n 
 
 
 •Si; 
 
 
Columbia ®nîberôitp 
 
 întJjeCitpof jOtetugorfe 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
,^..^„^. 
 
 r /^ 
 
 /./('^Z /^ 
 
 V/^/ ^;/ r^VV/^/?' ' V/////Ay, 
 
 •^. ^/.///. 
 
 A'//// (in oritffnuf hrtiitY h' VatuhUi .t'n ihf fH'f,^-*'^^^^»! ty'Â'ar/^fam'7tamp. 
 
 nîim,^h2x/k«Jl'fyZ.ffnonian,IStrft,Mtt^, Omt*. tmS-Jinffwnt.Ji^'T S^:16i.i 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 THE REBELLION 
 
 1745 AND 1746. 
 
 BY 
 
 THE CHEVALIER DE JOHNSTONE, 
 
 AID-DE-CAMP TO LORD GEORGE MURRAY, GENERAL OF THE REBEL ARMY, 
 
 ASSISTANT AID-nE-CAIMP TO PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD, 
 
 CAPTAIN IN THE DUKE OF PERTH'S REGIMENT, AND AFTERWARDS 
 
 AN OFFICER IN THE FRENCH SERVICE. 
 
 CONTAINING A 
 
 NARRATIVE OF THE PROGRESS OF THE REBELLION, 
 
 FROM ITS COMMENCEMENT TO THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN; 
 
 THE CHARACTERS OF THE PRINCIPAL PERSONS ENGAGED IN IT, AND 
 ANECDOTES RESPECTING THEM; 
 
 AND VARIOUS IMPORTANT PARTICULARS RELATING 
 
 TO THAT CONTEST, 
 
 HITHERTO EITHER UNKNOWN OR IMPERFECTLY UNDiERSTOOD. 
 
 WITH 
 
 AN ACCOUNT OF THE SUFFERINGS AND PRIVATIONS EXPERIENCED BY 
 
 THE AUTHOR AFTER THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN, 
 
 BEFORE HE EFFECTED HIS ESCAPE TO THE CONTINENT, &C. &C. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM A FRENCH MS. - 
 
 ORIGINALLY DEPOSITED IN THE SCOTS COLLEGE AT PARIS, AND NOW IN THE 
 HANDS OP THE PUBLISHERS. 
 
 Second COitioit, 
 
 WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES, &C. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, 
 
 . PAXEBNOSTER-KOW. 
 
 182L 
 
fA 
 
 
 - I..- 
 
 3 
 
 London : 
 Printed by A. il- R. Spoltiswoode, 
 Neiv-Strcet-Sqiiare. 
 
 
ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 TO TITE 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 The rapid sale of the first edition of these 
 Memoirs affords an unequivocal proof of 
 their favourable reception. Anxious to 
 throw as much light as possible on the sub- 
 ject of them, the Editor has on several occa- 
 sions enlarged the notes, in consequence of 
 recent information or further reflection. 
 To John Voung, Esq., Writer to the Signet, 
 of Edinburgh, he has been indebted for 
 many of these additions; andhe gladly avails 
 himself of this opportunity to request that 
 gentleman to accept of his best thanks. 
 
 The work has been noticed in a number 
 of Reviews and Journals ; and though opi- 
 nion has varied respecting the historical 
 importance of the Memoirs, that they are 
 highly interesting has been always allowed, 
 and the labours of the Editor have almost 
 uniformly been spoken of in a manner not 
 
 164^1 4 
 
IV ADVERTISEMENT TO THE 
 
 a little flatterino; to him. The views wliidi 
 he has taken have in most instances been 
 acquiesced in, though some have thought 
 that he has judoed too harshlv of Charles. 
 It may be so. He felt that too favourable 
 an opinion was generally entertained of that 
 Prince, and that some pains had been taken 
 to keep up the delusion ; and, in the fervovu* 
 of opposition, he may have done, what 
 we are all but too apt to do, rushed from 
 one extreme into another. Something of 
 this kind almost always takes place in the 
 progress from error to truth ; for when the 
 rod is bent one way, to straighten it we 
 must bend it as much the other way. But 
 the Editor is not sensible of having gone 
 too far. At all events, he is not prepared 
 to admit that the principle which led him 
 to endeavour to correct what he conceived 
 false impressions on this and other subjects 
 connected with the Rebellion, namely, an 
 anxiety for the " truth of history,'* is found- 
 ed in error ; and he was not a little astonish- 
 ed that the Editor of the Literary Gazette 
 should have allowed himself coolly to ob- 
 serve, in the face of a sensible and sober- 
 minded nation like the English, that truth 
 
SECOND EDITION. V 
 
 or falsehood ought in a work like this to be 
 subservient to amusement. " We consider 
 it bad taste *," he says, " in the Editor of 
 these Memoirs to bore us so much with 
 his * truth of history,' or, in other words, 
 with disquisitions hostile to the principal 
 personage on his canvass. We agree with 
 those who are of opinion, that editors 
 ought rather to love than have an aversion 
 to the subjects which they choose to bring- 
 before the public : allowances may be made 
 for the partialities of friendship and ad- 
 miration ; but it is as indefensible as irk- 
 some, to find the enemies of Pope or 
 Pretender taking upon them to give new 
 editions of their poems or adventures, and 
 carping and condemning all the way they 
 go ; as if convincing us per force of the 
 bard's weakness would give a relish to his 
 productions ; or persuading us that the 
 poor Prince was a coward, would add an 
 interest to his perilous escapes." The 
 Editor is unwilhng to believe that reflec- 
 tion presided over the composition of this 
 passage j for he can hardly persuade himr 
 
 * Lit. Gaz. 9th Dec, 1820. 
 ■ A 3 
 
VI - ADVERTISEMENT TO THE 
 
 self that any well constituted mind can 
 confound the principles which ought to 
 guide the writer of history with those which 
 ought to guide the writer of a novel or 
 other work of fiction, or advisedly sub- 
 scribe to so loose an ethical code as that 
 which would lead the editor of a historical 
 memoir, from partiality " to the principal 
 personage his ca onnvass,'' or in order to 
 give " an interest to his perilous escapes," 
 to convey to the public statements which he 
 believes to be in any respect false, without 
 endeavouring to correct them, and thus 
 knowingly to make himself the means of 
 contributing to the maintenance of error and 
 delusion. " It is the business of History to 
 exhibit men as they are." If these are the 
 serious notions of the Editor of the Literary 
 Gazette, the Editor is happy to say, that he 
 has taken his notions of duty from a very 
 different school ; and though, from the 
 frailty of human nature, partialities and 
 friendships will always continue to exercise 
 more or less influence over us, without our 
 being ourselves conscious of it, yet he 
 trusts it never will be adopted as a rule 
 by historians, or editors of historians. 
 
SECOND EDITION. Vil 
 
 that they may knowingly conceal or dis- 
 guise the truth to give an interest to their 
 works, or for any other purpose whatsoever. 
 It is but justice to England to observe, that 
 amidst all the fury of party contention, her 
 writers are as little liable to a charge of 
 intentional deviation from truth as those 
 of any other modern nation. He regrets to 
 say that his native country cannot with justice 
 make the same boast. Something worse 
 than a mere indifference to truth was too 
 frequently found in her writers in former 
 days ; and even the virtues of Hume were 
 not always able to save him from what could 
 hardly be an accidental unfaithfulness to his 
 authorities. But better principles have pre- 
 vailed in latter times ; and the Editor would 
 fain believe that the conductor of the Li- 
 terary Gazette, who, like himself, has the 
 honour of being a native of Scotland, does 
 not seriously long for the period when 
 
 New Lauders and Bowers the Tweed shall cross over, 
 No countryman living their tricks to discover ; 
 Detection her taper shall quench to a spark, 
 And Scotchman meet Scotchman and cheat in the dark. 
 
 J. B. 
 
 London, June, 1821. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The character of the RebelHon which broke 
 out m this country in the year 1745 cannot be 
 rightly understood without a knowledge of our 
 domestic history, and of the state of the different 
 parts of the island, from the commencement of 
 the disturbances in the reign of Charles I., down 
 to that period. 
 
 To the Reformation (itself, no doubt, the fruit 
 of growing knowledge and civiUsation) we are 
 chiefly indebted for the diffusion of the principles 
 of civil as well as religious liberty. Even in 
 countries possessed of certain political privileges, 
 tyrannical principles were generally prevalent 
 previous to that event. The English Constitu- 
 tion, as is well observed by Hume, " had lain in 
 a kind of confusion ;" and the value of the pri- 
 vileges which it conferred on the subjects was so 
 little understood before the time of the Stuarts, 
 that the government of England was generally 
 conceived to be a simple and unmixed monarchy) 
 which possessedpopular assemblies forming "onlv 
 the ornament of the fabric, without being in any 
 
X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 degree essential to its being and existence." It 
 was impossible, however, for men to emancipate 
 themselves from ecclesiastical tyranny, without, 
 in some degree, embracing principles favourable 
 to general freedom ; for the arguments, on which 
 they claimed religious liberty, admitted of an 
 easy and almost unavoidable application to civil 
 rights. This connection was soon perceived by 
 many of the depositaries of power, who resisted 
 innovation in matters of religion, as likely to 
 lead to innovations in other matters. They saw 
 the importance of preserving every link in the 
 chain of tyranny unbroken. It was soon felt, in 
 like manner, by the partisans of the new religious 
 doctrines, that the establishment of their other 
 rights was necessary to the secure enjoyment of 
 their religion. Hence the intimate manner 
 in which the questions of liberty and religion 
 have been generally connected down to a com- 
 paratively recent period ! In all the public 
 dissensions of this country at least, since the 
 Reformation, religion and liberty have always 
 been more or less blended together. 
 
 In England a tyrannical sovereign early em- 
 braced so much of the Reformation as he thought 
 favourable to his purposes, and arbitrarily mo- 
 delled the church in such a manner, as to derive 
 from the changes a great accession of power. 
 The reformed church of England retained all, 
 or nearly all the principles of the Catholic church 
 favourable to arbitrary power ; and the king 
 iiaving made himself its supreme head, Fontifeœ 
 
INTRODUCTION. XI 
 
 mcLvtmuSf all the influence of the ecclesiastical 
 body was thrown into the regal scale. The permis- 
 sion to marry, which the clergy of all the Pro- 
 testant churches have obtained, added greatly 
 to the influence of the English monarch ; for 
 the natural wish to provide for an offspring, ne- 
 cessarily rendered the clergy more ambitious of 
 wealth and preferment, and consequently more 
 subservient to those who had that wealth and 
 preferment at their disposal, than they would 
 have been in a state of celibacy. Hence, now 
 that the principles of toleration prevail in most 
 countries j that persecution on accountof religion 
 is almost unknown ; that the laity have escaped 
 in several great Catholic states from the in- 
 fluence of the clegry ; that religious reform has 
 ceased to be an object of primary importance 
 in most parts of Europe ; and that the attention 
 of men is almost solely directed to political re- 
 form, — the Catholics, who are friendly to liberty 
 as well as Protestants, rejoice at nothing so 
 much, in the present contests for freedom, as 
 that they have not to struggle against such an 
 additional influence as their governments would 
 have derived from an ecclesiastical reform ef- 
 fected on the principles of that of the church of 
 England. 
 
 The Reformation, so effected by the monarch 
 in England, did not satisfy a number of those 
 who had embraced the reformed doctrines. 
 These dissentients, from their wish to purge the 
 church from many of the Catholic doctrines and 
 
XU INTRODUCTION. 
 
 usages still retained, as well as from the greater 
 austerity and strictness of their lives, received 
 the appellation of Puritans. 
 
 The party of the Puritans again split in the 
 course of time into a number of subdivisions, 
 diifering, more or less, from each other in their 
 reHgious dogmas, and their notions of church- 
 government, but all of them differing radically 
 from the church of England, and agreeing to- 
 gether in their hatred of the dominion of that 
 church. 
 
 In Scotland, the government all along opposed 
 the progress of the Reformation. The govern- 
 ment of England had contrived to throw the 
 weight of the Reformation into the scale of 
 power, and skilfully availed itself of a current 
 which it could not have easily stemmed ; but 
 the government of Scotland, more honestperhaps, 
 though less enlightened than that of England, 
 resisted the temptation which the plunder of 
 the church held out *, obstinately clung to the 
 old Catholic system, and cruelly persecuted all 
 who favoured the new opinions. The new opi- 
 nions, however, prevailed in spite of the govern- 
 ment 5 but as the Reformation of Scotland was 
 effected in oposition to power, it was not a royal, 
 but a popular Reformation, and its principles 
 
 • " For no man living shall I stain mine honour for any 
 worldly good," said James V. to Sir Ralph Saddler, who 
 pointed out to this needy sovereign, by command of Henry 
 VIII., the wealth which he might derive from the church. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Xlll 
 
 were accordingly more favourable to civil and 
 ecclesiastical liberty. 
 
 The Reformation in Scotland was, however, 
 confined to that part of the country in which the 
 English, or a kindred language to the English, is 
 spoken. The people of the Lowlands of Scotland, 
 though then in a much more rude state than the 
 people of England, were by no means strangers 
 to arts and civilisation. But the Highlands (a 
 part of Scotland amounting nearly to one-half in 
 point of extent, though it does not contain above 
 one-eighth of the population,) are inhabited by a 
 different race of men, by whom a branch of the 
 Celtic language is spoken ; and this difference 
 of language, the peculiar state of society on 
 which civilisation had hardly dawned, and the 
 wild and rugged nature of the country, opposed 
 formidable obstacles to the introduction and 
 progress of the Reformation. 
 
 When the great struggle between the house 
 of Stuart and the people commenced in England, 
 *' the devotees of presbytery became, of course, 
 zealous partisans of the parliament ; the friends 
 of the episcopal church valued themselves on 
 defending the rights of the monarchy."* The 
 first and most decisive blow in the island may 
 be said, however, to have been struck by the 
 Scots. The Presbyterian system had been estab- 
 lished in Scotland; and the people were there 
 almost universally attached to it. The first 
 
 * Hume. 
 
XIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 James on his accession to the English throne liad 
 immediately begun to attempt the gradual estab- 
 lishment in Scotland of the maxims, discipline, 
 and worship of the English church, " with w^hich,'* 
 says Hume, " as a Prince he had so great reason 
 to be satisfied." His son pursued the same course 
 with equal zeal but less address, and exasperated 
 the Scots beyond measure. An attempt to estab- 
 lish in Scotland the Liturgy of the church of 
 England, termed by the Covenanters in their 
 manifesto, *' the fountain whence all these Ba- 
 bylonish streams issue unto us," led at last to 
 open resistance of the royal authority. The 
 famous covenant, or bond of union, to resist all 
 religious innovations, w^as subscribed by all ranks 
 and conditions, all ages and sexes. " The 
 whole kingdom was, in a manner, engaged *j" 
 forces were regularly inlisted and disciplined, 
 and an army of 26,000 men w^as soon assembled. 
 Charles I. dispatched a formidable fleet, with 
 5000 troops on board, to the Frith of Forth, and 
 entered Scotland himself, with an army of 20,000 
 foot and 3000 horse ; but, deterred by the force 
 of the Covenanters, and the dread of losing a 
 battle while Scotland was enraged and England 
 discontented, he concluded a sudden, and to 
 him disgraceful pacification, by which, with- 
 out effecting any thing, he agreed to withdraw 
 his fleet and army. Presbytery was, of course, 
 triumphant. This hollow peace was soon, 
 however, broken by the King ; and the Scots 
 
 * Hume. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 advanced into England, defeated the detachment 
 sent to oppose them by Charles, and by their 
 presence in that country enabled the parliament 
 to take a high ground, and successfully to resist 
 the King, which, from the greater strength ol' 
 the crown in England than in Scotland, where 
 its power was always very low, they might not 
 otherwise have been enabled to do. 
 
 However, while the army of the Covenanting 
 Lowlanders was in England, the famous Marquis 
 of Montrose secretly entered Scotland, put him- 
 self at the head of a small body of Irish, who 
 had landed in tliat country, and raised the royal 
 standard, which was immediately joined by the 
 Highlanders. With these means he gained a 
 succession of brilliant victories, which threatened 
 for a time to turn the balance on the side of 
 Charles. As this is the period when the High- 
 landers first became of consequence in a military 
 point of view, and as they have acted such an 
 important part in all the subsequent eftbrts in 
 favour of the house of Stuart, it may be here 
 necessary to advert shortly to the state of that 
 people, the nature of their country, and the cir- 
 cumstances which then gave them that con- 
 sequeiTce. 
 
 The Scottish Highlanders occupy the exten- 
 sive mountainous tract, which, divided by an 
 imaginary line, drawn fi'om Dumbarton, in- 
 cludes both sides of Loch Lomond, and the 
 higher and more mountainous parts of Stirling 
 and Perthshires, Angus, Mearns, and Aber- 
 deenshire. Beyond this line all the people speak 
 
XVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Gaelic, and wear or did wear the Highland dress. 
 The Western Islands are comprehended within 
 this wild and extensive territory, which includes 
 upwards of 200 parishes, and a population of 
 about 200,000 souls. 
 
 The country, though in many cases so wild 
 and savage as to be almost uninhabitable, con- 
 tains, on the sea-coasts, on the sides of the lakes, 
 in the vales of the small streams, and in the 
 more extensive straths through which large rivers 
 discharge themselves, much arable ground ; and 
 the mountains, which surround these favoured 
 spots, afford ample pasture walks, and great 
 abundance of game. These glens or valleys 
 were each the domain of a separate tribe, who 
 lived for eacli other, laboured in common, mar- 
 ried usually within the clan ; and, the passage 
 from one vale to another being dangerous in 
 most seasons, and toilsome in all, had very little 
 communication with the world beyond their own 
 range of mountains. This circumstance, says 
 the author of an able article in the 28th Number 
 of the Quarterly Review, (generally attributed 
 to Sir Walter Scott,) which, in this brief account 
 of the Highlands, we have chiefly followed, 
 " doubtless tended to prolong among these 
 separate tribes a species of government, the first 
 that is known in the infancy of society, and 
 which, in most instances, is altered or modified 
 during an early period of its progress." * The 
 
 * We are rather inclined to suppose that the perpetual 
 wars with England, and the anarchical state of Scotland, are 
 
INTRODUCTION. XVll 
 
 obedience of the Highlander was paid to the 
 chief of his clan, as representing some remote 
 ancestor, from whom it was siij)posed the whole 
 tribe was originally descended; and whose name, 
 compounded into a patronymic, was the dis- 
 tinguishing appellation of the sept. Each clan, 
 acting on this principle, bore to its chief all the 
 zeal, all the affectionate deference, all the blind 
 
 the principal causes of the long continuance of this system. 
 Had not the kings of Scotland been almost incessantly en- 
 gaged in wars with England, or with their own barons, they 
 would soon have reduced the Highlands, and established 
 the authority of the laws there. The sword, as Dr. Smith 
 observes, is often a most efficacious instrument of civilis- 
 ation ; and it has been also well observed by Fletcher of 
 Saltoun, " 'Tis in vain to say, that whatever people are 
 planted in these mountains, they will quickly turn as savage 
 and as great beggars as the present inhabitants ; for the 
 mountains of the Alps are greater, more desert, and more 
 condemned to snows than those of the Highlands, which are 
 every where cut by friths and lakes, the richest in fishing of 
 any in the world, affording great conveniences for transport- 
 ation of timber and any other goods ; and yet the Alps, 
 which have no such advantages, are inhabited every where 
 by a civilised, industrious, honest, and peaceable people." 
 The plan of civilisation recommended by Fletcher, would 
 certainly have been most efficacious, but it is not remark- 
 able for its humanity. " It were to be wished," he says, 
 " that the government would think fit to transplant that 
 handful of people, and their masters, who have always dis- 
 turbed our peace, into the low-country, and people the 
 Highlands from hence." The extinction of the rebellion of 
 1745, which first subjected the Highlands to the dominion 
 of the law, was soon followed by a beneficial change in the 
 manners of the Highlanders. 
 
 a 
 
XVlil INTRODUCTION. 
 
 devotion of children to a father. Their obedi^ 
 ence was grounded on the same law of nature ; 
 and a breach of it was regarded as equally 
 heinous. The clansman who scrupled to save 
 his chief's life at the expense of his own, was 
 regarded as a coward, who fled from his father's 
 side in the hour of peril. Upon this principle 
 rests the whole doctrine of clanship ; and, al- 
 though the authority of the chief sometimes 
 assumed a more legal aspect, as the general law 
 of the country then stood, by his being possessed 
 of feudal influence or territorial jurisdiction j 
 yet, with his clan, no feudal rights or magis- 
 terial authority could enhance or render more 
 ample that power which he possessed, Jure san- 
 guinis^ by the right of primogeniture. The 
 duty of the clansman was indelible ; and no 
 feudal grant which he might acquire, or other 
 engagement whatsoever, was to be preferred to 
 his service to the chief. Such was the very 
 simple theory of clan-government. In practice, 
 it extended further. Each clan was divided 
 into three orders : the head of all was the chief, 
 who was usually, though not uniformly, the pro- 
 prietor of all, or the greatest part of, the terri- 
 tories of the clan ; not, it must be supposed, in 
 absolute property, but as the head and grand 
 steward of the community. He administered 
 them, however, in all respects at his own will 
 and pleasure. A certain portion of the best of 
 the land he retained as his own appanage, and 
 it was cultivated for his sole profit. The rest 
 
 18 
 
LVTRODUCTION. XI \- 
 
 was divided by grants, of a nature more or less 
 temporary, among the second class of the clan, 
 who are called tenants^ tacksmeîi, or goodmeri. 
 These were the near relations of the chief, or 
 were descended from those who bore such near 
 relation to some of his ancestors. To each of 
 these brothers, nephews, cousins, and so forth, 
 the chief assigned a portion of land, either during 
 pleasure, or frequently in the form of a pledge 
 redeemable for a certain sum of money. These 
 small portions of land, assisted by the liberality 
 of their relations, the tacksmen contrived to 
 stock, and on these they subsisted, until, in a 
 generation or two, the lands were resumed for 
 portioning out some nearer relative, and the 
 descendants of the original tacksmen sunk into 
 the situation of commoners. This was such an 
 ordinary transition that the third class, consist- 
 ing of the common people, was strengthened in 
 the principle on which their clannish obedience 
 depended, namely, the belief in their original 
 connection with the genealogy of the chief, 
 since each generation saw a certain number of 
 families merge among the commoners, whom 
 their flithers had ranked among the tacksmen or 
 nobility of the clan. This change, though fre- 
 quent, did not uniformly take place. In the 
 case of a very powerful chief, or of one who had 
 an especial affection for a son or brother, a por- 
 tion of land was assigned to a cadet in perpe- 
 tuity, or he was perhaps settled in an appanage 
 conquered from some other clan, or the tacks- 
 
 a 2 
 
XX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 man acquired wealth and property by marriag'e, 
 or by some exertion of his own. In all these 
 cases he kept his rank in society, and usually 
 had under his government a branch or subdivi- 
 sion of the tribe, who looked up to him, as their 
 immediate leader, and whom he governed with 
 the same authority, and in the same manner, in 
 all respects, as the chief who was patriarchal 
 head of the whole sept. Such head of a subor- 
 dinate branch of a clan was called a Chieftain, 
 (a word of distinct and limited meaning,) but 
 remained dependent and usually tributary to the 
 chief y and bound to support, follow, and obey 
 him, in all lawful and unlawful service. 
 
 Each tacksman leased out his portion of the 
 clan territory in small portions, and for moderate 
 rents, to the commoners of the clan, or furnished 
 them with stock and seed-corn, on condition of 
 receiving a moiety of the profits ; and, in either 
 case, the dependence of the cottager or com- 
 moner on the tacksman was as absolute as that 
 of the tacksman upon the chiefi and the general 
 opinion inculcated upon all, was implicit duty 
 to their patriarchal head and his constituted 
 authorities. 
 
 Under this system, the population rapidly 
 increased. Limited to its own valleyj every clan 
 increased in numbers, in a degree far beyond 
 the means of subsisting them. Each little farm 
 was, by the tenant who cultivated it, divided 
 and sub-divided among his children and grand- 
 children, until the number of human beings to 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXl 
 
 be maintained far exceeded that for whom, by 
 any mode of culture, the space of ground could 
 afford nourishment. The consequence of this 
 over-population, in any case, must have been 
 laziness ; because where there were so many 
 hands for such light work, none would work 
 hard, and those who could set up the slightest 
 ground of exemption would not work at all. 
 This was particularly the case with the tacksmen's^ 
 youngest sons ; a race destined to sink into the 
 insignificance of commoners, unless they could 
 keep themselves afloat by some deed of distinc- 
 tion. They naturally associated to themselves 
 the stoutest and most active of the youthful 
 commoners, all of whom reckoned their pedigree 
 up to that of their chief, and therefore were 
 entitled to disdain " the shepherd's slothful 
 life." Under such leaders they often committed 
 creaghs or depredations on the Lowlands, or 
 on hostile clans, and sometimes constituted 
 themselves into regular bands of robbers, whom 
 the chief connived at, though he dared not 
 to avow their depredations ; and whom, on 
 the other hand, he conscientiously protected 
 against the law as far as he safely could. A 
 military spirit, and contempt of labour, distin- 
 guished even the very lowest of the commoners. 
 " The half of our country, in point of extent," 
 says Fletcher of Saltoun, ** is possessed by a 
 people who are all gentlemen, only because they 
 will not work ; and who, in every thing, are 
 more contemptible than the vilest slaves, except 
 
 a 3 
 
XXU INTRODUCTION. 
 
 that they always carry arms, because for the 
 most part they live on robbery." 
 
 The different clans, living thus in a perpetual 
 state of war with the Low-country, and with 
 each other, no man, without people ready to 
 defend him, could expect to sleep in safety ; 
 and as the consequence of every one depended 
 on the number and attachment of his depend- 
 ents, every consideration became of minor 
 importance compared with that of military 
 strength. 
 
 In former times, the Highland chiefs paid 
 allegiance to princes of their own, altogether 
 distinct from the king of Scotland, with whom 
 they were sometimes at war, sometimes at peace ; 
 or at most acknowledged only a slight and 
 nominal dependence upon him. This was the 
 powerful dynasty of the Lords of the Isles, who 
 flourished from a dark and remote period down 
 to the reign of James V., and whose sway ex- 
 tended over the bulk of the Highlands. It was 
 not until the battle of the Harlaw, fought in 
 1410, that this insular kingdom could be con- 
 sidered as an actual dependancy of the Scottish 
 crown. 
 
 The union of the crowns of Scotland and 
 England gave rise to the superiority in the Use 
 of arms, possessed by the Highlanders over their 
 Lowland fellow-subjects. In former times, when 
 the Highlanders descended from their mountains, 
 they encountered in the Lowlands a race of men 
 as hardy, brave, and skilful in the use of weapons, 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXlll 
 
 as themselves, possessed of much greater inge^ 
 nuity, and far superior to them in arms and 
 miUtary discipHne. In the battle of Harlaw, 
 Donald of the Isles, with the largest army that 
 ever left the Highlands, was checked by an 
 inferior number of Lowlanders ; and in the 
 fields of Corichie, Glenlivat, and others, the 
 Highlanders were routed with great loss, by 
 fewer, but better appointed numbers, of their 
 Lowland countrymen. In the battle fought 
 near Bannockburn, in 1488, between James tHe 
 Third, supported by the northern chieftains, 
 and the barons of the south, *' the tumultuous 
 ranks of the Highlanders," says Sir W. Scott, 
 in his Introduction to the Border Minstrelsy, 
 <* were ill able to endure the steady and rapid 
 charge of the men of Annandale and Liddisdale, 
 who bore spears two ells longer than were used 
 by the rest of their countrymen." But the lapse 
 of more than half a century, during which 
 the people of both borders had remained quiet 
 under the protection of the laws, neither doing 
 nor suffering violence, had deprived them of 
 mucli of their martial spirit. The Highlanders, 
 again, were not only bred to arms and active 
 exercises from their infancy, but were, in a 
 manner, regimented under their several chiefs 
 and tacksmen, and, being always in order for war, 
 wanted only a general and a cause. 
 
 When the civil wars broke out, many of 
 the Highlanders might be said to be strangers 
 
 a 4 
 
XXIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to any kind of religion whatever.* How- 
 ever, those who were not in this predicament, 
 were almost all either catholics or bigoted 
 to the prelatic establishment, and unacquainted 
 with any other principles of government than 
 those of unconditional obedience ; and the 
 chiefs and people therefore naturally embraced 
 the cause of Charles, which to them must have 
 appeared the cause of justice and right. After 
 achieving, with the Highlanders, a number of 
 brilliant victories, over greatly superior numbers 
 of undisciplined Lowlanders, Montrose was at 
 last totally defeated by a body of regular forces, 
 under the command of the famous David 
 Lesley. The victories of the Highlanders, under 
 Montrose, were, however, soon followed by a 
 chastisement within their own fastnesses from 
 Cromwell, such as their own monarchs had 
 never been sufficiently powerful to inflict on 
 them. Cromwell established garrisons at Inver- 
 ness, Inverlochy, and other places in the High- 
 lands ; — he set on foot moveable columns, who 
 constantly patroled the country, and became 
 acquainted with its most hidden recesses ; — he 
 destroyed the castles of the chiefs, and com- 
 pelled them to surrender their arms, and to give 
 
 * In letters from the English army in the Highlands, 
 incorporated in Whitelock, the people are said to be " simple 
 and ignorant in the things of God, and some of them brutish 
 as heathens." Some of them, however, " did hear the Eng- 
 lish preachers with great attention and groaning" 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXV 
 
 pledges for their peaceful conduct. * The civilis- 
 ation of the Highlands must have soon followed 
 the continuance of this system. 
 
 In 1646, the presbyterian form of church 
 government was established all over England j 
 and the union between the throne and the 
 church was now, therefore, annihilated through- 
 out both kingdoms. 
 
 The Restoration, in 1660, restored also pre- 
 lacy. All the royalists were naturally zealous 
 for that mode of religion ; and in England, a 
 House of Commons, of which the majority were 
 attached to presbytery, both as agreeing with 
 their religious opinions, and as being more favour- 
 able to liberty than to royal power, was obliged, 
 from the prevailing spirit in the country, to 
 consent to the re-establishment of the episcopal 
 church, through fear of again involving the na- 
 tion in blood. In Scotland, the laws in favour 
 of presbytery were repealed, and the resolution 
 to restore prelacy was adopted. 
 
 In England, the royalists and zealous church- 
 men were decidedly the popular party ; and, in 
 the first parliament summoned after the Restor- 
 ation in 1661, only fifty-six members of the 
 
 * Such an awe had been struck into the Highlanders, that 
 about 1500 of them having assembled at a pass, where they 
 stood upon rocks and inaccessible ground, and where the 
 English could only advance one by one, though they " stood 
 every way prepared to take their advantages upon them, 
 (the English,) they yet had not the power or spirits to do it." 
 
XXVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Presbyterian party obtained seats in the lower 
 house. 
 
 But in Scotland the body of the nation en- 
 tertained the most insurmountable aversion to 
 episcopacy. The most tyrannical measures were 
 adopted to conqner the repugnance of the 
 people, which only served the more to increase 
 it. The cruelties to which the presbyterians 
 were exposed under Charles the Second and his 
 successor James, are almost unparalleled in the 
 annals of persecution. The party in power 
 endeavoured to goad them on to insurrection, 
 that they might have a pretext for t]ie strongest 
 measures. Hunted from hill to hill by "an 
 army composed," says Fletcher, " for the most 
 part of barbarous Highlanders," the presby- 
 terians naturally became desperate, and adopted 
 the most desperate principles ; and, at last, they 
 openly disclaimed allegiance to any monarch 
 who should not profess presbytery. They were 
 defeated at the battle of Pentland Hills, on the 
 ^8th of November, 1666, and the government 
 now obtained the pretext for outrages of which 
 it was desirous. The consequence was increased 
 animosity on the part of the people. The 
 militia and standing army soon became unequal 
 to the task of enforcing conformity ; and 6000 
 of the Highlanders, who, for the services they 
 had rendered to the reigning family, had again 
 established their exemption from the general 
 law of the land, were invited from their moun- 
 tains to pillage the south-west oi' .Scotland ; a 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXVII 
 
 task which they performed with the rapacity of" 
 an indigent people, and no doubt with consider- 
 able cruelty ; though, it has been said, with less 
 than had been expected from them by their em- 
 ployers. In 1679, the presbyterians burned the 
 acts of parliament in favour of prelacy, on the 
 anniversary of the Restoration, and encamped 
 on Loudon Hill, where they were attacked on 
 the 1st of June, by Graham of Claverhouse, af- 
 terwards Lord Dundee. The honour of the day 
 remained to the insurgents ; but almost imme- 
 diately afterwards they were routed at Bothwell 
 Bridge. 
 
 Events in England afforded that relief to the 
 presbyterians of Scotland for which they had in 
 vain appealed to arms. When James the Se- 
 cond succeeded to the throne, the current of 
 public favour ran so strong for the court, that, 
 according to Lord Lonsdale, he might easily 
 have made himself absolute. But James was 
 the most unskilful of all tyrants. By the open 
 and undisguised manner in which he went to 
 work, he frightened those who, with a little 
 address, would have cordially supported his 
 views. He paid no regard to the opinions or 
 prejudices of either friends or foes. His tyran- 
 nical measures roused all the friends of liberty, 
 and his undisguised attempt to introduce the 
 Roman Catholic religion, and the indignity 
 offered by him to the English bishops, deprived 
 him of the affections of the church, of which he 
 was the legal head, and by which, in almost any 
 
XXVIU INTRODUCTION. 
 
 other case, he would have been supported. 
 *' The Whigs," says Hume, " suitable to their 
 ancient principles of liberty, easily agreed to 
 oppose a king whose conduct had verified what- 
 ever his worst enemies had prognosticated of 
 his succession ; the Tories, and the church- 
 party, finding their past-services forgotten, their 
 rights invaded, their religion threatened^ agreed 
 to drop, for the present, all overstrained doc- 
 trines of submission, and attend to the great 
 and powerful dictates of nature ; the non-con- 
 formists, dreading the caresses of known and in- 
 veterate enemies, deemed the offers of toleration 
 more secure from a prince educated in these 
 principles, and accustomed to that practice : 
 and thus rival parties, forgetting their animosity, 
 secretly concurred in a design of opposing their 
 unhappy and misguided sovereign." Such, 
 however, is the power of government in a coun- 
 try considerably advanced in civilization, and 
 possessed of such a degree of wealth as then be- 
 longed to England, which men are naturally 
 afraid of risking, that, though all parties were 
 for the time united against James, and the 
 Prince of Orange landed with a well-appointed 
 army of upwards of 14,000 men, nobody for 
 several days joined that prince. 
 
 In Scotland, the Revolution necessarily led to 
 the establishment of presbytery. The people 
 anticipated the determination of the legislature, 
 and forcibly drove the episcopal clergymen from 
 their churches. Again, however, the High- 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXIX 
 
 landers espoused the cause of the Stuarts, and, 
 at KilUecranky, about 3000, under Lord Dun- 
 dee, defeated a force of regulars of 4500 foot, 
 and two troops of horse, under General Mackay. 
 But in the battle Dundee fell, and his successors, 
 being men of no ability, the war on their part 
 dwindled down into a succession of inroads, and 
 skirmishes, in which the Low-country was se- 
 verely plundered by the Highlanders. King 
 William deemed it advisable to purchase the 
 peace of the Highlanders, and gave 20,000/. to 
 the Earl of Breadalbane, to be distributed among 
 the- chiefs ; a measure which only tended to 
 heighten their idea of their own consequence ; 
 to make them regard military strength as the 
 road to wealth and importance ; to retard the 
 advance of civilization, and to induce them to 
 augment the number of their followers by every 
 possible means. 
 
 In England, the Tories and the High-Church- 
 men, after the danger which induced them to 
 coalesce with the Whigs was over, soon began 
 to be ashamed of the victory which had been 
 gained; and though, perhaps, generally deter- 
 mined to oppose the King's return, they were 
 averse to the dethroning him, or altering the 
 line of succession, and proposed the expedient 
 of a regent with kingly power. In the house of 
 lords the question for a king was carried by only 
 two votes. Though circumstances had given 
 an ascendancy to the Whigs in the house of 
 commons, the greatest part of the aristocracy of 
 
XXX INTRODUCTION'. 
 
 the country, and perhaps of the people, were 
 still Churchmen and Tories. Defoe, himself a 
 dissenter, in his Review of the 10th October, 
 1706, says, '* that, put all the dissenters in 
 England and presbyterians in Scotland into a 
 list, and tliey make not above one to nine of the 
 church of England members in Britain ;'* and it 
 must always be borne in mind, that though all 
 the Whigs were not dissenters, yet the dissenters 
 always constituted the main strength of the 
 Whigs, 
 
 The Union in I7O7 was brought about by the 
 distribution of a sum of money among the Scots 
 aristocracy, (of which distribution an authentic 
 account has fortunately been preserved,) greatly 
 dscainst the wishes of the Scottish nation in 
 general. The different religious and political 
 parties forgot for a time their animosities to- 
 wards each other, in their common hatred of that 
 ■measure. The Presbyterian clergymen even 
 lost much of their interest with their flocks, 
 from an idea that, having once secured their 
 kirk, they were indifferent to their country and 
 its liberties ; and the most violent of that party 
 were almost disposed to waive their objection to 
 the religion of King James, for the sake of get- 
 ting rid of the union ; *' for," said they, "God 
 may convert him, or he may have Protestant 
 children ; but the union never can be good." 
 It is certain that the Cameronians had nearly 
 formed a league with the Jacobites at that 
 time. 
 
INTRODUCTION^. XXXI 
 
 " A Tory," said Hume, in a volume of bis 
 Essays, first published in , 1742, " may be de- 
 fined, in a few words, to be a lover of monarchy, 
 though without abandoning liberty, and a 'par- 
 tisan of the family of Stuart ; as a Whig may be 
 defined to be a lover of liberty, though without 
 renouncing monarchy, and a friend to the settle- 
 ment in the Protestant line. A Jacobite seems 
 to be a Tory who has no regard to the con- 
 stitution, but is either a zealous partizan of 
 absolute monarchy, or at least willing to sacrifice 
 our liberties to the obtaining the succession m 
 that family to which he is attached." In 
 England the people might be divided into Whigs, 
 Tories, and Jacobites ; though the two last were 
 closely allied to each other. In Scotland, there 
 were only two parties. All the Presbyterians, 
 the great body of the people, were Whigs ; and 
 as the episcopalians had no worldly motive for 
 dissembling their sentiments, having been dis- 
 possessed at the Revolution, they were all non- 
 jurors, and open and avowed Jacobites. 
 
 The Tories got into power in the latter part 
 of the reign of Queen Anne, and the restoration 
 of the Stuarts was projected by their ministry. 
 The violent dissensions, however, which, in the 
 language of Dr. Johnson, shattered that ministry, 
 and the sudden death of Queen Anne, gave the 
 throne to tiie House of Hanover, and the as- 
 cendancy to the Whigs. 
 
 A faint attempt was made in favour of the 
 House of Stuart, in the north of England j but 
 
XXXU INTRODUCTION. 
 
 when the Earl of Mar raised the standard of tlie 
 ChevaUer St. George, almost all the Highland 
 chiefs of name and eminence assembled their 
 forces at Perth ; and he was at the head of 
 the greatest body of Highlanders which ever 
 was brought together. Mar, however, was not 
 fitted to lead an army ; and suffered himself to 
 be pent up within the Friths of Forth and Clyde, 
 by the Duke of Argyle, at the head of a force 
 not exceeding two or three thousand men. The 
 battle of Sheriffmoor was indecisive. The right 
 wing of the Highlanders was successful, and 
 their left completely routed. Both parties re- 
 treated, the Highlanders to Perth, and the Duke 
 of Argyle to Stirling. A Montrose, a Dundee, 
 or Lord George Murray, with the same means, 
 would have soon become masters of Scotland, 
 and (with the assistance of the English Tories, 
 who only waited the approach of a Highland 
 army to declare themselves) could hardly have 
 then failed to get possession of England ; but 
 fortunately for the country. Mar was far from 
 being either a Montrose, a Dundee, or a Murray, 
 and the rebellion was speedily suppressed. 
 ■^ In 1719, a plan of invasion and insurrection in 
 favour of the Stuarts was formed by Spain. A 
 / fleet of ten ships of the line, with several frigates, 
 I having on board 6000 troops, and 12,000 stand 
 of arms, sailed from Cadiz for England ; and 
 while this fleet was preparing, the Earl Mare- 
 schal left St. Sebastian with two Spanish frigates, 
 having on board 300 Spanish soldiers, am muni- 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXXlll 
 
 tion, arms, and money, and landed in the island 
 of Lewis. The Spanish fleet was completely 
 dispersed by a violent storm off Cape Finisterre, 
 and as every thing remained quiet in England, 
 very few Highlanders rose. General Wightman 
 came up with the Spanish and Highland force 
 at Glenshiel ; the Highlanders^ favoured by the 
 ground, withdrew to the hills without having 
 suffered much ; and the Spaniards laid down 
 their arms and were made prisoners. 
 
 The state of the Highlands naturally attracted 
 the attention of the British parliament ; but its 
 measures were imperfectly carried into execution. 
 A general disarming act was passed ; but while 
 the provisions of this act were obeyed by the 
 clans in the interest of government, they were 
 eluded by the greater, and by far the more 
 warlike part of the Highlanders, who remained 
 attached to the family of Stuart. The act had 
 every where been ostensibly carried into exe- 
 cution ; but the disaffected chieftains contrived 
 to retain the weapons of their immediate clans- 
 men, and only delivered up arms of little or no 
 use, which they collected from an inferior de- 
 scription of individuals, of whom each important 
 elan had a number attached to them as a sort of 
 helots. The disarming act, therefore, from the 
 manner in which it was executed, only served to 
 deprive the government of the assistance which 
 it might have derived, on any sudden emergency 
 from the Duke of Argyle, and some other chiefs 
 who were attached to the house of Hanover. 
 
 b 
 
XXXIV ÎXTRODUCTION. 
 
 A declaration of war with France or Spain, 
 which required the service of these troops 
 abroad, was always a signal to the Highland 
 clans for a rebellion at home. 
 
 The death of the Emperor Charles VI., in 
 174*0, gave rise to a general war in Europe. 
 The French ministry, in order to furnish em- 
 ployment to the British government at home, 
 concerted a plan of invasion in favour of the 
 Pretender. In the beginning of 1744-, transports 
 were collected at Dunkirk, for an army of 15,000 
 men under the command of Marshall Saxe, who, 
 with Prince Charles Edward, the Pretender's 
 son, arrived at that place on the 23d of February ; 
 but while the embarkation of the troops was 
 going on, a storm arose, which wrecked a num- 
 ber of transports, whereby many soldiers and 
 seamen, and a great quantity of warlike stores, 
 were lost, and an end, for that time, was put to 
 the invasion. Had this expedition reached the 
 shores of Britain, the whole of the disaffected 
 clans, who were able to bring to the field 12,000 
 men, were prepared to rise. The chiefs were 
 all then united, which for various reasons they 
 were not when the Rebellion actually took place. 
 Impatient at the delays of the court of France 
 in seconding his views, the young Pretender 
 proposed to repair to Scotland, even without 
 assistance, contrary to the wishes of his Jacobite 
 friends in that country, who, with the exception 
 of the Duke of Perth, all declared themselves 
 ajiainst such a design. The battle of Fontenoy, 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXXV 
 
 however, in which the British troops were cut 
 to pieces, on the 11th of May, 1745, determined 
 Prince Charles to try what he could do in a 
 country where he knew he had many friends, 
 and no formidable enemies but the regular 
 troops, few of which were then in the island. 
 He embarked soon after, and landed in the 
 West Highlands, accompanied only by a few 
 attendants. 
 
 In the Low-country of Scotland, the great 
 body of the people were either presbyterians of 
 the established church, or seceders from that 
 church of still more rigid presbyterian principles. 
 These were all staunch adherents of the Han- 
 over family. A considerable number of the no- 
 bility and gentry, and a few of the middle 
 classes, were of the episcopal persuasion ; and 
 the episcopalians, as has been already stated, 
 were either open or concealed Jacobites. The 
 strong feeling of discontent, which had nearly 
 produced an unnatural alliance between the 
 presbyterians and Jacobites, at the time of the 
 Union, was now infinitely less powerful with the 
 former, than their hatred of the house of Stuart, 
 and their attachment to the house of Hanover. 
 
 The state of England at that time is a sub- 
 ject of greater difficulty. In that country the 
 different parties were not so sharply separated 
 from each other as in Scotland, in which all 
 who were not Whigs were Jacobites, and all 
 were Jacobites who were not Presbyterians. 
 In England all the dissenters were Whigs and 
 b ^ 
 
XXXVI INTRODUCTION'. 
 
 Hanoverians ; but there is always a considerable 
 body in it, undecided in their principles, and 
 governed by circumstances ; and all who were 
 not Whiffs and dissenters could not therefore be 
 called Jacobites. 
 
 It is certain, however, from the archives of 
 the Stuart family, now in the King's library, 
 that a' very great proportion of the English aris- 
 tocracy were Jacobites. The Tories, though 
 not all Jacobites, had all a leaning towards the 
 Stuart family j and we must never forget that 
 the Tories formed the bulk of the nation : for 
 it has been truly observed by Mr. Burke, that 
 the Whigs have never formed any considerable 
 part of the strength of England ; that the dis- 
 senters were the chief support of that party ; and 
 that they owe to circumstances alone, whatever 
 influence they may have at any time possessed. 
 As the administration had then been thirty 
 years in the hands of the Whigs, they of course 
 possessed a number of adherents in the upper 
 and middle ranks of life, and among the higher 
 established clergy. But though, from the con- 
 stitution of the English church, it is naturally 
 the ally of the state, and its tenet of passive obe- 
 dience, independently of interest, leads it to 
 support the government, a very suspicious cir- 
 cumstance respecting it was shrewdly noticed by 
 Hume, namely, that almosPall its lower clergy then 
 sided with the opposition. He very naturally infer- 
 red from this, " that some bias still hung upon our 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXXVU 
 
 constitution, some extrinsic weight, which turned 
 it from its natural course." We were indebted 
 for the two extraordinary phenomena of a Whig 
 king and an opposition cliurch to the existence 
 of the deposed family of Stuart ; and the ex- 
 tinction of a Pretender to the throne will pro- 
 bably for ever prevent their recurrence. 
 
 Such was the state of tlie country, and its re- 
 lations, at the time Prince Charles Edward 
 landed in the West Highlands. 
 
 In a few days he was joined by several chief- 
 tains, with from 1800 to 2000 men; and witii 
 this force he advanced towards the Low-country. 
 Sir John Cope, the commander-in-chief of Scot- 
 land, advanced into the Highlands, with what 
 troops he could collect together, about 1400 
 foot, with some artillery ; but on receiving notice 
 that the rebels were waiting his approach in the 
 passes of a high mountain, which it was neces- 
 sary for him to cross, he thought proper to turn 
 aside, and left the road to the Low-country open 
 to them. In two days after crossing the Forth, 
 they became masters of the metropolis of Scot- 
 land. Cope sailed from Aberdeen to Dunbar, 
 and having formed a junction with the rest of 
 the King's forces, he advanced against the 
 Prince, but was completely routed at Preston 
 Pans, or Gladsmuir. Being now between 5000 
 and 6000 strong, though the Highland clans, 
 which formed the only part of their force, where- 
 on any great dépendance could be placed, did 
 
XXXVlll ]N TKODI.CTION. 
 
 not exceed 4000 *, they advanced into England, 
 took Carlisle, before which they remained a suf- 
 ficient time to allow Marshal Wade, who lay at 
 Newcastle with a superior force, to come up 
 with them, and proceeded without interruption 
 to Derby, having gained a march on the Duke 
 of Cumberland, who was at the head of another 
 superior army in the centie of the kingdom. 
 Deceived in their expectations of being joined 
 by the English Jacobites, justly alarmed at the 
 disproportion between their force, and the force 
 and population of the country into which they 
 had advanced so far, and having received intel- 
 ligence of the arrival of troops and arms from 
 France, they determined to fall back on their sup- 
 plies in a council of war held at Derby ; and with 
 one army on their flank and another in their 
 rear, they effected their retreat without loss into 
 Scotland, there formed a junction of their forces, 
 again defeated the King's army, then retired 
 
 * In a letter from Loi'd President Forbes to Mr. Scrope, 
 dated 14th Nov. 1745, published in the CuUoden Papers, he 
 says, " For of those kindreds of the Highlanders who in the 
 year 1715 were at Perth, there are now in this country partly 
 assisting me, and partly detained at home by persuasion or 
 force, a greater number than the number of real Highland- 
 ers who have from Edinburgh marched towards England. 
 I do not speak of the whole of what they call their army, 
 which is composed of Low-country people, who must prove 
 rather a drawback than any assistance to them; but I speak 
 of the natives of the mountains, who, by the celerity of their 
 marches, and by their capaci*^i' to bear fatigues, may be ac- 
 counted dangerous eneuiies." 
 
INTllODUCTIOX. XXXIX 
 
 into the Highlands, where, after achieving a 
 number of daring exploits in the course of the 
 winter and spring, they were ultimately defeated 
 at Culloden. 
 
 Nothing appears more surprizing, at first 
 sight, than that so small a force should have bid 
 defiance for more than half a year to the power- 
 ful government of Great Britain. 
 
 The politician may derive some important 
 lessons from the attentive consideration of what 
 took place at that time. 
 
 That a very great proportion of the aristocracy 
 of the country was jacobitically disposed, is 
 proved by the evidence of their own hand- 
 writings. The prevalence of similar feelings in 
 the other classes of England, or at least of in- 
 difference, (in Scotland it was otherwise,) is 
 proved by the manner in which the approach of 
 the Highlanders was viewed. " We are such 
 uncommon people,*' (at Cambridge,) says Gray 
 in a letter to Horace Walpole, " as to have no 
 more sense of danger than if the battle had been 
 fought where and when the battle of Cannae 
 was. I heard three sensible middle-aged men, 
 when the Scotch were said to be at Stamford, 
 and actually were at Derby, talking of hiring 
 a chaise to go to Caxton, (a place in the high 
 road,) to see the Pretender and Highlanders as 
 they passed." 
 
 But the English aristocracy, though they 
 would willingly have joined the Pretender, if 
 they had seen that he could support himself 
 b é 
 
Xl IN TK'JDrcrJOX. 
 
 without them, resoived not to stir one step so 
 long as this point remained doubtful. King 
 William was only joined in 1688, w^lien he had 
 sliown that he could make good his ground with- 
 out support. The Jacobites would have cheer- 
 fully paid their homage to the family of Stuart, 
 if once seated on the throne, but would risk 
 nothing to contribute to place them on it. 
 
 From this we may see the immense strength 
 of government, in relation to its own subjects, 
 in a country considerably advanced in civilis- 
 ation, and in which wealth is widely diflused. 
 The dread of losing that wealth by unsuc- 
 cessful resistance will generally command their 
 submission, though the government may not 
 only have little of their regard, but may even 
 be an object of dislike to them. Nothing but 
 the most flagrant misgovern ment, something 
 which unites all classes against liie state, and 
 renders them, in the apprehension of a greater 
 danger, insensible to the danger to which re- 
 sistance exposes them, can ever overturn a 
 government in such a country. But in propor- 
 tion to the strength of the government, in re- 
 lation to its own subjects, is its weakness wheu 
 attacked from without. The moment the in- 
 vader appears to be the strongest, he commands 
 the obedience of all those who have any thing 
 to lose. " I do not care," said an English gen- 
 tleman to the author of the following Memoirs, 
 " though the devil were king, if he do not take 
 jiiy estate. from me." Hence, in countries like 
 
INTItODUCTIOX. .XU 
 
 England or Holland, or even a great part of 
 Germany, that obstinate and protracted resist- 
 ance to a government, supported by a powerful 
 army, which was lately displayed by the Spa- 
 niards, could never possibly take place. * Hence, 
 
 * My friend, Mr. Hogg, — for whose political principles 
 the best apology that can be offered is, that like too many 
 poets he has probably adopted them without much reflec- 
 tion, and less from any conviction of their soundness than 
 from their supposed suitableness for poetical eifect, and 
 who has been much more successful in observing and de- 
 scribing actions than in tracing the motives of action, — 
 is struck with the feature in the character of the people of 
 England to which we have just alluded. In the Jacobite 
 Relics, vol. ii. p. 116., he says, " It was during this period 
 (namely the period between the Revolution and the accession 
 of the house of Hanover) that a great part of the songs con- 
 tained in the preceding volume had been written and sung, 
 apparently with the view of influencing the popular feeling ; 
 and in England these lampoons were innumerable, as well as 
 the violence of opposition to the reigning dynasties. Never- 
 theless, it was mostly all in words, as the great threats of 
 Englishmen generally are. When matters came to the test, 
 it was again and again proved, whose promises were most to 
 be relied on." It does not seem to have ocurred to Mr. 
 Hogg, in his zeal for club law, that the power of offering 
 resistance to a government varies with the circumstances of 
 a people, and that the more a people enjoys of the objects 
 for which government is instituted, the greater the diffi- 
 culty of resistance. The people of Hindostan, under their 
 native rulers, would perhaps come up to his ideal of na- 
 tional excellence ; for without any promise they are almost 
 always ready, at a moment's warning, to rise against 
 these rulers. But to take instances with which we are 
 more familiar : — Mr. Hogg would probably find it a much 
 easier task, at any time, to persuade the wretched tenant 
 of a clay cabin in Comiaught to make an appeal to arms-, 
 
xlii INTliODUCTlOX. 
 
 too, for the same reason that the richest nations 
 are the most easily held in subjection, the richest 
 part of any one nation is naturally the most 
 submissive ; and it was found, in Spain as well 
 as in England, that the aristocracy are always 
 the first to truckle to power and the last to resist 
 it. The whole of their patriotism, in difficult 
 times, is usually confined to studying how they 
 shall best retain possession of their estates. 
 
 than the substantial farmer of East Lothian and the Merse, 
 or the rich store-master of Etterick Forest. He will find 
 his countrymen, in the present day, more ready to imitate the 
 Englishman in limiting their opposition to big tuords, than 
 to take to the bare bent for a bed. Cromwell complained of 
 the ruin of his soldiery, " for whom the Scots are too hard in 
 respect of enduring the winter's difficulty ;" but these times 
 are gone by. Wealth and luxury have in their turn visited 
 Scotland ; and the Scotsman having been used to a good 
 dinner, comfortable fire-side, and a soft bed, can no more 
 forego these advantages than the Englishman can. He now 
 knows as much the value of the good things of this world, 
 and is as mucb attached to them. Life-and-fortune addresses 
 mean pretty much the same thing in both parts of the island, 
 — not that the subscribers are ready to sacrifice either, but 
 that they consider neither in any danger. It would almost 
 seem as if Mr. Hogg thought a readiness to rise as inse- 
 parable from the character of his countrjonen, as the late 
 Mr. Windham thought their sagacity was from redness of 
 hair. It may be well enough now and then to talk of the 
 irrepressible ardour of Scotsmen, the perfervidum genus 
 Scotorum, and antiquaries may tell us, that while the Eng- 
 lish retain the Germanic phlegm, nearly unmixed, the Scots, 
 who are a compound of Celt and Saxon, have lost a great 
 deal of it. The less politicians rely on doctrines of this kind 
 the better. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xliii 
 
 Tlie tendency of the diffusion of wealtli to 
 give strength and security to government, is 
 very strikingly illustrated in a paper published 
 in the Appendix to Pinkerton's History of 
 Scotland under the Stuarts, exhibiting a view of 
 that country in the sixteenth century. " The 
 defect of the commonalty," says the , writer, 
 *' viz. that there are so few of the middle rank 
 of subjects amongst that are able to live com- 
 petently and honestly of their own, and by that 
 means are a band to tie together the two ex- 
 tremes, viz. the higher sort and the rascallity, 
 and to sway with the better and more peaceable 
 part, as having something to lose, is another 
 great cause of the distemper and disquietness of 
 the realm. For by that means the whole com- 
 monalty in a manner, a few excepted which are 
 of no reckoning in comparison of the whole, 
 being beggarly and rascall, are ever apt for 
 faction and tumult when occasion serveth ; as 
 having nothing to lose, and hoping to get some- 
 thing when they may fish in a troubled sea, and 
 so follow their lord's quarrels either amongst 
 themselves or against the Prince." The influence 
 of the Highland chief, as has been already ob- 
 served, did not arise from his property, so much 
 as from his being supposed to represent the com- 
 mon ancestor from whom the whole clan was 
 descended ; and it is proved by many well- 
 known instances, that when stript of his posses- 
 sions he could still command the obedience of 
 the clansmen. In such a state of things, govern- 
 
xliV IN'JRODUCTION. 
 
 ment were without that powerful hold over him 
 which they possessed over the landholders of the 
 rest of the country. In general, it may be ob- 
 served, that where a great respect is paid to 
 nobility of race, independently of property, the 
 government must be less secure than where 
 such respect is not known. 
 
 The victory of CuUoden gave a strength to 
 the Hanoverian government which it had never 
 before possessed. The rising had shown them 
 that from the state of society and habits of Eng- 
 land, they had nothing to fear from that country; 
 that however numerous the disaftected party 
 in England might be, a powerful invasion from 
 abroad and the arms of the Highlanders could 
 alone render it formidable ; and now that the 
 power was in their hands, they very wisely 
 determined not leave a single Highland clan 
 in a situation to be again troublesome to them. 
 The English ministers, in the expressive lan- 
 guage of the author of Waverley, would have 
 deserved the gallows as foolSy if they had not 
 embraced that apportunity of destroying clan- 
 ship for ever, and reducing the Highlands to 
 the dominion of the law. The hopes of the 
 Jacobites and Tories were completely dashed. 
 The claims of the family of Stuart began at 
 length to appear obsolete in the eyes of their 
 partisans ; and on the commencement of his 
 late Majesty's reign, the Jacobites were reduced 
 to the members of a few nonjuring congre- 
 
INTRODUCTION. \lV 
 
 gâtions, and that allance was formed between 
 the Tories and the throne which placed both in 
 their natural relations towards each other. 
 
 The events of the more stormy period, which 
 terminated with the Revolution, a period pro- 
 ductive beyond example of great and splendid 
 talents, have been related by some of the greatest 
 of the actors in them, and reviewed by the most 
 acute and profound, though it has been said 
 not always the most accurate or rigidly impartial 
 of historians. But the history of England, 
 during the comparatively tranquil period which 
 has elapsed since the Revolution, a period, though 
 possessing less of what is calculated to strike 
 the imagination, yet presenting abundant matter 
 of great importance to the politician, remains 
 yet to be written. Many attempts have been 
 made to supply the deficiency ; and the work 
 of Smollet, in particular, has always enjoyed a 
 considerable share of popularity. But Smollet 
 was neither an impartial nor a profound histo- 
 rian ; and, besides, much valuable information re- 
 lative to the transactions of which he treats has 
 only lately come to light. The materials for the 
 future historian are now ample ; and it is a great 
 satisfaction to those who have the literary glory 
 of their country at heart, to know, that a * writer 
 in the maturity of his powers, whose attention 
 from his early youth has been directed to the 
 principles of government, whose knowledge is 
 
 ■■" Sir James Mackintosh. 
 
xlvi INTRODUCTION'. 
 
 only equalled by his genius, who, with the ex- 
 ception of Burke, is the only one of our great 
 writers who has shone also as a great parliament- 
 ary orator, and whose candour and impartiality 
 will not allow iiim to be fettered by the trammels 
 of party, has undertaken the arduous task of 
 continuing the English history up to the aera 
 of the French revolution. 
 
 Having given this brief outline of the events 
 connected witli the great struggle between the 
 Episcopalian and Presbyterian, the Jacobite and 
 Whig principles, of which the RebelHon of 1745 
 formed a section, we shall now proceed to advert 
 more particularly to some of the circumstances 
 of that rebellion. 
 
 If justice has been done to no part of the 
 history of this country during tlie past century, 
 it has, least of all, been done to the Rebellion, 
 as to which the most incorrect ideas are yet 
 generally entertained. The secret springs of 
 that insurrection, the circumstances which deter- 
 mined many of the movements of the rebels, the' 
 character of the Prince who was at its head, 
 the conduct of the victorious party, are yet in 
 a great measure unknown to the public. The 
 history of Home, which appeared nearly sixty 
 years after the Rebellion, and from which, pre- 
 vious to its publication, considerable expectations 
 were entertained, added little to our knowledge 
 on any of the above important points. This 
 was partly owing to the defective information of 
 the author, and partly owing to his fear of giv- 
 
INTRODIJCTIOX. xlvii 
 
 ing offence. Having himself borne arms in the 
 RebelUon as a volunteer, in aid of the govern- 
 ment, he was not a person to whom the leading 
 Jacobites would willingly confide their secrets ; 
 and it was rather unreasonable to suppose that 
 he could easily reconcile an account, not of the 
 necessary severities, but of the lawless, disgrace- 
 ful, and unnecessary cruelties which stained the 
 laurels of the victors, with his feelings of grati- 
 tude towards the family from which he had so 
 long enjoyed a considerable pension. Besides, 
 the writer of this introduction can assert, of his 
 own knowledge, that Mr. Home submitted his 
 history in manuscript to some of the members 
 of the royal family. But a faithful narrative of 
 the conduct of the Duke of Cumberland, and 
 of the lengths to which he allowed his army to 
 go, in gratifying their rapacity, and in taking a 
 brutal revenge for the disgrace with which they 
 had been so often covered, could hardly have 
 been an acceptable present to any member of 
 the family to which he belonged. Of this Mr. 
 Home had too much penetration not to be fully 
 aware ; and though he was too honourable a 
 man to state that as true, which he knew or 
 believed to be false, he preferred a prudent 
 silence on many important transactions of the 
 Rebellion, to a more comprehensive statement, 
 which might have been less gratifying to his 
 benefactors. His book affords materials for the 
 historian, but ought not to be considered a 
 history. 
 
xlviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 . The author of Waverley has, in that work, and 
 some of his other writings, sufficiently proved 
 his abiUty to become the historian of the last 
 struggle of departed clanship. He seems ac- 
 quainted with every incident illustrative of 
 national manners, individual character, or the 
 history of particular families ; and he possesses 
 a power of picturesque delineation which pecu- 
 liarly qualifies him for the task of historian of 
 the wild and strongly-marked sons of the moun- 
 tains. In this minute knowledge and power of 
 picturesque delineation, he bears a strong re- 
 semblance to John Millier, the great historian 
 of Switzerland * ; and if he has less learning than 
 the Swiss, he is totally free from his occasional 
 pedantry and affectation. He would not exe- 
 cute his task the worse, for entertaining a sort of 
 secret predilection, which his better judgment 
 can hardly enable him to suppress, for '• the 
 days when each man's arms clattered round him 
 when he walked the hills." 
 
 But even the author of Waverley seems to be 
 under the influence of some erroneous impres- 
 sions respecting the Rebellion. He has uni- 
 formly attempted to hold up Prince Charles 
 Edward as a man possessed of great strength of 
 
 * Called the German Tacitus, not because he translated 
 Tacitus, as a writer in the Quarterly Keview, in an article 
 which reflects no honour on that publication, ignorantly sup- 
 poses, but because he possesses in an eminent degree the 
 qualities for which Tacitus is distinguished. 'Miiller never 
 translated Tacitus. 
 
INTRODUCTION, XllX 
 
 mind, of a generous, bold, and daring character, 
 and even of" commanding talents ; and he has 
 attributed the weakness he afterwards displayed* 
 which he was aware could not be easily recon- 
 ciled with this character, to the disappointment 
 of his hopes in the Rebellion. " Let us be 
 just," he says, " to the memory of the unfor- 
 tunate : — without courage, he had never made 
 the attempt -^without address and military 
 talent, he had never kept together his own desul- 
 tory bands, or discomfited the more experienced 
 soldiers of his enemy ; and, finally, without 
 patience, resolution, and fortitude, he could 
 never have supported his cause so long, under 
 successive disappointments ; or fallen, at last, 
 with honour, by an accumulated and over- 
 whelming pressure." This is the language of 
 the panegyrist, and not of the historian. 
 
 The truth is, and of this abundant proofs will 
 be seen in the following work and notes attached 
 to it, that Charles was always an exceedingly 
 weak man, destitute of any of those high qua- 
 lities attributed to him by the author of Waver- 
 ley ; that lie was indebted to circumstances 
 alone, and the skill and resolution of some of 
 those who attached themselves to his fortunes, 
 for the success that attended an expedition 
 which he was by no means qualified to direct ; 
 and that he displayed, during that expedition, 
 none of the virtues for which he here receives 
 credit. 
 
 The landing in the Highlands without follow- 
 
I INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ers miglît . be courageous or miglit be rash ; 
 liazardous in the extreme, it certainly was. We 
 term an act courageous or rash, according as 
 the hazard to which the actor exposes himself is 
 necessary or uncalled for, according to the de- 
 gree of probability there is that it will be at- 
 tended with any useful result, and according to 
 the amount of sacrifice with which a failure may 
 be attended. But, admitting that the chance 
 of timely aid from France was so small as to 
 justify him in taking this desperate step, admit- 
 ting that the obstinate refusal to comply with 
 Lochiel*s request, to remain concealed for a few 
 days, till he and his other friends should meet 
 together, and concert what steps ought to be 
 taken, was not childish impatience, and that in 
 all this his conduct was not rash, but wise and 
 courageous, it by no means follows that it re- 
 quired address and military talents to keep 
 together his bands ; that he contributed, in any 
 respect, except by his presence, to the enabling 
 these bands to discomfit the more experienced 
 soldiers of the enemy ; or that it was owing to 
 his patience, resolution, and fortitude, his cause 
 was so long supported j or that he fell at last 
 with honour. 
 
 In the first place, the determination of one 
 powerful chief, of high character, by whom the 
 Highland Jacobites were guided upon almost 
 every occasion, induced a number of other chiefs 
 to join his standard. In an enterprise like this, 
 he who once draws the sword must throw away 
 the scabbard j and they had all the most power- 
 
INTRODUCTION. li 
 
 fui of motives for exerting themselves to the 
 utmost by their valour and their interest to pro- 
 mote the common cause. Exertion held out to 
 them a prospect of honours, wealth, and prefer- 
 ment ; an opposite line of conduct held out 
 to them the prospect of loss of power, and 
 beggary, or a disgraceful death on the scaffold. 
 Hence, though measures were more than once 
 adopted decidedly contrary to the wishes of the 
 Prince, no officer ceased for a moment to have 
 the success of the cause earnestly at heart; and 
 it is expressly said by Lord George Murray, in 
 in a letter dated from Lochaber, May 16, 174<6, 
 " that from the beginning of the whole affair till 
 that time, (the advance to Nairn,) there had 
 never been the least dispute or misunderstanding 
 among any of the officers.*' 
 
 In the next place, it is well known that Lord 
 George Murray formed the plans of the battles, 
 and directed all the military movements, which 
 were attended with success. " At Gladsmuir," 
 he says, *'the plan of which attack, I had formed, 
 I was the last that passed the defile of the first 
 line, and the first that attacked.*' " At Clifton," 
 he says, " I own / disobeyed orders ; but what 
 I did was the only safe and honourable measure 
 I could take, and it succeeded. At the battle 
 of Falkirk, I never received an order or mes- 
 sage from His Royal Highness till the battle 
 was over.** Tiie author of the followinar 
 Memoirs, who, from having acted in the 
 character of aid-de-camp to the Prince and 
 
 c 2 
 
lii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Lord George Murray, had good opportunities 
 of knowing both, speaks uniformly with great 
 contempt of the former, and so far from attri- 
 buting any part of the success to him, he does 
 not hesitate to say, *' that whenever he inter- 
 fered, he did mischief.'* " Had Prhice Charles," 
 he says, *' slept during the whole of the expe- 
 dition, and allowed Lord George to act for him, 
 according to his own judgment, there is every 
 reason for supposing he would have found the 
 crown of Great Britain on his head when he 
 woke." He could have no motive for traducing 
 the Prince, by whom he had been favourably 
 treated ; and Lord George Murray, he says, ex- 
 pressed pique on account of his quitting him. His 
 judgment respecting Lord George Murray could 
 hardly, therefore, be biassed by an unfair motive; 
 and, indeed, the unreserved manner in which 
 he speaks of his failings, will not allow us, for a 
 moment, to entertain any such suspicion. Hear, 
 then, the language he uses with regard to the 
 part Lord George acted: — '* Lord George Mur- 
 ray, who had the charge of all the details of our 
 army, and xvJio had the sole direction of it, pos- 
 sessed a natural genius for military operations ; 
 and was indeed a man of surprising talents, which, 
 had they been cultivated by the study of military 
 tactics, would unquestionably have rendered 
 him one of the greatest generals of the age. He 
 was tall and robust, and brave in the highest 
 degree ; conducting the Highlanders in the most 
 heroic manner, and always the first to rush sword 
 in hand into the midst of the enemy. He used 
 
INTRODUCTION. liu 
 
 to say, when we advanced to the charge, " I do 
 not ask you, my lads, to go before, but merely to 
 follow me !" a very energetic harangue, admir- 
 ably calculated to excite the ardour of the High- 
 landers ; but which would sometimes have had 
 a better effect in the mouth of the Prince. He 
 slept little, was continually occupied witli all 
 manner of details, and was altogether most in- 
 defatigable, combining and directing alone all 
 our operations ; in a word, he was the only person 
 capable of conducting our army. His colleague, 
 the Duke of Perth, though brave, even to ex- 
 cess, every way honourable, and possessed of a 
 mild and gentle disposition, was of very limited 
 abilities, and interfered with nothing. Lord 
 George was vigilant, active, and diligent ; his 
 plans were always judiciously formed, and he 
 carried them promptly and vigorously into ex- 
 ecution. However with an infinity of good 
 qualities, he was not without his defects : proud, 
 haughty, blunt, and imperious, he wished to 
 have the exclusive ordering of every thing j and 
 feeling his superiority, he would listen to no 
 advice. There were few persons, it is true, in 
 our army sufficiently versed in military affairs to 
 be capable of advising him as to the conducting 
 of his operations. The Highland chiefs, like 
 their vassals, possessed the most heroic courage ; 
 but they knew no other manoeuvre, than that of 
 rushing upon the enemy sword in hand, as soon 
 as they saw them, without order and without 
 discipline. Lord George could receive still less. 
 
 c S 
 
liv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 assistance from the subaltern Irish officers, who, 
 with the exception of Mr. Sullivan, possessed no 
 other knowledge than that which usually forms 
 the whole stock of subalterns, namely, the 
 knowing how to mount and quit guard. We 
 can hardly, therefore, be astonished that Lord 
 George, possessing so many qualities requisite to 
 form a general, should have gained the hearts of 
 the Highlanders ; and a general who has the 
 confidence of his soldiers may perform wonders. 
 Hence, possessing the art of employing men to 
 advantage, without having had time to discipline 
 them, but taking them merely as they came from 
 the plough, he made them perform prodigies of 
 valour against various English armies, always 
 greatly superior in number to that of the Prince, 
 though the English troops are allowed to be the 
 best in Europe. Nature had formed him for a 
 great warrior ; he did not require the accidental 
 advantage of birth." — Charles was the nominal 
 head of the enterprise, and his presence was 
 necessary to it ; but the remaining with his army 
 seems to have constituted his only merit ; and to 
 attribute to him the successes at Gladsmuir, 
 Clifton, and Falkirk, does not seem a whit more 
 reasonable than to attribute the victory of 
 Blenheim to Queen Anne, or that of Waterloo 
 to George the Fourth. It is repeatedly stated 
 in these Memoirs, and has been stated by other 
 authorities entitled to credit, that the Irishmen, 
 who enjoyed his confidence, and whose counsels 
 the Prince followed on all occasions, were, with 
 
INTRODUCTION. Iv 
 
 one exception perhaps, men of the most limited 
 capacity ; a circumstance which, of itself, proves 
 that he could not have possessed any of the 
 qualifications of a good commander. Not that 
 great princes have not been sometimes fond of 
 low and worthless companions ; but it is one 
 thing to be fond of the society of such men, and 
 another to be guided by their advice in matters 
 of importance. 
 
 Then as to his patience, resolution, andjbrtitude. 
 1Ï we are to believe the reports of those who 
 shared his intimacy, so far from showing for- 
 titude, he was quite unmanned whenever he ex- 
 perienced the least opposition or contradiction. 
 " Charles," says John Hay, his occasional se- 
 cretary, " who had marched a-foot at the head 
 of the men all the way, was obliged (in tlie 
 retreat from Derby) to get on horseback, for he 
 could not walk and hardly stand, as was always 
 the case with him when he was cruelly used.'* 
 It is in adversity that patience, resolution, and 
 fortitude, can be displayed ; and there is ample 
 proof in these Memoirs, that if lie had possessed 
 these qualities in an ordinary degree, he would 
 not have abandoned the Highlanders as he did, 
 when his cause was by no means hopeless. 
 " All that we can say," observes the author of 
 these Memoirs, " is, that this Prince entered on 
 his expedition rashly, and without foreseeing the 
 personal dangers to which he was about to ex- 
 pose himself; that, in carrying it on, he always 
 took care not to expose his person to the fire of 
 
 c 4 
 
Ivi IXTKODUCTrON. 
 
 the enemy ; and that he abandoned it at a time 
 when he had a thousand times more reason to 
 hope for success than when he left Paris to 
 undertake it." 
 
 He persisted in urging the night-attack, at 
 Nairn, when no hope of success remained ; he 
 refused, while it was yet time, to abandon 
 Inverness, and take a strong ground on the 
 other side of the water of Nairn, though CI unie 
 Macpherson was expected every moment on 
 that side, merely because his Irish and French 
 friends disliked the hardships of a hill-warfare ; 
 he exposed himself, under every possible dis- 
 advantage, to the attack of a superior enemy ; 
 and, the first moment that fortune declared 
 against him, he allowed his tutor to lay hold of 
 the bridle of his horse and turn him about, and 
 abandoned his cause without the least effort to 
 retrieve his fortunes, or making his appearance 
 among his followers, who entreated, nay implored 
 him not to desert them. He fell ; but he cer^ 
 tainly did not fall with honour. His character, 
 as was observed by Hume, exhibited " an un- 
 accountable mixture of temerity and timidity.*' 
 In the notes to the following Memoirs, enough 
 is stated to show, that Charles Edward was not 
 the generous and heroic youth his deluded fol- 
 lowers fondly conceived him to be ; a delusion 
 the author of Waverley has exerted his talents to 
 perpetuate. *' Lord Marischal," says David 
 Hume, " thought there was no vice so mean or 
 gtrpcious, of which he was not capable j" and 
 
INTRODUCTION. IVU 
 
 Lord Marischal is well known to have been a man 
 of the highest honour and integrity. Helvetius, 
 a generous and honourable man, also described 
 him to Hume, from personal knowledge, as 
 " the most unworthy of all mortals." Dr. King, 
 who says he " had some long conversations with 
 him here, and, for some years after, held a con- 
 stant correspondence with him, not indeed by 
 letters, but by messengers, (gentlemen of fortune, 
 honour, and veracity, on whose relations he 
 could entirely depend,) who were occasionally 
 dispatched to him," — and that he was as *' well 
 qualified as any man in England to draw a just 
 character of him," — gives a portrait which 
 completely agrees with the accounts of Lord 
 Marischal and Helvetius. Alfieri, who reluct- 
 antly speaks of him or his brother, ** laiidare non 
 It potendo, ne li-volendo biasimarey" is, however, 
 obliged, in accounting for the dreadful situation 
 to which he had reduced an amiable wife, to 
 state circumstances which it is unnecessary here 
 to repeat, and which prove him to have been an 
 odious and brutal monster. To balance all these 
 testimonies, there has not been produced the 
 slightest tittle of respectable evidence. He is 
 said to have possessed great powers of dissim- 
 ulation, and he may have for a time succeeded 
 in concealing his vices and defects ; but we 
 must abandon all the rules by which character 
 is estimated, before we can conceive him to 
 have possessed virtue or talents. 
 
 History should be just. The young Pre- 
 
Iviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tender acted with irresolution, pusillanimity, 
 and an unfeeling disregard of his followers ; but 
 his conqueror acted with a more than savage 
 barbarity ; and though it would have been un- 
 pardonable in the Hanoverian government to 
 have allowed the Highlands to remain in a state 
 calculated to give them any alarm in future, and 
 though measures of firmness and even severity 
 were necessary, yet nothing could justify the 
 acts of atrocity which followed the victory of 
 Culloden. The author of the article in the 
 Review so often alluded to, justly condemns the 
 sentiment expressed by the editor of the Cul- 
 loden Papers, " that no blame can attach to the 
 Duke of Cumberland for them," but does not 
 seem to disapprove of the drawing a veil over 
 the conduct of the Duke, " out of no respect or 
 tenderness to the memorv of that Prince, but in 
 justice to the far different sentiments of many 
 members of his illustrious family.'* But history 
 ought to spare the feelings of no family. The 
 actions of public men are the property of the 
 public ; and it is not more necessary to bestow 
 praise where praise is due, than it is to censure 
 where censure is deserved. The ties which con- 
 nect men with their species are seldom so 
 effectually loosened, even in individuals of the 
 most brutal and unfeeling dispositions, as to 
 render them altogether insensible to the detest- 
 ation either of their contemporaries or posterity ; 
 and the practice of holding up, in all cases, the 
 conduct of the cruel spoiler, the unjust and 
 
INTRODUCTION. lix 
 
 merciless oppressor, to merited infamy, by 
 teaching men in power that they can have no 
 hope of escaping the tribunal of history, even if 
 they should succeed in silencing their con- 
 temporaries, is one of the safeguards of humanity, 
 which a man, who has at all reflected on the 
 motives of human action, would be least willing 
 to renounce. 
 
 The Duke of Cumberland carried fire and 
 sword through a whole country, driving off the 
 cattle, the only means by which the people sub- 
 sisted, and leaving those who did not perish by 
 the sword to die of famine. Many poor people 
 who never offended, females, decrepid old men, 
 and helpless infants, became the victims of this 
 savage ferocity. Mothers with babes at their 
 breast were often found dead on the hills, 
 literally starved to death. As a specimen of 
 these atrocities, take the following letter from a 
 clergyman in the North, published in the Scots 
 Magazine for June, 1746 : *' As the most of this 
 parish is burnt to ashes, and all the cattle be- 
 longing to the rebels carried off by His Majesty's 
 forces, there is no such thing as money or pen- 
 nyworth to be got in this desolate place. My 
 family is now much increased by the wives and 
 infants of those in the rebellion in my parish, 
 crowding for a mouthful of bread to keep them 
 from starving, which no good Christian can re- 
 fuse." Parties of soldiers, while the supreme 
 court of justice was sitting, and there was no 
 obstacle to the due execution of the laws, even 
 
Ix INTRODUCTION. 
 
 within a few miles of Edinburgh, without war- 
 rant from a civil court, seized the goods and 
 effects, not of persons convicted as rebels, but 
 of whomsoever they pleased to style rebels, ex- 
 posed them to public auction, and arbitrarily 
 disposed of the proceeds, to the ruin of the in- 
 dividuals themselves, and the defrauding of their 
 lawful creditors. If a tradesman happened to 
 displease an' officer, he would order him to be 
 flogged. Thus one Maiben, a wig-maker' in 
 Stirling, happening to have some words with an 
 officer respecting a transaction in the way of his 
 business, Lieut. Col. Howard ordered him to be 
 flogged, and this sentence was carried into exe- 
 cution in defiance of the formal protest of the 
 magistrates of Stirling, and their demand to have 
 him given up to them. After this system of 
 violence and plunder had been carried the most 
 daring lengths, a number of actions were 
 brought in the court of session, against officers 
 of the army, by men who had been thus stript 
 of their property ; and on the 1 8th of December, 
 1746, Captain Hamilton, of St. George's dra- 
 goons, one of the most noted of these military 
 robbers, under the sanction of the royal duke, 
 was condemned to make restitution ; a sentence 
 which decided the fate of other actions against 
 him and his brother officers, and put a stop to 
 farther depredations. It required no small 
 degree of fortitude to do justice in those times; 
 and we are not to wonder that Lord President 
 Forbes, to whom the merit of this sentence is 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixî 
 
 due, should have been complimented on account 
 of it by Sir Andrew Mitchell, as the saviour of 
 his country. *' I am persuaded," he says, in a 
 letter in the Culloden Papers, *' that Providence 
 intends that you should once more save your 
 country ; and, as an earnest of it, I consider 
 your decree in the case of Captain Hamilton, 
 the honour of which is ascribed to you.*' The 
 ingratitude of George II. to Forbes, to whose 
 efforts and diversion in the North it was ovi'ing 
 that the whole of the disaffected clans did not 
 pour down their forces on the South, and to 
 whom that monarch, therefore, probably owed 
 his continuance on the tlirone, an ingratitude 
 which preyed on the warm and generous Forbes 
 and brought him to an untimely grave, has been 
 often alluded to. The writer of an article on 
 the Culloden papers in the Edinburgh Review, 
 says, *' We cannot doubt that one of the popular 
 accounts is the true one, which ascribes it all to 
 his having plainly, and even in the king's pre- 
 sence, expressed his decided disapprobation of 
 the violence of the royal army." The condem- 
 nation of the son of the monarch, involved in the 
 decision to which so much importance was then 
 attached, serves to confirm that opinion. Let us, 
 however, do justice to George II. The Duke 
 of Cumberland was his son ; and though the 
 whole people are frequently said to be the chil- 
 dren of the monarch, it must be remembered, 
 this is only a figure. George could occasionally 
 be magnanimous ; for when the Pretender re- 
 
Ixii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 visited this country, some years afterwards, he 
 allowed him to depart, though he was aware of 
 his presence, and could easily have secured 
 him. * 
 
 It may now be proper to speak more particu- 
 larly respecting the following Memoirs. 
 
 The Chevalier de Johnstone, the author, was 
 the only son of James Johnstone, merchant, in 
 Edinburgh. This family, by descent and alli- 
 ance, were connected with some of the first 
 houses in Scotland. His sister Cecilia was mar- 
 ried to a son of Lord Hollo, who succeeded to 
 the estate and title in lj65. The Chevalier de 
 Johnstone appears in his youth to have moved 
 in the best society which the Scottish capital 
 then contained, and to have been on the most 
 intimate footing with the well-known Lady Jane 
 Douglas, mother of the present Lord Douglas, 
 who uniformly treated him with all the tender- 
 ness and regard of a parent. Educated in epis- 
 
 * It is but justice to observe that Earl Waldgrave, who 
 seems to have been a very honest man, alleges many things 
 in favour of the Duke of Cumberland, whose " notions of 
 honour and generosity, he says, were worthy of a Prince," 
 though he allows that he was " too much guided by his 
 passions, which were often violent and ungovernable," and 
 that he was not qualified for " interfering in the affairs of 
 civil government." — The commonly received account, how- 
 ever, and the character of the Earl are reconcileable with 
 each other. It may be observed in passing, that the Earl 
 speaks much more favourably of George the Second than 
 he does of his successor, when under his charge. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixiiî 
 
 copalian and Jacobite principles, on the first 
 intelligence of the landing of Prince Charles 
 Edward, he made his escape from Edinburgh to 
 Duncrub, the seat of Lord Rollo, near Perth, 
 where he waited the arrival of the Prince in that 
 town, and was one of the first of the Low-country 
 gentlemen who flocked to his standard. By the 
 Misses Rollo, his relations, he was introduced to 
 the Duke of Perth and Lord George Murray, 
 the leaders of the rebel army, the latter of whom 
 invited him to become his aid-de-camp, an invit- 
 ation which he accepted. He acted for a con- 
 siderable period in that capacity, and also as 
 assistant aid-de-camp to the Prince himself. 
 From the Prince he received a captain's com- 
 mission, immediately after the battle of Preston- 
 pans, and worn out with the incessant hardships 
 of his situation of aid-de-camp, that hardly left 
 him one hour in the four-and- twenty for repose, 
 he immediately began to raise a company, with 
 which, when completed, he joined the Duke of 
 Perth's regiment. He bore a part in all the 
 movements of the rebel army, and after the 
 battle of CuUoden, remained for some time in 
 concealment in different places in the North, 
 and then proceeded in disguise to Edinburgh, 
 where he again remained for some time con- 
 cealed in the house of Lady Jane Douglas at 
 Drumshugh. He made his escape from Scot- 
 land to England, in the disguise of a Scots pedlar, 
 and after remaining some time in London, he 
 embarked with Lady Jane Douglas at Harwich, 
 
 5 
 
Ixiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 for Holland. It was his intention, on first 
 reaching the continent, to proceed to Russia, 
 where, by means of two uncles, Generals Hewit 
 and Douglas, who possessed great influence in 
 that country, he could have established himself 
 to advantage ; but he allowed himself to be 
 persuaded to go to Paris, where he was buoyed 
 np for some years with hopes of another expedi- 
 tion to Scotland. He obtained a share in the 
 fund set apart by the government for Scots 
 exiles, but, tired of an inactive life, he entered 
 the French service, and was sent to the French 
 possessions in North America, from which he 
 returned to France on the conquest of these 
 possessions by the English. 
 
