture.'* Thus did Raynal express himself of the result of the constitution of 17S9, Avhich Mr. Fox long after maintained was the most glorious fabric of human wisdom; yet it is probable that, before the experi- ment, Raynal and Fox would have been nearly of one opinion. What caused such an aberration in the philosophical abbe? Was he a turn-coat like Mr. Burke? W^hy did he not obstinately persist in his theories about equal rights, and universal suffrage, like Major Cartwright and the reformers? The answer is plain — He was too near to shut his eyes EARL mZWlLLIA}^. 321 and his ears to what had happened, and our worthy theoretical reformers are at a sufficient distance to be blind and deaf to experiencCj in order to main- tain their former opinions. EARL FITZWILLIAM. A NOBLEMAN of the first rank, fortune, and family- connections in the kingdom; one also who supports that dignity in a becoming manner, and who, in pri- vate life, is amiable, generous, and humane*. * When his eldest son Lord Milton was about eighteen years of age, he was allowed ^500 a-year for his pocket expencesj but bis benevolence out-run his nneans, and one year, in the middle of win- ter, he went to his father's steward to borrow ^10. The steward was afraid to lend the money unknown to the father, least he might be blamed ; and he went privately and told the earl. — " Lend my son the money," said he, " on condition that he shall tell you what he is to do with it." The young nobleman, who knew nothing of whaV had passed, was offered the money, on condition that he would sa/ for what purpose he wanted it. — 1 have no objection was the answer. " I observe numbers of poor families who want clothing and blankets in this desperate weather. I want to give them some ; and if you Vol. I. Y 322 EARL FITZWILLIAM. It is a hard task to make a good use of a great fortune, aud we have the testimony of our lord himself for the difficulties that surround the rich man ; but to Lord F. might be applied the lines of Pope to Lord Bathurst, and with not less truth nor less propriety : The sense to value riches, with the art T'^enjoy them, and the virtue to impart; Not meanly nor ambitiously pursu'd, Not sunk by sloth nor rais'd by servitude ; To balance fortune by a just expense, Join with economy magnificence; With splendour charity, with plenty health, O teach us, Wentworth! yet unspoil'd by wealth! That secret rare between th' extremes to move, Of mean good-nature, and of mad self-love. In politics, Earl Fitzwilliam is moderate, and of will go with me, we will buy them together." — Off they went on this expedition, and clothed the naked. The faithful steward re- ported the progress to the astonished and delighted father, who de- sired him to tell his son he might in future have any money that he wauled without limitation. This is not a romantic tale, told of an imaginary character. It is not told of the fool of quality ; but a real fact of a living nobleman . EARL FITZWILLIAM. 323 llie party of Mr. Fox, as it was called, a party now without a chief, without consistency, and without connection* As a politician, the noble earl looks on with that serenity which is often so observable in men of for- tune, but which is in reality apathy or indifference in disguise*. When the county of York was to be contested, no man had more energy or more exertion than Lord Fitzwilliam, though to the real interests of the British empire it was of very little importance^ whether Lord Milton or Mr. Lascelles represented that county, or whether those two gentlemen were in parliament at all, or not. It would require some of those deep inquirers in- to the nature of the human mind, to explain such inconsistency of conduct; such undue importance given to an election-question, and so little attention \vhen the fate of the empire is at stake. When Lord Fitzwilliam was Lord-lieutenant of Ireland in 1794-5, he manifested a strong desire to conciliate the Irish, and to make that country happy. Had his ability been equal to his inclina- tion, he would have done a great deal^ but he was too unbending with ministers — too unaccoiiimodat- 324 EARL FITZWILLIAM. ing with the spies and underlings of the British court, who swarm about the castle of Dublin: so that he was soon recalled; when his independent spirit made him act in a way that brought complaints from ministers. Mr. Pitt had many excellent qualities, but he would be obeyed, and this nobleman was not made of that sort of material that can be moulded at will; so that there never was any attempt made for their acting in concert afterwards. It is supposed that Lord Fitzwilliam was disgusted with politics, and that his own good understanding told him, that he could not afterwards, consistently with his own feelings, take any part in ])ublic affairs. Mr. Burke's friends, of whom the earl was one, after th&y separated from Mr. Fox, divided amongst themselves. Fitzwilliam was soon almost alone, and has made one of what might pro])erly be called the neutrals, though we wish his Lordship would consider, that this is not a time for neutrality. To improve the political state of this country, there ought to be an independent and occasional oppo- sition ; that is, an opposition that occasionally would support ministers, and occasionally leave them feARL FITZWILLIAM. 