 The Chevalier de Johnstone seems to have 
 been a man of an open, decided, and rather 
 impetuous character. By his mother he had 
 been much indulged, and the Jacobites of that 
 day, like the Cavaliers, of whom they were the 
 descendants, willingly excluded w^iatever par- 
 took of restraint on enjoyment, or temperance of 
 any kind, from their code of morality. His 
 youth, he tells us, had been stormy, and Lady 
 Jane Douglas urged his father to allow him to 
 gratify his wish to pay a visit to his uncles in 
 Russia when he was under twenty years of age, 
 as it would withdraw him for a time from his dis- 
 solute companions. In his concealment in the 
 house of Lady Jane Douglas, he first acquired a 
 taste for reading, which he retahied during the 
 rest of his life. That he was a man of talents 
 
INTRODUCTION. J XV 
 
 and of an amiable disposition is prov^ed by the 
 confidence which he successively enjoyed, of 
 MM. des Herbiers and the Count de Raimond, 
 governors of the island of ('ape-Breton, and 
 MM. de Levis and Montcalm, the commanders of 
 tlie forces in Canada, to whom he acted as aide- 
 de-camp, and who entertained for him a warm 
 friendship. By the death of his friends and pro- 
 tectors, or some unfortunate accident or other, 
 the cup of preferment seems to have always been 
 dashed from his lips the moment he was on the 
 point of tasting it ; and he was left to languish 
 in comfortless poverty, with the prospect of dying 
 in want of the necessaries of life, notwithstanding 
 the most meritorious services to his adopted 
 country, where the most degrading petticoat in- 
 fluence then regulated the disposal of almost 
 every public employment, and where corruption 
 and profligacy reigned in their most foul and 
 disgusting forms. * 
 
 * When Lord Stormonth was our ambassador at the court 
 of France, the Chevalier revisited Scotland for the purpose 
 of examining into the rights of an estate to which he laid 
 claim, and brought with him a letter of recommendation 
 from his Lordship to a professional gentleman in Edinburgh. 
 Mr. Young, to whom the Editor is indebted for so much va- 
 luable information, had then frequent opportunities of seeing 
 and conversing with the Chevalier. From Mr. Young's desci'ip- 
 tion it appears that he was little and slight in his person, 
 and that from his mapners and appearance, a stranger would 
 have pronounced him less fit for the camp than the drawing- 
 room. But the French officer of former days valued himself 
 more on certain fashionable accomplishments than was 
 
 d 
 
Ixvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Memoirs appear, from circumstances al- 
 luded to in them, such as a recent financial 
 measure of the Abbé Terray, to have been 
 written shortly after the return of the author to 
 France. From the interval which had elapsed 
 between the RebelHon and their composition, and 
 his absence from his native country, the author 
 has occasionally fallen into unavoidable inac- 
 curacy with respect to minor matters. But 
 his impressions, with respect to all the great 
 transactions of the Rebellion are clear and 
 strong ; and on many of them, such as the 
 retreat from Derby, the meeting of the van- 
 quished Highlanders at Ruthven, and the deser- 
 tion of Prince Charles, he throws a valuable 
 light. From the confidential situation he filled, 
 he had good opportunities of knowing the cha- 
 racters of the leading personages in the Rebel- 
 lion ; and his portraits bear every mark of pene- 
 tration, candour, and impartiality. The future 
 historian of this period cannot, with a due regard 
 to truth, pourtray Prince Charles Edward, Lord 
 George Murray, or the Duke of Perth, as they 
 actually were, without availing himself of the 
 assistance of our uthor. His account, too, of 
 the French service in the reign of Louis XV., 
 towards the conclusion of the work, is by no 
 means the least valuable part of it. 
 
 thought consistent with military hardihood in this country ; 
 and it is to be remembered that the Chevaher had long 
 been accustomed only to French society. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixvil 
 
 It can hardly be necessary to apologise to the 
 Scots Presbyterians, of the present day, for the 
 harsli manner in which the author speaks of their 
 fathers. It is difficult, in our times, to form any 
 idea of the animosity which the episcopalians 
 and presbyterians formerly bore towards each 
 other. The author merely speaks the common 
 language of his party. Take, for instance, the 
 following passage, out of thousands of the same 
 description, in the Rehearsals, a periodical work 
 which first appeared in 1704, 1705, I706, I707, 
 and I7O8, and was republished so late as 1750, 
 written by Mr. Lesley, an eminent non-juring 
 clergyman, possessed of great talents, the author 
 of many other political and controversial tracts, 
 during the reigns of King William and Queen 
 Anne, and the intimate friend of Dr. King: — 
 *' It has been an old observation, that wherever 
 presbytery was established, there witchcaft and 
 adultery were particulrrly rampant. As one 
 said of Scotland, in the days of presbytery, 
 they burn all the old women for witches, and 
 
 keep the young ones for w s. The records 
 
 of the stools of repentance in Scotland would 
 astonish you, where such multitudes of men 
 and women come daily to make their show for 
 adultery and fornication, that it has almost 
 ceased to be a shame ; and those so inclined 
 go thither to know where they may find their 
 game, which has so increased, that the com- 
 mision of the General Assembly there have 
 this very month petitioned the Parliament to help 
 
 d 2 
 
Ixviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 them in particular against the abominable sin of 
 adultery, which does much abound, say they in 
 their said petition. Witchcraft is a spiritual 
 adultery, and the carnal commonly accompanies 
 it J and rebellion is called witchcraft. And it 
 is particularly remarkable of presbytery, that it 
 never came yet into any country upon the face 
 of the earth but by rebellion : — that mark lies 
 upon it." How furious the spirit of animosity 
 must have been when a man of education, cha- 
 racter, and talents, could so far lay aside every 
 thing like candour and Christian charity, as to 
 stain his pages with such abominable ribaldry ! 
 But this was greedily swallowed by the high 
 church party of those days. 
 
 *' The tree is known by his fruit." The Pres- 
 byterians may now triumphantly appeal to that 
 test. Whatever else the alliance between church 
 and state produces, experience has proved that 
 it certainly does not tend to improve the morals 
 and character of a people. The long ladder of 
 church preferment may secure to the state a 
 trusty band of dependents, ready for every po- 
 litical emergency ; but, alas ! the steps of that 
 ladder are not mounted by labouring in the 
 vineyard of the Lord. The aristocracy may 
 deem themselves unable to provide for their 
 younger sons without rich livings, and rich liv- 
 ings are incompatible with presbyterian equality ; 
 and, therefore, both the crown and the aris- 
 tocracy may find their account in the present 
 state of the church of England; but to the 
 power of the crown and the convenience of the 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixix 
 
 aristocracy, the moral and religious improve- 
 ment of the English people is sacrificed. 
 
 In Scotland the mass of the population has 
 been gradually raised from the lowest depth of 
 degradation by presbytery, and the institutions 
 which it set on foot and still watches over, to a 
 proud elevation among the people of the British 
 empire. Wherever, indeed, the Presbyterian 
 system has been established, — in Scotland, in 
 the north of Ireland, in Holland, Germany, and 
 Switzerland, or in the wilds of North America, — 
 it has uniformly been accompanied by a marked 
 elevation of character. It unites the people with 
 the church, and the church with the people. 
 When a church is viewed as something separate 
 and distinct from a people, and the people as 
 existing for the church rather than the church 
 for the people, the splendour of a hierarchy 
 will naturally be thought to outweigh every other 
 consideration. The absence of that splendour 
 may diminish the attractions of a presbyterian 
 church in the eyes of the higher ranks, and pre- 
 vent them from viewing its ministry as a suitable 
 employment for their children : there is in this 
 nothing to be regretted. The great body of 
 the people identify themselves with presbytery ; 
 the humblest individual feels himself somethinir 
 under it, and raised in his own eyes, (and no 
 virtue can exist without such respect) ; the grand 
 foundation on which the structure of society 
 rests becomes thus firm and solid, and may even 
 bid defiance, as in Scotland, to a heartless poli- 
 
IXX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tical profligacy and corruption in the upper 
 ranks of life, the result of a most defective civil 
 constitution, which would overwhelm another 
 nation. There is the best evidence for stating, 
 that, notwithstanding the fight which the Re- 
 formed Church of Scotland had carried on 
 against vice and immorality, the Scots, during 
 the time of the civil wars, were still greatly be- 
 neath the English in character. It appears 
 from Letters from Scotland, in Whitlock, in 
 November, 1652, "that at the assizes m Scotland 
 1000 appeared before the Judges, accused for 
 adulteries and other crimes.** — The Discourses 
 on the affairs of Scotland of the patriotic Fletcher 
 exhibit a state of things which seems almost in- 
 credible in our days. But the complete esta- 
 blishment of presbytery soon began to produce 
 its effects ; and, as has been well observed by an 
 able writer, *' the Scotch, who in one century 
 were the most unprincipled and desperate ma- 
 rauders, were in the next examples of sobriety 
 and peace.*' 
 
 It is not meant to defend the intolerance with 
 which the Presbyterians, as well as other sects, 
 were chargeable, nor to vindicate the foolish 
 union with the Cavaliers, which brought back 
 the Stuarts without limitations, and inundated 
 the island with a flood of evils, from which the 
 Revolution could not free it. Peace be to their 
 errors ! The austerity, too, of the Presbyterians 
 may seem to throw an unnecessary gloom over 
 human life ; and it cannot be denied that they 
 formerly carried their hatred of pleasure to an 
 
INTRODUCTION. IXXI 
 
 unwarrantable excess ; but the open profligacy 
 of their opponents, of the mischiefs of which they 
 had seen such abundant proofs, the keen struggle 
 which they so long maintained, and their almost 
 unparalleled sufferings, could hardly fail to throw 
 them into the extreme of self-denial. To these 
 times succeeded others of a different com- 
 plexion, in which nature asserted her dominion 
 over the Presbyterians, and their austerity has 
 long ceased to pass the bounds of propriety. 
 The writer of these observations, whose infancy 
 and early youth were passed among Presbv- 
 terians, still more strict than those of the estab- 
 lished church of Scotland, once thought many of 
 their observances an inconvenient and unneces- 
 sary restraint. But when he calls to mind the 
 cheerfulness possessed by the working classes of 
 Scotland, their kind and social disposition, their 
 festivity and their general happiness, and reflects 
 at the same time on the benefits derived from 
 habits of early restraint in after-life, the mis- 
 chiefs of indulgence, and that obstacles in the 
 way of enjoyment tend often to enhance its 
 value, laying all other considerations aside, he 
 is inclined to doubt whether even the mass of 
 worldly happiness is not increased by what may 
 seem, at first sight, an unnecessary abridgement 
 of it. The native of Scotland, who visits other 
 countries, will often, like Bruce in Abyssinia*, 
 when viewing the men around him, and their 
 
 * See his Reflections on discovering the Source of the 
 Nile. 
 
Ixxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 dispositions and habits, be forced to remark the 
 wide interval in the moral scale which separates 
 them from the peaceful and intelligent inhabit- 
 ants of" the valleys of Tweed, Annan, and Clyde, 
 and to cherish a feeling of gratitude to the 
 memory of those who laid the foundation of that 
 superiority. The author of these Memoirs in- 
 voluntarily pays a high tribute to the character 
 of the Presbyterians whom he abuses.— -Though 
 he belonged to a party whom they abhorred, he 
 was more than once indebted to them for his 
 life, and they concealed him in their houses, at a 
 time when that concealment was attended with 
 the utmost danger to themselves, and when to 
 have discovered him would have been attended 
 with a considerable reward. 
 
^^^^^1 
 
 ■ 
 
 ^^^I^^^^^^^^^I^^^^R " -^ ~ mI 
 
 I 
 
 ^^^^^^^^H^Hh gi 
 
 HHI 
 
 ^^^^^^H^^^^HK __ .IH 
 
 I^^H 
 
 ^^^^■^^ffil \ ^^ :3tiMHH 
 
 ^^^^H 
 
 ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^■■HE -ti^ -.-i^ -xRih >M^^^^^^^^^I 
 
 ^^^^^^^H 
 
 
 ^H 
 
 l|IHIlH^^H^HHH^H|p^ -^^^Hj^^^H 
 
 ■ 
 
 ^^^H 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 
 ■■ 
 
 ^^^^^^^^^H^HSgW s^'flH^^^^H 
 
 WM 
 
 ^^^^^^^H^^^^^Hfli^ /^^É^B^^^^^^i 
 
 ^m 
 
 I^^^^^^^^^^HH^^^^^HW ^.ffl^^^^^^^^ i«««l^ 
 
 
 r,^.^«.^. 
 
 &^/?/ Q^àùi/r/p. 
 
 à 
 
 
 I'fojn an t'y^^naJ jAclurf hy *- d'n/Àonr t£<fne, vu l^^ pûf}é%^c?2 r/ /'.rrri /' rtntmamp. 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE REBELLION OF 1745, 
 
 Prince Charles Edward Stuart, grandson of 
 James the Second, who was dethroned in 1688, 
 unable to support any longer the endless delays 
 in the embarkation of the troops, destined by 
 the court of France for an invasion of Scotland, 
 at length formed the resolution * of repairing 
 
 * In a letter from the historian Hume, to Sir John Pringle, 
 dated lOth of February, 1773, and published in the Gentle- 
 man's Magazine for May, 1788, some circumstances are stated 
 which, if true, give no very high idea of the resolution of 
 Charles, in entering on this expedition. After quoting the opi- 
 nions of Lord Mareschal, and Helvetius (in whose house he was 
 concealed nearly two years), as to the worthlessness of his 
 character, opinions which so many accounts serve to confirm, 
 Mr. Hume, in relating a conversation which he had with Hel- 
 vetius at Paris, makes the French philosopher say, " I have 
 been assured, when he went down to Nantes to embark on 
 his expedition to Scotland, he took fright, and refused to go 
 on board ; and his attendants, thinking the matter gone too 
 far, and that they would be affronted for his cowardice, carried 
 
 B 
 
2 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 secretly to that country, and throwing himself 
 into the arms of the Scotch. Their fidelity and 
 attachment to his family had been amply proved, 
 in the different attempts made by them since the 
 Revolution, to replace the Stuarts on the 
 throne * ; and he entertained a hope of succeed- 
 ing in his enterprise by the efforts of his subjects 
 alone, without the assistance of foreign powers. 
 
 He embarked at Belleisle, on the 3d t of 
 July, 1745, on board a small frigate Î, escorted 
 
 him in the night-time into the ship, pieds et mains lies" — 
 It does not appear that Helvetius mentioned the authority 
 on which he made this statement. The attendants of Charles 
 were for the most part persons entitled to very little credit ; 
 and if Helvetius derived his information from them, it is of 
 small value. As, however, he was a man of the highest ho- 
 nour, he would hardly have stated such a circumstance, had 
 it not been communicated to him by persons in whom he 
 himself reposed some degree of belief. 
 
 * The attachment to the house of Stuart was general 
 only in the Highlands, which hardly contained one-eighth 
 part of the population of Scotland. — The Presbyterians of 
 the Low Country were, with very few exceptions, among 
 the most decided of the adherents of the Revolution ; though 
 some of them might not yet be quite reconciled to the union 
 with England. 
 
 -j- In these memoirs the old style, which was used in this 
 country in the period which they embrace, is always observed 
 in the different dates. 
 
 \ Mr. Home states, that Charles left Nantes, on the 20tb 
 , of June, in a fishing-boat : went on board the Doutelle, a 
 frigate of sixteen guns, at St. Nazaire, and was joined by the 
 Elisabeth, near Belleisle. 
 
REBELLION OF I J 15. S 
 
 by the Elizabeth, a ship of sixty guns. These 
 two v^essels were armed and fitted out at the ex- 
 penseof Mr. Welsh, a merchantof Nantes, for the 
 conveyance of the Prince to Scotland ; but the 
 court of France afterwards reimbursed that indi- 
 vidual for all the expenses of the expedition, * 
 
 The Prince was only accompanied by seven 
 individuals, viz. the Duke of Athol t, attainted 
 and an exile since the year 1715 ; Macdonel, 
 an Irishman ; Kelly, an Irishman, formerly se- 
 cretary to the Bishop of Rochester ; Sullivan, 
 an Irishman ; Sheridan, an Irishman, who had 
 been governor to the Prince ; Macdonald, a 
 Scotsman ; Strickland, an Irishman t ; and 
 
 * Mr. Home states, that Rutledge and Walch, two mer- 
 chants of Irish extraction, the sons of refugees who had fol- 
 lowed the fortune of James the Second, (the former settled 
 at Dunkirk, and the latter at Nantes,) having become ad- 
 venturers in privateering, had obtained from the court of 
 France a grant of an old man-of-war, of sixty guns ; and 
 purchased a frigate of sixteen guns, which they were equip- 
 ping for a cruise in the North Seas, when Lord Clare, after- 
 wards Marshal Thomond, introduced them to Charles Stuart; 
 and proposed that they should lend their ships to him for 
 this expedition. This they not only did, but furnished him 
 with all the money and arms they could procure. The sum 
 of money furnished by them to him amounted to 3800/. ; 
 which was afterwards repaid by the old Pretender, by a bill 
 drawn upon John Haliburton, at Dunkirk, in favour of Rut- 
 ledge. 
 
 f Generally called Marquis of Tuilibardine. He was not 
 Duke of Athol when he was attainted. 
 
 ^ Strickland is called an Englishman by Mr. Home ; who 
 includes among the attendants Buchanan, a messenger sent 
 to Rome, by Cardinal de Tencin. 
 
 B 2 
 
4 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Michel, his valet-de-chambre, an Italian : a most 
 extraordinary band of followers, no doubt, when 
 we consider the daring enterprise on which they 
 were entering, which was no less than that of 
 attempting to wrest the crown of Great Britain 
 from the house of Hanover, that had been so 
 long in possession of it. Mr. Sullivan, who had 
 bee-n aide-de-camp to Marshal de Maillebois, in 
 Italy, was the only individual of the suite who 
 possessed any knowledge of military affairs. The 
 other Irishmen, drawn into Scotland by the al- 
 lurement which the enterprise held out to them 
 of making their fortune, were extremely injurious 
 to the interests of the Prince, from the bad advice 
 they gave him ; and unfortunately they enjoyed 
 his full confidence. * 
 
 The Prince, having lost all hopes of landing 
 
 * If there is any ground for the charge, brought by Dr. 
 King against Sir Thomas Sheridan, the governor of Charles, 
 who, of all the Irish, would naturally have most influence 
 over him, we can have little difficulty in giving credit to the 
 above accusation ; in so far, at least, as regards that gen- 
 tleman. By way of accounting for the great ignorance of 
 Charles, which surprised him much, considering the noble 
 opportunities he must always have had in Rome, " that nur- 
 sery of all the elegant and liberal arts and sciences,'' the 
 Doctor tells us : " His governor was a Protestant, and I am 
 apt to believe pui-posely neglected his education, of which it is 
 surmised he made a merit to the English ministry ; for he 
 ivas altvays supposed to he their pensioner." — Lord George 
 Murray and several other respectable individuals, concerned 
 in the Rebelfion, in like manner attribute the ruin of the 
 cause to the bad advice given by him. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 5 
 
 in Scotland with an army of regular troops, 
 ought, at least, to have been accompanied by- 
 officers distinguished for their talents in the art 
 of war, well qualified to combine with judgment, 
 and conduct with prudence, the operations of 
 the field ; possessing minds fertile in resources, 
 enlightened by experience, and capable of dis- 
 cerning and of turning to advantage every mo- 
 mentary success which fortune might present. 
 Officers of this description, at the head of his 
 army, and in his councils, would have rendered 
 the disembarkation of regular troops less neces- 
 sary, and enabled him to avoid those faults which 
 eventually produced the ruin of his cause in 
 Scotland ; for this Prince, though he gained 
 battles, was never able to derive from them any 
 of the advantages to which they ought to have 
 led. It is certain that no general officer in 
 France would have refused to embark with the 
 Prince, in an enterprise so well calculated to 
 procure him instant celebrity throughout all 
 Europe, the attention of which was fixed on this 
 expedition. It was a rare opportunity for deve- 
 loping talents, for the display of which an opportu- 
 nity might never occur in a more numerous army. 
 The Elizabeth was attacked, in the latitude of 
 47° 57' about 39 leagues to the westward of the 
 Lizard-point, by the Lion, an English man-of- 
 war, of sixty guns. The two vessels were of 
 the same force ; and the fight was maintained, 
 with the utmost fury and obstinacy, for the 
 space of six hours, and until they were both so 
 
 B 3 
 
6 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 greatly disabled that they could hardly be kept 
 afloat. When the combat ceased, each vessel 
 was obliged to consult its safety by endeavouring 
 to gain some port without delay. The Prince, 
 who in his little frigate beheld this obstinate 
 conflict, was extremely uneasy as to the result ; 
 for the Elizabeth had on board a considerable 
 quantity of arms and militaiy stores ; and he 
 ordered his vessel to advance under her stern, 
 for the purpose of ascertaining her real situation ; 
 when he was informed that she had lost a great 
 number of men ; that the captain and several 
 other officers were killed, besides many soldiers of 
 the regiment of Maurepas, who had volunteered 
 their service in the expedition ; that the vessel 
 was so pierced with balls that she could with 
 difficulty be kept from sinking ; and that they 
 would be obliged to put into the first port of 
 France which they could reach, being totally 
 incapable of continuing the voyage. Thus the 
 Lion and the Elizabeth, equally shattered by the 
 combat, were obliged to regain their respective 
 coasts; and the Prince, in his frigate, continued 
 his course for Scotland, where he landed at Loch 
 Sunart, on the â-ith of July*, and took up his 
 quarters in the house of Mr. Macdonald of Kin- 
 loch Moidart. There he was soon joined by 
 Cameron of Lochiel, with his clan of Camerons; 
 by Macdonald of Clanronald, wùth his clan of 
 Macdonalds ; by the clan of the Stuarts of 
 
 * According to Mr. Home, Charles came to an anchor in 
 the bay of Lochnanuagh, between Moidart and Arisaig, and 
 landed at Boradule, on the 25th of July. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 7 
 
 Appin ; and by the clans of the Macdonalds of 
 Keppoch, Glengary, and Glencoe. The Mac- 
 donalds of Keppoch commenced hostilities in 
 their march to join him, by attacking two com- 
 panies of the Royal Scots ; whom they made 
 prisoners, and presented to the Prince, as a 
 happy omen of his future success. 
 
 No positive information of the descent of the 
 Prince reached Edinburgh till the 8th of August j 
 when a courier, dispatched by Campbell of Loch- 
 nell, with a letter to the magistrates of that city, 
 containing a circumstantial account of his pro- 
 gress from his first landing, was received. * As 
 King George was then abroad in Hanover, the 
 Regency, which he had appointed to govern the 
 kingdom in his absence, issued orders to Sir John 
 
 * The first intelligence which reached Edinburgh of the 
 landing of Charles, was contained in a letter from Mr. 
 Campbell of Aird, steward to the Duke of Argyle, in Mull, 
 to Mr. Campbell of Stonefield, the sheriff-depute of Argyle- 
 shire, transmitted by him to the Lord Justice Clerk, then at 
 Roseneath, a seat of the Duke of Argyle, and by the Lord Jus- 
 tice Clerk to Sir John Cope; who received it on the morning 
 of the 8th of August. Mr. Campbell of Aird says, in the 
 letter, — " Any authority I have for this news is not to be 
 relied on, so as to give it credit on the whole; but that some 
 vessel is come to these parts, with strangers on board, is 
 probable." — But, on the 9th of August, the Lord President 
 Forbes called on Sir John Cope, with a letter he had just 
 received by express, ** from a gentleman of consequence in 
 the Highlands," giving an account of the arrival of the ves- 
 sel ; which information the President believed to be true. — 
 See Appendix to the Report of the Pi'oceedings on Cope's 
 Trial, p. 114, 115, 116. 
 
 B 4 
 
8 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Cope, the commander-in-chief for Scotland, to 
 assemble, with the utmost diligence, all the regu- 
 lar troops in Scotland, and to march against the 
 Prince, without loss of time, in order to crush this 
 enterprise in its birth ; and it is highly probable 
 that he would have succeeded, had he conducted 
 himself as he ought to have done. But he lost his 
 advantage over the enemy, by delaying, like Fa- 
 bius, (not indeed with the wisdom of Fabius,) to 
 come to an engagement, although his army was 
 far superior in number to that which he had to 
 encounter. Perhaps he hoped, that, by allowing 
 the Highland army to be joined by all the par- 
 tisans of the Prince, he would gain more honour 
 by their defeat, and render himself of more im- 
 portance to the court of London.* 
 
 * The Author has adopted an opinion respecting General 
 Cope's conduct, which was pretty generally entertained both 
 in England and Scotland ; but which the evidence adduced 
 on his trial proves to have been utterly unfounded. From 
 the moment the Lord President Forbes showed him, on the 
 2d of July, a letter from a gentleman of consideration in the 
 Highlands, acquainting him with a report current there, 
 that the Pretender's eldest son was to land somewhere in the 
 north of Scotland, in the course of that summer, (though 
 both the gentleman in question and the Lord President held 
 the report to be groundless,) there appears in the corre- 
 spondence between the General and the Secretary of State 
 a continual apprehension on the part of the former of inva- 
 sion and insurrection, with an anxiety to prepare and guard 
 against them ; but every precaution which he suggested the 
 Regency declined taking. When certain intelligence of the 
 landing had been received, he instantly ordered all the dis- 
 posable troops to assemble with the utmost expedition ; and 
 
REBELLION OF IJiÔ. 9 
 
 General Cope assembled his army at Stirling, 
 which was composed of the infantry regiments 
 of Lee, Lascelles, and Murray ; five companies 
 
 it being the opinion of the Lord President, the Lord Advo- 
 cate, and Solicitor General, whom he consulted, that the 
 Pretender's son would not venture on the attempt without 
 encouragement to expect a considerable rising in his favour; 
 and " that the most effectual way of putting a stop to wav- 
 ering people joining with the disaffected, so as to make a 
 formidable body, was immediately to march and stop their 
 progress," he made dispositions for instantly marching into 
 the Highlands. He arrived at Stirling on the 19th of Au- 
 gust, and next day began his march to the north. The 
 circumstances which first delayed his departure, and after- 
 wards obliged him to shorten his marches, so as to prevent 
 his arrival at Dalwhinny before the 26th of August, by which 
 time the rebels were in possession of the mountain of Cor- 
 ryarrak, are detailed in the Report of the Enquiry into his 
 Conduct. He was obliged to carry with him twenty-one 
 days' bread, as there was none to be had in the country the 
 army was to march through ; and though all the biscuit the 
 bakers of Edinburgh and Leith had on hand was bought up, 
 and all the bakers there, as well as in Perth and Stirling, 
 were set to work night and day to provide bread, the neces- 
 sary quantity could not be procured before the 20th, and 
 part of it was only received at Amobrie, or Amilrie, on the 
 22d of August. Money for the subsistence of the troops 
 was also necessary ; but though he wrote for it on the 3d of 
 August, he did not receive a letter of credit till the 17th. 
 The troops were stopped in their march every day for want 
 of horses for the bread and baggage ; as, from there beino- 
 few enclosures on the way, it was necessary to graze the 
 horses in the open country, and the drivers carried them off 
 in the night-time. All these circumstances, however aston- 
 ishing they may seem in the present day, were clearly es- 
 tablished by a number of respectable witnesses on the trial. 
 
 4 
 
10 ME3I0IRS OF THE 
 
 of a Highland regiment, and two companies of 
 Guise's regiment, and Gardner's and Hamilton's 
 regiments of dragoons : he had six field-pieces, 
 and two mortars. * With this army he set out 
 for Stirling, in obedience to the orders received 
 by him from the Regency, in order to make 
 head against the Prince. But, as there are 
 several roads to the north of Scotland, he chose 
 that which goes along the eastern coast ; whilst 
 the Prince, having certain information of the 
 rout taken by General Cope, made choice of the 
 road across the mountains, by Blair of Athol, 
 by which he reached the low country ; adroitly 
 contriving to leave the English army behind 
 him. t Thus General Cope constantly directing 
 
 * Sir John Cope, as we have already stated, left Stirling 
 on the 20th. He took no cavalry with him. He began his 
 march with twenty-five companies of foot, in all about 1400 
 men, four field-pieces, (one-and-a-half pounders,) and four 
 cohorns. 
 
 f Sir John Cope set out, along the Highland road, to 
 Fort Augustus. On the 21st he halted at Crief; on the 22d 
 he reached Amobrie, or Amilrie ; the 23d Taybridge ; the 
 24'th Trinifuir ; the 25th Dalnacardoch ; and on the 26th 
 Dalwhinnie. At Dalnacardoch he received information that 
 the rebels intended to wait for him at a pass on Corryarrak, 
 an immense mountain directly in the way to Fort Augustus, 
 full of difficult places ; and at Dalwhinnie he received an 
 express from Lord President Forbes, confirming the ac- 
 count, and warning him of the danger of an engagement in 
 such a situation. Captain Sweetnam, who had been taken 
 prisoner by the rebels on the 14th of August, and left them 
 on the 21st, informed Sir John that their numbers then 
 amounted to 1400; that, on his way, he met several partie» 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 11 
 
 his march to the north, and the Prince to the 
 south, by two different roads, it was impossible 
 they could ever meet. 
 
 proceeding to join them ; and that on the 25th he was in- 
 formed they were then 3000 strong ; though, as it turned 
 out, this last piece of information was erroneous, the Lord 
 President having ascertained, by three different reckonings, 
 made while they were on their march to Snugborough, that 
 they only amounted to between 1800 and 1900. As Sir 
 John's army did not exceed 1400 effective men ; and the 
 enemy, by breaking down a bridge over a deep hollow, and 
 posting bodies of men in different places, could keep up a 
 destructive fire on him, if he attempted to pass, he called a 
 council of war, of the colonels, field-ofHcers, and com- 
 manders of corps, on the morning of the 27th, who were 
 unanimously of opinion that the road to Fort Augustus, by 
 the Corryarrak, was " impracticable, without exposing the 
 troops to be cut to pieces :" that to return to Stirling would 
 encourage the disaffected in the north, who had not yet 
 taken up arms, and would be dangerous on account of its 
 distance, should the disaffected behind them have broken 
 down the bridges, or the enemy get before them, by short 
 cuts across the country, which would expose them to certain 
 destruction in the narrow defiles ; and that it would be more 
 expedient to march to Inverness. Accordingly Sir John 
 faced about, at a place called Blarigg Beg, where the road 
 to Inverness leaves the military road ; — and the enemy, who 
 immediately learned from a deserter that he had turned his 
 back on them, having deliberated whether they should pur- 
 sue him, or get between him and Inverness by cutting 
 across the country, or proceed southwards, chose the latter 
 alternative, with the view of obtaining possession of Edin- 
 burgh before his return from the north. 
 
 It may be said, as Sir John was, or ought to have been, 
 acquainted with the nature of the road, and therefore knew 
 the impossibility of forcing the passes of Corryarrak, if in 
 the possession of the enemy, with so small an army, why 
 
12 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 On the 5th of September, the Piince arrived 
 at Perth, where tlie Highlands begin to extend 
 
 did he thus expose himself to the alternative of being 
 either cut to pieces, or of turning his back on the enemy ? 
 — But he had express orders from the Secretary of State 
 to march with the utmost expedition to the north ; a 
 measure which had been suggested by the authorities 
 of Scotland, and which, if executed in time, that is, 
 before the enemy could have collected any considerable 
 force and marched on Corryarrak, might have crushed the 
 rebellion in its commencement. The delays in obtaining 
 provisions, and the want of that assistance from the country 
 on his march, which he had been led to expect, completely 
 frustrated the object he had in view. It is very much, 
 however, to be questioned, whether, as the English army was 
 then constituted, any other general could have advanced 
 with greater dispatch than General Cope did. It is to be 
 borne in mind, that the Rebellion commenced in the West 
 Highlands, and that he could only advance through the 
 heart of the Highlands. In this respect he was placed in a 
 very different situation from that of the Duke of Cumberland, 
 who, when he afterwards proceeded to the north, marched 
 by the coast road, which is no where far from the sea ; and 
 a number of transports, laden with provisions and ammuni- 
 tion, &c. attended his army in their route. 
 
 Mr. Home seems to think that the Board of General 
 Officers, who examined into the conduct of Sir John Cope, 
 was too easily satisfied : — " The Jacobites," he says, " some 
 of whom are still alive, gave a very different account of the 
 matter, which agrees much better with what really hap- 
 pened. The Pretender's friends at Edinburgh, informed of 
 the difficulties under which Charles laboured for want of 
 money, were very apprehensive that he would not be able to 
 keep the Highlanders together, if Sir John Cope remained 
 at Stirling with his army, and confined the rebels to the 
 north ; but they were persuaded that if he marched his army 
 into the Highlands, Charles, with his Highlanders, might 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. 13 
 
 to the west and nortli-west, a town about nine 
 
 find an oppoi'tunity of fighting him with advantage ; or might 
 give him the slip, and fall down into the Low Country. 
 
 Sir John Cope, they knew, had no opinions 
 
 of his own, and was very ready to borrow those of other 
 people : so they contrived that he should be told, by some of 
 the talking people who had access to him, that nothing was 
 so favourable to the Pretender as the inactivity of the com- 
 mander-in-chief, who kept his troops at Stirling, and allowed 
 the Highlanders to assemble without molestation ; whereas, 
 if he should march his army into the Highlands, the rebels 
 would be obliged to disperse, for they were not in a con- 
 dition to give him battle. This sort of language, held often 
 in Sir John Cope's presence, made such an impression upon 
 him that he sent an express to London, with the proposal of 
 marching into the Highlands, which the Lords Justices 
 highly approved, and ordered him to march, in terms more 
 positive than the General desired." 
 
 But, with all due deference to so high an authority, this 
 account is by no means borne out by facts. Sir John 
 formed the resolution of marching northwards, on the advice 
 of Lord President Forbes ; whose eminent services in the 
 Rebellion have always been allowed ; who was generally sup- 
 posed to be better acquainted with the Highlands than any 
 of the men who then filled offices of authority in Scotand, 
 and of whom, indeed, it has often been confidently said, 
 by very able persons, that the Rebellion would, in all pro- 
 bability, have been successful, had it not been for his mea- 
 sures. The same advice was given by the Lord Advocate, 
 Solicitor General, and other servants of the crown, at Edin- 
 burgh, whom it was his duty to consult. The Lord President 
 expressly says, in his examination before the Board, that 
 " whatever advice was given to Sir John by his Lordship and 
 the rest of the King's servants, as far as came to his Lord- 
 ship's knowledge, was observed by Sir John with great dili- 
 gence. That on the 1 1th of August he wrote a letter, from 
 
14 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 leagues * from Edinburgh. There he immedi- 
 ately proclaimed his father, James the Third, 
 
 the Blair of Athol, to Sir John Cope, acquainting him that the 
 Duke of Athol had made a disposition for raising all his te- 
 nants that he could depend upon ; and expressing his hopes 
 that other well-afFected lords would do the like ; and, therefore, 
 putting Sir John in mind of carrying arms with him to put into 
 their hands. Further he did give it as his opinion, that Sir 
 John Cope would be joined by a greater number of clans 
 than what have since been found to have actually joined him ; 
 and he doubts not, but that was the reason that induced 
 Sir John Cope to march northwards ; which the Lord Pre- 
 sident says he also advised." — Surely it will not be pre- 
 tended that President Forbes was a mere talker ; or that the 
 opinion of a man who took the lead in all affairs relating to 
 Scotland, for the greater part of half a century, and who 
 was known to have even displayed considerable military 
 knowledge in 1715, ought not to have had the greatest 
 weight with Sir John. This sort of language would natu- 
 rally enough be welcome in the jacobite parties in Edinburgh, 
 and might gratify the million, who are always but too apt to 
 judge of measures by their results. But a historian, in the 
 discharge of his solemn duty, ought to weigh the evidence 
 carefully before he pronounces so severe a sentence. It 
 may or may not have been wise to march into the north : 
 but the measure was recommended by those who were ge- 
 nerally accounted wise men ; and it is difficult to see how 
 Sir John could refuse adopting it. 
 
 This much is due to the memory of a general, who, though 
 the theme of many a sarcastic song, seems to have been a 
 meritorious officer, and certainly one of the ablest of the 
 military men to whom the safety of the country was then 
 entrusted. President Forbes always considered him as one 
 of the best of the English officers. 
 
 * Perth is forty English miles from Edinburgh ; which, in 
 ordinary French leagues of 25 to the degree, would amount 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. ïB 
 
 King of Great Britain ; and published a mani- 
 festo, and, at the same time, the commission 
 appointing him Regent of the kingdom : both of 
 them dated from Rome. On his arrival at Perth 
 he had not above a thousand followers * ; but 
 the day after he was joined by the Duke of Perth, 
 with a part of his vassals j Lord George Murray, 
 with a part of the vassals of his brother the Duke 
 of Athol ; and likewise by Lord Nairn, and se- 
 veral other persons of distinction ; who attached 
 themselves to his fortunes. On the 7th he sent 
 a detachment to Dundee, a town situated about 
 
 to between 14 and 15. But at the period of the Rebellion 
 a great degree of confusion existed in Scotland on the sub- 
 ject of miles ; by which sometimes the English mile, but 
 more generally the Scotch mile of 40 to the degree, was 
 understood. The author, in estimating his distances in 
 leagues, has generally, in converting the miles, supposed 
 them to have been English, when they were Scotch. 
 
 A detachment of Charles's army entered Perth on the 3d ; 
 and he himself, with the rest of his troops,^ entered it on 
 the 4th. 
 
 * This account of the Pretender's force at Perth is much 
 too low. When he erected his standard on the 19th, alt 
 Glenfinnin, he had about 1000 men. On tlie 21st he is said 
 to have had 1400. The Lord President sent three different 
 persons among the rebels, (unacquainted with their respective 
 commissions,) who counted them on their march to Snug- 
 borough, and on their return gave separate accounts, 
 agreeing in the main, the lowest being 1822, and the highest 
 1880. The Lord Justice Clerk, in his letter to Lord Twee- 
 dale, of the 16th of September, says they were counted at 
 Blair in Athol, on the 1st of September, " and were not then 
 2000 men." 
 
16 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 four leagues from Perth *, to proclaim his father 
 as king. 
 
 As soon as the news of the Prince's landing 
 was confirmed at Edinburgh, I immediately re- 
 paired to the house of Lord Rollo, a Scots peer, 
 the father-in-law of my sister, to wait the arrival 
 of the Prince at Perth, which is about a league 
 from his mansion ; and on the sixth of Septem- 
 ber I left it to join the Prince, accompanied by 
 the two Misses Rollo, who presented me to their 
 relations, the Duke of Perth t, and Lord George 
 Murray. On my arrival at Perth, I was greatly 
 surprised to find so few followers with the Prince, 
 as public report at Edinburgh had increased them 
 to a prodigious number. The Prince having ap- 
 pointed Lord George and the Duke of Perth his 
 lieutenant-generals. Lord George proposed that 
 I should be his aide-de-camp, which proposal I 
 accepted, and began immediately to enter on 
 the exercise of the duties attached to the situ- 
 ation. And as the Prince had then only one 
 aide-de-camp, Mr. Maclaughlan, he employed 
 me as much as Lord George himself did ; so 
 that, night and day, my occupations were in- 
 cessant, and I could scarcely find time to sleep 
 two hours in the four-and-twenty. 
 
 The conduct of Sir John Cope was the more 
 inconceivable, as he was generally looked upon 
 in England as an experienced general ; and he 
 
 * Dundee is twenty-two miles from Perth. 
 
 f James Drummond, commonly called T)uke of Perth, 
 
RKUELLION OF 1745. 17 
 
 had distinguished himself very much in Flanders* 
 There is an arm of the sea at Leith, the port of 
 Edinburgh, from two to three leagues in breadth, 
 vvhicli becomes gradually narrower till we reach 
 the town of Alloa, five leagues * west of Edin- 
 burgh, where it terminates in the mouth of the 
 river Forth. The magistrates of Edinburgh had 
 taken the precaution to withdraw all the ships 
 and boats of every description to Leith, thereby 
 depriving the Prince of all means of crossing 
 this arm of the sea ; so that General Cope, in 
 order to prevent him from penetrating to the 
 south, had only to throw up entrenchments at 
 the fords, near the town of Stirling, where all 
 the great roads from the Highlands meet, which 
 would have enabled him to oppose successfully 
 the passage of the river, t Stirling is situated at 
 
 * Alloa is twenty -seven miles from Edinburgh. 
 
 f This is not the opinion of the author alone. — Mr. Home, 
 in a passage alreadj'^ cited, states, that " The Pretender's 
 friends at Edinburgh, informed of the difficulties under which 
 Charles laboured for want of money, were very apprehensive 
 that he would not be able to keep the Highlanders together, 
 if Sir John Cope remained at Stirling with his army, and 
 confined the rebels to the North." — In a letter from Lord 
 Milton, the Lord Justice Clerk, to the Secretary of State, 
 of the 16th of September, in the Appendix to Mr. Home's 
 History, it is also said, " What would have been more easy 
 than for Sir John Cope to have remained at Stirling, till he 
 had got a greater number of Highlanders than the rebel 
 army, from the Campbells alone, who lay nearest to him ? 
 And then he had Highlanders against Highlanders, and his 
 regular troops into the bargain ; and might safely have 
 marched where he pleased." -r- It is to be borne in mind, 
 
 c 
 
18 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 the distance of seven leagues from Edinburgh, 
 one league and a half from Alloa, and half a 
 league from the chain of mountains that stretch 
 
 however, that this opinion of Loi'd Milton is pronounced 
 after Edinburgli was in the possession of the Pretender ; and 
 there is no evidence, in the earlier part of the correspon- 
 dence between his Lordship and the Secretary of State, that 
 he disapproved of the plan of marching northwards with 
 such troops as could be spared, till the result of the enter- 
 prise was known, though the plan was communicated to him 
 by Lord Tweedale. How far the apprehensions of the 
 Jacobites as to the impossibility of keeping the Highlanders 
 together for want of money, if Sir John Cope remained at 
 Stirling, were well or ill-founded, is a question which it is 
 difficult now to determine. There is reason, however, for 
 suspecting that these apprehensions were not founded in 
 any correct knowledge of the nature of Highland troops in 
 those days. The great difficulty was to keep them together, 
 not without money, but with money. Montrose, with a 
 handful of raw, ill-armed Highlanders, destitute of almost 
 every thing, advanced against a superior force of 6000 men, 
 under Lord Elcho, at Perth, which he soon defeated ; but 
 after his successes, his soldiers esteeming the smallest acqui- 
 sition inexhaustible riches, deserted in great numbers to 
 secure their treasures. The same thing happened uniformly 
 in the course of the rebellion of 1745. Whenever the sol- 
 diers obtained any thing which they deemed of value, they 
 always went home to their own country with it. 
 
 But the idea of throwing up entrenchments on the Forth 
 to prevent the Highlanders from penetrating into the Low 
 Country, seems altogether visionary. Between the Friths of 
 Forth and Clyde, there is a large space which cannot pos- 
 sibly be defended without a very considerable force. The 
 river Forth is even fordable in several places, and such nimble 
 troops as the Highlanders could have had little difficulty in 
 giving the king's small army the slip, and crossing at one or 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. IQ 
 
 to the north and north-west of Scotland. * There 
 is a stone bridge across the river, but it is com- 
 manded by the guns of the castle ; and General 
 Cope might have shut up the Prince in the 
 mountains, by merely remaining with his army 
 at Stirling. The position was central, and very 
 advantageous for coveiing Edinburgh, an object 
 of which he never ought to have lost sight ; 
 because it was obvious the great object of the 
 Prince would be, to endeavour to become master 
 of the capital of Scotland, that, by inspiring his 
 friends with confidence, he might induce them 
 to declare themselves openly in his favour. It 
 is an incontrovertible axiom, and one which 
 ought to serve as a rule of conduct in military 
 operations, that whatever is to our advantage, is 
 contrary to that of our enemy ; and whatever is 
 to the advantage of the enemy, is contrary to 
 
 other of the fords, in spite of their utmost vigilance. It is a 
 maxim now agreed on by all military writers, that the pas- 
 sage of rivers cannot possibly be prevented, if the general 
 who attempts it has the least skill or enterprise- The most 
 approved rule for the conduct of a general who has to 
 defend a river, is that given by Frederick of Prussia, of 
 stationing himself, with his whole army, vv'ithin a day's march 
 of the river, and at an equal distance from the points which 
 he supposes will be forced ; that he may be able, on the first 
 intelligence, to attack the party that shall have passed the 
 river, with a superior force. But was the superiority of 
 strength such, in General Cope's case, as to insure him a 
 certainty of success, had he made such an attack ? 
 ■'■ 4Stirling is about thirty miles from Edinburgh. 
 
 C 2 
 
OQ MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 ours; and that our enemy pursues what is for his 
 advantage with as much eagerness as that with 
 which we pursue what we conceive to be for our 
 advantage. — Hence we may often form a just 
 conclusion as to the designs of the enemy, by 
 supposing ourselves in his position, and by care- 
 fully examining what we should do in a similar 
 situation, provided the enemy acts according to 
 the principles of the art of war; for if the 
 general opposed to us is ignorant of his profes- 
 sion, even a Marshal Turenne would be as much 
 puzzled to divine his intentions as the most in- 
 experienced soldier. 
 
 By shutting up the Prince in the mountains, 
 General Cope would have prevented him from 
 performing any of those brilliant achievements 
 which were so essential, in the beginning of his 
 enterprise, to insure its success; and the Prince 
 would never have attempted to pass the river by 
 force, had entrenchments, lined with field-ar- 
 tillery, been thrown up at all the fords. * To 
 
 ■* So far from General Cope having it in his power to 
 ■fortify so many entrenchments, he says, in his letter to Lord 
 Tweedale, of the 3d of August, — " If I come to want to 
 make use of a field-train, or any artillery at all, we have not 
 any gunners for that purpose." He M^as obliged to leave 
 Edinburgh with the show only of some artillery ; and even 
 at the battle of Preston Pans, the few cannon-shot that were 
 discharged were fired by Lieutenant-colonel Whiteford alone. 
 When Sir John marched northwards, there was only one old 
 gunner in the castle of Edinburgh, and three Scots soldiers 
 of the invalids, who served as matrosses, and who, with six 
 gunners borrowed from the men-of-war, were employed in 
 the battle of Preston Pans ; but they ran away with the 
 powder-flasks in the beginning of the action. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 21 
 
 pass the river secretly, by ascending towards its 
 source, was hardly possible, as he would then 
 have been obliged to go through the country of 
 the Campbells, a clan of Highlanders extremely 
 numerous, of whom the Duke of Argyle was 
 the chief, the implacable enemies of the house 
 of Stuart. * General Cope had also two regi- 
 ments under him ; and by means of dragoons, 
 posts, and patrols, it was easy for him to obtain 
 early information of every thing that occurred 
 within three or four leagues of his camp at 
 Stirling. And, supposing even that the Prince 
 had effected his passage, General Cope could 
 still have advanced and given him battle, with 
 every possible advantage, and without losing his 
 position between him and Edinburgh. If the 
 Prince's army had advanced by the roads leading 
 to the fords, as it certainly would, all that Ge- 
 neral Cope had to do was, when the Prince was 
 so near that he could not possibly escape, to 
 
 * At the breaking out of the Rebellion, the Campbells 
 i(who being a Whig Clan obeyed the disarming act) were 
 without arms. — The Marquis of Tweedale, in a letter of the 
 ist of August, informs general Cope, that 5000 stand of arms 
 were to be sent down to Scotland ; and that, should the 
 Duke of Argyle desire it, some of them might be delivered 
 to him. On the 6th, Sir John wrote to the Duke of Argyle 
 to that effect. The Duke acquainted Sir John, when he 
 came to Edinburgh, that till the Government made it lawful 
 for him, he durst not even defend himself. It was hardly 
 possible, therefore, that the Duke of Argyle could receive 
 arms in sufficient quantity, and in sufficient time, to enable 
 him to stop the advance of the Pretender. 
 
 C 3 
 
^ MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 pass Stirling bridge with his army, and fall 
 suddenly on the Highlanders, whilst they were 
 employed in examining the fords. The result 
 of the combat could not have been doubtful ; 
 General Cope having from three to four thousand 
 regular troops, against twelve or fifteen hundred 
 undisciplined mountaineers. * But thirty or 
 forty leagues of country were now interposed 
 between the two armies, and General Cope, 
 either from ignorance in the art of war, notwith- 
 
 * The correspondence between Sir John Cope and the 
 Secretary of State, previous to his advance to the North, 
 sufficiently proves how small the number of men at his dis- 
 posal actually was. The whole of the king's army in Scot- 
 land consisted of three battalions and a half of infantiy, and 
 two regiments of cavalry ; both the horse and foot being 
 the youngest regiments of the army, with the exception of 
 Guise's regiment, which was dispersed in the forts and bar- 
 racks m the North. Besides these there were nine additional 
 companies, lately raised for the Scots' regiments serving 
 abroad ; and several companies, almost complete, of Lord 
 Loudon's Highland regiment, for which the levies were going 
 on all over the North. Two of the nine additional compa- 
 nies had fallen into the hands of the rebels on the 16th of 
 August, on their way from Fort Augustus to Fort William ; 
 and most of the other companies, from previous draughting, 
 did not contain more than twenty- five men each. Lord 
 Loudon's men were scattered about in the North, and had 
 not received their arms. After the utmost exertions of Ge- 
 neral Cope in collecting together an army, he could not 
 procure more than 1400 infantry by the 20th ; and the battle 
 of Preston Pans was fought with 2100 men of all arms. So 
 very far was General Cope's forces from being either so nu- 
 merous or so formidable as the author would lead us to be- 
 lieve ! 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 23 
 
 Standing the reputation he had acquired, which 
 we frequently find to be ill-founded, or from 
 policy, or from bad intentions towards the 
 government, instead of crushing the Prince in 
 his outset, permitted an enterprise, the rapid 
 and astonishing progress of which surprised, and 
 fixed the attention of all the Powers of Europe, 
 to gain strength and vigour ; whilst he himself 
 became the victim of his ignorance or his policy, 
 as usually happens in similar cases. Thus the 
 Prince, with a small and contemptible number 
 of Highlanders, shook the throne of Great Bri- 
 tain ; and was on the point of being crowned 
 at London. He kept his ground against the 
 whole force of England, strengthened by the 
 addition of the Hessian and Dutch troops ; and 
 gained several battles against disciplined armies 
 much superior in number to his own * : a cir- 
 
 * The numbers were in )io engagement much superior to 
 his own, and sometimes a little inferior: and the Highlanders 
 were not altogether without discipline, however rude it might 
 seem. — The author afterwards, in his account of the High- 
 land mode of fighting, explains the cause of their success ; 
 and small armies, composed of men of hardy habits, inured 
 to fighting from their earliest youth, and individually braver 
 and more enterprising than the peaceful peasantry or off- 
 scourings of towns, from which the armies of civilized states 
 are taken, will, in many situations, defeat an equal or even a 
 greater number of regular troops, armed and disciplined in 
 the modern manner. Discipline is essentially necessary to 
 a large army; but the want of it is not of such material 
 consequence to a small one. — The defeats of 1745 are by no 
 means unparallelled, either in the history of this country or 
 in that of others. The Highlanders had, several times before, 
 
 c 4 
 
î^i MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 cumstance unparalleled in history, and which 
 posterity will scarcely believe. 
 
 The Prince set out from Perth on the 11th of 
 September, and on the 13th crossed the Forth, 
 at the ford of the Frew, about four miles from 
 Stirling. On the evening of the 14th, our army 
 reached the neighbourhood of Corstorphin, a 
 village about half a league from Edinburgh, and 
 passed the night in a field at Gray's Mill, where 
 the Prince lodged in the miller^ s cottage. * 
 While remaining there, deputies arrived from 
 the city, to treat about a capitulation ; to whom 
 the Prince replied, that he could not treat with 
 his subjects. How^ever, matters were soon ar- 
 ranged, and next morning the Prince was con- 
 by their victories over regular troops, been on the point of 
 overturning the government. Tlie warhke tribes on the fron- 
 tiers of Austria and Russia have frequently defeated superior 
 bodies of regulars ; and a British force was defeated near 
 Alexandria, by Albanians, a people in habits and discipline 
 very much akin to the Highlanders of IT^S, not many years 
 ago. We have a recent instance of a defeat, in the Persian 
 gvdph, of a detachment of our Indian army, officered by 
 Britons, and possessed of artillery, by the Wachabite Arabs, 
 whose swords the Sepoys durst not encounter. 
 
 * Costorphin is about three miles from Edinburgh. The 
 Prince lodged in the house of Mr. David Wright, tacksman, 
 of Gray's Mill. The author is mistaken as to the date. The 
 Highland army were quartered in Falkirk on the night of the 
 léth : and the Prince himself passed that night at Callender, 
 the seat of the Earl of Kilmarnock. On the night between 
 the 15th and 16th, the Highlanders took post on a rising 
 ground, near the twelfth mile-stone from Edinburgh. The 
 night of the 16th Mas passed at Gray's Mill ; and about five 
 o'clock on the morning of the 17th, the rebels entered 
 Edinburgh. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. ^Ô 
 
 ducted to Holyrood House, the palace of his 
 ancestors, at the end of the suburbs, amidst the 
 acclamations of an immense crowd, whom curi- 
 osity had brouglit to meet him a quarter of a 
 league from the city. It was a new sight, Scot- 
 land having been deprived of the presence of 
 its kings since the Revolution; and indeed they 
 had seldom visited it since the union of the two 
 crowns under James the First, son of the un- 
 fortunate Mary Stuart. The next day King 
 James was proclaimed at Edinburgh, and the 
 Prince declared Regent to govern the kingdom, 
 in the absence of his father, at Rome. 
 
 General Cope arrived, on the 11th of Sep- 
 tember, at Aberdeen, a city thirty leagues north 
 from Edinburgh : and having embarked his 
 army, in order to return to the south by sea, he 
 ordered transports for that purpose, and sailing 
 with a fair wind, landed at Dunbar, a town six 
 leagues east from Edinburgh, on the 17th, where 
 he was immediately joined by two other regi- 
 ments of dragoons, newly arrived from England, 
 with Brigadier General Fowke, who commanded 
 them ; as also by the dragoon regiments of 
 Hamilton and Gardener, whom he had left be- 
 hind him at Stirling, on setting out for the 
 North. * 
 
 * Dunbar is twenty-seven miles east from Edinburgh. Ge- 
 neral Fowke arrived at Edinburgh on the 15th, but he brought 
 no dragoon regiments with him. He joined General Cope 
 at Dunbar, on the 17th, with Gardener's and Hamilton's 
 dragoons ; the only cavalry regiments in the battle of Pres- 
 ton Pans-. 
 
20 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Lord George Murray, who had the charge of 
 all the details of our army, and who had the sole 
 direction of it, possessed a natural genius for 
 military operations ; and was indeed a man of 
 surprising talents, which, had they been culti- 
 vated by the study of military tactics, would 
 unquestionably have rendered him one of the 
 greatest generals of the age. He was tall and 
 robust, and brave in the highest degree ; con- 
 ducting the Highlanders in the most heroic 
 manner, and always the first to rush sword in 
 hand into the midst of the enemy. He used to 
 say, when he advanced to the charge, *' I do 
 not ask you, my lads, to go before, but merely 
 to follow me ;" a very energetic harangue, admir- 
 ably calculated to excite the ardour of the High- 
 landers ; but which would sometimes have had 
 a better effect in the mouth of the Prince. * He 
 slept little, was continually occupied with all 
 manner of details, and was altogether most in- 
 defatigable, for he alone had the planning and 
 
 * The author here, and not unfrequently in other parts of 
 these Memoirs, insinuates that Charles was deficient in 
 courage. He has been so often, in every publication, down 
 to the historical romance of Waverley, represented as a 
 heroic and daring leader, that many may be inclined to dis- 
 believe the truth of this charge of want of bravery. It is 
 well known too, that he was seen in England more than 
 once after the extinction of the rebellion in 1745; and it is 
 difficult to reconcile such perilous visits with positive cow- 
 ardice. To have exposed himself in action might, in some 
 cases, have been imprudent, but there are occasions which 
 absolutely demand such exposure. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 27 
 
 directing of all our operations : in a word, he 
 was the only person capable of conducting our 
 army. His colleague, the Duke of Perth, though 
 brave even to excess, every way honourable, and 
 possessed of a mild and gentle disposition, was 
 of very limited abilities, and interfered with 
 nothing. Lord George was vigilant, active, and 
 dihgent j his plans were always judiciously 
 formed, and he carried them promptly and vigo- 
 rously into execution. However, with an in- 
 finity of good qualities, he was not without his 
 defects : proud, haughty, blunt, and imperious, 
 he wished to have the exclusive disposal of every 
 thing ; and, feeling his superiority, he would 
 listen to no advice. There were few persons, it 
 is true, in our army sufficiently versed in mili- 
 tary affairs, to be capable of advising him as to 
 the conducting of his operations. The High- 
 land chiefs, like their vassals, possessed the most 
 heroic courage ; but they knew no other ma- 
 nœuvre than that of rushing upon the enemy 
 sword in hand, as soon as they saw them, without 
 order and without disciphne. Lord George 
 could receive still less assistance from the su- 
 baltern Irish officers, who, with the exception 
 of Mr. Sullivan, possessed no other knowledge 
 than that which usually forms the whole stock 
 of subalterns ; namely, the knowing how to 
 mount and quit guard. We can hardly, there- 
 fore, be astonished that Lord George, possessing 
 so many of the qualities requisite to form a great 
 general, should have gained the hearts of the 
 
28 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Highlanders ; and a general, who has the confi- 
 dence of his soldiers, may do wonders. Hence, 
 possessing the art of employing men to advan- 
 tage, without having had time to discipline them, 
 but taking them merely as they came from the 
 plough *, he made them perform prodigies of 
 valour against various English armies, always" 
 greatly superior in number to that of the Prince, 
 though the English troops are allowed to be the 
 best in Europe. Nature had formed him for a 
 great warrior ; he did not require the accidental 
 advantage of birth. 
 
 The Prince ordered a body of Highlanders to 
 enter the city of Edinburgh, who immediately 
 formed the blockade of the castle, where there 
 was a garrison of five or six hundred men, to 
 prevent their sallies, and deprive them of the 
 means of disturbing us in the city. He ordered, 
 
 * We must not understand this literally. The chief em- 
 ployment of the bulk of the inhabitants of the Highlands 
 was to take care of their herds of black cattle, and to wander 
 after them among the mountains ; and the leisure which this 
 occupation allows, is highly favourable to the acquisition of 
 skill in the use of arms. — Herdsmen in real life are gene- 
 rally very different from the herdsmen of pastoral poetry. 
 The Highlanders were, it is true, not trained as regular sol- 
 diers, but they were not without a discipline of their own, 
 admirably suited to their mode of fighting. Their chiefs too 
 had generally around them a number of retainers practised in 
 the use of arms; and a meeting of two or three gentlemen al- 
 ways brought together a little army. The miracle effected 
 by Lord George is not so very surprising, when it comes to 
 be closely examined. The Highlanders had the habits of 
 warriors, and not those of boors. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 29 
 
 at the same time, the rest of liis army to remam en- 
 camped at Duddmgston, a village about a quarter 
 of a league from his palace of Holyrood House. 
 On the 19th of September, General Cope en- 
 camped his army at Haddington, about four 
 leagues to the east of Edinburgh ; and on the 
 20th he approached to within a league and a 
 half of our camp. * As it was absolutely in- 
 dispensable, in our situation, to give battle as 
 soon as possible, because a great number of the 
 Prince's friends only waited the event to declare 
 themselves in his favour, he assembled his army 
 on the morning of the 20th of September, and 
 immediately set out to meet the enemy. His 
 army was composed of about eighteen hundred 
 men, badly armed, a part of them having only 
 bludgeons in their hands. They had found 
 very few arms at Edinburgh, as the inhabitants, 
 before the capitulation, had deposited them in 
 the^ castle, which is very strong, being situated 
 on the summit of a steep rock, impregnable from 
 its elevation, and only to be taken by famine or 
 bombardment. The army of General Cope was 
 composed of four thousand regular troops, be- 
 sides several volunteers, whom a fanatic zeal had 
 induced to join his standard, but who had not 
 sufficient courage to do us any injury, t 
 
 * The distances here assigned are too short. It is hardly- 
 necessary to repeat, that the author must have given to 
 Scotch miles the length of English miles, in converting them 
 into leagues. 
 
 f We have already stated the number of troops under 
 Sir John Cope, in this action. They amounted to 2100 
 
so MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 We arrived, about two o'clock in the after- 
 noon, within musket-shot of the enemy, where 
 
 men, besides some new-raised companies of Lord Loudon's 
 regiment, and the 42d, which were sent to Cockenzie, as the 
 baggage-guard. When the rebels entered Edinburgh, they 
 were somewhat under 2000 men. Next day they were joined 
 by 150 M'Lachlanes ; and before they left Duddingston, they 
 were joined by 250 men, so that at Preston they amounted 
 in all to nearly 2400 men. Li point of numbers, therefore, 
 they were rather superior to Cope's army ; but many of them, 
 it is true, were either unarmed or very ill armed. M. Patullo, 
 who was muster-master of the rebel army, in answer to some 
 queries transmitted to him at Paris, from Mr. Home, states 
 its number at Preston to have been nearly 2500. The 
 exaggerations on this subject have been very great on both 
 sides. 
 
 A volunteer from Edinburgh, who, from the circum- 
 stantial manner in which the account is given by Mr. Home, 
 was, in all probability, no other than himself, was introduced 
 to Sir John Cope on the 18th, and told him that he had re- 
 mained in Edinburgh after the rebels took possession of the 
 town ; that he had gone to the different posts, which they 
 occupied in the town, and reckoned them pretty exactly ; 
 that he had gone up to the hollow between the hills, where 
 their main body lay, where he also counted them ; that he 
 was persuaded the whole number of Highlanders, within and 
 without the town, did not amount to 2000 men : that he was, 
 however, informed, several bodies of men from the North 
 were on their way, and expected to join them soon ; that 
 they had no cannon, nor artillery of any sort, but one small 
 iron gun, without a carriage, drawn on a cart, by a little 
 Highland horse ; that about 1400 or 1500 were armed with 
 broad-swords, and firelocks of all sorts and sizes, muskets, 
 fusils, and fowling-pieces ; that some of the rest had firelocks 
 without swords, and some swords without firelocks, and 
 about 100 were armed with the blade of a scythe, fastened 
 to the end of a pitchfork-shaflt ; but that all of them would 
 
REBELLION OF ly^-î. 31 
 
 we halted behind an eminence, having a full 
 view of the camp of General Cope, the position 
 
 soon be provided with firelocks, as the arms of the trained 
 bands of Edinburgh had fallen into their hands. Sir John 
 was thus pretty accurately informed as to the numbers of 
 the enemy. On his trial, however, he says positively, that 
 " the rebels were about 5500 in the field ! ! !" and on another 
 occasion, he says that they were '* drawn up in two lines, 
 consisting, as I was informed, by some of the chiefs of them I ! 
 of 5500 men." A Mr. Bruce said, he had heard " one Mr. 
 Baillie, steward to Mr. Dundas, the late Solicitor General," 
 who had been sent in among the rebels by Mr. Dundas, to 
 get intelligence, report, in presence of Sir John Cope, Co- 
 lonel Gardener, and other officers, that he computed their 
 number to be about 5000. Lieutenant-colonel Whiteford, 
 taken prisoner in the battle, said he was told by the Duke 
 of Perth and Lords George Murray, Elcho, and Nairn, that 
 the number was 5500. Majors Severn and Talbot, and 
 Captain Leislie, said, they had also been told by the Duke of 
 Perth, that from the returns, the night before the battle, the 
 number was 5500. Lieutenant Craig said, he went to re- 
 connoitre them the day before the battle, and saw them in 
 the afternoon going up Fawside-hill, and to the best of his 
 judgment, they seemed to be more than 5000. A Mr. Jack, 
 a Professor of Mathematics, present in the battle, and who 
 stated, on the trial, that the whole of the rebels in the field of 
 battle, upon the attack, he was sure were not above 1600 or 
 1800 men at the most, as he judged by the ground they took 
 up, was reviled as a calumniator by all the officers, though 
 his estimate was wonderfully near the truth, as the reserve 
 of the rebels, amounting to 620, was never engaged. 
 
 It is difficult to believe that all the officers who were taken 
 prisoners should, to palliate the disgrace of their defeat, have 
 conspired to invent the circumstance of being told by the 
 Duke of Perth, and Lords George Murray, Elcho, and 
 Nairn, that the rebels amounted to 5500. And it is 
 probable that the rebel leaders chose to take claim to less 
 merit than they were entitled to, and to give a false account 
 
32 MEMOIRS or THE 
 
 of which was chosen with a great deal of skill. 
 The more we examined it, the more we were 
 convinced of the impossibility of attacking it ; 
 and we were all thrown into consternation, and 
 quite at a loss what course to take. On even 
 ground, the courage and bravery of the High- 
 landers might supply the place of numbers ; but 
 what could eighteen hundred men do against 
 four thousand, in a position inaccessible on 
 every point? The camp of the enemy was for- 
 tified by nature, and in the happiest position for 
 so small an army. The general had on his right 
 two inclosures, surrounded by stone-walls, from 
 six to seven feet high, between which there was 
 a road of about twenty feet broad, leading to the 
 village of Preston Pans. Before him was another 
 inclosure, surrounded by a deep ditch filled with 
 water, and from ten to twelve feet broad, which 
 served as a drain to the marshy ground. On 
 
 of their numbers, for the purpose of rendering themselves 
 more formidable in the public estimation. It was not their 
 interest that their numbers should be accurately known; and 
 we know that on their march into England, they took infinite 
 pains to conceal them. We may, therefore, exonerate the 
 officers from the charge of wilful falsehood ; but it will be 
 rather more difficult to exonerate them from the charge of 
 imbecility and want of penetration. 
 
 Wliat is rather surprising, the author of Waverley, who is 
 so well acquainted with every thing connected with Scotland, 
 makes the rebels, the day previous to the battle, amount to 
 ajbout 4000 ! He talks of " the daring attempt of a body 
 not then exceeding four thousand men, and of whom not 
 above half the number, at the utmost, were armed." 
 
 17 
 
REBELLION OF- 1745. 3S 
 
 his left was a marsh, which terminated in a deep 
 pond ; and behind him was the sea : so that he 
 was thus inclosed as in a fortification, which could 
 be attacked in no other manner than by a 
 regular siege. We spent the afternoon in re- 
 connoitring his position ; and the more we 
 examined it, the more our uneasiness and 
 chagrin increased, as we saw no possibility of 
 attacking it, without exposing ourselves to be 
 cut to pieces in a disgraceful manner. At sun- 
 set our army traversed the village of Tranent, 
 which was on our right, and took a new position 
 opposite to the marsh. General Cope, at the 
 same time, ordered his army to take a new front, 
 supporting his right by the ditch of the inclosure, 
 and his left by the sea, and having his front 
 towards the lake. 
 
 Mr. Anderson, proprietor of the marsh, came 
 to the Prince in the evening, very à-propos, to 
 relieve us from our embarrassment. * He assured 
 him that there was a place in the marsh where 
 we could pass it with safety, and that he him- 
 self had frequently crossed it when hunting. 
 The Prince, having instantly caused the place 
 
 * Mr. Home says, " There was in the rebel army a person 
 who had joined them at Edinburgh ; his name was Robert 
 Anderson, (the son of Anderson, of Whitbrough, in East- 
 Lothian,) who had been engaged in the rebeUion of 1715. 
 He knew the country exceeding well, &c." He does not 
 say, that he was the proprietor of the ground ; and he tells 
 us that he first informed Lord George Murray of the way 
 through the marsli. 
 
 D 
 
34" MEMOtRS OF THE 
 
 to be examined, ascertained that this account 
 was correct ; and that General Cope, not deem- 
 ing it passable, had neglected to station a guard 
 there. He caused the army to pass through 
 the place in question during the night ; the 
 Highlanders moving along in files, without 
 meeting with any opposition from the enemy, 
 forming themselves as soon as they came out of 
 the marsh, and extending their line towards 
 the sea. 
 
 At break of day. General Cope took our first 
 line, which was formed in order of battle, at 
 the distance of two hundred paces from his 
 army, for bushes. It consisted of twelve hun- 
 dred men ; and our second line, of six hundred 
 men, was composed of those who were badly 
 armed; many of them, as we have already ob- 
 served, having only staves or bludgeons in their 
 hands. Captain Macgregor, of the Duke of 
 Perth's regiment, for want of other arms, pro- 
 cured scythes, which he sharpened and fixed to 
 poles of from seven to eight feet long. With 
 these he armed his company, and they proved 
 very destructive weapons. 
 
 When our first line had passed the marsh. 
 Lord George dispatched me to the second line, 
 which the Prince conducted in person, to see 
 that it passed without noise or confusion. Hav- 
 ing examined the line, and seen that every thing 
 was as it should be, in returning to Lord George 
 I found the Prince at the head of the column, 
 accompanied by Lord Nairn, just as he was 
 14 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 35 
 
 beginning to enter the marsh, and I passed it 
 the second time along with him. We were not 
 yet out of the marsh, when the enemy, seeing 
 onr first Une in order of battle, fired an alarm- 
 gun. At the very end of the marsh there was a 
 deep ditch, three or four feet broad, which it 
 was necessary to leap over, and the Prince, in 
 making this leap, fell upon his knees on the 
 other side. I laid hold of his arm, and imme- 
 diately raised him up. On examining his 
 countenance, it seemed to me, from the alarm 
 expressed in it, that he considered this accident 
 as a bad omen. 
 
 Lord George, at the head of the first line, 
 did not give the English time to recover from 
 their surprise. He advanced with such rapidity 
 that General Cope had hardly time to form his 
 troops in order of battle, when the Highlanders 
 rushed upon them sword in hand. They had 
 been frequently enjoined to aim at the noses of 
 the horses with their swords, without minding 
 the riders ; as the natural movement of a horse, 
 wounded in the face, is to wheel round : and 
 a few horses wounded in that manner, are 
 sufficient to throw a whole squadron into such 
 disorder, that it is impossible afterwards to rally 
 it. They followed this advice most implicitly, 
 and the English cavalry were instantly thrown 
 into confusion. * 
 
 * Mr. John Young, of Edinburgh, to whom, since the 
 first edition of these Memoirs, the editor has been indebted 
 for several valuable communications, was informed by a 
 
 D 2 
 
3(i MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Macgregor*s company did great execution 
 witli their scytlies. They cut the legs of the 
 horses in two ; and their riders through the 
 middle of their bodies. Macgregor was brave 
 and intrepid, but, at the same time, altogether 
 whimsical and singular. When advancing to 
 the charge with his company, he received five 
 wounds, two of them from balls that pierced his 
 body through and through. Stretched on the 
 ground, with his head resting on his hand, he 
 called out to the Highlanders of his company, 
 *' My lads, I am not dead ! — by G — , I shall 
 see if any of you does not do his duty 1" * The 
 Highlanders instantly fell on the flanks of the 
 infantry ; which being uncovered and exposed 
 from the flight of the cavalry, immediately gave 
 way. Thus, in less than five minutes, we 
 
 gentleman who served in the English cavalry on this 
 occasion, " that it was the merest accident the High- 
 landers were not cut to pieces; The cavalry did not see 
 the Highlanders till they were within a hundred paces of 
 them, when they had not room to make a charge. Orders 
 were instantly given to wheel about and ride back a 
 little ; and then to face and advance against the High- 
 landers at a full charge: but they were followed so rapidly 
 by the Highlanders that they had not time to face, and he 
 did not believe that a single stroke was given by one of 
 them." Too implicit a reliance must not, however, be 
 placed on the account of this officer. We must always 
 bear in mind that it was not at Prestonpans only, but also at 
 Clifton Hall and Falkirk that the Highlanders beat cavalry. 
 * James Drummond, alias Macgregor, was son of the 
 famous Rob Roy Macgregor. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 37 
 
 obtained a complete victory ; with a terrible 
 carnage on the part of the enemy. It was 
 gained with such rapidity *, that in the second 
 line, where I still was by the side of the Prince, 
 not having been able to find Lord George, we 
 saw no other enemy on the field of battle than 
 those who were lying on the ground killed and 
 wounded, though we were not more than fifty 
 paces behind our first line, running always as 
 fast as we could to overtake them, and near 
 enough never to lose sight of them. The 
 Highlanders made a terrible slaughter of the 
 enemy, particularly at the spot where the road 
 begins to run between the two inclosures, as it 
 was soon stopped up by the fugitives ; as also 
 along the walls of the inclosures, where they 
 killed, without trouble, those who attempted to 
 climb them. The strength of the enemy's 
 camp became their destruction. Some of them 
 attempted to rally in the inclosure, where there 
 was an eminence which commanded the field of 
 battle, and from which they fired some shot ; 
 but they were soon put to flight by the High- 
 
 * Lieutenant-Colonel Whiteford, in his evidence, says 
 the rebels advanced on him voith a swiftness not to be con- 
 ceived: and Sir John Cope says, that the motion of the 
 rebels was so very rapid, that the whole line was broken in 
 a very few minutes. Not one bayonet was stained with 
 blood ! Yet the author of Waverley says, the English 
 infantry " stood their ground with great courage !" though 
 Lord Loudon, in his account, confirmed by every eye- 
 witness, says, as soon as the Highlanders approached our 
 foot, <* immediately a panic struck them." 
 
 D 3 
 
38 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 landers, who immediatelv entered the inclosure 
 in pursuit of them. 
 
 The field of battle presented a spectacle of 
 horror, being covered with heads, legs, and 
 arms, and mutilated bodies ; for the killed all 
 fell by the sword. Tiie enemy had thirteen 
 hundred killed j and we made fifteen hundred 
 prisoners, and took six field pieces, two mortars, 
 all the tents, baggage, and the military chest. * 
 General Cope, by means of a white cockade, 
 which he put in his hat, similar to what we wore, 
 passed through the midst of the Highlanders 
 without being known, and escaped to England, 
 where he carried the first news of his defeat. 
 This victory cost us forty killed, and as many 
 wounded, t The greatest advantage we derived 
 from it was, the reputation that the Prince's 
 
 • Mr. Home says, the number of private men, -who were 
 killed in the battle did not exceed 200, and the number of 
 officers five ; but he states, in a note, that some accounts of 
 the battle, written by officers in the rebel army, make the 
 number of "killed to have been 400 or 500. It is certain 
 that all the infantry of the King's army were either killed 
 or taken prisoners, except about 170, who escaped, " by 
 extraordinary swiftness or early flight." And when we 
 consider the difficulty of escape, with what is afterwards 
 said by the author of the vengeance of the Highlanders, 
 and the terrible havoc which they must have made, in a 
 ijhort time, with their swords, on men so situated, we can 
 have no doubt that Mr. Home's number of 200 is much too 
 low; though 1300, again, seems extravagantly high, and is 
 irreconcileable with the number of prisoners said to have 
 been made. 
 
 f This number differs little from that of Mr. Home, who 
 makes the killed 30 private men, and four officer? ; and the 
 wounded, 70 private men. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 39 
 
 army acquired in the outset ; which determined 
 many of his partisans, who were yet wavering, 
 to declare themselves openly in his favour. The 
 arms of the vanquished, of which we stood in 
 need, were also of great service to us. The 
 Prince slept next night at Pinky-house, about a 
 quarter of a league from the field of battle. He 
 committed to my care one hundred and ten 
 English officers, who were our prisoners, with 
 orders that they should want for nothing. 
 
 The panic-terror of the English surpasses all 
 imagination. They threw down their arms that 
 they might run with more speed, thus depriving 
 themselves by their fears of the only means of 
 arresting the vengeance of the Highlanders. 
 Of so many men in a condition, from their 
 numbers, to preserve order in their retreat, not 
 one thought of defending himself. Terror had 
 taken entire possession of their minds. I saw a 
 young Highlander, about fourteen years of age, 
 scarcely formed, who was presented to the Prince 
 as a prodigy, having killed, it was said, fourteen 
 of the enemy. The Prince asked him if this 
 was true ? ** I do not know,'* replied he, *♦ if 
 I killed them ; but I brought fourteen soldiers 
 to the ground with my sword." Another High- 
 lander brought ten soldiers to the Prince, whom 
 he had made prisoners, driving them before him 
 like a flock of sheep. This Highlander, from a 
 rashness without example, having pursued a 
 party to some distance from the field of battle, 
 along the road between the two inclosures, 
 
 D 4i 
 
10 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 struck down the hindermost with a blow of his 
 sword, calling, at the same time, " Down with 
 your arms.** The soldiers, terror-struck, threw 
 down their arms without looking behind them, 
 and the Highlander, with a pistol in one hand, 
 and a sword in the other, made them do exactly 
 as he pleased. The rage and despair of these 
 men, on seeing themselves made prisoners by a 
 single individual, may easily be imagined. These 
 were, however, the same English soldiers who 
 had distinguished themselves at Dettingen and 
 Fontenoy, and who might justly be ranked 
 amongst the bravest troops of Europe. 
 
 However, when we come to consider the 
 matter attentively, we can hardly be astonished 
 that Highlanders, who take arms voluntarily 
 from attachment to their legitimate Prince and 
 their chiefs, should defeat thrice their number 
 of regular troops, who enlist from seduction or a 
 love of idleness and dissipation. Such men are 
 strangers to the love of glory, affection for their 
 Prince, the enthusiasm of patriotism, the intense 
 feeling of the justice of their cause, the hope of 
 rich spoil or honourable promotion. An order 
 of the Prince forms and swells his armies, and he 
 orders them also to march wherever he pleases. 
 
 Having been several times in armies which 
 have been put to rout since this action, I have 
 always remarked, that much fewer men were 
 lost in the field of battle than in the subsequent 
 flight. Seized by a panic-terror, and frequently 
 borne away by their companions without know- 
 ingwhy, even when they have lost fewer men 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 41 
 
 than the enemy who remains victorious, they 
 disperse like sheep, and, unable to defend them- 
 selves, come voluntarily forward like so many 
 victims to be sacrificed. Thus it required no 
 extraordinary courage in this young Highlander 
 to bring down fourteen soldiers ; but merely an 
 arm sufficiently strong to give fourteen blows 
 with his sword on the heads of so many fugitives, 
 and legs sufficiently swift to pursue and over- 
 take them. The other Highlander, who took 
 ten prisoners, would have paid dearly for his 
 rashness, if they had had sufficient presence of 
 mind to look behind tliem, when he ordered 
 them to lay down their arms. 
 
 We can never impress too much on the minds 
 of soldiers, that their safety and even their very 
 existence depend on their firmness and cool- 
 ness J and that their only means of inspiring a 
 victorious enemy with respect for them, and of 
 escaping from that carnage which always ac- 
 companies a disorderly flight, is to form a junc- 
 tion with their comrades, as soon as the confusion 
 begins to gain ground, and to rally themselves 
 by forming into bodies as soon as possible. If 
 we retreat without precipitation, with the face 
 always turned towards the enemy, the advantage 
 gained in a battle would not be so considerable 
 as it commonly is : at least, the carnage which 
 follows would not take place. The victorious 
 army would not venture to break its ranks to 
 pursue the enemy, for fear of losing the victory, 
 which has happened more than once from such 
 
-iU MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 a cause. It is even prudent in the victors to 
 advance slowly, leaving a bridge of gold to the 
 flying enemy ; and indeed as the light troops 
 and cavalry are commonly employed in the 
 pursuit, the sight of an army retiring in good 
 order, cannot fail to inspire them with awe. He 
 who pursues disorderly an enemy in disorder, 
 says Machiavel, will lose the victory which he 
 has gained, and perhaps give it to the enemy. 
 
 The rallying of troops has ever appeared to 
 me one of the most essential requisites in mili- 
 tary science. But to attain perfection in this 
 respect, it is necessary to study the disposition 
 of man, to be acquainted with his natural feel- 
 ings, to know in what men generally resemble, 
 and in what they differ from, one another : a 
 science equally profound and difficult, but essen- 
 tially necessary to the general of an army, who, 
 before he issues his despotic orders to his men, 
 ought to know what they are capable of per- 
 forming. To impress on the minds of soldiers 
 the necessity of rallying quickly, as soon as they 
 are broken, and of retiring slowly before the 
 enemy, with their arms always in readiness to 
 defend themselves, it is only necessary to show 
 them, that on this depends their safety and their 
 lives ; and that if they fly in confusion and dis- 
 order, without being able to defend themselves, 
 they will infallibly meet with their destruction. 
 As nature has endowed every man with the in- 
 stinct of self-preservation, when the soldier is 
 once convinced that by joining his comrades 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 43 
 
 and forming battalions he can alone preserve his 
 life, and oppose with advantage an inferior 
 number of enemies employed in the pursuit, he 
 will do so of his own accord : and this course 
 will be found more efficacious than all the orders 
 and threats which their officers can possibly 
 make use of. The soldier who betakes himself 
 to a disorderly flight, does not do so with the 
 idea of losing his life, but with the hope of pre- 
 serving it, and of being sooner out of danger. 
 He merely deceives himself as to his means, and 
 rushes on death instead of avoiding it. Soldiers 
 are mere machines ; and we must direct and 
 guide them to prevent them from being tyran- 
 nised over by their imagination. In an attack 
 I have seen the same men advance like lions, 
 who, when repulsed, became in an instant as 
 cowardly and timorous as hares. However, it 
 is not the diminution of their numbers in the 
 fight that can occasion such a sudden change ; 
 for they cannot know what is passing throughout 
 the army ; but they turn their backs mechani- 
 cally, without any other reason for doing so, 
 than that they follow the example of those who 
 happen to be near then;. The contagion spreads 
 through the army like wild-fire : an unexpected 
 resistance, on the part of the enemy, instantly 
 deranges the order of the whole machine, and 
 destroys, in an instant, the faculty of discern- 
 ment and reflection, and the whole becomes one 
 scene of confusion. It is the nature of man, 
 generally speaking, to be inconstant and vari- 
 
44 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 able ; he seldom sees objects in their proper 
 colours ; consequently he has no stability in his 
 opinions, and is almost always at variance with 
 himself: hence we must elevate the imagination 
 of tlie soldiers, which solely influences their 
 actions. The general, who can inspire his army 
 with confidence in his capacity, talents, and ex- 
 perience, is the best leader who can be em- 
 ployed : for soldiers, who have this prepossession 
 in favour of their general, will conduct them- 
 selves like heroes, in the belief that they are 
 marching to a certain victory. With troops so 
 animated as the Highlanders were in this extra- 
 ordinary battle, a general ought not to think of 
 the number of his army, however inferior to that 
 of the enemy, but merely of the frame of mind 
 in which his soldiers are. 
 
 Next day, being the 22d of September, the 
 Prince returned to Edinburgh, where he was 
 received with the loudest acclamations by the 
 populace, always equally inconstant in every 
 country of the world. He there published 
 several edicts, one of which prohibited all public 
 rejoicings on account of the victory obtained 
 over General Cope, as it was purchased at the 
 expense of the blood of his subjects. In another, 
 he granted a general amnesty for all treasons, 
 rebellions, or offences whatever, committed 
 against him or his predecessors, since the revo- 
 lution of 1688, provided the aggressors repaired 
 to the palace of Holyrood-house within the 
 space of four days, and made a declaration in 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 45 
 
 presence of his secretary, that they would live 
 in future under his government as quiet and 
 peaceable subjects. He also sent circular letters 
 to the magistrates of all the towns in Scotland, 
 commanding them to repair immediately to 
 Edinburgh, to pay their proportion of the con- 
 tributions which he imposed on every town ; 
 and he dispatched other letters to all the 
 collectors and controllers of the land-tax and 
 customs, ordering them to bring to his palace 
 their books and the public money in their hands, 
 on pain of high treason. 
 