325 and the systematic regular opposition* to fight out a question, and sometimes support the regular opposition against ministers. This may appear, to systematic opposition-men, to be a wild sort of dream ; but let them not judge too quickly: let them remember that this is a time for political changes; and that if Britain is meant to cope with France in a permanent way, it cannot be done by the violence of war, but by wisdom and energy in time of peace: and, with all due humility, it is suggested that this sort of opposition might eifect the purpose. This subject is worth considering: let us try. As matters are, ministers have to struggle with a * It will be seen in the political portrait of Mr. Sheridan, which will be given in our second volume, what admirable effects might arise from this proposed independent and occasional opposition. The excellent understanding, and love for bis country which Mr. Sheridan possesses in a high degree, led him, in his individual self, to act in this independent manner, and we cannot but deplore the nature of a regular opposition, which makes those who compose it thwart the minister in every thing that he does, and thereby cripple the energies of the state. Earl Fitzwilliam in the lords, and Richard Brinsley S heridan in the commons, might be two excellent leaders. 326 EARL FITZWILLIAM. constant opposition ; now, supposing they are right in half of their measures, and wron^- in the other half, the floating opposition, (which must be supposed to be possessed of some intellect, as well as good in- tention*), would sometimes join ministers, we may suppose, at least on one third of the questions wherx they were right, and the opposition on one third-j-, when theij happened to be right, and the other third of the times they would remain neuti'al. The effect of such a division of power or of ^otes in the house would be, that ministers would be strong and irresistible in the measures they carried with the support of this floating party, and that frequently, when they found they were to be opposed by it, they would abandon a bad measure, rather than try their strength. We may at least say * This opposition being composed of independent men, such as now act separately, would have nothing to guide them but their opinion and intention, and it is fair to conclude that on an average they would have just as much intellect as the members of either of the other parties. t This is a hypothetical calculation as to the tliird parts, but the foundation of it is correct, as a pro forma invoice in commerce shows, the nature of the real invoice, though the quantities are imaginary. EARL FITZWILLIAM. 32/ that if this were practicable, it would be very desir- able, and productive of the best of consequences. We could wish to see Lord Fitzwilliam and about thirty members of the house of lords, (whom we could name), forming such an opposition, and to see Mr. Sheridan arrange a similar one, composed of about forty or fifty in the house of commons*. This would be a better alteration than any of the reforms, (as they are termed), that are so eagerly sought after, and of which we have represented the danger, as well as the absurdity. Lord Fitzwilliam is only required to lay aside the apathy and indifference of which we have already complained. Let him remember the words that Addison puts in the mouth of the virtuous Roman patriot I should have blush'd, if Calo's house had stood Aloof, or flourish'd in a civil war. * jNIr. Sheridan, we repeat it, is one of the best public men of the present day, and that he is not in parliament is a, great disgrace to somebody. To see millions wasted to bring in men who can neither think nor speak, and Sheridan left out, is Uke seeing brilliants of the first water stuck into lumps of clay, and common bits of glass mounted in the purest silver. 328 LORD FOLKESTONE. This noble lord rose to political importance, as he himself informed the public, by mere accident. He seconded a motion made in the house of com- mons, not because he thought it right to be carried, but that he thougbt it right that it should be dis- cussed, and as there was no one else to second it, he, with great generosity and humanity prevented it from falling to the ground. Some persons cen- sure such conduct, but they are wrong. If a person passing the Serpentine river sees another fall in, and no one ready to help, is it necessary to inquire whether the drowning man is a good or a bad cha- racter before he gives his assistance? Let him save the man, and then let the man take his chance, for better or for worse: so humanity tells us to do, and so did Lord Folkestone, according to his own at^ count, with the motion he seconded. This accidental seconding of a motion decided the fate of Lord F. Avho thereby got acquainted with Mr. Cobbctt, and many other characters that oppose ministers, and look down with contempt on the LORD FOLKESTONE. 320 regular members of the opposition. Those men are the political Pharisees of the present era; and, as the regular opposition have laid claim to all the talents, they have laid claim to all the virtue,^*. * All the talents does not mean all talents of every sort; it is considered as confined to political talents ; as for example, Lords Grey, Grenville, and Co. do not insist on our believing them to be the best painters, chemists, or botanists; and in like manner all tiie virtues are only to be considered as extending to the political virtues, thus Folkestone,Cobbett, and Burdett,(and those preferable or double- refined patriots), do not consider themselves as monopolizing the virtues of gratitude, consistency, moderation, charity, humanity, and other vulgar every-day virtues; but, for the love of country, for the defence of deserters or mutineers, for taking the buckram out of a minister's coat, as they call it, or listening to tales of complaints and grievances, their monopoly is a close one. Not a single virtue is to be smuggled, all being the exclusive property of the firm alluded to. Colonel Wardle shone resplendent at one time, and his virtues made a great noise. Thunder, it is known, can but be heard at eight miles distancct that is, over a circle sixteen miles in diameter; now, the superficies of a circle being to thai of a square, as fourteen is to ele- ven, by the single rule of three we find the noise of loud thunder ex- tend over about thirteen square miles and a half. And again, as Wardle's noise about Martello towers, and other scarecrows, ex- tended over the whole kingdom, the farthest part of which is 600 miles distant, we find it cover a circle 1200 miles in diameter, or J, 4-40,000 circular miles, to 1,100,000 square miles; that is to 330 LORD FOLKESTONE. It is fortunate for those men of talents and virtue, that they are kept in order by the firm hand of government, else it might happen as in France, when the men of talents and virtue quarrelled and guilo- tined, alternately, a number selected from each party, till scarcely a remnant was left, and they might have continued, had net Buonaparte, lending his aid to the men of talents, killed off the men of virtue with canister shot, and then bound over the whole nation to keep the peace, by a most rigorous course of self-emanating jurisprudence*. say, very neaily 100,000 times as great a space as the noise of thunder! What a sublime idea this gives of the powers of Colonel Wardle. His virtues shone clear at that time, and his patriotism sounded loud. The upholsterer Wiight, and INIrs. Clarke, having outwitted the great patriot, he and his companions cannot with patience hear talk of talents, and they contemptuously leave them to Lords Grey and Grenville, * Buonaparte was one of the violent jacobins, or men of severe political virtue. The men of talents sought place and power, and therefore the men of virtue despised them ; and a crisis arising, Buonaparte was employed by the men of talents, to shoot the men of virtue. This the hero (till then starving) did in the pleasantest manner imaginable, 6000 being slain in one day ; since which time . the face of things has greatly changed, and all have been reduced LORD FOLKESTONE. 331 Lord Folkestone its too disinterested to become a member of government, if he bad it in his power. He is too virtuous to become a member of the re- gular opposition, so that he must, of a sort of necessity arising from free-will*, continue to asso- ciate with Mr. Cobbett, Colonel Wardle, Sir Francis, and such disinterested and virtuous pa- triots. to absolute submission, by the man who was at first a hunnble insirument, and who, having triumphed over all the virtue, and all the talents, lays claim to the whole in his own person. * Who, binding nature fast in fate, Left free the human will. Lord Folkestone, indeed, has no choice of companions: at the same time that he has no choice, he got in amongst his present as- sociates of his own free-will ; and as he is a man of talents, it would be well if be would furnish the world with an essay on liberty and necessity. 