 This victory, however unimportant it at first 
 seemed, made the Prince the entire master of 
 Scotland, where the only English troops which 
 remained were the garrisons of the castles of 
 Edinburgh and Stirling. The whole of the 
 towns of Scotland having been obliged to recog- 
 nise the Prince as regent of the kingdom in the 
 absence of his father. King James, then at 
 Rome, all that he had to do now was to retain 
 possession of it. His chief object ought to have 
 been to endeavour, by every possible means, 
 to secure himself in the government of his 
 ancient kingdom ; and to defend himself against 
 the English armies, which would not fail to be 
 sent against him, without attempting, for the 
 present, to extend his views to England. This 
 was the advice which every one gave the Prince; 
 and, if he had followed it, he might still perhaps 
 have been in possession of that kingdom. He 
 was strongly advised to dissolve and annul the 
 
M) MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 union between Scotland and England, made 
 during the usurpation of Queen Anne, by a 
 cabal of a few Scots peers, whom the English 
 court had gained over to its interests by force 
 of gold, contrary to the general wish of the 
 Scottish nation, by all ranks of which, down to 
 the lowest peasant, this act has ever been held 
 in abhorrence. Such a step would have given 
 infinite pleasure to all Scotland ; and the sole 
 consideration of being freed from the English 
 yoke would have induced the Scots to declare 
 themselves generally in his favour. 
 
 By thus fomenting the natural hatred and 
 animosity which the Scots have in all times 
 manifested against the English, the war would 
 have become national, and this would have 
 been a most fortunate circumstance for the 
 Prince. The Scots, though much inferior to 
 the English in numbers, had withstood them 
 during a long and almost uninterrupted war of a 
 thousand years, and preserved their liberty and 
 independence down to the union of the two 
 kingdoms in I707. Besides, if the Prince could 
 have kept his ground in Scotland, the court of 
 France would have found it their interest to 
 maintain him on the throne, and would have 
 exerted themselves to the utmost to prevent an 
 union with England. It was further observed, 
 by those who gave this advice to the Prince, 
 that as the union, from its being an act passed 
 during the usurpation, and injurious to the 
 house of Stuart, was necessarily void, it was 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 47 
 
 proper to issue writs for the immediate meeting 
 of the Scottish parharaent at Edinburgh, to 
 impose taxes in a legal manner, and obtain 
 suppKes for the support of his army. 
 
 As this parUament could only at first be 
 composed of the partisans of the Prince, it 
 would not certainly have been considered as a 
 free parliament ; but the taxes imposed in this 
 manner on the nation would have appeared less 
 arbitrary, and borne a greater appearance of 
 justice and lawfulness than the military contri- 
 butions which were then levied. 
 
 The Scots who were most distinguished for 
 their talents, experience, and good sense, pro- 
 posed this wise and salutary plan of operations 
 to the Prince, which, however, he did not seem 
 to relish * ; having inherited the sentiments of 
 
 * The views of the author were certainly espoused by a 
 number of Jacobites, though we can hardly bring ourselves 
 to suppose they were entertained by many of the leading 
 men of that party. Mr. Home has, however, stated one 
 distinguished instance of the union of Jacobitism with this 
 species of patriotism, and even with the most liberal prin- 
 ciples. " When Charles," he says, " came to the palace, 
 (of Holyrood-house,) he dismounted, and walked along 
 the piazza, towards the apartment of the Duke of Hamilton. 
 When he was near the door, which stood open to receive 
 him, a gentleman stepped out of the crowd, drew his sword, 
 and raising his arm aloft, walked up stairs before Charles. 
 The person who enlisted himself in this manner was James 
 Hepburn of Keith, whose name will be mentioned again 
 more than once : he had been engaged, when a very young 
 man, in the rebelHon of the year 17i5, and from that time, 
 (learned and intelligent as he was,) had continued a Jacobite. 
 
48 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 his ancestors, who always entertained an extra- 
 vagant attachment to the EngHsh people, and 
 
 But he had compounded the spirit of Jacobitism with another 
 spirit ; for he disclaimed the hereditary indefeasible right 
 of kings, and condemned the government of James the 
 Second; but he also condemned the union between England 
 and Scotland as injurious and humiliating to his country ; 
 saying, (to use his own words,) that the Union had made a 
 Scotch gentleman of small fortune nobody, and that he 
 would die a thousand times rather than submit to it. 
 Wrapped up in these notions, he kept himself for thirty 
 years in constant readiness to take arms, and was the first 
 person who joined Charles at Edinburgh : idolised by the 
 Jacobites, and beloved by some of the best Whigs, who 
 regretted that this accomplished gentleman, the model of 
 ancient simplicity, manliness, and honour, should sacrifice 
 himself to a visionary idea of the independence of Scotland." 
 The most liberal and enlightened politician of Scotland, 
 perhaps of Europe, at the period of the Union, Fletcher of 
 Saltoun, though a determined opponent of an incorporating 
 union, could not conceal from himself the inability of his 
 country to withstand the force of England, from " the great 
 disproportion," as he says, " there is between the power of 
 the one and the other nation, especially in the present way 
 of making'war." The resource to which he looked in case 
 of attack from England, — that of taking any power that 
 would assist him by the hand, — is at best a very precarious 
 one, and a means on which it would have been extremely 
 hazardous to calculate. Though it may seem idle to enquire 
 into the policy of the Union in the present day ; yet it is 
 but doing justice to Fletcher and those who shared his 
 views, to observe, that the principles on which they opposed 
 that measure, are not so absurd as might at first be supposed. 
 His reasons for preferring a federal to an incorporating 
 union, not merely in the case of England and Scotland, but 
 in the case of all countries in the same situation, are de- 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. 49 
 
 who were always the victims of the ill-judged 
 mildness with which they governed them, in- 
 
 veloped at. considerable length in the very interesting 
 account which he has given of a conversation he had with 
 the Earl of Cromarty, Sir Edward Seymour, and Sir 
 Christopher Musgrave, concerning a right regulatioii of 
 governments. Setting out with the positions, of which few 
 statesmen have yet been able to see the truth, — " that the 
 true interest and good of any nation is the same with that 
 of any other;" " that no people ever did any injustice to a 
 neighbouring nation, except by mistaking their interest ;" 
 and " that wars are hostile to the true interest of every 
 nation, and are, in fact, the greatest calamity to which the 
 human race is exposed, grievously oppressing and afflicting, 
 not only the places that are the theatres of action, but even 
 the remotest village and most solitary cottage ;" in order to 
 preserve mankind from such convulsions and misery, as 
 much as possible, he proposed that '• instead of framing 
 governments with regard only to a single society, as all 
 legislators have hitherto done,'' such should be constituted 
 " as would be no less advantageous to our neighbours than 
 ourselves." Conceiving that the most effectual way to pre- 
 vent wars, was to render nations incapable or unfit to make 
 conquests, and to increase at the same time their power of 
 resisting invasion ,he recommended that those states which 
 are connected together by geographical position and identity 
 of language, should unite themselves in federal governments 
 for their common defence, each of them preserving its 
 separate laws and administration. Britain and Ireland, he 
 said, were conveniently situated for one federal government ; 
 Spain and Portugal for another; France within the Alps, 
 Jura, the Vosges, the Ardennes, and the Pyrenees for a 
 third ; Italy and its islands for a fourth ; the seventeen 
 Provinces, the circles of Westphalia and Lower Saxony, 
 with the Archbishopric of Cologne and Denmark, for ji 
 fifth ; tlie rest of Germany and Switzerland, and the 
 
 £ 
 
5(9 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 stead of ruling them with a rod of iron, like 
 their former sovereigns, Henry VIII. and Queen 
 
 Provinces to the Adriatic, for a sixth ; Norway, Sweden, 
 Livonia, and the Northern parts of European Russia, for a 
 seventh ; Poland, Prussia, Lithuania, and the southern parts 
 of European Russia, for an eighth ; the countries to the 
 north of Macedonia and Albania, and the south of the 
 Carpathian mountains, for a ninth ; and Macedonia, Albania, 
 &c. for a tenth : almost every one of these ten parts speak- 
 ing a distinct language, and the people being generally of 
 the same temper and dispositions. Federal states, he says, 
 from the difficulty of disposing of conquests, which belong 
 to the whole federation in common, are less inclined to 
 make war, and having a number of centres of men, riches, 
 and power, do not depend on the fate of a single battle, and 
 are conquered with great difficulty. Such federations are 
 not only best calculated to preserve mankind from war, but 
 also from corruption of manners, and give the people of 
 every part of the world that just share in the government of 
 themselves which is due to them ; the governments extend- 
 ing only over a moderate number of people are duly 
 executed ; and so many different centres promote the 
 diffusion of knowledge and improvement. Hence he con- 
 ceived that the advantage of England, Scotland, and Ireland 
 would be best promoted by retaining the connection of a 
 common sovereign, and leaving to each country its separate 
 internal government. 
 
 It is in sojne measure on these principles that most of the 
 colonies of this empire are connected with it : and they are 
 adopted in their utmost extent in the United States of North 
 America. 
 
 The advantages of an incorporating union, are, therefore, 
 more problematical than many persons suppose. A federal 
 union may embrace any extent of empire, but an incor- 
 porating union is necessarily defective, where the empire is 
 not of a moderate size. Under a federal imion the general 
 
IIEIIELLTON OF IJi^}. 61 
 
 Elizabeth. The Prince constantly rejected 
 every proposition which he thought calculated 
 to displease them, or even to give rise to the 
 slightest umbrage. The unfortunate house of 
 
 government is not overwhelmed with details, but has its 
 attention confined to a few important objects; the separate 
 states freeing it from all business of a local nature. From 
 the load of business of all descriptions which the two incor- 
 porating unions, and the affairs of those colonies which have 
 no separate legislature, have thrown into the parliament of 
 England, it can give to few objects the consideration to 
 which they are entitled ; and to the affairs of the more 
 distant parts of the empire the least attention can with 
 difficulty be procured. When Irish business comes on in 
 the House of Commons, it is a signal for the members to go 
 out ; and the affair of Warren Hastings made it evident 
 that an Indian inquiry in England is impracticable. Upon 
 the whole it is, perhaps, fortunate for Scotland, that the 
 supreme court of that country has, in some measure, taken 
 upon itself the functions of a legislature. It is certain, 
 at all events, that the legislative measures from which 
 Scotland derives the greatest benefit were not passed in a 
 British Parliament. 
 
 But whether the Union was an advantageous or disadvan- 
 tageous measure, it could hardly be supposed that Prince 
 Charles would consent to dissolve it, and confine his views 
 to the possession of Scotland, so long as he had any hopes 
 of also obtaining England. It is now perfectly well under- 
 stood that he had received assurances of support from many 
 of the most powerful families in England, as well as in Scot- 
 land ; and whatever the interest of the people of Scotland 
 might be, it was clearly not his interest, as that word is 
 usually understood, to renounce England for Scotland, and 
 to content himself with the one kingdom, when he thought 
 it was possible to obtain both. 
 
 E S 
 
52 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Stuart have been always abhorred and detested 
 by the English nation since their accession to 
 the throne, and have never received any other 
 return for their tender regard than incessant 
 persecution ; the English shedding their blood 
 even on the scaffold, and, at last, driving the 
 whole family from the country, after stripping 
 them of their crown. The mind of the Prince, 
 however, was occupied only with England ; and 
 he seemed little flattered with the idea of pos- 
 sessing a kingdom to which, however, the family 
 of Stuart owes its origin and its royalty. 
 
 The army of the Prince, after this victory, 
 increased in numbers every day, and soon 
 amounted to from four to five thousand men. 
 He then became impatient to enter England, 
 and for that purpose, assembled a council of all 
 tiie chiefs of clans, where his opinion was ap- 
 proved of by no one. * King George returned to 
 
 * During the stay of the Prince in Edinburgh, all the 
 British troops had returned from Flanders, accompanied by 
 6000 Dutch troops ; and in consquence of the exertions of 
 Lord President Forbes, Lord Lovat could not make good 
 his promise of joining him with four or five or even six 
 thousand men. No wonder that the chiefs were alarmed, 
 .ind adverse to the expedition to England. In Waverley, the 
 chief of Glennaquoich is represented as all ardour for the 
 journey, and as neither asking, expecting, nor desiring 
 ♦' any aid, except that of the clans, to place the Stuarts 
 once more on the throne." Our author, however, gives a 
 very different account of the feelings of all the Highland 
 chiefs, who must indeed have been the blindest of the blind 
 to entertain any hopes of final success, without aid from a 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. ■ '53 
 
 London on the 1 1th of September *, and, alarmed 
 at the defeat of General Cope, he recalled the 
 whole of the English troops in the army of the allies 
 in Flanders. The chiefs represented to the Prince 
 that nothing could be more ridiculous than to at- 
 tempt an invasion of England with such a handful 
 of men, when it was defended by fifty thousand 
 regular troops and a numerous militia. Some 
 of the chiefs even told him, that they had taken 
 arms, and risked their fortunes and their lives, 
 merely to seat him on the throne of Scotland ; 
 but that they wished to have nothing to do with 
 England. However, the Prince pretending that 
 he had received letters from several English 
 lords, assuring him, that he should find them in 
 arms on the borders, ready to join him with a 
 considerable English force, the chiefs of the 
 clans suffered themselves at length to yield, and, 
 after many debates, gave their assent to his 
 proposition. Thus the Prince, instead of re- 
 maining in Scotland on the defensive, set out 
 with his army on the 1st of November from 
 Edinburgh, where he had scarcely stayed long 
 enough to perceive that he was entirely master 
 of the kingdom ; and that it was only necessary 
 
 considerable part of the population of England. Mr. Home 
 states that it was only after " long and anxious deliberation" 
 that ** Charles and his council resolved to march into En- 
 gland ;" though he adds, that some of the bravest and most 
 determined of the chiefs " trusted in themselves" alone. 
 * The King returned on the 31st of August. 
 E 3 
 
54< MEMOIRS OF Tin; 
 
 to adopt proper measures, and follow judicious 
 counsels, to preserve his conquest. The enter- 
 prise was bold, nay rash, and unexampled. 
 What man in liis senses could think of encounter- 
 ing tlie English armies, and attempting the con- 
 quest of England, with four thousand five hun- 
 dred Highlanders ? It is true they were brave, 
 resolute, and determined to fight to the very 
 last, selling their lives as dearly as possible, and 
 having no alternative but victory or death ; but 
 still the disproportion between this handful of 
 men and the whole force of England was so 
 great as to preclude the slightest hope of success. 
 Our army remained in the* town of Dalkeith, 
 a league and a half from Edinburgh, till the tSd 
 of November, when we set out for England ; but 
 before our departure, two vessels, the one French 
 and the other Spanish, laden with money, arms, 
 military stores, and six Swedish field-pieces, with 
 a detachment of French artillery-raen, having 
 reached Montrose in safety, on the 11th of Oc- 
 tober, their cargoes were forwarded to * Dalkeith. 
 These vessels also brought several Irish officers 
 in the service of France, who joined us at the 
 same place. Mr. Grant, an able mathematician, 
 who had been employed for many years vyith 
 M. Cassini in the observatory at Paris, was of 
 
 * Three vessels, in all, entered Montrose and its neigh- 
 bourhood at this time. The six field-pieces, and the artillery- 
 men, came by the third vessel. 
 
REBELLION OF IJ-iÔ. 55 
 
 the number ; as also M. d'Aiguille *, brother to 
 the Marquis d'Argens, who took the title of 
 ambassador ot" the king of France. 
 
 Our march was very judiciously planned, and 
 equally well executed ; resembling, on a small 
 scale, that of Marshal Saxe some years before, 
 when he advanced to lay siege to Maestricht. 
 There are three great roads from Edinburgh to 
 London : one of them runs along the eastern 
 coast of Scotland, enters England at Berwick- 
 upon-Tweed, and passes through Newcastle- 
 upon-Tyne. This is the road generally taken. 
 Anothergoes along the western coast of Scotlandt, 
 which enters England at Carlisle, a city formerly 
 the frontier defence of the English against the 
 incursions of the Scotch on the west, as Berwick 
 was on the east. The third road lies between 
 the other two. Our army was formed into three 
 columns, each of which took a separate road on 
 setting out from Dalkeith, with the view of 
 keeping the enemy, by this stratagem, ignorant 
 of the place where the Prince intended to enter 
 England. This plan succeeded so well, that 
 Marshal Wade, who was at Newcastle with 
 eleven thousand men, whom he had lately 
 
 * In Smollet's history he is called The Marquis de Guilles, 
 and by Mr. Home Boyer Marques d' Equillez. 
 
 ■\ This road from Edinburgh cannot, properly speaking, 
 be stated to pass along the west coast of Scotland ; for it 
 runs through the very centre of the country, and only ap- 
 proaches the Solway Frith, an arm of the sea, on its entering 
 England. 
 
 E 4 
 
36 MKiMOlKS Ol THF, 
 
 brought tVoin Flanders, including a corps of 
 Swiss troops in British pay *, continued to cover 
 and protect that city, which is one of the most 
 important in England. Secrecy, in this case, 
 was so well observed, tluit hardly any person in 
 our army had the least idea of the place where 
 the junction of the three columns would take 
 place ; and we were very much surprised on 
 finding ourselves all arrive, on the 9th of No- 
 vember, almost at the same instant, on a heath 
 in England, about a quarter of a league from the 
 town of Carlisle. This march was arranged and 
 executed with such precision that there was not 
 an interval of two hours between the arrival of 
 the different columns at the place of rendezvous. 
 Carlisle, a considerable town, and capital of 
 the county of Cumberland, is only about a league 
 and a half distant from the borders of Scotland. 
 The river Esk, which is fordable, and about 
 half the breadth of the Seine at Paris, here se- 
 parates the two kingdoms, as the river Tweed 
 does on the side of Berwick. The fortifications 
 are in the old style, and have been entirely ne- 
 glected for several centuries, in consequence of 
 the cessation of the long wars between the two 
 countries, and the final imion of the crowns, on 
 the death of Queen Elizabeth. It is surrounded 
 by walls, flanked with towers, and a fosse, and 
 
 • There were, it is believed, properly speaking, no Swiss 
 troops in British pay ; but the Dutch had always Swiss re- 
 giments in their pay, and part of the troops sent by them 
 as auxiliaries to this country were Swiss. 
 
REBKLLIOK OF 1745. 57 
 
 contains a castle well furnished with artillery, 
 and defended by a garrison of invalids. This 
 castle was formerly a place of considerable 
 strength ; but at present its walls, like those of 
 the town, are falling from age into decay. We 
 opened our trenches before this place, under the 
 orders of the Duke of Perth, on the night of the 
 10th of November, at the distance of eighty 
 yards from the walls. Mr. Grant, an Irish officer 
 of Lally*s regiment, our principal engineer, ably 
 availed himself of the ditches of inclosures, by 
 which we were enabled to approach close to the 
 town, sheltered from the fire of the enemy. Our 
 artillery consisted of the six Swedish field-pieces 
 received from France with Mr. Grant, and the 
 six other field-pieces, of a smaller calibre, which 
 we had taken at the battle of Gladsmuir. 
 
 Having learned that Marshal Wade was on his 
 march to force us to raise the siege of Carlisle, 
 and that he had already advanced with his army 
 to the town of Hexham, the Prince left the Duke 
 of Perth, with a small body of troops, to con- 
 duct the siege, and immediately marched against 
 him ; it being of the highest importance to us 
 to give battle, before we advanced into Eng- 
 land, in order to preserve a free communication 
 with Scotland. The Prince, after waiting for 
 the Marshal some days at Brampton, a small 
 town eight miles from Carlisle, received positive 
 information, that he had abandoned Hexham, 
 and fallen back upon Newcastle ; on which we 
 returned to Carlisle. The Prince, on his return. 
 
58 MEMOIRS or THE 
 
 licid llie sutislhction to receive the ke}\s of the 
 city fVoni a deputation, sent to him to propose 
 terms of capitulation. It surrendered tlie third 
 day after the opening of the trenches ; ratlier 
 from our threatening to fire red-liot balls upon 
 the town and reduce it to ashes, than from the 
 force of our artillery ; as we did not discharge 
 a single shot, lest the garrison should become 
 acquainted with the smallness of their calibre, 
 wliicli might have encouraged them to defend 
 themselves. 
 
 The town first proposed to surrender without 
 the castle ; but as the Prince refused to receive 
 the one without the other, the inhabitants be- 
 came alarmed, and obliged the garrison to join 
 in the capitulation. The military were made 
 prisoners of war, and dismissed, after taking an 
 oath not to bear arms against the house of Stuart 
 for the space of one year. 
 
 It is impossible to conceive why Marshal 
 Wade, generally allowed to be the best general 
 officer in the service of England, did not ad- 
 vance to Brampton, and endeavour to stop the 
 progress of the Prince, by giving him battle, 
 having an army of regular troops more than 
 double the number of that of the Prince. Whe- 
 ther he was afraid of exposing himself to the 
 Highlanders, after the disgrace of his brother- 
 officer General Cope ; whether he was unable 
 to move from, the diseases in his army, his sol- 
 diers not being accustomed to the fatigues of 
 winter campaigns ; or whether he liad particular 
 
REBELLION OF 1745'. 59^ 
 
 instructions liom King George to risk nothing, 
 and not to leave Newcastle, lest the colliers, 
 who amount to more than twenty thousand, 
 should seize this favourable opportunity lor re- 
 volting, and join the Prince, in order to liberate 
 themselves and their posterity from perpetual 
 slavery in the mines, it is impossible to say ; but 
 he remained always inactive under the walls of 
 that town. * 
 
 * The conduct of Marshal Wade is certainly inexplicable ; 
 and, as it appears infinitely more censurable than that of 
 General Cope, it is somewhat surprising that he was never 
 called to an account for it. Carlisle is only about sixty 
 miles from Newcastle. The rebels invested Carlisle on the 
 9th of November, and the news of this might have reached 
 him in a day or two, yet he did not quit Newcastle till the 
 15th, (for the author is mistaken in supposing that he did 
 not quit it at all,) the very day the city and castle of Carlisle 
 surrendered. On the 17th, he had got as far as Hexham, 
 twenty-two miles from Newcastle, when he received inform- 
 ation of the surrender, upon which he quietly marched his 
 troops back again. He had not the excuse of General 
 Cope for delaying his march, as the scene of operations was 
 not destitute of provisions, and therefore no great prepara- 
 tions were rendered necessary. 
 
 With respect to the supposed slavery of the colliers of 
 Newcastle, this is a mistake into which it was verj? easy for 
 a Scotsman of that day to fall. The colliers and salters of 
 Scotland were then, and long afterwards, in a state of slavery ; 
 and the author naturally supposed that the English colliers 
 were in the same situation. What led to the general eman- 
 cipation of villains in former ages, led to the emancipation 
 of these bondsmen in our days ; namely, the interest of their 
 masters. Wliile a free-labourer received considerably less 
 wages in Scotland than at Newcastle, the enslaved 8cot& 
 collier received one-third' more than the free English collier» 
 
60 3IEMOIKS OF THE 
 
 M. Patullo, our muster-master, reviewed our 
 army at Carlisle, when it did not exceed four 
 thousand five hundred men. * The Prince held 
 a council of all the Highland chiefs, in which 
 he again pretended that he had received fresh 
 letters from his friends in England, assuring him. 
 
 • M. Patullo himself says, in his answer to some queries 
 from Mr. Home, " the number of the rebels, when they 
 began their march into England, was a few above 5000 foot, 
 with about 500 on horseback, mostly Low-Country gentle- 
 men, and their servants, under the names of guards, hussars, 
 &c. ;" and Mr. Home, on his authority, says, " when the 
 rebels began their march to the southward, they were not 
 6000 men complete ; they exceeded 5500, of whom 400 or 
 500 were cavalry." Ray of Whitehaven, a volunteer under 
 the Duke of Cumberland, states, in his " Complete History 
 of the Rebellion," (a violent and vulgar party production,) 
 that the numbers of the rebel army were taken by the 
 principal inhabitants of Derby, in all the parishes, on the 
 first and second nights of their stay in that town ; and that 
 on the first night they amounted to 7008, and on the second 
 to 714-8. This account would not differ very much from that 
 of M. Patullo, as the rebels had been joined in England by 
 the men who formed the Manchester regiment, if we were 
 to suppose that the numbers on leaving Edinburgh, and at 
 the review at Carlisle, were the same. But as Mr. Home 
 informs us that, of the whole number, not quite four thou- 
 sand were real Highlanders, who formed the Clan regiments ; 
 and that a good many men had deserted from the Low- 
 Country regiments, in the march from Edinburgh to 
 Carlisle," there is good reason for suspecting that the 
 author's account of the result of the review at Carlisle is not 
 far distant from the truth ; though M. Patullo states, that 
 " after the retreat from England, there appeared on the 
 Green of Glasgow full 5000 men." Most of the English and 
 about 300 Scots had on the retreat been left behind at 
 Carlisle. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 61 
 
 that he should find all of them in arms, on his 
 arrival at Preston. The chiefs represented in 
 strong terms the danger of attempting to pene- 
 trate farther into England, with such a small 
 army ; and maintained that his most prudent 
 course was to return to Scotland, fix his re- 
 sidence at Edinburgh, and carry on a defensive 
 war in that country, till such time as he was in 
 a condition to change it into an offensive one ; 
 as all the succours expected from the English, 
 who had promised to join him on the borders, 
 had vanished into smoke. The Prince, how- 
 ever, insisted always on advancing into Eng- 
 land ; and the chiefs at length gave their 
 consent. 
 
 Our cavalry left Carlisle on the 20th of No- 
 vember, and marched that day to Penrith, a 
 distance of twelve miles. * It consisted of two 
 companies of life-guards, composed of young 
 gentlemen. Lord Elcho, now Earl of Wemyss 
 and a peer of Scotland, a nobleman equally dis- 
 tinguished for his illustrious birth, and his sin- 
 gular merit, commanded the first company j and 
 Lord Balmerino commanded the second. Be- 
 sides the life-guards, there was a body of one 
 hundred and fifty gentlemen on horseback, com- 
 manded by Lord Pitsligo. t On the !^lst, the 
 
 * Penrith is eighteen miles from Carlisle. 
 
 f " This Peer," says Mr. Home, " who drew after him 
 such a number of gentlemen, had only a moderate fortune ; 
 but he was much beloved and greatly esteemed by his neigh- 
 bours, who looked upon him as a man of excellent judg- 
 
62 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Prince tbilowed with the infantry, and passed 
 the night at Penrith ; Lord Elcho, with the 
 cavalry which he commanded, as first captain of 
 the life-guards, passed the night at Sliap, a 
 village eight miles south from Penrith. The 
 Prince, on quitting Carlisle, left a garrison of 
 two or three hundred men in the castle. 
 
 On the 2âd the cavalry advanced to Kendal, 
 and the infantry, with the Prince, remained at 
 Penrith ; and on the â3d the cavalry and in- 
 fantry met at Kendal. On the 24th, the cavalry 
 passed the night at Lancaster, whilst the in- 
 fantry rested at Kendal ; and on the 25th, the 
 cavalry advanced to Preston, and the infantry 
 passed the night at Lancaster. 
 
 The cavalry, having passed the bridge of 
 Preston on the 26th, occupied a village near the 
 suburbs, and our infantry arrived at Preston. 
 The Prince held here a council of the chiefs of 
 clans ; gave them fresh hopes of being joined 
 
 ment, and of a wary and cautious temper ; so that when he, 
 who was deemed so wise and prudent, declared his purpose 
 of joining Charles, most of the gentlemen in that part of the 
 country where he lived, who favoured the Pretender's cause, 
 put themselves under his command, thinking they could not 
 follow a better or a safer guide than Lord Pitsligo." Dr. 
 King says of this nobleman, that he was universally admired 
 and beloved, and that he persuaded himself he had " not 
 one enemy in the world." He held the situation in the 
 rebel army which t4ie author of Waverley assigns to the 
 Baron of Bradtvardine, that admirable portrait of a Scots 
 gentleman of the last age. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 63 
 
 by his English partisans, on their arrival at 
 Manchester ; and persuaded them to continue 
 their march. The whole army was allowed to 
 rest itself during the 27th at Preston. On the 
 28th our army left Preston, and passed the night 
 at Wigan ; and on the 29th we arrived at Man- 
 chester, where we remained during the 30th. 
 
 On the evening of the battle of Gladsmuir, 
 the Prince having given me a commission of 
 captain of infantry, without attaching me to any 
 regiment, tired of the functions of aid-de-camp, 
 which wore me out with fatigue, 1 immediately 
 began to exert myself to raise a company, and 
 when it was completed, I joined with it the regi- 
 ment of the Duke of Perth, and resigned my 
 laborious office. This did not take place, how- 
 ever, without some expression of pique on the 
 part of Lord George Murray, who was unwilling 
 that I should quit him. The Duke of Perth im- 
 mediately placed me in the artillery, with three 
 other companies of his regiment, a situation al- 
 most as fatiguing as that which I had quitted, as 
 I was frequently obliged to pass the night in the 
 open air, and without any shelter, in the most 
 severe weather, in the midst of winter, when 
 any of the waggons happened to break down 
 from the badness of the roads, in order to take 
 care of the artillery, whilst the workmen were 
 repairing the waggons. 
 
 One of my Serjeants, named Dickson, whom 
 I had enlisted from among the prisoners of war 
 at Gladsmuir, a young Scotsman, as brave and 
 
 4 
 
64 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 intrepul as a lion, and very mucli attaclied to 
 my interest, informed me, on the 27th, at Pres- 
 ton, that he had been beating up for recruits all 
 day without getting one ; and that he was the 
 more chagrined at this, as the other Serjeants had 
 had better success. He therefore came to ask 
 my permission to get a day*s march a-head of 
 the army, by setting out immediately for Man- 
 chester, a very considerable town of England, 
 containing 40,000 inhabitants, in order to make 
 sure of some recruits before the arrival of the 
 army. I reproved him sharply for entertaining 
 so wild and extravagant a project, which exposed 
 him to the danger of being taken and hanged, 
 and I ordered him back to his company. Having 
 much confidence in him, I had given him a 
 horse, and entrusted him with my portmanteau, 
 that I might always have it with me. On en- 
 tering my quarters in the evening, my landlady 
 informed me that my servant had called and 
 taken away my portmanteau and blunderbuss. 
 I immediately bethought myself of his extrava- 
 gant project, and his situation gave me much 
 uneasiness. But on our arrival at Manchester, 
 on the evening of the following day, the f49th, 
 Dickson brought me about one hundred and 
 eighty recruits, whom he had enlisted for my 
 company. 
 
 He had quitted Preston, in the evening, with 
 his mistress and my drummer ; and having 
 marched all night he arrived next morning at 
 Manchester, which is about twentv miles distant 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 65 
 
 from Preston, and immediately began to beat up 
 for recruits for " the yellow haired laddie." The 
 populace, at first, did not interrupt him, con- 
 ceiving our army to be near the town ; but as 
 soon as they knew that it would not arrive till 
 the evening, they surrounded him in a tumult- 
 uous manner, with the intention of taking him 
 prisoner, alive or dead. Dickson presented his 
 blunderbuss, which was charged with slugs, 
 threatening to blow out the brains of those who 
 first dared to lay hands on himself or the two 
 who accompanied him ; and by turning round 
 continually, facing in all directions, and behaving 
 like a lion, he soon enlarged the circle, which 
 a crowd of people had formed round them. 
 Having continued for some time to manœuvre 
 in this way, those of the inhabitants of Man- 
 chester who were attached to the house of Stuart, 
 took arms, and flew to the assistance of Dickson, 
 to rescue him from the fury of the mob ; so that 
 he soon had five or six hundred men to aid him, 
 who dispersed the crowd in a very short time. 
 Dickson now triumphed in his turn; and putting 
 himself at the head of his followers, he proudly 
 paraded undisturbed the whole day, with his 
 drummer, enlisting for my company all who 
 offered themselves. 
 
 On presenting me with a list of one hundred 
 and eighty recruits, 1 w^as agreeably surprised to 
 find that the whole amount of his expences did 
 not exceed three guineas. This adventure of 
 Dickson gave rise to many a joke, at the expense 
 
 F 
 
6Q MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 of the town of Manchester, from the singular 
 chxumstance of its having been taken by a Ser- 
 jeant, a drummer, and a girl. The circumstance 
 may serve to show the enthusiastic courage of 
 our army, and the alarm and terror with whicli 
 the English were seized. 
 
 I did not derive any advantage from these 
 recruits, to the great regret of Dickson. Mr. 
 Townley, formerly an officer in the service of 
 France, who had joined us some days before, ob- 
 tainedthe rankof colonel, with permission to raise 
 a regiment entirely composed of English; and the 
 Prince ordered me to deliver over to him all 
 those whom Dickson had enlisted for me. It 
 was called the Manchester regiment, and never 
 exceeded three hundred men ; of whom the re- 
 cruits furnished by my serjeant formed more 
 than the half. These were all the EngUsh who 
 ever declared themselves openly in favour of the 
 Prince ; and the chiefs of the clans were not 
 far wrong, therefore, in distrusting the pretended 
 succours, on which the Prince so implicitly relied. 
 Our army left Manchester on the 1st of De- 
 cember, and passed the night at Macclesfield. 
 On the âd, our cavalry reached Congleton, a 
 town about three leagues from Newcastle-unde 
 
 lyne, where the Duke of Cumberland was posted 
 with an army of ten thousand men, who retired 
 to Litchfield on the approach of our troops. * 
 
 * Mr. Home states, that the rebel army marched from 
 Manchester to Macclesfield ; that at Macclesfield it divided. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 67 
 
 Lord Elcho having suddenly entered Newcastle- 
 under-Lyne, to reconnoitre the enemy, took 
 Mr. Weir, the principal spy of the Duke of 
 Cumberland, prisoner. On the 3d, our cavalry 
 advanced to Ashborn, having passed through 
 Leek, where our infantry stopt for the night. 
 
 On the 4th, the whole of our army reached 
 Derby, a considerable town, about thirty leagues 
 distant from London. * The Duke of Cumber- 
 land being only a league ii-om Derby, our army 
 employed the 5th in making preparations for 
 giving battle to him next morning. There was 
 a great disproportion between the numbers of 
 the two armies ; but the inequality was balanced 
 by the heroic ardour of the Highlanders, 
 animated, on that occasion, to the highest pitch 
 of enthusiasm, and breathing nothing but a 
 desire for the combat. They were to be seen, 
 during the whole day, in crowds before the 
 shops of the cutlers, quarrelling about who 
 should be the first to sharpen and give a pit)per 
 edge to their swords. 
 
 Whilst every preparation was making for 
 
 and one division advanced by Congleton, and the other 
 straight on to Leek ; and from Leek, by Ashborn to Derby, 
 where both divisions arrived on the 'ith of December ; that 
 divisions of the Duke of Cumberland's army lay at Litch- 
 field, Coventry, Stafford, and Newcastle-under-Lyne ; and 
 that it seemed to be the intention of the rebels to avoid an 
 action with the Duke's army, and push on to London. 
 * Derby is 127 miles from London. 
 F 2 
 
68 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 giving battle to the Duke of Cumberland next 
 morning, a courier arrived from Lord John 
 Drummond, brother to the Duke of Perth ; and 
 the dispatches of which he was the bearer, 
 totally changed the face of our affairs. * His 
 
 * Mr. Home states, that " in the march from Carlisle to 
 Derby, notice came to Charles that Lord John Drummond, 
 the Duke of Perth's brother, had arrived at Montrose with 
 his own regiment of foot, which he called the Royal Scots, 
 with Fitzjaraes's regiment of horse, and the picquets of six 
 Irish regiments, in the service of France." The statement of 
 our author is much more likely to be true ; and indeed the 
 whole of his account of the proceedings at Derby contains 
 the only rational explanation of the resolutions then adopted 
 by the rebel, army. This account is the more valuable, as 
 it contains the most complete and satisfactory refutation of 
 the calumnies circulated by John Hay, who acted, for a 
 time, as the Prince's secretary, against Lord George 
 Murray. Hay states, that " there was a council of war 
 held at Macclesfield, in which it was unanimously agreed to 
 make some forced marches, so as to get between the Duke's 
 army and London, and then march on as fast as they could 
 to the capital :" and (hat, " one of the keenest for that 
 measure was Lord George Murray :" that Lord George 
 Murray falsely used the names of many chiefs at Derby, to 
 induce the prince to believe that it was the general desire 
 of the chiefs to retreat ; and that Charles " was extremely 
 offended, and absolutely averse to march back, since they 
 had now so far carried their point as to have got before the 
 Duke's army." Mr. Home, aware that Lord George Murray 
 had stated that from the time the army entered England, 
 only two councils of war were held, " one at Brompton in 
 regard of besieging Carlisle, or going to attack General 
 Wade ; the other at Carlisle, where it was resolved to march 
 forward," and that, '* what happened at Derby was acci- 
 dental," transmitted queries to Charles at Rome, who 
 contradicted part of Hay's statement ; but refused to say 
 whether or not there was a council of war held at Maccles- 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 69 
 
 lordship informed the Prince of his having 
 landed at Montrose, with his regiment of royal 
 Scots, newly raised in France, and some picquets 
 of the Irish brigade. He added, in his letter 
 to the Prince, that before his departure from 
 France, the whole Irish brigade had embarked, 
 besides several French regiments ; and that 
 there was every probability they would arrive 
 in Scotland before his letter could reach the 
 Prince. He informed the Prince, at the same 
 time, that he had a force of three thousand men, 
 partly composed of the troops brought by him 
 from France, and partly of the Highlanders who 
 could not join tlie Prince before his departure 
 for England. On our arrival at Derby, a 
 courier had been dispatched to London, who 
 returned next day, and informed us, that, be- 
 sides the army of the Duke of Cumberland, 
 which was within a few miles of Derby, there 
 was another army of thirty thousand men en- 
 camped on Finchley Common ; which, however, 
 with the exception of some regiments of guards, 
 consisted mostly of militia. 
 
 In the afternoon of the 5th, the prince held 
 a council on the accounts which the two 
 
 field, at which the resolution to march on to London was 
 taken. If, however, the dispatches from Lord John Drum- 
 mond only reached the rebel army at Derby, the resolution 
 to retreat then was not inconsistent with a prior resolution 
 at Macclesfield to advance, whether such resolution was 
 taken with or without the assent of a council of war. 
 
 F 3 
 
70 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 couriers had brought. The council sat a long 
 time, and the debates were very keen. The 
 question for deliberation was, whether we should 
 continue to advance on London, or return to 
 Scotland, and avail ourselves of the reinforce- 
 ment of 3000 men with Lord John Drummond, 
 and wait in that country for the succours from 
 France, the speedy arrival of which was held 
 out to us by Lord John. The prince obstinately 
 insisted on giving battle next morning (the (ith), 
 to the Duke of Cumberland, and advancing to 
 London ; but he was the only one who was of 
 that opinion. 
 
 The chiefs of the Highland clans, since the 
 council held at Preston, had never opposed the 
 Prince in any thing, as they saw themselves too 
 far advanced in England to be able to retreat. 
 Having embarked in this extravagant enterprise, 
 they felt that they had no alternative but con- 
 tinuing the adventure, and conquermg, or dying 
 with arms in their hands : for, in case of a 
 defeat in England, no one in our army could 
 by any possibility escape destruction, as the 
 English peasants were hostile towards us in the 
 highest degree ; and, besides, the army of 
 Marshal Wade was in our rear, to cut us off* 
 from all communication with Scotland. 
 
 But this intelligence from Lord John Drum- 
 mond totally changed our views and the state 
 of our affairs, by announcing three thousand 
 men, and succours from France, which, accord- 
 ing to the account of Lord John, would by that 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 71 
 
 time be, in all probability, arrived in Scotland, 
 and ready to join us on the frontiers of England. 
 The chiefs of clans, therefore, unanimously 
 represented to the Prince, that, with an army 
 disposed as ours was, there could be no doubt 
 but that we should easily beat the army of the 
 Duke of Cumberland, though much superior to 
 us in point of numbers ; but that a victory 
 .could not be obtained without more or less loss; 
 and that an army of four thousand five hundred 
 men, opposed to the whole strength of England, 
 could not admit of the smallest diminution ; 
 especially as a second battle must soon after be 
 fought against another English army on Finchley 
 Common, before we could enter London ; and 
 .that supposing, that by some miracle, we should 
 arrive at this capital without losing a man, what 
 sort of figure would four thousand men make 
 amidst a population of a million of souls? They 
 added, besides, that the Prince ought now to 
 see clearly how the matter stood with regard to 
 his English partisans, since, after traversing all 
 the provinces which had the reputation of being 
 the most attached to his family, in order to 
 enable them to join him, a single person of 
 distinction had not yet declared himself. The 
 Duke of Perth alone took no part, at first, in 
 these debates between the Prince and the chiefs 
 of the clans ; resting his head agaiyst the fire- 
 place, and listening to the dispute without utter- 
 ing a single word ; but at last he declared him- 
 self loudly of the opinion of the other chiefs. 
 
 F 4 
 
7^ MEMOIRS OF THe 
 
 The prince always obstinately insisted on 
 going to London. He maintained that we were 
 in greater danger of being cut to pieces in re- 
 treating to Scotland than in advancing, because 
 the Duke of Cumberland, tlie moment he knew 
 of our retreat, would be sure to pursue us hotly, 
 and to be constantly at our heels ; whilst Mar- 
 shall Wade, who would certainly receive orders 
 to interpose his army between us and Carhsle, 
 would cut off our communication with Scotland; 
 so that, by this manœuvre, which the enemy 
 would be sure to adopt, we should be placed 
 between two fires, and all caught, as it were, in 
 a net. 
 
 The chiefs of the clans answered the prince, 
 that our army, being without the incumbrance 
 of baggage, and the Highlanders extremely 
 agile and hardy, as had been often proved since 
 they entered England, marching twenty miles 
 a-day, without leaving any stragglers, by having 
 merely the start for a few hours of the Duke of 
 Cumberland, they would prevent him from ever 
 overtaking us ; as his army could scarcely march 
 twelve miles in a winter day and with bad 
 roads, without leaving the half of the soldiers 
 behind. We had, therefore, little to fear from 
 this army. As for the army of Marshal Wade, 
 we had no greater reason for fearing it now, 
 than when we entered England : nay, nothing 
 was more desirable than that we should fall in 
 with it ; because, by beating it, we should retire 
 gloriously from England with arms in our hands. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 73 
 
 which would console the Highlanders, whose 
 hopes would be disappointed by their retreat. 
 
 The retreat was, at length, fixed for next 
 morning, the 6th of December ; and the better 
 to conceal it, we left Derby some hours before 
 day-break. The Highlanders, conceiving at 
 first that they were on their march to attack the 
 army of the Duke of Cumberland, displayed 
 the utmost joy and cheerfulness ; but as soon as 
 the day allowed them to see the objects around 
 them, and they found that we were retracing 
 our steps, nothing was to be heard throughout 
 the whole army but expressions of rage and 
 lamentation. If we liad been beaten the grief 
 could not have been greater. * 
 
 * John Hay, the individual mentioned in the preceding 
 note, stated that the army was ready to march from Derby on 
 the 5th ; that every one had repaired to his post ; that Charles 
 and Hay were alone in a room of the house where Charles 
 had slept,^when Lord George Murray came in as Charles 
 had put on his bonnet to go out, and said to him, that it was 
 high time to think what they were to do ; that Charles asked 
 him what he meant, as he thought it was resolved to march 
 on, when Lord George said, that most of the chiefs were of 
 a different opinion, and thought they should march back to 
 Ashborn, and join the army from Scotland ; that Charles was 
 extremely offended, and Lord George Murray went and 
 came and used the names of many of the chiefs who he said 
 were bent on a junction with the other army ; that the whole 
 day was spent in intrigue and cabal, but no council of war 
 was called ; that Charles, by the repeated asseverations of 
 Lord George and the people he had brought over to his way 
 of thinking, was induced to believe that it was the general 
 desire of the army, and forced to consent ; that next morning 
 
74 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Our arrival at Derby was known at London 
 on the 5tli of December ; and the following day, 
 
 when they began their march very few knew that they were 
 marching back, and that many persons of distinction did not 
 know it, and among them Lord Nairn ; and that when the 
 men who had marched in the grey of the morning began to 
 know, by day Hght, from the marks they had taken of the 
 road, that they were going back, there was an universal la- 
 mentation among them, &c. 
 
 In this tissue of falsehoods, the only circumstances which 
 appear to have any foundation in truth, are the unwilling- 
 ness of Charles to retreat, and the lamentations of the High- 
 landers. The Prince, though we are not disposed to lay the 
 greatest stress on his evidence, in answer to queries trans- 
 mitted to him by Mr. Home, expressly affirmed that the 
 retreat of the army was in consequence of a council of war, 
 held in his presence some time before the retreat took place, 
 composed of the general officers and chiefs ; that all the 
 members except himself were of opinion that the retreat was 
 absolutely necessary ; and that he endeavoured to persuade 
 some of them to join him, but could not prevail on one 
 single person. 
 
 The author of Waverley, who, to use his own words, has 
 " embodied in imaginary scenes, and ascribed to fictitious 
 characters" the incidents of this enterprise, and who gives to 
 Fergus Macivor, the chieftain of Glenaquoich, the position 
 in the rebel army occupied by the second son of Macdonald 
 of Glengary, represents him to have " argued or rather re- 
 monstrated (against the retreat) with the utmost vehemence 
 at the council of war; and when his opinion was rejected," to 
 have " shed tears of grief and indignation." It may be 
 proper to point out this departure from fact in a work which 
 is supposed to be founded on facts, and which is read so 
 much more generally than any history of these transactions. 
 It would, no doubt, have been inconsistent with the towering 
 ambition which he has assigned to Glenaquoich, to make 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 75 
 
 called by the English Black Mo?iday *, the in- 
 telligence was known throughout the whole city, 
 which was filled with terror and consternation. 
 Many of the inhabitants fled to the country, 
 with their most precious effects, and all the 
 shops were shut. People thronged to the Bank 
 to obtain payment of its notes ; and it only 
 escaped bankruptcy by a stratagem. Payment 
 was not indeed refused ; but as those who came 
 first were entitled to priority of payment, the 
 Bank took care to be continually surrounded by 
 agents with notes, who were paid in sixpences, 
 in order to gain time. These agents went out 
 at one door with the specie they had received, 
 and brought it back by another ; so that the 
 bonajide holders of notes could never get near 
 
 him relinquish his daring projects without a hard struggle ; 
 but history must represent things not as they ought to have 
 been, but as they were. 
 
 No part of this enterprise has been more misrepresented 
 than the proceedings at Derby. Smollet tells us that Charles 
 " called a council at Derby, and proposed to advance to- 
 wards London : the proposal was supported by Lord Nairn, 
 with great vehemence ; but after violent disputes the ma- 
 jority determined that they should retreat to Scotland with 
 all possible expedition." And yet Smollet was generally 
 supposed to be a Jacobite himself, and was well acquainted 
 with some of those who took an active part in favour of the 
 Pretender ! 
 
 * If the intelligence reached London on the 5th of De- 
 cember, the following day could not be called Black Mondai/, 
 for it was a Friday. The Monday following the arrival at 
 Derby was the 9th of December. 
 
76 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 enough to present them ; and the Bank, by this 
 artifice, preserved its credit and literally faced 
 its creditors. It being known at London that 
 our army was within a few miles of that of the 
 Duke of Cumberland, the news of a battle, for 
 the result of which they were in the greatest 
 alarm, was expected every moment ; and they 
 dreaded to see our army enter London in tri- 
 umph in two or three days. * King George 
 
 * That the account here given of the consternation which 
 prevailed in London at this time is by no means exaggerated, 
 is evident from the concurring testimony of the most respect- 
 able contemporary writers. Smollet says " the trading part of 
 the city, and those concerned in the money corporations, were 
 overwhelmed with fear and dejection * * * * They 
 reflected that the Highlanders, of whom by this time they 
 had conceived a most terrible idea, were within four days' 
 march of the capital. Alarmed by these considerations, 
 they prognosticated their own ruin in the approaching re- 
 volution; and their countenances exhibited the plainest 
 marks of horror and despair." Fielding, in a number of the 
 True Patriot, says, that when the Highlanders, by a most 
 incredible inarch, got between the Duke's army and the me- 
 tropolis, they struck a terror into it "scarce to be credited." 
 If tlie expedition of the Pretender yet fills the world with 
 surprise, we may well excuse the monied corporations of 
 London, the gentlemen of Change Alley, however wise they 
 may be in their generation, for giving way to these appre- 
 hensions. They had seen, to borrow the forcible language 
 of Fielding, " a half-armed, half-disciplined mob," (in their 
 view of the Highlanders, for how should they have known 
 that there is any difference between a thousand men col- 
 lected at random from the streets, and another thousand 
 men, from the state of society in which they lived, necessarily 
 trained- from their youth upwards in all the habits and prac- 
 tices of war, though not soldiers by name?) "without the 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 77 
 
 ordered his yachts, in which he had embarked 
 all his most precious effects, to remain at the 
 Tower quay, in readiness to sail at a moment's 
 warning. I was assured, on good authority, 
 when I was in London, some time after our un- 
 fortunate defeat, that the Duke of Newcastle, 
 then secretary of state for the war department, 
 remained inaccessible in his own house, the 
 wliole of the 6th of December, weighing in his 
 mind the part which it would be most prudent 
 for him to take, and even uncertain whether he 
 should not instantly declare himself for the 
 
 assistance of a single piece of artillery, march up to attack, 
 and smite a superior number of the King's regular troops, 
 with cannon in their front to defend them ;" they had seen 
 them remain in the northern capital for nearly two months, 
 " in contempt of twelve millions of people, above a hundred 
 thousand of which had arms in their hands, and one half of 
 these the best troops in Europe ;" they had seen " these 
 banditti, not yet increased to full 6000, and above one-third 
 of these old men and boys, not to be depended on, by long 
 and painful marches over almost inaccessible mountains, 
 through the worst of roads in the worst of seasons, slipping 
 our army, and proceeding without a check through a long 
 tract of country, through many towns and cities, passing 
 another army sent to oppose them, and by a most incredible 
 march getting between that also and the metropolis ;" and 
 though another army was still interposed, yet when a descent 
 was threatened every day from the neighbouring coast, we 
 can hardly wonder that they did not see in anticipation the 
 result which things actually took, but looked forward to the 
 certain re-instatement of the Stuart family on the throne. 
 
78 MEMOrilS OF THE 
 
 Pretender. * It was even said at London, that 
 fifty thousand men had actually left that city to 
 meet the Prince, and join his army. And every 
 body in the capital was of opinion, that, if we 
 had beaten the Duke of Cumberland, the army 
 of Finchley Common would have dispersed of its 
 own accord ; and that by advancing rapidly to 
 London, we might have taken possession of the 
 city, without the least resistance from the in- 
 habitants, and without exchanging a single shot 
 with the soldiers ; as the King had formed the 
 resolution of embarking immediately in one of 
 his yachts, and setting sail for Holland, in case 
 the battle, which was expected at Derby, had 
 proved unfavourable to his son, the Duke of 
 Cumberland. Thus a rev^olution would have 
 been effected in England, so glorious for the few 
 Scotchmen by whom it was attempted, and al- 
 together so surprising, that the world would not 
 have comprehended it, and posterity would 
 scarcely have credited it. It is true, the En- 
 glish were altogether ignorant of the number of 
 our army, from the care we took in our marches 
 to conceal it ; and it was almost impossible for 
 their spies ever to discover it ; as we generally 
 arrived in the towns at night-fall, and left them 
 
 * This anecdote accords very well with the character 
 generally assigned to the Duke of Newcastle, who was re- 
 markable for his low cunning, his indecision and his faith- 
 lessness. See in particular the finished portrait of him in 
 Lord Waldgrave's Memoirs. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 79 
 
 before the break of day. In all the English 
 newspapers our numbers were uniformly stated 
 as high as twelve or fifteen thousand men. * 
 
 I dare not attempt to decide whether we did 
 right or wrong in returning to Scotland. The 
 Supreme Being alone can penetrate into futiu'ity, 
 through those dark clouds which conceal it from 
 the eyes of feeble mortals, and foresee those ob- 
 scure and unexpected events which frequently 
 counteract the best combined projects, and most 
 maturely digested plans of the greatest of men. 
 The human mind is extremely limited in its fore- 
 sight with regard to accident : it can only judge 
 from probabilities, and decide as to the conse- 
 quences that ought naturally to result from 
 measures. If we had continued to advance to 
 London, and had encountered all the troops of 
 England, with the Hessians and Swiss in its pay, 
 there was every appearance of our being imme- 
 diately exterminated, without the chance of a 
 single man escaping. Bravery, even when car- 
 ried the length of ferocity, cannot effect impos- 
 sibilities, and must necessarily yield to numbers. 
 It is in analyzing projects that we must judge of 
 their solidity, and find out the truth ; and not 
 in considering the event. 
 
 Prince Eugene did not succeed in his attempt 
 to surprise Cremona, and was obliged to retire, 
 
 * Great pains were, no doubt, taken by the rebels to 
 conceal their numbers ; but the author is mistaken in sup- 
 posing that Government was not in possession of pretty 
 accurate information on this subject. 
 
so MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 after having been the whole day in possession of 
 that city : yet the accuracy of his combinations 
 in the plan of attack, and his sagacity in its 
 execution, will be the constant admiration of 
 militaiy men, and justified it to himself. He 
 ought to have succeeded, according to every 
 human probability, which is all that we can 
 exact from a general. In forming his plan, he 
 could not foresee that, after he liad entered the 
 city without discovery, and been in possession 
 of all the squares and streets, a guide, whom he 
 had sent to conduct a detachment to the bridge, 
 to take possession of it, in order to allow Prince 
 Rupert, who was on the other side of the river 
 with a body of troops, to enter the town, would 
 unfortunately mistake the streets that lead 
 directly to the bridge, and by this mistake lose 
 half an hour of time, when time was so precious, 
 which caused the ruin of his enterprise. Neither 
 could he foresee the obstinate and unheard-of 
 defence of a garrison, of w^hich the general had 
 been taken prisoner, and which did not at last 
 possess a single superior officer to command and 
 direct its movements : each common subaltern 
 commanded independently his little platoon, 
 composed of the soldiers of the different regi- 
 ments whom chance brought together on leaving 
 their barracks. But if Prince Eugene had pro- 
 posed, with four thousand men, to fight an army 
 of ten thousand to-day, and another of thirty 
 thousand to-morrow, and then to take possession 
 of a city containing a million of inhabitants. 
 
KËEEM.TON- OF ]'^4'5. HI 
 
 what would all sensible men have said of his 
 project? There was no reason for supposing that 
 fifty thousand men would leave London to join 
 our army, as in every place we passed through 
 we found the English very ill-disposed towards 
 us, except at Manchester, where there appeared 
 some remains of attachment to the house of 
 Stuart. But even if we had been certain of this 
 reinforcement from London, it was absolutely 
 necessary for us to defeat two armies before 
 reaching it, and to have no other enemy to 
 encounter; for the English people make a great 
 noise, but are not fond of blows, nor of quitting 
 tfieir fire-sides. And even supposing us to have 
 completely beaten tlie army of the Duke of 
 Cumberland, the wreck of his army would have 
 fallen back on Finchley Common, and strength- 
 ened the army there. 
 
 Had Lord John Drnmmond, on his landing, 
 advanced by forced marches, as he ought to 
 have done *, and joined us on the borders of 
 
 * Lord John Drummond arrived only in the end of 
 November. His letter to Lord Fortrose, announcing his 
 arrival, and conveying an exaggerated account of the amount 
 of his force, in order to induce Lord Fortrose to join him, is 
 dated the 6th December. The troops he brought with him 
 were his own regiment, the Royal Scots, the piquets of six 
 Irish regiments, with Fitzjames's regiment of horse, which 
 from captures by English cruisers was so incomplete, that it 
 never showed more than two troops of fifty men each. But 
 by the march into England, the south of Scotland was eva- 
 cuated by the rebels, and on the 14th November two regi- 
 ments of font, with Hamilton's and Gardner's dragoons, 
 
82 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 England, with his three thousand men, instead 
 of remaining inactive in Scotland, it is certain 
 
 arrived at Edinburgh from Berwick, and a number of men 
 immediately took up arms in aid of Government. The 
 King's troops began their march towards StirUng on the 7th 
 of December, and the Glasgow regiment of six hundred 
 men, commanded by the Earl of Home, joined them on the 
 12th. Several more companies were preparing to follow, 
 but General Blakeney, thinking the body of men he had 
 sufficient to guard the passages of the Forth, (it Was then, be 
 it recollected, the middle of winter,) let the magistrates of 
 Glasgow know" it was not necessary to send any more men 
 to Stirling. Another King's army had been assembling in 
 the north of Scotland, under the command of Lord Loudon, 
 which, about the middle of November, amounted to more 
 than 2000 men. This force would have overawed the friends 
 of the Pretender in that part of Scotland, if Lord John 
 Drummond had not detached a part of his force to assist 
 Lord Lewis Gordon at Aberdeen, who was employed in 
 raising men and collecting money in the adjacent country. 
 
 Before Charles left Carlisle, on his march southward, 
 Maclauchlan of Maclauchlan was dispatched with an order 
 to Lord Strathallan, the commander-in-chief in his absence 
 at Perth, the place of general rendezvous, to march imme- 
 diately with all the forces under his command, and follow 
 the army into England ; but with this order Lord Strathallan 
 and his council of officers, to the great indignation of the 
 Highland officers, did not deem it expedient to comply. At 
 that time, while the passages of the Forth were yet unde- 
 fended, it might have been possible for Highlanders to make 
 their way into England ; but as that opportunity was ne- 
 glected, it is not very easy to see how such a heterogeneous 
 assemblage of Highlanders and Lowlanders, Irish, Scots, and 
 French, could possibly form a junction with the Prince's 
 main army, till the King's troops and Glasgow regiment left 
 Stirling, in the latter end of December. 
 
BEBELLION OF 1745= S3 
 
 that no one in our army would ever have thought 
 of a retreat, whatever assurances we might have 
 received of succours from France. And it is 
 equally certain, that if Lord John had not landed 
 with his regiment in Scotland, we had pene- 
 trated so far into England, that as we had now 
 no better prospect than to follow up the enter- 
 prise, we should all of us have fallen, like brave 
 men, with arms in our hands, or made oiuselves 
 masters of London, and driven King George 
 from his throne. There was no alternative» 
 Lord John was likewise inexcusable in having 
 communicated to the Prince the false intel- 
 ligence of a certain aid of ten thousand men 
 firom France, which, from the positive assur- 
 ances in his letter, was so implicitly believed, 
 that every individual in our army deemed this 
 force already landed in Scotland. The first 
 thing we did in the morning, was to see whether 
 the wind was favourable; and every moment we 
 expected to receive an account of the disem- 
 barkation. This false report of Lord John 
 Drummond had undoubtedly great influence in 
 producing the resolution taken at Derby, of re^ 
 treating to Scotland. 
 
 On the 6th of December our army passed the 
 night at Ashborn; on the 7th we reached Leekj 
 the 8th, Macclesfield; the 9th, Manchester; 
 the 10th, Wigan; and the 11th, Preston, where 
 we remained during the lr2th. We arrived at 
 Lancaster on the ISth^ where we recruited our- 
 selves during the 1/ith ; and on the 15th we 
 
84 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 reached Kendal, where we received certain in- 
 formation that we had left Marshal Wade behind 
 us, and that we were no longer in any danger 
 of havinoj our retreat to Scotland cut off. Lord 
 George Murray, who was always informed of 
 whatever took place in the armies of the enemy, 
 and often, by means of his emissaries, even 
 knew all the movements they intended to make, 
 had a great advantage over them ; for they 
 were totally ignorant of every thing that related 
 to our army. In order to ascertain more par- 
 ticularly the position of the army of Marshal 
 Wade, which was very near us at Kendal, (as 
 he had quitted the position so long occupied by 
 him at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, having been 
 ordered by the Duke of Cumberland to place 
 himself between us and Scotland, in order to 
 cut off our retreat, as we had foreseen at Derby, 
 though, from a delay of some hours in his march, 
 we had contrived to outstrip him,) Lord George 
 took a detachment of life-guards, and went 
 himself, as soon as it was dark, to reconnoitre 
 this position. In about two hours he returned, 
 with several English whom he had made prison- 
 ers, and who gave him all the information of 
 which he was desirous. 
 
 * The Prince having acquired a strong relish 
 for battles, from the facility with which he had 
 gained the victory at Gladsmuir, at so small an 
 expense, was always for fighting, and sometimes 
 even reproached Lord George for his unwilling- 
 ness to incur the risk of an engagement, when 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 85 
 
 no advantage could be derived from a victory *, 
 and for his having prevented him from fighting 
 the Duke of Cumberland at Derby. Lord 
 George said to him in the morning, when we were 
 about to leave Kendal, " As your Royal High- 
 ness is always for battles, be the circumstances 
 what they may, I now offer you one, in three 
 hours from tins time, with the army of Marshal 
 Wade, which is only about two miles distant 
 from us.'* Tlie Prince made no reply, but 
 mounted into his carriage j and we immediately 
 put ourselves in motion to continue our retreat. 
 On the l6th, our army passed the night at 
 Shap ; but our artillery remained at the distance 
 of a league and a half fi'om Kendal, some ammu- 
 nition waggons having broken down, so that we 
 were obliged to pass the vv^hole night on the 
 
 * This eagerness to fight on all occasions was natural to 
 a weak mind, which saw only the result without knowing 
 to what particular circumstances it was to be attributed ; 
 and his Irish and French confidential advisers seem to have 
 been as blind and imbecile as himself. They thought that 
 Highlanders, because they could suffer much, could suffer 
 every thing, and were exempt from the common wants of 
 our nature. This blindness could not fail soon to involve 
 the cause in ruin, as it did at Culloden, when the rebel army, 
 which was exhausted by fatigue, hunger, and want of sleep, 
 and therefore could only fight at a great disadvantage, might 
 have avoided an engagement with the utmost ease, but for 
 Si'}- Thomas Sheridan and others, who ruled him, and who, 
 as Mr. Patullo observes, " having lost all patience, and 
 hoping, no doubt, for a miracle, in tvhich light most of them 
 had considered both the victory at PrestoJi and that at Fal- 
 kirk, insisted upon a battle, and prevailed." 
 
 G S 
 
85 MEM OIKS OF THK 
 
 liigli-roatl, exposed to a dreadful storm of wind 
 and rain. On the 17th, the Prince, with tiie 
 army, arrived at Penrith ; but the artillery, 
 with Lord George, and the regiment of the 
 Macdonalds of Glengary, consisting of five hun- 
 dretl men, who remained with us to strengthen 
 our ordinary escort, could only reach Shap, and 
 that with great difficulty, at night-fall. 
 
 We set out from Shap by break of day, on 
 the 18th, to join the army, which waited for us 
 at Penrith ; but we had scarcely begun our 
 march when w^e saw a great number of the 
 enemy's light-horse continually hovering about 
 us; without venturing, however, to come within 
 musket-shot. The appearance of these light- 
 horse appeared the more extraordinary, as, 
 hitherto, we had seen none in the whole course 
 of our expedition into England. Having arrived, 
 at mid-day, at the foot of an eminence, which 
 it was necessary to cross in our march to Pen- 
 rith, about half-way between that town and 
 Shap, the moment we began to ascend, we 
 instantly discovered cavalry, marching two and 
 two abreast on the top of the hill, who disap- 
 peared soon after, as if to form themselves in 
 order of battle, behind the eminence which 
 concealed their numbers from us, with the in- 
 tention of disputing the passage. We heard, 
 at the same time, a prodigious number of 
 trumpets and kettle-drums. Mr. Brown, colonel 
 in the train of Lally's regiment, was at the 
 head of the colunui, with two of the companies 
 
REBB'.LLION OF 174'5. 87 
 
 which the Duke of Perth had attached to the 
 artillery, and of which mine was one. After 
 them followed the guns and ammunition-wag- 
 gons, and then the two other companies attached 
 to the artillery. Lord George was in the rear 
 of the column, with the regiment of Macdonalds. 
 We stopt a moment at the foot of the hill, 
 every body believing it was the English army, 
 from the great number of trumpets and kettle- 
 drums. In this seemingly desperate conjuncture, 
 we immediately adopted the opinion of Mr. 
 Brown, and resolved to rush upon the enemy 
 sword in hand, and open a passage to our army 
 at Penrith, or perish in the attempt. Thus, 
 without informing Lord George of our resolu- 
 tion, we darted forward with great swiftness, 
 running up the hill as fast as our legs could 
 carry us. Lord George, who was in the rear, 
 seeing our manœuvre at the head of the column, 
 and being unable to pass the waggons in the 
 deep roads confined by hedges in which we 
 then were, immediately ordered the Highland- 
 ers to proceed across the inclosure, and ascend 
 the hill from another quarter. They ran so 
 fast that they reached the summit of the hill 
 almost as soon as those who were at the head 
 of the column. We were agreeably surprised 
 when we reached the top to find, instead of the 
 English army, only three hundred light-horse 
 and chasseurs, who immediately fled in disorder, 
 and of whom we were only able to come up 
 with one man, who had been thrown from his 
 
 G 4 
 
8S. MKMoiu?; or thi: 
 
 horse, and whom we wished to make jirisoner 
 to obtain some intelHgence from him ; but it 
 was impossible to save him from the fury of the 
 Highlanders, who cut him to pieces in an instant. 
 From the great number of trumpets and kettle- 
 drums which the light-horse had with them, 
 there is every reason for supposing that it was 
 their design to endeavour to induce us to turn 
 aside from the road to Penrith, by making us 
 believe that the whole English army was on the 
 hill before us j and, if we had fallen into the 
 snare which was laid for us, in a few hours 
 every man of our detachment would either have 
 been killed or taken prisoner. 
 
 We immediately resumed our march ; but, in 
 less than an hour, one of our ammunition-waggons 
 having broken down from the badness of the 
 roads, we were obliged to halt. The singular 
 adventure of the light-horse had filled me with 
 some uneasiness, as I was unable to account for 
 their audacity, unless the army of Marshal Wade 
 were much nearer us tlian we imagined ; and I 
 communicated my fears to Mr. Grant, an officer 
 of great talents, w^ho commanded our artillery, 
 and acted as our engineer, at the same time ; 
 and, in order that we might not lose time in re- 
 pairing the broken waggon, I suggested to him 
 that we should go to a farm, which we saw on 
 our right, about a quarter of a league from us, 
 and try to procure one. He consented ; and 
 we took seven or eight men with us, of whom my 
 Serjeant, Dickson, was one. Having found a 
 
REBEL1.ION OF 1715. S{i 
 
 waggao ill the coiut-yard af the farmer, we imme- 
 diately carried it off; and our march was retarded 
 no longer than the time necessary for transferring 
 the ammunition from one wascfijon to another. 
 In returning from the farm, Dickson called our 
 attention to something which appeared blackish 
 to us» on a hill about a league to our left ; and 
 he alone, contrary to the opinion of every one 
 else, maintained that he saw it moving, and that 
 it was the English army, advancing towards us. 
 As we took what he saw for bushes, and as no- 
 body, except himselfj could distinguish any 
 thing, I treated him as a visionary : but he still 
 persisted, till I ordered him to be silent ; telling 
 him» that fear alone could have filled his imajri- 
 nation with the idea of an army. However his 
 last word was, that we should see in an hour 
 whether or not he was in tlie right. 
 
 When we had advanced about two miles, we 
 were soon convinced that Dickson's eyes were 
 much better than ours. The Duke of Cumber- 
 land, having followed us by forced marches, with 
 two thousand cavalry, and as many foot-soldiers 
 mounted behind them, fell suddenly on the Mac- 
 donalds, who were in the rear of the column, 
 with all the fiuy and impetuosity imaginable. 
 Fortunately the road running between thorn- 
 hedges, and ditches, the cavalry could not act 
 in such a manner as to surround us, nor present 
 a larger front to us than the breadth of the road- 
 The Highlanders received their charge with the 
 most undaunted firmness. They repelled the 
 
(JU MEMOIItS OF THE 
 
 assailants with their swords, and did not quit 
 their ground till the artillery and waggons were 
 a hundred paces from them, and continuing their 
 rout. Then the Highlanders wheeled to the 
 right, and ran with full speed, till they joined 
 the waggons, when they stopt again for the 
 cavalry, and stood their charge as firm as a wall. 
 The cavalry were repulsed in the same manner 
 as before by their swords. We marched in this 
 manner about a mile, the cavalry continually 
 renewing the charge, and the Highlanders always 
 repulsing them, repeating the same manoeuvre, 
 and behaving like lions. 
 
 The Prince, having received, at Penrith, an 
 imperfect account of our adventure with the 
 light-horse, immediately ordered the army to 
 advance to our assistance ; and the English ca- 
 valry, having accompanied us in this manner till 
 we arrived opposite the castle of Clifton-hall, 
 which is about half a league from Penrith, halted, 
 as soon as they saw our army drawn up in order 
 of battle. They then entered the inclosures of 
 the castle, which were defended by thorn-hedges; 
 and, having dismounted, formed themselves in 
 battle order, in front of our army, which was 
 upon a heath. The hedges separated the two 
 armies, which were within a musket-shot of each 
 other. 
 
 Mr. Cameron of Lochiel, who was at the head 
 of our army, having passed the bridge, after it 
 had quitted the position taken by it, to wait for 
 us and assist us, was the first to join Lord 
 
REBELLION OF l?!^- §1 
 
 George with lus regiment of Cameron», and 
 rescue him and the Macdonalds of Glengary 
 from the English cavalry. The sun was set- 
 ting when our detachments formed a junction 
 with the army. The Highlanders immediately 
 ran to the inclosures where the English were, 
 fell down on their knees, and began to cut 
 down the thorn-hedges with their dirks ; a ne- 
 cessary precaution, as they wore no breeches, 
 but only a sort of petticoat, which reached to 
 their knees. During this operation, they re- 
 ceived the fire of the English with the most 
 admirable firmness and constancy; and, as soon 
 as the hedge was cut down, they jumped into 
 the inclosures, sword in hand, and, with an in- 
 conceivable intrepidity, broke the English bat- 
 talions, who suff^ered so much the more as they 
 did not turn their backs, as at the battle of 
 Gladsmuir, but allowed themselves to be cut to 
 pieces without quitting their ground. Platoons 
 of forty and fifty men might be seen falling all 
 at once under the swords of the Highlanders ; 
 yet they still remained firm, and closed up their 
 ranks, as soon as an opening was made through 
 them by the sword. At length, however, the 
 Highlanders forced them to give way, and 
 pursued them across three inclosures, to a heath, 
 which lay behind them. The only prisoner 
 they took was the Duke of Cumberland's foot- 
 man, who declared, that his master would have 
 been killed, if the pistol, with which a High- 
 lander took aim at his head, had not missed 
 
92 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 fire. The Prince had the politeness to send 
 him back instantly to his master. We could 
 not ascertain the loss of the English, in this 
 afiair, which some estimated as high as six 
 hundred men. We only lost a dozen High- 
 landers ; who, after traversing the inclosures, 
 continued the pursuit with too much ardour 
 along the heath. * 
 
 * This is the moor where the chieftain of Glenaquoich is 
 represented, in Waverley, to have been made a prisoner. 
 " Mingling with tlie dismounted dragoons, they forced 
 them, at the sword point, to fly to the open moor, where a 
 considerable number were cut to pieces. But the moon, 
 which suddenly shone out, showed to the English the small 
 number of assailants, disordered by their own success. Two 
 squadrons of horse moving to the support of their com- 
 panions, the Highlanders endeavoured to recover the in- 
 closures. But several of theai, amongst others their brave 
 chieftain, were cut off and surrounded before they could 
 effect their purpose." 
 
 In the account of this affair, circulated by the Duke of 
 Cumberland and his officers, the Highlanders were repre- 
 sented to have been driven from their ground with great 
 loss, and only saved from destruction by the darkness, of the 
 night ; and stories were told of countrymen having seen 
 numbers of dead bodies of rebels thrown into rivers. We 
 wish we could exculpate the Duke from having counte- 
 nanced fabrications like these, which history rejects with 
 indignation. So many accounts of this affair have been given 
 by Jacobite gentlemen, who, whatever may be thought of 
 their political principles, were men of most misullied honour 
 and probity, in which the royal army is uniformly reported 
 to have been repulsed with considerable loss, that we can 
 have no hesitation in branding the former accounts with 
 the character of falsehood. 
 
 Mr. Home, who would not state what he knew to be 
 
REIŒLLION OF 174-5. 93 
 
 Our army did not withdraw from Clifton- 
 liall till some hours after the night had set in ; 
 but our artillery was sent off in the beginning 
 of the action, with orders to continue to advance 
 to Carlisle, without stopping at Penrith. We 
 learned, from the footman, that the Duke of 
 Cumberland, having given . all his trumpeters 
 and kettle-dnnnmers "to the light-horse, had 
 hoped to retard the march of our detachment, 
 with the artillery ; and if we had been in any 
 manner tlie dupes of this artifice, we should 
 have been all destroyed ; for, in half an hour, 
 
 untrue, but who wished at the same time to say nothing 
 unpalatable to the reigning family, to some of the members 
 of which his work tvas submitted in manuscript, for their 
 approbation, adopts the rebel version of this affair, and 
 observes in a note : " Such is the account of the skirmish 
 at Clifton, given by Lord George Murray, who in his 
 Memoirs says, that he has been more particular in his 
 account of this little skirmish, because he observed that it 
 was differently related in the English newspapers." This 
 indirect censure, from so cautious a writer as Mr. Home, 
 speaks volumes. 
 
 We may remark that the author has confounded Cameron 
 ^f Lochiel with M'Pherson of Clunie (who, in a letter pre- 
 served in Mr. Home's work, states the number of killed on 
 the part of the enemy at 150.) We may also observe 
 that he seems to have been under some misapprehension 
 with respect to the array of Marshal Wade, which (with the 
 exception of tJie body of dragoons, under General Ogle- 
 thorpe, detached to Uie assistance of the Duke of Cumber- 
 land) was always at a great distance from the retreating 
 rebel army. But on this subject we have entered more 
 fully in a subsequent note. 
 
94. MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 the Duke would have got between us and our 
 army, and our communication would thus have 
 been cut off. 
 
 As we very much dreaded the junction of 
 Marshal Wade with these four thousand men, 
 whom the Duke of Cumberland had brought 
 with him to Clifton-hall, by forced marches, to 
 harass us in our retreat ; as well as the arrival 
 of the rest of his army which he had left behind 
 him, we marched all night, and arrived at 
 Carlisle about seven o'clock in the morning of 
 the 19th of December. Next morning, before 
 the break of day, we quitted Carlisle, where 
 the Prince left the unfortunate Mr. Townly, 
 with the English regiment raised at Manchester, 
 in the command of the town ; and Mr. Hamilton, 
 with some companies of the regiment of the 
 Duke of Perth, in the command of the castle. 
 The Prince promised to return to their assistance 
 in the course of a few days, though this appeared 
 to be morally impossible, as we ourselves were 
 obliged to make every efïbrt to escape from 
 the whole of the forces of England, which were 
 on the point of forming a junction. 
 
 I could never comprehend the reason for 
 voluntarily sacrificing these unfortunate victims, 
 left by us at Carlisle. The Prince was not 
 overburdened with men ; and it could not be 
 supposed that they would be able to defend 
 themselves, in such an untenable place, against 
 the united forces of the Duke of Cumberland 
 and Marshal Wade, possessed of a numerous 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 95 
 
 artillery. It was well known that we had taken 
 it with the utmost facility, on our entering 
 England. It was not in a condition to resist a 
 cannonade of four hours, being utterly un- 
 tenable, and a thousand times worse than an 
 intrenched camp in an open country. Besides, 
 it could not be supposed that the Duke of Cum- 
 berland would neglect to lay siege to it without 
 delay ; and, as Lord John Drummond had not 
 marched to join us, w^e were obliged to retreat 
 into the heart of Scotland to join him. Some 
 pretended that policy dictated the abandonment 
 of this unfortunate garrison, as a bait to amuse 
 the Duke of Cumberland, and prevent him from 
 pursuing us closely, that we might have time to 
 retreat at our ease, without being disturbed by 
 the English armies. Others were of opinion, 
 that the measure originated in a spirit of 
 vengeance * against the English nation, as no 
 
 * Although we have no very high opinion of the morality or 
 politics of Prince Charles, yet, without very strong evidence 
 indeed, we should hesitate to charge him with so black a 
 crime. We have obtained a knowledge of his public and 
 private life through channels hitherto unknown ; and though 
 we have found evidences of ingratitude, passion, irresolution, 
 and an ignorance of the progress of opinion, on the subjects 
 of religion and government, yet we saw nothing to induce 
 us to suppose he could be guilty of so infamous an act. 
 
 We have had ocular demonstration, from the archives 
 of the Stuart family, lately discovered at Rome, by Mr. 
 Watson of Elgin, and now in possession of His Majesty, that 
 he was first invited into Great Britain, and then abandoned 
 to his fate, by a great part of the English aristocracy. This 
 fact cannot be denied, as there is evidence of it in their 
 
f'f) ilEMOIRS or THE 
 
 one of all the persons of distinction, in Eng- 
 land, who invited the Prince to make a descent 
 
 own hand-writing. These archives, which consist of more 
 than half a million of documents, equally curious and in- 
 structive, and which throw so much additional light on the 
 religion, politics, and morals of almost every nation in 
 Europe, during one of the most interesting periods of 
 modern times, leave no doubt as to the truth of what a 
 perusal of the Selection from the Culloden papei^s, published 
 in 1815, led us strongly to suspect that the hopes of the 
 Pretender were better founded than they have usually 
 been pronounced ; and that the conduct of the Highland 
 chiefs, who staked their lives and properties upon the issue, 
 «hough certainly bold, was not so imprudent as it might at 
 first sight appear to be. Having, however, surmounted the 
 greatest danger, to which every enterprise of that nature is 
 exposed, namely, the danger of being crushed in the outset, 
 they could hardly anticipate, when they advanced into 
 England, that the party which had promised to join them 
 would, when the risk w:as so much less, be so much more 
 regardless of their word than they themselves had been. 
 They did not reflect, too, on the difference between an 
 aristocracy like themselves, whose consequence depended 
 on the numbers and the character of their retainers, and 
 whose estates were valued not by their yearly revenues but 
 the number of fighting men they could maintain, and an 
 aristocracy like the nobility and gentry of England, poor 
 in influence, but rich in the good things of this world, fond 
 of the enjoyment of them, and naturally loth to hazard 
 them. But the disappointment, and consequent irritation, 
 however great, though it might, after the complete failure, 
 lead the Prince to expose those who had abandoned him, 
 (and we learn from Dr. King, that the alarm on this account 
 was, at one time, very great in England among " all those 
 persons of distinction who were attached to him,") would 
 hariUv lead either the Prince or the chiefs to select, as ob- 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 97 
 
 in Great Britain, had declared themselves 
 openly in his favour, by attaching their fortunes 
 to his as the Scots had done. 
 
 It would seem that our audacity and temerity 
 had confounded those English generals who were 
 most distinguished for their talents, capacity, and 
 experience, in military affairs, and completely de- 
 prived them of all presence of mind. The con- 
 duct of Marshal Wade is incomprehensible *, he 
 had only to perform a march of ten or twelve 
 leagues, the distance from Newcastle to Carlisle, 
 to cut off our retreat to Scotland, whilst, when 
 our return was decided on at Derby, we were 
 nearly one hundred leagues from Carlisle ; and 
 yet, notwithstanding the repeated orders which 
 he received from the Duke of Cumberland to 
 that effect, and the vast disproportion between 
 his march and that which we were necessarily 
 obliged to perform, he was too late by several 
 hours in reaching Kendal, to be able to throw 
 himself between us and Scotland. • Every man 
 
 jects of their vengeance, those Englishmen who had actually 
 joined the rebel army. Besides, it appears from the list of 
 the prisoners taken at Carlisle, that the number of English 
 was only 114, and the number of Scots 274; and the desire 
 of vengeance against the English could hardly be so intense, 
 as to induce Charles and his chiefs to sacrifice more than 
 twice the number of Scots for its gratification in this case. 
 
 * The distance from Newcastle to Carlisle is, as we have 
 already stated, about 60 miles ; and the distance from Derby 
 to Carlisle a little more than 170; so that the former, com- 
 pared with the latter, is not as 10 or 1'2 to 100, but some- 
 
 H 
 
98 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 in our array was of opinion, from the position of 
 General Wade, that there was no possibiUty of 
 
 thing more than as 1 to 3. But Marshal Wade, when he 
 received inteUigence of the retreat, was not at Newcastle 
 but at Ferrybridge, in Yorkshire, where he held a council 
 of war on the 8th of December, to consider of the most 
 effectual means for cutting off the retreat of the rebels. 
 Having determined on marching with all speed into Lan- 
 cashire, to intercept them, he reached Wakefield on the 
 10th, a distance of 11 miles from Ferrybridge, where, having 
 learned the rebels were already at Wigan, he very prudently 
 decided on returning to his old position at Newcastle ; after 
 detaching General Oglethorpe with the cavalry, in pursuit 
 of them, who arrived at Preston on the 13th, nearly at the 
 same time with the Duke of Cumberland. The distance 
 from Wakefield to Preston is somewhat less than 60 miles ; 
 and, at the rate at Avhich the Marshal marched from Ferry- 
 bridge to Wakefield, he would have reached Preston on the 
 22d or 23d ; that is two or three days after the rebels had 
 entered Scotland ! Such were the leaders, and such was the 
 organization of the armies of England in those days ! And 
 yet the English troops were then accounted among the best 
 in Europe ! The march of the Highlanders from Derby to 
 Carlisle, 170 miles in 14 days, though a gigantic effort when 
 compared with the movements of the English army, was 
 surpassed by Frederick of Prussia twelve years afterwards ; 
 who, in the same season of the )'^ear, marched from Leipsic 
 to the Oder, an equal distance, in twelve days ; and at the 
 termination of his march, attacked, with 33,000 Prussians, an 
 army of 90,000 Austrians, which he defeated on the plain of 
 Leuthen, on the 5th of December, 1757. It may be ob- 
 served that the armies of this country, however excellent in 
 many respects, are still considered by foreign officers in- 
 capable of rapid marches of any great length. See a 
 publication on the battle of Waterloo by the Prussian 
 General Von Ziethew. 
 
REBELLION OF l'J^Ô. 99 
 
 «)ur leaving England without giving him battle, 
 a circumstance which would not have displeased 
 the Highlanders, in the excellent disposition for 
 fighting in which they were ; but even a victory 
 would then have been of no great utility to us, 
 and would have led to nothing, as in England it 
 would not have augmented the number of our 
 army, and this was our principal object, in order 
 to give it a more respectable appearance. 
 
 We left Carlisle on the 20th of December, at 
 three o'clock in the morning, and arrived on the 
 banks of the river Esk, which separates Scotland 
 from England, about two o'clock in the after- 
 noon. This river, which is usually shallow, had 
 been swelled by an incessant rain of several days 
 to a depth of four feet. However, we were 
 obliged to cross it immediately, lest a continu- 
 ation of the rain, during the night, should render 
 the passage altogether impracticable. Our posi- 
 tion had become extremely critical. We had 
 not only to encounter all the English troops, but 
 likewise the Hessians and Swiss, with six thou- 
 sand Dutch, of the garrisons of Dendermqnde 
 and Tournay, who had been landed in England. 
 Nothing could be better arranged than the 
 passage of the river. Our cavalry formed ip the 
 river, to break the force of the current, about 
 twenty-five paces above that part of the ford 
 where our infantry were to pass ; and the High- 
 landers formed themselves into ranks of ten qr 
 twelve a-breast, wâth tlieir arms locked in such a 
 oianner as tp support one another against the 
 
 H 2 
 
100 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 rapidity of the river, leaving sufficient intervals 
 between their ranks for the passage of the water. 
 Cavalry were likewise stationed in the river, 
 below the ford, to pick up and save those who 
 might be carried away by the violence of the 
 current. The interval between the cavalry ap- 
 peared like a paved street through the river, the 
 heads of the Highlanders being generally all that 
 was seen above the water. By means of this 
 contrivance, our army passed the Esk in an 
 hour's time, without losing a single man ; and a 
 few girls, determined to share the fortune of 
 their lovers, were the only persons who were 
 carried away by the rapidity of the stream. 
 Fires were kindled to dry our people as soon as 
 they quitted the water ; and the bagpipers 
 having commenced playing, the Highlanders 
 began all to dance, expressing the utmost joy 
 on seeing their country again; and forgetting 
 the chagrin which had incessantly devoured 
 them, and which they had continually nourished 
 ever since their departure from Derby. 
 