33 «? THE RIGHT HON. J. FOSTER, M. P. This gentleman was formerly a most active and able political character. He had a good deal of those ready and general talents for business^for which the late Lord Melville was so famous, and by which he was rendered so useful during the administration of Mr. Pitt. When chancellor of the Irish exchequer he was attacked by Mr. Parnell (we believe his relative by marriage) for having made improvident arrange- ments; but the subject is of so intricate a nature, that it is not very easy to decide with what propriety and reason the attack was made. The Irish finances have undergone such a won- derful change since the beginning of the present revolutionary war, that it would be astonishing if mistakes had not been committed, and it must have been impossible to avoid censure. Previous to 1 792 the revenues of Ireland amounted annually to about one million one hundred thousand pounds, and the capital debt was about three mil- lions. Now the revenue amounts to above six RIGHT HON. J. FOSTER. 333 millions, and the debt to above eighty*! That is to say, the revenue is five times what it was, and the debt more than twenty five times as great. So rapid an augmentation has not any example. In England the taxation has risen, during the same period, in the proportion of one to four, and the debt has increased in the proportion of only one to two and a half; that is to say, our taxation has increased considerably slower than in that of Ireland, and the debt just about one tenth only of the rate, com- paring it with the existing debt previous to that period. It is certain that unless some new plan is adopted with Irish finance, the race is nearly mn, particu- larly when it is considered that the greater portion of the money is borrowed in England, and that there- fore the interest must be remitted to England. Notwithstanding the hostility of so able, so can- did, and so patriotic a man as Parnell, w^e should wish that the Irish finances might always be in the * This may not be very exact, but it is rather too low than too high ; and the general conclusion does not depend upon the accuracy with regard to the precise increase, but on the truth and accuracy of the fact of a most unprecedented augmentation, both in revenue and in debt. 334 RIGHT HON. J. FOSTER. hands of men of equal abilities with Mr. Foster, who, it is certainly to be desired would take an active part in the business of the day, when we have so much want of financial aid in England*. The labour to be done is that of Hercules, but where have we a Hercules to do the labour? There is something portentous and awful in this portion of our national affairs. The ablest financiers have withdrawn their aid-j-, and some who could aid. * Where were all the great patriots, and admirers of Mr. Pitt, when Mr. Vansittart laid an unhallowed hand on the sinking fund, that naonument of Pitt's glory, and that saviour of England. It is to be feared that the line being once passed, no other barrier will be respected. All former sinking funds were violated in time of need, and to put oft" the evil hour; and therefore those who have paid any attention to the subject, and who wish well to England, feel very gT!eat apprehensions. On this subject see the portait of N. Van- sittart, vol. 2. of this work. t When Lord H. Petty was chancellor of the exehequer, Mr. Vansittart acted as his bottle holder: he picked up the noble lord when he was knocked down ; and though they gave in a most mag- jiifixrent plan for ruining England, (as Necker had ruined France), yet Lord Castlereagh shewed that he understood matters of finance better than they did. Now that Mr. Vansittart has stood forward in his own person, in the first place, and has no longer Lord Henry ^etty to assist, or to be assisted, Lord Castlereagh no longer interferes RIGHT HON. J. FOSTER. 335 seek other employments in other departments of the state. It seems as if the safety of England was left to the care of providence, and that we are gazing stupidly, to see by what miracle we are to be saved. The power of salvation is within ourselves : econo- my in expenditure. But we must practice, and above all, preserve the inviolability of the sinking fund, which has saved England, and to which alone we have owed the means of borrowing money, without which we must, ere this, have given up the contest on which the security and independence of the British empire depend. with finance! What can all this mean? To common understandings it is very unfathomable, or rather very wrong. Why does Lord Castlereagh, who it appeared understood questions of finance better than Mr. Vansittart, not turn his attention to that important subject? Why did he stand by and see violent hands laid on the Pitt system, which he so ably defended in 1807. 33^ FRANCIS II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. Although, by the temporary arrangements of the ruler of France, the German empire is dismem- bered, yet, in hopes that it will be restored, the title to which he has a right is here given to the Emperor of Austria. In ordinary times, the Emperor Francis would rank high amongst sovereigns, but the ranks are now so broken, and so many sovereigns are put horsdu combat, that it is no longer possible to assign him a station*. * Contrary to every principle of right or justice, after Buonaparte had made peace with the emperor, he, (proceeding on Machevilian policy), set to work with the nearest princes of the empire, to detach them by giving them (from each other) increase of territory, and ele- vation of rank; and the electors of Bavaria and Saxony, and the duke of Wirtemberg, became of the number of the kings of Buonaparte. The smaller princes, who were not worth consulting, or keeping in good humour, (what the French call menager), were diminished or dismissed, and a kingdom was erected for Brother Jerome, consisting of Hanover, and some contiguous states. A new name was invented EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 337" . With the hereditary virtue, magnanimity, and honour of his imperial house, the emperor wants that hardy firmness that is necessary for those who treat with Buonaparte, or rather that is necessary to enable one to refuse to treat with him, in which resolution alone there appears to be any safety. It is much easier to find fault than to know how to devise a means of avoidmg error, and men are not willing- to make sufficient ailoAvance for him, who, under the impression of astonishment and anxiety, yields to what he can neither approve nor resist. That we may judge of the character of the em- peror, we must consider his situation on those trying occasions when we feel inclined to censure his conduct. As to all the kingly virtues that arc necessary in times of tranquillity, the emperor Francis possesses them in no ordinary degree; hut many of those virtues rather do an injury in certain uncommon and unforeseen circumstances. The French, under the jacobins, had terrified and for this ii€w order of things, and it was called the Confederation of t-he llhine, that river being the only line of demarkation between this western portion of Germany, and the country immediately under ibe dominion of Euonaparle. Vol. 1. z 338 FRANCIS II. repelled all the neighbouring nations, and Buona- parte seizing the reigns of government, had achieved ^reat victories when he first seriously attacked the Emperor of Austria. Of the treachery of General JVIack*, and the errors committed in the contest that terminated in the battle of Austerlitz, it is not neces-^ sary to speak in giving the portrait of the emperor, for defeat was the natural result of the German mode of fighting, when opposed to the French; but his imperial majesty is in some degree answerable for the peace, and for that he has been censured. Had his Majesty persevered, and confided in the firmness of the emperor of Russia, who was prepared * The French never fought an enemy till they had done all they could previoufcly by bribery, and the distribution of gold. In the ex- pedition in question, gold was employed ina rnobt particular manner, and with great success. It is forUinate that this souice of conquest is now nearly dried up; and the Fiench, who maintained armies heretofore, and made war at the expense of the enemy, aie now reduced lo the necessity of carrying on war from their own re- sources, and therefore money begins to fail. It is piobable that paper liioh^y will again be created, but of all countries France is that i» which it will be of the leait use. as the complete failure of ^*s/gHflfs and Mandats is so recent that there will be no sort of confidence in the interior; and as to the exterior they will not serve any purpose. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 339 to support him to the last; or had he waited till his brave brother the Archduke Charles, who was near at hand with an army, had arrived to his assistance, the circumstances would have been altered: but anxiety to prevent greater evils from falling on his people, and on his family; and unable to bear the anxiety of mind attendant on such disasters, added to the renown of Buonaparte, his uninterrupted success, his personal qualities*, and his able and artful ma- noeuvres, (assisted by that cloud of intriguers who are at his command, and who surround him, and are ready at the least signal to assist In his schemes), induced the emperor to yield. The error was in granting any interview, or in listening to any terms ; but making allowance for his feelings, that was excusable, though fatal. The second expedition of Buonaparte was, in many respects, so similar to the first, that the same * Buonaparte is cjuite in his element in the midst of trouble, and the state that is insufferable to a person like the emperor of Oermany, is to him rather an enjoyment; perhaps it is the greatest pleasure that be has. One might as well go into the sea, and fight with a shark, or contend, in a lurnare, with a salamander, as in such a case wiilistand Buonaparte, if once arrangement is in