 We entered England on the 8th of November, 
 and left it on the 20th of December, the birth- 
 day of the Prince, without losing more than 
 forty men, either from sickness or marauding, 
 including the twelve at the affair of Clifton-hall. 
 Our stragglers seldom failed to be attacked by 
 the English peasants, who were all implacable 
 enemies of the Prince, but too cowardly to dare 
 to take up arms against us, though the different 
 provinces through which we passed, mi^ht have 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 101 
 
 easily formed an army of a hundred thousand 
 men to oppose us. They were deficient neither 
 in hatred towards us, nor in the wish to injure 
 us ; but they wanted courage and resolution to 
 expose themselves to the swords of the High- 
 landers. 
 
 The terror of the English was truly incon- 
 ceivable, and in many cases they seemed quite 
 bereft of their senses. One evening, as Mr. 
 Cameron of Lochiel entered the lodgings as- 
 signed to him, his landlady, an old woman, threw 
 herself at his feet, and, with uplifited hands, and 
 tears in her eyes, supplicated him to take her life, 
 but to spare her two little children. He asked 
 her if she was in her senses, and told her to 
 explain herself; when she answered that every 
 body said the Highlanders ate children, and 
 made them their common food. Mr. Cameron 
 having assured her that they would not injure 
 either her or her little children, or any person 
 whatever, she looked at him for some moments 
 with an air of surprise, and then opened a press, 
 calling out with a loud voice, •* Come out, chil- 
 dren ; the gentleman will not eat you.** The 
 children immediately left the press, where she 
 had concealed them, and threw themselves at 
 his feet. * 
 
 * The late Mr. Halk.çton, of Rathillet, who had been in 
 this expedition, told Mr. Young that the belief was general 
 among the people of England, that the Highlanders ate chil- 
 dren. While the army lay at Carlisle, he was taken ill, and 
 went with a few of his companions to a farmer's house in the 
 
 H 3 
 
102 MEMOIRS Ob' TIIK 
 
 They affirmed in the newspapers of London, 
 that we had dogs in our army trained to fight ; 
 and that we were indebted for our victory at 
 Gladsmuir to these dogs, who darted with fury 
 on the English army. They represented the 
 Highlanders as monsters, with claws instead of 
 hands. In a word, they never ceased to circulate, 
 every day, the most extravagant and ridiculous 
 stories with respect to the Highlanders. The 
 English soldiers, indeed, had reason to look upon 
 us as extraordinary men, from the manner in 
 which we had beaten them with such inferior 
 numbers ; and they probably told these idle 
 stories to the country people, by way of palliating 
 their own disgrace : the men again, in repeating 
 these stories to their wives, improved, no doubt, 
 (Jfi the exaggerations of the soldiers, till, passing 
 from mouth to mouth, the original falsehoods 
 became at length so absurd, that none but 
 English peasants, the most stupid and credulous 
 of mortals, w^ould listen to them. But, indeed, 
 there is nothing so absurd that the English will 
 not readily believe it. Abetter proof of this 
 cannot be given than what took place when I 
 
 neighbourhood, where he remained several days. Perceiving 
 his landlady to be a young w^oman, he asked her, if she had 
 iany children, and where they were. When she found that 
 he was no cannibal, she told him the truth was, that all the 
 children were sent out of the way for fear the Highlanders- 
 should devour them. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 103 
 
 was in London. A man advertised that he 
 would, in the Haymarket Theatre, enter a pint 
 bottle. The price of admission was half-a-crown ; 
 and the Duke of Cumberland, who was one of 
 the crowd that flocked to see this miracle, lost 
 his sword in the throng. But the actor, who had 
 more sense than they, after appearing in the 
 theatre to request an additional quarter of an 
 hour before commencing his operations, contrived, 
 in the mean time, to escape with a few hundred 
 guineas which he had taken at the door, leaving 
 them to cool their heels till his return to perform 
 his promise, and treating them as such a set of 
 fools ought to be treated. After this instance 
 of credulity, their folly and extravagance ought 
 not to surprise us. 
 
 As soon as we had passed the river, the Prince 
 formed our army into two columns; one of which 
 took the road by Ecclefechan, conducted by 
 the Prince in person ; and the other, under the 
 orders of Lord George Murray, took the road 
 that leads to Annan. Lord Elcho, with the 
 cavalry, went straight to Dumfries, a consider- 
 able town, full of fanatical Calvinists, who had 
 seized some of our ammunition waggons when we 
 entered England. * We punished the inhabitants 
 
 * Lord Milton, in a letter to the Duke of Argyle, dated 
 21st of November, 1745, says, — "Besides great quantities 
 of arms and ammunition, the rebels found at Carlisle about 
 eighty horses, well accoutred, anduponthese so many rebels 
 marched immediately to Dumfries, to levy money, as the 
 value of about fifty or sixty cart-loads of provisions andbag- 
 
 H 4 
 
104 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 by levying a considerable fine on them. As 
 there is no town nearer than eight or ten miles 
 from tlie ford of the Esk, we were obHged to 
 march all night, though it had never ceased 
 raining since the affair at Clifton-hall. High- 
 landers alone could have stood a march of two 
 nights of continual rain in the midst of winter, 
 and drenched as they were in crossing the river ; 
 but they were inured to fatigue, and of a strong 
 and vigorous constitution, frequently marchingsix 
 or seven leagues a-day, our ordinary marches in 
 England, without leaving any stragglers behind; 
 and they might even have destroyed an army of 
 a hundred thousand regular troops, by marching 
 alone, had they persisted in continually following 
 us. The principal object in the disposition of our 
 marches, was to keep the English always in a 
 state of uncertainty with regard to our movements, 
 the towns to which we intended to go, and the 
 roads we meant to take. Continually baffled by 
 our manoeuvres, they were obliged to remain 
 inactive till they could learn our real object, 
 by the reunion of our columns, by which they 
 lost a great deal of time. 
 
 gage, which, for want of horses, were left by them on the 
 road, and carried hy a -party of the Seceders to Dumfries. I 
 hope the seceders, who are pretty numerous in that country, 
 and very loyal and zealous, may come to give a good account 
 of these eighty horsemen." It is well known that the Pres- 
 byterians were determined enemies of the House of Stuart, 
 and the Seceders, being the most rigid Presbyterians, were 
 of course the most zealously attached to the House of Ha- 
 nover. 
 
^^^ 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 105 
 
 The column led by Lord George, arrived next 
 morning at Annan, where it repoesd during the 
 22d. On the â3d, it reached Moffat. On the 
 24th, it abandoned the road it had hitherto fol- 
 lowed, which goes directly to Edinburgh, and 
 took a cross-road to the left for Glasgow, where 
 it formed a junction with the column of the 
 Prince on the 26th. The latter columns slept 
 at Ecclefechan on the 21st ; on the 22d at 
 Dumfries ; and on the 23d advanced straight 
 to Glasgow. Lord Elcho, with the cavalry, 
 reached that city on the 25th, the day before 
 the arrival of the two columns. The Duke of 
 Cumberland, unable from our movements to 
 conjecture what our intentions were, ceased to 
 follow us ; and the two English armies took up 
 their quarters at Carlisle. 
 
 Messrs. Brown and Gordon, two officers in 
 the service of France, who had been left at 
 Carlisle, joined us on our arrival at Glasgow ; 
 and informed the Prince, that the town and 
 castle were taken by the Duke of Cumberland 
 two days after our departure *, being totally 
 incapable of resisting, for twenty-four hours, 
 the heavy artillery of the enemy ; that, by the 
 capitulation, the Duke of Cumberland had 
 granted to the garrison their lives, with an as- 
 
 * The Duke of Cumberland invested Carlisle on the 21st 
 of December ; but being under the necessity of sending to 
 Whitehaven for heavy cannon, the fire from his batteries did 
 not commence till the morning of the 28th. On the 30th 
 the garrison surrendered. 
 
lOG MKMOIllS OF TJIK 
 
 surance that they should not bé tried for having 
 borne arms. * They added, in their declaration, 
 that they only escaped from Carlisle the moment 
 the capitulation was signed. The army of the 
 Duke of Cumberland was, they said, composed 
 of the infantry regiments of Ligonier, Richmond, 
 
 ^ The written communications between the besieged and 
 the besiegers sufficiently prove the terms of the capitulation. 
 
 The first communication was a message from a M. de 
 Geoghegan, the commander of the French artillery, on the 
 29th, summoning the commander of the Dutch to retire 
 with his troops from the English army, agreeably to the 
 capitulation of Tournay and Dendermonde. The Duke ot 
 Cumberland, in a message signed by Colonel Conway, his 
 aide-de-camp, gave orders " to let the French officer know, 
 if there is one in town, that there are no Dutch troops here, 
 but enough of the King's troops to chastise the rebels, and 
 those who dare give them any assistance." John Hamilton, 
 the governor of the castle, in answer to this message, desired 
 " to know what terms his Royal Highness would be pleased 
 to give them." The return to this application was, " All the 
 terms His Royal Highness will or can grant to the rebel 
 garrison at Carlisle, are, that they shall not be put to the 
 sword, but be reserved for the King's pleasure." These 
 terms were accepted; the governor and officers merely re- 
 commending themselves to His Royal Highness's clemency ; 
 and hoping " that His Royal Highness will be pleased to 
 interpose for them with His Majesty." 
 
 As the Dutch troops were included in a body of foot, 
 detached by Marshal Wade to the assistance of the Duke of 
 Cumberland, at Carlisle, his statement respecting them was 
 a palpable equivocation ; and his threat to the French 
 officer is conceived in a style of which we are no great ad- 
 mirers ; but this is the extent of the objectionable part of 
 his conduct on this occasion, for there seems no foundation 
 whatever for any charge of breach of faith. 
 
REBELLION- O^ 1745. 107 
 
 Sinclair, Albemarle, Howard, Skelton, Bland 
 Sempill, Bligh, Douglas, Leslie, Bernard, Roper, 
 Sowle, Johnson, Gower, Montague, Halifax, 
 Granby, and Cholmondeley ; of the cavalry 
 regiments of Montague and Kingston, (the regi- 
 ments of Cholmondeley, Montague, and Kings- 
 ton, being newly raised;) and a body of a 
 thousand horse, detached from the army of 
 Marshal Wade, under the command of General 
 Oglethorpe. There were, besides, six thousand 
 Dutch. Each infantry regiment was 824 men 
 strong ; and the cavalry regiments consisted of 
 273 men. The Chevalier Francis Geoghegan, 
 a colonel of the artillery attached to Lally's 
 regiment, an officer of talents and merit, who 
 had been left sick at Carlisle, sent a trumpeter, 
 with a letter to the commander-in-chief of the 
 Dutch troops, ordering him, in the name of the 
 King of France, to retire, in consequence of the 
 capitulation of Tournay and Dendermonde. 
 He immediately obeyed ; but the diminution 
 of the combined army was of no use to the 
 besieged. 
 
 The garrison of Carlisle was confined in the 
 prisons of London ; and the Duke of Cumber- 
 land, on his arrival there, on the 5th of January, 
 had so little regard for good faith as to maintain 
 that they were not bound in honour to observe 
 a capitulation with rebels. Thus twelve of the 
 unfortunate officers of the English regiment, 
 with Messieurs Townley and Hamilton at their 
 head, were afterwards hanged and quartered in 
 
108 MEMOIRS OF THL 
 
 London ; and the head of Townley still remains 
 exposed on Temple-bar, one of the gates of the 
 city. 
 
 The Prince at first seemed inclined to dis- 
 believe the report of Messrs. Gordon and Brown, 
 and some even accused them of falsehood ; but 
 those who had any knowledge of fortification 
 were disposed to believe them, Had the Prince 
 foreseen the fate of these unfortunate victims, 
 he would undoubtedly have prevented it, by 
 evacuating the place on our retreat : the only 
 plan reconcileable, not merely with humanity 
 towards those who had exposed their lives and 
 fortunes in his cause, but with a regard to his 
 own particular interest ; as he had not a super- 
 fluity of men in his army. We must draw a 
 veil over this piece of cruelty, being altogether 
 unable either to discover the motive for leaving 
 these 400 men at Carlisle, or to find an excuse 
 for it. 
 
 Glasgow is the second city in Scotland, from 
 the number of its inhabitants, and the extent of 
 its commerce. Our army was allowed to remain 
 there, to recover from its fatigues, till the 2d of 
 January, when we quitted it in two columns ; 
 one of which took the rout to Cumbernauld, 
 where it passed the night, whilst the other went 
 to Kilsyth. By this movement the Prince, 
 according to every appearance, seemed to enter- 
 tain the intention of proceeding to Edinburgh, 
 especially as Lord Elcho, with the cavalry, had 
 advanced as far as the town of Falkirk, which 
 
REBELLION OF l'J^Ô. lOQ 
 
 is only about five leagues* distance from it. * 
 But the column which had passed the night at 
 Kilsyth, quitted the Edinburgh road next morn- 
 ing ; and, falling back upon its left, the two 
 columns met in the evening, at the village of 
 Bannockburn, about half a league from Stir- 
 ling, t 
 
 The object of the Prince, in approaching 
 StirUng, was to accelerate his junction with 
 Lord John Drummond, whom he had ordered 
 to repair to Alloa with the three thousand men 
 under his command, and the artillery and mili- 
 tary stores which he had brought from France. 
 The town of Stirling, protected by the castle, 
 in which there was a strong garrison, com- 
 manded by General Blakeney, the governor, 
 having refused to surrender, the Prince, on the 
 4th of January, ordered a part of his army to 
 occupy the villages of St. Dennis and St. Ninians, 
 which are within cannon-shot of the town, on 
 the south. By this position it was blockaded 
 and invested on every side ; the stone bridge, 
 to the north of the town, having been broken 
 down when General Cope was there with his 
 
 army. 
 
 On our reaching Bannockburn, Lord George 
 Murray", who took the charge of every thing, 
 and attended to every thing, repaired imme- 
 diately to Alloa, where Lord John Drummond 
 
 * Falkirk is 24 miles from Edinburgh. 
 I Bannockburn is about four «niles from Stirling. 
 
110 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 had already arrived, in order to take measures 
 for the speedy advance to StirHng of the troops 
 and artillery, brought by Lord John from France ; 
 and after giving the necessary directions for the 
 conveyance of the guns, he returned, next day, 
 to Bannockburn. He then put himself at the 
 head of eleven hundred men, and stationed 
 himself with them as a fixed post at Falkirk, a 
 town about sixteen miles from Edinburgh, and 
 four from Bannockburn. * Lord Elcho, with 
 the cavalry, occupied the town of Linlithgow, 
 which is about twelve miles from Edinburgh 
 and six from Falkirk, t The rest of our army 
 was quartered in the villages of St. Dennis and 
 St. Ninians, and at Bannockburn, two miles from 
 Stirling, where the Prince had his head-quarters. 
 Lord John Drummond immediately repaired to 
 Bannockburn with his regiment of Royal Scots 
 and five piquets of the Irish Brigade ; as also 
 with Lord Lewis Gordon, and six hundred vas- 
 sals of his brother, the Duke of Gordon ; Mr. 
 Fraser, the eldest son of Lord Lovat, and six 
 hundred of his father's vassals ; the Earl of 
 Cromarty, his eldest son. Lord Macleod, and 
 his vassals, the Mackenzies. The Prince was 
 then joined by many other Highlanders of the 
 clans of Mackintosh and Farquharson: so that 
 by this reinforcement our army was suddenly 
 
 * Scots miles. 
 
 ^ Linlithgow is 16 miles from Edinburgh, and eight from 
 Fiilkirk. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. Ill 
 
 increased to eight thousand men, the double of 
 what it was when we were in England. * 
 
 What a pity that the Prince had not these 
 eight thousand men at Derby ! They would have 
 succeeded in crowning him at London, if he 
 v'ould only have restrained his impatience, and re- 
 mained in Scotland till his partisans had had time 
 to join him at Edinburgh, from the most remote 
 provinces of Scotland, he might then, after his 
 affairs had been firmly established in that country, 
 have made an attempt on England. It would 
 appear that the difficulty of transporting the six 
 pieces of cannon sent from France, and the fear 
 of their falling into the hands of the English, 
 detained Lord John Drummond in Scotland. 
 
 The importance commonly attached to artil- 
 lery, their supposed utility, or rather, the abso- 
 lute necessity for them, on all occasions, are 
 greatly over-rated ; and I do not doubt, but 
 that, in the course of time, an army will think 
 itself lost, if it has not these enormous masses 
 to drag after it, the cause of so much embarrass- 
 ment ; just in the same manner as infantry have 
 been taught to tremble for their safety, unless 
 they have cavalry to protect their flanks. The 
 
 * Mr. Home makes the rebel army, at this time, some- 
 what more than 9000 men. The Prince had been joined by 
 -tOOO men under Lord John Drummond. M. Patullo, the 
 rebel muster-master, says, " At the battle of Falkirk, there 
 were 8000 men, besides about 1000 left to continue the 
 blockade of Stirling Castle. 
 
112 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Highlanders, however, entertain a sovereign 
 contempt for cavalry, from the facility with 
 which they have always defeated them, throwing 
 them into disorder in an instant, by striking at 
 the heads of the horses in the manner I have 
 already mentioned. 
 
 The greater part of mankind blindly adopt 
 general principles, without examining or enquir- 
 ing into the propriety of their application to 
 particular cases. In the present state of things, 
 it is certainly necessary for an army of regular 
 troops to have a numerous artillery. The sword 
 has been laid aside for the musket, and it would 
 appear, from the victories obtained in the late 
 war, almost entirely by a great superiority of 
 artillery, that it is wished to lay side the musket 
 for cannon ; adopting the maxim for armies, 
 which is only applicable to fortified places, viz. 
 that the fire of the more powerful artillery will 
 silence that of the weaker. I know not whether 
 this new inclination be well or ill founded ; but 
 I am very certain, that our artillery was very 
 troublesome, and even very injurious to us. A 
 regular army has occasion for artillery to reduce 
 the fortified places, which occur at every step, 
 on the ordinary theatres of the wars which have 
 been carried on in Europe for centuries past ; 
 but in Great Britain there are no fortified 
 towns ; in Scotland there are only the two castles 
 of Stirling and Edinburgh, which are situated 
 upon the summits of steep rocks, o'f so great an 
 
rb;beli,[ox of 1745. US 
 
 elevation, that no ground can be found in their 
 neighbourhood parallel to them for the establish- 
 ment of a battery, capable of producing any 
 effect. It is only by mortars or by famine that 
 they can be reduced. 
 
 It is surprising that the court of France should 
 have been so little acquainted with the local pe- 
 culiarities of Scotland, as to send us cannons 
 instead of mortars, of which we had need for 
 carrying on sieges. The field-pieces, taken at 
 the battle of Gladsmuir, were sufficient to force 
 houses and petty fortresses. Artillery, instead 
 of being useful, was, on the contrary, a great 
 embarrassment to us, by continually retarding 
 our marches, Indeed, all kinds of fire-arms are 
 directly at variance with the natural disposition 
 of the Highlanders, who are quick, ardent, and 
 impetuous in their attack. The sword is the 
 weapon which suits them best. When they are 
 kept passive they lose their ardour. 
 
 On all occasions it is necessary to consult the 
 genius of those whom we command, and to con- 
 form ourselves to their particular habits. If we 
 had remained firing at a certain distance, instead 
 of rushing impetuously upon the enemy, two 
 thousand regular troops, regularly trained to 
 fire, and unaccustomed to the sword, would have 
 beaten four thousand Highlanders with ease. 
 Their manner of fighting is adapted for brave 
 but undisciplined men. They advance with 
 rapidity, discharge their pieces when within 
 
114 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 musket length of the enemy, and then, throwing 
 them down, draw their swords, and holding a 
 dirk in their left hand with their target, they 
 dart with fury on the enemy through the smoke 
 of their fire. When within reach of the enemy's 
 bayonets, bending their left knee, they, by their 
 attitude, cover their bodies with their targets, 
 that receive the thrusts of the bayonets, which 
 they contrive to parry, while at the same time 
 they raise their sword-arm, and strike their ad- 
 versary. Having once got within the bayonets, 
 and into the ranks of the enemy, the soldiers 
 have no longer any means of defending them- 
 selves, the fate of tlie battle is decided in an 
 instant, and the carnage follows ; the High- 
 landers bringing down two men at a time, one 
 with their dirk, in the left hand, and another 
 with the sword. 
 
 The reason assigned by the Highlanders for 
 their custom of throwing their muskets on the 
 ground, is not without its force. They say, tliey 
 embarrass them in their operations, even when 
 slung behind them, and on gaining a battle, they 
 can pick them up again along v/ith the arms of 
 their enemies ; but, if they should be beaten, 
 they have no occasion for muskets. They them- 
 selves proved that bravery may supply the place 
 of discipline at times, as discipline supplies the 
 place of bravery. Their attack is so terrible, 
 that the best troops in Europe would with diffi- 
 culty sustain the first shock of it j and if the 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 115 
 
 swords of the Highlanders once come in contact 
 with them, their defeat is inevitable. * 
 
 On the 6th of January, we opened the trenches 
 before the town of Stirling, under the direction 
 of Mr. Grant ; but the mere threat of laying 
 siege to the town, induced the magistrates to 
 repair to Bannockburn and propose a capitu- 
 lation ; and the Prince having granted them 
 the conditions which they required, we took 
 possession of Stirling next day. The castle was 
 not included in the surrender. To the summons 
 of the Prince, General Blakeney answered very 
 
 * Many of the author's observations, with respect to 
 artillery, are certainly just ; and his description of the mode 
 of fighting of the Highlanders, is the most distinct and satis- 
 factory which we ever remember to have seen. 
 
 It is observed by Machiavel, in his Art of War, that 
 artillery is of little importance to an army, as if the enemy 
 is stronger in other respects he can easily take it. But the 
 improvements in artillery, since his time, have materially 
 changed the state of the question. A well-served artillery 
 has soon decided some of the most important battles of late 
 times. 
 
 Besides, the late invention of horse-artillery has been found 
 of great advantage, against an irregular force like that of 
 the Highlanders in 1745. Of this our recent Indian cam- 
 paigns furnish abundant proofs. 
 
 The observations of the author, however, with respect to 
 the absurdity of a rigid adherence to one particular mode of 
 fighting, without regard to circumstances, are perfectly just. 
 It was this species of military pedantry which destroyed a 
 British army at New Orleans, in an attempt which, against 
 European troops, would, in all probability, have been attended 
 with complete success. 
 
 I 2 
 
116 ■ . MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 polite] V, " That his Royal Highness would 
 assuredly have a very bad opinion of him, were 
 he capable of surrendering the castle in such a 
 cowardly manner." 
 
 An army of about thirteen thousand men, 
 composed of the best troops of the armies of the 
 Duke of Cumberland and Marshal Wade, en- 
 tered Scotland, under the command of Lieu- 
 tenant-general Hawley. The first division, 
 under General Husk, reached Edinburgh on the 
 .4th of January, and General Hawley himself 
 arrived there on the 6th. The whole of General 
 Hawley's army having assembled in Edinburgh, 
 General Husk w^as detached to Linlithgow on 
 the loth, with the five old regiments of Monro, 
 Choi mon deiey, Price, Ligonier, and Batterèau, 
 and the remains of the two dragoon regiments 
 of Hamilton and Gardener, which had escaped 
 from the battle of Gladsmiiir, and entered that 
 small town at one end, whilst Lord Elcho, with 
 our cavalry, went out at the other, to fall back 
 on Lord George Murray, at Falkirk. On the 
 14th, the regiments of Howard, Pulteney, and 
 Barrel, marched to Borrowstownness, which is 
 half-way between Edinburgh and Linlithgow * : 
 and they were followed, on the 15th, by the 
 regiments of Fleming, and Blakeney, and a 
 battalion of the regiment of Sinclair. On the 
 
 * Borrowstownness is 18 miles west from Edinburgh, and 
 only 3 miles north from Stirling. The author must have 
 meant Stirling, 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 117 
 
 l6th, General Hawley encamped with his army, 
 and a train of ten field-pieces, at Falkirk ; and 
 Lord George Murray fell back, at his approach, 
 on Bannockburn, with the detachment of which 
 he had had for some time the command at Fal- 
 kirk. 
 
 M. Mirabelle de Gordon, a French engineer, 
 and clievalier of the order of St. Louis, was sent 
 into Scotland, with Lord John Drummond, and 
 arrived at Stirling on the 6th. Great hopes 
 were at first entertained of his being able to re- 
 duce the Castle, which was the cause of much 
 chagrin to the Highlanders, by annoying them 
 in their going to and returning from their own 
 country. It was supposed that a French engi- 
 neer, of a certain age, and decorated with an 
 order, must necessarily be a person of experi- 
 ence, talents, and capacity ; but it was unfortu- 
 nately discovered, when too late, that his 
 knowledge as an engineer was extremely limited, 
 and that he was totally destitute of judgment, 
 discernment, and common sense. His figure 
 being as whimsical as his mind, the Highlanders, 
 instead of M. Mirabelle, called him always Mr. 
 Admirable. 
 
 Mr. Grant had already communicated to the 
 Prince a plan of attack of the castle, which was 
 to open the trenches, and establish batteries in 
 the burying-ground, on that side of the town 
 which is opposite to the castle gate. He assured 
 the Prince, that this was the only place where 
 they could find a parallel, almost on a level with 
 
 I 3 
 
118 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 the batteries of the enemy ; and that, if a breach 
 were effected in the half-moon which defends 
 the entry of the castle, from a battery in the 
 burying-groLind, the rubbish of the work would 
 fill the ditch, and render an assault practicable 
 through the breach, and the works would be 
 ruined near the gate. He added, that it was 
 entirely useless to think of making an attack, 
 in any other place, from the impossibility of 
 succeeding ; that the hills in the neighbourhood 
 of the castle being forty or fifty feet lower than 
 the castle itself, our batteries could produce 
 little or no effect, whilst their batteries would • 
 command ours. Besides, supposing it even 
 possible to effect a breach on that side, we could 
 never mount to the assault ; the rock, on which 
 the castle is built, being every where very high, 
 and almost perpendicular, except towards that 
 part of the town opposite to the burying-ground. 
 The inhabitants of Stirling having remon- 
 strated with the Prince against this plan, as by 
 the erection of our batteries in the burying- 
 ground, the fire from the castle would, they 
 said, reduce their town to ashes, he consulted 
 M. Mirabelle, with a view to ascertain whether 
 there were any other means of taking the castle by 
 attack than that in question ; and as it is always 
 the distinctive mark of ignorance to find nothing 
 difficult, not even the things that are impossible, 
 M. Mirabelle, without hesitation, immediately 
 undertook to open the trenches on a hill to the 
 north of the castle, where tliere were not fifteen 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. IIQ^ 
 
 inches depth of earth above the soUd rock; and 
 it became necessary to supply the want of earth 
 with bags of wool, and sacks filled with earth, 
 brought from a distance. Thus the trenches 
 were so bad, that we lost a great many men, 
 sometimes twenty-five in one day. The six 
 pieces of artillery sent from France, two of 
 which were eighteen, two twelve, and two six- 
 pounders, arrived at Stirling on the 14th. 
 
 In the evening of the l6th, the Prince gave 
 orders for collecting together the whole army, 
 to be reviewed next morning at break of day, 
 on a moor to the east of Bannockburn ; and 
 nobody supposed that there was any other 
 object in this general review than to choose, a 
 field of battle, and obtain the necessary inform- 
 ation respecting the nature of the ground ; 
 which was the more essentially necessary, as we 
 every moment expected an attack from the 
 English army, then encamped at Falkirk. When 
 the review v;as over, about ten o'clock in the 
 morning, he made the army face to the right, 
 to form a column, and immediately turned off 
 in that direction, by bye-roads, without any. 
 person in the army being able to penetrate his 
 design ; particularly as he did not appear at first 
 to take the roads leading towards the English 
 army. The Highlanders had a very simple 
 manoeuvre, well suited to a small army composed 
 of undisciplined men. They formed themselves 
 in line, three deep, and by facing to the right 
 or to the left they formed themselves into a 
 
 I 4 
 
lâO MEMOIRS OF THP; 
 
 column for marching, of three men in front ; 
 and, in the same manner, by facing to the right 
 or to the left, they were instantly in order of 
 battle. It was deemed more advisable to allow 
 them to adhere to their ancient and simple 
 manoeuvre, than to teach them, imperfectly, 
 the more complicated movements of wheeling 
 backwards to form columns of division, sub- 
 division, &c. and forwards to form into line, 
 which could not have been executed without 
 disorder and confusion ; for it is not in the 
 moment of action, that attempts should be made 
 to discipline troops, and change their old habits. 
 This ought to be the work of time, and to be 
 attempted only in a period of peace. 
 
 Our army marched across the fields, and by 
 bye-roads, to Dunipace, leaving the highway 
 from Stirling to Falkirk at a considerable distance 
 on our left, and making a great circuit to conceal 
 our movement from the enemy. Having passed 
 through the village of Dunipace*, which is 
 about a quarter of a league from Falkirk, at two 
 o'clock in the afternoon, we suddenly found 
 ourselves upon the heights near that town, in 
 sight of the English army, and within nine 
 hundred yards of their camp, before General 
 Hawley knew of our departure from Bannock- 
 burn, t Their surprise on seeing us may easily 
 
 * Dunipace is about three miles and a half from Falkirk. 
 
 -)- General Hawley was at Callender-house when the 
 rebels were first seen, a little before one o'clock, by two 
 officers of the third regiment of foot, who climbed a tree 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 121 
 
 be conceived. They immediately Hew to arms, 
 and, witli great precipitation, ascended to a part 
 of the height, between us and the town of Fal- 
 kirk. There was a high wind, accompanied by 
 a heavy rain, which the Highlanders, by their 
 position, had in their back, whilst it was full in 
 the face of the English, who were blinded by it. 
 They were, besides, incommoded with the smoke 
 of our discharge ; and the rain, getting into 
 their pans, rendered the half of their muskets 
 useless. The English fruitlessly attempted to 
 gain the advantage of the wind ; but the Prince, 
 extending to the left, took care to preserve this 
 advantage by corresponding movements on his 
 part. 
 
 General Hawley drew up his army in order 
 of battle, in two lines, having three regiments 
 of infantry in a hollow at the foot of the hill. 
 His cavalry was placed, before his infantry, on 
 the left wing of the first line. The English 
 began the attack, with a body of about eleven 
 hundred cavalry, who advanced very slowly 
 against the right of our army, and did not halt 
 till they were within twenty paces of our first 
 
 near the camp, and, by means of a telescope, discovered 
 the Highland army marching, by the south side of the Tor- 
 wood, towards Falkirk. When information of this was con- 
 veyed to the General, he said that the men might put on 
 their accoutrements, but there was no necessity for them to 
 be vmder arms. The royal army was in the greatest alarm 
 on account of the absence of the General at this critical 
 conjuncture. 
 
122 MEMOIRS OJF THL 
 
 line, to induce us to fire. The Highlanders, 
 who had been particularly enjoined not to fire 
 till the army v/as within musket-length of them, 
 the moment the cavalry halted discharged their 
 nmskets, and killed about eighty men, each of 
 them having aimed at a rider. The commander 
 of this body of cavalry, who had advanced some 
 paces before his men, was of the number. The 
 cavalry closing their ranks, which were opened 
 by our dischargé, put spurs to their horses, and 
 rushed upon the Highlanders at a hard trot, 
 breaking their ranks, throwing down every thing 
 before them, and trampling the Highlanders 
 under the feet of their horses. The most sin- 
 gular and extraordinary combat immediately 
 followed. The Highlanders, stretched on the 
 ground, thrust their dirks into the bellies of the 
 horses. Some seized the riders by their clothes, 
 dragged them down, and stabbed them with 
 their dirks; several again used their pistols; but 
 few of them had sufficient space to handle their 
 swords. Macdonald of Clanranald, chief of one 
 of the clans of the Macdonalds, assured me, 
 that whilst he was lying upon the ground, under 
 a dead horse, which had fallen upon him, without 
 the power of extricating himself, he saw a dis- 
 mounted horseman struggling with a High- 
 lander : fortunately for him, the Highlander, 
 being the strongest, threw his antagonist, and 
 having killed him with his dirk, he came to his 
 assistance, and drew him with difficulty from 
 inider his horse. 
 
REBELLION OF 1/45. 123 
 
 The resistance of the Highlanders was so in- 
 credibly obstinate, that the English, after liaving 
 been for some time engaged pell-mell with them 
 in their ranks, were at lengtli rej)ulsed, and 
 forced to retire. The Higiilanders did not 
 neglect the advantage they had obtained, but 
 pursued them keenly with their swords, running 
 as fast as their horses, and not allowing them a 
 moment's time to recover from their fright. So 
 that the English cavalry falling back on their 
 own infantry, drawn up in order of battle behind 
 them, threw them immediately into disorder, 
 and carried the right wing of their army with 
 them in their flight.* The clan of Camerons, 
 
 * Mr. Home, who was himself" in this battle, gives a very 
 clear, and very circumstantial account of it. According to 
 this account, which agrees with most of the statements that 
 we have seen, the dragoons of the royal army were thrown 
 into disorder hy the fit e of the rebels, on their first onset. 
 " Lord George Murray," he says, " was marching at the 
 head of the Macdonalds of Keppoch, with his drawn sword 
 in his hand, and his target on his arm. He let the dragoons 
 come within ten or twelve paces of him, and then gave 
 orders to fire. The Macdonalds of Keppoch began the fire, 
 which ran down the line, from them to Lord Lovat's regi- 
 ment. This heavy fire repulsed the dragoons. Hamilton's 
 and Ligonier's regiments wheeled about, and fîed directly 
 back : Cobham's regiment wheeled to the right, and went 
 off between the two armies, receiving a good deal of fire as 
 they passed the left of the rebels. When the dragoons were 
 gone. Lord George Murray ordered the Macdonalds of 
 Keppoch to keep their ranks and stand firm. The same 
 order was sent to the other two Macdonald regiments, but 
 a great part of the men in these two regiments, with 
 all the regiments to the left, (whose fire had repulsed the 
 
l''2-i MEMOIUS OF THE 
 
 which was on the left of our army, having at- 
 tacked at the same time the right of the English 
 army, where there were only infantry, put it also 
 to flight; but the Highlanders, when descending 
 the hill in pursuit of the enemy, received, on 
 
 dragoons,) immediately pursued. When they came near 
 the foot of the King's army, some regiments of the first 
 line gave them a fire ; the rebels returned the fire, and 
 throwing down their muskets, drew their swords, and at- 
 tacked the regiments in the left of the King's army, both 
 in front and flank : all the regiments in the first line of the 
 King's army gave way, as did most of the regiments of the 
 second line. It seemed a total rout; and, for some time, 
 General Hawley did not know that any one regiment of his 
 army was standing ; but Barrel's regiment stood, and, joined 
 b}' part of two regiments of the first line, (Price's and Ligo- 
 nier's,) moved to their left, till they came directly opposite 
 to the Camerons and Stuarts, and began to fire upon them 
 across the ravine. The Highlanders returned the fire, but 
 the fire of the King's troops was so much superior, that the 
 rebels, after losing a good many men, fell back a little, still 
 keeping the high ground on their side of the ravine. The 
 stand which these regiments made, put a stop to the pursuit, 
 and recalled the pursuers." 
 
 Lord George Murray maintained the victory would have 
 been complete, if Lord John Drummond, who should have 
 commanded on the left, had been in his place, when he might 
 have ordered some regiments from the second line to face 
 the regiments on the right of the King's army, who out- 
 flanked the left of the Highlanders ; in which case none of 
 the foot could have escaped. Lord John Drummond again 
 and others blamed Lord George for preventing the Mac- 
 donalds of Keppoch, and a good many of the other two 
 Macdonald regiments, from advancing with the rest of the 
 Highlanders when they attacked the foot. Sullivan, the 
 adjutant-general, was also blamed for keeping out of harm's 
 •way. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 125 
 
 their left flank, a discharge from the three regi- 
 ments placed in the hollow at the foot of the 
 hill, which they did not perceive till the moment 
 they received their fire, which greatly incom- 
 moded them. Mr. John Roy Stuart, an officer 
 in the service of France, afraid lest this might 
 be an ambuscade laid for us by the English, 
 called out to the Highlanders to stop their pur- 
 suit; and the cry of stop flew immediately from 
 rank to rank, and threw the whole army into 
 disorder. However, the enemy continued their 
 retreat, and the three regiments at the foot of 
 the hill followed the rest ; but with this differ- 
 ence, that they retreated always in order, and 
 acting as a rear-guard of the English army, and 
 they continued a fire of platoons on us till their 
 entrance into the town of Falkirk. 
 
 As night began to appear, the English army 
 entered the town, and fires were immediately 
 seen in every part of their camp, from which 
 we all supposed that they had retreated to it, 
 and that we had not obtained a complete and 
 substantial victory. The honour of remaining 
 masters of the field was of little avail to us. 
 We had no reason for believing that we had 
 lost the battle, as the English army had re- 
 treated J but as we supposed them still in their 
 camp, we considered it, at most, as undecided, 
 and expected a renewal of the combat next 
 morning. 
 
 Fortunately the enemy did not perceive the 
 disorder which had crept into our army, and of 
 
Iâ6 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 which Colonel John Roy Stuart was the inno- 
 cent cause, by his excessive precaution and 
 foresight. The Highlanders were in complete 
 disorder, dispersed here and there, and the differ- 
 ent clans mingled pell-mell together: whilst the 
 obscurity of the night added greatly to the con- 
 fusion. Many of them had even retired from the 
 field of battle, either thinking it lost, or intend- 
 ing to seek a shelter from the dreadful weather. 
 It is often more dangerous to stop the fire and 
 impetuosity of soldiers, of whom the best are 
 but machines, and still more of undisciplined 
 men, who do not listen to any orders, than to 
 let them run all risks in order to carry every 
 thing before them. 
 
 I met, by accident, Colonel Brown, an Irish- 
 man, to whom I proposed that we should keep 
 together, and share the same fate. He con- 
 sented, but observed, at the same time, that the 
 Prince having made him the bearer of an order, 
 he wished to find him, with the view of commu- 
 nicating an answer. After having sought the 
 Prince for a long time to no purpose, and with- 
 out finding any one who could give us the least 
 information respecting him, we fell in with his 
 life-guards, in order of battle, near a cottage on 
 the edge of the hill, with their commander, 
 Lord Elcho, who knew as little of what had be- 
 come of Charles as we did ourselves. As the 
 night was very dark, and the rain incessant, we 
 resolved to withdraw to the mansion of Mr. Prim- 
 rose, of Dunipace, about a quarter of a league 
 
 14 
 
REBELLION OF 174./». 1^ 
 
 from Falkirk, having a crowd of Highlanders 
 as guides, who took the same road. 
 
 On our arrival at the castle, we found Lord 
 Lewis Gordon, brother of the Duke of Gordon, 
 Mr. Frazer, son of Lord Lovat, and six or seven 
 other chiefs of clans ; but none of them knew 
 what had become of their regiments. Other 
 officers arrived every instant, all equally igno- 
 rant of the fate of the battle, and equally in 
 doubt whether we had gained or lost it. About 
 eight o'clock in the evening, Mr. Macdonald 
 of Lochgary joined us, and revived our spirits, 
 by announcing for certain that we had gained a 
 most complete victory; and that the English, 
 instead of remaining in their camp, had fled in 
 disorder to Edinburgh. He added, in confirm- 
 ation of this news, that he had left the Prince 
 in Falkii'k, in the quarters which had been oc- 
 cupied by General Hawley j and that the Prince 
 had sent him to Dunipace, for the express pur- 
 pose of ordering all of us to repair to Falkirk 
 next morning by break of day. 
 
 It is impossible, without having been in our 
 situation, to form an idea of the extreme joy 
 which we derived from this agreeable surprise. 
 As the enemy, in their retreat, had abandoned 
 all their tents and baggage, their camp was 
 soon pillaged by the Highlanders, and the booty 
 carried away, notwithstanding the obscurity 
 of the night, and the badness of the weather. 
 The enemy lost about six hundred in killed, 
 and we took seven hundred prisoners. It was 
 
1^8 MEMOIRS OF THF. 
 
 Lord Kilmarnock who first discovered the flight 
 of the English. Being well acquainted with 
 the nature of the ground, as a part of his estates 
 lay in the neighbourhood, he was sent, by the 
 Prince, to reconnoitre the enemy ; and, having 
 approached the great road to Edinburgh, be- 
 yond the town of Falkirk, passing by bye-paths 
 and across fields, he saw the English army 
 panic-struck and flying in the greatest disorder, 
 as fast as their legs could carry them. Lord 
 Kilmarnock innnediately returned to the Prince, 
 wàth an account of this fortunate discovery, who 
 still remained on the field of battle, notwith- 
 standing the dreadful wind and rain ; but he 
 then descended from the hill, about half past 
 seven o'clock in the evening, immediately en- 
 tered the town of Falkirk, and detached as 
 many troops as he could suddenly assemble to 
 harass the English in their flight, who were yet 
 at a short distance from us. 
 
 The enemy were unable to avail themselves 
 of their artillery during the action, and to carry 
 it with them in their flight ; and we found, next 
 day, ten field-pieces *, half-way up the hill, 
 which they had not had time to draw up to the 
 top. They lost a great many men in the hollow 
 at the foot of the hill ; where the corn-fields were 
 thickly strewed with dead bodies, t In their 
 
 * Mr. Home says, the royal army lost seven pieces of 
 cannon. 
 
 f Mr. Home says, the royal army lost, in killed alone, 
 1 colonel, 3 lieutenant-colonels, 9 captains, 3 lieutenants, 
 
HEBELLTON' OF 174Ô. IQ() 
 
 flight they took one prisoner in a very singular 
 manner. Mr. Macdonald, a major of one of 
 the Macdonald regiments, liaving dismoiuited 
 an English officer, took possession of his horse, 
 which was very beautiful, and immediately 
 mounted it. When the English cavalry fled, 
 the horse ran oft' with the unfortunate Mr. Mac- 
 donald, notwithstanding all his efforts to restrain 
 him ; nor did it stop till it was at the head of 
 the regiment, of which, apparently, its master 
 was the commander. The melancholy, and at 
 the same time ludicrous, figure which poor 
 Macdonald would cut, when he thus saw himself 
 the victim of his ambition to possess a fine horse, 
 which ultimately cost him his life upon the scaf- 
 fold, may be easily conceived. 
 
 Had General Hawley possessed sufficient cool- 
 ness and presence of mind, when he saw our 
 army appear upon the height, to have dispas- 
 sionately examined the advantages and disadvan- 
 tages of attacking us immediately ; and had he 
 remained in his camp, prepared to defend him- 
 self if we attacked him, the Prince would have 
 been dreadfully disconcerted ; and I really know 
 not what course we could have adopted.* Our 
 
 and 300 or -tOO private men. The loss of the rebels was said 
 to be 3 captains, 4 subalterns, and 40 men killed, and 80 
 wounded. 
 
 * It is generally allowed that the great blunder of this 
 officer consisted in ordering 700 or 800 dragoons to attack 
 8000 foot drawn up in two lines. General Hawley, how- 
 
130 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 army could not pass the niglit in the open air, 
 during such a terrible tempest ; and it would 
 have been a sort of victory for General Hawley, 
 if the Prince had been obliged to return by a 
 night-marcli in such dreadful weather, without 
 effecting his object. But such is the nature of 
 man, that every thing unexpected and \mfore- 
 seen produces an impression on the mind in pro- 
 portion to its importance, or the consequences 
 which may result from it. Hence, there are 
 few surprises judiciously planned and executed, 
 which do not succeed. The perceptions of 
 
 ever, entertained an opinion, that the Highlanders were 
 unable to withstand cavalry. In a company in Flanders, in 
 which Lieutenant-colonel Hepburn was present, the General 
 said " He knew the Highlanders : they were good militia ; 
 but he was certain that they could not stand against a charge 
 of dragoons who attacked them well." The ground for this 
 opinion seems to have been an event, mentioned by Mr. 
 Home, in which the General was himself concerned. He 
 had been major of Evans's dragoons, at the battle of SherifF- 
 muir, when that regiment, with the Scots Greys, led by the 
 Duke of Argyle, getting over a morass, which the intense 
 frost of one night had rendered passable, attacked the flank 
 of the rebel army, which conceived itself secure from that 
 quarter, and rode down and drove off the field several regi- 
 ments of Highlanders. Because the Highlanders were 
 driven off the field by cavalry under peculiar circumstances, 
 he seems to have therefore thought that in no case what- 
 ever they could withstand cavalry. Thus experience would 
 almost seem to be often hurtful rather than useful to men of 
 weak minds, who, in the language of Burke, view past events 
 " as a repertory of cases and precedents," and not as ma- 
 terials for the exercise of the reasoning faculty. 
 
REBELLION' OF Î74-5. 131 
 
 some men are more keen and quick than those 
 of others ; and lience the impressions produced 
 on different men by the same object, depend on 
 the vivacity of their imagination, or the phlegm 
 of their temperament. Some can dive into the 
 most profound and complicated subject in an 
 instant, and see it in its proper light ; whilst 
 others are unable to effect a solution of the dif- 
 ficulty, without brooding a long time over the 
 subject, though their judgment and penetration 
 may be equally just and solid ; and the parties 
 may differ from one another merely in the slow- 
 ness or quickness of perception of the matter on 
 which their faculties are employed. Every one 
 must have more or less time to arrest the torrent 
 of new ideas, which crowd on his imagination in 
 a case of exigency, and to fix on the best. In a 
 surprise we must come suddenly to a determin- 
 ation one way or other ; for the enemy will not 
 allow us time for reflection : and the quality 
 most essential to a general, is a prompt and just 
 discernment and judgment in his decisions. 
 Boldness may often supply the want of quickness 
 of imagination, and furnish resources in embar- 
 rassing circumstances ; but an ardent tempera- 
 ment, which is in its place at the head of a 
 regiment of grenadiers, deprives the mind, in a 
 surprise, of the faculty of thinking, and exhibits 
 every object in a false light. Hence surprises 
 are almost always successful. We do not find a 
 Marshal de Luxembourg twice in a century. 
 When deceived at Steinkirk by his spy, who was 
 
 K ^ 
 
1;3^ jNiEisroîRs of the 
 
 secretary to tlie Prince of Orange, and wlio told 
 him not to be alarmed at seeing a large body 
 of troops appear next day, as they wonld only 
 be ont on a general foraging, fthongh this forag- 
 ins: partv^ tnrned out to be the whole army of 
 the Allies, commanded by the Prince of Orange ; 
 for the l*rince having discovered the treachery 
 of his secretary, compelled him to write this 
 letter, with a pistol at his breast) — notwith- 
 standing this surprise, the Marshal, who for a 
 long time could not persuade himself that his 
 spy had conveyed false mformation to him, was 
 yet, notwithstanding, in an instant able to take 
 such judicious measures, that he completely de- 
 feated the Prince of Orange. But there are few 
 examples of this presence of mind in history. 
 A truly great warrior will always be master of 
 events, instead of allowing himself to be mastered 
 by them ; and when he happens to be surprised 
 himself, he will surprise the enemy. 
 
 The bad weather which had been so favour- 
 able to us during the battle, and contributed so 
 much to our obtaining the victory, proved very 
 injurious to us afterwards, by preventing us from 
 pursuing the vanquished enemy, and totally dis- 
 persing that army without leaving a vestige of it 
 in Scotland : which would have obtained for us 
 repose and tranquillity for a long time in that 
 country, as this army was composed of old regi- 
 ments, and the best troops of the English. 
 
 The tempest raged with such violence, during 
 the whole of the next dav, the 18th, and the 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 133 
 
 rain poured down in such torrents, that none of 
 us quitted our lodgings. Having repaired to 
 the Prince's quarters, about seven o'clock in the 
 evening, I found no one in his anti-chamber ; 
 but when I was about to withdraw, Mr. Sullivan 
 issued from the Prince's closet and informed me 
 me, that, tiom the badness of the weather, the 
 cannon taken from the enemy had been left on 
 the field of battle without any guard, and he re- 
 quested me to go instantly with a guard of a 
 Serjeant and twenty men, and pass the night 
 beside them. He added that I should find the 
 guard below, ready to march. I set out with 
 this detachment. The Serjeant carried a lantern ; 
 but the light was soon extinguished, and by that 
 accident we immediately lost our way, and wan- 
 dered a long time at the foot of the hill, among 
 heaps of dead bodies, which their whiteness ren- 
 dered visible, notwithstanding the obscurity of 
 a very dark night. To add to the disagreeable- 
 ness of our situation from the horror of this 
 scene, the wind and rain were full in our faces. 
 I even remarked a trembling and strong agita- 
 tion in my horse, which constantly shook when 
 it was forced to put its feet on the heaps of dead 
 bodies, and to climb over them. However, after 
 we had wandered a long time amongst these 
 bodies we at length found the cannon. On my 
 return to Falkirk, I fîelt myself relieved as from 
 an oppressive burden ; but the horrid spectacle 
 I had witnessed was, for a long time, fresh in my 
 mind. How inconsistent is man ! During a 
 
 K 3 
 
134< MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 battle, we frequently see our dearest friends fall 
 by our side, as has repeatedly happened to my- 
 self, without being sensibly affected with sorrow 
 and regret at the moment of their unfortunate 
 death ; and yet, when we coolly proceed over a 
 field of battle, we are seized with horror, at the 
 sight of a spectacle repugnant to human nature, 
 of dead bodies, though, when living, they may 
 have been perfectly unknown to us. So much 
 does man differ from himself, according to the 
 situations in which he happens to be placed. 
 The Prince received news from Edinburgh every 
 moment, with details of the consternation and 
 panic-terror of the English in their flight. He 
 was informed that, for several days after their 
 defeat, they were still under the influence of 
 their alarm ; and that at the review by their com- 
 missary of war, there were not four thousand 
 present in Edinburgh, out of the thirteen or 
 fourteen thousand, the number of their army 
 before the battle.* The friends of the Prince 
 
 * The alarm must have been very great ; for though, as 
 Mr. Home observes, *' when General Hawley came to Edin- 
 burgh, his army was reinforced by two regiments of foot, the 
 25th and 21st," that had served abroad, and behaved re- 
 markably well on every occasion ; notwithstanding that re- 
 inforcement, which the quality of the troops rendered con- 
 siderable, this army remained at Edinburgh till the arrival 
 of the Duke of Cumberland, who came to the palace of Holy- 
 rood-house, on Thursday the 30th of Januarj'.*" Some sol- 
 diers were condemned to be shot for bad behaviour, and some 
 officers were cashiered. 
 
 The number of tlie Kin^; ï army at Ealkirk, is, however, 
 
 18 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 135 
 
 exhorted him to repair with all haste to the ca- 
 pital, to disperse this wreck of the English army, 
 and resume the possession of that city. This, 
 in the opinion of every one, was the only sensible 
 course which the Prince could adopt ; but it 
 was soon seen, that it is much easier to gain a 
 victory than to know how to profit by it. The 
 gaining a battle is very often the effect of pure 
 chance ; but to reap all the advantages of which 
 a victory is susceptible, requires genius, capacity, 
 and superior talents ; and it is in turning a vic- 
 tory to account that we particularly discover the 
 great soldier. One thing is certain, and that is, 
 that the vanquished will always have great re- 
 sources in the negligence of the victorious party. 
 We ought to have pursued the English with the 
 rapidity of a torrent, in order to prevent them 
 from recovering from their fright : we should 
 have kept continually at their heels, and never 
 relaxed, till they were no longer in a condition 
 to rally ; without thinking of reaping the fruits 
 of our victory, till their complete defeat should 
 enable us to do so with safety, and with leisure 
 and tranquillity. 
 
 rated much too high here. Even Secretary Murray ac- 
 knowledges, in a letter to Cameron of Lochiel, that *' there 
 was not above 8000 regular troops, in all, at Falkirk." There 
 were 12 infantry regiments, 3 dragoon regiments, and the 
 Glasgow regiment, and some volunteers, which, being newly 
 raised, were not allowed to take their station in the line» 
 
 K 4 
 
136 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 On tlie 19t]i, when the weather became fa- 
 vourable, it was natural to think we should take 
 the route to Edinburgh. But, — what fatal blind- 
 ness ! — instead of pursuing a vanquished and 
 routed enemy, the Prince resolved to return to 
 Bannockburn, to continue the siege of Stirling 
 Castle. This determination was the result of a 
 consultation with M. Mirabelle, the senseless in- 
 dividual already mentioned, who promised to 
 reduce it in the course of forty-eight liours. The 
 possession of this petty fort was of no essential 
 importance to us ; on the contrary, it was of 
 more advantage to us that it should remain in 
 the hands of the enemy, in order to restrain the 
 Highlanders, and prevent them from returning, 
 when they pleased, to their own country, from 
 the fear of being made prisoners in passing this 
 Castle, for they were constantly going home, 
 whenever they got possession of any booty taken 
 from the English, in order to secure it. This 
 fatal resolution of returning to Stirling induced 
 -Mr. Peter Smith, the Freron of our army, to 
 observe, " that our whole enterprise had been 
 one continued series of blunders ; but that, for- 
 tunately for us, the Ahiiighty had hitherto turned 
 all our blunders to our advantage." However, 
 this stupid and gross blunder of not pursuing 
 the enemy with vigour, and not keeping conti- 
 nually at their heels, to disperse them completely, 
 without relaxing so long as one Englishman re- 
 )nained on the soil of Scotland, could never, by 
 
UEBELLION OF 1745. 137 
 
 possibility, be of" any advantage to us, and could 
 not fail, sooner or later, to eftect our ruin. 
 
 Effects, far from corresponding to their causes, 
 frequently give rise to events altogether different 
 from what appearances might lead us to antici- 
 pate. Who could have imagined, that the six 
 pieces of heavy artillery, sent by the court of 
 France to our assistance, would become our 
 ruin ? And yet they certainly were our ruin ; 
 for without them we should never have dreamed 
 of laying siege to Stirling Castle, as no one could 
 have thought of a siege without artillery j and 
 alter the victory of Falkirk, all of us would have 
 agreed as to the propriety of effecting the com- 
 plete destruction of the English army, by fol- 
 lowing up the victory by a hot pursuit, and 
 taking possession of Edinburgh. This idea would 
 naturally have suggested itself to all of us; 
 for there was nothing but the possession of this 
 Castle which could blind the good sense and 
 judgment of any one. 
 
 Our trenches traced on a hill to tlie north of 
 the Castle, by Mirabelle, advanced very slowly, 
 there being only a mere covering of earth on 
 the hill, and we lost a great many men, particu- 
 larly of the Irish piquets. What a pity that 
 these brave men should have been sacrificed to 
 no purpose, by the ignorance and folly of Mira- 
 belle! These piquets, who behaved with the most 
 distinguished bravery and intrepidity at the battle 
 of Falkirk, preserving always the best order, 
 when the whole ot the rest of our aimy wa& dis- 
 
138 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 peised, and keeping the enemy in check by the 
 bold countenance which they displayed, ought 
 to have been reserved for a better occasion. 
 
 At length, on the 30t]i of January, M. Mira- 
 belle, with a childish impatience to witness the 
 effects of his battery, unmasked it, as soon as 
 three embrasures of the six of which it was to 
 have been composed were finished, and imme- 
 diately began a very brisk fire witii his three 
 pieces of cannon ; but it was of short duration, 
 and produced very little elïect on the batteries 
 of the Castle, which being more elevated than 
 ours, the enemy could see even the buckles of 
 the shoes of our artillerymen. As their fire 
 commanded ours, our guns were immediately 
 dismounted ; and in less than half an hour we 
 were obliged to abandon our battery altogether, 
 as no one could approach it without meeting 
 with certain destruction ; while our guns, being 
 pointed upwards, could do no execution what- 
 ever. Thus a work of three weeks, which had 
 prevented us from deriving any advantage from 
 our victory at Falkirk, and which had cost us 
 the lives of a great number of brave men, was 
 demolished in an instant, like a castle of cards, 
 and rased as level as a ponton, and all our guns 
 were dismounted. Justice ought to be done to 
 the merit and good conduct of General Blake- 
 ney, who perceived our ignorance from the 
 position of our battery, and did not disturb us 
 while constructing it. Convinced that we could 
 do him no injury from that quarter, he remained 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 139 
 
 quiet, like a skilful general, and allowed us to 
 go on, that we might lose those precious 
 moments which we ought to have employed in 
 pursuing the enemy ; well knowing that he 
 could destroy our battery whenever he pleased, 
 and level it, in an instant, with the ground. 
 
 This error of amusing ourselves before the 
 Castle, instead of pursuing the enemy, the 
 punishment of which followed so soon after- 
 wards, was the beginning of our calamities. Up 
 to this time fortune seemed to have blindly 
 favoured us. The English soldiers, in their 
 flight, had dispersed so much up and down the 
 lields, that five days after the battle, four 
 thousand men could scarcely be assembled at 
 Edinburgh, which, by our mismanagement, be- 
 came a rallying point for them, and the source 
 whence all our disasters flowed. The fugitives, 
 finding they were not pursued, began to recover, 
 by degrees, from their fright, took courage from 
 our inactivity and lethargy, and at length joined 
 their colours in the capital ; so that by the 
 reinforcement of two regiments of infantry, 
 SempelPs and the Scots fusileers, the dragoon 
 regiments of Bland and St. George, with King- 
 ston's light-horse, detached from the army of 
 Marshal Wade, the army of the enemy, in eight 
 or ten days, was stronger than it Iiad been 
 before the battle of Falkirk. 
 
 General Cope is said to have enjoyed with 
 evident satisfaction the news of the defeat of 
 General Hawley. He had, according to the 
 
14<0 ME:ȉlRS OF THE 
 
 English custom, offered bets to the amount of 
 ten thousand guineas, in the different coffee- 
 houses in London, that the first general sent to 
 command an army against us in Scotland would 
 be beaten, as he himself had been at Gladsmuir; 
 and by the defeat of General Hawley he gained 
 a considerable sum of money, and recovered his 
 Jionour to a certain degree. The Duke of 
 Cumberland was immediately ordered to take 
 the command of the army in Scotland ; and he 
 left London the 25th and arrived at Edinburgh 
 on the 30th of January. 
 
 The destruction of our battery at once term- 
 inated the siege of the Castle. The Pnnce was 
 informed, the same day, of the arrival of the 
 Duke of Cumberland at Edinburgh ; and imme- 
 diately reviewed his army at Bannockburn, with 
 the intention of advancing to meet him ; but 
 finding that a number of Highlanders were 
 missing, whom our long stay at Stirling, and 
 the proximity of their own country had induced 
 to return home, to secure their booty, our army 
 was obliged to retreat, and to abandon all our 
 artillery to the enemy, with the exception of a 
 few field-pieces. To our eternal shame, we 
 fled, with precipitation, from the same army 
 which we had completely beaten sixteen days 
 before. * 
 
 * The resolution to retreat was adopted before the 
 arrival of the Duke of Cumberland at Edinburgh. On.the 
 28th, Lord George Murray came to Bannockburn, and 
 showed Charles a plan of the battle, then in contemplation. 
 
REBP.LLIONr OF 1745. Î4l 
 
 How fortunate the army which has an able 
 general at its head! How distressing the re- 
 
 Next morning, the 29th, Lord George Murray's aid-de- 
 camp came to Bannockburn, with a packet from Lord 
 George, containing a paper signed by him and all the chicls 
 who were with him at Falkirk, advising a retreat to the North. 
 
 In this paper the chiefs state, that " a vast number of 
 the soldiers of your Royal Highness's army are gone home 
 since the battle of Falkirk ; and, notwithstanding all the 
 endeavours of the commanders of the different corps, they 
 find that this evil is increasing hourly, and not in their 
 power to prevent ; and as we are afraid Stirling Castle can- 
 not be taken so soon as was expected, if the enemy should 
 march before it fall into your Royal Highness's hands, we 
 can foresee nothing but utter destruction to the few that 
 will remain, considering the inequality of our number to that 
 of the enemy. For these reasons we are humbly of opinion, 
 that there is no way to extricate your Royal Highness, and 
 those who remain with you, out of the most imminent 
 danger, but by retiring immediately to the Highlands." — 
 " It is but Just noxv," they add, " we are apprised of the 
 number of our own people that are gone off, besides the 
 many sick that are in no condition to fight.'' 
 
 Mr. Home states, that one of the reasons for the necessity 
 of the retreat urged in this paper was, " that the Duke of 
 Cumberland's army had been reinforced since the battle ;" 
 but there is not a word in the paper of any such augment- 
 ation, nor is the Duke of Cumberland ever mentioned in it. 
 
 There can be no question that the rebel army must have 
 been greatly diminished since the battle, both by deaths 
 and the cause stated in the address of the chiefs. A number 
 of men were lost at the siege of Stirling Castle, and the 
 Macdonalds of Glengary having lost their colonel, who was 
 accidentally killed a day or two after the battle of Falkirk, 
 a great many of that regiment in particular went home to 
 the Highlands. M. PatuUo says, " When the rebels re- 
 
142 -MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 flection, that the existence of thousands of men 
 depends upon a single individual ! an error in 
 
 treated to the North, they only amounted to about 5000, 
 many of the men having gone home whh spoil after the 
 battle, who joined the army afterwards." The diminution 
 would thus appear to have amounted in this short space to 
 about 4^000. 
 
 Yet John Hay, the person who acted occasionally as the 
 Prince's secretary, and to whom we have alluded in a former 
 note, was pleased to say, " It was afterwards known, that 
 the account of the number of men said to be absent was 
 greatly exaggerated. Glengary's regiment had only lost 
 ten." Are we to believe that, while the whole army lost 
 nearly the half of its number, the regiment whose colonel 
 was killed lost only ten ? This individual also says, that 
 M-lien Charles read the paper, " he struck his head against 
 the wall till he staggered, and exclaimed most violently 
 against Lord George Murray ; his words were, " Good 
 God ! have I lived to see this !" To see what ! A handful 
 of men adopt the only measure which held out to them a 
 hope of future advantage, and a possibility of escaping 
 present destruction. Because, therefore, these chiefs were 
 not disposed to rush blindly on their destruction, this weak 
 and bad-hearted Prince, (for the man who never discovered 
 " any sorrow or compassion for the misfortunes of so many 
 worthy men who suifered in his cause," if we are to 
 believe Dr. King, had unquestionably a bad heart,) struck 
 his head against the wall, forsooth, till he stagge7-e(l, and ex- 
 claimed violently/ against them ! And the silly or worthless 
 minions by v.hom he was surrounded, who nourished his 
 boyish fondness for battles, seem to have stuck at no false- 
 hoods which served the purposes of deception, either at the 
 time or after the die was cast. The great defect in Mr. 
 Home's book is that it seldom or rather never unmasks the 
 personages who figured in this drama of the rebellion, or 
 weighs the degree of credit to which the different accounts 
 are entitled. 
 
TTKBEI.LTON OF 171<.'3. 143 
 
 judgment of whom may render them, in an 
 instant, the victims of misfortune, by occasion- 
 ing a chain of calamities without remedy, the 
 necessary consequences of a first fault. The ' 
 absurd wish to possess an insignificant castle, 
 wliich could be of no real utility to us, pro- 
 duced a series of efiects, which ruined the 
 Prince's enterprise, and brought a great number 
 of his partisans to the scaffold. The bulk of 
 mankind are only capable of seeing at one time 
 a part of an important, extensive, and exalted 
 project ; and very few indeed view it in all its 
 extent, with the events which ought naturally 
 to occur in its execution. If the basis of an 
 operation is false, the bad consequences, which 
 flow from it, give rise, in their turn, to other 
 bad consequences, and the evil increases every 
 day. 
 
 We left Stirling on the 31st, to proceed to 
 Inverness, the capital of the Highlands, situated 
 about thirty-four leagues * to the north-west of 
 Edinburgh, and having crossed the river Forth, 
 at the ford of the Frew, we passed the night at 
 Crief. On the morning of our leaving Stirling, 
 the church of St. Ninians, where we had fifty 
 barrels of powder, accidentally blew up, with a 
 terrible explosion. On the 1st of February, 
 our army left Crief, in two columns ; one of 
 which, conducted by Lord George Murray, 
 took the road along the sea-coast, passing 
 
 * Inverness is 156 miles from Edinburgh. 
 
144 .MEVIOIRS OF THE 
 
 through the towns of Perth, Dundee, Montrose, 
 Aberdeen, and Peterhead ; the other cohuiin, 
 with the Prince at its head, went straight across 
 the mountains by Blair in Athol, which is the 
 shortest road to Inverness, The Prince's 
 column, in passing through Badenoch, took a 
 little fort at Ruthven, and another at about five 
 leagues from it, called Fort Augustus *, which 
 King George had constructed to restrain and 
 awe the Highlanders. They were immediately 
 rased, and the garrisons made prisoners of war. 
 On the l6th, the Prince slept at Moy, a 
 castle belonging to the chief of the clan of 
 Mackintosh, about two leagues from Inverness, t 
 Lord Loudon, lieutenant-general, in the service 
 of , King George, and colonel of a regiment of 
 Highlanders, being at Inverness, with about 
 two thousand regular troops, the Prince intended 
 to wait the arrival of the other column, before 
 approaching nearer to that town. In the mean 
 time. Lord Loudon formed the project of seiz- 
 ing by surprise the person of the Prince, who 
 could have no suspicion of any attempt of the 
 kind, conceiving himself in perfect security at 
 Moy; and His Lordship would have succeeded 
 in this design, but for the intervention of that 
 invisible Being who frequently chooses to mani- 
 fest his power in overturning the best contrived 
 schemes of feeble mortals. His Lordship, at 
 
 * Fort Augustus was taken after the castle of Inverness 
 had come into the hands of the rebels. 
 
 f Moy is about ten or eleven miles from Inverness. 
 
REBELLION OF 1715. HÔ 
 
 three o'clock in the afternoon, posted guards, 
 and a chain of centinels, all round Inverness, 
 both within and without the town, with positive 
 orders not to suffer any person to leave it, on 
 any pretext whatever, however high the rank of 
 the person might be. He ordered, at the same 
 time, fifteen hundred men to hold themselves 
 in readiness to march at a moment's warning ; 
 and having assembled this body of troops with- 
 out noise, and without alarming the inhabitants, 
 he put himself at their head, and instantly set 
 off, planning his march so as to arrive at the 
 castle of Moy about eleven o'clock at night. 
 
 Whilst some English officers were drinking 
 in the house of Mrs. Bailly, an innkeeper in 
 Inverness, and passing the time till the hour 
 of their departure, her daughter, a girl of 
 thirteen or fourteen years of age, who happened 
 to wait on them, paid great attention to their 
 conversation, and, from certain expressions 
 dropped by them, she discovered their designs. 
 As soon as this generous girl was certain as to 
 their intentions, she immediately left the house, 
 escaped from the town, notwitlistanding the 
 vigilance of the centinels and immediately took 
 the road to Moy, running as fast as she was 
 able, without shoes or stockings, which, to 
 accelerate her progress, she had taken off, in 
 order to inform the Prince of the danger that 
 menaced him. She reached Moy, quite out of 
 breath, before Lord Loudon ; and the Prince, 
 with difficulty, escaped in his robe-de-rhambre, 
 
 L 
 
146 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 night-cap, and slippers, to the neighbouring 
 mountains, where he passed the night in con- 
 ceahnent. This dear girl, to whom the Prince 
 owed his life, was in great danger of losing her 
 own, from her excessive fatigue on this occa- 
 sion ; but the care and attentions she expe- 
 rienced restored her to life, and her health was 
 at length re-established. The Prince, having 
 no suspicion of such a daring attempt, had very 
 few people with him in the castle of Moy. 
 
 As soon as the girl had spread the alarm, the 
 blacksmith of the village of Moy presented him- 
 self to the Prince, and assured His Royal High- 
 ness that he had no occasion to leave the castle; 
 as he would answer for it, with his head, that 
 Lord Loudon and his troops would be obliged 
 to return faster than they came. The Prince 
 had not sufficient confidence in his assurances 
 to neglect seeking his safety by flight to the 
 neighbouring mountains. However, the black- 
 smith, for his own satisfaction, put his project 
 in execution. He instantly assembled a dozen 
 of his companions, and advanced with them 
 about a quarter of a league from the castle, on 
 the road to Inverness. There he laid an ambus- 
 cade, posting six of his companions, on each 
 side of the highway, to wait the arrival of the 
 detachment of Lord Loudon, enjoining them 
 not to fire till he should tell them, and then not 
 to fire together, but one after another. When 
 the head of the detachment of Lord Loudon 
 was opposite the twelve men, about eleven 
 
REBELLION QF 1/45. 147 
 
 o'clock in the evening, the blacksmith called 
 out with a loud voice, *' Here come the villains, 
 who intend carrying off our Prince ; fire, my 
 lads, do not spare them ; give no quarter !" In 
 an instant muskets were discharged from each 
 side of the road, and the detachment, seeinc: 
 their project had taken wind, began to fly in 
 the greatest disorder, imagining that our whole 
 army was lying in wait for them. Such was 
 their terror and consternation, that they did not 
 stop till they reached Iverness. In tliis manner 
 did a common blacksmith, with twelve of his 
 companions, put Lord Loudon and fifteen hun- 
 dred regular troops to flight. The flfer of his 
 Lordship, who happened to be at tiie head of 
 the detachment, was killed by the first discharge ; 
 and the detachment did not wait for a second. * 
 
 * Mr. Home states, that Lady Mackintosh was informed 
 in the evening of this design against her guest, by two letters 
 from Inverness, one from Fraser of Gorthleek, and one from 
 her own mother, who was a Whig, but did not like that 
 Charles should be killed or taken prisoner in her daughter's 
 house. He also states, that, without sîiying a word to Charles 
 or any of his company, who knew nothing of Lord Loudon's 
 march till next morning, she ordered five or six of her peo- 
 ple, well armed, under the conduct of a country smith, " to 
 watch the road from Inverness, and give notice if they should 
 perceive any number of men coming towards Moy ;" that 
 when Lord Loudon's troops were within three miles of the 
 place, the noise which they made was heard by the smith 
 and his party, who immediately gave them a fire, and, run- 
 ning here and there, called upon the Macdonalds and Came- 
 rons to advance on the right and left ; and that the panic 
 was such, that many were thrown down, and trod upon, and 
 
 L Q 
 
148 :\fEMOin.s or the 
 
 Next morning the Prince assembled all his 
 column, who had passed the night in the villages 
 and hamlets some miles from Moy, and advanced 
 to Inverness, witli the intention of attacking 
 Lord Loudon, and taking revenge for the at- 
 tempt of the preceding night ; but, as he ap- 
 proached the town, his Lordship retreated across 
 the arm of the sea, to the north of Inverness, 
 after collecting, and taking along witli him to 
 the other side, all the boats, great and small, 
 and other vessels, that could aid us in pursuing 
 him. 
 
 The castle of Inverness was fortified in the 
 modern manner, being a regidar square with 
 lour bastions, and it was advantageously situated 
 on the top of an eminence, which commanded 
 the town. It was built in the time of Oliver 
 Cromwell, and liad ever since been kept in good 
 
 narrowly escaped being trampled to death. The Master of 
 Ross, who gave this account to Mr. Home, had been in many 
 perils ; but he said he had never been in so grievous a con- 
 dition as that in which he was at the route of Moy. 
 
 All accounts agree as to the victory achieved by the 
 blacksmith over 1500 men ; and it is only in the minor cir- 
 cumstances that they differ. We think the statement of the 
 author, where it varies from that of Mr. Home, by much 
 the most probable of the two. It was very unlikely that 
 Lady Mackintosh would conceal the approach of so alarming 
 a danger from Charles, and stake his life on the issue of so 
 ' desperate an attempt as that of the blacksmith and his six 
 followers. It is far more probable, that the blacksmith fell 
 upon this bold stratagem himself, than that it should have 
 been suggested by Lady Mackintosh. 
 
REBELLION OF 171'5. 119 
 
 repair, with the view of enforcing the subjection 
 of the Highlanders, who are naturally brave 
 and faithful, and generally attached to the house 
 of Stuart. * Since the Revolution of 1688, the 
 keeping up of tiiis fortress had cost, it is said, 
 above fifty thousand pounds sterling. The 
 governor of the castle, who was in a situation 
 to stand a siege, at first refused to comply with 
 the summons of the Prince ; but, two hours after 
 the trenches were oj)ened, he surrendered him- 
 self with his garrison, which consisted of two 
 companies of Lord Loudon's regiment. The 
 Prince innnediately gave orders to raze the for- 
 tifications, and blow up the bastions. M. 
 L'Epine, a serjeant in the French artillery, who 
 was charged with the operation, lost his life on 
 the occasion. This unfortunate individual, be- 
 lieving the match extinguished, approached to 
 examine it, when the mine sprung, which blew 
 him into the air, with the stones of the bastion, 
 to an immense heiglit. 
 
 Our cavalry, which had taken the same road 
 with the column of Lord George Murray, arrived 
 on the l6th, at the river Spey ; a detachment 
 
 * Tlie fort built by Cromwell was in ruins long before the 
 year 1746. It was a pentagon of two hundred yards to a 
 side, situated near the entrance of the Ness into the Murray 
 Frith, and commanded the town of Inverness, the mouth of 
 the river, and part of the country on the sides of it where 
 there were no hills. The castle of Inverness, which was 
 destroyed by the rebels in 1746, was situated on a hill to the 
 south-west of Cromwell's fort. 
 
 L 3 
 
1.50 :\ii::3ioius oi' tiik 
 
 forded this river, and slept at Elgin, the capital 
 of the shire of Murray. On the 17th, the 
 column of Lord George arrived at Elgin ; and, 
 on the 18th, part of it advanced to Forres, and 
 part of it as far as Nairn, escorting the cargo of 
 two ships, which had landed at Peterhead, the 
 one from France and the other from Spain, con- 
 sisting of money, arms, and military stores. 
 The vessel from France had on board a piquet 
 of the cavalry regiment of Fitzjames. On the 
 19th the whole army formed a junction at In- 
 verness. 
 
 The Hazard sloop of war, of about eighteen 
 guns, which liad been taken by the Highlanders 
 in a very singular manner, and sent into France 
 with news of our victory at Falkirk, was retaken 
 bv the Enolish, on the 25th of Mardi. Having: 
 been chased the whole of the 24th, by tlie Eng- 
 lish ship of war the Sheerness, it threw itself 
 on the coastof Lord Reay*s country, in the north- 
 ern extremity of Scotland. The Hazard con- 
 veyed a hundred thousand crowns, and stores 
 from France ; but the vassals of Lord Reay, 
 who were attached to the house of Hanover, 
 pillaged the cargo*, and made prisoners of the 
 
 * Mr. Young was informed by a geiitleniau from that part 
 of tlie country, that the pillage in question was the found- 
 ation of a considerable fortune to one individual. As Lord 
 Reay's factor or stewaid, he had the disposal of it; and the 
 money being in boxes, he contrived to persuade the High- 
 landers that the boxes were filled with shot. His family is 
 now very opulent. 
 
REBELLION OF 174-5. 151 
 
 crew, who had lost thirty-six men in the engage- 
 ment with the Sheerness, a vessel of sixty guns. 
 The Highlanders took the Hazard at Montrose, 
 without any premeditated design. This vessel, 
 having been for some time cruising before Mon- 
 trose, annoyed the Highlanders very much, 
 firing on them continually, whenever any of 
 them made their appearance on the shore. The 
 Highlanders were quite indignant at seeing it 
 anchored so near to the land. One day, when 
 there happened to be a very thick fog, they em- 
 barked in fishing-boats ; and the officers who 
 were with them, having induced them to approach 
 nearer and nearer, as if from curiosity to examine 
 a ship of war, which they had never before seen, 
 as soon as the crew of the Hazard perceived 
 them through the fog, the sailors, seized witli 
 panic, threw themselves on their knees, on the 
 deck, and asked quarter with uplifted hands, 
 being afraid that the Highlanders would board 
 them, and put the whole of them to the sword. 
 The Highlanders immediately climbed up the 
 vessel, and took possession of it ; but knowing- 
 nothing of navigation, they compelled their 
 prisoners, with pistols at their breasts, to steer 
 the vessel into the port of Montrose. Intrepid, 
 animated, and resolute men are capable of every 
 thing ; but they must, at the same time, be 
 headed by an officer of the same stamp, capable 
 of directing their operations, acquainted with 
 their character and what they can do, that they 
 may not be sacrificed in enterprises beyond their 
 
 L é 
 
152 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 means ; for then, instead of appearing prodigies 
 of valour, they will only be ordinary men. He 
 who was at the head of tlie Highlanders by 
 whom the Hazard was taken, intended to board 
 it, and attempt to take it by a coup de main ; 
 but he led them skilfully to this object, without 
 their having the least suspicion of his motive. 
 
 . The Duke of Cumberland arrived at Stirling, 
 with his army, on the 2d of February, where he 
 remained till the 5th. He passed the night of 
 the 5th at Crief, and arrived at Perth on the 6th ; 
 from which place he dispatched a detachment to 
 seize the Duchess of Perth in her castle, because 
 her son was with the Prince ; as also the Vis- 
 countess of Strathallan, whose husband and son 
 were both of them in our army. These two ladies 
 were conveyed to Edinburgh Castle, where they 
 were shut up for nearly a whole year, in a small 
 and unhealthy prison. This trait of the Duke 
 of Cumberland was- quite unexampled. Who 
 ever before heard of rendering a mother re- 
 sponsible for the opinions of her son, or a wife 
 for those of her husband? 
 
 On the 8th of February, the Prince of Hesse, 
 son-in-law of King George, landed at Leith, 
 with five thousand infantry and five hundred 
 hussars, in the pay of England. He remained 
 at Edinburgh till the 23d, when he left it to 
 proceed to Perth with his troops, to replace his 
 jorother-in-law, tiie Duke of Cumberland, who 
 had gone to the north of Scotland against us. 
 The Prince of Hesse, during his stay at Edin- 
 
REBELLION OF I7'k5. 153 
 
 burgh, was beloved and esteemed by every 
 body, on account of the moderation of his con- 
 duct and the propriety of his behaviour to the 
 partisans of the Prince, mingling indifferently in 
 all circles, without appearing to take any per- 
 sonal interest in the quarrel between the Houses 
 of Hanover and Stuart ; and the Hessians, imit- 
 ating the example of their Prince, were equally 
 well liked. 
 
 As all the male vassals of the Duke of Athol 
 were in our army, with his brother Lord George, 
 the Duke of Cumberland sent a detachment of 
 his troops into their country, who committed 
 the most unheard-of cruelties, burning the 
 houses of tlie gentlemen who were with the 
 Prince ; turning out their wives and children in 
 the midst of winter, to perish in the mountains 
 with cold and hunger, after subjecting them to 
 every species of infamous and brutal treatment. 
 As soon as these proceedings were known at 
 Inverness, Lord George set off instantly, with 
 the clan of Athol, to take vengeance for this 
 treatment ; and he conducted his march so well, 
 passing through bye-ways across the mountains, 
 that the enemy had no information of his ap- 
 proach. Having planned his march so as to 
 arrive at Athol in the beginning of the night, 
 the detachment separated, dividing itself into 
 small parties, every gentleman taking the 
 shortest road to his own house ; and in this 
 manner all the English were surprized in their 
 sleep. Those who found their wives and daugh- 
 
154 MEMOIllS OF THK 
 
 ters violated by the brutality of these monsters, 
 and their families dying from hunger and the 
 inclemency of the season, made no prisoners. 
 All the English received, while they slept, the 
 punishment which their inhumanity merited. 
 Thus they were all either put to the sword or 
 made prisoners, except two or three hundred 
 men, who barri cadoed themselves in the castle of 
 the Duke of Athol, which could not be forced 
 without cannon. It was impossible to transport 
 cannon across the mountains, by the paths 
 which it was necessary to take to succeed in 
 such a surprise. The clan of Athol was the 
 most numerous in our army, amounting to from 
 twelve to fifteen hundred men. * 
 
 * Excesses may have been committed by the King's 
 troops, quartered in Athol ; but from various circumstances 
 we may venture to affirm, that the above is a very exagger- 
 ated account of them. The conduct of the royal army was 
 very different before the victory at Culloden from what it 
 was afterwards. 
 
 No fewer than thirty posts, great and small, were attacked 
 on the night in question, and all of them were carried. 
 Though there was a good deal of firing, the rebels did not 
 lose one man, and the King's troops not above three or four; 
 and 300 non-commissioned officers and soldiers were taken 
 prisoners. Few, therefore, of the royal army were put to 
 the sword. 
 
 But more humane enemies than the Highlanders, under the 
 influence of the feelings which the barbarous cruelty above 
 alluded to could not fail to excite, would have certainly 
 put a greater number of the soldiers to death. The High- 
 landers had many redeeming virtues, but, as Dr. Geddes, him- 
 .self a Highlander, observed, " they are naturally vindictive ;" 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 155 
 
 The Prince of Hesse was then at Perth, which 
 
 and, in former times, they were often accused not merely of 
 excessive vindictiveness, but even of excessive cruelty ; and 
 no one, w^e believe, ever yet attributed to them any of the 
 weaknesses which arise out of an excessive humanity. Mr. 
 Birt, the author of " Letters from a Gentleman in the North 
 of Scotland, to his Friend in I^ondon," printed in 1754, but 
 written several years before, who had, from his long residence 
 in the Highlands, excellent opportunities of becoming ac- 
 quainted with the character of the people, and whose pene- 
 tration and candour have been spoken of in the highest 
 terms by the late Earl of Selkirk and Sir Walter Scott, 
 expressly states, " that the Highlanders, for the most part, 
 are cruel," though he allows " all clans are not alike mer- 
 ciless. In general they have not generosity enough to give 
 quarter to an enemy that falls in their power ; nor do they 
 seem to have any remorse at shedding blood without neces- 
 sity." In one of the Memoirs relative to the Rebellion of 
 1745, in the second volume of the Lockhart papers, it is said 
 the Highlanders could never be prevailed on to leave any 
 sick or wounded men behind them ; a circumstance which 
 can only be explained by the cruelty of the mode of warfare 
 to which they were accustomed. 
 
 The following particulars relative to this romantic ex- 
 pedition of the Highlanders from Inverness, contained in a 
 letter from Mr. Young, cannot fail to be acceptable to the 
 reader : — 
 
 " I had a full account of the expedition thirty years ago, 
 from the Lady Blairfetty, and from M'Laren, laird of East- 
 haugh, both in Athol. The Lady Blairfetty said there was a 
 garrison in Blairfetty-House, of about fifty men ; — that they 
 did no other mischief to her than eating all her provisions, 
 and that she and her children were starving ; — that she sent 
 a herd-boy to her husband, who was at Inverness with the 
 Highlanders, to see if he could give her any redress, and 
 desired the boy to come back immediately. The hoy did 
 not return ; but four or five nights afterwards, when she was 
 
15(3 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 is three or four leagues from the castle of the 
 
 in bed, she was called up by a rap at her room-door, and 
 she asked what was wanted. A person, whose voice she 
 knew to be that of one of her servants who had gone off 
 with her husband, answered, that Blairfetty was below, and 
 wished to see her immediately. When she went down, she 
 saw the garrison disarmed and prisoners in the dining-room, 
 and about a dozen of her husband's tenants and servants 
 standing over them with drawn swords. Blairfetty desired 
 her to point out any of the prisoners who had behaved ill to 
 her : she answered she had no complaint but what I have 
 stated ; and after remaining four or five days, Blairfetty and 
 his men left the house, taking the officers' words of honour 
 that they would behave with civility, and give his wife and 
 children a share of the provisions they had for themselves ; 
 and they afterwards did behave civilly. The house was 
 pillaged after the battle of Cullodcn. Easthaugh's ac- 
 count was, that he was a boy of about fifteen or sixteen 
 years of age at the time, and joined the Highlanders with 
 a number of his relations, under the guidance of an uncle, 
 I think he said the laird of Orrot ; and that there came 
 to Inverness various complaints of oppression by the sol- 
 diers, upon the families of the Athol gentlemen who were 
 with the Highlanders ; and they all agreed to come off 
 and redress them, and got leave of absence for eight or 
 ten days. They came south to the braes of Athol, and re- 
 mained there until, as they calculated, they could reach 
 their houses about midnight ; and then they separated, every 
 laird with his own men, taking the road to his own house. 
 He accompanied his uncle, and they arrived at his uncle's 
 house about one in the morning. — All was quiet, and hav- 
 ing somehow or other got in, they first took possession of 
 the room where the arms were, and collected all the soldiers 
 from different rooms and out-houses, one after another, and put 
 them into some room or house, with a declaration that if there 
 was the least noise they should be put to death. His uncle 
 and he went to the room where the commander of the party 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 157 
 
 Duke of Athol, at Blair. * And as soon as he 
 received information of this adventure, he im- 
 
 was lying, whom his uncle desired to get up. The officer 
 had his sword at his pillow, and when he was laying his 
 hand upon it, his uncle stabbed him dead. They remained 
 a feAv days, and returned to Inverness, meeting all the de- 
 tachments at the place where they had before separated. I 
 do not remember what he said about the conduct of the 
 soldiers at Orrot, nor did he say any thing about Blair ; but 
 he observed that all the detachments were successful, with 
 little or no bloodshed." 
 
 * Blair is twenty-eight miles distant from Perth. 
 
 Several works, in general circulation, abound in mis- 
 representations with regard to the transactions at Blair. In 
 Smollet's history it is said, " Lord George Murray invested 
 the castle of Blair, which was defended by Sir Andrew 
 Agnew, until a body of Hessians marched to its relief, and 
 obliged the rebels to retire." Lord George Murray re- 
 mained before Blair from the 17th to the 31st of March, 
 when, having received orders to join the army at Inverness, 
 he marched with all his forces to Badenoch. During the 
 blockade nothing memorable happened ; but Mr. Home ac- 
 knowledges that the garrison were reduced to great ex- 
 tremity from want of provisions, and would have been 
 obliged to surrender, if it had lasted a few days longer. 
 
 As Lord George had only seven hundred men with hint, 
 and as nearly six thousand Hessians were within a day's 
 march of Blair, how happens it that they did not, in all this 
 interval between the 17th and 31st, compel him to raise the 
 siege ? Mr. Home could have told, but he did not choose to 
 tell, the cause. The story that the Hessians, when they 
 came to the pass of Killiecranky, were so alarmed at the 
 aspect of the country, that they would not advance farther 
 into it, though repeated in a number of works published in 
 Scotland, is unworthy of a moment's consideration. 
 
 So far the note to the first edition. The Editor, however, 
 conceives himself bound to add the following observations on 
 
1.58 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 mediately dispatched a body of Hessian trooyû 
 to the support of the EngHsh, and to obhge 
 Lord George to raise the siege of the castle, of 
 which he had already formed the blockade. 
 These hussars having attacked Lord George, 
 the Highlanders fell upon them with rapidity 
 and impetuosity, sword in hand ; and running 
 after them as fast as their horses, they killed five 
 or six Hessians, and took one lieutenant prisoner. 
 Next day, Lord George sent back the officer, 
 with a letter to the Prince of Hesse, in which 
 he demanded, in the name of Prince Charles, a 
 cartel, for the exchange of piisoners on both 
 sides ; adding, that if lie would not grant it, all 
 the Hessians who might fall into our hands 
 
 it, by Mr. Young, which have satisfied him of his having been 
 mistaken with respect to the Hessians: — " The pass of Kilhe- 
 cranky is more than two miles long, having a high precipitous 
 mountain above the road, and a precipice below ; and it is 
 to be remembered, that at that time there was no made road, 
 but only a track. A hundred men, from above, could have 
 divided, dispersed, and destroyed a very numerous force. 
 In the Scots Magazine for May, 1808, there is an account of 
 the attack on the castle of Blair, by the Highlanders, written 
 by the late General Melville, who was one of the garrison. 
 He says, that the Hessians were at Dunkeld, and that 
 Lord Crawford, who was along with them, endeavoured to 
 persuade them to advance, but they would not, they were in 
 such terror at the idea of going through the pass. Lord 
 Crawford went through it with some English cavalry, but 
 the Highlanders had gone off that morning. I have always 
 heard that the Hessians marched to the pass, and stopped 
 there, -^ and they were wise." 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 15^ 
 
 should be put to the sword. The Prince of 
 Hesse communicated the letter of Lord George 
 to the Duke of Cumberland, representing the 
 demand as reasonable and just ; but the Duke 
 would not hear of any cartel. The Prince de- 
 clared instantly, that, *' without a cartel, no 
 Hessian should stir from Perth ;" and he added, 
 that he was not so much interested in the 
 quarrel between the Houses of Stuart and 
 Hanover as to sacrifice his subjects in com- 
 bating witli men driven to despair. The Prince 
 kept his vv'ord ; having always remained at Perth 
 with his Hessians, and refusing to advance to 
 the north of Scotland to join the English army, 
 as the Duke of Cumberland wished him to do. 
 
 The Duke of Cumberland, on his arrival at 
 Aberdeen, a considerable city, nearly 12 leagues 
 from Inverness *, distributed his army in quar- 
 ters in that city and its neighbourhood, with the 
 intention of remaining there till the commence- 
 ment of the fine weather in the spring ; and the 
 little town of Keith in Strathbogie, where he 
 had part of his troops, was almost in the centre 
 of the places occupied by him. Mr. Glasgow, 
 an Irish officer, in the service of France, pro- 
 posed to the Prince to carry their post at Keith j 
 and pledged himself to effect this with a detach- 
 ment of only two hundred men. The Prince, 
 at first hesitated, having great doubts of the 
 success ; but at length he gave his consent. The 
 
 * Inverness is about TOO miles from Aberdeen. 
 
l60 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 enterprise of Glasgow was equally bold and dan- 
 gerous ; however, he conducted himself like a 
 prudent and skilful officer, and succeeded in the 
 most complete manner. He arrived at Keith at 
 one o'clock in the morning, without being dis- 
 covered, and exactly at the termination of the 
 time he had calculated his march would occupy. 
 On the centinel before the guard-house calling 
 out •* Who goes there?" Mr. Glasgow replied, 
 ** A friend," and advanced himself to the cen- 
 tinel, whom he killed with his dirk. The High- 
 landers immediately rushed on the guard, who 
 at first made some resistance, but were soon dis- 
 armed. Then, without losing a moment, they 
 flew through the town, making prisoners of the 
 soldiers, who were quartered in the houses of 
 the inhabitants ; and Mr. Glasgow managed 
 matters so well, that, in less than an hour, he 
 accomplished his object, and retired with a 
 hundred and eighty prisoners*, wliom he pre- 
 sented next day to the Prince. This bold en- 
 terprise had a very good effect, and made such 
 an impression on the English, that, conceiving 
 themselves insecure every where, they were 
 obliged to redouble their service in the midst of 
 winter, in that cold and mountainous country ; 
 the fatiffues of which occasioned so much dis- 
 ease, that the hospitals of Aberdeen, the head- 
 quarters of the Duke of Cumberland, were 
 continually filled with their sick. 
 
 * Mr. Home makes the number of tlie iletachment at 
 Keith 70 infantry, and 'iO horse. 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. iGl 
 
 Lord Loudon, with his corps, frequently ha- 
 rassed and annoyed us : he sent detachments 
 across the arm of the sea between himself and 
 us, and kept us continually on the alert. When 
 we attempted to attack them, they re-embarked, 
 and crossed immediately to the other side; and 
 as we could not pursue them for want of ship- 
 ping, we were obliged to put up with their in- 
 sults. This position of Lord Loudon was the 
 more alarming to us, as we were assured tlie 
 Duke of Cumberland only waited for favourable 
 weather to attack us ; and his Lordship might 
 cross this arm of the sea or frith, whilst we were 
 engaged with the English, and thus place us be- 
 tween two fires. It was, therefore, deemed an ob- 
 ject of the highest importance that we should at- 
 tack Lord Loudon, and disperse his detachment. 
 
 The Prince ordered all the fishing-boats, large 
 and small, to be found at Speymouth, and the 
 other little ports of our side of the frith, which 
 is about a league in breadth, to be brought to 
 Findhorn ; and during the night between the 
 19th and âOth of March, we embarked as many 
 men in them as they could contain, under the 
 orders of the Duke of Perth, who was appointed 
 to command this expedition. The Duke took 
 with him about eighteen hundred men ; and a 
 very thick fog, which came on in the morning, 
 having greatly favoured the enterprise, he landed 
 his detachment very near the enemy, who did 
 not perceive our troops till they were within 
 jfiifty paces of them, advancing rapidly sword in 
 
 M 
 
li'i'i MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 hand. The enemy were so much confounded 
 on seeing the Highlanders ready to fall on them, 
 that the greater part threw down their arms, and 
 surrendered themselves prisoners of war. A 
 few escaped by flight, and Lord Loudon was of 
 the number. The Duke of Perth returned the 
 same day to Inverness with some hundred pri- 
 soners, without having fired a single shot, or 
 shed one drop of blood. * 
 
 * There is here an inaccuracy. Lord Loudon, on the ap- 
 proach of the rebels to Inverness, retreated across the 
 Murray Frith, at the ferry of Kessock, to Ross-shire. In 
 the beginning of March, Lord Cromarty was sent into Ross- 
 shire with a detachment to dislodge Lord Loudon, who 
 stood his ground till the Duke of Perth and Lord George 
 Murray arrived with a strong reinforcement. Lord Loudon 
 then retreated across the Frith of Tain to Sutherland, quar- 
 tering his troops in the town of Dornoch, and the neigli- 
 bouring country. Lord George Murray left the Duke of 
 Perth to prosecute the war against Lord Loudon, and pro- 
 ceeded, as has been already mentioned, to Athol. The Duke 
 of Perth having collected a number of boats brought them 
 to the toivn of Tain, which is directly opposite to Dornoch, 
 embarked as many men as he could in the boats ; he him- 
 self, with a considerable force, marching about by the head 
 of the Frith. The boats landed under cover of a thick fog, 
 without being discovered. The Duke of Perth, on uniting 
 his forces, came up, near Dornoch, with 200 men, com- 
 manded by a major, who had received information of the 
 approach of the enemy by Lord Loudon, and was marching 
 to join him ; and the major, and four or five officers, and 
 sixty men, were made prisoners. The rest dispersed. Lord 
 Loudon, after this disaster, separated his force ; he himself, 
 with President Forbes and the Laird of Macleod, marched 
 through Sutherland, to the sea-coast, and embarked, with 
 800 men, to the Isle of Sky. Several of the officers and 
 men retreated to Lord Reah's country. 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. l6S 
 
 On the 19t}i, after the detachment was as- 
 signed to the Duke of Perth, Mr. Macdonald of 
 Scothouse came to pass the day with me. He 
 was about forty years of age, had a fine coun- 
 tenance, and to his agreeable exterior he added 
 a noble and commanding figure. He had all 
 the qualities which usually distinguish a worthy 
 and gallant man ; brave, polished, obliging, he 
 possessed at the same time a cultivated mind, 
 and a sound judgment. Although our acquaint- 
 ance had only commenced with the Prince's ex- 
 pedition, I soon learned to appreciate his merit, 
 and the charms of his society ; and notwithstand- 
 ing the disproportion of our ages, we were united 
 together in the closest friendship. He enter- 
 tained for me all the affection of a father. As he 
 was naturally of a gay disposition, the grief in 
 which he appeared on his entrance attracted my 
 notice. On enquiring the cause, this worthy 
 man replied, with tears in his eyes, •* Ah I my 
 friend, you know not what it is to be a father. 
 I am one of the detachment which is to set out 
 this evening to attack Lord Loudon ; you are 
 ignorant that a son whom I adore is an officer 
 in his regiment. 1 thought myself fortunate in 
 being able to procure such a situation for this 
 youth, being unable to anticipate the landing of 
 the Prince in Scotland. Perhaps, to-morrow, I 
 may be so unfortunate as to kill my son with my 
 own hand ; and thus the same ball which I fire 
 in my defence may give to myself the most, qruel 
 death 3 However, in going with the detachment, 
 M 2 
 
164 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 I may be able to save him ; and, if I do not go, 
 he may fall by the hands of another." The 
 recital of poor Scothouse distressed me very 
 much, and I could not refrain from mingling my 
 tears with his, although I had never seen the 
 young man, the subject of such painful anxiety 
 to an affectionate father. I kept him with me the 
 whole day, endeavouring, by every means in my 
 power, to divert his attention from so melancholy 
 a subject, and made him promise, on his taking 
 leave of me, to visit me immediately on his return 
 from the expedition. Next evening, I heard 
 a loud knocking at my door ; and running to it, 
 I perceived this good father, holding a hand- 
 some young man by the hand. He instantly 
 called out, with eyes sparkling with joy, " Here, 
 my friend, here is he, who caused me yesterday 
 so much anxiety. I took him prisoner myself, 
 and, having secured him, I troubled myself very 
 little about taking others." He then shed tears 
 of joy ; very different from the tears of the pre- 
 ceding evening. We supped all three together 
 in my apartment ; and I scarce ever enjoyed 
 more satisfaction than in witnessing this tender 
 scene between the father and son. 
 ; Mr. Cameron of Lochiel departed with his 
 clan for his own country on the 18th of March, 
 taking with him Mr. Grant, and a few field- 
 pieces, which we found in the castle of Inverness 
 on its surrender, to lay siege to Fort William, 
 in his neighbourhood, which greatly harassed 
 his vassals. He began the siege on the ^Oth, 
 
REBELLION OF I74v5. 165 
 
 and it lasted only a few days. It was the last 
 of the Highland forts that remained to be taken ; 
 and when it came into our possession, it was im- 
 mediately rased like the rest. * 
 
 Having taken a greater number of English sol- 
 diers prisoners since the commencement of our 
 expedition, than that of all the Highlanders in 
 our army, it became extremely difficult to know 
 how to dispose of them. As our ambulatory 
 army was always in motion, they continually es- 
 caped, so that at last very few remained with us; 
 and, what was still worse, they joined their dif- 
 ferent regiments, so that we had always to en- 
 counter the same men whom we had vanquished 
 before, and whose lives we had spared. It was 
 a very considerable advantage to the English to 
 gain, in this manner, thousands of soldiers for 
 their army to whom they had no longer any 
 right. There were two ways of avoiding this in- 
 convenience ; either to send them to France, 
 which was not an easy matter, from the difficulty 
 of obtaining transports, or to make no prisoners, 
 
 * Fort William was besieged, but never taken. A de- 
 tachment of 300 Irish piquets was first sent off under General 
 Stapleton, which was to be joined by the Camerons, the 
 Macdonalds of Keppoch, and the Stuarts of Appin, all of 
 whom were to be under the command of Lochiel, on his ar- 
 rival at Fort William. The Highlanders appeared before 
 the fortress in the end of February ; but the hilly road be- 
 tween Inverness and Fort William retarded the march of 
 the French soldiers and the cannon so much, that it occupied 
 a number of days ; and the fire from the batteries did not 
 open till the 20th of March. On the 3d of April the siege 
 was raised. 
 
 M 3 
 
l66 MEMOIKS OF THE 
 
 but put all the enemy to the sword, which, per- 
 haps, might be deemed fighting on equal terms, 
 as every Scotsman who was made a prisoner was 
 sure to perish on the scaffold. The latter al- 
 ternative appears extremely harsh to those who 
 are as humanely disposed as we were, and yet it 
 was but consonant to justice. Indeed this was the 
 only kind of warfare that we ought to have 
 adopted, to infuse more terror into the enemy, 
 and prevent us from having to combat the same 
 individuals over and over again. Besides, the 
 English soldiers, when once dispersed, would not 
 have been so anxious to join their colours as 
 they actually were, nor to expose themselves, by 
 escaping from us, a second time to the swords 
 of the Highlanders, when knew they would re- 
 ceive no quarter : but they perceived that our 
 humanity bordered upon weakness, and that 
 they only ran the risk of being once more taken 
 prisoners. 
 
 Mr. Peter Smitii, of whom I have already 
 spoken, and who had always very singular ideas, 
 suggested to the Prince a means of extricating 
 ourselves from this dilemma, which w^as, to cut 
 off the thumbs of their right hands, to render 
 them incapable of holding their muskets. But 
 the excessive attachment of the Prince for the 
 English nation, the executioners of his family, 
 prevented him from adopting any expedient 
 which could give them the smallest umbrage. 
 
 We had from four to five hundred officers, 
 prisoners, to whom the Prince gave permission 
 
REBELLION OE IJiÔ. 1(J7 
 
 to go wherever they pleased, on their parole 
 not to serve against him, for the space of eighteen 
 months. The Prince obhged those who were 
 taken prisoners at Falkirk, to add their oath to 
 their parole, to bind them more effectually ; but 
 the Duke of Cumberland, on leaving Edinburgh, 
 sent circular letters to all the English officers, 
 our prisoners of war, to absolve them from their 
 parole and their oath ; declaring that they could 
 not be bound by any parole given to rebels ; and 
 he added, that unless they immediately joined 
 their respective regiments, he would punish their 
 disobedience, by disposing of their commissions 
 to others. To the eternal disgrace of the Eng- 
 lish officers, there were only four who refused 
 to accept of the absolution of the Duke of Cum- 
 berland, viz. Sir Peter Halket, lieutenant-colonel 
 of Lee's regiment, taken at the battle of Glads- 
 muir, and Mr. Ross, son of Lord Ross, with two 
 other officers, who replied, *' That he was master 
 of their commissions, but not of their probity 
 and honour." * 
 
 * This disgraceful conduct, on the part of the officers who 
 broke their parole, though mentioned in all the narratives of 
 that period, is not so much as even alluded to by Mr. Home, 
 whose great object seems to have been to utter no truths 
 unpalatable to the reigning family. We do not accuse him 
 of stating untruths, but of suppressing most material truths. 
 We only learn incidentally from him in a note, that General 
 Hawley intended to employ the company of volunteers, of 
 which he (Mr. H.) was lieutenant, in bringing away the of- 
 ficers sent to several places on their parole, but that they 
 refused to undertake the service. Other historians, however, 
 
 M 4 
 
I(j8 MEMOIRS Ol-' THE 
 
 We learned at Inverness, that tlie Duke of 
 Cumberland, having assembled his army, had 
 set out from Aberdeen, on the 8th of April, and 
 taken tlie road by Old Meldrum and Banff. The 
 Prince immediately dispatched Lord John Drum- 
 mond to Elgin, with his regiment of Royal Scots, 
 the five piquets of flie Irisji brigade. Lord Elcho 
 and our cavalry, and the piquet of Fitzjames's 
 regiment, recently landed at Peterhead, without 
 horses, but with saddles, bridles, and other ca- 
 valry equipments, which was hastily mounted on 
 such horses as could be got. Lord John was 
 instructed to throw up entrenchments along the 
 banks of the Spey, and to dispute the passage 
 of that river v/ith theDuke of Cumberland. The 
 Prince, relying on the resistance of Lord John, 
 who, he supposed, would have recourse to every 
 possible device to defend the ford, and who, if 
 he could not render it altogether impassable, 
 would, at least, by fortifying it with strong in- 
 trenchments, retard the approach of the Duke 
 of Cumberland, expected to have had sufficient 
 time to assemble his whole army, of which nearly 
 the half had gone home to see their families, 
 along with the chiefs, w^ho intended to order 
 out every vassal, without exception, capable of 
 
 have recorded, to the honour of George II., " That the con- 
 duct of Sir Peter Halket, and the few gentlemen who, like 
 him, adhered punctually to their parole, was approved of by 
 that monarch." 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 169 
 
 bearing arms. Besides, the excessive scarcity 
 of provisions at Inverness was an additional mo- 
 tive for permitting them to return home, as the 
 Prince was convinced that they would cheerfully 
 join his army the moment they received orders 
 for that purpose. 
 
 The astonishment which prevailed at Inver- 
 ness, when the information came upon us like a 
 clap of thunder, that the Duke of Cumberland 
 had forded the river Spey, without experiencing 
 the least opposition, may be easily conceived. 
 Lord Elcho, who always distinguished himself, 
 alone appeared at the ford, with the life-guards, 
 and exchanged a few shots with the English, 
 whilst they were in the river j but they were 
 immediately obliged to fall back ; and had 
 much difficulty to effect their retreat, being 
 hotly pursued by the English cavalry. Lord 
 John Drummond had remained at Elgin, with 
 the corps of infantry under his command, with- 
 out taking any steps to oppose the passage of 
 the river. 
 
 Mr. Hunter of Burnside, an officer in the life- 
 guards, narrowly escaped being made prisoner. 
 On firing his pistol at the enemy, he accidentally 
 wounded his horse in the neck, who threw him ; 
 but the moment the English were on the point 
 of seizing him, he sprung up behind a life- 
 guards-man, and they both saved themselves. 
 The ignorance of Lord John Drummond in the 
 art of war appears the more extraordinary, as 
 he was a general officer in the service of France. 
 
170 MEMOIRS OF THfc 
 
 It is astonishing that persons of illustrious houses, 
 destined, by their birth, to command armies, to 
 fill the highest offices in the state, and to act 
 the first parts in the kingdom, should not apply 
 with keenness and assiduity to the study of 
 military affiiirs, in order to enable themselves to 
 discharge their duty with honour and dis^ 
 tinction, to the advantage of their king and 
 country ; especially as the shame and disgrace 
 which necessarily attach to the military blunders 
 they are continually liable to commit, from their 
 ignorance in the art of war, can never be ef- 
 faced during the rest of their lives. * 
 
 As the Duke of Cumberland advanced, our 
 out-posts fell back upon Inverness. The Prince 
 ordered all the chiefs, who had leave of ab- 
 sence, to join him with the utmost diligence. 
 In the mean time he had the mortification to 
 leani, that the Earl of Cromarty, and his son 
 
 * We have already observed, in a note, page 14., that it 
 is now generally allowed, a superior force may always pass 
 a river without much difficulty. The royal army advanced 
 to the Spey in three divisions ; one of the divisions entered 
 the river at a ford near Gormach ; another division at the 
 ford by Gordon Castle ; and the third at a ford near the 
 church of Belly. To defend all these fords with the handful 
 of men which Lord John had under his orders was im- 
 practicable. From the great difficulty of the fords, how- 
 ever, some of which do not run straight across, but in a zig- 
 zag direction, considerable mischief might have been done 
 to the royal army in crossing ; and it was generally expected 
 that the passage would be disputed. Mr. Home, erro- 
 neously, states the rebel force at the Spey to have been un- 
 der the command of the Duke oï Perth. 
 
REBELLION OF l^iÔ. I7I 
 
 Lord Macleod, having been surprised in the 
 castle of the Countess of Sutherland, by a de- 
 tachment commanded by Mr. Mackay, in the 
 service of King George, had been made pri- 
 soners, and sent on board the Hound ship of 
 war, to be transported to London. This mis- 
 fortune deprived the Prince of the clan of 
 Mackenzie, amounting to about five or six 
 hundred men. 
 
 For some time provisions had become very 
 scarce at Inverness, and our army suffered very 
 much from want of food. Our military chest, 
 too, was empty, as the Prince had not, at most, 
 above five hundred Louis, and we were without 
 hope of obtaining any pecuniary supplies in the 
 Highlands, into which we had blindly pre- 
 cipitated ourselves, from the extreme indigence 
 of the inhabitants. Every body felt the distress 
 more or less. We were shut up in the moun- 
 tains, and our communication with the Low 
 Country was entirely cut off by the English 
 army. The richest lords in our army were 
 very much embarrassed to find means to defray 
 their daily expenses, being unable to obtain any 
 money from their tenants. 
 
 The Prince left Inverness on the 13th of AprO, 
 to occupy a position which he had chosen for the 
 field of battle, at the distance of half a league 
 from that town j and we continued there day 
 and night, sleeping on the bare ground, in the 
 open air, without tents or any shelter from the 
 inclemency of the weather. The Highlanders 
 
17^ :vii:moirs of the 
 
 had no other nourishment than some biscuits and 
 water. 1 never quitted my friend Scothouse, 
 who shared with me all the provisions that he 
 could find ; giving me, at the same time, during 
 the nights, which were very cold, the half of 
 his covering, and a part of the straw, which the 
 Highlanders of his regiment had procured for 
 him. 
 
 The 15th of April was the birth-day of the 
 Duke of Cumberland ; and the Prince, conceiv- 
 ing that the English would on that day be in. 
 toxicated, and might, therefore, be taken by 
 surprise, formed the project of attacking the 
 Duke in the night-time, in his camp at Nairn, 
 which was from three to four leagues from the 
 place, near the Castle of Culloden, where we had 
 remained since the 13th. For this purpose, he 
 immediately ordered our army to set out, with- 
 out noise, about eight o'clock in the evening, 
 marching in two columns. Lord George, as 
 usual, was at the head of the first, which served 
 as a guide to the Prince, who commanded the 
 second himself. This march across the coun- 
 try, in a dark night, which did not allow us to 
 follow any track, had the inevitable fate of all 
 night-marches. It was extremely fatiguing, and 
 accompanied with confusion and disorder. The 
 Highlanders, who could not keep together'from 
 the difficulty of the roads, were dispersed, more 
 or less, and we had many stragglers. Besides, 
 as there were a great many bad places to cross 
 in the dark, it would have been impossible for 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 173 
 
 the best disciplined troops to have preserved 
 any thing like order. 
 
 When Lord George, at the head of the first 
 column, was at the distance of about a quarter 
 of a league from the English, at the entrance 
 into a meadow whicli led to their camp, he 
 halted his column, and immediately acquainted 
 the Prince that it was absolutely necessary to 
 wait a little, to form the Highlanders in order of 
 battle, as they came up, with the view of present- 
 ing a front, and attacking the enemy together 
 and without confusion. This advice of Lord 
 George was highly approved of by Mr. Hep- 
 burn of Keith, and Mr. Cameron of Lochiel, 
 who were with him at the head of the first 
 column, and has always appeared to me sensible 
 and correct ; but the Prince, who did not see 
 the necessity of waiting to form the men in or- 
 der of battle, and attacking in a body, instead 
 of advancing confusedly and unconnectedly, 
 sent an aide-de-camp to Lord George, with or- 
 ders to fall upon the camp of the Duke of 
 Cumberland as soon as he should reach it, what- 
 ever number of men might be with him. As 
 soon as Lord George received the answer of the 
 Prince, he instantly retrograded by a road 
 to the left, instead of continuing to advance 
 against the English. He observed to Mr. Hep- 
 burn, that it was too late ; that the day would 
 begin to appear before they could arrive at the 
 camp of the Duke of Cumberland ; and that, 
 the enemy being aware of our approach, might 
 
174» MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 take advantage of our situation, and attack us 
 while disordered and dispersed. Mr. Hepburn 
 replied, that there would be no great harm if we 
 had a little day-light to assist the Highlanders 
 in using their sw^ords to advantage ; but Lord 
 George would not listen to him, and was im- 
 moveable in his resolution of returning to the 
 Castle of Culloden immediately, without at- 
 tempting any thing. As the Prince was unac- 
 quainted with the retreat of Lord George, he 
 imagined that the first column was still before 
 him, and nearly entered the camp of the ene- 
 my ; but as soon as he perceived his mistake, 
 he turned back, and our army arrived at Cul- 
 loden about seven o'clock in the morning, worn 
 out with fatigue, and enraged at having at- 
 tempted nothing. 
 
 I could never comprehend why the Prince 
 wished to attack the English army, so much 
 superior in number to his own, with only a part 
 of his men, in disorder, without waiting till the 
 rest should come up, and without forming them 
 in order of- battle, to present a front of attack. 
 A shameful repulse would have been the inevit- 
 able consequence of such an attack. A surprise 
 ought not only to be judiciously planned, all 
 the measures which it may naturally lead the 
 enemy to adopt being foreseen, but it ought to 
 be conducted and executed at the same time 
 with wisdom, and attention to all the means 
 necessary to ensure success. An enemy sur- 
 prised, is, no doubt, half conquered j but the 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 17.5 
 
 case IS altered, if he have time to recover from 
 his confusion. In that case he may not only 
 contrive to escape, but even to destroy his 
 opponent. 
 
 I do not mean to justify the conduct of Lord 
 George, in retiring with the first column, con- 
 trary to the express orders of the Prince, and 
 without informing him of it. Had he waited 
 at the entrance into the meadow, for the arrival 
 of the whole army, which had separated from 
 the obscurity of the night and the badness of 
 the roads, he might have insisted on the abso- 
 lute necessity of forming in order of battle, in 
 order to begin the attack like people in their 
 senses, and have convinced the Prince of the 
 absurdity of acting otherwise. The Irishmen, 
 whom the Prince had adopted as his only coun- 
 sellors on all occasions, men of the most limited 
 capacities, endeavoured, by all manner of clan- 
 destine reports, to cause it to be believed that, 
 in acting as he did on this occasion, Lord George 
 had betrayed the Prince ; but, knowing him 
 better than any other person, perhaps, I can 
 only attribute his disobedience of the Prince's 
 orders to the violence and impetuosity of his 
 character. * 
 
 * The night-march to Nairn has been the subject of much 
 bitter controversy. The importance of this measure will 
 be our excuse for entering at some length into the consider- 
 ation of it. 
 
 The following is the account given of it by Mr. Home : — 
 "When mid-day (the 15th) came, and the King's arnay 
 
176 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Exhausted with hunger, and worn out with 
 the excessive fatigue of the three last nights, as 
 
 did not appear, it was concluded that they had not moved 
 from their camp at Nairn, and would not move that day, 
 which was the Duke of Cumberland's birth-day. About 
 two o'clock, the men were ordered to their quarters, and 
 Charles, calling together the generals and chiefs, made them 
 a speech, in which he proposed to march with all his forces 
 in the evening, and make a night-attack upon the Duke of 
 Cumberland's army, in their camp at Nairn. 
 
 " At first nobody seemed to relish this proposal ; and the 
 Duke of Perth and Lord John Drummond expressed their 
 dislike of it. Lochiel, who was not a man of many words, 
 said that the army would be stronger next day by 1500 
 men at least ; but when Lord George Murray rose and se- 
 conded the proposal made by Charles, insisting and enlarg- 
 ing upon the advantage of a night-attack, that rendered 
 cannon and cavalry (in which the superiority of the Duke's 
 army chiefly consisted) of little service, it was agreed to 
 make the attempt, as the best thing that could be done in 
 their present circumstances, for they were almost entirely 
 destitute both of money and provisions. 
 
 " When the officers went to their regiments they found 
 that a great number of soldiers had gone to Inverness, and 
 places adjacent, to procure provisions. Officers were sent 
 from every regiment to bring the men back ; but they re- 
 fused to come, bidding the officers shoot them if they pleased, 
 for they would not come back till they had got some food. 
 This happened between six and seven o'clock in the even- 
 ing ; and, as the army was to march at eight, the absence 
 of so many men seemed to put an end to the design of 
 a night-attack ; but Charles was bent upon making the 
 attack. He made the chiefs and colonels assemble what 
 men they could, and at eight o'clock gave orders to Lord 
 George Murray to march. Lord George put himself at 
 the head of tlie army, and marched with great alacrity (o 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. I77 
 
 soon as we reached Culloden I turned off as fast 
 as I could to Inverness, where, eager to recruit 
 
 execute the design of a night-attack, which he himself had 
 formed ; and it was to have been executed in the following 
 manner : 
 
 " The rivern Nairn passes within half a mile of Drum- 
 mossie Muir, (the field of battle,) and runs from that straight 
 east towards the town of Nairn, which stands, as Culloden 
 does, on the north side of the river. Lord George Murray 
 intended to march with the army in a body, till they were 
 past the house of Kilraik, or Kilravock, (ten miles from 
 Culloden, on the direct road to the town of Nairn,) then to 
 divide his troops, and cross the river with the van, (making 
 about one-third of the army,) which he himself commanded, 
 at a place about two miles distant from Nairn, and march 
 on, having two-thirds of the army on the north side, and 
 one-third on the south side of the river, till both of them 
 came near the Duke's camp ; then to cross the river again 
 with his own division, and attack the King's army at once, 
 from the south and from the west. This was the plan of 
 the night-attack ; which, if it had been executed as it was 
 projected, would, in the opinion of some of the bravest 
 officers in the Duke's army, have proved not a little dan- 
 gerous. 
 
 " The Highland army marched from Culloden in a column, 
 or rather in a long line of march, with an interval in the 
 middle, as if there were two columns, one following the 
 other. 
 
 " Lord George Murray marched in the front of the first 
 column, at the head of the Athol brigade. Lord John 
 Drummond was in the rear of that division or column ; 
 Charles and the Duke of Perth were in the interval between . 
 the two columns, that is, in the centre of the line of march. 
 Two officei's, and between twenty or thirty men of the 
 Mackintosh regiment, who knew the road very well, for 
 they lived in that part of the country, were distributed 
 along the line as guides. 
 
 N 
 
178 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 my strength by a little sleep, I tore off' my 
 clothes, half asleep all the while ; but when I 
 
 " Soon after the Highlanders left CuUoden it grew very 
 dark, and as they kept no road, that they might avoid some 
 houses on the highway to Nairn, they were obliged to march 
 through some very wet and deep ground, which retarded 
 them much, especially those that were in the rear : they 
 had not marched far, when a messenger came up to the 
 front, desiring that the van should halt, for the other column 
 was a great way behind. The van did not halt, but an order 
 was given for the men to march slower ; notwithstanding 
 this order, the rear still lost ground, and many messengers 
 were sent, insisting that the van should halt and wait for 
 them. 
 
 " While they proceeded in this manner, a great deal of 
 time was lost, and the night was far spent before they 
 reached Kilravock. 
 
 " The Highlanders had passed the house and wood of 
 Kilravock, and the van of their army was about a mile from 
 the place where Lord George Murray intended to cross the 
 river, when Lord John Drummond, who had often come up 
 before and whispered Lord George Murray to order a halt, 
 came up again, and said aloud to Lord George, ' Why will 
 you go on? there is a gap in the line half a mile long; the 
 men wont come up ;' Lord George Murray ordered a halt. 
 
 *' Lochiel, whose regiment marched next to the Athol 
 brigade, came up to the front, and joining Lord George 
 Murray, Lord John Drummond, and General Sullivan, with 
 some volunteers, who had marched all night in the front, 
 consulted what was best to be done : they knew, by their 
 repeating watches, that it was two o'clock in the morning ; 
 and, as Nairn was more than three miles off, it was evi- 
 dent from the time they had taken in marching hither, 
 that it would be broad day-light before they could reach 
 Nairn. Lord George Murray said, it was a free parliament, 
 and desired every body to speak, and give their opinion, for 
 they were all equally concerned. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 179 
 
 had already one leg in the bed, and was on the 
 point of stretching myself between the sheets, 
 
 " Most of them did speak, but they differed in opinion. 
 Some advised a retreat, as day -light was so near, and they 
 could not expect to surprise the enemy. Others declared 
 themselves for marching on to Nairn. Lord George 
 Murray, provoked that his favourite design of a night- 
 attack was frustrated, joined those who advised a retreat, 
 and answered every person who spoke for going on, of whom 
 the most determined was Mr. Hepburn, who urged Lord 
 George Murray to lose no time, but order the men to march 
 on to Nairn as fast as they could. While Mr. Hepburn 
 was speaking, a drum beat ; — ' Don't you hear,' said Lord 
 George, ' the enemy are alarmed? we can't surprise them.' 
 — ' I never expected,' said Mr. Hepburn, ' to find them 
 asleep ; but it is much better to march on and attack them 
 tlian to retreat, for they will most certainly follow, and 
 oblige us to fight when we shall be in a much worse con- 
 dition to fight them than we are now.' 
 
 " During this altercation between Lord George Murray 
 and Mr. Hepburn, John Hay (then acting as secretary) 
 came up, and hearing what they said, immediately rode 
 back to Charles, who was in the centre of the line of march, 
 and told him that unless he came to the front and ordered 
 Lord George Murray to go on, nothing would be done. 
 Charles, who was on horseback, set out instantly, and riding 
 pretty fast, met the Highland army marching back to Cul- 
 loden. He was extremely incensed, and said, ' Lord George 
 Murray had betrayed him.' " 
 
 Such is the account given by Mr. Home. 
 
 Lord George, in a letter to Mr. Hamilton of Bangour, 
 dated the 5th of August, 1749, published by Mr. Home in 
 his Appendix, says, that it was the opinion of himself and 
 all the chiefs who were present at the quarters of the Prince 
 on the 15th, that they should retire to a strong ground on 
 the other side of the water of Nairn, where, if the Duke of 
 
 N 2 
 
180 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 what was my surprise to hear the drum beat to 
 arms, and the trumpets of the piquet of Fitz- 
 
 Cumberland aUacked them, they would be able to give a 
 good account of him ; and, if he did not venture to cross 
 that water, and come up to them tliere, they proposed (if no 
 opportunity offered of attacking him to advantage) to retire 
 further and draw him up to the mountains, where he might 
 be attacked at some pass or strong ground ; that the ground 
 on the other side of the water was surveyed by Brigadier 
 Stapleton and Colonel Carr that day, who returned about 
 three o'clock with a report confirming the account of the 
 strength of the situation ; but, notwithstanding this it was 
 determined not to take that ground, but to wait the enemy 
 in the plain moor. The Prince had declared, two days 
 before, he was resolved to attack the enemy without waiting 
 for those who were to join them, (the expression was, had he 
 but a thousand men he would attack them,) and it was only 
 after the rejection of the proposition to retire across the 
 Nairn, that the night-attack and surprising the enemy was 
 agreed on, with a view to avoid fighting on that plain moor. 
 He was only, however, for the night-attack if it could be 
 made before two in the morning, so as to surprise the enemy; 
 in which case alone any hopes of success could reasonably 
 be entertained. Betwixt six and seven in the evening, a 
 little before the march should have begun, the men went 
 off on all hands, to shift for themselves, both for provisions 
 and quarters, (Lord George toas positive to the number 
 of 2000 men,) and the officers who were sent after them 
 could not bring them back ; and there was not then one 
 officer who did not declare himself in the strongest terms 
 for laying aside the resolution of surprising the enemy ; but 
 though it was by that time eight o'clock, or past it, the Prince 
 continued bent on the thing, and gave Lord George orders 
 to march. When the van, after slackening their course 
 several times for the rear, was at last obliged to halt for 
 it at two o'clock in the morning, it was full four miles distant 
 from Nairn ; and all the principal officers, considering that 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 181 
 
 James sounding the call to boot and saddle, which 
 struck me like a clap of thunder. I hurried an 
 
 they could not, even by a quick march, advance tivo miles be- 
 fore day -break ; that they must be for two miles in the enemy's 
 sight before they could come at them ; and they had not half 
 of the men then that had been drawn up the day before, 
 agreed that it was expedient to march back with as much ex- 
 pedition as possible. Mr. O'Sullivan came up to the front 
 and said, His lloyal Highness v/ould be very glad to have the 
 attack made ; bat, as Lord George Murray was in the van, 
 he could best judge whether it could be done in time or not. 
 As the Prince was a mile back, and there was no way in 
 the dark to ride through the wood but by the line, it would 
 have been a work of considerable time to send backwards 
 and forwards, and he deemed it advisable to begin the 
 retreat without waiting for the orders of the Prince. What- 
 ever may be the rule in a regular army, it had all along 
 been the practice in their army, that, at critical junctures, the 
 commanding officers did every thing of their own accord 
 which they conceived to be for the best. At Gladsmuir, he 
 neither received nor waited for orders, from the time he 
 passed the defile till the battle was over ; and, in like man- 
 ner, at Clifton, notwithstanding positive orders from the 
 Prince to retreat, it having been agreed on by himself and 
 the officers who were with him, that to retreat when the enemy 
 were within less than musket-shot would be very danger- 
 ous, and that to save themselves from destruction they had 
 nothing for it but a brisk attack, after receiving the enemy's 
 fire, they advanced sword in hand, and dislodged them, and 
 then retreated in good order. At the battle of Falkirk, he 
 never received an order or message from the Prince after he 
 passed the water at Dunipace, till the battle was over. 
 
 The account of this retreat, given by John Hay, the oc- 
 casional secretary, is as follows : — 
 
 " At the halt, which tuas the last of a good many, Hay 
 came up, and heard Lord George Murray arguing 
 
 N 3 
 
182 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 my clothes, my eyes half shut, and mounting a 
 horse, I instantly repaired to our army, on the 
 
 against going on, particularly with Hepburn of Keith, He 
 immediately rode back to Charles, Avho was in the rear of 
 the first column, and told him, that if he did not come to the 
 front of the army, and order Lord George Murray to go on, 
 there would be nothing done. Charles, who was on horse- 
 back, set out immediately, and riding pretty fast, met the 
 Highlanders marching back. He was extremely incensed, 
 and said, ' Lord George Murray had betrayed him.' 
 
 When Charles himself was applied to, many years after- 
 wards, for the purpose of ascertaining from him whether Lord 
 Gebrge Murray began the retreat without orders, he an- 
 swered, " Lord George Murray led the van of the army 
 in the night-march, and M. le Comte (the Prince) marched 
 in the rear. Upon the army's halting, M. le Comte rode up 
 to the front to enquire the occasion of the halt. Upon his 
 arrival. Lord George Murray convinced M. le Comte of the 
 unavoidable necessity of retreating." 
 
 That Lord George Murray therefore retreated without 
 orders from the Prince is evident enough ; but he did not 
 retreat without the concurrence of the chiefs and officers ; and 
 he had never, in critical conjunctures, waited for orders from 
 the Prince to determine in what manner he should act. The 
 presence of the Prince in the expedition might, for various 
 reasons, be of great advantage to it ; but it is evident, from 
 the imbecility of his character, and his complete ignorance of 
 military affairs, that he was utterly unfit to direct any operation 
 Avhatever, and that his interference could hardly ever fail to 
 be attended with detriment, as it certainly was, in ordering the 
 night-attack under such unfavourable circumstances. It is 
 quite enough for the justification of Lord George Murray, 
 that, at the time the retreat was determined on, it was the 
 best measure which the army could adopt ; for it requires 
 very little knowledge of military matters to be able to pro- 
 nounce, that there was every reason for anticipating certain 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 183 
 
 eminence on which we had remained for three 
 days, and from which we saw the EngUsh army at 
 
 destruction from persisting in the advance against the enemy. 
 The conduct of Lord George, on this occasion, as we learn 
 from a letter from a rebel officer, (dated 16th May, 1746, and 
 bearing so close a resemblance to the letter to Mr. Hamilton 
 of Bangour, above alluded to, that it has generally been sup- 
 posed the composition of Lord George himself, (published in 
 the Lockhart Papers, vol. ii. p. 533., was approved of by the 
 Duke of Perth, the Duke of Athol, (Marquis of Tullibardine,) 
 Lord John Drummond, Lord Ogilvie, Colonel Stuart of 
 Ardshiel, Colonel John Roy Stuart, Lord Nairn, and all the 
 principal officers who were present at Ruthven in Badenoch, 
 two days after the battle of Culloden ; and, from the circum* 
 stances there detailed, we cannot doubt the writer's accuracy. 
 It may appear surprising, that Charles should have so far 
 forgotten what took place on this retreat as to say, that he 
 rode up to the front, and that on his arrival Loi'd George 
 Murray convinced him of the unavoidable necessity of re- 
 treating. Mr. Home observes on this, " That no person who 
 does not commit to writing an account of events which he has 
 seen can be certain, when some years have passed, not only 
 of what happened in his presence, but even of what he him- 
 self did or said." But though this may apply to particulars 
 of minor importance, there are circumstances which men 
 forget only with the loss of memory itself ; and the part which 
 a man of any elevation of mind acted on so critical an occa- 
 sion, is one of the circumstances which he would hardly 
 ever forget. But all men do not possess this elevation of mind. 
 Mr. Home, in supposing a general liabihty to forget all events 
 whatever, does not seem to have reflected on the laws by 
 which our memory is regulated. Our remembrance of an 
 event depends on the impression it has made on us ; from 
 difference of character and disposition, one event produces 
 an impression on one man, and is consequently remembered 
 by him, which produces none upon another, and is forgotten 
 
 N 4 
 
184 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 the distance of about two miles from us. They 
 appeared at first disposed to encamp in the position 
 
 by him: and a failure or success, in some petty object, wUl 
 be as intensely felt by a weak man, as the failure or success 
 in a great enterprise is felt by a man of a more serious and 
 manly character. 
 
 John Hay, on whose authority Mr. Home makes Charles 
 say, that Lord George Murray had betrayed him, seems to 
 have been one of those silly but noxious creatures by whom, 
 from a natural attraction, weak princes are usually surround- 
 ed. Mr. Home ought to have stated nothing on the autho- 
 rity of such a man, which was not confirmed by others. If 
 Charles was extremely incensed, and exclaimed that Lord 
 George had betrayed him, he seems to have soon changed 
 his mind ; for a rebel officer, whose account of the events at 
 Inverness and CuUoden is given in the Lockhart Papers, after 
 detailing the heroic conduct of Lord George at the battle of 
 Culloden, says, that the Prince, on being told that lie was 
 thrown from his horse in the action, but was not, however, 
 seriously hurt, desired this officer, in presence of all present, 
 to find him and to take particular care of him, " which is to 
 be presumed he would not have done, if he had had the least 
 suspicion of what has been laid to his charge by his enemies;" 
 and therefore the writer concluded, '' whatever sentiments 
 they were pleased to say the Prince had of him, was scarce 
 to be credited." 
 
 We shall conclude this note with the following particulars 
 from the above letter of the 16th May, explanatory of the 
 delay in the march: — " The Highlanders," it is said, " had 
 often made very quick marches in the night-time ; the French 
 piquets were, I believe, in the rear, and were not so clever 
 in marching : the moor that they went through was more 
 splashy than was expected, and they were obliged to make 
 some turns to shun houses ; and there were two or three de- 
 files that took up a good deal of time to pass." 
 
 Upon the whole, there seems no reason for charging Lord 
 GeorgeMurray with the plan of the night-attack, as Mr. Home 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 185 
 
 where they then were, many of their tents being 
 already erected ; but all at once their tents disap- 
 peared, and we immediately perceived them in 
 movement towards us. The view of our army, 
 making preparations for battle, probably induced 
 the Duke of Cumberland to change his plan; and, 
 indeed, he must have been blind in the extreme 
 to have delayed attacking us instantly, in the 
 deplorable situation in which we were, worn out 
 with hunger and fatigue ; especially when he 
 perceived, from our manoeuvre, that we were 
 impatient to give battle, under every possible 
 disadvantage, and well disposed to facilitate our 
 own destruction. The Duke of Cumberland 
 remained ignorant, till it was day, of the danger 
 
 has done, for, on the contrary, it was forced on him ; or for 
 blaming him for retreating, when attack was no longer 
 practicable Avith safety. The idea of treachery on his part is 
 too idle to merit a moment's consideration. The articles of 
 impeachment, in a note to the second volume of Mr. Hogg's 
 "Jacobite Relics," p. 385., said to have been drawn upby some 
 of the remaining clansmen, can only be excused b}' supposing 
 that the intensity of their sufferings had deprived them of 
 their understandings. It is a curious mode of substantiating 
 the charge against him, of having been an enemy to the Prince 
 and to the good people of the British dominions, by swerving 
 from his duty and allegiance, to wish to prove that he " had, 
 without any necessity, put himself in posts of danger." The 
 Neapolitan officers in the ever-memorable defence of their 
 country against the Austrians, took care not to sin in this way. 
 If the swords of these Highlanders had not been better than 
 their logic, the Prince would not have come so well off as 
 he did at Gladsmuir and Falkirk. 
 
186 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 to which he had been exposed during the night* ; 
 and, as soon as he knew it, he broke up his camp, 
 and followed us closely. 
 
 The Piince, on his return to CuUoden, en- 
 raged against Lord George Murray, publicly 
 declared that no one in future should command 
 his army but himself, t As soon as the English 
 army began to appear, the Prince, who was 
 always eager to give battle, without reflecting 
 on the consequences, was told that, as the High- 
 landers were exhausted with fatigue, dispersed, 
 and buried in deep sleep, in the neighbouring 
 hamlets and inclosures, many could not possibly 
 be present in the battle, from the difficulty of 
 finding them. Besides, what could be expected 
 from men in their situation, worn out with want 
 of sleep and food, and quite exhausted with 
 this night-march, a thousand times worse than 
 any march which had been made in England ? 
 They were not possessed of supernatural strength. 
 
 * The Duke had certain information of the night-march ; 
 and spies, who spoke the Gaehc language, and wore the 
 Highland dress, mixed with the rebels as they marched ; but 
 none of these spies knew any thing of the intended attack ; 
 and it is believed the Duke supposed that the rebels intended 
 only to approach his camp, take their ground in the night, 
 and attack him in the morning, for the soldiers were ordered 
 to lie down to rest, with their arms by them. 
 
 f Had Prince Charles slept during the whole of the expe- 
 dition, and allowed Lord George to act for him, according 
 to his own judgment, there is every reason for supposing he 
 would have found the crown of Great Britain on his head, 
 when he awoke. — Note of the Author, 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. J 87 
 
 He was advised to fall back on the high ground, 
 behind the plain, having his left supported by 
 the ruins of the castle, where he could place his 
 cannon to advantage, as on batteries, whilst he 
 could at the same time occupy Inverness, and 
 allow his army to refresh themselves and obtain 
 some sleep. By allowing them twenty-four 
 hours' repose, it was said, they would be quite 
 recruited, and altogether new men. In such an 
 advantageous position, by throwing up an en- 
 trenchment to cover Inverness, there was no 
 reason to fear an immediate attack from the 
 Duke of Cumberland, should he examine our 
 position with attention ; but if the Duke ven- 
 tured to attack us notwithstanding, he could 
 not fail to pay dear for his temerity. We might, 
 therefore, calculate on remaining tranquil in this 
 position for some days, and the delay would give 
 time to those who were absent on leave to join 
 the army. The Prince, however, would listen 
 to no advice, and resolved on giving battle, let 
 the consequences be what they might. * 
 
 * The Duke's army was seen, by the rebels, advancing in 
 full march towards them, an hour or two after their return 
 from Kilravock, and it was surely too late to think of throw- 
 ing up entrenchments, when the enemy was in sight. It does 
 not appear that Inverness could be protected in any other 
 manner than by fighting the Duke's army on the plain moor. 
 Lord George Murray says, this measure was resolved on 
 because it was " resolved not to abandon Inverness." When 
 it was ascertained, the day before, that there was a strong 
 ground on the other side of the water of Nairn, where the 
 Duke might be set at defiance, <' it was determined," says 
 
188 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 The ground in the hollow, between the Castle 
 of Culloden and an inclosure on our right, 
 being marshy and covered with water, which 
 reached half way up the leg, was well chosen to 
 protect us from the cavalry of the enemy. The 
 English were drawn up in three lines, but we 
 had much difficulty in forming two. Our 
 second line was composed of the Irish piquets, 
 with the regiments of Royal Scots, Kilmarnock, 
 Lord Lewis Gordon, the Duke of Perth, Lord 
 Ogilvie, Glenbucket, and John Roy Stuart; of 
 which the two last, and that of Lord Kilmar- 
 nock, consisted only of from two to three hundred 
 men each. When the English army was on a 
 line with the inclosure, about six or eight hun- 
 dred yards from the eminence behind the swamp, 
 our army descended, with great rapidity, into 
 the marshy ground, and charged the enemy 
 sword in hand. The Prince, who remained on 
 
 Lord George, ''' not to take that ground, as perhaps the enemy 
 might pass on to Inverness without attacking us." To this 
 strong ground the rebels could have retreated " when the 
 enemy were even in sight," We have already quoted an 
 opinion of Mr. Patullo to the same purpose. " Why what 
 I have now mentioned was not performed," adds Lord 
 George, *' let them answer who were determined against a 
 hill-campaign, as they called it. What I can aver is, that 
 myself and most of the clans, at least all those I spoke with, 
 were for this operation ; and His Royal Highness could have 
 supported the fatigue as well as any person in the army. It is 
 true Sir Thomas Sheridan, &c. could not have undergone it: 
 !,o we were obliged to he undone for their ease.'' 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 189 
 
 the eminence with the piquet of Fitzjames, out 
 of reach of the musketry of the enemy, ob- 
 served them employed in throwing down the 
 walls of the inclosure to attack us in flank, and 
 immediately sent repeated orders to Lord 
 George Murray, whilst he was at the head of 
 the first line, and ready to fall upon the enemy, 
 to place some troops in the inclosure *, and pre- 
 vent the manœuvre of the Englisli, which could 
 not fail to prove fatal to us. Lord George 
 paid no attention to this order t ; and the Eng- 
 lish liaving finished throwing down the walls of 
 the inclosure, entered with two regiments of 
 
 * Troops were stationed in the inclosure. General Bland, 
 who commanded the Duke's cavalry on the left, ordered 
 two companies of the Argyleshire men, and one company 
 of Lord Loudon's regiment, to break down the east wall of 
 the inclosure ; and, having pulled it down, they entered 
 with the dragoons, and put to the sword about 100 men, 
 who had been posted there. In a memoir by a Highland 
 officer, in the second volume of the Lockhart Papers, p. 521., 
 it is said, " Wlien the attack began, the Campbells threw 
 down a great part of the wall of the inclosure for the dra- 
 goons, on the Duke's left, to pass to the rear of the Prince's 
 army, which they did without receiving one shot from the 
 two battahons that were placed to observe their motions."' 
 
 f In the letter of the 16th May, 1746, alluded to in a 
 preceding note, it is said, " It was observed, that upon the 
 right there were park-walls, under which so many of the 
 enemy could draw up and flank the Highlanders. Lord 
 George Murray, who commanded that wing, was very 
 desirous to have advanced, and thrown them down ; but as 
 this would have broke the line, and the enemy forming their 
 line of battle very near that place, it was judged by those 
 about him too dangerovis to attempt." 
 
190 , MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 cavalry, and four pieces of artillery, which they 
 fired with grape-shot on our right wing. Their 
 fire, from the circumstance of their being quite 
 close to our right, was so terrible, that it Uterally 
 swept away, at once, whole ranks. From the 
 inequality of this marshy ground, our right and 
 centre came first up with the enemy, our first 
 line advancing a little obliquely ; but, over- 
 powered by a murderous fire in front and flank, 
 our right could not maintain its ground, and 
 was obliged to give way, whilst our centre had 
 already broken the enemy's first line, and 
 attacked the second. The left wing, where I 
 was with Scothouse, was not twenty paces from 
 the enemy, who gave their first fire at the 
 moment the flight began to become general, 
 which spread from the right to the left of our 
 army with the rapidity of lightning. What a 
 spectacle of horror ! The same Highlanders, 
 who had advanced to the charge like lions, with 
 bold, determined countenances, were, in an 
 instant, seen flying like trembling cow^ards, in 
 the greatest disorder. It may be said of the 
 attack of the Highlanders, that it bears great 
 resemblance to that of the French j that it is a 
 flame, the violence of which is more to be 
 dreaded than the duration. No troops, however 
 excellent, are possessed of qualities which will 
 render them constantly invincible. It was 
 evident our destruction became inevitable, if 
 the English got possession of the inclosure. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. IQl 
 
 The Prince saw this from the eminence where 
 he was posted, and sent his aide-de-camp six or 
 seven times, ordering Lord George to take pos- 
 session of it. He saw that his orders were not 
 executed ; but yet he never quitted his place 
 on the eminence. This, however, was a critical 
 moment, when he ouglit to have displayed the 
 courage of a grenadier, by immediately ad- 
 vancing to put himself at the head of his army, 
 and connnanding himself those manœuvres which 
 he wished to be executed. He would never 
 have experienced disobedience on the part of 
 his subjects, who had exposed their lives and 
 fortunes to establish him on the throne of his 
 ancestors, and who would have shed for him 
 the last drop of their blood. There are occasions 
 when a general ought to expose his person, and 
 not remain beyond the reach of musketry ; and 
 surely there never was a more pressing occasion 
 for disregarding a few shots than the one in 
 question, as the gain or loss of the battle de- 
 pended on it. In the desperate expedition on 
 which he had entered, though it was proper 
 that he should guard against danger, he ought 
 to have done so in a manner which showed that 
 life or death was equally indifferent to him, 
 conducting himself with valour and prudence, 
 according to circumstances. But he was sur- 
 rounded by Irish confidents, whose baseness of 
 soul corresponded to the obscurity of their birth. 
 The natives of Ireland are generally supposed, in 
 
192 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 England, to have a great confusion of ideas ; and 
 tliey are, in general, very bad counsellors. But 
 the Prince blindly adopted their opinions. Yet 
 he combated for a crown, and was, consequently, 
 more interested in our success than any man in 
 the army ; while tlie Scots had no other object 
 in view than to obviate the effect of their rash- 
 ness, in having voluntarily exposed themselves 
 to death on the scafibld, and confiscation of their 
 estates. 
 
 As far as I could distinguish, at the distance 
 of twenty paces, the English appeared to be 
 drawn up in six ranks ; the three first being on 
 their knees. They kept up a terrible running 
 fire on us. My unfortunate friend Scothouse 
 was killed by my side ; I was not so deeply 
 affected at the moment of his fall, as I have 
 been ever since. It would almost seem as if 
 the Power that presides over the lives of men 
 in battles, marks out the most deserving for 
 destruction, and spares those who are more 
 unworthy. Military men, susceptible of friend- 
 ship, are much to be pitied. The melancholy 
 fate of my friends has often cost me many a 
 tear, and left on my heart an indelible impres- 
 sion of pain and I'egret. Mr. Macdonald of 
 Keppoch, who had been absent on leave with 
 his clan, having made great haste to join the 
 Prince, arrived at the moment of the charge, 
 and in time to take his station in the first line, 
 with his clan, where he was instantlv killed. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 193 
 
 He was a gentleman of uncommon merit, and 
 liis death was universally lamented. * 
 
 * The manner in which Macdonald of Keppoch con- 
 ducted himself when he met his fate, is highly honourable to 
 his memory, while it has often been made a subject of re- 
 proach to the Macdonalds, by whom he was abandoned. 
 The three Macdonald regiments were stationed on the 
 extreme left, and went off without striking a blow, when, as 
 our author says, they were within twenty paces of the 
 enemy, though they had drawn their swords for the attack. 
 " When the Macdonald regiments retreated," says Mr. 
 Home, " tvithout having attempted to attach, sivord in hand, 
 Macdonald of Ke}Tj^)och advanced with his drawn sword in 
 one hand, and his pistol in the other : he had got but a little 
 way from his regiment, when he was wounded by a musket- 
 shot and fell. A friend, who had followed, conjuring him 
 not to throw his life away, said that the wound was not 
 mortal, that he might easily join his regiment and retreat 
 with them. Keppoch desired him to take care of himself, 
 and going on, received another shot, and fell to rise no 
 more." 
 
 This misconduct on the part of the Macdonalds, was 
 chieiiy occasioned by a circumstance, which, though it may 
 appear of a very trivial nature in our eyes, was capable of 
 kindling the fiercest rage in the bosoms of Highlanders ; 
 they were stationed on the left instead of the rigid of the 
 army. A Macdonald officer, present in the battle of 
 Culloden, has, in a Narrative, in the second volume of the 
 Lockhart Papers, p. 510., delivered the following curious 
 observations on this subject : — " Add to this, what we of 
 the clan Macdonald thought ominous, we had not this day 
 the right hand in battle as formerly, and as we enjoyed in 
 the enterprise when the event ])roved successful, as at 
 Gladsmuir and Falkirk, and which our clan maintains we 
 had enjoyed in all our battles and struggles in behalf of our 
 royal family since the battle of Bannockburn, on which 
 glorious day Robert the Bruce bestowed this honour upon 
 
 O 
 
194^ 3IEM0I11S OF THE 
 
 As the Highlanders were completely ex- 
 hausted with hunger, fatigue, and the want of 
 
 Angus Macdonald, Lord of the Isles *, as a reward for his 
 never-to-be-forgot fidelity to that brave Prince, in protect- 
 ing him for above nine months in his country of Rachlin, 
 Isla, and Uist, as the satne has since been done to his royal 
 successor. This right we have, I say, enjoyed ever since, 
 unless when yielded by us out of favour upon particular 
 occasions, as was done to the Laird of Maclean at the battle 
 of Harlaw ; but our sweet-natured P. was prevailed on by 
 L., and his faction, to assign this honour to another on this 
 fatal day, which right, we judge, they will not refuse to yield 
 us back again next Jighting day.'' The Duke of Perth stood 
 in the battle, at the head of the Glengary regiment ; and, 
 hearing the loud murmurs of the men, said, if the Mac- 
 donalds behaved with their usual valour, they would make 
 aright of the left, and he would call himself Macdonald. 
 But all this, it seems, proved unavailing. 
 
 The Editor cannot conclude this note without adding the 
 following particulars respecting Keppoch and his descendants 
 from the second volume of Mr. Hogg's " Jacobite Relics.'' 
 
 * Called, by Barbour, Angus off He. 
 
 And Angus off He that tyme wis syr, 
 And lord and ledar oi ICTjntyr : 
 The King rycbt weill resawyt he ; 
 And undertuk hys man to be : 
 And hym, and hys, on mony wiss, 
 lie abandonyt till hys service. — 
 Hys castell off Donnburdyne 
 To dwell tharin, at hys lyklng. 
 
 And in Donabardi/nc dayis three, 
 Forowtyne mar, then duellyt he, 
 Syne gert lie hys mengye mak him yar, 
 Towart Rauc/iri/jie, be se to far, 
 That is ane ile in the se ; 
 And may wc-ill in myd water be, 
 Belwix Kijnttjr and Irland. 
 
 The Bnice. Buke III. 1. 659, et icç. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 195 
 
 sleep, our defeat did not at all surprise me ; I 
 was only astonished to see them behave so well. 
 If our right could only have maintained its 
 ground three minutes longer, the English army, 
 which was very much shaken, would have been 
 still more so by the shock of our left wing, which 
 was yet at the distance of from fifteen to twenty 
 paces from the enemy, when the disorder be- 
 gan on the right ; and if our centre, which had 
 pierced the first line, had been properly sup- 
 
 " There is no circumstance in the fates of the Highlanders, 
 occasioned to them by the Rebelhon, for which I lament so 
 much, as the extinction of this brave and loyal chief and 
 his clan, whose names are now a blank in the land of their 
 fathers. Keppoch could once have raised 500 men at a few 
 days' warning, and never was slack when his arm was needed, 
 although his hand was something like Ishmael's of old, for he 
 was generally at loggerheads with his neighbours, especially 
 the clan Chattan, whom he once beat, with their chief 
 the laird of Mackintosh at their head, cutting a great part 
 of their superior army to pieces, and forcing the laird, whom 
 he took prisoner, to renounce his claim to extensive posses- 
 sions which Keppoch originally held of him. Keppoch was 
 indeed too brave and too independent ; and it proved his 
 family's ruin. When admonished once of the necessity of 
 getting regular charter-rights to his lands from government, 
 of which he never had any, " No," said Keppoch, " I shall 
 never hold lands that I cannot hold otherwise than by a 
 sheep's hide." Keppoch trusted still to his claymore ; but 
 the day of it was past : ' Othello's occupation was gone !' 
 On the restoration of the forfeited estates, Keppoch having 
 no rights to show for his extensive lands, lost them ; a 
 circumstance which must ever be deplored, but cannot now 
 be remedied." 
 
 o 2 
 
196 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 ported, it is highly probable that the Englisli 
 would have been soon put to flight. There were 
 about twelve hundred men killed upon the field 
 of battle ; and, of that number, there were as 
 many of tlie enemy as of tiie Highlanders. Thus 
 our loss was by no means considerable. * 
 
 The right wing of our army retreated towards 
 the river Nairn, and met in their Vvay a body of 
 English cavalry, which appeared as much em- 
 barrassed as the Highlanders ; but the English 
 commander very wisely opened a way for them 
 in the centre, and allowed them to pass at the 
 distance of a pistol-shot, without attempting to 
 molest them or to take prisoners. One officer 
 only of this body, wishing to take a Highlander 
 prisoner, advanced a few paces to seize him, 
 but the Highlander brought him down with his 
 sword, and killed him on the spot ; and, not sa- 
 tisfied with this, he stopt long enougli to take 
 possession of his w^atch, and then decamped 
 with the booty. The English commander re- 
 mained a quiet spectator of the scene, renewed 
 his orders to his men not to quit their ranks, 
 and could not help smiling and secretly wishing 
 
 ■'^ A list of the killed and wounded of the royal army, pub- 
 lished by authority, makes the number amount only to 310, 
 officers included. No regular account v/as ever published 
 by the rebels of their loss in this battle ; and it is impos- 
 sible to ascertain the exact amount of it. The newspapers 
 and magazines of that day made the number two or three 
 thousand; a ridiculous exaggeration. Other accounts, 
 agreeing with that of our author, made it less than one 
 thousand. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 107 
 
 the Hiij^iilander mio-ht escape, on account of his 
 boldness, without appearing to lament the fate 
 of the officer, who had disobeyed his orders. If 
 this body of cavalry had not acted so prudently, 
 tliey would instantly have been cut to pieces. It 
 is extremely dangerous in a defeat to attempt to 
 cut off the vanquished from all means of escape. 
 
 Our left, wliich fled towards Inverness, was 
 less fortunate. Having been pursued by the 
 English cavalry, the road from Culloden to that 
 town was every where strewed with dead bodies. 
 The Duke of Cumberland had the cruelty to 
 allow our wounded to remain amongst the dead 
 on the field of battle, stript of their clothes, 
 from Wednesday, the day of our nnfortunate 
 engagement, till three o'clock in the afternoon 
 of Friday, when he sent detachments to kill all 
 those who were still in life ; and a great many, 
 who had resisted the effects of the continual 
 rains wdiich fell all that time, were then dis- 
 patched. He ordered a barn, which contained 
 many of the wounded Highlanders, to be set on 
 fire; and, having stationed soldiers round it, 
 they with fixed bayonets drove back the unfor- 
 tunate men who attempted to save themselves, 
 into the flames, burning them alive in this hor- 
 rible manner, as if they had not been fellow- 
 creatures. 
 
 This sanguinary Duke was obliged to have an 
 
 act of indemnity, from the British Parliament, 
 
 for these and a number of similar acts which he 
 
 had committed, in violation of the laws of Great 
 
 o 3 
 
198 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Britain. Cruelty is a proof of a base and cow- 
 ardly disposition. 
 
 As soon as the Prince saw his army begin to 
 give way, he made his escape with a few horse- 
 men of Fitzjames's piquet. Some hours after the 
 battle, Lord Elcho found him in a cabin, beside 
 the river Nairn, surrounded by Irish, and with- 
 out a single Scotsman near him, in a state of 
 complete dejection, without the least hopes of 
 being able to re-establish his atiairs, having given 
 himself altogether up to the pernicious counsels 
 of Sheridan and the other Irish, who governed 
 him as they pleased, and abandoned every other 
 project, but that of escaping to France, as soon 
 as possible. Lord Elcho represented to him 
 that this check was nothing, as was really the 
 case ; and exerted himself to the utmost to per- 
 suade him to think only of rallying his army, 
 putting himself at its head, and trying, once 
 more, the fortune of war, as the disaster might 
 be easily repaired j but he was insensible to all 
 that his Lordship could suggest, and utterly dis- 
 regarded his advice. 
 
 I arrived, on the IStli, at lluthven, which 
 happened, by chance, to become the rallying 
 point of our army, without having been pre- 
 viously fixed on. There I found the Duke of 
 Athol, Lord George Murray, the Duke of Perth, 
 Lord John Dru m mon d, Lord Ogilvie, and many 
 other chiefs of clans, with about four or five 
 thousand Highlanders, all in the best possible 
 dispositions for renewing hostilities and taking 
 
 • 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 199 
 
 their revenge. The little town of Ruthven is 
 about eight leagues from Inverness, by a road 
 through the mountains, very narrow, full of 
 tremendously high precipices, where there are 
 several passes which a hundred men could de- 
 fend against ten thousand, by merely rolling 
 down rocks from the siunmit of the mountains. 
 Lord George immediately dispatched people 
 to guard the passes, and at the same time sent 
 oft' an aide-de-camp to inform the Prince, tliat a 
 great part of his army was assembled at Ruth- 
 ven ; that the Highlanders were full of ani- 
 mation and ardour, and eager to be led against 
 the enemy ; that the Grants, and other High- 
 land clans, who had, till then, remained neuter, 
 were disposed to declare themselves in his 
 favour, seeing the inevitable destruction of their 
 country from the proximity of tlie victorious 
 army of the Duke of Cumberland ; that all tlie 
 clans, who had received leave of absence, would 
 assemble there in the course of a few days ; and 
 that, instead of five or six thousand men *, the 
 
 * This account of tlie number of the rebels at Culloden 
 agrees with that given by M. Patullo, and by Mr. Home, on 
 his authority. The number on paper was 8000, but 3000 were 
 absent. Lord Cromarty was in Sutherland with his own 
 regiment, and Glengyle, Mackinnon, Barrisdale, and their 
 men ; Clunie, with his Macphersons, was on his marcli to 
 Culloden when the battle was fought. Besides these regi- 
 ments and considerable bodies of troops, a number of men, 
 after the return, had gone to Inverness in quest of food, 
 and were not returned when the King's army came in sight. 
 The effective rank and file of the royal army, by the last re- 
 
 o 4 
 
200 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 whole of the number present at the battle of 
 Culloden, from the absence of those who had 
 returned to then- homes, and of those who had 
 left the army on reachmg Cidloden, on the 
 morning of the l6th, to go to sleep, he might 
 count upon eight or nine thousand men at least, 
 a greater number than he had had at any time 
 in his army. Every body earnestly entreated 
 the Prince to come immediately, and put him- 
 self at the head of this force. 
 
 We passed the 19th at Ruthven, without any 
 news from the Prince. All the Highlanders 
 were cheerful, and full of spirits to a degree 
 perhaps never before witnessed in an army so 
 
 turn previous to the battle, was 7179. This, with the proper 
 allowance for non-commissioned officers, &c., would make 
 the total exceed 8000. But in the army-returns of that 
 time the militia were never included ; and, besides part of 
 Lord Loudon's regiment, a numerous militia from Argyle- 
 shire took an active part in the operations of the 16th. 
 Nothing, therefore, but the fears of the country, occasioned 
 by the issue of former engagements, could have magnified 
 the defeat of 5000 Highlanders, worn out by fatigue and 
 hunger, by nearly double the number of fresh and well- 
 appointed troops, into a glorious victory. But, indeed, 
 these fears were excessive ; and the attempt of the Duke'of 
 Cumberland, after the discomfitures received in parts of the 
 country where the population was unfriendly to the High- 
 landers, to follow them into their ov,-n country, was justly 
 considered a proof of great boldness, and may well entitle 
 him to the praise given him in Earl Waldgrave's Memoir, of 
 " strong parts, great military ability, and undoubted cou- 
 rage ;" and " that in his military capacity he was greatly su- 
 perior to any man in this country." 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 201 
 
 recently beaten, expecting, with impatience, 
 every moment the arrival of the Prince ; but, on 
 the 20th, Mr. Macleod, Lord George's aide-de- 
 camp, who had been sent to him, returned with 
 the following laconic answer : — " Let every 
 man seek his safety in the best way he can :" — 
 an inconsiderate answer, heart-breaking to the 
 brave men who had sacrificed themselves for 
 him. However critical our situation, the Prince 
 ought not to have despaired. On occasions 
 when every thing is to be feared, we ought to 
 lay aside fear ; when we are surrounded with 
 dangers, no danger ought to alarm us. With 
 the best plans we may fail in our enterprises ; 
 but the firmness we display in misfortune is the 
 noblest ornament of virtue. This is the manner 
 in which a Prince ought to have conducted 
 himself, who, with an unexampled rashness, 
 landed in Scotland with only seven men. 
 
 We were masters of the passes between Riith- 
 veii and Inverness, which gave us sufficient time 
 to assemble our adherents. The clan of Mac- 
 pherson of Clunie, consisting of five hundred 
 very brave men, besides many other High- 
 landers, who had not been able to reach Liver- 
 ness before the battle, joined us at Ruthven ; 
 so that our numbers increased every moment, 
 and I am thoroughly convinced that, in the 
 course of eight days, we should have had a more 
 powerful army than ever, capable of re-establish- 
 ing, without delay, the state of our affairs, and 
 of avenging the barbarous cruelties of the 
 
202 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Duke of Cumberland. But the Prince was in- 
 exorable and immoveable in his resolution of 
 abandoning his enterprise, and terminating in 
 this inglorious manner an expedition, the rapid 
 progress of which had fixed the attention of all 
 Europe. Unfortunately, he had nobody to ad- 
 vise with but Sir Thomas Sheridan, and other 
 Irishmen, who were altogether ignorant of the 
 nature and resources of the country, and the 
 character of the Highlanders ; and who had 
 nothing to lose, but, on the contrary, a great 
 deal to gain on arriving in France, where several 
 of them have since laid tlie foundations of their 
 fortunes. * / 
 
 * Mr. Andrew Lumisden, a gentleman of the highest 
 character, author of Remarks on the Antiquities of Rome, 
 attended Charles during the whole battle, and was one of 
 those that went to Ruthven. He gave an account of the 
 message from Charles, agreeing in substance with that of 
 our author. It is certain that a stand was made for several 
 days at Ruthven, and that the remains of the army dis- 
 persed, in consequence of the refusal of Charles to join 
 them. 
 
 This tallies exactly with the character of Charles, given 
 by Lord Marischal, Helvetius, Dr. King, Alfieri, and all who 
 had opportunities of knowing any thing of him. He is uni- 
 formly represented as a conipound of rashness, irresolution, 
 ingratitude, meanness, and want of feeling. The circum- 
 stances stated by Dr. King, and Alfieri, in particular, prove 
 him to have been one of the least amiable, nay, most worthless 
 of men. Yet every virtue and accomplishment were attributed 
 to him by the credulous Highlanders, who were never tired 
 of expatiating on the goodness of their stveet-natured Prince. 
 This we can account for : but how are we to account for the 
 author of Waverley, to whom the character of Charles could 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. QOo 
 
 Our separation at Ruthven was truly affect- 
 ing. We bade one another an eternal adieu. 
 No one could tell whether the scaffold would 
 not be his fate. The Highlanders gave vent to 
 their grief in wild bowlings and lamentations ; 
 the tears flowed down their cheeks when they 
 thought that their country was now at the dis- 
 cretion of the Duke of Cumberland, and on the 
 point of being plundered ; whilst they and their 
 children would be reduced to slavery, and 
 plunged, without resource, into a state of reme- 
 diless distress. 
 
 An accident which took place at Inverness, 
 some days after the battle, might have proved 
 very advantageous to us, if the Prince had joined 
 us at Ruthven. A young gentleman of the 
 name of Forbes, related to Lord Forbes, and a 
 cadet in an English regiment, having abandoned 
 his colours to join the Prince, had the misfortune 
 
 be no secret, exei-ting all the powers of his great genius to 
 uphold the illusion? " The generous, the courteous, the 
 noble-minded Adventurer," are the terms in which he speaks 
 of the Prince. Surely the epithet noble-minded was never 
 more misapplied, than when bestowed on a man for whom 
 the best excuse that has yet been offered, for his leaving the 
 field without going near his army at a critical moment, was, 
 that Sir Thomas Sheridan earnestly entreated him not to do 
 so, and Mr. Sullivan laid hold of the bridle of his horse, a?id 
 turned him about. Do vices change their nature when they 
 are found in a Prince ? Or must our pity for an unfortunate 
 fimiiy go so far as to induce us to poison the stream of 
 history ? 
 
^04) MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 to be taken prisoner, and was hanged at Inver- 
 ness, without any distinction, amongst the oilier 
 deserters. Whilst the body of Forbes was still 
 suspended from the gibbet, a brutal and vulgar 
 English officer plunged his sword into his body, 
 and swore that *' all Iiis countnjmen inhere traitors 
 and rebels like Jiimself?* A Scots officer, who 
 heard the impertinence of this Englishman, 
 immediately drew his sword, and demanded 
 satisfaction for the insult done to his country ; 
 and, whilst they fought, all the officers took 
 part in the quarrel, and swords were drawn in 
 every direction. The soldiers, at the same time, 
 of their own accord, beat to arms, drew up along 
 the streets, the Scots on one side and the English 
 on the other, beginning a very Avarm combat 
 with fixed bayonets. The Duke of Cumberland 
 happening to be out of town, information was 
 immediately conveyed to him, and he hastened 
 to the scene of action before this warfare had 
 made much progress. He addressed himself 
 immediately to the Scots, Avhom he endeavoured 
 to mollify by the high compliments he paid them. 
 He told them that, whenever he had had the 
 honour of commanding them, he had always 
 experienced their fidelity and attachment to his 
 family, as well as their courage and exemplary 
 conduct ; and he succeeded at length in appeas- 
 ing them. 
 
 Thus did Prince Charles begin his enterprise 
 with seven men, and abandon it at a momeiTt he 
 might have been at the head of as many thou- 
 
KEBELLION OF 1745. ^05 
 
 sands : preferring to wander up and down the 
 mountains alone, exposed every instant to be 
 taken and put to death by detacliments of the 
 English troops, sent by the Duke of Cumberland 
 in pursuit of him, and who followed him closely, 
 often passed quite near liim, and from whom he 
 escaped as if by miracle, to putting himself at 
 the head of a body of brave and determined 
 men, of whose fidelity and attachment he was 
 secure, and all of whom would have shed the 
 last drop of their blood in his defence. Indeed 
 this was now the only means of saving them- 
 selves from the scaffold, and their families from 
 being slaughtered by a furious, enraged, and 
 barbarous soldiery. The Highlands are full of 
 precipices, and passes through mountains, where 
 only one person can proceed at a time, and 
 where a thousand men can defend themselves 
 against a hundred thousand, for years ; and as 
 it abounds with horned cattle, of which they 
 sell above one hundred thousand yearly to the 
 English, provisions would not have been want- 
 ing. * But this partisan warfare it would only 
 have been necessary to adopt as a last resource ; 
 for I am morally certain that, in the course of 
 ten or twelve days, we should have been in a 
 condition to return to Inverness, and fight the 
 
 * Lord George Murray says, on this subject, " As to 
 provisions, had I been allowed to have any direction, we 
 would not have wanted (though perhaps not the best) for 
 years, as long as there were cattle in the Highlands, or meal 
 in the Lowlands." 
 
206 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Duke of Cumberland on equal terms. When- 
 ever I reflect on this subject, I am always as- 
 tonished that Lord George Murray, and the 
 other chiefs of clans, did not resolve to carry on 
 this mountain-warfare themselves, for their own 
 defence ; as nothing can be more certain than 
 what was said by a celebrated author, that, in a 
 revolt, *' when we draw the sword we ought to 
 throw away the scabbard." There is no medium ; 
 we must conquer or die. This would have 
 spared much of the blood which was afterwards 
 shed on the scaffold in England, and would have 
 prevented the almost total extermination of the 
 race of Highlanders, which has since taken 
 place, either from the policy of the English 
 government, the emigration of their families to 
 the colonies, or from the numerous Highland 
 regiments which have been raised, and which 
 have been often cut to pieces, and renewed, 
 during the last war. 
 
 Prince Charles, for several months, was hotly 
 pursued by detachments of English troops ; and 
 so very near w^ere they fi'equently to him, that 
 he had scarcely quitted a place before they 
 arrived at it. Sometimes he was wliolly sur- 
 rounded by them. The Duke of Ciniiberland 
 never failed to say to the commanders of these 
 detachments, at the moment of their departure, 
 " Make no prisoners : you understand me." 
 They had particular instructions to stab the 
 Prince, if he fell into their hands ; but Divine 
 Wisdom frustrated the atrocious and barbarous 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 207 
 
 designs and pursuits of the sanguinary Duke, 
 whose officers and their detachments, his exe- 
 cutioners, inflicted more cruelties on the brave 
 but unfortunate Highlanders than would have 
 been committed by the most ferocious savages 
 of Canada. * The generous and heroic action 
 of Mr. Roderick Mackenzie contributed greatly 
 to save the Prince from those blood-thirsty 
 assassins. 
 
 Mr. Mackenzie, a gentleman of- good family 
 in Scotland, had served, during the whole ex- 
 pedition, in the life-guards of Prince Charles. 
 He was of the Prince's size, and, to those who 
 were not accustomed to see them together, 
 might seem to resemble him a little. Mackenzie 
 happened to be in a cabin with the Prince, and 
 two or three other persons, when, all of a sud- 
 den, tliey received information that they were 
 surrounded by detachments of English troops, 
 advancing from every point, as if they had re- 
 ceived positive information that the Prince was 
 in this cabin. The Prince was asleep at this 
 moment, and was awaked for tlie purpose of 
 being informed of his melancholy fate, namely, 
 that it was morally impossible for him to save 
 his life. He answered, " Then we must die 
 like brave men, with swords in our hands." — 
 
 * Earl Waldgrave says of his friend the Duke, " His judg- 
 ment would be equal to his parts were it not too much guided 
 by his passions, tvliich are often violent and ungovernable. 
 This is one way, no doubt, of saying that the Duke was often 
 brutal in his conduct. 
 
â08 MEMOIRS OF THK 
 
 *' No, my Prince," replied Mackenzie ; " re- 
 sources still remain ; I will take your name, and 
 face one of these detachments. I know what 
 my fate will be ; but whilst 1 keep it employed, 
 your Royal Highness will have time to escape.'* 
 Mackenzie darted forward with fury, sword in 
 hand, against a detachment of fifty men, and on 
 falling, covered with wounds, he exclaimed 
 aloud, " You know not what you have done ! — 
 1 am your Prince, whom you have killed !" after 
 which he instantly expired. They cut oft his 
 head, and carried it, without delay, to the Duke 
 of Cumberland, nobody doubting that it was the 
 head of Prince Charles. And the barbarous 
 Duke, having now, as he thouglit, obtained the 
 head of the Prince, the great object of his 
 wishes, set off next day for London, with this 
 head packed up, in his post-chaise. 
 
 The depositions of several persons in London, 
 who affirmed that this was the head of Prince 
 Charles, had the good effect of rendering tlie 
 English less vigilant, and less active in their pur- 
 suits. Before that event, they had formed a 
 chain from Inverary to Inverness, and the Prince 
 had frequently escaped, with great risk, having 
 been obliged to cross the chain between their 
 detachments. Mr. Morison, his valet-de-cham- 
 bre, was then in the prison of Carlisle, con- 
 demned to death ; and the government dis- 
 patched a messenger to suspend the execution 
 of the sentence, and bring him to London, to 
 declare, upon oath, whether this really were the 
 
lîERKI,LIOX OF 1745. 209 
 
 head of Prince Charles; but Mr. Morison having 
 been attacked on the road with a violent fever, 
 accompanied with delirium, remained in bed at 
 the messenger's house, where he continued a 
 prisoner for fifteen days after his arrival in Lon- 
 don ; and, when he began to recover, the head 
 was in such a putrid state, tliat it was judged 
 unnecessarj^to examine him, as it was no longer 
 possible to distinguish any of the features. Mr. 
 Morison obtained his pardon, and repaired im- 
 mediatelv to France, where he still lives. * 
 
 * It is hardly necessary to observe, that this applies to 
 the period when these Memoirs were written. 
 
 In the Caledonian Mercury of 15th May, 1 815, there ap- 
 peared a paragraph in which, after recounting the devoted- 
 ness of Mr. M'Kenzie, and the transmission of his head to 
 the Duke of Cumberland, it is said, " At Edinburgh, it was 
 thought proper to ascertain that it was really the Prince's 
 head, and Robert Morison his barber was sent to identify it. 
 Fainting with horror, the poor man was shown this shock- 
 ing spectacle. — After examining it, he became satisfied, from 
 some mole or other mark, that it was not the head of his 
 master, but he had the presence of mind to conceal his feel- 
 ings, and only said, that although he was not able to swear to 
 the identity of the head, in that situation, the resemblance 
 was so strong, no person would doubt that it was the head of 
 Prince Charles. This evidence satisfied the butchers for the 
 time, and the fury of the pursuit abating, the Prince escaped 
 to France- — What his feelings were on returning from his 
 hiding-place in the hut, and finding the mangled body of his 
 friend, generous hearts may imagine, but few would be able 
 to describe." 
 
 Mr. Young, on seeing this paragraph, sent for Mr. Robert 
 Morison, architect in Edinburgh, the son of the above-men- 
 
 P 
 
210 ï^iEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 At length the Prince embarked, on the 17tli 
 of September, on board a vessel which Mr. 
 Welsh of Nantes had fitted out, and sent to 
 Scotland for the express purpose of saving him ; 
 and he landed at Morlaix, in the month of 
 October, liaving escaped death a thousand times, 
 by the assassin's dagger, during the space of 
 five months, and having exposed himself to a 
 thousand times more danger tlian if he had sup- 
 ported his cause, with courage and perseverance, 
 at the head of his faithful Highlanders, as long 
 as he could hope to make head against the 
 English. He shouki only, as a last resource, 
 have embraced the resolution of skulking and 
 
 tioned Robert Morison, who, after reading it, informed liim 
 that it was his uncle Richard Morison, and not his father, to 
 whom Mr. M'Kenzie's head was shown, and that Richard was 
 the Prince's body-servant, and dressed and shaved him. He 
 was taken prisoner after the battle of Culloden, carried to 
 Carlisle, and there condemned, but conveyed to London to 
 view Mr. M'Kenzie's head, and promised a pardon if he 
 would declare the truth. He did declare the truth, and was 
 pardoned accordingly. Mr. Morison further informed Mr. 
 Young that he had known personally two sisters of Mr. 
 M'Kenzie, who lived in the same house with his father, 
 (or, as it is called in Edinburgh, on the same stair,) and as the 
 principles of the two families were the same, much inter- 
 course took place betwixt them. When a boy, he frequently 
 heard the circumstance of the head spoken of. The Misses 
 M'Kenzie bore an excellent character, and lived upon a 
 small annuity ; but he never heard of what family they were, 
 though it Mas respectable. 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. ^H 
 
 running about the Highlands, without attend- 
 ants, after the passes had been forced, and all 
 possibility of opposing the enemy was destroyed» 
 But our situation was not desperate. All that 
 we can say is, that this Prince entered on his 
 expedition rashly, and without foreseeing the 
 personal dangers to which he was about to 
 expose himself; that, in carrying it on, he 
 always took care not to expose his person to the 
 fire of the enemy ; and that he abandoned it at 
 a time when he had a thousand times more reason 
 to hope for success than when he left Paris to 
 undertake it. 
 
 The battle of Culloden, which was lost on the 
 l6th of April, rather from a series of mistakes 
 on our part than any skilful manœuvre of the 
 Duke of Cumberland, by terminating the expe- 
 dition of Prince Charles, prepared a scene of 
 unparalleled horrors for his partisans. The ruin 
 of many of the most illustrious families in Scot- 
 land immediately followed our defeat. The 
 scaffolds of England were, for a long time, 
 deluged every day with the blood of Scottish 
 gentlemen and peers, whose executions served 
 as a spectacle for the amusement of the English 
 populace, naturally of a cruel and barbarous dis- 
 position ; whilst the confiscation of their estates 
 reduced their families to beggary. Those who 
 had the good luck to make their escape into 
 foreign countries, were consoled for the loss of 
 their property, in escaping from a tragical death 
 
 p 2 
 
212 MEMOIRS OF THK 
 
 by the hands of the executioner ; and considered 
 themselves as very fortunate withal ; for His 
 Most Christian Majesty did not merely grant an 
 asylum to the unfortunate Scots, who were the 
 victims of their attachment to their legitimate 
 Prince, but set apart a fund for their subsist- 
 ence, of forty thousand livres a year, which was 
 distributed to them in pensions. These pen- 
 sions have been always regularly paid ; but the 
 intentions of His Majesty, who destined this fund 
 exclusively for the Scots who were followers of 
 Prince Charles, have not been attended to in its 
 distribution. 
 
 As soon as the Duke of Cumberland was 
 certain, from the total dispersion of the High- 
 landers at Ruthven, that he had no reason to 
 fear their re-appearance with arms in their 
 hands, he divided his army into different de- 
 tachments, which were ordered to scour the 
 Highlands, in order to pillage the houses and 
 take prisoners. These detachments, acting as 
 executioners of the Duke of Cumberland, com- 
 mitted the most horrible cruelties ; burning the 
 castles of the chiefs of clans, violating their 
 wives and daughters, and making it their amuse- 
 ment to hang up the unfortunate Highlanders 
 who happened to fall into their hands, surpas- 
 sing in barbarity the most ferocious savages of 
 America. However, the principal object which 
 the Duke had in view, in sending out these 
 detachments, was the seizure of the Prince ; 
 and he never failed, in his instructions to the 
 
KEKliLLION OF 1745. <213 
 
 commanders, to enjoin them not to take him a 
 prisoner, but to put him to instant death. In- 
 deed, the court of London would have been 
 greatly embarrassed, had he become their pri- 
 soner. Tiie Parliament of England could not 
 have indicted him for treason, as a subject of 
 Great Britain, on account of his undoubted right 
 to the crown. 
 
 Orders were, at the same time, transmitted to 
 all the towns and villages along the two arms of 
 the sea, between Inverness and Edinburgh, to 
 stop any person without a passport from the 
 Duke of Cumberland, or the magistrates of Edin- 
 burgh j and also to all the seaports of Great 
 Britain, prohibiting all masters of merchant ves- 
 sels from receiving any person on board without 
 a passport, or contributing in any manner to 
 the escape of a rebel, (a name they had given 
 to us as we were vanquished, while we should 
 have been heroes had we succeeded,) undej" 
 pain of high-treason, and of being liable to 
 the same punishment as those who had taken 
 arms. The Duke of Cumberland detached 
 at the same time his cavalry into the Low 
 Country, at the foot of the mountains, to seize 
 all those who might present themseli^es with- 
 out passports to cross the first arm of the 
 sea, with orders to send out continual patrols 
 along the coast, and to search all the towns and 
 villages in the neighbourhood of the sea. In 
 consequence of all these arrangements, it was 
 
 p 3 
 
{214 Mio.Moius OF Tin: 
 
 almost impossible to escape the fury of this saii- 
 guinaiy Duke, who, on account of his excesses 
 und cruelties, unheard of among civilised nations, 
 was held in contempt by all respectable persons 
 in England, even by those who were in no 
 manner partisans of the house of Stuart ; and 
 he was ever afterwards known in London by 
 the appellation of " the Butcher." 
 
 My friendship for the unfortunate Macdonald 
 of Scothouse, who was killed by my side at the 
 battle of Culloden, had induced me to advance 
 to the charo^e with his reo-iment. We were on 
 the left of our army, and at the distance of about 
 twenty paces from the enemy, when the route 
 began to become general, before we had even 
 given our fire on the left. Almost at the same 
 instant that I saw Scothouse fall, the most wor- 
 thy man I have ever known, and with whom I 
 had been connected, by-the-bye, in bonds of the 
 purest friendship from the commencement of 
 our expedition, to add to the horror of the scene, 
 I perceived all the Highlanders around me turn- 
 ing their backs to fly. I remained for a time 
 motionless, and lost in astonishment ; I then, in 
 a rage, discharged my blunderbuss and pistols 
 at the enemy, and immediately endeavoured to 
 save myself like the rest ; but having charged 
 on foot and in boots, I was so overcome by the 
 marshy ground, the water on which reached to 
 the middle of the leg, that instead of running I 
 C0UI4. scarcely walk. I had left my servant, 
 Robeiytson, with mv horses, on the eminence, 
 
REBELLION' OF 1745. 215 
 
 about 600 yards behind us, where the Prmce 
 remained during the battle, with orders to re- 
 main near the Prince's servants, that I might 
 easily know where to find my horses in case of 
 need. My first object on retreating was to turn 
 my eyes towards the eminence, to discover Ro- 
 bertson ; but it was to no purpose. I neither 
 saw the Prince nor his servants, nor any one on 
 horseback. They had all gone oft', and were 
 already out of sight. I saw nothing but the 
 most horrible of all spectacles ; the field of battle, 
 from the right to the left of our army, covered 
 with Highlanders, dispersed and flying as fast 
 as they could to save themselves. 
 
 Being no longer able to keep myself on my 
 legs, and the enemy always advancing very 
 slowly, but redoubling their fire, my mind was 
 agitated and undecided whether 1 should throw 
 away my life, or surrender a prisoner, which was 
 a thousand times worse than death on the field 
 of battle. All at once I perceived a horse, 
 about thirty paces before me, without a rider. 
 The idea of being yet able to escape, gave me 
 fresh strength, and served as a spur to me. I 
 ran and laid hold of the bridle, which was fast 
 in the hand of a man lying on the ground, whom 
 I supposed dead; but, what was my surprise, 
 when the cowardly poltroon, who was suffering 
 from nothing but fear, dared to remain in the 
 most horrible fire to dispute the horse with me, 
 at twenty paces from the enemy ? All my me- 
 naces could not induce him to quit the bridle. 
 
 p 4 
 
^i6 MEMOIRS or IHE 
 
 Whilst we were disputing, a discharge from a 
 cannon, loaded with grape-shot, fell at our feet, 
 and covered us with mud, without, however, 
 producing any effect upon this singular indi- 
 vidual, who obstinately persisted in retaining the 
 liorse. Fortunately for me, Finlay Cameron, an 
 officer in Lochiel's regiment, a youth of twenty 
 years of age, six feet high, and very strong and 
 vigorous, happened to pass near us. I called 
 on him to assist me. " Ah ! Finlay," said I, 
 " this fellow will not give me up the horse." 
 Finlay flew to me like lightning, immediately 
 presented his pistol to the head of this man, and 
 threatened to blow out his brains if he hesitated 
 a moment to let go the bridle. The fellow, who 
 had the appearance of a servant, at length yield- 
 ed, and took to his heels. Having obtained the 
 horse, I attempted to mount him several times ; 
 but all my efforts were ineffectual, as I was with- 
 out strength and completely exhausted. I called 
 again on poor Finlay, though he was already 
 some paces from me, to assist me to mount. He 
 returned, took me in his arms, with as much 
 ease as if I had been a child, and threw me on 
 the horse like a loaded sack, giving the horse at 
 the same time a heavy blow to make him set off 
 with me. Then, wishing that I might have the 
 good fortune to make my escape, he bounded 
 off like a roe, and was in a moment out of sight. 
 We were hardly more than fifteen or twenty 
 paces from the enemy when he quitted me. As 
 soon as 1 found myself at the distance of thirty 
 
UEBELLIOX OF 174.7. ^ZIJ 
 
 or forty paces, I endeavoured to set myself right 
 on the horse, put my feet in the stirrups, and 
 rode off as fast as the wretched animal could 
 carry me. 
 
 I was too much indebted to Finlay Cameron 
 not to endeavour continually to ascertain his 
 fate ; but all my enquiries were in vain. His 
 conduct, on this occasion, was the more noble 
 and generous, as I never had any particular in- 
 timacy with him. 
 
 How difficult it is to know men ! From tlie 
 commencement of our expedition, when I was 
 aide-de-camp to Lord George Murray, I per- 
 ceived that he was of a mild, honourable, and 
 brave character j but he had never shown the 
 least symptom of friendship for me ; and yet I 
 was indebted to him, for my life, and he gener- 
 ously risked his own to save me. There is every 
 probability that I also saved the life of the pol- 
 troon who held the horse, in rousing him out of 
 his panic-fear ; for, in less than two minutes, the 
 English army would have passed over him. The 
 cowardice of this man has often furnished me 
 with matter for reflection; and I am thoroughly 
 convinced that, for one brave man who perishes 
 in routs, there are ten cowards. The greatness 
 of the danger is increased in the eyes of a cow- 
 ard ; it blinds him, deprives him of reflection, 
 and renders him incapable of reasoning with 
 himself respecting his position. He loses the 
 faculty of thinking, with the presence of mind 
 which is necessary in great dangers, and, seeing 
 
2 IS MEMOIRS OF Til H 
 
 every thing through a false medium, his stupor 
 costs him both his honour and his Hfe : whilst the 
 man who is truly firm, brave, and determined, 
 sees all the dangers which surround him, but 
 his presence of mind enables him to see at the 
 same time the means of extricating himself ; and 
 thus, if any resource remains, he will turn it to 
 account. 
 
 As soon as I was out of the reach of the dreadful 
 fire of the infantry, I stopped to breathe a little, 
 and to deliberate as to the resolution I should 
 adopt, and the route I should follow. Whilst our 
 army lay at Inverness, I had frequently been, on 
 parties of pleasure, at the castle of Mr. Grant of 
 Rothiemurchus, which is situated in the midst of 
 the mountains, about six leagues from that town. 
 This worthy man, who w^as then about fifty years 
 of age, and a delightful companion, took a strong 
 liking for me, and frequently assured me of his 
 friendship, as did also his eldest son, with whom 
 I had been at school, but who was in the service 
 of King George. The father was a partisan of 
 the house of Stuart, but, from prudential mo- 
 tives, did not openly declare himself j and both 
 he and his vassals remained neutral during the 
 wholeof our expedition. This castle is situated 
 in one of the most beautiful valleys imaginable ; 
 a valley which equals any thing in the most ro- 
 mantic descriptions of the poets. It is on the 
 banks of a very beautiful river, the Spey, which 
 winds through a plain, about a quarter of a 
 league broad, and two leagues long. Round 
 
REBELLION OF 17 10. '2i^ 
 
 tliis plain the mountains rise behind each other 
 in the form of an amphitheatre, the tops of some 
 of them being covered with wood, while others 
 are covered with the most beautiful verdure : it 
 seems as if nature had exhausted herself in form- 
 ing this charming retreat j for every conceivable 
 description of rural beauty has been lavished on 
 it with the utmost profusion. It enchanted me 
 more than any place I ever saw. 
 
 During the two months that our army re- 
 mained at Inverness, on our return from Eng- 
 land, I passed as much of my time as I possibly 
 could at this delightful place, which I always 
 quitted with regret ; and I happened to be there 
 when we received information that the Duke of 
 Cumberland had crossed the Spey, in the 
 direction of Elgin, and that he was advancing 
 to Inverness. I immediately set off to join our 
 army, but not without regret to quit so pleasant 
 a place, and the agreeable society of Rothie- 
 murchus, who was a most amiable, mild, 
 honourable, and accomplished gentleman, pos- 
 sessed of an even temper, great natural gaiety 
 and wit, and a great fund of good sense and 
 judgment. On taking leave of him, he clasped 
 me in his arms, embraced me tenderly, with 
 tears in his eyes,^ and said, *' My dear boy, 
 should your affairs take an unfortunate turn, 
 which may be the case, come straight to my 
 house, as a hiding-place, and I will answer for 
 your safety with my life." His mountains 
 being, in reality, a secure asylum against all the 
 
220 MEMOÏIIS OF THE 
 
 researches of" the English troops, I resolved, 
 without hesitation, to take the road to Rothie- 
 murchus, which was on our right from the field 
 of battle ; but I had not advanced a hundred 
 paces when I saw a body of English cavalry 
 before me, which barred the way. I then 
 turned back, taking the road to Inverness, which 
 I followed, till I saw from an eminence, that 
 the bulk of our army were throwing themselves 
 in that direction ; from which I judged that the 
 principal pursuit of the enemy would be along 
 the road to Inverness. I therefore quitted also 
 that road, and proceeded straight across the 
 fields, without any other design than that of 
 getting as far from the enemy as possible. 
 
 On reaching the banks of the river Ness, a 
 quarter of a league higher up than the town of 
 Inverness, and nearly the same distance from 
 the field of battle, I stopped to consider what 
 route I should take, as the cavalry of the enemy, 
 on the road to Rothiemurchus, had totally 
 disconcerted me. Whilst I was agitated and 
 tormented from my im certainty, as to what 
 course I should take, never having been in this 
 part of the' mountains to the west of Inverness, 
 I suddenly heard a brisk firing in the town, 
 which lasted a few minutes. . As in misfortunes 
 the imagination is often filled with delusive 
 hopes, I at first thought that it might proceed 
 from the Highlanders who were defending the 
 town against the English, and I bitterly regretted 
 that I had quitted the Inverness road. I recol- 
 
 3 
 
UEBELLION OF 1745. ^2^1 
 
 lected that there was a footpath which led to 
 the town, by the banks of the river, along 
 which I had several times passed in fishing 
 excursions. Having discovered this road, I 
 immediately took it, without giving myself time 
 to reflect that the place was not capable of any 
 defence, being merely surrounded by a wall, 
 proper only for an inclosure ; but I had not 
 proceeded a hundred paces before I met a 
 Highlander, coming from the town, who assured 
 me that the English had entered without meet- 
 ing with any resistance. He informed me, at 
 the same time, that the whole road, from the 
 field of battle to Inverness, was covered with 
 dead bodies, the principal pursuit of the Eng- 
 lish cavalry having been in that direction ; and 
 that the streets were likewise covered with dead, 
 as the bridge, at the end of the principal street, 
 had been immediately blocked up by the fugi- 
 tives. I was not sorry to find that my first 
 conjectures were, unfortunately, but too true ; 
 for, in following the road to the town, I should 
 have been of the number of these bodies. I 
 returned then, with my heart more .oppressed 
 than ever, and plunged in the greatest grief. 
 
 As all my hopes were vanished, I only thought 
 of removing, as far as possible, from the fatal 
 spot ; and as the Highlander informed me that 
 he was going to Fort Augustus, a small place 
 about eight leagues from Inverness, which our 
 army had demolished some time before, I took 
 the high-road, under his guidance, and proposed 
 
222 MEMOIRS or THE 
 
 that we should proceed together to that phice» 
 We reached Fort Augustus at midnight, with- 
 out finding a single hut on our way ; and I 
 alighted at a very small cottage, which had the 
 name of a public house, and the landlady of 
 which had nothing to give me but a piece of 
 oaten bread and some whiskey, with a little 
 hay for my horse, which gave me the most 
 pleasure ; for although I had tasted nothing 
 during the last twenty-four hours, the terrible 
 vicissitudes which I had experienced in the most 
 cruel and unfortunate day 1 had yet known, 
 completely took from me all appetite, and all 
 disposition to eat. Being very much fatigued 
 in body and mind, I slept for two or three hours, 
 on a seat near the fire j for as to beds there 
 were none in the house. 
 
 I never ceased, however, from looking upon 
 Rothiemurchus as my only resource ; but his 
 castle being situated to the south of Inverness, 
 when I was at Fort Augustus, I was at a greater 
 distance from it than When I left the field of 
 battle. I quitted the cabin, therefore^ before 
 day, having found another guide, who conducted 
 me to Garviemore, twelve miles south from 
 Fort Augustus. The next day I proceeded 
 to Ruthven in Badenoch, which is only two 
 leagues distant from Rothiemurchus. 
 
 Hitherto I had fallen in with no person who 
 could give me any newsj I was therefore agree- 
 ably surprised on finding that this little town 
 had, by chance, become the rendezvous for a 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. Q^3 
 
 great })art of our army ; for no place had been 
 fixed on as a rallying-point in case of a defeat. In 
 an instant I was surrounded by a number of 
 my companions, who eagerly announced to me, 
 that a great })art of our army was at Ruthven 
 and its neighbourhood ; that the Highlanders 
 were in the best disposition for taking their 
 revenge, and waited, with impatience, the return 
 of an aide-de-camp, whom Lord George Murray 
 had sent to the Prince, to receive his orders, 
 expecting to be led to battle. I never felt 
 more intense joy than on this occasion : my 
 eyes were filled witli tears. I can only compare 
 my situation to that of a sick person, who, after 
 languishing for a long time, suddenly finds 
 himself restored to a state of perfect health. 
 Having learned that there was no accommo- 
 dation at Ruthven, the greater part of our 
 people being obliged to sleep in the fields, 1 did 
 not alight from my horse, but after making 
 every possible enquiry for Finlay Cameron, to 
 express my gratitude to him, without obtaining 
 any information as to what had befallen him, I 
 proceeded on to Killihuntly, about a quarter of 
 a league from Ruthven. 
 
 When our army retreated to the north of 
 Scotland, I stopped at the mansion of Mr. Gor- 
 don, of Killihuntly, where I passed several days 
 very agreeably, and received many civilities. 
 This amiable family received me in the most 
 friendly manner, and I found Lord and Lady 
 Ogilvie there, with several other friends. As 
 
22 1 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 I had tasted nothing for forty hours, but a crust 
 of oaten bread and some whiskey, I did great 
 honour to the good cheer of the lady of the 
 house ; and as I had been a stranger to a bed 
 since we left Inverness to meet the enemy, I 
 went immediately to rest, with a mind at ease, 
 and slept eighteen hours without waking. Next 
 day, after dinner, I went to Ruthven ; but as 
 the aide-de-camp had not yet returned, there 
 was nothing to be learned there, and I returned 
 to sleep at KilJihuntly. I was delighted to see 
 the gaiety of the Highlanders, who seemed to 
 have returned from a ball rather than from a 
 defeat. 
 
 As I passed the night impatiently and with 
 uneasiness, I rose early next morning, and went, 
 in all haste, to Ruthven, to learn if the aide-de- 
 camp had returned. On entering tlie place, I 
 was immediately struck v.dth the gloom and me- 
 lancholy painted on tlie countenance of every 
 person I met, and I soon learned that the cause 
 of it was but too well-founded. The first officer 
 I fell in with told me that the aide-de-camp had 
 returned, and that the only answer he had 
 brought from the Prince was, " Let every one 
 seek the means of escape as well as he can :** a 
 sad and heart-breaking answer for the brave men 
 who had sacrificed themselves for him. 
 
 I returned immediately to Killihuntly, with a 
 sad and heavj^ heart, to take leave of my friends, 
 and thank them for their civilities. The lady 
 offered me an asylum in their mountains, which 
 are very solitary and difficult of access ; telling 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 225 
 
 me that she would cause a hut to be constructed 
 for me in the most remote situation, where she 
 would take care to lay in every kind of provi- 
 sions ; that I should not want for books, and 
 that she would give me a flock of seven or eight 
 sheep to take care of. She added, that the place 
 proposed being at a mile's distance from the 
 castle, on the banks of a stream abounding in 
 trouts, I might amuse myself by fishing, and she 
 would often take a walk in that direction to see 
 her shepherd. 
 
 The project pleased me very much at first, 
 for my misfortunes had suddenly metamorphosed 
 me into a philosopher ; and I should have con- 
 sented to pass the whole of the rest of my days 
 in solitude, if my mind had been at ease and free 
 from anxiety. Besides, it was now the beginning 
 of summer ; and the natural beauties of the 
 country, the water-falls, the mountain-glens, the 
 rivers, lakes, and woods, every thing, in short, 
 had irresistible attractions. Indeed, the grand- 
 eur and magnificence which nature there dis- 
 played could hardly fail to produce a strong 
 impression on the most insensible minds. A 
 thousand wild graces left all the beauties of art 
 far behind them. A poet or painter would have 
 selected such a spot as an inspired abode, cal- 
 culated to give birth to those ideas which never 
 can be effaced from the mind of man. 
 
 Besides, the amiable society of Mr. and Mrs. 
 Gordon, who then showed so much friendship 
 lor me, led me to think I could not do better j 
 
gâ6 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 but, before coming to a decision, I wished to see 
 my good friend Rothiemurchus, and consult with 
 him as to the possibiUty of finding means of em- 
 barking for a foreign country, that I might not 
 remain eternally between life and deatli. I 
 went, therefore, after dinner, to Rothiemurcus, 
 which is situated at the other extremity of this 
 beautiful valley, and nearly two leagues from 
 Killihuntly ; but Rothiemurchus, the father, was 
 not at home. He had gone to Inverness, as 
 soon as he heard the news of our defeat, to pay 
 his court to the Duke of Cumberland, rather 
 from fear of mischief which this barbarous Duke 
 might do to him, than from any attachment to 
 the House of Hanover. I, however, found 
 his son there ; as also Gordon of Park, lieu- 
 tenant-colonel of Lord Lewis Gordon ; Gor- 
 don of Cobairdie, his brother j and Gordon of 
 Abachie. 
 
 Young Rothiemurchus advised me very much 
 to surrender myself a prisoner to the Duke of 
 Cumberland, on account of the difficulty, or 
 rather impossibility, of effecting my escape ; al- 
 leging, at the same time, that those who first 
 surrendered could hardly fail to obtain their par- 
 don. He added, that he had just returned from 
 Inverness, whither he had conducted Lord Bal- 
 merino, who followed his advice in surrendering 
 himself a prisoner. I by no means relished the 
 perfidious advice of my old school-fellow, who 
 was of a very different character from that of his 
 father. I replied that I j^trembled at the very 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 2^7 
 
 idea of seeing myself ironed in a dungeon ; that, 
 as long as I could, I should preserve my liberty, 
 and when I could no longer avoid falling into 
 the hands of the Duke of Cumberland, he might 
 then do with me whatever he liked ; that I 
 should then meet my fate with resignation. The 
 unfortunate Lord Balmerino was beheaded at 
 London, during the time I was concealed there, 
 and died with an astonishing constancy and 
 bravery, worthy of an ancient Roman. 
 
 The servant of Rothiemurchus told us, that, 
 having gone over the field of battle, there ap- 
 peared among the dead as many English as 
 Highlanders ; and it gave us some consolation to 
 think, that they had not obtained an easy victory. 
 He likewise informed us, that the Duke of Cum- 
 berland, after leaving our wounded forty hours 
 on the field of battle, had sent detachments to 
 put to death all those whose robust constitutions 
 had been able to resist the efîect of the continual 
 rains ; and that his orders had been carried into 
 execution with the utmost rigour. 
 
 Gordon of Park, his brother, and Abachie, 
 having resolved to go to their estates in the shire 
 of Banfï", about ten or twelve leagues to the 
 south of Rothiemurchus, proposed that I should 
 accompany them ; and 1 consented the more 
 willingly, as my brother-in-law, Rollo, now, 
 a peer of Scotland, was settled in the town of 
 Banff, the capital of that shire, and a seaport, 
 where he had the inspection of merchant ships, 
 in virtue of an office lately obtained by him from 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 the government. I hoped, through his means, 
 to find an opportunity of escaping abroad. Thus 
 situated, I abandoned, without difficulty, the 
 project of becoming a shepherd to Mrs. Gordon, 
 which would have kept me too long in a state 
 of uncertainty as to my fate. Besides, as I was 
 a stranger in the Highlands, and totally unac- 
 quainted with the language of the country, I was 
 the more induced to place myself under the aus- 
 pices of Gordon of Park. 
 
 After staying two or three days at Rothie- 
 murchus, I set off with Gordon of Park, Gordon 
 of Cobairdie, his brother, and Gordon of Abachie, 
 and, having proceeded some miles, we slept at 
 the house of one of their friends, near a mountain 
 called Cairngorm, where the shepherds often find 
 precious stones of different kinds, without know- 
 ing their value. For some years I had made a' 
 collection of these stones, without being on the 
 spot where they are found, and some of them 
 were very beautiful ; especially a very fine ruby, 
 which cost me no more than a crown in its rough 
 state, but for which, when polished, I refused 
 fifty guineas from the Duke of Hamilton. . 
 
 This stone was of the size of a bean, the colour 
 was a little deep, and the fire equal to that of 
 the most beautiful diamond. All the jewellers 
 of Edinburgh had taken it for an oriental ruby. 
 I made a present of it to Lady Jane Douglas, 
 who paid me amply for it some time afterwards, 
 by saving my life. I had likewise a very fine 
 hyacinth, and a topaz, of the size of a pigeon's 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 2^9 
 
 egg^ of a beautiful colour, on which I caused 
 the arms of Great Britain to be engraved ; both 
 of which I, afterwards, presented to Prince 
 Charles ; the hyacinth at Perth, when I joined 
 him, and the topaz, with his arms, on our arrival 
 at Edinburgh. 
 
 These gentlemen yielded to the entreaties of 
 their friend to stay a day at his house, and I 
 was not displeased at it. Forgetting, for a 
 moment, our disasters, 1 rose at an early hour, 
 and flew immediately to the mountains, among 
 the herdsmen, where I found some pretty and 
 beautiful topazes, two of which, sufficiently large 
 to serve for seals, I afterwards presented to the 
 Duke of York *, at Paris. Having returned to 
 dinner, when my friends saw me enter with a 
 large bag of flints, they burst into a loud laugh ; 
 and Gordon of Park exhorted me, very seriously, 
 to think rather of saving myself from the gal- 
 lows, than of collecting pebbles : my mind was, 
 however, as much occupied as theirs with our 
 unfortunate situation, and the scaffold was as 
 deeply imprinted on my imagination ; but I 
 knew, at the same time, that the possession of a 
 few stones could not hasten my destiny, if it 
 were my fate to be hanged j whilst the search 
 after them dissipated, for a moment, those ideas 
 which entirely engrossed my companions in 
 misfortune. 
 
 We reached the shire of Banff on the fourth 
 
 <r Brother of Prince Charles, better known under the title 
 of Cardinal de York. 
 
 Q 3 
 
S30 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 day after our departure from Rothiemurchus, 
 when it became necessary for us to separate, the 
 people being all Calvinists, and declared enemies 
 of the House of Stuart. We had lodged the 
 preceding night at the house of a Mr. Stuart, 
 a Presbyterian minister, but a very respectable 
 man, and secretly in the interest of Prince 
 Charles. On rising in the morning, I exchanged 
 my laced Highland dress with his servant, for 
 an old labourer's dress, quite ragged, and ex- 
 haling a pestilential odour, which, according to 
 all appearance, had only been used, for several 
 years, when he cleaned the stables of his master ; 
 for it smelt so strongly of dung as to be abso- 
 lutely infectious at a distance. Having made 
 a complete exchange with him, even to our 
 shoes and stockings, each of us found our ad- 
 vantage in it, and particularly myself, as these 
 rags were to contribute to save my life. Thus 
 metamorphosed, we took leave of each other, 
 every one following a different road. Gordon 
 of Park advised me to pass the night at his castle 
 of Park ; and I accepted his offer the more 
 readily, as, being only a league and a half from 
 Banff, it was conveniently situated for an inter- 
 view with my brother-in-law, Rollo. I was not, 
 however, without fear of meeting some detach- 
 ment, sent out to surprise Mr. Gordon, who was 
 nearly related to the Duke of Gordon, which 
 might have made me a prisoner in his stead. 
 1 found in this mansion his cousin-german, 
 Mrs. Menzie, a very amiable, sprightly, and 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. ^SÎ 
 
 sensible lady, with whom I had passed some 
 time very delightfully at the house of Mr. Duff, 
 provost of Banff, whose family was one of the 
 most agreeable and respectable I ever knew in 
 the whole course of my life, and whose charming 
 society I quitted with the greatest possible re- 
 gret, to rejoin our army at Inverness. 
 
 Mrs. Menzie informed me, that there were 
 four hundred English soldiers in the town of 
 Banff, and she strongly advised me not to expose 
 myself by going there ; but as an interview with 
 my brother-in-law was that on which I placed 
 all my hopes of effecting my escape to a foreign 
 country, I determined to go, contrary to her 
 opinion ; and I set out next day on foot, about 
 nine o*clock in the evening, leaving my horse 
 till my return. On entering the town I met 
 a number of soldiers, who paid no attention to 
 me, which was a very favourable omen to me of 
 the success of my disguise as a beggar. Indeed, 
 my clothes were so bad, that the lowest peasant 
 would have been ashamed to wear them. My 
 blood boiled in my veins at the sight of the 
 soldiers, whom I considered the authors of all the 
 trouble and distress which I began to feel, and 
 I could hardly prevent myself from casting at 
 them looks expressive of rage and indignation. 
 I, however, proceeded on my way, invoking the 
 Supreme Being, with much earnestness, to favour 
 us with one single opportunity of taking ven- 
 geance on them for their cruelties at Cullo- 
 den, when I should die tranquil and satisfied ; 
 
 Q 4} 
 
23a MEMOIllS OF THE 
 
 prayers which, in appearance, will never be 
 granted. 
 
 I went straight to the house of Mr. DufF, 
 where I had been so agreeably entertained a 
 short time before. He was a secret partisan of 
 the Prince, but, being prudent and discreet, he 
 only avowed his principles to his particular 
 friends. He was one of the most amiable men 
 in the world, endowed with every possible good 
 quality, and possessed of true merit ; he was of 
 an equal mind, of a gay and sprightly disposition, 
 and had a great share of good sense, judgment, 
 talents, and discernment. Mrs. Duff resembled 
 her husband in every thing ; and their two 
 daughters, the youngest of whom was a great 
 beauty, were the exact copies of their father 
 and mother. There was but one way of think- 
 ing in Mr. Duff's house ; and I shall regret the 
 loss of their delicious society as long as I live. 
 As the servant-maid who opened the door did 
 not know me, on account of my disguise, I told' 
 her that I was the bearer of a letter to her mas- 
 ter, which I was charged to deliver into his own 
 hands, and I therefore desired her to inform him 
 of it. Mr. DufF came down stairs, and did not 
 recognise me at first any more than his maid had 
 done ; but having fixed his eyes on me for some 
 moments, his surprise was succeeded by a flood 
 of tears. He strongly exhorted the maid to 
 fidelity and secrecy. As Mrs. DufF and her. 
 daughters were in bed, he conducted me into 
 a room, and immediately sent his maid in quest 
 
REBELLION OF 17i5. 233 
 
 of my brother-in-law, who happened to be from 
 home, and who could not be found, notwith- 
 standing every search was made for him. My 
 sister was still at Lord Rollo's, her father-in-law, 
 at Duncrib, as Mr. Rollo had not been long in 
 possession of his place. It was not my intention 
 to sleep in Banff, if I could have seen my brother- 
 in-law without delay, and ascertained if I had 
 any thing to hope from his services, at a moment 
 so critical for me ; as the neighbourhood of 
 soldiers was too alarming to allow me to remain 
 tranquil. I had, therefore, resolved to leave 
 Banff before day, and to return to Mr. Gordon's 
 house. Mr. Duff retired to rest at one o'clock 
 in the morning ; when I went to bed, I was, 
 however, unable to close an eye. 
 
 I rose as soon as day began to appear, and 
 put on my rags ; and whilst I was seated in an 
 arm-chair, with my eyes fixed on the fire, pen- 
 sive, melancholy, and absorbed in a train of 
 reflections, which my situation suggested to me 
 in abundance, the servant-maid suddenly entered 
 my chamber, and told me that I was undone, 
 as the court-yard was filled with soldiers, come 
 to seize me. Less important intelligence would 
 have been enough to rouse me out of my reverie. 
 I immediately flew to the window, when I saw, 
 in reality, the soldiers which the maid had told 
 me of. Having thus ocular demonstration of 
 my misfortune, I returned to my chair, perfectly 
 resigned, and considered myself as a man who 
 was soon to end his days. I instantly conjee- 
 
234 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 turedthat the maid must have betrayed me, hav- 
 ing some soldier for her sweetheart, a common 
 enough circunistance : — one feeble ray of hope 
 alone remained, which was, to open a passage 
 for myself through the soldiers, with a pistol in 
 each hand ; and I kept my eyes steadfastly fixed 
 on the door of my chamber, in order to spring 
 on the soldiers like a lioUy the moment they 
 should appear. A melancholy resource ! I had 
 little hopes of success ; but I had no alternative. 
 Having passed about a quarter of an hour in 
 the most violent agitation, the door of my 
 chamber at length opened, and I sprung forward 
 with precipitation to the attack. But what was 
 my surprise, when, in place of the soldiers, I 
 saw the beautiful and adorable Miss Duff the 
 younger burst in out of breath, to tell me, like 
 another guardian angel, to be no longer uneasy ; 
 that the disturbance was occasioned by some 
 soldiers fighting among themselves, who had 
 entered into the court, to elude the observation 
 of their officers, and who, after settling their quar- 
 rel by a boxing match, had all gone off together. 
 Miss Duff the younger was very beautiful, 
 and only eighteen. I seized her in my arms, 
 pressed her to my bosom, and gave her, ^with 
 the best will in the world, a thousand tender 
 kisses. In an instant, the whole family were in 
 my room to congratulate me on my happy de- 
 liverance ; the noise of the soldiers having raised 
 every person in the house, though it was hardly 
 six o'clock. Fully convinced of tlie sincere 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 235 
 
 friendship and esteem of this respectable family, 
 my greatest uneasiness, during this adventure, 
 was least, from their excessive 'anxiety for me, 
 some of them should have innocently betrayed 
 me. Mr. Duff was the only person, on whose 
 coolness and presence of mind I could fully 
 rely. 
 
 My brother-in-law called on me a few minutes 
 after the alarm was over, and made me many 
 protestations of friendship, whilst he excused 
 himself at the same time from contributing, in 
 any manner, to assist me in procuring a passage 
 for some foreign country, as all the vessels at 
 Banff were strictly searched before their de- 
 parture, by different officers of government. He 
 advised me strongly to return to the Highlands, 
 as the only measure that I could adopt. I own 
 that I felt indignant at his conduct; and the 
 more so, as he was under numberless obligations 
 to me ; and I returned for answer, that I did 
 not want his advice, but his assistance. He 
 took his departure, after remaining a quarter of 
 an hour with me, during all which time he 
 seemed as if on thorns ; and from that moment 
 to this, I have neither seen him nor heard from 
 him. He knew all the masters of trading ships 
 at Banff; and, had he been disposed to serve 
 me, he could certainly have found some one of 
 the number, who would have taken me on 
 board, disguised as a sailor, which would have 
 saved me from an infinity of troubles and 
 sufferings, to which I was subjected before I 
 
236 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 effected my escape ; but lie would not expose 
 himself to the least risk for his brother-in-law, 
 who on all occasions had given him the most es- 
 sential proofs of his friendship. He was of such 
 a character that I do not believe he would have 
 put himself to any inconvenience for his own 
 father, or for any human being on the face of 
 the earth. 
 
 Adversity is the touchstone of man ; and I 
 have learned from mine how little reliance ought 
 to be placed on friendship in general. All 
 those, from whom I hoped for assistance in my 
 misfortunes, threw off the mask, and displayed 
 nothing but falsehood and dissimulation ; and it 
 was those only, from whom I did not expect 
 any services, who acted as sincere friends. 
 From having been deceived my whole life, ex- 
 perience has at length taught me to know man- 
 kind. I had even rendered the most essential 
 service to my brother-in-law a little before. 
 His father. Lord Rollo, a violent partisan of the 
 house of Stuart, had taken arms in the attempt 
 made, in the year lyi^, to re-establish that 
 family on the throne, which was defeated by 
 the English army, under the command of the 
 Duke of Argyle ; when he was obliged to con- 
 ceal himself several years before he obtained his 
 pardon. Having passed a night in his Lordship's 
 house, whilst our army were retreating from 
 Stirling to Inverness, he incessantly regretted 
 that his age and infirmities would not permit 
 him to join the Prince ; and he conjured me, 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. QSJ 
 
 with uplifted hands, to pass throiigli Banff, for 
 the express purpose of commanding his son, my 
 brother-in-law, to join our army immediately, 
 under pain of never being allowed to appear in 
 liis presence again. I delivered to my brother- 
 in-law his father's commands ; but, at the same 
 time, I painted to him the distress to which he 
 would reduce his wife and family in case of our 
 defeat. My advice was beneficial to him ; for, 
 a short time afterwards, he found himself in pos- 
 session of the estate and honours of the house 
 of Rollo *, instead of dying on a scaffold, or 
 wandering about a beggar in a foreign land. 
 No doubt, I had more in view the interest of my 
 sister and nephew than himself, in this advice. 
 
 Having passed the whole day at Mr. Duff's, 
 in as agreeable a manner as was compatible 
 with the unfortunate situation in which I was 
 placed, I took my final leave of that amiable 
 family about nine o'clock in the evening, to 
 return to the castle of Gordon of Park, and our 
 tears at parting were reciprocal and abundant. 
 I spent the night, without going to bed, in con- 
 versation with Mrs. Menzie, not without fears 
 of a visit from some detachment sent in pursuit 
 of Mr. Gordon, for the mistake would not have 
 been to my advantage. After a great deal of 
 discussion with this lady, as to the measures 
 
 • It has lately been proved, from records in the Tower of 
 London, that my nephew, at present Lord Rollo, peer of 
 Scotland, is descended, by legitimate marriages, from Kaoul 
 or Rollo, Duke of Normandy. — Author. 
 
238 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 which I ought to adopt, I at length determhied 
 to gain the low country, and try, by everV' 
 means, to approach Edinburgh, that I might be 
 in the way of receiving assistance from my re- 
 lations and friends, as I knew nobody in the 
 Highlands but those who were plunged in the 
 same distress with myself, or perish in the 
 attempt. I resolved to consider myself in 
 future as a lost man, against whom there were 
 a thousand chances to one that he would end 
 his days on a scaffold ; but in favour of whom 
 there was still one chance remaining, and I de- 
 termined, therefore, to abandon myself wholly 
 to Providence, and trust rather to accident than 
 to any certain resource ; to preserve, on all oc- 
 casions, the coolness and presence of mind which 
 were absolutely necessary to extricate me from 
 the troublesome encounters to which I should 
 be exposed, and to enable me to avail myself of 
 the favourable opportunities which might pre- 
 sent themselves. Such were my resolutions j 
 and I was determined to carry them into exe- 
 cution, and to think of nothing which might 
 divert me from my purpose. 
 
 Mrs. Menzie did every thing in her power to 
 induce me to change my plan, by representing 
 the insurmountable difficulties which I should 
 have to encounter at every step ; the counties I 
 had to pass through, where all the peasants 
 were fanatical Calvinists, and assembled of 
 themselves, with their ministers at their head, to 
 go out on expeditions to take such unfortunate 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 239 
 
 gentlemen prisoners as made tlieir escape from 
 the Highlands, and the pursuits of the soldiers; 
 the great distance from the castle of Park to Edin- 
 burgh ; and the impossibility of crossing the two 
 arms of the sea without a passport from govern- 
 ment, as the English cavalry were constantly 
 patrolling along the shore, and searching the 
 different villages to examine and arrest all 
 persons without passports. But nothing could 
 shake my determination of proceeding to the 
 south. 
 
 About five o'clock in the morning, I took leave 
 of Mrs. Menzie, who gave me a letter of recom- 
 mendation to Mr. Gordon, of Kildrummy, one 
 of her relations, who then resided in one of his 
 mansions, about twelve miles from the castle of 
 Park, and she gave me a servant by way of 
 guide, whom I sent back as soon as we were in 
 siglit of the mansion in question. Upon asking 
 for Mr. Gordon, I was told that he had just 
 gone out, but that he would return to dinner ; 
 and the servant added, with a tone of indif- 
 ference, that if I were cold, I might, in the 
 mean time, go into the kitchen, and warm my- 
 self. As it was very cold, I accepted his offer, 
 and entered the kitchen, where I found a num- 
 ber of servants assembled around the fire, who, 
 believing themselves of a class above mine, al- 
 lowed me to remain standing a long time, before 
 inviting me to sit down and join their company, 
 which I did very respectfully. They embar- 
 rassed me very much by their incessant ques- 
 
240 MEMOIRS or THE 
 
 tions. One lackey asked me, if I had been 
 long in the service of Mrs. Menzie ? I answered, 
 with an air of the utmost humility and submis- 
 sion, that I had not yet been two months. A 
 chambermaid whispered to a lackey sufficiently 
 loud to allow me to hear her, that Mrs. Menzie 
 ought to be ashamed to send a servant with 
 commissions to her master, so shabbily dressed. 
 Their jargon, stupidity, and impertinence, wea- 
 ried me to death, and irritated me for two long 
 hours, when Mr. Gordon at length arrived to 
 relieve me. 
 
 I delivered to him Mrs. Menzie's letter, 
 before his servants, and continued following 
 him to his apartment ; and, as soon as 1 saw an 
 opportunity, I informed him who I was, and 
 begged him to procure me a guide to conduct 
 me to the first arm of the sea, as I was unac- 
 quainted with the country. He appeared 
 greatly affected with my situation, showed me 
 every possible kindness, and immediately sent 
 a servant with an order to one of his game- 
 keepers, to procure me a guide to his estate of 
 Kildrummy, sixteen miles distant ; and whilst 
 we were waiting the return of the servant, he 
 contrived to bring some provisions into the room, 
 of which I ate a great deal without any appetite, 
 from pure precaution, not knowing whether 1 
 should get any supper at Kildrummy. The 
 guide being arrived, I took my leave of Mr. 
 Gordon, and reached the village of Kildrummy 
 at an early hour. The place where I now passed 
 
 4 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. ^41 
 
 the night is famous for one of the mast me- 
 morable events in the Scottish history. 
 
 Scotland was the ally of France for nearly 
 nine hundred years without interruption, from 
 the reign of Charlemagne to the union of the 
 two crowns of Scotland and England. This 
 offensive and defensive alliance, was rigidly ob- 
 served by the Scots in all times j but they were 
 generally the victims of their attachment to 
 France. In all the quarrels between France 
 and England, Scotland always commenced hos- 
 tilities, the French availing themselves of Scot- 
 land, as a diversion in England, and by way of 
 keeping the English in check. In this game, 
 constantly played by France, the Scots were con- 
 tinually duped ; for as soon as the English dis- 
 embarked on France, the French auxiliaries in 
 Scotland were recalled to defend their own coun- 
 try ; and the unfortunate Scots were left to their 
 own resources, to extricate themselves from 
 their difficulties in the best way they could ; and 
 England having in all times been more populous 
 than Scotland, the Scots were frequently reduced 
 to the last extremity, as valour could not always 
 supply the place of numbers. 
 
 The Scots having lost several successive bat- 
 tles, and been forced to abandon the whole of 
 the low country, as far as Kildrummy, were 
 shut up in the Highlands, the inaccessible 
 nature of which protected them from complete 
 subjugation. In that deplorable situation, Robert 
 the Bruce, having assembled ten thousand men, 
 the wreck of the Scots armies, put himself 
 
 K 
 
242 >IEMOIRS or THE 
 
 their head, and unexpectedly fell upon the Eng- 
 lish, with such impetuosity, that they were im- 
 mediately put to flight. Not a man of tliem 
 escaped to cany the news of their defeat to Eng- 
 land, and Scotland was completely * liberated. 
 
 * The author here, and in the above account of the 
 French alliance, repeats some of the silly notions very gene- 
 rally entertained by the people of Scotland in his day. In 
 Eginhart's " Vita Caroli Magni," it is said of Charles, 
 " Scotorum quoque reges, sic habuit ad suam voluntatem 
 per suam munificentiam inclinâtes, ut eum nunquam aliter 
 nisi Dominum, seque subditos ac servos ejus pronunciarent." 
 This was quite enough for the Scots historians, who have 
 built on it a regular treaty of alliance between Charlemagne 
 and good King Achaius. They did not know that, in the 
 time of Charlemagne, Ireland went by the name of Scotland, 
 and that North Britain did not receive that name till the 
 10th century. But so inveterate was the prejudice respect- 
 ing this pretended alliance, that Lord Hailes was almost 
 afraid to expose its absurdity. The first mithoitic evidence 
 of any " intercourse between Scotland and France" is placed 
 by the learned Scots annalist in 1168. Till lately, the 
 Scots were grossly ignorant of the early history of their 
 country ; and the credulity with which they received all 
 manner of idle fables, justly subjected them to the delusion 
 of their neighbours. An Innes, a Dalrjmple, a Pinkerton, 
 a Chalmers, and other learned and laborious writers, have 
 at length freed their countrymen from this reproach, and 
 they can now admire a Buchanan for his latinity, and their 
 poets for their genius, without believing in the existence of 
 the kings before Christ, in the high antiquity of the French 
 alliance, or in all the marvellous achievements fondly attri- 
 buted to Wallace and Bruce. Kildrummy was the scene 
 of several conflicts between the English and Scots, which 
 Barbour has most circumstantially described; but no decisive 
 battle, of the nature of that above mentioned, ever took 
 place there. There is a curious description of this castle in 
 Cordiner's Antiquities and Scenery of the North of Scotland. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. O43 
 
 I walked a good deal about Kildrummy; and 
 recalling this event to my remembrance, my 
 imagination was so filled with it, that I thought 
 I could even distinguish the field of battle, 
 where this glorious victory was gained over the 
 English. I often said to myselfi O ! if the earth 
 here would open, how many English bones, 
 which it preserves as precious deposits in its 
 bosom, would it discover ! The view of this 
 celebrated spot operated as a relief to me, raised 
 somewhat my drooping spirits, and, for a mo- 
 ment, made me feel all my troubles alleviated 
 and suspended, and my mental distress less 
 intolerable. 
 
 As there are only a few cottages at Kildrum- 
 my, I passed the night in one which went by 
 the name of a public house, where I slept on a 
 bed of straw, very uncomfortably ; but to make 
 amends for my bed, my landlady gave me an 
 excellent young fowl for supper, and sur- 
 prised me next morning by only demanding 
 three-pence for my supper and bed. This pub- 
 lic house, it is true, was a very extraordinary 
 one ; for it contained no liquor of any descrip- 
 tion. This outset gave me pleasure, as I per- 
 ceived that I should not have hunger, in addition 
 to my other sufferings, to encounter in my jour- 
 ney to the south, as I must undoubtedly have 
 had in the Highlands. Mr. Gordon had sent 
 an order to Kildrummy, to furnish me with a 
 guide to Cortachie, a village belonging to Lord 
 Ogilvie, at the foot of the mountains to which 
 
 R 2 
 
244 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 I had kept very close, since my departure from 
 Banff. Before leaving Kildrummy, I ordered 
 my landlady to roast another fowl for me, which 
 I put in my pocket by way of precaution ; 
 for I was uncertain if I should find any thing 
 to eat in the course of the day ; and on giving 
 a sixpence to the good woman of the house, 
 she semed to be as well pleased as myself. 
 These good people have very little money 
 among them, and indeed they have little want 
 of it, as they possess the necessaries of life in 
 great abundance. 
 
 As soon as my guide had conducted me so 
 far on the road to Cortachie that I could not 
 go wrong, I sent him back again, and reached 
 Cortachie in the evening. In traversing the 
 moor of Glenelion *, I wished much to have 
 fallen in with the minister of that parish, a san- 
 guinary wretch, who made a practice of scouring 
 this moor every day, with a pistol, concealed 
 under his great coat, which he instantly pre- 
 sented to the breasts of any of our unfortunate 
 gentlemen, whom he fell in with, in order to 
 take them prisoners. This iniquitous interpreter 
 of the word of God considered it as a holy 
 undertaking to bring his fellow-creatures to the 
 scaffold ; and he was the cause of the death of 
 
 * This is the manner in which this name is written in the 
 original ; but it is presumed the author has fallen into some 
 mistake here. A valley in Perthshire, watered by the Lyon, 
 bears the name of Glenlyon, but it is remote from the route 
 of our author. Perhaps he meant the moor of Glenila or 
 Glenisla. Glenila is a long vale, watered by the lia, and 
 Glenila church is not many miles distant from Cortachie. 
 
REBELLION OF ly^-^. 245 
 
 several, whom he had thus taken by surprise. 
 Mrs. Menzie had cautioned me to be upon my 
 guard with respect to him, but I was not afraid 
 of him, as I always had with me my English 
 pistols, which were of excellent workmanship, 
 loaded and primed, one in each breeches pocket. 
 I desired, indeed, nothing so much as to fall in 
 with him, for the good of my companions in 
 misfortune, being confident that I should have 
 given a good account of him in an engagement 
 with pistols ; for I have all my life remarked 
 that an unfeeling, barbarous, and cruel man is 
 never brave. But the punishment of this in- 
 human monster was reserved for Mr. Gordon of 
 Abachie. When we separated, four days after 
 our departure from Rothiemurchus, Abachie 
 resolved to go to his own castle ; and the minister 
 of Glenelion, having been informed of his re- 
 turn, put himself at the head of an armed body 
 of his parishioners, true disciples of such a pas- 
 tor, and proceeded with them to the castle of. 
 Abachie, in order to take Mr. Gordon prisoner. 
 He had only time to save himself, by jumping 
 out of a window in his shirt. 
 
 As we seldom pardon a treacherous attempt 
 on our life, Mr. Gordon assembled a dozen of 
 his vassals some days afterwards, set out with 
 them in the night, and contrived to obtain en- 
 trance into the house of this fanatical minister. 
 Having found him iu bed, they immediately per- 
 formed the operation upon him, which Abelard 
 formerly underwent, and carried off * * * * * 
 
 R 3 
 
^46 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 as trophies; assuring him, at the same time, 
 that if he repeated his nightly excursion with 
 his parishioners, they would pay him a second 
 visit, which should cost him his life. In this ad- 
 venture his wife alone was to be pitied ; as for 
 himself, his punishment was not so tragical as 
 the death on the scaffold, which he had in view 
 for Mr. Gordon of Abachie. It is to be hoped 
 that this chastisement completely cured him of 
 his lust for inhuman excursions. 
 
 As most of the vassals of Lord Ogilvie had 
 been in the army of Prince Charles, I ran no 
 risk in applying to the people of the first house 
 in Cortachie which I came to. * Having entered 
 
 * In Scotland, the vassals were always of the party to 
 which their chief belonged, whether it was that of the house 
 of Stuart, or that of the house of Hanover. — Author. 
 
 This must be understood of few parts of Scotland, except 
 the Highlands. Though the great families of the Low 
 Country had still, comparatively speaking, more influence 
 than was possessed by the great families of England, they 
 were unable to bring many followers into the field. 
 
 Mr. Home, in mentioning the arrival of the Earl of Home, 
 to join Sir John Cope, at Dunbar, remarks, " He was then 
 an officer in the guards, and thought it his duty to offer liis 
 service when the king's troops were in the field. He came 
 to Dunbar, attended by one or two servants. There were 
 not wanting persons, upon this occasion, to make their re- 
 marks, and observe the mighty change, which little more 
 than a century had produced in Scotland. It was known to 
 every body who knew any thing of the history of their 
 country, that the ancestors of this noble lord (once the 
 most powerful peers in the south of Scotland) could, at a 
 short warning, have raised in their own territories a body of 
 men, whose approach that Highland army which had got 
 
REBELLION. OF 1745, 247 
 
 a public house, and informed the landlady that 
 I belonged to the army of the prince, she im- 
 mediately told me that two of our gentlemen 
 were concealed in Glen-Prossen, a large ravine 
 between two mountains, at the bottom of which 
 there is a small rivulet. This glen lies at the 
 foot of the mountains, and is a most picturesque 
 and retired spot. Having enquired my way to 
 them, and received the necessary directions, I 
 proceeded immediately to the house of a peasant, 
 named Samuel, who dwelt at the head of the 
 glen, about half a league from Cortachie, where 
 I found the two gentlemen in question. They 
 were Messrs. Brown and Gordon, officers in the 
 service of France, who had escaped from Car- 
 lisle, after the capitulation. They were very 
 glad to see me ; and strongly urged me not to 
 attempt proceeding any farther to the south, 
 where I should infallibly be taken ; as they 
 had received certain information that all the 
 towns and villages on the banks of the first arm 
 of the sea (the Frith of Tay) were searched with 
 the utmost strictness and vigilance by patrols 
 
 possession of the capital of Scotland, and was preparing to 
 fight the whole military force in that kingdom, Would not 
 have dared to wait." 
 
 Even in the rebellion of 1715, the Earl of Winton, whose 
 estate in East Lothian stood among the first in the list of 
 forfeitures, could only join the rebel army with fourteen 
 men, while Highland chieftains, even of middling rank . had, 
 on the same occasion, brought along with them three, four^ 
 or five hundred. 
 
 R 4 
 
24iS MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 of cavalry, who where constantly riding up 
 and down the coast, and examining the pass- 
 ports with the utmost rigour. They added, 
 that it had been their intention to go to Edin- 
 burgh, but that they had altered their mind, 
 from the impossibiUty of carrying their plan 
 into execution ; and they mentioned the names 
 of several of our comrades who had been made 
 prisoners, within the last few days, in attempting 
 to pass the nearest ferry, which is about eight 
 miles from Cortachie. * They earnestly in- 
 treated me to abandon my intentions, and to 
 remain with them for some time, at Samuel's, in 
 Glen-Prossen. However desirous I was to reach 
 Edinburgh, I did not wish to throw away my 
 life with blind precipitancy. My situation was 
 then so critical, that the least false step, or error 
 of judgment, was sure to cost me my life. I 
 therefore followed their advice, and consented 
 to remain with them at Samuel's. 
 
 Samuel was a very honest man, but extremely 
 poor. We remained seventeen days in his house, 
 eating at the same table with himself and his 
 family, who had no other food than oatmeal, and 
 no other drink than the water of the stream, 
 which ran through the glen. We breakfasted 
 every morning on a piece of oatmeal bread, 
 which we were enabled to swallow by draughts 
 of water j for dinner we boiled oatmeal with 
 
 * Cortachie is at least twenty miles from uny part of the 
 Frith of Tay. 
 
 4 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 249 
 
 water, till it acquired a consistency, and we ate it 
 with horn spoons ; in the evening, we poured 
 boiling water on this meal in a dish, for our 
 supper.* I must own, that the time, during 
 which I was confined to this diet, appeared to 
 pass very slowly, though none of us seemed to 
 suffer in our health from it ; on the contrary, 
 we were all exceedingly well. We might have 
 had some addition to our sorry cheer, by sending 
 for it to Cortachie ; but we were afraid, (as 
 Samuel's mode of living was well known, and 
 as any alteration in it would lead to a suspicion 
 that people were concealed in his house,) lest 
 some ill-disposed person should give information 
 of the circumstance to one of the numerous 
 cavalry detachments, that passed through Cor- 
 tachie, which would lead to our being made 
 prisoners. 
 
 Honest Samuel and his family had scarcely 
 any other food than this the whole year through, 
 except, perhaps, during summer, when they 
 mixed a little milk with their oatmeal, instead 
 of water. Their manner of living placed them 
 beyond the reach of fortune ; for they had no- 
 
 * These preparations of oatmeal are still the principal 
 dishes of the Scots peasantry. Oatmeal boiled with water is 
 
 " The healsome parritch, chief o' Scotia's food," 
 
 of Burns ; and oatmeal stirred about, after boiling water has 
 been poured on it, receives various names in difiPerent parts 
 of the country, but is most generally called brose. The 
 same dishes, under other names, are to be found also in 
 various parts of England. 
 
250 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 thing to fear but bad health, which might de- 
 prive them of their humble fare, but to which 
 they were less exposed, from their frugal and 
 simple mode of life, that does not fill the body 
 with gross humours so much as a more luxurious 
 diet. As their wants were few, their labour 
 could always supply them with the means of 
 subsistence. Besides, they enjoyed a degree of 
 health unkiaown to those who live in ease and 
 abundance. Their desires were confined to the 
 preservation of their existence, and their health ; 
 without any ambition to change the state in 
 which fortune had placed them, or the wish to 
 ameliorate their condition. Content with what 
 they possessed, they desired nothing more; living 
 without care, sleeping without anxiety, and dying 
 without fear. We might call them happy, if 
 happiness consists in an exemption from those 
 troubles which follow in the train of imaginary 
 wants ; and the remembrance of these good 
 people, whose happiness I have often envied, 
 has always led me to think, that three-fourths 
 of mankind are miserable from their own fault j 
 having the means of being happy in their power, 
 if they would regulate their expense by their 
 income, every one according to his means. 
 
 The necessaries of life consist of food and 
 clothes ; but by necessaries, we commonly un- 
 derstand superfluities, which so far from 
 being essential to the preservation of health and 
 life, are, on the contrary, often injurious to 
 them, and tend to shorten our days. We can 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 251 
 
 only be happy while contented with our situa- 
 tion, and while we proportion our expenses to 
 our income, which every one may do, from the 
 highest ranks, to those in the condition of Sam- 
 uel, extirpating ambition and avarice as scourges 
 that incessantly torment us with imaginary 
 wants ; for the more honours and riches we ob- 
 tain, the more insatiable and avaricious we be- 
 come, without being more happy. Enviable 
 mediocrity ! it is in thy bosom that true happi- 
 ness is usually to be found ; for then our mind 
 is necessarily withdrawn from noisy pleasures. 
 
 Besides the poverty of our fare, to which I 
 had a good deal of difficulty to accustom myself^ 
 we were frequently alarmed by detachments of 
 English cavalry, making tlieir appearance in our 
 neighbourhood. Samuel had a married daughter, 
 who lived at the entrance into the glen, and she 
 served as a sentinel to inform us when there were 
 any English detachments at Cortachie. This 
 tranquillised us during the day, for our sentinel 
 was very exact in acquainting us with every thing 
 that passed ; but when the troops arrived in the 
 evening, we were obliged to consult our safety 
 by escaping to the neighbouring mountains, 
 where we frequently passed nights in the open air, 
 even during dreadful tempests of wind and rain. 
 
 One day our sentinel, who was always atten- 
 tive and alert, came to inform us that various 
 detachments were hovering round our quarters, 
 and that they had taken Sir James Kinloch, his 
 brothers, and several other persons, who were in 
 
Qô'2 :memoirs of the 
 
 his castle, prisoners ; and that Mr. Ker, fbrmerly 
 a colonel in the service of Spain, and an aide-de- 
 camp of Prince Charles, had been likewise taken, 
 about four miles from us, near the little town of 
 Forfar. She added, that a party had searched 
 all the castle and environs of Cortachie, in hopes 
 of finding Lord Ogilvie, who was not then far 
 from us, as his Lordship since informed me, 
 without our knowing it at the time ; that the 
 same party had received information of our re- 
 treat in Glen-Prossen, and that we ran great risk 
 of being soon taken prisoners. We immediately 
 held a council, and as there was no longer any 
 safety for us in Glen-Prossen, oa account of the 
 detachments with which we were continually 
 surrounded, we unanimously agreed to quit 
 Samuel's next morning at three o'clock, to re- 
 turn to the Highlands, and fix our abode for 
 some time amongst the rocks ; having no 
 other resource left us. In consequence of our 
 decision, we went to bed at eight o'clock in the 
 evening, in order to lay in a stock of sleep, 
 before our departure, as we could have no hopes 
 of sleeping under a roof for some time to come. 
 I never gave credit to the stories of superna- 
 tural interference, which abound in every coun- 
 try, and with which men are deceived from their 
 infancy. These stories are generally the creation 
 of over-heated imaginations, of superstitious old 
 women, or of disordered intellects. This night, 
 however, I had so extraordinary and so incom- 
 prehensible a dream, that if any other person 
 had related it to me, I should have treated him 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 253 
 
 as a visionary. However, it was verified after- 
 wards, to the letter ; and I owe my life to the 
 circumstance of my having been so struck with 
 it, incredulous as I was, that I could, not resist 
 the impressions which it left upon my mind. I 
 dreamed, that, having escaped the pursuits of 
 my enemies, and being in the complete enjoy- 
 ment of the satisfaction of seeing myself out of 
 danger, and in a situation of the most perfect 
 security, with a serene and quiet mind, — in 
 short, the happiest of men, having escaped a 
 death on the scaffold, and being at the end of 
 my troubles and sufferings, I happened to be at 
 Edinburgh, in the company of Lady Jane Doug- 
 las, sister of the Duke of Douglas, to whom I 
 was relating every thing that had occurred to me 
 since the battle of Culloden, and detailing all 
 that had taken place in our army, since our 
 retreat from Stirling, with the dangers to which 
 I had been personally exposed, in endeavouring 
 to escape a death on the scaffold, the idea of 
 which haunted me incessantly, up to that happy 
 moment which poured into my soul the salutary 
 balm of the sw^eetest tranquillity. 
 
 When I awoke, at six o'clock in the morning, 
 this dream had left such a strong impression on 
 my mind, that I thought I still heard the soft 
 voice of Lady Jane Douglas vibrating in my ears. 
 All my senses were lulled in a state of profound 
 calm, while I felt, at the same time, a serenity 
 of soul, and tranquillity of mind, to which I had 
 been a stranger since the fatal epoch of our mis- 
 fortunes. All the particulars of my dream were 
 
254< MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 present in my imagination, and deeply engraven 
 on my memory ; and my mind remained a long 
 time in that state of flattering, sweet, and mild 
 repose, in which my dream had left it, from the 
 idea of having eifected my escape. I remained 
 in my bed, absent and buried in all manner of 
 reflections, my head leaning on my hand, and 
 my elbow supported on my pillow, recapitulating 
 all the circumstances of my dream, regretting 
 that it was only a dream, but wishing to have 
 such dreams frequently, to calm the storms and 
 agitations with which my soul was devoured from 
 the uncertainty of my fate. What situation can 
 be more cruel, than that of a continual oscilla- 
 tion between hope and a despair a thousand times 
 worse than death itself? In the certainty of a 
 visible and inevitable punishment, we make up 
 our minds to it with firmness and resignation. 
 
 I had passed an hour in this atittude, motion- 
 less as a statue, when Samuel entered to tell 
 me, that my companions had set out at three 
 o'clock in the morning, and to acquaint me with 
 the place in the mountains where I should find 
 them. He added, that he had been twice at my 
 bed-side to awaken me, before their departure, 
 but seeing me fast asleep, he could not find in 
 his heart to disturb me, convinced of the need I 
 had of fortifying myself by repose, for the fa- 
 tigues I must undergo in the mountains. He 
 told me to rise without delay, as it was time to 
 depart ; for his daughter, who would suppose 
 we had already left his house, might not be exact 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. Q5.5 
 
 in informing us of the arrival of detachments. 
 I answered in a composed and serious tone, 
 ** Samuel, I am going to Edinburgh." Poor Sam- 
 uel stared at me, and with a foolish and asto- 
 nished air exclaimed, " My good Sir, excuse me, 
 are you right in your head?" — " Yes," replied I; 
 *' my head is perfectly sound : I am going to 
 Edinburgh, and I shall set out this very evening: 
 go and inform your daughter that I am still here, 
 that she may continue her usual watch, and let 
 me know if any military arrive at Cortachie in the 
 course of the day." Samuel began to tire me 
 with his remonstrances; but I imposed silence 
 by telling him, once for all, that it was a thing 
 decided upon, and that it was useless to speak 
 to me anymore on the subject. 
 
 No day ever seemed so long to me. My 
 mind was a prey to all manner of reflections, 
 and impatience and fear agitated me. by turns. 
 The detachments of soldiers ; the fanatical zeal 
 of the peasantry, an evil still greater than that 
 of the soldiers ; the towns and, villages I had to 
 pass through, all filled with Calvinists, bitter 
 enemies of the house of Stuart ; the risk which 
 I should be obliged to run, in applying to the 
 boatmen to cross the arm of the sea ; in short, a 
 thousand gloomy ideas crowded on my mind ; 
 the dangers were magnified in my eyes, and I 
 trembled at the idea of the dreadful difficulties 
 which I had to overcome ; but still nothing 
 could shake my resolution of going to Edin- 
 burgh, or perishing in the attempt. I always 
 
256 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 concluded with saying to my self i as if I had 
 been in conversation with some body, " Well, 
 then, I must perish ! But it is the same thing 
 to me, whether I am taken in going to the 
 south, or in the Highlands, there is danger 
 every where ; and if I can only reach Edin- 
 burgh, I shall be safer there than in the High- 
 lands, where I have neither relations nor friends, 
 and where all my acquaintances are of recent 
 date. If I am taken, my fate will be soon de- 
 cided, and I shall not be obliged to languish a 
 long time in the utmost misery ; to which I 
 must make up my mind, if I betake myself to 
 the mountains ; and, after all, perhaps, that 
 will not save me from ending my days on the 
 scaffold." Such were my reflections : I could 
 assign no better reasons for the resolution I 
 had adopted, of advancing southward ; for it 
 must be confessed all appearances were against 
 me : but my head was so filled with my dream, 
 that if all the world had endeavoured to dis- 
 suade me from my purpose, it would have been 
 unavailing. 
 
 At length the night arrived, which I had so 
 impatiently waited for. I mounted on horse- 
 back with Samuel behind me, who consented to 
 be my guide to the first arm of the sea, eight 
 miles from Cortachie. There is a small town, 
 called Forfar, one of the most famous for Pres- 
 byterian fanaticism, and the inhabitants had 
 lately signalized their holy zeal by contributing 
 to arrest Colonel Ker. Samuel informed me 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 2.57 
 
 that we should be obliged to pass through this 
 infernal town, as there was no other road to 
 Broughty, a village on the shore of the first arm 
 of the sea, where all the roads to the south 
 centre. I therefore left Samuel, late in the 
 evening, in order to pass through that execrable 
 town whilst its worthless inhabitants were buried 
 in sleep. The moment we entered this abomin- 
 able place, a dog began to bark, and frightened 
 poor Samuel, who was at bottom an honest man, 
 though naturally a coward and poltroon. Seized 
 with a panic terror, he lost his senses, and en- 
 deavoured, by every possible means, to throw 
 himself from his horse, and take to his heels ; 
 but I seized fast hold of the skirts of his coat, 
 and kept him on horseback, in spite of all his 
 efforts to disengage himself, lest the terror which 
 had deprived him of the use of his reason should 
 actually induce him to run away, and leave me 
 in the most perplexing of all situations, though, 
 when cool, no man was more disposed to serve 
 me. I was totally unacquainted with the coun- 
 try ; and I should not even have been able to 
 find my way back to Cortachie, without askirg 
 at every village, and thus exposing myself to be 
 taken prisoner by a vile rabble. He was con- 
 tinually struggling to get down, but I prevented 
 him by the hold I had of his coat. 1 exhorted 
 him to be quiet ; I reproached him ; I alter- 
 nately entreated and menaced him ; but all in 
 vain. He no longer knew what he was about, 
 and it was to no purpose I assured him that it was 
 
 s 
 
258 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 only the barking of a dog. He heard nothing 
 that I said, and was completely beside himself. 
 He perspired at every pore, and trembled like a 
 person in an ague. Fortunately I had an ex- 
 cellent horse. The day after the battle of CuU 
 loden, when I was opposite the castle of Mac- 
 pherson of Clunie, the jade which had saved me 
 from the field of battle being ready to sink un- 
 der me, and no longer able to stand upon its 
 legs, I met Lady Macpherson in the high-road, 
 who told me that seven or eight gentlemen had 
 just abandoned their horses near the place where 
 we were, in order to escape on foot to the 
 mountains. I took one of the best of them. I 
 now clapped spurs to my horse, and gallopped 
 through Forfar at full speed, to extricate myself 
 as soon as possible from this troublesome crisis, 
 retaining, always, fast hold of his. coat. As 
 soon as we were fairly out of the town, as no 
 persons had come out of their houses, poor 
 Samuel began to breathe again. When he came 
 to himself, he made a thousand apologies for his 
 fears, and promised me, upon his word, that he 
 would never allow himself to get into such a 
 plight again, whatever might happen. 
 
 When day began to appear, I alighted from 
 my horse, which I offered as a present to 
 Samuel, being no longer able to keep him, on 
 account of the passage of the ferry, from which 
 we were still about four miles distant j but 
 Samuel refused to take him, saying, that his 
 neighbours, seeing him in possession of a fine 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. 259 
 
 horse, would immediately suspect that he had 
 received him from some rebel, whom he had as- 
 sisted in effecting his escape ; that they would 
 immediately inform against him ; that he should 
 in consequence be prosecuted, and the horse 
 being an evidence, he should infallibly be sen- 
 tenced to be hanged. I took off" the saddle and 
 bridle, which we threw into a draw-well, and 
 we drove the horse into a field at some dis- 
 tance from the road, in order that those who 
 found him might take him for a strayed horse. 
 We had great difficulty in getting quit of this 
 animal, for he followed us for some time like a 
 dog. 
 
 We had not walked a quarter of an hour, af- 
 ter giving liberty to my horse, when we fell in 
 with a friend of Samuel, who questioned him a 
 great deal as to the place to which he was going, 
 what his business was, and who I was. Samuel 
 answered, without the least hesitation, (which I 
 hardly expected, after the adventure of the dog 
 at Forfar,) " I am going to bring home a calfi 
 which I left to winter in the Low Country last 
 autumn ; and as to the young man with me, as he 
 was without bread, I have taken him out of cha- 
 ritv, and he serves me for his victuals. I intend 
 sending him back with the calf, whilst I go my- 
 self to Dundee to buy a cow, to help to support 
 my family with during the summer." As there 
 happened to be an ale-house very near, the two 
 friends agreed to have a bottle of beer together, 
 and I was obliged to accompany them. I showed 
 s 2 
 
i2t)0 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 such respect for my new master, that I did not 
 venture to sit down beside him, till he invited 
 me. The friend of Samuel pressed me to par- 
 take of their small-beer, which tasted for all the 
 world like physic ; but Samuel excused me, ex- 
 tolling so much my sobriety and good character 
 that his friend was incessantly showing me a 
 thousand little attentions, expressing a wish, 
 from time to time, to find a lad like me on the 
 same terms ; and 1 thought I could perceive a 
 secret desire in him to entice me from SamuePs 
 service to his own. After they had swallowed 
 a considerable quantity of beer, they left the 
 ale-house, and separated, to my great pleasure ; 
 for I was not only frequently very much em- 
 barrassed in playing the part which Samuel had 
 assigned me, but also tired to death of their stu- 
 pid jargon. Scarcely had this man left us, when 
 Samuel whispered in my ear that he was one 
 of the greatest knaves and cheats in that part 
 of the country, and famous for his villainy ; that 
 if he had found out who I was he would 
 have undoubtedly sold me ; and that the mere 
 wish to obtain possession of my watch and purse 
 would have been a sufficient inducement for 
 him to have betrayed me, and brought me to 
 the gallows. I was the more astonished at what 
 Samuel told me, as, from their conversation, 
 which was full of assurances of mutual esteem, 
 I had not a doubt on my mind that they enter- 
 tained for each other the most sincere friend- 
 ship. I bestowed great praise, on this occasion, 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. . 261 
 
 on the prudence and discretion of iny new 
 master. 
 
 Artifice, liypocrisy, and the art of deceiving, 
 which has been very improperly called policy, 
 are commonly supposed to be found only in 
 the courts of princes, the only schools for learn- 
 ing falsehood and dissimulation ; but I saw as 
 much finesse and duplicity in the false assurances 
 of friendship and compliments of these two 
 peasants, whilst they were drinking their beer, 
 and I was as completely a dupe in this case, as 
 I was afterwards in a conversation, at which 1 
 happened to be present, between two noblemen 
 of the first rank. * The one was my particular 
 friend, and the other ambassador at a court 
 where he had promised, and where he had it in 
 his power, to be of essential service to my friend, 
 then outlawed and exiled from his native country, 
 if he had been so inclined. These two person- 
 ages embraced each other with an air of cor- 
 diality, said a thousand flattering things to each 
 other, and repeatedly expressed the strongest 
 assurances of mutual friendship ; but the mo- 
 ment the ambassador had terminated his visit 
 and taken his departure, my friend informed me, 
 that they cordially detested each other. When 
 I reproached him with having acted a part un- 
 worthy of a riian of honour and a gentleman, he 
 replied, that he only wished to pay the ambas- 
 
 * The Duke de Mirepoix, then ambassador at the court 
 of London, and Lord Ogilvie, now Earl of Ahly. — Author. 
 
 S 3 
 
^(J2 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 sador in his own coin. Falseliood is to be found 
 in the heart of man, whatever rank he may hold 
 in the world ! This depravity of" sentiment is not 
 to be found in the brute creation. Still, how- 
 ever, the pantomime of these two lords would 
 have less easily deceived me, from the opinion 
 generally entertained of the duplicity of cour- 
 tiers, than that which was acted by these two 
 peasants. In the one case we lay our account 
 with finding falsity and dissimulation, and in 
 the other we expect to find rustic simplicity. 
 A dog never fawns on the person whom he in- 
 tends to bite : these cursed qualities are reserved 
 for the human race alone. Falsehood lowers a 
 man beneatli liis natural condition, and debases 
 and degrades him below that of the beasts of 
 the field ; and, unfortunately, it is to be found 
 both in the heart of him who is born to govern 
 a kingdom, and in that of the humble peasant. 
 
 About nine o'clock in the morning, being 
 within a distance of half a league from the ferry, 
 without knowing as yet how I could pass it, to 
 whom I should apply for assistance, or where to 
 find an asylum till a favourable opportunity 
 should present itself for crossing over, I asked 
 Samuel if he knew of any gentleman in the 
 neighbourhood of Broughty, not hostile to the 
 House of Stuart, but who had not been in our 
 army. " That I do,'* said Samuel; *' here is the 
 castle of Mr. Graliam, of Duntroon, who answers 
 precisely to your description. His two nepiiews 
 were in your army, but he remained quiet at 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 203 
 
 home, without declaring himself." 1 did not 
 know Mr. Graham, never having seen him, but 
 I had frequently heard my sister Hollo speak of 
 him, his niece having been the companion of 
 Lady Rollo, her mother-in-law. Mr. Graham 
 was of a very ancient family, a branch of that 
 of the Grahams Dukes of Montrose, and he was 
 one of those who had taken up arms in favour of 
 the House of Stuart, in the year 1715. Having 
 then very little property, after that unfortunate 
 adventure, he entered into the service of the 
 English East India Company, and attained to 
 the command of one of their ships ; by which 
 means he acquired a considerable fortune, and 
 raised his family. 
 
 I immediately dispatched Samuel to Mr. 
 Graham, to inform him, that he had brought an 
 unfortunate gentleman near his house, who 
 wished very much to speak to him. Samuel 
 soon returned, and told me, that Mr. Graham 
 had ordered him to conduct me into one of his 
 inclosures, where there was very high broom, 
 and where he would soon join me. Mr. Graham 
 joined me accordingly without delay. I told 
 him who I was, and earnestly entreated him to 
 procure me a boat in order to pass the ferry at 
 Broughty, as from his vicinity to it, he must 
 certainly be acquainted with all the inhabitants 
 on whom any reliance could be placed. He re- 
 plied, that it would give him the greatest plea- 
 sure to have it in his power to be useful to me j 
 that he knew my sister Rollo, whom he had 
 
 s 4 
 
^64? MKiMOIRS OF THE 
 
 even very lately seen at the castle of Lord Hollo ; 
 and after a thousand apologies for not daring to 
 take me to his castle, on account of his servants, 
 of whose fidelity he was not assured, he told me 
 that he would instantly send to Broughty for a 
 boat. He asked me, at the same time, what I 
 wished for breakfast. I answered, that, after 
 passing seventeen days with Samuel upon oat- 
 meal and water, he could send me nothing that 
 could come amiss, and to which 1 should not do 
 justice from my appetite. He left me, and soon 
 after sent me his gardener, in whose fidelity he 
 could confide, with new^aid eggs, butter, cheese, 
 a bottle of white wine, and another of beer. I 
 never ate with so much voracity : 1 devoured 
 seven or eight eggs in a moment, with a great 
 quantity of bread, butter, and cheese. 
 
 Mr. Graham returned to the inclosure ; but 
 finding me drowsy he soon left me, with an as- 
 surance that he should immediately send to 
 Broughty, to engage boatmen to transport me 
 to the other side- of the Frith, in the course of 
 the night. It was then about eleven o'clock in 
 the morning, and delightful weather, in the 
 month of May : having dismissed Samuel, with 
 a gratification beyond his hopes, I lay down 
 among the broom, which was at least four feet 
 high, and slept till one o'clock, when I was 
 agreeably woke by Mr. Graham, with the pleas- 
 ing intelligence that he had engaged boatmen 
 to carry me across the Frith, about nine o'clock 
 in the evening. 2 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. ^65 
 
 Mr. Graham asked me what I wished to have 
 for dinner, enumerating to me the various good 
 things in his house, all of which appeared ex- 
 quisite to one who had undergone such a 
 rigorous Lent. at SamuePs. Among other things, 
 he mentioned a piece of beef, and I begged he 
 would send me nothing else. Although it was 
 not more than three hours since I had eaten 
 plentifully, I felt my stomach already empty, 
 and I devoured the beef, which seemed more 
 delicious to me than any thing I had ever before 
 tasted. I was well entitled to make an ample 
 repast on this occasion, as I was uncertain 
 whether I should have an opportunity of making 
 •such another for a long time. Mr. Graham 
 returned immediately after dinner, bringing 
 with him a bottle of excellent old claret, which 
 we drank together, and after which I felt my- 
 self sufficiently strong and courageous to attempt 
 any thing. He then communicated to me the 
 arrangements which he had made. At five 
 o'clock precisely, I was to climb over the wall 
 of the inclosure, at a place which he pointed 
 out to me, where I should see the gardener 
 with a sack of corn upon his back, whom I was 
 to follow at some distance, till he entered a 
 windmill, when_ an old woman would take the 
 place of the gardener, whom I was next to follow, 
 in the same manner, to the village of Broughty, 
 whither she would conduct me. Mr. Graham 
 kept me company till four o'clock, when he 
 took his leave, after embracing me and wishing 
 
266 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 me success. I regulated my watch by his, that 
 I might be exact in the appointment with the 
 gardener. 
 
 I had still an hour to remain in the inclosure, 
 which, in my impatience, appeared extremely 
 long and tedious. I kept my watch constantly 
 in my hand, counting every minute, till the 
 hand touched five, when I began to follow the 
 directions of Mr. Graham. I had no difficulty 
 in discovering the gardener, with the sack of 
 corn on his back, but I was very much at a loss 
 to distinguish the right old woman, among three 
 or four who happened to pass by the mill at the 
 very moment the gardener entered it, and I did 
 not know, therefore, whom I ought to follow, 
 till mine, seeing my embarrassment, made a sign 
 with her head, which I understood perfectly 
 well. As soon as we arrived at the top of the 
 hill, above the village of Broughty, she stopt 
 to inform me that she would go by herself to 
 see if all was ready, and enjoined me to wait 
 for her return in the road where she left me. 
 
 Broughty is situated at the foot of a hill, on 
 the sea-side, and is not visible till we reach the 
 top of that hill, from which the road descends 
 obliquely to the village. The sun was just 
 going down when the good woman left me j 
 and having waited more than half an hour for hei', 
 in the road, my impatience induced me to quit 
 the road and advance five or six paces into a 
 ploughed field, to approach the brink of the 
 hill, where I lay down in a furrow, in order 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 267 
 
 that I miglit perceive her as soon as she began 
 to ascend the hill on her return. I had not 
 been above five minutes there, watching for the 
 old woman, when I heard a movement, and saw 
 a head, which I took at first for hers ; but 
 having distinguished the head of a horse, I lay 
 down, as before, flat on the ground, with my 
 face towards the road, where I saw eight or 
 ten horsemen pass in the very place which I had 
 quitted. They had scarcely passed when the 
 old woman, who followed them closely, arrived, 
 quite out of breath. I immediately rose and 
 approached her, *' Ah !" said she, in a transport 
 of joy, and trembling as if she had a fit of the 
 ague, •' I did not expect to find you here." 
 I begged her to calm herself, and take breath, 
 not knowing at first what she alluded to j but 
 as soon as she had somewhat gained her compo- 
 sure, she explained to me the cause of her alarm. 
 She said, that the horsemen whom I had seen 
 pass, were English dragoons, who had been 
 searching the village with such strictness, and 
 making use of such threats, that they had 
 frightened the boatmen whom Mr. Graham had 
 engaged to carry me over, so that they abso- 
 lutely refused to perform their engagement. I 
 censured her a little for her imprudence and 
 thoughtlessness, in not acquainting me that the 
 dragoons were in the village j for I had not 
 only run the risk of being carried ofi' by this 
 detachment, if 1 had not, by mere chance, 
 quitted the highway, where she told me to wait 
 
268 MEMOIUS OF THE 
 
 for her, but I was tempted several times, from 
 my impatience at her stay, to go down to the 
 village ; which I should certainly have done, if 
 I had known the situation of the ale-house in 
 Broughty, or could have found it without asking 
 for it from door to door : I should thus have 
 thrown myself into the lion's mouth, through 
 the folly and stupidity of this woman, who 
 nearly brought me to the scaffold. What situ- 
 ation is so distressing as that in which our lives 
 depend on the discretion of weak people! She 
 told me that, on entering the public-house to 
 find the boatmen, she was so much alarmed, on 
 seeing it filled with soldiers, that she lost all 
 presence of mind, and no longer knew what she 
 was about. 
 
 At a time when I began to think my escape 
 half secured by the certain passage of this arm 
 of the sea, the refusal of the boatmen was a 
 dreadful disappointment to me. I entreated the 
 old woman to conduct me to the house where 
 the boatmen were ; but she had no inclination 
 to return, and excused herself, as she said it was 
 quite useless to go, for the boatmen had been so 
 intimidated by the menaces of the soldiers that 
 they would not carry me over that night for all 
 the money in the world ; and concluded by in- 
 forming me, that my wisest plan was to return to 
 Mr. Graham's, who would find means to conceal 
 me till the following night, when the boatmen 
 would have recovered from their alarm. I 
 could not endure the idea of measurtng back 
 my steps ; and when I reflected that 1 was 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. !2()9 
 
 now on the shore of that very arm of the 
 sea which had caused me so much uneasiness, 
 and to arrive at which had been so ardently 
 desired by me ; that it was the most difficult to 
 pass, on account of its proximity to the 
 mountains, and the detachments of dragoons 
 who were constantly patrolling in its vicinity ; 
 and that if I were so disposed I could overcome 
 this difficulty, — I became more and more de- 
 termined to advance, hoping to gain them over 
 either by money or by fair words. I therefore 
 assured the old woman that a more favourable 
 opportunity than the present could never occur, 
 as the dragoons, having discovered no trace of 
 any rebels, would not think of examining the 
 village a second time the same night. At length 
 she yielded to my entreaties, and consented, 
 though with" some repugnance, to conduct me 
 to the village. 
 
 As soon as I entered the public-house, the 
 landlady, who was called Mrs. Burn, whispered 
 in my ear that I had notliing to fear in her 
 house, as her own son had been in our army 
 with Lord Ogilvie : this I considered as a very 
 good omen. She immediately pointed out to 
 me the boatmen who had promised to Mr. 
 Graham to transport me to the other side of the 
 Frith. I applied to them immediately, but found 
 them trembling and alarmed at the threats of 
 the soldiers. All my offers, my prayers, and 
 solicitations were of no avail ; and having em- 
 ployed half an hour in endeavouring to per- 
 
$^70 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 siiade them to no purpose, I perceived that the 
 two daughters ot" Mrs. Burn, who were as 
 beautiful as Venus, and the eldest of whom was 
 hardly eighteen, were not objects of indifférence 
 to the boatmen, from the glances they bestowed 
 upon them from time to time. I therefore 
 quitted the stupid boatmen, and attached my- 
 self to these two pretty girls, with the view of 
 gaining them over to my interest, and availing 
 myself of their influence with the boatmen, as a 
 mistress is naturally all-powerful with her lover. 
 I caressed them, I embraced them, the one after 
 the other, and said a thousand flattering and 
 agreeable things to them. Indeed, it cost me 
 very little to act this part, for they were exceed- 
 ingly beautiful ; and the compliments I paid 
 them were sincere and flowed from the heart. 
 As I had resolved to sleep at Mrs. Burn's in 
 case I did not succeed in crossing the Frith, I 
 dismissed the old woman. 
 
 In less than half an hour my two beauties 
 were entirely in my interest, and each of them 
 made a vigorous assault on her sweetheart, 
 making use of all manner of prayers and en- 
 treaties, but with as little success as I had had. 
 The fear of these stupid animals was more 
 powerful than their love. The beautiful and 
 charming Mally Burn, the eldest of the two, 
 disgusted, at length, and indignant at their 
 obstinacy, said to her sister, " O, Jenny ! they 
 are despicable cowards and poltroons. I would 
 not for the wodd that this unfortunate gentle- 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 271 
 
 man was taken in our house. I pity his situation. 
 Will you take an oar ? I shall take another, and 
 we will row him over ourselves, to the eternal 
 shame of these pitiful and heartless cowards." 
 Jenny consented without hesitation. I clasped 
 them in my arms, and covered them, by turns, 
 with a thousand tender kisses. 
 
 I thought, at first, that the generous resolution 
 of these girls would operate upon their lovers ; 
 but the unfeeling cowards were not in the least 
 moved. They preserved their phlegm, and al- 
 lowed the charming girls to act as they pleased, 
 witliout being in the smallest degree affected by 
 their conduct. Seeing the obstinacy of the 
 boatmen, and wishing to take advantage of the 
 offer of my female friends, I immediately took 
 the two oars on my shoulders, and proceeded to 
 the shore accompanied by my two beauties. I 
 launched the boat, and, as soon as we had all 
 three entered, I pushed it into deep water, and 
 taking one of the oars myself, I gave the other 
 to one of the girls, who was to be relieved by 
 the other, when she found herself fatigued. I 
 experienced, on this occasion, the truth of the 
 maxim, that every kind of knowledge may be 
 useful. While I was in Russia, where parties of 
 pleasure on the water are frequent, I used some- 
 times to amuse myself with rowing ; little think- 
 ing then that I should one day be obliged to row 
 for my life. 
 
 We left Broughty at ten o'clock in the even- 
 ing, and reached the opposite shore of this arm 
 
â7ê mi:mo[Us of the 
 
 of the sea, which is about two miles in breadth, 
 near midnight. The weather was fine, and the 
 night was sufficiently clear, from the light of the 
 stars, to enable me to distinguish the roads. My 
 two beauties landed with me, to put me in the 
 highway that leads to St. Andrew's ; and I took 
 leave of them, deeply affected with their generous 
 sentiments and lieroic courage, experiencing a 
 sensible regret on quitting them, when I thought 
 that perhaps I should never see them more. I 
 embraced them a thousand times by turns, and 
 as they would not consent to receive any pe- 
 cuniary gratification, I contrived to slip ten or 
 twelve shillings into the pocket of the charming 
 Mally, who was one of the most perfect beauties 
 nature ever formed, with an elegant shape, and 
 possessed of all the graces of her sex. Under 
 any other circumstances, they would have 
 tempted me to prolong my stay in their village ; 
 and if fortune had ever permitted me to return 
 to my native country, I should certainly have 
 gone to Broughty, for the express purpose of 
 visiting them. 
 
 I could never form beforehand any fixed plan 
 with respect to what I should do, or what road 
 I should take. A thousand obstacles, difficult to 
 surmount, sprung up at every step, whilst, at the 
 same time, unforeseen circumstances operated 
 in my favour. Always attentive to preserve my 
 coolness and my presence of mind, in order to 
 extricate myself from troublesome and unex- 
 pected dilemmas, and to seize with rapidity the 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. QJS 
 
 favourable conjunctures whicli fortune, equally 
 inconstant in her favour and in her disfavour, 
 might throw in my way, I laid my account with 
 a mixture of toward and untoward accidents, 
 though I was uncertain whether the one or the 
 other would predominate. During my passage, 
 I could not recollect any person of my acquaint- 
 ance in the whole extent of country between 
 the two arms of the sea, as most of the gentle- 
 men of the shire of Fife had taken up arms in 
 favour of Prince Charles *, and were in the 
 same situation with myself. At length I thought 
 of applying to my relation, Mrs. Spence. Our 
 grandmothers were daughters of Douglas Baron 
 of Whittingham, a branch of the house of the 
 Duke of Douglas. She liad an estate in tlie 
 neighbourhood of St. Andrews, and generally 
 resided in that town ; but St. Andrews was 
 always the most fanatical town in all Scotland; 
 famous on account of the assassination, in former 
 times, of Cardinal Beaton, its archbishop. It 
 was full of the accursed race of Calvinists, 
 hypocrites, who cover over their crimes with 
 the veil of religion ; fraudulent and dishonest in 
 their dealings ; who carry their holy dissimu- 
 lation so far as to take off their bonnets to say 
 grace when they take even a pinch of snuff; 
 who have the name of God constantly in their 
 
 * Mr. Young observes, that the author is mistaken in say- 
 ing "that most of the gentlemen of Fife were in arms in favour 
 of the prince ; for, although the most of them were Jacobites 
 in their principles, few of them joined in this expedition." 
 
 T 
 
274 MEMOIRS OF THK 
 
 mouths, and hell in their hearts. No town ever 
 so much deserved the fate of Sodom and 
 Gomorrah. However, 1 resolved to go there ; 
 it was a sea-port, and the hope of being able to 
 iind a passage to a foreign country, through tlie 
 means of Mrs. Spence, was a strong inducement. * 
 I travelled all night ; and when day began to 
 appear I sat down on the banks of a stream to 
 ease my feet, as my toes were bruised, and cut 
 to the very bone, as with a razor, by my coarse 
 peasant's stockings and shoes, t When I pulled 
 
 * *' The author is mistaken," observes Mr. Young, " in 
 saying that St. Andrews was full of Calvinists, for at that 
 time its inhabitants were in general Episcopalians and 
 Jacobites ; and it is unjust to say that it was they Avho 
 assassinated Cardinal Beaton. They did all that they could 
 to arrest the assassins ; and, again, when Archbishop Sharp 
 was murdered in the neighbourhood of St. Andrews, there 
 was much lamentation in St. Andrews. A number of west- 
 country Whigs were hanged when the Archbishop was 
 assassinated, to appease his manes, as the record bears, 
 though they were not directly concerned in the assassination ; 
 and their friends erected monumental stones over them. 
 Within my memory, their descendants were accustomed to 
 go yearly in great bodies to visit the stones, and repair them, 
 and thereafter to proceed to St. Andrews with the declared 
 intention of destroying a magnificent monument erected 
 over the Archbishop ; but they were always prevented by the 
 townsmen of St. Andrews, who, yearly, about the time that 
 the Whigs were expected, armed themselves, and kept 
 watch night and day while the Whigs were in that country, 
 which surely does not betoken malice against the Episcopals." 
 
 f Mr. Young thinks, as the distance from Broughty Ferry 
 to St. Andrews is only twelve measured miles, it is no great 
 proof of the author's hardiness, that his feet were on this 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 275 
 
 off my shoes to bathe my feet I found them 
 filled with blood. The bathing rendered the 
 pain less violent and intolerable. I remained 
 two hours with my feet in the stream, during 
 which time 1 felt a sweet serenity pervade my 
 whole frame, and a tranquillity of mind, such as 
 I had felt at Samuel's when I awoke from the 
 dream that had induced me to set out for Edin- 
 burgh, though I was worn out with fatigue, and 
 in a condition to excite compassion in the 
 hardest heart. I was perfectly prepared for 
 death, and I invoked the Supreme Being, with 
 great fervour, to take pity on my sufferings, and 
 put an end, at once, to my miserable existence. 
 The aspect of death, however alarming at 
 another time, had then nothing terrible to me ; 
 on the contrary, I looked upon my dissolution 
 as the greatest good that could befall me. I 
 bitterly regretted that I did not meet my fate 
 in the battle of Culloden, where I escaped so 
 narrowly, and envied the fiite of my comrades, 
 who remained dead on the field of battle. The 
 
 occasion so severely cut, and that he ought in prudence to 
 have withheld the lamentation which it has drawn from him. 
 But it is due to the author to observe, that he lays more 
 stress on the badness of his shoes than on the length of 
 the road. The every-day shoe of a Scotch peasant, the upper 
 part of which is generally as hard, and, from repeated 
 patches, almost as thick as the under, and which is but rarely 
 mollified by hog's lard or train oil, is an accommodation 
 which few persons in any other rank of life would covet. 
 
 T ^l 
 
^71) MK.AIOIRS OF THE 
 
 horrible idea of" the hangman, with a knife in 
 his hand, ready to open my body whilst yet 
 alive ; to tear out my heart and throw it into 
 the fire, still palpitating, — the punishment in- 
 flicted on all those who had the misfortune to be 
 taken and condemned, — always haunted my 
 imagination. I could not get rid of the im- 
 pression that I should also be taken ; and the 
 prospect of perishing in this manner on a scaffold, 
 in presence of a cruel and brutal populace, 
 almost tempted me to abridge my days upon the 
 banks of this stream. My life had become a 
 burden to me ; and, in such circumstances, the 
 pleasure of existing seemed to me of very little 
 value. But how wonderful the effects of hope, 
 the least ray of which supports the unfortunate 
 against the strongest evidence of inevitable 
 danger, inspires him with supernatural courage, 
 pours a balm even into mortal wounds, and dis- 
 arms the hand prepared for self-destruction ! 
 Could Providence have given to man a more 
 useful and efficacious source of consolation ? 
 And, fortunately, the wTetched are never slow 
 to embrace the illusions of hope. They see 
 nothing in their projects, except the termination 
 of their misfortunes: on that all their calcul- 
 ations are founded. I implored the Almighty, 
 if it was my fate to perish by the executioner, 
 that he would, at least, prevent me from lan- 
 guishing any longer between life and death, in 
 a cruel state of uncertainty dreadful to bear. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. ^77 
 
 I put on my stockings and shoes, and rose to 
 proceed on my way ; but I found I could 
 scarcely stand upright. My stockings and shoes 
 being hardened with blood, as soon as I at- 
 tempted to stir, I felt a pain that cut me to the 
 heart. 1 took them off again, and put my feet 
 once more in the water ; and having soaked my 
 stockings and shoes in the stream for half an 
 hour to soften them, I found myself in a con- 
 dition to walk, and I proceeded on my journey. 
 After an hour's walk, I met a countryman, who 
 told me that I was still four miles from St. An- 
 drews. I flattered myself that he was mistaken ; 
 but I found, in the end, that these four miles 
 were as long as the leagues in the environs of 
 Paris. According to the account of this man, I 
 had travelled ten of these miles since quitting 
 the boat at midnight. I arrived at St. Andrews 
 about eight o'clock in the morning, very much 
 fatigued. It was Sunday, and the streets were 
 filled with people, who stopped me continually 
 to learn news of the rebels. I always answered, 
 that I knew nothing of them, as I had only come 
 from Dundee ; a town almost as fanatical as 
 St. Andrews itself. I enquired for Mrs. Spence's 
 house on entering the town, and having found 
 it, I told her maid-servant that I had a letter 
 for her mistress, which 1 must deliver into her 
 own hands. She conducted me to her chamber, 
 where she was still in bed, and immediately 
 retired. My cousin did not, at first, recollect 
 me under my disguise, but having examined me 
 T 3 
 
^S 3IEM0IRS OF THE 
 
 for a moment, she exclaimed, shedding a flood 
 of tears, "Ah! my deai' child, you are inevit- 
 ably lost ! How could you think of coming to 
 St. Andrews, and particularly to a house so 
 much suspected as mine ?'* (She was a Roman 
 Catholic.) * " The mob yesterday,'* added she, 
 " arrested the son of my neighbour, Mr. Ross, 
 who was disguised, like you, as a countryman^ 
 before he had been a quarter of an hour in his 
 father's house ; and he is now actually loaded 
 with irons in the prison of Dundee." 
 
 I did not expect such a reception ; but I was 
 sensible of the false step I had taken, and very 
 anxious to extricate myself from it* I therefore 
 entreated her to calm herself, as a contrary eon- 
 duct would be the sure means of ruining me, by 
 exciting suspicion in her servants. As soon as 
 she had recovered herself a little, she wrote a 
 letter to her farmer, who lived a quarter of a 
 
 * " This Mrs. Spens," says Mr. Young, '* must have been 
 the wife of Thomas Spens of Lathallan, as there was not 
 another heritor in Fife of that name. She was the daughter 
 of Sir Robert Douglas of Glenbervie (not ofWhittingham). 
 With the family of Lathallan I have been acquainted ever 
 since I remember any thing ; and I knew all the branches 
 of it^ Nathaniel Spens, the brother of Thomas, was the 
 minister who baptized me. I cannot discover how Johnstone 
 was related to Mrs. Spens. She was not a Roman Ca- 
 tholic, but an honest Episcopal Jacobite, like all her own 
 and her husband's connections. Nathaniel Spens, the minis- 
 ter, resided in Wemyss ; and that had been the reason why 
 Mrs. Spens directed Johnstone to that town, though he does 
 aot mention it/' 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 279 
 
 league from the town, requesting him to give 
 me a horse, and conduct me to Wemyss, a vil- 
 lage on the shore of the arm of the sea, which 
 I had yet to cross before reaching Edinburgh, 
 and about ten miles' distance from St. Andrew's. 
 This was precisely what I most desired ; for I 
 was overcome with fatigue, and with the de- 
 plorable state of my feet. She stated in the let- 
 ter to the farmer, that she was sending me to 
 Edinburgh with papers which were urgently 
 wanted, nay, absolutely necessary, for a law-suit, 
 which was to be decided in that city in the 
 course of a few days. I took leave immediately 
 of my cousin, without sitting down in her house, 
 and set off with a little girl, whom she sent to 
 conduct me to her farmer, taking bye-roads 
 through gardens to avoid appearing in the 
 streets of this execrable town. As soon as I 
 was fairly out of the town, the flattering idea of 
 obtaining a horse to Wemyss gave me new force 
 and courage to support my sufferings. 
 
 1 delivered the letter to the farmer, and the 
 answer I received from this brute petrified me. 
 *' Mrs. Spence,** said he, *' may take her farm 
 from me, and give it to whom she pleases ; but 
 she cannot make me profane the Lord's day, 
 by giving my horse to one who means to travel 
 upon the Sabbath." I represented to him, with 
 all the energy of which I was master, the neces- 
 sity of having his horse, on account of the law- 
 suit of Mrs. Spence, and the great loss with 
 which any delay in transmitting her papers to 
 T 4 
 
^80 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 her advocate might be attended ; but all that 
 I could urge had no effect upon him, and he ob- 
 stinately persisted in his refusal. 
 
 This holy rabble never scrupled to deceive 
 and cheat their neighbours on the Lord's day, as 
 well as other days, nor to shed the blood of such 
 unfortunate gentlemen as they made prisoners 
 in their infernal excursions, though they had 
 done them no harm, and were even unknown to 
 them. These hypocrites, the execration and 
 refuse of the human race, with their eyes con- 
 tinually turned towards heaven, avail themselves 
 of every thing that is sacred, as a mask, by 
 which they may deceive more easily ; and, un- 
 fortunately, the spirit of hypocrisy is to be found 
 equally in all religions. 
 
 I cannot help entertaining a strong distrust 
 of all those who make an ostentatious display of 
 their zealous observance of the ceremonial part 
 of religion, and of outward devotion. Their 
 actions seldom agree with their professions. 
 True piety has its seat in the heart, and with- 
 draws itself from the regard of the public. I 
 was not afraid of this vermin in the open coun- 
 try or in villages ; for bad and cruel people are 
 always cowardly. These qualities are infallible 
 symptoms of their want of courage. By blowing 
 out the brains of one of the monsters, I should 
 have effected my retreat with the other pistol 
 in my hand, without opposition from any of 
 these cowards j but I confess I was very uneasy 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 281 
 
 during the quarter of an hour that I remained in 
 St. Andrews. 
 
 Frustrated in my hopes of obtaining a horse, 
 I immediately quitted the house of the farmer, 
 without sitting down, and took the road to 
 Wemyss. What a dreadful situation ! The 
 wounds in my feet were so painful as almost to 
 deprive me of respiration. Not knowing any 
 one to whom I could apply in the village of 
 Wemyss, if I should be able to walk these ten 
 miles ; foreseeing the risk 1 should run, of be- 
 ing seized in the public-house where I might 
 pass the night ; in short, not knowing what to 
 do, nor what to make of myself, I fortunately 
 came to a stream, half a league from the infernal 
 town. I went about a musket-shot from the 
 road, and having taken off my shoes and stock- 
 ings, I found the wounds in my feet considerably 
 augmented, and the blood flowing from them in 
 torrents. I bathed my feet in the stream as before, 
 and soaked my shoes and stockings, which were 
 full of blood, but my lameness was not the great- 
 est of my misfortunes. My mind was as much 
 lacerated and tormented as my body. The hopes, 
 in which I had fondly indulged, of receiving an 
 asylum and assistance from my cousin Spence, 
 were vanished into air, and the ten long miles 
 from Broughty to St. Andrews had been tra- 
 velled in vain. 
 
 In vain I tortured my imagination to find out 
 some resource : I could find none. The castle 
 of Lord RoUo was on the same side of the arm 
 
282 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 of the sea, but it was twenty-five miles to the west- 
 ward of St. Andrews. I was convinced of the 
 friendship of his Lordship, and the good w^ishes 
 of the whole family ; but how was it possible, 
 exhausted with fatigue, and lame as I then was, 
 to get there ? It was several days' journey for 
 me : besides, supposing I should be able to 
 reach it, it was still farther from Edinburgh 
 than the place where I then was. I knew not 
 what to do. However, as I saw no other feasible 
 project, I determined at length to embrace it, and 
 to go there by short journeys, sleeping always 
 in the fields, and avoiding the towns and vil- 
 lages that lay in my way, as much as possible. 
 
 Whilst my body was worn out with pain and 
 fatigue, and my mind was cruelly agitated and 
 lost in a labyrinth of reflections, I recollected, 
 all of a sudden, a chamber-maid of my mother, 
 married two years before to George Lillie, gar- 
 dener to Mr. Beaton of Balfour, whose mansion 
 was about half a league from the village of 
 Wemyss. As this woman had taken great care 
 of my mother, during a long illness, my father, 
 as a reward for her attachment, was at the ex- 
 pence of the wedding. I knew that Lillie was 
 a Calvinist, and the most furious and extravagant 
 fanatic in that part of the country j but in con- 
 sequence of the kindness which had been shown 
 to him by my family, I was not afraid of any 
 treachery on his part, supposing he should even 
 refuse to render me any service ; and in case 
 he received me into his house, I knew I should 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 283 
 
 be quite secure with him. The recollection of 
 Lillie and his wife produced such an instant- 
 aneous effect on me, that I immediately jumped 
 up to walk, without thinking of my stockings 
 and shoes, and without perceiving that I had 
 not sufficiently reposed myself, as it was not 
 above a quarter of an hour since I had sat down. 
 1 felt no longer either uneasiness or pain. 
 
 A sect of philosophers maintained, that there 
 are no real pleasures or pains ; and that our 
 different sensations depend on the attention 
 which we fix on our enjoyments or sufferings. 
 It is certain, that, in this moment of absence, 
 I felt no longer the pain in my feet, however 
 violent it was ; but my dream was of short 
 duration. This system of philosophy would be 
 a great blessing to the human race, if it could 
 teach us the art of withdrawing our attention 
 from painful sensations when we please. 
 
 I had eaten nothing since my repast in the 
 inclosure at Duntroon : Mr. Graham made me 
 fill my pockets with bread and cheese ; but my 
 mind had been too much agitated to allow me 
 to feel hunger. My appetite, however, now 
 returned with my hopes of finding refuge with 
 Lillie, and drawing my bread and cheese from 
 my pocket, I made a hearty meal of it, whilst 
 my stockings and shoes were soaking in the 
 water. My strength and courage returned at 
 the same time j and having rested for a couple 
 of hours, and put paper over the wounds of my 
 feet, to prevent the fHction of my coarse stock- 
 
284 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 ings and shoes, I proceeded on my journey, and 
 walked six miles without stopping. I had now 
 gone half the way from St. Andrews to Wemyss, 
 and 1 had only to walk four miles to reach 
 Balfour. The impatience of my desire to arrive 
 there, made me feel less acutely my fatigue and 
 my pain. I found on my way another stream, 
 where I rested myself, and repeated my former 
 operations with respect to my feet. My toes 
 w ere now in a most wretched condition, bruised 
 and cut to the very bone. The marks of these 
 wounds and bruises will remain on them as long 
 as I live. Indeed, the second toe of my left 
 foot was put quite out of joint by this cruel day. 
 However, my sufferings, poignant as they were, 
 did not prevent me from finishing the remaining 
 four miles to Balfour, and I arrived there about 
 nine o'clock in the evening, with a joy and plea- 
 sure surpassing all imagination. When I found 
 myself within a step of Lillie's house, 1 eagerly 
 seized the door with both hands, to prevent my 
 falling on the ground. My strength was totally- 
 exhausted, and I could not have proceeded one 
 step farther, to escape even the scaffold ; scarcely 
 could my legs support me when I leaned against 
 the door. What an additional strength is given 
 to us by necessity, and the desire to preserve 
 our existence in such a case as mine, and what 
 incredible efforts they enable us to make ! Hav- 
 ing knocked, Lillie opened the door, but did 
 not recognise me in my disguise of a beggar. 
 He said to me several times with impatience and 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. S>8,5 
 
 evident alarm, " Who are you ? — What is your 
 business ? — Or whom do you want ?" 1 made 
 no reply, but advanced inside of" the door, lest 
 he should shut it in my face. This added to his 
 alarm ; and it was evident that he took me for 
 some robber or housebreaker, for he trembled 
 from head to foot. I asked him if there were 
 any strangers in the house ? His wife, who was 
 sewing near the fire *, knew my voice, and per- 
 ceiving my dress, she called out immediately to 
 her husband, " Good God, I know him ; quick 
 — shut the door!" Lillie obeyed, without far- 
 ther examining me, and following me to the 
 light, also recognised me. I could scarce sup- 
 press a laugh, notwithstanding my pain, at the 
 look of amazement of Lillie, when he recog- 
 nised me under my disguise. Confounded, lost 
 in astonishment, and petrified, he clasped his 
 hands, and with uplifted eyes, exclaimed, " Q, 
 this does not surprise me ! My wife and I were 
 talking about you last night ; and I said, that I 
 would bet any thing in the world that you were 
 with that accursed race." I answered that he 
 was in the right to conclude I was, from the 
 principles of attachment to the house of Stuart 
 in which I had been educated. " But, at pre- 
 sent, my good George," continued I, "you must 
 aid me in escaping the gallows !" 
 
 * It was Sunday evening, according to the author ; and, 
 as Mr. Young judiciously observes, the occupation of a 
 Calvinist's wife, on such an evening, would hardly he 
 sewino-. 
 
986 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 It was a severe and humiliating trial for Lillie 
 to be obliged, from gratitude, to give an asylum 
 to a rebel, and to find himself under the neces- 
 sity of succouring one of those very men whom 
 he had so loudly condemned ! No one in that 
 neighbourhood had, on all public occasions, held 
 forth with more zeal and eloquence against 
 the Pope and the Pretender, who were always 
 coupled together. He was, however, an honest 
 man, notwithstanding his fanatical principles. 
 He assured me that he was deeply affected with 
 my situation, and would do every thing in his 
 power to save me, and to procure me a passage 
 to the other side as soon as possible. Finding 
 that I was utterly lielpless, and incapable of 
 stirring either leg or arm, Lillie and his wife 
 took ofï' my shoes and stockings ; and as all the 
 gardeners in Scotland have an empirical know- 
 ledge of medicine, Lillie having bathed my feet 
 with whiskey, which made me suffer the most ex- 
 cruciating pain, afterwards applied a salve to 
 them. They then drew on a pair of Lillie's 
 stockings and slippers ; after which, I found 
 myself relieved, and quite a new person. 
 
 I sent Lillie with my compliments to Mr. Bea- 
 ton, his master, begging him not to take it amiss 
 if his gardener should not be at his work at the 
 usual hour, as I was concealed in his house, and 
 had need of his services. Mr. Beaton sent back 
 Lillie immediately to tell me, that he was ex- 
 ceedingly sorry that he could not wait upon me 
 in person, as he had been unwell for some time 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. ^S'J 
 
 past, and was just then going to bed ; that it 
 was also out of his power to offer me a bed in 
 his house, where I would have been more con- 
 veniently lodged than at Lillie's ; but that he 
 begged me most earnestly to send freely to him 
 for whatever I might have occasion for. He 
 wished that Lillie should take with him some 
 wine, fowls, and other articles ; but whatever 
 desire Lillie might have that I should fare well 
 in his house, he very prudently refused this 
 offer, lest, as he told me, it should have excited 
 a suspicion amongst the servants of Mr. Beaton, 
 that he had some person concealed in his house. 
 I praised Lillie very much for his prudence and 
 discretion. 
 
 Mrs. Lillie soon prepared a dish of steaks for 
 my supper, which I devoured in haste, as I had 
 more inclination to sleep than to eat, having 
 been two days and nights on my legs, and with- 
 out any sleep, except during the few hours I 
 passed in the inclosure of Mr. Graham. Lillie 
 having undressed me, carried me to bed in his 
 arms, as it was utterly impossible for me to put 
 a foot to the ground. I slept without waking 
 from ten o'clock that evening, till half past nine 
 on the following evening as Mrs. Lillie took 
 particular care not to make the least noise, nor 
 would she even wake me, to receive the visit of 
 Mr. Beaton, who had called on me. 
 
 As nothing restores an exhausted frame so 
 much as sleep, the most precious gift of Heaven 
 in the hour of suffering and distress, I found 
 
^288 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 myself greatly refreshed, and in all respects 
 well, excepting that I suffered greatly from my 
 feet. Mrs. Lillie had a fowl ready to put to the 
 fire as soon as I awoke, and I ate it in bed. 
 Lillie took off the dressing which he had ap- 
 plied to my feet, and replaced it by another. 
 He told me that his mother-in-law kept a pub- 
 lic-house in the village of Wemyss, much fre- 
 quented by fishermen, and perhaps she would be 
 able to procure some person of her acquaint- 
 ance to carry me across the arm of the sea; and 
 he proposed that I should accompany him to her 
 house, if I were in a condition to walk. I was 
 not sorry that in his desire to get rid of me he 
 was as eager that I should escape as I was my- 
 self. He offered me a horse on the part of 
 Mr. Beaton ; but, before accepting it, I wished 
 to try my strength, and see whether I could 
 perform the journey on foot. Having risen, I 
 walked round the room, supported on his arm, 
 and I found I could do without the horse. 
 Mrs. Lillie had, while I slept, been so good as 
 to cut off the feet of my coarse stockings, and 
 to put stuff soles to them ; but I still suffered 
 much from my feet. 
 
 We set out about half past ten o'clock at night, 
 and I walked with difficulty ; suspended rather 
 than resting on the arm of Lillie, he dragged me 
 after him ; but the hope of finding an opportu- 
 nity to cross this arm of the sea, and reaching 
 Edinburgh, made me endure a pain, which, at any 
 other time, would have appeared insupportable. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 289 
 
 Whilst we were on the road, I said to him, jo- 
 cularly, " My good Lillie, if I should actually 
 be taken in your company, what a figure you 
 would cut! You would never dare to show 
 your face again in any of your holy assemblies : 
 your reputation as a good Calvinist would be 
 blasted for ever." He heaved a deep sigh, and 
 exclaimed, " Ah ! Sir, do not speak of that.'* 
 I burst into a laugh, and continued, — " It is 
 true, Lillie, you would not be embowelled alive 
 like me ; but your character would be lost for 
 ever with your brethren.'* I amused myself 
 during the road with similar observations, and I 
 had the pleasure of remarking, that he con- 
 sidered his honour as every way engaged, and 
 that he would try every means to procure me a 
 passage, as much from the fear of my being dis- 
 covered along with him, as from the wish of 
 making a merit of it with my family. 
 
 When we arrived at the house of his mother- 
 in-law, she told us, that of all the fishermen of 
 Wemyss, she knew no one on whom we could 
 rely, except a person of the name of Salmon ; 
 adding, that he was a very zealous Calvinist, and 
 a violent enemy of the house of Stuart, but 
 in other respects an honest man, and much dis- 
 tinguished in the village for his probity and 
 good conduct. She thought we might apply to 
 him with perfect safety ; as, in case he should 
 not be disposed to serve us, he was too Konest a 
 man to do us any injury. 
 
 u 
 
290 MEMOIRS OF THÉ 
 
 We went immediately to Salmon's. It was 
 about midnight ; and we found him already up, 
 and preparing his nets to go out a fishing. As 
 he knew Lillie*s voice he opened the door to us. 
 Lillie, after considerable struggles with himself, 
 at length broke silence, and, in a plaintive tone 
 of voice, and with an air of humility, shame, 
 and embarrassment, said, — *' My friend Salmon, 
 this is the only son of the mistress of my wife. 
 He has been imprudent and foplish enough to 
 join that accursed race who seek to destroy our 
 religion and enslave us. You see, my friend, 
 the dreadful situation to which he has brought 
 himself! Every body knows the kindness which 
 his family showed to my wife and me at our 
 marriage. I honour and respect them ; and I 
 am much afraid, if he should be taken, that he 
 would cause the death of both mother and father, 
 for they are greatly attached to him, he being 
 their only son. I come, my friend Salmon, to 
 entreat you, with uplifted hands, to give him a 
 passage to-morrow in your boat, when you go to 
 Leith to sell your fish.'* 
 
 The pathetic manner in which Lillie spoke to 
 Salmon gave me much pleasure; but the answer, 
 pronounced in a rough tone, by no means pleased 
 me, and left me little hopes of success. " You^ 
 deserve, indeed," said Salmon, " to have your 
 life saved ! you, who wished to abolish our holy 
 religion, destroy our liberties, and make all of 
 us slaves ! No, Lillie, he applies to the wrong 
 person, when he comes to me. I will do him 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. Î^Ql 
 
 no harm ; I am not capable of informing against 
 him ; he is in perfect safety in that respect ; but 
 he must not expect that I should ever do any 
 service to him, or any other of the accursed race 
 of rebels." I offered him all the money which 
 I still possessed, about six guineas, to convey 
 me over next morning in his boat ; but he would 
 hear no more on the subject. Seeing that he 
 was not to be gained over by money, as he was 
 by no means interested, and that he bore on his 
 countenance the stamp of an honest man, — a 
 much more expressive mirror than his gesture, 
 his language, or even his accent, — I could not 
 think of abandoning my enterprise. I had offered 
 him all my money, without producing the least 
 impression on him. I hoped, however, to gain 
 him over through his feelings. As he kept an 
 ale-house, I asked him to do me at least the 
 pleasure of drinking a bottle of beer with us. 
 He consented, and I did not spare the beer,^ 
 taking glass for glass with them ; without, how- 
 ever, speaking a single word about my passage ; 
 but always attentive to insinuate myself into his 
 good graces, to render him favourable to my 
 wishes. 
 
 After passing an hour in this way, he turned 
 towards Lillie, and said to him, ** What a pity» 
 that this poor young man should have been 
 debauched and perverted by this worthless 
 rebel crew ! He is a fine lad !'* Lillie artfully 
 took advantage of this favourable indication to 
 drop a word or two in my favour, and observed, 
 
 u 2 • 
 
292 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 that by that time I heartily repented of what I 
 had done. I pretended not to hear them ; but I 
 saw that my affairs were in an excellent train, 
 and I did not fail to push about the small beer, 
 which was as weak as water. At length I played 
 my part so well, and gained the friendship of 
 Salmon so completely, that this honest man 
 offered me, all of a sudden, a passage in his boat 
 next morning, and would not hear of any money, 
 being actuated merely by a pure and noble 
 feeling of generosity. I had not, indeed, a dif- 
 ficult part to play with poor Salmon, who was a 
 truly virtuous man, highly respected by the whole 
 village, for his pure and upright conduct, as the 
 mother of Mrs. Lillie had represented him to 
 me ; and a virtuous man is never hardhearted, 
 but always susceptible of compassion and hu- 
 manity, for the unfortunate. Virtue always 
 pleases us in whatever class of men we find it, 
 and we are involuntarily predisposed in favour 
 of the possessor. Hence, we are not obliged to 
 do violence to our own feelings, in saying flatter- 
 ing and obliging things to a worthy man, how- 
 ever low his situation in life may be, as we are 
 w^ien obliged to say them to a nobleman of the 
 first rank without merit, whose elevation is the 
 effect of chance. 
 
 Salmon was only part-owner of the boat, which 
 he shared with several other fishermen, and it 
 was necessary for him to manage matters with 
 his associates. He advised me to conceal my- 
 self in a cavern, which looks towards the sea, at 
 
REBELLION OF 174<5. ^93 
 
 the distance of a gunshot from Wemyss, till the 
 break of day ; when it was agreed, that, as soon 
 as the fishing-boats returned into the harbour, I 
 should come down, and ask, at the boat in which 
 Salmon was, if they would give me a passage to 
 Leith for money. That he would answer in the 
 affirmative, and then settle with his associates 
 as to the price ; and that if any one in the boat 
 should make objections, he would endeavour to 
 overcome the objections. Salmon and Lillie 
 taught me, at the same time, the peculiarities of 
 the dialect of that part of the country, in which 
 I should speak on the occasion. When I quitted 
 Salmon, I slipped a guinea into his hand, telling 
 him that this was only earnest-money, but he 
 made some difficulty in taking it, observing 
 that I ought to know, that it was not interest 
 that induced him to render me this service. 
 Lillie having accompanied me to the cavern, 
 took leave of me to return home, after offering 
 me an asylum in his house, in case this oppor- 
 tunity should fail. Although I looked upon my 
 passage as certain, I was by no means displeased 
 at the idea of a safe retreat at Lillie's, as it was 
 impossible to foresee what unfortunate accidents 
 might happen. 
 
 This cavern is one of the most remarkable of 
 the antiquities of Scotland, and, according to 
 tradition, was, in former times, a heathen tem- 
 ple. It is dug under a hill. Its entrance is 
 about five feet high, and three wide ; and the 
 foot of the hill is about thirty paces from the 
 
 u 3 
 
29 A MEMOIUS OF THE 
 
 sea-shore. It is very high and spacious within, 
 and appears to be of an immense depth. An 
 adventure, which happened in this cavern to 
 King James the Fourth of Scotland, has gi\:eH 
 celebrity to it. * The King, who used to amuse 
 himself in wandering about the country, in 
 different disguises, was overtaken by a violent 
 storm,, in a dark night, and obliged to take 
 shelter in the cavern. Having advanced some 
 way in it, he discovered a number of men and 
 women ready to begin to a roasted sheep, by 
 way of supper. From their appearance he began 
 to suspect that had not fallen into the best com- 
 pany ; but as it was too late to retreat, he asked 
 hospitality from them till the tempest was over. 
 They granted it, and invited the King, whom 
 they did not know, to sit down, and take part 
 with them. They were a band of robbers and 
 cut-throats. As soon as they had finished their 
 supper, one of them presented a plate, on which 
 two daggers were laid in form of a St, Andrew's 
 cross, telling the King, at the same time, that 
 this was the dessert which they always served to 
 strangers ; that he must choose one of the dag- 
 gers, and fight him whom the company should 
 appoint to attack him. The King did not lose 
 his presence of mind, but instantly seized the 
 two daggers, one in each hand, and plunged 
 
 * It is called, in allusion to the frolic of King James, the 
 Court Cave — See Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. xvi. 
 p. 531. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 29«5 
 
 them into the hearts of the two robbers who 
 were next him ; and running full speed to the 
 mouth of the cavern, he escaped from their pur- 
 suits through the obscurity of the night. The 
 King ordered the whole of this band of cut- 
 throats to be seized next morning, and they 
 were all hanged. 
 
 I went a little into the cavern, and, having 
 thrown myself on the ground, I dozed for about 
 an hour; when I was awakened by the most hor- 
 rible and alarming cries that ever were heard. 
 I began, at first, to suspect the fidelity of Salmon, 
 notwithstanding the very favourable opinion 
 that I had formed of him, imagining that this 
 was a detachment of soldiers whom he had sent 
 to take me prisoner. I buried myself in the 
 interior of the cavern, holding a pistol, ready 
 cocked, in each hand, advancing always till I 
 could place my back against the wall, in order 
 that I might be the better able to defend myself. 
 I then began to examine the noise with atten- 
 tion, and from the velocity in the movement of 
 the object which caused the noise, I soon be- 
 came convinced that it did not proceed from 
 men ; and men alone I dreaded at that time ; 
 for sometimes the object was about my ears, 
 and nearly stunned me, and, in an instant, at 
 a considerable distance, moving with an in- 
 credible swiftness and rapidity. At length I 
 ceased to examine any more this horrible and 
 incomprehensible phenomenon ; which made a 
 noise and confusion like that of a number of 
 
 u 4 
 
296 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 trumpets and drums, with a mixture of different 
 sounds, altogether unknown to me. 
 
 I approached the entrance of the cavern with- 
 out any further incUnation to sleep ; and when 
 day began to appear I fixed my eyes on the sea 
 to observe the movements of the fishing-boats, 
 which were about a quarter of a league from 
 land. As soon as I saw them enter the harbour, 
 I left the cavern, and followed exactly the lesson 
 that Salmon had given me. Unfortunately for 
 me, his boat had been very unsuccessful, and 
 his associates had obliged him to sell their fish 
 to another boat, having caught so few that it 
 was not worth their while to go to Leith to sell 
 them. I asked, if they would give me a passage 
 to Leith for money ; when Salmon replied, 
 *' Very willingly," and joined^his companions to 
 settle the price with them. They all agreed to 
 take me over for half-a-crown ; upon which I 
 felt an inexpressible pleasure. 
 
 Having concluded our agreement, I was pro- 
 ceeding to enter the boat, when, that moment, 
 Salmon's wife arrived, swearing and bawling 
 that she would not allow her husband to go 
 that day to Leith, where he had nothing to do, 
 as his boat had sold their fish, especially with a 
 stranger ; there appeared to her something 
 mysterious in the business, which she could not 
 comprehend. What a terrible disappointment ! 
 I cursed this mischievous vixen in my heart, 
 but that availed me nothing ; and Salmon, who 
 was the weaker party, was obliged to submit to 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 297 
 
 his wife. I was prudent enough to take no part 
 in their dispute ; fearing, from the suspicions she 
 threw out, lest she might have overheard our 
 conversation in the night, whilst we were drink- 
 ing our beer ; for I was not aware that Salmon 
 was married, and that his wife was sleeping in 
 the room in which we were ; I therefore yielded 
 with a good grace, and with an air of indiffer- 
 ence. Salmon proposed our drinking a bottle 
 of beer together, and I consented ; when mount- 
 ing the stairs, he slipped the guinea into my 
 hand which I had given him, saying, " You 
 see, Sir, I am not the master. I wish, with all 
 my heart, that you may have the good fortune 
 to escape, and I am extremely sorry that I 
 have not the means of contributing to it." I 
 admired the honesty of Salmon 5 for he might 
 not only have kept the guinea, by informing 
 against me, and have got my purse and watch, 
 but also have obtained a considerable reward, 
 which the government paid for every rebel 
 taken prisoner. His generous conduct was so 
 much the more meritorious, as he was a decided 
 enemy of the House of Stuart, and totally unac- 
 quainted with me. Humanity, alone, and a 
 noble soul, made him act towards me with an 
 elevation of sentiment superior to his condition 
 in life. 
 
 I did not wish to proceed directly to the 
 house of Mrs. Lillie*s mother ; for, as the cursed 
 fish woman had told her suspicions of me before 
 every body, I was afraid of being followed : I 
 
298 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 therefore proceeded along the sea-shore, to re- 
 turn to the cavern, and when I came opposite 
 to the mouth, I looked about me in every direc- 
 tion, and seeing no one, I immediately threw 
 myself into it. I felt a strong desire to discover 
 the cause of the extraordinary noise which had 
 disturbed me so much the preceding night, and 
 of which I could form no idea. I advanced 
 about thirty or forty paces in the dark, having 
 even lost sight of the entrance, when the same 
 loud noise was renewed. On clapping my hands 
 and shouting, the noise increased a thousand- 
 fold, and absolutely stunned me. I even felt 
 the wind caused by the rapid movement of these 
 unknown objects, which incessantly approached 
 quite close to me, as if with an intention to 
 attack me. I drew back till I could see the 
 light from the entrance of the cavern, when I 
 began to clap my hands and redouble my shouts, 
 and then I saw numberless owls and other birds 
 fly out. The terrible noise of these birds can- 
 not be compared to any sounds which I have 
 ever heard. Their screams, and the noise of 
 their wings while flying, were confounded to- 
 gether by the echo of the cavern, and formed 
 together a noise that pierced my very ears ; and 
 the impetuosity of their flight resembled a tem- 
 pest. If I had not coolly and thoroughly ex- 
 amined into the cause of so singular an effect, I 
 should never have known what to think of it ; 
 and, I have no doubt, if a pious hermit had been 
 in my place he would have placed the adventure 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 299 
 
 to the account of supernatural agency, and 
 would have given as romantic an account of the 
 miracles and ghosts seen by him, as that of the 
 good Saint Antliony : for enthusiasm is always 
 closely allied to credulity and simplicity. I coolly 
 endeavoured to discover something of which I 
 had no idea, and which I could not comprehend : 
 comparing attentively all the circumstances, I 
 prepared to defend myself with my pistols, 
 should it have been any ferocious animal ; but 
 at that moment I was only afraid of man, as the 
 most wicked and malicious of all animals. 
 
 I returned to the house of Mrs. Lillie*s mo- 
 ther, after remaining half an hour in the cavern, 
 and told her how I had lost the most favourable 
 opportunity for crossing the arm of the sea, with 
 every posssible appearance of success, through 
 the wickedness of Salmon's wife, after I had 
 made the proper arrangements, with the hus- 
 band ; and I earnestly entreated her to endea- 
 vour to procure some person who would carry 
 me over as soon as possible, at any price. She 
 immediately introduced a person into my room 
 without previously giving me any information 
 repecting him, merely announcing him as an 
 officer of the customs in the service of King 
 George. I imagined she had either lost her 
 senses, or wished to betray me ; but I was still 
 more astonished when she began to tell him, 
 that I had been with Prince Charles. The 
 officer, perceiving my uneasiness, begged me 
 not to be alarmed; adding, that he had been . 
 
300 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 himself in a similar situation in the year 1715 ; 
 that, having lost his property, he was reduced 
 to the cruel necessity of accepting a mean em- 
 ployment under the Usurper, in order to pro- 
 cure a livelihood ; but that his attachment and 
 wishes for the prosperity of the House of Stuart 
 were still the same. 
 
 Having recovered from my alarm, I asked 
 him if he could recommend me to any honest man 
 who would undertake to convey me across the 
 Frith. He replied, that there was one David 
 Cousselain, sexton of the meeting of Non-jurors, 
 in the village of Wemyss, a very honest man, 
 and zealously disposed to render any service to 
 all who belonged to the party of Prince Charles, 
 and that I could not apply to a better person 
 than to him. He immediately went out in quest 
 of him, and returned with him in a few minutes. 
 Cousselain said, that he would very willingly 
 take one oar, if he could find any one who would 
 join him ; and he proposed conducting me to the 
 house of Mr. Robertson, in the village of Dub- 
 bieside, half a league from Wemyss, in order to 
 borrow his boat. He informed me that Mr. Ro- 
 bertson was secretly attached to the Prince's 
 party, and would do every thing in his power to 
 oblige me. 
 
 ~ We set off immediately for Dubbieside. Cous- 
 selain cautioned me, as we had two bad villages 
 to pass through in our way, in case any questions 
 were put to me, to call myself John Cousselain, 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 301 
 
 weaver in Culross *, the name and trade of Iiis 
 brother, whom nobody knew in that neighbour- 
 hood ; and if they should suspect me for a rebel, 
 he would claim me, and maintain, against all and 
 sundry, that I was actually his brother. I was 
 dreadfully afraid of my new trade of a weaver. 
 When Iwas merely a servant, it was easy for me 
 to act my part, as I had done in the service of 
 Mrs. Menzie, and Samuel ; but if I were arrest- 
 ed on suspicion, and obliged to show that I could 
 work at my new trade of weaver, I knew I should 
 immediately be discovered and ruined without 
 remedy. However there was no trade which 
 suited me better on this occasion. Mr. Robert- 
 son told me, with a smile, that he would not 
 lend me his boat, but that he would willingly 
 permit Cousselain to carry it off, if he could find 
 another person to assist him in rowing me to 
 the other side ; that, as for himself, he did not 
 know one single person in Dubbieside in whom 
 he could confide. He advised me to call on 
 Mr. Seton, a gentleman living in Dubbieside, 
 whose eldest son had been in our army. I did 
 not know the father, but I had been an intimate 
 friend of the son. I was not, however, aware 
 that his father lived in Dubbieside, and I was 
 quite charmed at this discovery, t 
 
 * In the original Courisse. — This is nearly the French ex- 
 pression of the manner in which Culross is pronounced by 
 the people of that part of Scotland. — There is also a Cires, 
 two or three miles from Cupar, in Fifeshire. 
 
 f " The Setons of Dubbieside," observes Mr. Young, " were 
 
302 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Having found Mr. Seton at home, I acquaint- 
 ed him with my name, and my intimacy with 
 his son. He immediately desired me to walk 
 into the parlour, where he tired me to death 
 with a thousand questions, which I knew not 
 what to make of, with a number of abrupt and 
 disjointed observations, receiving me in the cold- 
 dest manner possible, which I could not possibly 
 account for. After harassing me in this manner 
 for half an hour, all of a sudden his son entered 
 the parlour, and clasped me in his arms. He 
 told me, that they had suspected me of being a 
 spy sent to take him prisoner ; and that, though 
 he had examined me for half an hour from head 
 to foot, through a hole in the partition of the room, 
 
 a near branch of the Setons of Carriston, a respectable 
 though poor family m Fife. They were also engaged in the 
 rebellion. One of them I knew. He was caught and con- 
 demned at Carlisle, but being a boy not above fifteen years of 
 age, was somehow allowed to escape after his condemnation, 
 and never sought after. He died only two or three years ago. 
 These Setons would have been Earls of Winton, being lineally 
 descended from that family, if the last Earl had not been 
 attainted in 1715." It may be here observed that humanity 
 often induced the Scots to go great lengths to save young men 
 whohadbeenin the Rebellion. For instance, Mr. Cruikshanks, 
 the schoolmaster of Dunse, in Berwickshire, went to Carlisle, 
 where he swore that a Mr. Home of Broomhouse, a rebel, was 
 under 16, though it was well known he was above 18. Though 
 oaths were then and still are held in great respect in Scot- 
 land, the conduct of Mr. Cruikshanks (a most respectable 
 man) was seldom spoken of by his neighbours but in terms 
 of applause. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 303 
 
 it was only that instant that he had been able to 
 recognise me under my disguise. 1 was very glad 
 to see young Seton again, particularly as I knew 
 nothing of his fate since the battle of Culloden ; 
 and our pleasure at meeting was reciprocal. 
 There is always a friendship between persons 
 involved in the same misfortunes. He invited 
 me to remain with him at his father's house ; 
 and his offer was the more agreeable to me, as 
 Dubbieside was conveniently situated for my 
 obtaining an opportunity of crossing the arm of 
 the sea. 
 
 I took a walk every evening to Mrs. Lillie's 
 mother's, in hopes that she would succeed in 
 finding some person humane enough to join 
 Cousselain : but, after a stay of eight days with 
 my friend, at the end of which 1 was not one 
 whit nearer my object than the first day of my 
 arrival, we experienced a great alarm which in- 
 terrupted the happiness that I began to enjoy 
 in the amiable society of Mr. Seton's family. 
 Miss Seton having asked a fishwoman, whilst she 
 was cheapening her fish at the door, if there were 
 any news ? the fishwoman answered, that the 
 general talk was of a rebel, seen hovering every 
 day along the coast as far as Wemyss, and who 
 offered a great deal of money to the fishermen 
 for a passage. She added that he would cer- 
 tainly be caught some day in his excursions. 
 The alarm which this piece of news occasioned 
 us may easily be conceived ; especially as I might 
 have been followed as far as Mr. Seton's without 
 
304 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 my perceiving it. As there was every reason 
 for fearing that Mr. Seaton*s house would be 
 searched immediately, my companion in misfor- 
 tune resolved to quit his father's house the same 
 evening, and take refuge in the house of some 
 friend, whilst I made up my mind to return to 
 Lillie's ; but I was determined to make a last 
 effort, before I left Dubbieside, to cross the arm 
 of the sea that very night. I sent for Cousse- 
 lain who came immediately, and informed me, 
 that, notwithstanding his utmost endeavours, he 
 had not been able to find a single person who 
 would join him. What a deplorable situation ! 
 To be so near Edinburgh, where all my wishes 
 centered, and yet, at the same time, to be on the 
 point of being obliged to remove farther from 
 it, in order to bury myself in the heart of tlie 
 country, and to abandon all thought of crossing 
 the arm of the sea. The idea of retreating 
 instead of advancing threw my mind into the 
 most cruel agitation, and chagrined me beyond 
 measure. 
 
 Mr. Seton, a younger brother of my friend, 
 a youth of eighteen years of age, who had made 
 some voyages, seeing my distress, and touched 
 with my situation, generously offered to take an 
 oar with Cousselain, to row me across the Frith, 
 which, from Dubbieside to Leith, is about three 
 leagues in breadth. I accepted his obliging 
 offer with gratitude, and at the same time with 
 a determination to avail myself of it, my position 
 excluding every thing like ccremonv. His whole 
 
RÉBELLION OF 174-5. 305 
 
 family encouraged him in his good and generous 
 resolution ; and we agreed to set out about nine 
 o'clock in the evenino;. 
 
 Every thing seemed to favour me, and the 
 passage of this arm of tiie sea, which had cost 
 me so much trouble and anxiety, seemed to be 
 placed beyond the reach of accident ; but fortune 
 took a pleasure in raising up new obstacles to my 
 deliverance. The noise which Seton and Cous- 
 selain made in launching the boat alarmed the 
 inhabitants of tlie village, wlio were not yet 
 gone to bed : a cry was immediately heard, in 
 every direction, that a rebel was attempting to 
 escape ; and Seton and Cousselain esteemed 
 themselves fortunate in being able to escape 
 from this hubbub without being discovered. I 
 was quite furious on. learning this unlucky ac- 
 cident. I durst not say any thing to Seton, as 
 it was his kindness alone which had induced him 
 to assist me ; but my rage broke out against 
 Cousselain with double fury. I reproached him 
 bitterly for his stupidity in making so much noise 
 in launcliing the boat, and treated him like a 
 Negro. However, notwithstanding this unfor- 
 tunate beginning, I was still determined to pro- 
 secute the undertaking, and to be present at the 
 operations myself; and with a fortunate obsti- 
 nacy, the more objections were started against 
 repeating the attempt that evening, the more I 
 was determined to make it. Mr. Seton and all 
 his family entreated me to defer the attempt till 
 next night, alleging, that the inhabitants, being 
 
 X 
 
306 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 alarmed, would be on the look-out the whole 
 night ; and that it was, therefore, morally im- 
 possible for me to succeed. I answered, that it 
 was useless to speak to me on the subject ; that 
 my resolution was decidedly taken ; and that, 
 rather than delay another night, I would embark 
 alone, with an oar in each hand, and commit my- 
 self to Providence ; and I certainly would have 
 done so, however extravagant the attempt might 
 appear, so bent was I on parting, and so enraged 
 at not being able to find a single honest man 
 among the fishermen who would join Cousselain 
 to save my life ; and so convinced, at the s^me 
 time, that I had no better prospect for the period 
 to come. 
 
 An immoveable firmness in my resolutions has 
 always been very useful to me. I reflected well, 
 before coming to any determination, as to the 
 part I should take, examining with impartiality 
 the reasons for and against any measure, and 
 considering the results which might naturally be 
 expected from it. But, having once decided, 
 no person could ever succeed in making me 
 waver in my resolution, even in cases where 
 there was no alternativ-e but success or death, 
 and where every one was against my opinion. 
 I have always found my account in acting in 
 this manner. Though obstinacy may, generally 
 speaking, be a defect in a man's character, we 
 must know our own affairs better t|ian any other 
 person can ; and being the person chiefly in- 
 terested, our mind exerts itself more to discover 
 
REB|:LLrQN OF 1745. 307 
 
 the resources of which we are in want. Hence, 
 if we are endowed with good sense and discern- 
 ment, our affairs will be more successfully con- 
 ducted by ourselves than by the counsel of 
 others, who frequently, by their doubts, only 
 shake our confidence in our opinions, and lead 
 us astray. I told Cousselain to hold himself in 
 readiness at ten o'clock, as I wished to make 
 one more attempt; and I gave him some money 
 to purchase the refreshment of which he might 
 be in want for the passage. 
 
 Cousselain returned at the hour agreed on, 
 but so drunk, that he could hardly stand, having 
 employed the intervening hour to good purpose. 
 Every thing seemed to conspire against me ; 1 
 cursed and swore, but I was resolved to per- 
 severe. I replied, to the new solicitations that 
 were made me to remain, that Cousselain being 
 required to bring back the boat, he might sleep 
 and become sober during the passage, whilst I 
 rowed with Mr. Seton ; that that was the only 
 inconvenience ; and that I should certainly take 
 my departure that night. I took Cousselain on 
 my back, and stretched him out in the bottom 
 of the boat, which Mr. Seton and I launched 
 without the least noise, and taking eacli of us 
 an oar we began to row with all our strength. 
 As soon as we were about fifty paces from the 
 shore, and safe from any disturbance on the part 
 of the inhabitants, I began to breatlie again, and 
 felt my heart as if relieved from a heavy load. 
 
 X 2 
 
308 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 All easterly wind arose, which tossed our little 
 boat in a dreadfid manner. Seton was greatly 
 alarmed, and he had good reason to be so ; for 
 had a wave broken against our boat it would 
 have filled it with water, and sunk us. I kept 
 encouraging him always ; though, in any other 
 situation, I should have been as much alarmed 
 as himself; for with every w^ave Vv^e were in the 
 greatest danger of being swallowed up. But I 
 was then afraid only of the scaffold ; and every 
 other danger made a slight impression on me. 
 We had another danger to encounter, besides 
 that of the winds and waves, in the drunken 
 Cousselain, in the bottom of the boat, who 
 wished to rise every moment, and several times 
 nearly overset us, so that we were obliged to 
 kick him most unmercifully in order to keep 
 him quiet ; and to threaten to throw liim over- 
 board, in case he mads the least movement in 
 future : we had no other means of making him 
 listen to reason. Seton and myself rowed like 
 galley-slaves. We succeeded in landing, about 
 six o'clock in the morning, on a part of the 
 coast a league and a half to the east of Edin- 
 burgh. As the Frith gradually widens towards 
 the east, it was at least four or five leagues in 
 breadth where we crossed. I tenderly em- 
 braced young Seton, thanking him, from the 
 bottom of my soul, for the essential services he 
 had rendered me ; and I gave Cousselain, who 
 began to become somewhat sober, a gratification 
 much beyond his hopes. They * re-embarked 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. SOQ 
 
 immediately, to return to Dubbieside, whilst I 
 made all the haste I could from the sea-shore, 
 lest some countryman should have seen me 
 land. 
 
 No felicity could surpass that which I felt on 
 landing, after surmounting the greatest obstacles 
 to my escape, especially the two arms of the sea, 
 the crossing of which had cost me so much dis- 
 tress and griefi from the disappointments to 
 which I had been continually exposed. I was 
 now within reach of the assistance of my rela- 
 tions and friends. However, it was not without 
 a good deal of pain and difficulty that I suc- 
 ceeded in crossing ; for my hands were nearly 
 in as bad a plight as my feet were in, ten days 
 before, bleeding a great deal, and considerably 
 swelled ; but I did not much mind being lame 
 in my hands for a few days, as I had not so 
 much occasion for them, and my feet were now 
 pretty well recovered. Having landed about a 
 musket-shot from Gladsmuir, where we had ob- 
 tained so brilliant a victory over the'English, 
 and not daring to approach Edinburgh till it 
 was dark, I determined to pass the whole day 
 on the field of battle, in order to tranquillise my 
 mind, and soften a little the rigours of our fate, 
 by reflections on the past. We enjoy agreeable 
 objects, but calamities lead us to reflect. The 
 fortunate man seldom reasons : he alone is dis- 
 posed to meditate who suffers, in order to 
 derive, at least, some useful instruction, from 
 the evils which surround him. Adversity, the 
 
 X 3 
 
310 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 great teacher of men, renders them wiser, and 
 more prudent ; it ripens the mind ; the reiter- 
 ated blows of misfortune force even frivolity 
 itself to indulge in reflections. 
 
 While Walking over the field of battle, that 
 spot furnished to me a most striking picture of 
 the vicissitudes of fortune, to which human 
 nature is subject; and I compared my situation 
 in that glorious day, — when I discharged the 
 functions of aide-de-camp to the Prince, carry- 
 ing his orders every where, and charged with 
 the care of thirteen hundred English prisoners, 
 ■ — to my present state, covered with rags, in 
 order to escape the scaffold ; borne down with 
 trouble and distress, and placing my only hap- 
 piness in the hopes of escaping to some foreign 
 country, and abandoning for ever the land 
 which gave me birth, my relations, and friends ; 
 uncertain where I should find an asylum, or 
 how I could procure the means of subsistence. 
 How different the two conditions ! I could not 
 help thinking that Providence had so disposed 
 matters, that we should land near the field of 
 Gladsmuir, having been carried so far eastwards 
 by the ebbing of the tide, rather than in the 
 neighbourhood of Leith, where we intended to 
 land, in order to impress more strongly on my 
 mind those lessons which will never be effaced 
 from it. How much did I then desire to see 
 some of the favourites of the Prince, whom the 
 notice with which they were distinguished had 
 rendered insolent, proud, and impertinent ! I 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 311 
 
 imagined I saw them, — mean, servile, and cring- 
 ing, in the now altered state of our affairs. I 
 have seen them since, and 1 find I was not de- 
 ceived in my conjectures ; as theii' behaviour 
 was precisely what I had anticipated. 
 
 The instability of fortune ought to teach men 
 the importance of preserving consistency of cha- 
 racter. If we do not allow ourselves to be 
 blown up with prosperity, but conduct ourselves 
 always with modesty and respectability, we shall 
 not be cast down or become cringing in adver- 
 sity. Arrogance and vanity are infallible marks 
 of littleness of soul, and never fail to degenerate, 
 in reverses of fortune, into the meanest servility ; 
 whilst a modest; mild, and beneficent man, will 
 never allow himself to descend so low, what- 
 ever revolutions of fortune he may experience : 
 however exalted the elevation from which he 
 may fall, that fall will always be accompanied 
 by the esteem and regret of all good men, and 
 he tN'ill always have the public voice in his 
 favour. When happy, every one wdll rejoice at 
 his good fortune ; and when he experiences re- 
 verses, every one will be eager to console him. 
 
 In going over thé ground, every step brought 
 to remembrance some particulars of the battle. 
 When I reached the spot where I saw thirteen 
 hundred English prisoners, guarded by eiglity 
 Highlanders, I sat down to dine upon my bread 
 and cheese, and a bottle of Canary wine, which 
 Mr. Seton had made me take at parting. The 
 remembrance of the glorious and incdnceivable 
 X 4 
 
312 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 victory wiiicli we had obtained on this spot 
 added to the extreme pleasure I felt in having 
 passed the arm of the sea. As I was afraid of 
 being recognised, if I went straight to Edin- 
 burgh, I resolved to seek an asylum in Leith, in 
 the house of my old governess, Mrs. Blythe, who 
 had been twenty-two years in the service of my 
 mother, and particularly intrusted wâth the care 
 of me, having received me from my nurse, 
 when only a twelvemonth old. 
 
 The trouble and uneasiness which she conti- 
 nually experienced on my account, both from 
 the dangerous illnesses to which 1 was subject in 
 my youth, and the passionate, impetuous, and 
 imprudent character which I possessed in com- 
 mon with most only sons, only served to in- 
 crease her kindness and affection for me. She 
 loved me as much as if I had been her own 
 child. Mr. Blythe, the master of a small coast- 
 ing-vessel, who was very rich, took a liking to 
 her, when, she was fifty, and offered her mar- 
 riage ; and the match was too advantageous to 
 Margaret to allow her to hesitate as to the ac- 
 cepting it. It was three years since she had left 
 our house to reside with her husband at Leith, 
 and they lived very happily together. Blythe 
 was a Calvinist, and the sworn enemy of the 
 house of Stuart ; but as he was a man of much 
 probity, I had nothing to fear from him. I 
 therefore quitted Gladsmuir before sunset, in 
 order to reach his house in Leith after the night 
 was set in. 
 
REBELLION OF 174?5. 313 
 
 On entering Mr. Blythe*s, I thought the good 
 woman would have stifled me with her caresses. 
 She sprung to my neck, clasped me in her arms, 
 and shed a torrent of tears of joy. As no one 
 of my family knew what had become of me 
 since the battle of Culloden, or whether I was 
 dead or alive, for my brother-in-law RoUo had 
 allowed them to remain in ignorance of his 
 having seen me at Banff; as soon as the first 
 transports of this good woman were over, I 
 entreated her to go instantly to Edinburgh, and 
 acquaint my father and mother that I was in 
 perfect health in her house. I was the more 
 eager to give them this intelligence, as Mrs. 
 Blythe had informed me of their great uneasi- 
 ness and distress on my account. During her 
 absence, Mr. Blythe shewed me all the hiding- 
 places which he had caused to be made in the 
 partition of a room, for concealing the contra- 
 band goods, which he used to bring from foreign 
 countries, in order, as he said, that I might 
 take refuge in one of them, in case of surprise, 
 and of his house being searched for me. I 
 observed, that I was the most contraband and 
 dangerous commodity that he had ever had in his 
 possession, and that it was very possible they might 
 still prove serviceable, although it was a long- 
 time since he had concluded he should no longer 
 have occasion for them. 
 
 My impatience to give the earliest intelli- 
 gence to my father, had made me forget to 
 request Mrs. Blythe to bring me clothes ; but 
 
314 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 I had the joy and satisfaction to see her return 
 loaded with every thing necessary for me. It 
 was indeed full time to quit my rags ; for, besides 
 a thousand other inconveniences to which this 
 disguise had subjected me, I found that they 
 had given me the itch. However, as this dis- 
 agreeable disease had yet rrlade but little pro- 
 gress, I got rid of it in the course of twenty- 
 four hours, by rubbing myself all over with 
 butter and sulphur, and taking flower of brim- 
 stone internally. These rags had been of the 
 greatest use to me, during the six weeks I had 
 worn them ; but I felt, notwithstanding, an in- 
 credible pleasure in throwing them ofl^ and in 
 being no longer obliged to disguise myself like 
 a beggar. My father sent me word that he 
 would call on me next morning, and pass the 
 day with me. 
 
 Although I ardently desired to embrace my 
 father, whom I had not seen since the month of 
 October, when our army left Edinbiirgh, I 
 nevertheless dreaded his presence, and the re- 
 proaches which he might make me, for having 
 joined Prince Charles without his consent, and 
 precipitated myself, by my own fault, into the 
 miserable condition into which I was then 
 plunged. As soon as it was known with cer- 
 tainty at Edinburgh, that the Prince had landed 
 in the North-west Highlands, eager to have the 
 merit of being amongst the first who repaired to 
 his banners, and staked their fortune on the 
 issue of his cause, I earnestly supplicated my 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 315 
 
 father to grant mé permission to join him im- 
 mediately ; but instead of granting my request, 
 he expressly commanded me to renounce every 
 idea of this nature, telling me, that it would be 
 time enough to join the Prince \vhen he should 
 be in possession of Edinburgh ; that, not being 
 able to procure me a passport, as his principles 
 and attachment to the house of Stuart were uni- 
 versally known, I should be arrested in rny 
 attempt to pass the first arm of the sea, arid 
 kept a prisoner during the whole expedition. 
 In vain I represented to him, that the Prince 
 would look more favourably on me if I joined 
 his standard in the beginning, when he had only 
 a few hundred followers, than when in possession 
 of the capital of his ancient kingdom of Scotland, 
 the principal obstacles were overcome, and he 
 had nothing more to do than to be crowned, — 
 (for this was the light in which I viewed matters, 
 though I was sadly deceived,) — my father was 
 inexorable, and at last commanded me to be 
 silent. Burning with desire to join the Prince, 
 I went to dine next day with Lady Jane Doug- 
 las, sister of the Duke of Douglas, who had been 
 my protectress from my infancy, in order to 
 make her acquainted with my chagrin, and the 
 conversation I had had with my father. This 
 worthy lady highly approved of my reasons, and 
 agreed that I ought to set out immediately, 
 without consulting my father ; and undertook to 
 appease him, in case he should be enraged at my 
 disobedience. This was precisely what I de- 
 
316 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 sired ; and I set out next morning without say- 
 ing a word on the subject to any one. 
 
 I found no difficulty in passing the arm of the 
 sea, between Queensferry and Dunfermline. I 
 put a black cockade in my hat, and entered the 
 boat W'ith an air of authority, telling those who 
 examined the passports, that I was an officer in 
 Lee's regiment, then quartered in Edinburgh, 
 and that officers liad no occasion for passports. 
 On leaving the boat 1 went to the castle of 
 Lord Rollo, wliere I remained two days, waiting 
 the arrival of the Prince at Perth, which is two 
 miles from it. When I returned to Edinburgh 
 some time after with our army, my father said 
 nothing about my going away without his con. 
 sent ; but then we were victorious and trium- 
 phant. Now every thing was changed ; and 
 those who bestowed praises on us in our pros- 
 perity, treated us, now that we were unfortunate, 
 as hair-brained youths. This is the way with 
 the world in general, who judge of things merely 
 by the event. If we had succeeded in placing 
 the crown on tlie head of Prince Charles, of 
 which there was even a great probability for 
 some tune, by conducting ourselves well after 
 our victories, w^e should all have been celebrated 
 as heroes. The loss of the battle of Culloden, 
 which put an end to the contest between the 
 houses of Stuart and Hanover, niade us imme- 
 diately rebels and madmen, in the eyes of those 
 who are incapable of reflection, and who unfor- 
 tunately are every v/here the majority. 
 
REBELLION OF 1754. 317 
 
 My father came to visit me ; but instead of 
 reproving me, the good old man was so affected 
 at seeing me again, that his eyes were filled witli 
 tears ; and, loc Icing me in his arms, he was for 
 some time unable to utter a single v/ord. As 
 soon as we were a little composed, after this 
 scene of mutual tenderness, I amused him with 
 the recital of all the particulars of our expe- 
 dition, since our departure from Edinburgh for 
 England, and all that had happened to me per- 
 sonally since the battle of Culloden. He re- 
 mained with me till nine o'clock in the evening, 
 and the day passed over with the rapidity of 
 lightning. I was deeply afflicted on learning that 
 my mother was very ill, and had been obliged 
 to keep her room for a long time ; and I v/as 
 still more so, when Mrs. Blythe told me, that 
 her anxiety for me was the cause of her illness, 
 and that the physicians thought her life in dan- 
 ger. My grief was natural, and well founded. 
 8he had always adored me with the most tender 
 maternal affection. I proposed several projects 
 to my father for going to see her, but he would 
 not hear of it ; alleging that I ran a risk of 
 being discovered, and that if unfortunately I 
 should be arrested, it would be the death of 
 both of them. I therefore ceased to insist on 
 seeing her. What a cruel situation ! to be so 
 near a mother, whom I had such reason for 
 loving tenderly, without being able to embrace 
 her ! 
 
 Leith, which is about a mile from Edinburgh, 
 
318 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 was then filled vvith Hessian and English troops, 
 waiting for embarkation for Flanders. Two 
 English sergeants called on Mr. Blythe with 
 billets for lodging. This was a dreadful de- 
 rangement for me ; Mr. Blythe, however, conr 
 trived to get an exemption, and they went away. 
 For an hour, during which these sergeants 
 remained in the house, wrangling with Mr. 
 Blythe about their lodging, I continued watch- 
 ing them through a hole which 1 had made in 
 the partition, between two rooms, with the entry 
 of the hiding place open to receive me, in case 
 I found they intended to search in the house 
 for rebels. I saw poor Mrs. Blythe turn pale 
 and change colour every minute, trembling like 
 an aspen leaf; and I was much afraid lest her 
 anxiety should induce the sergeants to suspect 
 that there were some rebels concealed in the 
 house. However, my fears were groundless. 
 
 I received information that Lady Jane Doug- 
 las * intended to pay me a visit mcognito, in the 
 
 * The Duke of Douglas, brother of Lady Jane Douglas, 
 represented one of the most ancient and illustrious houses 
 in Europe, which had disputed, for several centuries, the 
 crown of Scotland with the family of Stuart. John Baliol 
 had two daughters, the eldest of whom was married to the 
 Earl of Douglas, and the other to Robert the Bruce, one of 
 the greatest men that ever Scotland produced, and who de- 
 livered his country from the English, when they had almost 
 succeeded in conquering the whole kingdom. It is impos- 
 sible to say, why Robert Bruce succeeded to the crown of 
 Scotland on the death of John Baliol, in preference to the 
 house of Douglas, and he had only one daughter, who was 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 319 
 
 afternoon of the following day, accompanied 
 by Mr. Stewart, who became afterwards her 
 
 married to the Steward or Stuart of Scotland ; and he suc- 
 ceeded, in virtue of his wife, to his father-in-law, Robert the 
 Bruce. The house of Stuart was little known in the history 
 of Scotland before this period, when it was suddenly ele- 
 vated to the sovereignty. 
 
 The house of Douglas always disputed the right of the 
 Stuarts to the throne ; and William the eighth Earl of 
 Douglas, having more than half the kingdom in his favour, 
 headed a confederacy against James the Second. James 
 proposed an interview between them in the castle of Stirling, 
 and sent a safe-conduct to the Earl of Douglas, who, too 
 credulous and confiding in the promises of the King and the 
 safe-conduct which he had received under the great seal of 
 the kingdom, ventured to wait on the King in the castle of 
 Stirling. The King, having in vain urged the Earl of 
 Douglas to dissolve the confederacy, drew his dagger, and 
 said, " If you will not break it, this shall," and immediately 
 plunged it into his heart. The vassals of the Earl flew to 
 arms, and dragging the safe-conduct, which the King had 
 given and violated, at the tail of a horse, they burned the 
 town of Stirling, and threatened to lay siege to the castle, 
 where the King was. The King and the new Earl of 
 Douglas met at Abercorn, at the head of their respective 
 armies ; that of the Earl's being much superior to the King's, 
 both in number and valour. " Thus," says Robertson, in 
 his History of Mary, from which I derive this note, " a 
 single battle must, in all probability, have decided whether 
 the house of Stuart or of Douglas was henceforth to possess 
 the crown of Scotland. But while his troops impatiently 
 expected the signal to engage, the Earl ordered them to 
 retire to their camp ; and Sir James Hamilton of Cadyow, 
 the person in whom he placed the greatest confidence,, 
 convinced of his want of genius to improve an opportunity, 
 or of his want of courage to seize a crown, deserted him that 
 
320 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 husband, and another lady, who was related to 
 me. This worthy and virtuous lady, who was 
 
 very night. His example was followed by many ; and the 
 Earl, despised or forsaken by all, was soon driven out of the 
 kingdom, and obliged to depend for his subsistence on the 
 friendship of the King of Enghmd. The ruin of this great 
 family, which so long rivalled and overawed the crown, and 
 the terror with which such an example of unsuccessful 
 ambition filled the nobles, secured the King, for some time, 
 from opposition ; and left the royal authority uncontrolled 
 and almost absolute." 
 
 The Duke of Douglas and Lady Jane were the descend- 
 ants of John Baliol, through his daughter. The archives of 
 this illustrious house prove their descent from Sholto 
 Douglas, the founder of their family, who received from 
 Selvathius, King of Scotland, in 770, the earldom of Doug- 
 las, as a recompense for his valour and success in the war 
 which Solvathius carried on against Donald, King of the 
 Isles. 
 
 I have some drops of royal blood in my veins, through the 
 house of Douglas. My grandmother was a legitimate 
 daughter of Douglas, baron of Whittingham, a branch of 
 the family of the Duke of Douglas ; and since the period 
 when that branch sprung from the house of Douglas, one of 
 the ancestors of my great-grandfather, Douglas of Whitting- 
 ham, married Annabel Stuart, sister of James I., King of 
 Scotland ; and my grandmother was descended from this 
 Annabel Stuart, by lawful marriage. My father gave me, at 
 parting, the genealogy of this family, which was extracted 
 from the registers of Scotland, and signed by the Chancellor, 
 for my grand-uncle William, baron of W^hittingham, lieu- 
 tenant-general in the service of Gustavus Adolphus ; and I 
 have still preserved it. — Author. — 
 
 As the reader of this work will not expect to find in it 
 information respecting the early history of Scotland, or the 
 genealogy of the house of Douglas, it is not necessary to 
 
REBELLION OF 1745.. 3^1 
 
 idolised by her country, possessed every good 
 and amiable quality that could adorn her sex. 
 She was beloved, respected, and adored, by all 
 
 point out all the errors contained in the above note, though 
 it may be proper to notice some of them. There were no 
 Earls of Douglas till 1357, before which period the Chiefs 
 of Douglas were only Barons. The Selvac or Salvathius, or 
 Solvathius, who is here made to carry on war against 
 Donald of the Isles, in 770, is said to have begun to reign in 
 719, and to have been succeeded by Murdac, in 733; and 
 the incident related by our author is one of the inventions 
 of Boyce or Boetius. Robert Bruce was never married to 
 the daughter of John Baliol. He married, first, Isabella, 
 daughter of Donald, Earl of Mar ; and afterwards, Elizabeth, 
 daughter of Aymer de Burgh, Earl of Ulster. His son 
 David died without issue, and his daughter was married to 
 Walter the Stewart, or Stuart, of Scotland, father of 
 Robert II. Archibald the sixth de Douglas married 
 Dornagilla, daughter of John Comyn of Badenoch, by 
 Marjory, sister of John Baliol, King of Scotland. 
 
 The author, however, only repeats what he had heard or 
 read on this subject. '* Legend," says Mr. George Chalmers, 
 " under the form of history, came out with an assertion, that 
 William, the Earl of Douglas, ' uniting in himself the du- 
 bious pretensions of Cumyn, and the solid title of Baliol,' 
 unexpectedly claimed the crown on the demise of David II. 
 Tliis fiction became a party-question, which was perti- 
 naciously debated, about the year 1747, at Edinburgh. In 
 1748, the learned Ruddiman published a Demonstration, 
 that William, the Earl of Douglas, had neither any re- 
 lationship of blood, nor connection of family, with the 
 Cumyns, and Baliols ; and he might have added, that the 
 Earl of Douglas had no alliance of marriage with the 
 Stewarts. The whole story of Douglas' claim is an egregious 
 fable, which was scarcely worth the repetition ; and which 
 we may hope will never be again repeated." 
 
 Y 
 
Sfi2 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 those who had the advantage of knowing her, 
 as well as by the public in general, who only 
 knew her through the high character and re- 
 putation she possessed. She had been very 
 beautiful in her youth, and was still beautiful at 
 the age of forty-five ; appearing at least fifteen 
 years younger than she really was, from the 
 uniform, temperate, regular, frugal, and simple 
 way of living she had always observed. She 
 was virtuous, pious, devout, and charitable, 
 without ostentation ; her devoutness was neither 
 affected nor oppressive to others. Her affability, 
 easy and engaging manners, and goodness of 
 heart, soon set at tlieir ease those who paid 
 court to her, whom her graceful and majestic 
 air might at first have rendered timid. Her 
 mind was highly cultivated. She had a decided 
 taste for literature ; she had a great memory, 
 much good sense and mtelligence, a sound 
 judgment, and a quick discernment. Her 
 library was well stored with the best authors, 
 without any of those trifling novels, which ge- 
 nerally form so large a portion of the libraries of 
 women. She possessed great elevation of soul, 
 and was even haughty and proud on proper 
 occasions, supporting her illustrious birth with 
 dignity, without arrogance, and without vanity, 
 but in a manner truly noble. 
 
 Her brother, the Duke of Douglas, was a 
 lunatic from his infancy, frequently breaking 
 out into the most dreadful fits of madness. He 
 killed his own near relation Mr. Ker, without 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 323 
 
 having ever had the least quarrel or altercation 
 with him, by running him through the body 
 with his sword when asleep ; and as Lady Jane 
 several times narrowly escaped being killed by 
 him in a fit of insanity, their uncle, the Marquis 
 of Lothain, wished to have him legally declared 
 a lunatic, and Lady Jane put in possession of 
 all the estates of the family, amounting to more 
 than sixteen tliousand pounds a-year. This 
 would have met with no opposition, as his lunacy 
 was notorious, from the flital proofs which he 
 gave of it every day ; but Lady Jane Douglas 
 would never consent to this ; preferring to live 
 retired upon an annuity of three or four hundred 
 a-year, which she drew from her brother as 
 interest of her portion — a very small income 
 for a person of her rank — to dishonouring him 
 and her family by having recourse to such a 
 step. If ever virtue seemed to be unceasingly 
 persecuted by Providence, it was in the person 
 of Lady Jane Douglas, the most amiable of her 
 sex, eminent for every noble quality, and the 
 most perfect model for imitation. The chagrin 
 she suffered from the persecution of her brother, 
 with the death of her eldest son, whom she 
 tenderly loved, shortened her days, and she 
 died at London a little before the death of her 
 brother, and at the very moment when she was 
 on the point of inheriting an income of sixteen 
 thousand pounds a-year. In what I have here 
 said to her praise, I have not been guilty of ex- 
 aggeration. All those who had the good 
 
 y S> 
 
324 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 fortune to know her, and who now lament her 
 death, will say a thousand times more in her 
 praise, without being able to do justice to the 
 merit of" this adorable lady, who was as illustri- 
 ous as she was unfortunate. How mysterious 
 the ways of Providence ! We may often exclaim, 
 with Brutus, "O virtue! I have always worshipped 
 thee as a divinity ; but I find thou art an empty 
 name.'* Virtue does not secure man from the 
 sufferings of nature, or the injuries of fortune. * 
 Lady Jane called on me, as she had an- 
 nounced, and made me repeat all my adventures 
 since the battle of Culloden. When I came to 
 that part of my story whicli related to my stay 
 at Samuel's, my dream, whicli I had almost for- 
 gotten, from the variety of events that had hap- 
 pened to me since I left Glen-Prossen, recurred 
 to my remembrance ; and, struck with the 
 realisation of this dream in every point, and in 
 all its circumstances, I stopt short for a moment 
 
 * The Duke of Douglas, enraged at Lady Jane's mar* 
 riage, in 174^6, to Mr. Stewart, a private gentleman, refused 
 to pay her the interest of her fortune, and reduced her to 
 the greatest difficulties. She returned to London in 1752, 
 and having been presented to King George, she did not 
 humiliate herself by soliciting a pension, but told him, 
 " That her brother having stopped the payment of the 
 interest of her fortune. His Majesty, who knew her family, 
 had certainly too much penetration and good sense not to 
 know what was due to a person of her rank." The King 
 gave immediate orders for settling a considerable pension on 
 her, although he knew that she had visited Prince Charles 
 in his palace at Edinburgh. — Author. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 325 
 
 in my narrative, and remained silent and con- 
 founded. T hesitated at first whether I should 
 relate it or not ; but it appeared so supernatural 
 and incredible that I was afraid to communicate 
 it to her, lest she should imagine that I wished 
 to palm fictions on her, of which, however, I 
 had no need, to secure the sympathy of a lady 
 who had honoured me with her kindness from 
 my infancy. Besides, supposing she could not 
 give credit to me, which was very probable, it 
 would have appeared, as I tliought, in her eyes, 
 to betray a littleness of mind in me, to attempt 
 to deceive her by artifices. I therefore pro- 
 ceeded with my story, omitting all account of 
 the dream, though nothing can be more certain 
 than that, in inspiring me with an obstinate de- 
 termination to proceed to the south, instead of 
 returning to the mountains to join my com- 
 panions, this dream was the means of saving my 
 life ; and I shall therefore remember it as long 
 as I live, as a matter beyond my comprehension, 
 and on which it is impossible for me to reason, 
 though it had such an influence on my destiny. 
 The activity of the mind, whilst the body is 
 in a state of insensibility approaching to death, 
 is in itself inconceivable ; but, when the con- 
 versation we had in a dream, and the circum- 
 stances which then appeared to take place, are 
 afterwards literally realised and verified in every 
 particular, what are we to think of this ? Can it 
 be explained and accounted for from any natural 
 cause? Certain it is, that my dream saved me 
 
 Y 3 
 
326 MEMOIRS or the 
 
 from the seaffold, having followed its guidance, 
 as if the route which I took in consequence had 
 been pointed out to me by a guardian angel. To 
 it I certainly must ascribe my obstinate determin- 
 ation to reach Edinburgh, or to perish in the at- 
 tempt, contrary to tlie opinion and advice of every 
 one. I never retrograded a single step, either 
 in returning to Mr. Graham's, when the boat- 
 men refused to carry me over, or to Lillie's, when 
 the assistance I expected from Salmon failed 
 me, or in remaining at Mr. Seton's, when in one 
 attempt I was disappointed. Instigated by an 
 indescribable impulse, without my well knowing 
 whether it was for my destruction or my safety, 
 I found it impossible to act otherwise than I did. 
 My mind is lost in a labyrinth, when I try to 
 investigate this subject ; and the more so, as I 
 never thought of Lady Jane, on the day we 
 held a council at 8amuel*s, when it was unani- 
 mously resolved to return to the Highlands, nor 
 lor a long time before. I thought of nothing on 
 going to bed, but to sleep soundly, and to rise 
 at three o'clock in the morning to set off with 
 my comrades. It seemed to me on waking, 
 that my will was no longer free ; and my re- 
 flections during the whole day, on the insur- 
 mountable obstacles which opposed my reaching 
 Edinburgh, only served to strengthen my reso- 
 lutions. Besides, supposing even T should reach 
 Edinburgh, how could I ever hope to see Lady 
 Jane Douglas there, or that she would pay me 
 a visit at Mrs. Blythe's ? 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 327 
 
 Having recounted to Lady Jane the affair of 
 the two sergeants, on the preceding evening, 
 which had so much alarmed poor Mrs. Blythe, 
 she observed that 1 was not then in a proper 
 place, and she offered me an asylum in her 
 house, where 1 should be more safe, as no one 
 would dare to search it upon mere suspicion. 
 She told me to come that very night, about ten 
 o'clock, and ordered me to collect my rags for 
 the journey. Her house was about half a league 
 from Leith, in the village of Drumsheugh : the 
 disguise was absolutely necessary, lest I should 
 meet any one who knew me on the way. I said 
 all that I possibly could to be freed from wear- 
 ing my old clothes, for which I had a particular 
 repugnance ; however, as I durst not venture to 
 tell Lady Jane that they had given me the itch, 
 I was obliged to put them on to comply with 
 her request. I took every possible precaution 
 to prevent my catching that odious disease a 
 second time^ by putting on two shirts, a waist- 
 coat, and gloves under my rags. Notwithstand- 
 ing the horror which I entertained for this dress, 
 and that I would have given a good deal to have 
 had it burnt before Lady Jane called on me, it 
 was the most precious dress I ever wore, iiaving 
 contributed so much to save my life. 
 
 I arrived at the door of Lady Jane's house, 
 about eleven o'clock at night, which I found 
 half open ; and the gardener, who was the only 
 one of her servants whom she dared to intrust 
 with the secret, was waiting for me. He told 
 
 Y 4 
 
328 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 me that Lady Jane had ordered him to conduct 
 me into her Ladyship's apartment as soon as I 
 arrived, without changing my clothes, as she 
 wished to see me in my disguise. This was 
 another source of uneasiness ; for I dreaded the 
 pestilential odour which they would cause in the 
 room ; but I had no alternative. I found Mr. 
 Stewart, and a lady who was related to me, with 
 Lady Jane, waiting to see my metamorphosis. 
 They all agreed that it was impossible to recog- 
 nise me in this dress ; only Lady Jane observed, 
 that, to complete my disguise, I ought to have 
 my eye-brows blackened with burnt cork. I 
 made the experiment immediately, and found 
 that the alteration which it produced in my 
 appearance was considerable. I took my leave 
 of them about midnight, and was conducted by 
 the gardener to the chamber which was destined 
 for me, above the room where company was re- 
 ceived, and where no one had slept for a long 
 time past. I immediately made a bundle of my 
 clothes, which I requested the gardener to burn 
 in the garden, that I might hear no more of 
 them, and be under no apprehension of wearing 
 them again. 
 
 As the gardener was the only individual in 
 the secret, and as all the servants imagined, at 
 the same time, that there was no person in the 
 room that I occupied, that I might not make 
 any noise which might lead to my discovery by 
 them, I was obliged to remain without shoes till 
 eleven o'clock in the evening, when they went 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 3^ 
 
 to bed, and then I went down stairs into the 
 garden to take a walk. I soon became accus- 
 tomed to this sedentary and secluded life. I 
 seldom saw any one but the gardener, who 
 brought me my meals. Sometimes I had the 
 pleasure of passing a few hours in the apartment 
 of Lady Jane, where 1 usually found Mr. Stew- 
 art ; but this was an indulgence I seldom en- 
 joyed, on account of the difficulty of keeping all 
 the servants out of the way, especially her 
 chamber-maid, Mrs. Ker ; whom Lady Jane did 
 not wish to let into the secret, and who became 
 very troublesome from her extreme curiosity to 
 clear up the mystery, the existence of which she 
 had frequent occasion to suspect, without know- 
 ing what to think of it, 
 
 I immediately acquired a taste for reading, 
 having been, till then, too dissipated for any 
 application to books; and her liadyship supplied 
 me with the best historical authors. Thus I 
 passed my whole time, with a book continually 
 in my hand, without feeling weariness for a sin- 
 gle moment ; and I should have willingly con- 
 sented to pass my whole life in the same manner, 
 on condition of escaping the scaffold. The taste 
 which I then contracted for reading has been 
 subsequently of the greatest utility to me, and 
 a great resource against enmdi in a part of Ame- 
 rica where I lived several years, and where 
 society is not so agreeable as in Europe. 
 
 A few days after taking possession of my 
 lodgings in the house of Lady Jane, I read in 
 
3.30 .MEMOIRS OF THi; 
 
 an Edinburgh newspaper, " That the populace 
 of Dubbieside had arrested and conducted to 
 prison a person of the name of David Cousselain, 
 who, with a certain individual who was not taken, 
 had aided in the escape of a rebel ; and that 
 they had burnt the boat, which had been made 
 use of in crossing the ferry." I was very glad 
 that Seton, who had acted with such generosity, 
 had had the good fortune to escape ; and I was 
 sorry that Mr. Robertson had lost his boat ; but, 
 as to Cousselain, as my hands were not yet 
 cured, I could not pity his fate so much as if he 
 iiad kept himself sober : had it not been for his 
 drunkenness, he might have returned to Dub- 
 bieside in better time ; for being then able to 
 relieve each other we should have effected our 
 passage in less time, and then there is every 
 reason for supposing he might have escaped 
 being taken, securing his return before the in- 
 habitants were up. I rowed as well as a man 
 could do who was rowing for his life, without 
 knowing much of the business ; but with Cous- 
 selain we should have effected the passage in 
 half the time. I learned from Mr. Seton the 
 elder, whom I met at Paris, in the year 1747» 
 that Cousselain suffered only a few weeks' im- 
 prisonment, as there was no evidence against 
 him: Indeed, nothing would have been more 
 unjust than to have condemned him for saving a 
 rebel, for the brute had nothing to do with it ; 
 having slept during the whole passage, while I 
 was fatiguing myself to death with rowing, and 
 
REBELLION OF 17'1.5. 331 
 
 injiiring^ my hands in such a way as to prevent 
 me from using them for a long time. 
 
 Lady Jane and my father were of opinion, that 
 I should go immediately to London, as I ran no 
 risk of being discovered in that immense city, 
 which a multitude of strangers are entering and 
 leaving every day. They thought, too, that 
 there was little to fear on the road, after I was 
 once ten leagues from Edinburgh. Every thing 
 was ready for my departure, when we learned 
 that the squadron of the Duke d'Anville had 
 sailed from France, and that it was so formidable 
 that Admiral Anson durst not attack it. When 
 this news first reached Scotland, no one doubted 
 that this squadron was destined to re-establish 
 the affairs of Prince Charles ; and the feigned 
 route which it took on its departure confirmed 
 us still more in that belief. It is certain that 
 this squadron might have effected a disembark- 
 ation in Scotland, without experiencing the 
 least opposition, and even in view of the English 
 fleets, which had not dared to attack it ; and the 
 troops, which were on board, would have been 
 more than sufficient to re-establish our affairs. 
 The Scots who were still concealed in the 
 mountains would have issued out of them like 
 so many bees from a hive ; and many of the clans 
 who had remained neuter, seeing that the Duke 
 of Cumberland had ravaged and laid waste the 
 whole country, without distinction of friend or 
 foe, would have taken up arms : the army of the 
 Prince would have been soon double in number 
 
33Si MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 to what it was in the times of our greatest pros- 
 perity. After waiting, with extreme impa- 
 tience, for the landing of this squadron in Scot- 
 land, which occupied the attention of every one 
 for several weeks, an English ship, at length, 
 discovered it in a latitude which put it beyond 
 all doubt that it was only destined for America. 
 
 It was the fate of this formidable fleet to 
 perish on the coast of Accadia, or Nova Scotia, 
 without even effecting the settlement which was 
 the object of the expedition, at Chebuctoo, a 
 paltry fort, in the worst possible soil, covered 
 with rocks and stones, where the English have 
 since built the town of Halifax. This immense 
 armament, which might have easily effected a 
 revolution in England, from the critical state of 
 things at that time in Scotland, was reduced to 
 nothing by tempests, by diseases, by discord and 
 contention between the superior officers of the 
 land and sea services, — in short, by a total want 
 of good conduct ; so that a few of the shattered 
 remains of it only returned to France. This 
 may be considered as the last effort of the French 
 navy. 
 
 Tlie policy pursued by the court of France, 
 in threatening the English with efforts in favour 
 of the house of Stuart, as they have done for 
 a century past, is very short-sighted. TJiis po- 
 licy, from the nature of things, could only be of 
 limited operation • the trick has become so stale 
 from repetition that the English are no longer 
 alarmed, and never will be alarmed in future. 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. 333 
 
 as they see that France, with the best possible 
 dispositions, is now incapable of effecting any 
 thing in favour of the Stuarts, from the destruc- 
 tion and emigration of their partisans in Scothuid, 
 and tlie coohiess of those in England. This 
 was, indeed, clearly proved in the last war ; 
 these pretended invasions having in no manner 
 disconcerted the English, or prevented them 
 from pursuing their enterprises, and having only 
 served to open their eyes to the necessity of 
 forming and disciplining a hundred thousand 
 militia to guard their coasts from surprise. If 
 France had had seriously at heart to re-establish 
 the house of Stuart on the throne, she might 
 have easily succeeded in effecting this, during 
 our expedition, with three or four thousand 
 troops ; and besides, having an ally in Prince 
 Charles, she would have thereby avoided those 
 eternal wars with England, which never took 
 place during the reign of the house of Stuart. 
 On the contrary, Charles II. became the ally of 
 France, in a war against the Dutch, notwith- 
 standing the friendly sentiments which the Eng- 
 lish nation always entertained towards that re- 
 public. The King of England has the power to 
 form alliances, to declare war, or to make peace, 
 as he pleases ; and he is always certain of a ma- 
 jority in parliament. 
 
 After passing two months in the house of Lady 
 Jane Douglas, in the most tranquil and philoso- 
 phic manner, a servant-maid, who returned from 
 Edinburgh with provisions, told her companions 
 
334 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 in the kitchen, that whilst she was purchasing 
 meat in the flesh-market, the lackey of an Eng- 
 lish gentleman, a commissioner of the customs, 
 whispered in lier ear, " That they knew very 
 well that I was concealed in the house of Lady 
 Jane Douglas, her mistress ; and that there was 
 every reason for supposing that her house would 
 immediately be searched.'* She added, that she 
 had openly contradicted this calumny ; and, in 
 fact, she could do so with a safe conscience, for 
 no one in the house, except the gardener, knew 
 any thing of the matter ; and he went up stairs 
 immediately to inform Lady Jane, who came 
 without delay into my room, accompanied by 
 Mr. Stewart, to consult as to what was necessary 
 to be done ; fearing lest a detachment of soldiers 
 should come, in the course of the day, to visit 
 the house. It was then only nine o'clock in the 
 morning. 
 
 This intelligence filled me with the utmost 
 grief and uneasiness. I trembled lest the ex- 
 treme goodness of Lady Jane, in giving me an 
 asylum in her house, should involve h er in diffi- 
 culties with the government ; and 1 was a thou- 
 sand times more afraid of the disagreeable conse- 
 quences which the being taken in hcrhouse would 
 entail on her, than of the fate which awaited myself. 
 When I feelingly expressed how much I regret- 
 ted the dangers to which I exposed her, she re- 
 plied, with her usual spirit and promptitude, — 
 " If there were no risk, you would be under 
 no obligation to me." — It was impossible to get 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 335 
 
 out by the door into the court, on account of 
 the servants, who, in that case, would see me 
 from the kitchen ; and there was no place in 
 the house, which I examined all over, where I 
 could remain concealed. But, as they were then 
 making hay in an inclosure belonging to Lady 
 Jane, Mr. Stewart proposed that I should con- 
 ceal myself in a cock of hay. In order to suc- 
 ceed in this, it was necessary to let a footman 
 into the secret, that he might watch the other 
 servants, and seize a favourable opportunity 
 for my leaving the house and entering the in- 
 closure. 
 
 I went out, in my waistcoat, with the footman 
 and gardener, followed by Mr. Stewart. As it 
 was necessary to observe a number of precautions, 
 on account of some of the windows of the village 
 which looked into the inclosure, we began to 
 throw down all the cocks of hay, one after an- 
 other ; and the footman and gardener threw each 
 other down on the hay, with which the one who 
 happened to be undermost was covered by the 
 other. This pretended amusement went on for 
 some time, when they threw me, in my turn, as 
 a part of the same sport, and covered me with 
 hay, till the cock in which I was concealed was 
 raised as high as the rest, leaving me only a small 
 aperture for breathing ; and, having given me a 
 bottle of water and another of wine, they with- 
 drew. 
 
 I do not think it possible to suffer more than 
 I did the whole day : the weather was fine, but 
 
336 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 very warm ; the excessive beat of my situation 
 under the hay, which was like an oven, ahiiost 
 deprived me of respiration. Mr. Stewart came 
 to see me from time to time, and exhorted me 
 to be patient ; and, indeed, I had need of pa- 
 tience, for my sufferings were occasionally so in- 
 supportable, that 1 was sometimes tempted to 
 give the hay to the devil, and expose myself to 
 whatever might happen, rather than to con- 
 tinue where I was. My regard for Lady Jane 
 alone restrained me. After the most dreadful 
 sufferings, from ten o'clock in the morning till 
 nine at night, remaining always in the same 
 attitude, without power to stir myself, and 
 bathed in sweat, I was at length relieved. But 
 when I came out of the hay my body was so 
 bruised, and 1 was so weak, from my excessive 
 transpiration, that it was with difficulty I could 
 walk, leaning on the arm of Mr. Stewart, for my 
 legs could scarcely support me. I was enraged 
 to think 1 had passed so disagreeable a day for 
 nothing, no person having come to search the 
 house. I was always of opinion that they would 
 not dare to do so on doubtful information, and 
 they could obtain no certain information except 
 through the gardener, of whose fidelity Lady 
 Jane had been assured for a considerable length 
 of time, during which he was in her service. 
 
 The certainty that the squadron of the Duke 
 D'Anville was not destined for Scotland, the 
 disappointment I felt in the extinction of all my 
 hopes of the re-establishment of our affairs, and 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. ,S37 
 
 my sufferings the whole of this day under the 
 hay, determined me to set out for London as 
 soon as possible ; and Mr. Colvill, Lady Jane*s 
 man of business, purchased for me, next day, in 
 the horse-market, a very handsome poney, at a 
 reasonable price. I urgently entreated Lady- 
 Jane to exempt me from performing a second 
 penance, during the day I should still have the 
 honour to pass with her ; adding that I would 
 remain sentinel at my chamber window from 
 morning till night, with my eyes constantly 
 fixed on the door into the court ; and that as 
 soon as I saw a detachment enter, if they were 
 so impudent as to send one, I would jump from 
 the window of the first floor into the garden, 
 when, by climbing the garden-wall, I could 
 soon gain the open fields, and place myself be- 
 yond the reach of their pursuit. This dear and 
 amiable lady pitied my suffering under the hay- 
 cock, but could not help, at the same time, 
 }>ursting into a loud fit of laughter, on seeing 
 the panic-terror with which the idea of return- 
 ing to it filled me, and she granted me a dis- 
 pensation. I had had, it is true, a rough trial 
 of this dreadful penance. 
 
 Next day my father came to bid me an eter- 
 nal adieu, and passed the afternoon with me. I 
 felt the utmost affliction and grief at the ap- 
 proach of this perpetual separation. I warmlv 
 urged my father, as well as Lady Jane, to per- 
 mit me to go to Edinburgh, for a few moments, 
 to embrace, for the last time, the most tender 
 
 z 
 
338 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 and affectionate of mothers, in the bed where 
 she was then dangerously sick ; but they would 
 not give their consent, on account of the danger 
 1 should run of being discovered, either in 
 passing through the town, or by the servants of 
 the house. What a cruel situation ! To be 
 within a mile of a tender mother, who had al- 
 ways fondly loved me, then dangerously ill, and 
 yet be unable to bid her an eternal adieu ! 
 
 About eleven o'clock at night, 1 began to dis- 
 guise myself in the dress of one of the persons 
 who travel up and down the country with goods. 
 A stock of handkerchiefs was procured for me, 
 which I put into my portmanteau with my linen, 
 where I had also the breast of an embroidered 
 waistcoat, which was very beautiful, and very 
 precious to me, as it was the work of a mistress. 
 Having folded up my hair, I put on a black 
 wig, which hung down over my shoulders, and 
 Lady Jane blackened my eye-brows ; but with 
 this disguise I w^as by no means so completely 
 metamorphosed as in my beggar's dress. This 
 amiable lady, who could not be at ease on my 
 account till she knew I had proceeded, without 
 accident, some leagues irom Edinburgh, wdiere 
 I should be less exposed to meet any persons of 
 my acquaintance than in the neighbourhood of 
 that city, sent her servant, on her saddle-horse, 
 to accompany me the first two leagues, that she 
 might know how I succeeded. 
 
 I proceeded six leagues without stopping, 
 wlien, having come to a village in which there 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 339 
 
 was a public-house, I alighted to rest a little, 
 and take some refreshment. The landlady 
 eagerly pressed me to join a gentleman in the 
 next room, who had just arrived, that we might 
 dine together. I consented, suspecting that 
 she had it not in her power to serve us up sepa- 
 rate dinners. I was confounded, on entering 
 the room, to find Mr. Scott, banker in Edin- 
 burgh, a young gentleman who knew me very 
 well by sight. This rencounter was the more 
 calculated to alarm me, from his being a violent 
 partisan of the House of Hanover. Having, how- 
 ever, committed this blunder, it was now too late 
 to think of retreating ; and, trusting to my dis- 
 guise, I supported the character of pedlar as 
 well as I could, till, in a moment of absence, 
 he pronounced my name. As it was impossible 
 any longer to doubt that I was known to him, I 
 endeavoured to deceive him with respect to the 
 road which I intended to take. As at this villaire 
 several roads joined the highway to Edinburgh, 
 I told him that I intended sleeping at Jedburgh, 
 the road to which turns off from the London 
 road on the right at this village. After he had 
 pronounced my name, I could perceive that 
 he was at great pains to induce me, notwith- 
 standing that circumstance, to believe that he 
 did not know me ; for which I could not dis- 
 cover his motive. I was not afraid of being ar- 
 rested in the village, having a pistol primed and 
 loaded in each breeches pocket: but I was very 
 much afraid, that on his reaching Edinburgh in 
 
 z 2 
 
340 MEMOIRS OF THi; 
 
 the evening he would lodge an information 
 against me, and that, in consequence, the ma* 
 gistrates of the different towns on the London 
 road would be written to, in order to have me 
 arrested. I therefore set out immediately after 
 dinner, taking at first the Jedburgh road ; but 
 as soon as I had proceeded about a league in it, 
 I came to a cross road to the left, into which I 
 struck, and soon regained the London road. In 
 the evening I arrived at Kelso, which is about 
 eleven leagues from Edinburgh, where, availing 
 myself of a letter of recommendation from 
 Mr. Stewart, I slept at a private house, to avoid 
 any troublesome rencounters at the inn. I 
 never passed a more painful day ; — plunged in 
 the deepest melancholy, and oppressed with and 
 absorbed in the most distressing reflections, 1 
 saw myself reduced to the dreadfid alternative 
 of either perishing on the scaffold, or, by escap- 
 ing to a foreign country, of abandoning lor ever 
 my native land, my relations and friends, and 
 all that was dear to me : — in short, it was an 
 eternal farewell. Next day I entered England. 
 Amongst the immense number of prisoners 
 that we took in the different battles we gained 
 against the English, there were many who en- 
 tered our army without any sincerity of in- 
 tention ; the most of them had no other view in 
 so doing than to have the means of escaping 
 with the greater ease to join their old colours in 
 the English arniy. Of thirty or forty of them, 
 wi)om 1 had liad in my company, only five or 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 341 
 
 six remained with me at the battle of CiiUoden. 
 The unfortunate Dickson, my serjeant, was of 
 that number, and was hanged at Edinburgli, 
 whilst I remained in the house of Lady Jane 
 Douglas, dyingwith the utmost courage andiirm- 
 ness. He refused his pardon, which was offered 
 to him on the simple condition of confessing 
 himself guilty, by Mr. Chapman, his former cap- 
 tain in the forty-second regiment. On the 
 fourth day after my departure from Edinburgh, 
 when within two miles of Stamford, where I 
 intended passing the night, having travelled 
 about thirteen leagues in the course of the day, 
 and little more than an hour of sun remaining, 
 1 came up suddenly with some covered waggons, 
 when I heard a voice in one of the waggons call 
 out, " See, see! if there is not a man on horse- 
 back who resembles our rebel captain as much 
 as one drop of water resembles another!" and 
 I iieard my name pronounced at the same time. 
 
 I had been informed, whilst in the house of 
 Lady Jane Douglas, that several waggons, filled 
 with soldiers wounded at the battle of Culloden, 
 had set off, about eight days before I left Edin- 
 burgh, for Chelsea Hospital, near London ; but 
 1 supposed them too far before me for any 
 danger of my coming up with tiiem by the way, 
 and not expecting to meet with any })erson in 
 England who knew me, I had taken off my large 
 black wig, on account of the excessive heat, and 
 had only my hat uncocked, which covered my 
 face as if to defend me from the sun. I affected 
 
 z 3 
 
34<2 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 not to hear them ; and having passed tlie wag- 
 gons, I kept on at the same rate till 1 got clear 
 of the town of Stamford, when I put spurs to 
 my horse, and rode eight miles at full gallop, to 
 get so far before the soldiers that they might 
 not see me again. I durst not sleep at Stam- 
 ford, as I was afraid their report might induce 
 the magistrates to arrest me. 
 
 However, this adventure proved nearly fatal 
 to my horse, the loss of which would have re- 
 duced me to so grievous a situation that I trem- 
 bled at the very idea of it. On reaching my 
 inn, as soon as he entered the stable, he threw 
 himself down, refusing to eat or drink, seeming 
 to be completely cut up. I tortured my im- 
 agination in order to devise how I could con- 
 tinue my journey in case he should be incapable 
 of proceeding farther ; and I dreaded also the 
 arrival of the waggons, next morning, at that 
 very inn, which was the only one in the vilhige. 
 Restless and chagrined beyond all description, 
 I did nothing but pass and repass between the 
 inn and the stable, during the space of two 
 hours. At length, after inexpressible suffering, 
 I was agreeably surprised to see my horse on his 
 legs, eating with a good appetite, and looking 
 admirably. The landlord told me, that I had 
 nothing to fear on his account, and even offered 
 to buy him, at thrice the price which he had 
 cost me. Nothing could exceed the joy which 
 I felt in having my mind thus set at ease with 
 respect to my horse, the recovery of which ex- 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 343 
 
 tricated me from the most cruel perplexity. He 
 added, that in a few hours he would feel nothing 
 more of his fatigue, and that I might set oif 
 with him in the morning at any hour I pleased, 
 without the least danger of his failing me on 
 the way. I fixed my departure at half past two 
 in the morning, under the pretext of avoiding 
 the heat, but, in reahty, to get the start of those 
 waggons, which weighed so much on my mind. 
 Next morning, at sunrise, a man very well 
 dressed, in the manner of the people *, about 
 forty years of age, and mounted on a very beau- 
 tiful bay courser, came across the fields, leaping 
 all the hedges and ditches witli an astonishing 
 facility; and as soon as he entered the highway, 
 lie came alongside of me, and immediately en- 
 deavoured to enter into conversation, notwith- 
 standing the little inclination which I discovered 
 to continue it, as he might easily see from my 
 always answering him in monosyllables. Having 
 examined his physiognomy, when he rode up to 
 my left side, I observed that he had a wild and 
 troubled air, and that he turned his head every 
 instant to look about him in every direction ; 
 in short, that he had all the appearance of one 
 
 * En bourgeois. It can hardly be necessary to inform 
 the reader, that the uniformity of dress which now prevails, 
 extending from the peer almost to the ploughboy, is of 
 recent origin. Long after IT^G, gentlemen were distin- 
 guished by their dress from the industrious part of the com- 
 munity, the bourgeois of the French, a word for which we 
 have not an exact synonyme. 
 
 z 4 
 
344 MEMOIRS- OF THE 
 
 of the highwaymen with whom the great roads 
 in England are infested. I instantly had my 
 right hand in my breeches pocket ; and whilst I 
 held my pistol in readiness, I kept my eyes 
 always fixed on him ; determined, if he made 
 the least movement with his hands, that my 
 pistol should be presented as soon as his. I 
 likewise regulated the pace of my horse by his, 
 never allowing him to get behind me, which I 
 perceived he was sometimes desirous to do, 
 from his slackening his pace every moment. I 
 did not wish to surrender my purse without a 
 battle, as, in my situation, the loss of my money 
 would have ruined me irretrievably ; for I knew 
 not how I could have extricated myself from 
 such an embarrassment. Having proceeded in 
 this manner for more than half an hour, always 
 on the alert, and making a number of uncon- 
 nected observations, he suddenly wished me 
 good morning, and darted, in the same manner 
 as he came, across the fields, leaping the hedges 
 and ditches, and without appearing to have any 
 other object in view than that of getting to as 
 great a distance as possible from the highway. 
 The determined air which I exhibited, probably 
 deterred him from demanding my purse ; and 
 I was very glad to get rid of him, for the adven- 
 ture, turn out how it might, would have been 
 fatal to me. If I had blown out his brains in 
 my own defence, I could not have presented 
 myself before a magistrate to make my deposi- 
 tion J and if he had taken my purse, I know 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 345 
 
 not how I could have continued my journey- 
 without money. 
 
 Whilst I was dining in an inn at Jockey 
 Houses, a man entered, whom I took, from his 
 conversation with the landlord, to be an excise- 
 officer. This man rudely seated himself at the 
 same table with me, without the least apology, 
 and without asking my leave. He remained a 
 quarter of an hour without opening his mouth, 
 during which time he made a very considerable 
 breach in a piece of roasted veal. Unable, at 
 length, to devour more, he laid down his knife 
 and fork, with much gravity, and said to me 
 with an air of contentment and satisfaction, 
 " Sir, I saw you pass this morning : probably 
 you slept at Stamford ? I at once perceived 
 from your horse, — for we have none of that 
 breed in England, — that you are come from 
 Scotland. Tell me if it be true, that the rebels 
 are entirely dispersed ? It must be owned that 
 your nation is very eager for its own destruc- 
 tion. Have we ever been governed with so 
 much mildness and moderation as at present, 
 under his majesty King George ? Your nation 
 will never be quiet till it be totally destroyed. 
 Can nothing extirpate, in your country, that 
 hereditary spirit of rebellion ?" I was very 
 uneasy for fear this rude fellow had been sent 
 by the magistrates of Stamford, to endeavour to 
 verify the declaration of the soldiers, and with 
 instructions to keep sight of me, till he should 
 find an opportunity for arresting me, in tlie lirst 
 
34<6 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 great town on tlie road where I might pass the 
 night. I answered, " That I had no news re- 
 specting the rebels, having come from a part 
 of the country called Annandale, which is on 
 the frontiers of England, and where they gene- 
 rally know little or nothing of what is passing 
 in the north of Scotland. Besides, being a 
 dealer in linen -drapery, 1 concerned myself only 
 with my trade, and cared very little about state 
 affairs." 
 
 He immediately asked to see my goods. I 
 told him that I had sent my linen to London, by 
 sea with other goods of Scots manufacture, and 
 that I had only handkerchiefs with me. I im- 
 mediately opened my portmanteau to show them, 
 and sold him a piece without knowing the price, 
 for they had forgotten to mark the price of 
 each. I had not, it is true, anticipated any such 
 embarrassment on the road to London as v/ould 
 oblige me to sell them. On paying for the 
 handkerchiefs, he praised my probity, telling me 
 that I was a conscientious young man, and that 
 all the other Scots pedlars, who passed that road 
 every day, were a set of arrant knaves, liaving 
 lately obliged him to pay, for the same goods, 
 nearly the double of what I had demanded. In 
 examining my portmanteau he saw my em- 
 broidered waistcoat, and had a strong desire to 
 purchase it ; but, as soon as I told him that I 
 could not sell it for less than fifteen guineas, he 
 gave up all idea of buying it ; and I was very 
 glad that he did not torment me for the vest> 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 347 
 
 for I should not have let him have it on any 
 account. If this man was really sent after me, 
 as I suspected, he must, at least, have reported 
 that I was a pedlar ; and the handkerchiefs 
 which I had sold him apparently for much less 
 than prime cost, gave him a high opinion of my 
 honesty. He made me take down the addresses 
 of his friends in London, in order that they 
 might obtain similar goods from me at the same 
 price. 
 
 I arrived in London at six o'clock in the even- 
 ing of the seventh day after my departure from 
 Lady Jane Douglas's, having travelled nearly 
 one hundred and forty leagues in that time, 
 without over-fatiguing my horse. I alighted at 
 an inn in Greek-street, the people of which Mr. 
 Stewart had recommended to me as honest and 
 well-behaved ; and I went out, as soon as I had 
 changed my linen, to deliver a letter of recom- 
 mendation to a person, from whom all the favour 
 I had to demand was to procure me furnished 
 lodgings, to which I might immediately proceed, 
 in order to avoid the inconvenience of sleeping 
 in an inn. Having found liim at home, to my 
 great surprise he declined to procure lodgings 
 for me, telling me, at the same time, that the 
 master of the inn, being a Scotsman much sus- 
 pected by the government, it was generally sup» 
 posed, that the court employed some of his 
 waiters as spies, to give them intelligence of all 
 the Scotsmen who arrived in London. I re- 
 turned to the inn, highly incensed at the rudeness 
 
348 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 of this person, who would not givie himself" the 
 trouble to« find me a lodging ; and I was very 
 uneasy, after what I had heard, at being obliged 
 to pass the night there. 
 
 I did not close an eye the whole night, from tbe 
 fear of being arrested on the information of the 
 spies of the inn ; and having risen at an early hour, 
 I sallied out in quest of furnished lodgings, with- 
 out being able to find any, in a neighbourhood 
 which suited me in respect to price. Impatient 
 and anxious to quit the inn, I at length bethought 
 me of a female who kept a shop, who had had a 
 great kindness for me, when I was in London in 
 1740. All I had to do was to ascertain if she 
 had adopted any one in my place, whom she 
 loved better than me ; or if, after an absence of 
 five years, I could revive the affection with which 
 I had formerly inspired her. However, as she 
 possessed good sense, elevated sentiments, and 
 great gentleness of disposition, I was well as- 
 sured that I ran no risk in confiding my life to 
 her fidelity ; and I therefore immediately took 
 a coach and drove to her house. Having dis- 
 missed the coach some paces from the door, I 
 entiered her shop, under pretext of buying some- 
 thing, supposing that she would not recognise 
 me J but she no sooner saw me than she called 
 me by my name, in a transport of joy at again 
 meeting with me. As her servant-maid was 
 present, I told her that she had forgot my name, 
 which was Leslie. We then entered into the 
 parlour, where I related to her my misfortunes, 
 
REBITLLION OF 1745. 349 
 
 which drew tears from her eyes ; and I soon 
 perceived that this good and amiab)e woman 
 still loved me. I told her that the convincing 
 proofs I had received from her of her friendship 
 and affection made me believe that my life was 
 safe in her hands. " Oh ! yes," replied she, 
 with great vivacity. She then embraced me, 
 and entreated me to be assured that she loved 
 me as much as ever, and that she had often 
 thought of me. 
 
 She immediately offered me an apartment in 
 her house, telling me that I should be the more 
 safe with her as she had never chosen to let her 
 apartments ; and she pressed me very much to 
 take possession of the lodging in question with- 
 out a moment's delay, as I was exposed to trou- 
 blesome accidents at the inn. I accepted her 
 obliging offer, returned to the inn for my port- 
 manteau, and came back to dine with her ; 
 when she put me in possession of an elegant 
 front room on the first floor. Having found a 
 stable in the neighbourhood, I brought my horse 
 to it myself, that very evening, that the people 
 of the inn, if they were spies of the court, migiit 
 not know the part of the town where I had gone 
 to lodge. I ceased, therefore, to be any longer 
 uneasy on that score. My horse was so hand- 
 some that I sold him, almost immediately, on 
 such advantageous terms, that I received, over 
 and above the price I paid for him, much more 
 than the expense of my journey, and my loss on 
 the handkerchiefs. 
 
350 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Having formerly remained a year in London, 
 in consequence of a dispute with my father, I 
 received an order from him, in the Spring of 
 1740, to return to Scotland ; and he allowed me 
 only three weeks to join him, under pain of his 
 never pardoning my disobedience. I was in 
 this critical situation with regard to my father, 
 when, in a visit which I paid to one of my 
 friends, to announce to him my departure, I 
 met, in his house, the most beautiful person that 
 ever existed, eighteen years of age, newly come 
 from the country. She was herself ignorant of the 
 perfection of lier celestial figure, and the power 
 of her charms. She was the niece of my friend, 
 and an only daughter. Her father was of an an- 
 cient English family, the younger branch of which 
 is very illustrious, and bears tlie title of Duke. 
 I stopped to dine at her uncle's, where she staid ; 
 and her engaging manners, her sweet air, her 
 conversation seasoned with good sense, wit, 
 and modesty, and without the least tincture of 
 affectation, conspired with her beauty to capti- 
 vate me, and make me feel with violence the tor- 
 ments of a growing passion. This adorable 
 beauty reduced me, in a moment, to a situation 
 which language cannot express. I could not 
 tear my eyes from this charming object ; and 
 the more I admired her, the more the subtile poi- 
 son entered into my soul. I was as in a fever ; 
 my respiration failed me ; the rapid movement 
 of my blood suffocated me, and my tongue could 
 scarce pronounce a single monosyllable. I en- 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 851 
 
 deavoured, however, to conceal as long as I could 
 the trouble and disorder vvitli which my soul was 
 devoured. I had never felt any thing like this 
 before. I had often, indeed, been in love ; but 
 it was that easy kind of love which we lose 
 without knowing how or why, when a short ab- 
 sence or the presence of another beauty dissolves 
 the charm, and soon makes us forget the fair 
 one for whom we sigh. But this charming per- 
 son had placed me in a dreadful situation. My 
 wounds were deep. I was bewildered, and no 
 longer knew myself. I did not speak to her of 
 my departure, although it was the subject of 
 my visit ; and her uncle invited me to pass the 
 day after the next with them. 
 
 I returned home absent, thoughtful, melan- 
 choly, and dejected ; with her image as dis- 
 tinctly imprinted on my imagination as if she 
 were still standing before me. Sleep brought 
 no rehef to my pain ; I passed the night without 
 closing my eyes, in an incessant combat between 
 love and duty to my father. Having returned 
 five or six times to her uncle*s, I always left her, 
 more smitten and more tormented than before, 
 and every visit rendered me less master of my- 
 self. My father had consented to pardon my 
 indiscretions, on condition of my making my 
 appearance in Edinburgh in the course of three 
 weeks ; and, if I slighted his orders, I foresaw a 
 second rupture with him, worse than the first. 
 What a painful situation ! My agitation was 
 beyond description. Nothing could exceed my 
 
33'^ MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 embarrassment. I had passed a terrible youth. 
 I was impetuous, obstinate, fiery, passionate, and 
 headstrong, and possessed a number of other 
 defects. Never, however, liad I done any thing 
 contrary to lionour or probity, or which could 
 wound the most delicate sentiments of a gallant 
 man ; and 1 was always incapable of any thing 
 low. Too raucli indulged by an affectionate 
 mother, she supplied me secretly with money to 
 support my extravagance and follies ; for I had 
 only to ask lier for money to have it. In I7S8, 
 when I was about eighteen years of age, I was 
 seized with a desire to see two uncles in Russia ; 
 Mr. Douglas, lieutenant-general and governor of 
 Revel, and Mr. Hewitt, my mother's brother, 
 formerly a favourite of Peter the Great, and 
 president of the College of Commerce, but who 
 had retired, on the death of that emperor, with 
 a considerable pension. My father would not 
 agree to this journey ; but having appealed to 
 Lady Jane Douglas, who was my ordinary re- 
 source in my altercations with my father, and 
 my great oracle, being the only person who 
 could convince me when I was in the wrong, 
 and instantly induce me to abandon any inten- 
 tion, she persuaded my father that, as I was; 
 extremely volatile, careless of my studies, and 
 plunged in libertinism, the only means of re- 
 forming me was to accede to my wishes, as this 
 would remove me, for some time, from the so- 
 ciety of my youthful companions ; that young 
 men seduce and lead each other into dissipation 
 
 7 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 353 
 
 and debauchery ; and that it was extremely for- 
 tunate this idea had entered into my own head. 
 Thus this dear lady succeeded in obtaining my 
 father's consent. 
 
 My uncle Hewitt was a man of distinguished 
 merit. He had a great deal of good sense, much 
 talent, knowledge, and experience. He had been 
 brought up at the court of Russia, having entered 
 that service when very young ; and, in his youth, 
 had been as great a libertine as myself. He was 
 consequently an excellent pilot for directing me 
 how to avoid the rocks, on which he himself had 
 struck. He was very fond of me, and reproved 
 me mildly, respectfully, and patiently, instead of 
 having recourse to the harsh, cutting, and severe 
 language of my father, who having always been 
 prudent and philosophic from his infancy, did 
 not know how to feel for, and yield a little to 
 the torrent of boiling blood, in an ardent tem- 
 perament every way different from his own. In 
 the course of a year he taught me to think for 
 myself, and extinguished a part of the excessive 
 ardour and vivacity which deprived me of all 
 command over myself. 
 
 I had always a decided inclination for the 
 profession of arms ; but my father, unwilling 
 that his only son should be carried off by a can- 
 non-ball, opposed me in that, as he always did 
 in almost every thing that I desired. My uncle 
 Hewitt had been colonel of a regiment in Russia, 
 but, at the battle of Narva, he was so danger- 
 ously wounded, by a ball through the neck, that 
 
 A A 
 
354 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 be was obliged to quit the military service, and 
 was placed at the head of the College of Com- 
 merce. He subscribed very williugly to my 
 desire of entering into the service of Russia ; 
 and one day, when Prince Courakin and Count 
 Gollovin, both secretaries of state, and his par- 
 ticular friends, were dining with him, he pre- 
 sented me to them as having come from Scotland, 
 for the express purpose of entering into the 
 service of E-ussia, and begged them to take me 
 under their protection. They seconded my 
 wishes so well, that in the course of a few days 
 a lieutenant's commission was obtained for me, 
 with all possible assurances, that, at the end 
 of the campaign, that of 1739» against the Turks, 
 I should have a company. I communicated to 
 my father the opportunity which I now had of 
 making a figure in the world, and that besides 
 their powerful protection, I had also that of 
 Field-marshal Keith, likewise a friend of my 
 uncle Hewitt, v;ho would not fail to serve me ; 
 a.nd that I Avas certain of being strongly sup- 
 ported by my uncle Douglas. Mr. Hewitt 
 wrote to my father a very pressing letter at the 
 same time, in order to obtain his consent j but, 
 instead of giving me his consent, my father 
 answered me in a letter conceived in the harshest 
 terms, telling me tliat I knew it never had been 
 his intention that I should settle out of my na- 
 tive country ; that I had all my life been dis- 
 obedient to his wishes J and that, if I persisted 
 in opposing him, as I had hitherto done, I might 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. S5d 
 
 be assured that he would disinherit me, and 
 leave all his property to my sisters. 
 
 The prospect of being one day rich, is a great 
 misfortune to a young man ; as this wealth, 
 which is not seldom imaginary, makes him fre- 
 quently neglect opportunities for making his 
 fortune ; and it is cruel and unpardonable in a 
 father to conceal the state of his affairs from his 
 children. By obeying my father I lost the only 
 opportunity which ever presented itself, in my 
 whole life, of making a brilliant fortune. There 
 are moments when fortune opens to men the 
 door by which they may arrive at happiness ; 
 and happy are they who can discern and in- 
 stantly seize these moments ! General Keith 
 urged me much to avail myself of the kind 
 dispositions of these two ministers ; and he 
 assured me, that he would extend me the 
 friendship which he had vowed to my uncle 
 Hewitt. He was then confined to liis bed, in 
 consequence of the wounds he had received at 
 the siege of Oczacow, in 1738, where he com- 
 manded ; and Lord Marisclial, his brother, 
 having come to Petersburg to take care of 
 him, I also made the acquaintance of this agree- 
 able nobleman, which I afterwards renewed at 
 Paris in 17'51, when he resided in that city as 
 ambassador from the King of Prussia. 
 
 Having been prevented by my father from 
 entering into the service of Russia, my stay there 
 became insupportable to me ; especially after 
 Mr. Smollet, a young man who came to Peters- 
 
 A A 2 
 
356 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 burg, ill 1739, with the design of entering into 
 the service, but who did not find it to his taste, 
 had spoken to me so much of the pleasures and 
 amusements of London, that he inspired me 
 with a strong desire of visiting it. As Smollet 
 had determined to return, I resolved to embark 
 with him on board the first vessel that should 
 leave St. Petersburg, without waiting for the 
 consent of my father ; for his answer could not 
 reach me before the interruption of the navi- 
 gation of the Baltic, by which I should be 
 obliged to remain another year in Russia. My 
 uncle, after combating very much my project 
 of going to London, at length ceased to impor- 
 tune me ; but as he foresaw, better than myself, 
 that my father would be greatly irritated against 
 me on account of this step, he offered to advance 
 me whatever sum I wished to have on his ac- 
 count ; assuring me that my father might delay 
 much longer than I supposed, the sending me 
 money. I only took ten or twelve guineas, in 
 the persuasion that my father would immediately 
 honour the bills I should draw on him. 
 
 Having taken my passage for London, on 
 board the same ship in which Mr. Smollet em- 
 barked, and agreed with the captain about the 
 price, Mr. Walker, the master of another mer- 
 chant ship, which was ready to sail for London 
 at the same time, came to the coffee-house, and 
 asked to speak witli me in private. He. said, 
 that having heard of my wish to go to London, 
 he came to request my acceptance of a passage 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. 357 
 
 in his vessel, which would set sail at the same 
 time with that on board of which was my friend 
 Mr. Smollet ; that, far from demanding any 
 thing for my passage, he should consider him- 
 self as under a great obligation to me for my 
 company ; that there would be no want of any 
 kind of refreshments on board, as I had only to 
 give him a list of all the articles I wished, and 
 he would instantly purchase them ; that with 
 regard to wine, few were better provided than 
 he, having not only Spanish and Portuguese 
 wines, and claret, but also several kinds of Greek 
 wines, as his last voyage had been through all 
 the Grecian islands, with some noblemen, who 
 had freighted his vessel with a cargo of legs 
 and arms of statues, and numberless pieces of 
 marble with inscriptions. Of these he knew 
 nothing ; but he had taken care, wherever he 
 found good wine, to lay in a stock of it. He 
 added, that he was in easy circumstances, with- 
 out wife or children, having realised seven or 
 eight thousand guineas, which he iiad at Lon- 
 don ; that he was the sole owner of tlie ship, 
 and tliat he was resolved to sell her, upon his 
 arrival in London, and pass the rest of his days 
 in a philosophic retirement. 
 
 I had seen Mr. Walker, who was between 
 fifty and sixty years of age, several times before, 
 and 1 had always distinguished him very much 
 from the other seafaring men in St. Petersburg 
 on account of his gentlemanly behaviour, his 
 mildness of character, his agreeable society, great 
 
 A A 3 
 
35S MEMOmS OF T^E 
 
 knowledge of the world, intelligence, and good 
 sense. He invited me to dine on board with 
 him next day, and to ask Mr. Smollet to be 
 of the party ; telling me, that his captain 
 with whom I had made my arrangements for 
 my passage, would likewise be there, and that 
 being his intimate friend, he would take it upon 
 himself to release me from my engagement to 
 take my passage in his vessel. He gave us a 
 magnificent dinner ; and finding his society 
 exceedingly agreeable, I willingly accepted his 
 proposition. 
 
 We left Petersburg in company with the 
 other ship, in which Mr. Smollet embarked ; 
 and, as we had many calms, we used to anchor 
 together, and give dinners to him and his cap- 
 tain ; being better provided than they were 
 with a thousand little things which are a great 
 luxury at sea. A gale of wind, on the coast of 
 Denmark, at last separated us, and we did not 
 see one another again till we arrived in London, 
 which we reached after a passage of six weeks. 
 Nothing could be more agreeable than this 
 passage. Mr. Walker paid me the greatest 
 attention, and treated me, in every respect, as 
 if I had been his own son, giving me good ad- 
 vice in the mildest and most respectful manner. 
 He was one of those men of great elevation of 
 soul, and goodness ot heart, whom we meet 
 with more frequently among the English than 
 among any other people. Having more ex- 
 perience and foresight than 1 then possessed, he 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. S59 
 
 constantly maintained that my reconciliation 
 with my father would neither be so easy nor so 
 prompt as I imagined, in consequence of the 
 character for excessive harshness and austerity 
 which he had frequently heard me give him; 
 and, on our landing, he invited me to remain 
 with him, till I should receive an answer from 
 my father ; an invitation which I fortunately 
 accepted ; for, having drawn a bill on my father, 
 and wrote letter after letter, he persisted in 
 refusing to answer me. Poor Mr. Walker, who 
 had a sincere friendship for me, constantly 
 showed me the affection and tenderness of a fa- 
 ther ; and I entertained the highest sense of the 
 obligations 1 owed him for the favours conferred 
 on me in so noble and generous a manner, and 
 with so much delicacy, that 1 had no occasion 
 to blush while I received them. 
 
 Mr. Walker had advertised his ship for sale 
 on our arrival in London ; but finding no pur- 
 chaser, and having had the offer of a freight for 
 Bourdeaux, he resolved to undertake another 
 voyage before retiring. He pressed me much to 
 make this voyage with him, to keep him com- 
 pany ; assuring me that I should be in no want 
 of money, as his purse, and every thing that 
 could make the voyage agreeable, would be 
 freely at my service ; that, besides, I should 
 have the pleasure of seeing France, which would 
 prove an amusement for me in the mean time, 
 till my father thought fit to grant me his par- 
 A A 4 
 
3i')i) MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 don. I accepted with pleasure the obhgiiig 
 offer of this worthy man, as from the obstinacy 
 of my father in not answering my letters, I saw 
 no other course open for me ; and every thing 
 was prepared for our departure in the course of 
 two or three days. 
 
 My friend SmoUet, who, on his return to Lon- 
 don, had obtained a lieutenant's commission in 
 Wentworth's regiment, lodged in the court end 
 of the town ; and as I lived always with Mr. 
 Walker, whose house was in Wapping, where 
 the sailors reside, we were at the two extremities 
 of London, and seldom saw one another. But, as 
 I was on the point of setting off for Bourdeaux, 
 I went to pass a day with him, and take leave. 
 Returning home about eight o'clock in the 
 evening, after the lamps were lighted, in going 
 through Change-alley, a passage like that from 
 the Palais-royaly ending in la rue de Richelieu^ 
 absorbed in reflection, and entirely engrossed 
 with those thoughts, which my distressing situ- 
 ation then suggested, I was suddenly roused out 
 of my reverie by a voice which called me by my 
 name. On turning about, I saw Mr. Whitlock, 
 a young English gentleman, whom I had known 
 at St. Petersburg, where he passed the winter, 
 with the intention of entering into the Russian 
 sea-service ; but having got into embarrassment, 
 and his elder brother having refused to honour 
 his bills, he was then in as awkward a situation 
 as that in which I now happened to be. He 
 engaged me to go and sup with him. When 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 36i 
 
 we arrived at his lodgings, I told him ali that 
 had happened to me since we parted ; and that 
 my disagreeable situation, occasioned hy the 
 obstinate silence of my father, reduced me to 
 the necessity of accepting the obliging offer of 
 Mr. Walker, whom Mr. Whitlock had known 
 at St. Petersburg. 
 
 Mr. Whitlock convinced me that my father 
 would be a thousand times more exasperated 
 against me when, having consented to forgive 
 me, he should learn that I was no longer in 
 London, but roaming about on the seas ; and 
 he very obligingly invited me to lodge and 
 board in the same house with him, where I 
 should want for nothing, till I heard from my 
 father. He added, that he was then in easy 
 circumstances, having withdrawn his patrimony 
 from the hands of his brother. He proposed 
 my sleeping at his lodgings, to which I con- 
 sented, on condition of our going together next 
 morning to see Mr. Walker, who approved of 
 our reasons for my staying in London. We 
 staid to dine with him, and I took leave of this 
 worthy man with tears in my eyes, and with a 
 heart penetrated with gratitude for the paternal 
 affection which he had shown me.. 
 
 What a shock I received, on reading in the 
 newspapers the tragical fate of this worthy 
 gentleman 1 His ship went to the bottom of 
 the sea, in consequence of her springing a leak, 
 three weeks after his departure from London, 
 and the unfortunate Walker perished, with his 
 
362 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 whole crew, not one of whom was saved. I 
 have often lamented the fate of this worthy and 
 amiable man, and shall lament it as long as I 
 live. I shed an abundance of tears ; while, at 
 the same time, the singular effect of an invisible 
 Power which had prevented me, by my meeting 
 with Mr. Whitlock in Change-alley, from ending 
 my days at the same time with him, filled my 
 mind with admiration and gratitude. Whatever 
 name we may give to this mysterious agency, 
 whether Fate, Chance, or Providence, its effects 
 are visible, as I have frequently experienced in 
 my own person, though the veil which covers it 
 from our eyes be impenetrable to feeble mortals. 
 It was necessary to change his resolution of 
 going no more to sea, and, to accomplish his 
 unfortunate destiny, that no one should appear, 
 during the space of six weeks, to purchase his 
 ship ; and that he should likewise receive the 
 offer of an advantageous freight for Bourdeaux, 
 by which he might clear three or four hundred 
 guineas. To prevent my going to the bottom 
 of the deep, it was necessary that Whitlock and 
 I should meet in Change-alley, through which I 
 seldom or never passed ; and that he should re- 
 cognise me by the light of the lamps, for I could 
 not have known my father if he had passed 
 close beside me, being then completely absent, 
 and absorbed in the most painful reflections 
 respecting my situation ; it was necessary that I 
 should have gone to take leave of Smollet, to 
 enable me to fall in with Whitlock ; and, in 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. S63 
 
 short, it was necessary that Whitlock should 
 have sufficient friendship for me, who had never 
 been much in his company, at St. Petersburg, to 
 offer me his purse, and take me to board with 
 him. * This chain of surprising eftects could 
 never proceed from mere chance, blind and ir- 
 regular in all its movements. Here there is a 
 field for reflection, for a whole lifetime. The 
 more we endeavour to account for these wonder- 
 ful dispensations of Providence, the more we 
 shall be lost in darkness. All is obscurity, un- 
 certainty, and full of doubt. The worthy but 
 unfortunate Mr. Walker was a man of the 
 greatest probity, — generous and compassionate 
 towards his fellow-creatures in adversity, of a 
 mild and cheerful character, and possessing all 
 those amiable qualities which could render a 
 man agreeable to society. 
 
 My father left me to languish four or five 
 months in London, before he answered my 
 letters. He possessed considerable talents and 
 information, but was very impatient and severe. 
 
 * My whole life has been one scene of miraculous 
 escapes ; always in difficulties, overwhelmed with wretched- 
 ness, and unrelentingly persecuted by fortune. My life has 
 been passed in the service, and my body is worn out by the 
 excessive fatigues I underwent in order to benefit the ser- 
 vice. A pension was granted to me merely sufficient to sup- 
 ply me with the necessaries of life ; but the Duke d'Aiguillon, 
 and the Abbé Terray, have recently retrenched one-third 
 from this pittance. After having been so often miraculously 
 saved from destruction, shall I escape perishing of hunger 
 in my old age ! — Author. 
 
364 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Indeed he was altogether unfitted for the ma- 
 nagement of youth, for he was a stranger to 
 the mildness and mode of reasoning by which 
 alone some young men can be influenced. We 
 are all born with different characters, and this 
 difference depends on bodily organization. The 
 most passionate and impetuous young men may 
 be gained over by mildness, but never by a 
 stoical severity, which only serves to irritate a 
 son of such a character against a father, whom 
 he considers rather as his tyrant than his friend, 
 and to whom he therefore refuses to listen. 
 After exposing me to a thousand dangers of 
 every kind, into which a young man in despair 
 may be precipitated, he at length remitted me 
 a bill to pay my debts ; ordering me, at the 
 same time, to return to Edinburgh in the course 
 of three weeks, if I wished to avail myself of 
 his present disposition towards a reconciliation. 
 It was precisely at this critical moment that 
 chance made me acquainted with the angelic 
 person to whom I have alluded. I remained in 
 London adoring this divine beauty, till I had no 
 more money than was barely sufficient to defray 
 the expenses of my journey to Scotland ; and, 
 struggling continually between love and duty, I 
 suddenly formed the resolution of setting off 
 next morning, without taking leave, from a dis- 
 trust of my self-command, and an internal con- 
 viction that a single glance of the charming 
 Miss Peggy woidd instantly overturn all my re- 
 solutions, however wise and prudent they might 
 7 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 305 
 
 be J that, in seeing her, 1 would no longer be 
 master of myself, and be entangled in fresh em- 
 barrassments. I arrived at my father's : a re- 
 conciliation immediately took place ; and the 
 past was forgotten. 
 
 During the six years that I remained in Scot- 
 land, at a distance from my adorable Peggy, the 
 uncertainty of her sentiments with regard to me, 
 the little hopes I had of seeing her again, time, 
 which effaces every thing, and new objects, 
 though of an inferior beauty, all conspired to 
 make me insensibly forget her : but the instant 
 I returned to London, her image immediately 
 presented itself to my mind : my passion kindled 
 at once to such a flame, that the certainty of 
 the consequence of a visit being death on the 
 scaffold, would not have prevented me from 
 attempting to see her. I only delayed my visit 
 till the clothes, which I had ordered, were 
 ready ; and my tailor favoured my impatience 
 by bringing them, with my beautiful embroidered 
 waistcoat, in the course of twenty -four hours. 
 
 As soon as I was dressed, I took a hackney- 
 coach, which I discharged when I was near her 
 uncle's ; and having enquired of the servant, who 
 opened the doorj», if his master were at home ? 
 he replied, he was not, but that he was expected 
 to dinner. I then enquired if his niece, Miss 
 Peggy, were in town or in the country? The 
 bare answer of the servant, *' that she was in the 
 house,** gave me such a palpitation at the heart, 
 and such a trembling in my nerves, that I could 
 
S6C) MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 scarcely stand upright. I stept into the parlour, 
 and sent the servant to ask if she were visible. 
 He immediately returned to announce to me 
 that she was coming down. The presence of 
 this charming person, who appeared in my eyes 
 more beautiful than ever, increased my disorder, 
 and I remained motionless as a statue. In vain 
 I attempted to speak ; my mouth and tongue 
 refused to perform their functions. Speechless, 
 and almost petrified, I stood with my eyes fixed 
 on her in ecstasy and admiration. As soon as I 
 was sufficiently tranquillised to be able to speak, 
 I told her, that, having been engaged in the 
 unfortunate affair of Prince Charles, I had hesi- 
 tated very much whether or not I should pre- 
 sent myself to her uncle, lest I exposed my 
 friends to disagreeable consequences in case of 
 my being discovered in their houses ; but that 
 the remembrance of the civilities and kindness 
 which I had received from her uncle, six years 
 ago, had been always so deeply engraven on my 
 mind, that 1 could not resist the temptation of 
 personally offering to him the assurance of my 
 lasting gratitude. 
 
 Whilst I spoke, the adorable Miss Peggy 
 looked at me with an eye full of compassion, 
 pity, and sweetness, and then said, — That her 
 uncle, having always entertained a sincere friend- 
 ship for me, would certainly feel for my misfor- 
 tunes ; and that he would disregard any incon- 
 venience to which he might expose himself^ for 
 tlie pleasure of seeing me and of being useful 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 367 
 
 to me. In the mean time her uncle entered, 
 and was much surprised at seeing me again. 
 He embraced me very affectionately ; and when 
 I related my disasters to him, he replied, that I 
 was a pretty fellow to wish to be a king-maker ; 
 that, for his part, he did not care whether King 
 George, King James, or the devil were upon 
 the throne of England, provided he was left in 
 peaceable possession of his estate, which he 
 would not hazard for all the kings in the uni- 
 verse. He added, that he felt very much for 
 my situation, and advised me to shun all places 
 where I. might meet any of my countrymen. He 
 made me a hearty offer of his house, till I could 
 find an opportunity of escaping beyond sea, 
 and begged me to avail myself of his offer im- 
 mediately, by remaining to dine with them. 
 
 Several persons called on them after dinner, 
 to whom the uncle introduced me, under the 
 name of Mr. Leslie ; and I made a party at 
 quadrille, with Miss Peggy and two other ladies. 
 How quickly does time glide away in the com- 
 pany of those we love ! I passed the whole of 
 the most delicious day witli her vv'hich I had ever 
 known, and it appeared to me but an instant. 
 The uncle told me, at supper, that he had staid 
 at home all tlie afternoon on my account, and 
 begged me to have the goodness to lay aside all 
 ceremony, as he should no longer consider mé a 
 stranger in his house. I returned to pass the 
 night in the house of my generous female friend, 
 with a quiet contented mind ; but before taking 
 
3G8 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 leave, the uncle invited me to come every day 
 to breakfast, and pass the day with them ; and 
 his adorable niece joined in the invitation, add- 
 ing, that in going out early in the morning I 
 should be less exposed to meet in the streets any 
 of my countrymen who might happen to know 
 me. He likewise offered me a room in his 
 house, which I did not choose to accept, for fear 
 of involving him in some awkwai'd affair, in case 
 of my being followed in the streets by any one 
 who knew me, and arrested in his house. 
 
 I passed fifteen days continually with my 
 adorable Peggy, from nine o'clock in the morn- 
 ing till eleven o'clock at night, when I returned 
 to sleep in the house of my hospitable female 
 friend. The easy conversation of Peggy, cha- 
 racterized by good sense and wit, the knowledge 
 which she modestly displayed, her freedom from 
 all affectation, being truly learned without any 
 ostentation of knowledge, her sweetness of 
 temper, her delicacy of sentiment, all filled me 
 with admiration of the perfections of her soul, 
 and the beauty of her person. I had not yet 
 dared to declare to her that I loved her, for fear 
 of shocking her. How timid are we when we 
 sincerely love ! What a change in my cha- 
 racter ! I no longer knew myself. I had al- 
 ways been bold and enterprising with the fair 
 sex ; and when I did not succeed I made my 
 retreat with a good grace, and without being 
 disconcerted ; but in presence of this divine 
 person, I looked down when she turned her 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 369 
 
 eyes towards me, and whenever I attempted to 
 reveal my passion I was immediately seized with 
 trembling j I remained petrified, and unable to 
 open my mouth. She seemed to me a supreme 
 good, which I was afraid of losing, by shocking 
 her with a declaration of my love, in case her 
 sentiments with respect to me were unfavour- 
 able. Always afraid of offending her, even by 
 the slightest word, I allowed no other signs of 
 my excessive love and affection to escape me 
 than an occasional sigh, or my apparent un- 
 easiness, wliich she might very well attribute to 
 my unfortunate situation, and not to the true 
 cause. 
 
 Having passed a whole day tête-à-tête with 
 her, after suffering a long and cruel combat, 
 wishing to declare the sentiments of my soul, 
 without being able to conquer my irresolution, 
 deprived almost of respiration, I at length threw 
 myself suddenly at her feet, seized her hands in 
 a transport, and bathed them with my tears. 
 I could only say, with a broken voice and 
 trembling lips, that I adored her ; that 1 wished 
 to live only for her ; that my passion was of an 
 old date, as my eyes must have told her the state 
 of my heart in 17^0, before my departure for 
 Scotland. She immediately desired me to rise, 
 telling me coolly, that she had always had a great 
 esteem for me j that she was extremely sorry 
 to see me so inconsiderate, in the terrible crisis 
 in which I then was, between life and death ; 
 that, every day, my companions were dragged 
 
 B B 
 
370 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 to the scaffold ; that I might every moment ex- 
 pect to follow them, and to undergo the same 
 punishment j and she exhorted me to think 
 more rationally, and rather of the means of 
 saving my life, than of filling my head with 
 chimeras. *' Ah ! my angel !" replied I, pas- 
 sionately, " if you cannot love me, I should 
 envy their fate, and eagerly meet death. It is 
 you alone that can render life of any value in 
 my eyes, and without you it is not worth the 
 preserving." From that moment I had a tacit 
 permission to express all the tenderness and 
 affection that the most violent passion could 
 inspire ; which, however, never failed to draw 
 down on me strong reprimands from her, and 
 advice to act more hke a reasonable man. 
 
 Her cold and reserved behaviour towards me 
 grieved and affected me beyond all endurance, 
 while her gracious, prepossessing, and engaging 
 manners towards other men, whom she treated 
 so very differently, rendered me excessively 
 jealous. I imagined that all those to whom she 
 showed the least civility or politeness stood 
 much higher in her opinion, and were more in 
 her good graces, than myself. One of her re- 
 lations had made her a present of a handsome 
 snuff-box, of écaille tournée de MauboiSy lined 
 with gold, with an exquisitely beautiful minia- 
 ture, — one of the first of these boxes which 
 had appeared in England. Whilst I was one 
 day tête-d-tête with her, I observed her absent 
 and thoughtful, frequently taking out the box. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 371 
 
 and examining the miniature. My jealousy 
 instantly broke out against the box. I bitterly 
 reproached her, observing that certainly her 
 mind could not be occupied with the miniature, 
 which she had so often seen, but that she was 
 that moment thinking of the person who had 
 made her a present of it ; that he was the hap- 
 piest of mortals in possessing her heart, whilst 
 my sad and cruel fate was truly pitiable ; that I 
 was overwhelmed with afflictions of every kind, 
 and ready to sink under my misfortunes ; that 
 I could support, with patience, her rigours, and 
 the cold indifference which she continually 
 showed me ; but that the very thoughts of her 
 loving another, and my having a happy rival, 
 plunged a dagger in my heart. My adorable 
 Peggy immediately dashed the snuff-box against 
 the marble chimney-piece, which broke it in a 
 thousand pieces, telling me, with warmth, that 
 I should never have any reason to fear a rival ; 
 that she loved me tenderly, and would no 
 lonarer conceal her sentiments towards me. She 
 conjured me, at the same time, to take no im- 
 proper advantage of this knowledge of her way 
 of thinking with respect to me, and to be satis- 
 fied with her friendship ; which would be con- 
 stant and invariable as long as she existed. 
 
 Heavens ! What were my transports ! The sur- 
 prise kept me for a moment speechless and im- 
 movable, as I could scarcely believe my own 
 ears ! I seized her in my arms ; I pressed her to 
 my bosom ;. I gave her a thousand tender kisses, 
 B B 2 
 
372 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 shedding at the same time tears of joy. I swore 
 to her an eternal love and friendship, protested 
 that my affection should be unalterable, and my 
 fidelity proof against every trial, till my latest 
 sigh. I assured her these were the first vows 
 which I had ever made, and pronounced in all 
 the sincerity of my soul, and in perfect truth, 
 that I adored herj that she deserved to be 
 adored as a prodigy by the whole universe ; that 
 all the perfections and amiable qualities to be 
 found in her whole sex were united in her 
 person j and that her overpowering beauty, 
 which it was impossible to see without being 
 smitten with it, was the least of her charms. 
 
 After this avowal of my angelic Peggy, I re- 
 gretted every moment that was not passed in 
 her company. Time flew away with extreme 
 rapidity ; hours and days appeared to me but as 
 moments. I saw her every day, and the last day 
 always seemed the shortest ; the shortest absence 
 was insupportable, and cost me inexpressible 
 pain : those moments in which she was not be- 
 fore my eyes, to enable me to adore her, were 
 to me moments of melancholy and sorrow. I 
 desired no other treasures from the Supreme 
 Being than those I now possessed, and I had no 
 other prayers to offer up to Heaven, than for the 
 continuation of the felicity I enjoyed. Happy 
 moments that I passed with my charming Peggy ! 
 They were the only happy moments I ever 
 knew, and the only ones I can ever again know. 
 Dearly, however, have I since paid for this hap- 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 373 
 
 piness, in the tears it has cost me, and will con- 
 tinue to cost me, every time that I call to mind 
 those blissful moments, which fortune has con- 
 verted into bitterness and regret for tlie rest of 
 my life. 
 
 Hearing one day in my room a noise in the 
 street, I approached the window ; but what was 
 my surprise when I saw twelve of my com- 
 panions in the hands of the officers of justice, 
 who were conducting them for execution to the 
 scaffold on Kennington-common ! They be- 
 longed to the garrison which Prince Charles 
 had left at Carlisle, upon our retreat fron Eng- 
 land ; and Messrs. Hamilton and Townley, the 
 governors of the town and castle of Carlisle^ 
 were of the number of this unfortunate party. 
 I was the more struck on seeing them, because 
 had it not been for my obstinacy and firmness, 
 I should then have been undergoing with them 
 an ignomhiious punishment. When the Duke 
 of Perth, my colonel, commanded me, on our 
 retreat, to remain with my company in Carlisle, 
 I answered that I would willingly shed the 
 last drop of my blood for Prince Charles, but 
 that 1 should never allow myself to be marked 
 out as a victim for certain destruction, and I left 
 him in a rage, without waiting for his reply. 
 Persisting in my resolution, I set out next 
 morning with the army. Two days after our 
 departure, when the news of the capture of 
 Carlisle, by the Duke of Cumberland, reached 
 us, the Duke of Perth, who was of a very 
 B B 3 
 
374 :viEMOius OF the 
 
 limited capacity, but at the same time a most 
 worthy and gallant man, told me lie pardoned 
 my disobedience, and that he had been himself 
 deceived as to the strength of the place, as he 
 believed it capable of sustaining a siege. * I 
 fervently thanked the Almighty, who had 
 watched over my destiny ; for without my ob- 
 stinacy, my lot at that moment must have been 
 to end my days in the same fatal manner. 
 What a difference of situation ! To have only a 
 quarter of an hour's existence, or to be tlie most 
 happy of mortals, as I then was ! On how little 
 does the good or bad fortune of a whole life 
 depend ! This is frequently the affair of a mo- 
 ment, never to be recalled. The least error in 
 judgment is attended with an infinité train of 
 necessary and inevitable consequences. 
 
 The little attention I paid my hospitable 
 female friend with whom 1 lodged, began some- 
 what to irritate her mind, to render her uneasy, 
 and even to sour her temper j and in reality she 
 had every possible reason for being angry with 
 me, as I passed my whole time with my adorable 
 Peggy ; and when absent from her I was thought- 
 ful, and lost in reveries, and little capable of 
 showing my hostess that gratitude which she 
 merited, for the essential services she had 
 rendered me. In short, I was a most dull and 
 awkward associate for any other than my dear 
 Peggy ; notwithstanding the efforts which I 
 
 * See a note on the surrender of Carlisle, p. 103. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 375 
 
 frequently made to display at least a forced 
 gaiety, which, however, were very unsuccessful ; 
 for during my whole life I have never been able 
 so far to disguise my feelings, as to prevent 
 any one from reading at once my displeasure 
 and my discontent in my physiognomy. My 
 hostess frequently reproached me on account of 
 my coldness and indifference. I pitied her my- 
 self, for she was truly a worthy woman, and 
 merited a better return from me, for the con- 
 tinual attentions she showed me, and the warm 
 and tender interest she took in every thing that 
 concerned me. I always assigned my cruel 
 situation as the cause, and endeavoured to per- 
 suade her of the impossibility of my being 
 otherwise, suspended as I then was, between 
 life and death, seeing my companions daily led 
 to the scaffold, and uncertain whether I should 
 not immediately follow them, as my fate in that 
 respect depended on one unfortunate moment of 
 discovery. This good and amiable woman 
 possessed great sweetness and good sense, and 
 was sufficiently disposed to believe whatever I 
 told her. 
 
 Whilst I was breakfasting one morning in my 
 room with my landlady, 1 was thunderstruck at 
 seeing my charming Peggy enter, excited by a 
 desire to see my landlady, from some distrust 
 that she entertained with respect to me. My 
 poor landlady, the moment she saw my angelic 
 Peggy, fixed her eyes on the ground, blushed, 
 and remained quite confounded. She wished to 
 B B -i 
 
376 MEMOIllS OF THE 
 
 retire, but I prevented her. My Peggy having 
 satisfied her curiosity, withdrew in about a 
 quarter of an hour ; and whispered in my ear on 
 going down stairs, that she had nothing to fear. 
 My landlady immediately reproached me, but 
 without bitterness, observing that she was no 
 longer astonished at my indifference, now that 
 she had seen the cause of it ; that she could not 
 blame me, as the lady was the most beautiful 
 person she had ever seen ; with the most en- 
 gaging manners, and an afïàble air full of good- 
 ness ; adding, that she was certain no man could 
 resist her charms. 1 wished to avail myself of 
 the same arguments I had before urged j but 
 she was no longer to be duped by them. 
 
 Whatever confidence I might have in the 
 sweetness and honourable disposition of my land- 
 lady, it was still a matter of prudence to take 
 precautions against the bad effects which might 
 happen to me from this adventure ; especially 
 as she might, in a moment of irritation, have 
 recourse to a prompt vengeance, which could not 
 fail to prove most fatal to me. She had nothing 
 to do but to inform against me, when I would 
 instantly be arrested. The resentment of wo- 
 men who have supposed themselves slighted, 
 has but too frequently displayed itself in this 
 manner. I therefore resolved to look out for 
 another lodging that very day ; and I was 
 fortunate enough to find an apartment in the 
 house of a hair-dresser, in the neighbourhood of 
 the mansion of my dear Peggy. Having told 
 
REBELLION OF 174*5. 377 
 
 my landlady next morning, that I had found an 
 opportunity of effecting my escape beyond sea, 
 I immediately quitted my lodgings, after taking- 
 leave of this amiable woman, giving her all 
 possible assurances of my gratitude and my 
 eternal remembrance of the services she had 
 rendered me. She embraced me with tears in 
 her eyes, truly afflicted at our separation ; and 
 as my heart was not sufficiently hard to resist a 
 beautiful woman in tears, I was very sensibly 
 touched with her sentiments for me. 
 
 In order to form an idea of the uninterrupted 
 felicity I enjoyed with my charming Peggy, the 
 whole force of love and friendship united must 
 first be known. Our moments were too delicious 
 and precious for our not avoiding every thing 
 that could disturb our tête-à-têtes. Her door 
 was shut to all visits, which she returned by 
 twenties in a day. She was never visible, and 
 always found plausible reasons to justify to her 
 uncle this change in her manner of living. How 
 every thing pleases when the mind is satisfied 
 and content ! We often walked in the neigh- 
 bourhood of London, where nature seemed to 
 put on a new countenance. Every thing ap- 
 peared smiling ; the solitary walks seemed gay, 
 the verdure beautiful, the flowers of the most 
 brilliant hue, the views picturesque, the inno- 
 cence of a country life enviable ; every thing 
 charmed the senses, and afforded an agreeable 
 prospect. It was the presence of my Peggy 
 that embellished these rural scenes. Deceived 
 
378 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 by the velocity of time, night frequently sur- 
 prised us in our walks without our perceiving 
 it. I possessed all I wished for ; and was in- 
 sensible to every thing that had not an im- 
 mediate relation to my present happiness, of 
 which I felt all the value. Even the daily 
 executions of my companions made no impres- 
 sion on me. I looked forward to a danger much 
 more terrible in my eyes than death ; which 
 was that of being separated from all that ren- 
 dered life interesting to me. I rejected all the 
 opportunities of escaping to a foreign country, 
 which her uncle and several other friends were 
 continually busied in procuring for me, in the 
 belief that I could not survive a separation with 
 the uncertainty of ever seeing her again, the 
 very idea of which filled me with terror and 
 alarm. I always, therefore, pretended, that the 
 occasions daily offered me were not sufficiently 
 safe, though I could have had a passport for 
 Holland, signed by the Duke of Newcastle, 
 secretary of state. 
 
 On returning from our evening walk, having 
 learned that one of my relations had lately 
 arrived from Scotland, I communicated to Peggy 
 my anxiety to obtain some information respect- 
 ing my family, and instead of supping with her 
 as usual, I took a coach and drove to the lodg- 
 ings of my relation. As soon as I entered, he 
 began to condole with me on the loss which 
 I had sustained ; but I paid no attention to 
 what he said, imagining he alluded to th mis- 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 379 
 
 fortunes that were common to me, with all those 
 who had been attached to Prince Charles. How- 
 ever he soon gave me to imderstand, that my 
 mother and my sister Hollo both died a few 
 days after I left Scotland ; and that my mother's 
 last words were, *' I now die contented and 
 satisfied, since I know that my poor dear son 
 is safe." 
 
 My relation was one of those grammatical 
 blockheads, who thoroughly understand Greek 
 and Latin, but who are profoundly ignorant of the 
 human heart, and of the most ordinary circum- 
 stances of life. Had he been capable of the least 
 reflection, he would have prepared me for such 
 an overwhelming blow. How Heaven mingles 
 bitterness with sweets ! I remained a moment 
 confounded and immovable as a statue ; I then 
 turned suddenly round, and flew down stairs, 
 without uttering one word in answer to his 
 foolish compliments. When I got into the coach, 
 I could scarcely tell the coachman to drive me 
 home. I was nearly suffocated in the coach, 
 where 1 fainted, and remained for some minutes 
 insensible. Fortunately, on feeling the approach 
 of the disposition to suffocation and difficulty of 
 breathing I immediately took of my handkerchief, 
 and also unbuttoned the neck of my shirt. I 
 recovered from my fainting-fit with a torrent of 
 tears, which were a great relief to me. The 
 coachman, who knew nothing of my state, con- 
 tinued his course, and I am even disposed to 
 believe that the rough motion of the coach was 
 
380 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 of great benefit to me. When I reached my 
 lodgings, my landlord, who had a kind and com- 
 passionate heart, seeing me in distrees, followed 
 me into my room, and having learned the cause 
 of it, began immediately to moralize and repeat 
 to me all the old and hackneyed topics of scho- 
 lastic consolation. I seized him in a fit of rage 
 by the shoulders, pushed him rudely out of my 
 room, and ordered him never to set his foot in 
 it again till I should ask him. I then locked 
 the door and threw myself upon my bed, dressed 
 as I was, and passed the night in tears and siglis 
 without closing my eyes. I accused myself as 
 the most innocent cause of the death of the 
 most tender of mothers, by the pain and anxiety 
 which she had felt for me since the battle of 
 Culloden. I looked upon myself as a monster 
 of ingratidude, in having remained two months 
 in the house of Lady Jane Douglas, within a 
 quarter of a league of her, sick as she then was, 
 and on the point of death, without seeing her. 
 I ought to have exposed my life a thousand 
 times rather than not see her, in order to em- 
 brace her, bid her an eternal farewell, and 
 receive her blessing. It then seemed to me 
 that this would have been a great consolation 
 to me, and that I could afterwards have seen 
 her pay the tribute to nature with patience and 
 resignation. I blamed at the same time Lady 
 Jane Douglas and my father, who prevented me 
 from seeing her. It was impossible to pass a 
 more cruel night. I was so much affected at 
 
REBELLION OF 17<t5. 381 
 
 the death of my mother, that I thought little 
 of my sister Rollo, though I tenderly loved her, 
 My father in his letters had concealed their 
 death from me, from an apprehension that the 
 intelligence would be too distressing to me, and 
 believing that my situation was already suf- 
 ficiently painful. In this, however, he acted 
 injudiciously. By comunicating the intelligence 
 to me with precaution, he might have secured 
 me from the danger of a surprise, such as that 
 which 1 experienced when it came suddenly on 
 me like a clap of thunder ; a surprise that miglit 
 have been fatal to me. On entering I wrote a 
 note to the uncle of my charming Peggy, ac- 
 quainting him with the distressing news which 
 I had received. 
 
 About ten o'clock next morning I heard a 
 knocking at my door. I still remained in the 
 state I was in on entering my lodgings the night 
 before, with all my clothes on, and without 
 having even changed my attitude, since throw- 
 ing myself on my bed. But, oh, heavens! what 
 a relief to my sufferings ! — when, instead of my 
 landlord, whom I supposed at my door, with an 
 intention of renewing his importunate and stupid 
 lectures, I heard the gentle voice of my adorable 
 Peggy, who came like a guardian angel to dispel 
 in a moment the storms and tempests by which 
 I had been agitated, and to restore me to life. 
 My divine beauty had arranged this visit with 
 her uncle, who, by nature, had an aversion to 
 the society of people in distress, in order to 
 
382 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 engage me to pass the day with her. The 
 moment I saw her I felt as if a healing balm 
 had at once pervaded my whole frame. My 
 sufferings and agitation suddenly diminished ; 
 in viewing her, my soul became at once serene 
 and tranquil. She loved me tenderly. She 
 entered warmly into my sufferings, and shared 
 my distress : — she mingled her tears with mine; 
 but the pearly drops that fell from her lovely 
 eyes, and which I eagerly wiped away with my 
 lips, strongly affected me. To see her afflicted 
 was a thousand times more insupportable to me 
 than my own pain and distress. 
 
 My charming Peggy restored me to myself 
 by lessons of philosophy, very di fièrent from the 
 pedantic maxims of the schools. She approved 
 of my affliction for the loss of a tender mother, 
 whose preservation was become more necessary 
 to me than ever, in consequence of my forced 
 removal from my country. She excused the 
 weakness I showed in yielding myself up entirely 
 to griefs of which an unfeeling heart is unsus- 
 ceptible. She demonstrated to me, with energy, 
 til at life was too subject to the persecutions of 
 Providence, and to a concatenation of perpetual 
 misfortunes, to allow us to regret or pity those who 
 are no longer in a state to feel those persecutions 
 and misfortunes, and more particularly to pity one 
 overwhelmed with disease, as my mother had 
 been for several years. She led me to reflect 
 on my critical situation, and pointed out to me 
 the danger to which I should expose myself, by 
 indulging in fruitless grief to such a degree as 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 383 
 
 to allow my health to be affected by it. In a 
 word, the heavenly and persuasive tongue of 
 my charming Peggy, the refinement and deli- 
 cacy of her reasonings, the eloquence of a mouth 
 so beautiful and so dear to me, made more im- 
 pression upon me in an hour than all the com- 
 mon-place remarks of foolish sermonisers by 
 profession could have produced in an age. I im- 
 mediately found my heart lightened, and a perfect 
 calm regain possession of my soul. She insisted 
 upon my dining and passing the day with her. 
 I could refuse her nothing, though I was so 
 much disfigured from the red and swollen ap- 
 pearance of my eyes that an acquaintance could 
 hardly have known me. As soon as I had changed 
 my linen, I repaired to her uncle's, who entered 
 very warmly into my misfortunes, and my charm- 
 ing Peggy did every thing in her power to dis- 
 sipate the sorrow and melancholy which preyed 
 on me. Man never remains long in the same 
 state. The ocean of his soul is agitated by his 
 passions ; and to what an inundation of ideas 
 this internal shock gives rise ! The tempest 
 which disturbs the ocean, and the calm which 
 succeeds, are only separated by a short interval. 
 Reciprocal love, founded on friendship, is the 
 most precious gift of fortune : its power is unli- 
 mited. It is superior to all wealth, honours, 
 titles, and the other gewgaws which are so 
 eagerly sought after ; while, at the same time, it 
 is insensible and invulnerable to the empoisoned 
 darts of adversity. It deadens the stings of the 
 most dreadful misfortunes, and lightens the most 
 
384 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 insupportable pains and sufferings. Content 
 and satisfied with their mutual affection, they 
 brave fortune in the midst of the most envenomed 
 persecutions, remain firm and unshaken, and 
 withstand the rigours of its power. It is only in 
 the union of the two sexes that we can find that 
 true and sincere friendship which is proscribed 
 from the society of men. The two souls are con- 
 founded and blended together ; having only the 
 same sentiments and ways of thinking, the aspect 
 of misery does not cause them to tremble ; they 
 can support it without murmuring ; and they 
 trample on ambition, as they only wish for a 
 continuation of the sentiments which constitute 
 the happiness. How often have I demanded 
 from Heaven only a cottage and the fare of 
 Samuel, with my Peggy, when' I should have 
 been the happiest of mortals ! My dear Peggy 
 frequently repeated the same wishes ; and I am 
 persuaded that, in such a situation, nothing could 
 have disturbed our satisfaction and contentment. 
 Happiness is altogether an affair of the imagina- 
 tion. If we only believe ourselves happy we 
 are really happy. Providence enabled me, once 
 in my lifetime, to know that there may exist on 
 this earth a happiness the most perfect, secure 
 against all the reverses and caprices of fortune : 
 but, alas ! this knowledge has only served to 
 poison the rest of my days with the remembrance 
 of those happy moments. 
 
 A day or two after I had treated my landlord 
 somewhat harshly, he sent a servant to me to 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. 38,5 
 
 say that if I were visible lie wished to have the 
 lionour of speaking to ma. On entering my 
 room he made a number of excuses for having 
 taken it upon liim to console me, observing, 
 that his heart bled on seeing me in such deep 
 distress. He then proposed to me, by way of a 
 party of pleasure, to accompany him to the house 
 of a friend on Tower-hill, who had promised 
 him a window, from which he could see two 
 rebels beheaded, the Earl of Kilmarnock and 
 Lord Balmerino, two peers of Scotland. I 
 thanked him for his attention ; but excused my- 
 self, telling him, that he might easily see that I 
 had too feeling a heart to take any pleasure in 
 spectacles of that description. He little ima- 
 gined that I was as guilty as they, and that there 
 was no difference between us, except what for- 
 tune had made in enabling me to escape being 
 taken prisoner. 
 
 A friend came to inform me, that the captain 
 of a merchant ship, whom he knew to be a man of 
 honour and fidelity, had undertaken, for his sake, 
 to take me on board, disguised as a sailor ; but, 
 in order to avail myself of this opportunity, it 
 was necessary that I should embark next morn- 
 ing. The idea of tearing myself from all that 
 was dear to me was insupportable, and I shud- 
 dered to think of quitting my adorable Peggy. 
 I therefore answered, that this opportunity was 
 not without risk of discovery ; for they had only 
 to look at my hands, which were too delicate for 
 a sailor, to discover me ; and, besides, as I knew 
 
 c c 
 
386 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 nothing of the management of a vessel, tlie trick 
 was quite obvious. He obviated these difficul- 
 ties by informing me, that the captain had fore- 
 seen them, and would make me pass for a sick 
 person, the moment I entered his ship. He 
 urged me very much to embrace this opportunity, 
 as he ardently wished to see me out of danger ; 
 but all his arguments were useless, and he could 
 not conceive how I should expose myself to the 
 danger of being beheaded on the scaffold, whilst 
 I had the means of escaping from this danger. 
 He knew not that 1 loved my Peggy more than 
 my life. 
 
 I told my charming Peggy that an opportu- 
 nity had at length presented itself for my escap- 
 ing beyond sea, with a captain of a merchant 
 ship, who had offered to take me on board the 
 evening of the following day, and that the suc- 
 ceeding morning he would set sail j so that there 
 was no danger of my being discovered. I did 
 not tell her what resolution 1 had formed. She 
 immediately grew pale, changed colour several 
 times, and remained speechless, absorbed in re- 
 flections, and sustaining a cruel combat inward- 
 ly, as I could easily see from her uneasiness and 
 her air of embarrassment. After a moment's 
 silence, she replied, with warmth, and at the 
 same time with tears in her eyes, " Yes, my 
 dear friend ! I prefer your safety to my own 
 satis action and tranquillity ; however, it must 
 be owned, that I am very unfortunate." I did 
 not allow her to remain another moment in a 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. SH'J 
 
 State of painful suspense : I embraced her ten- 
 derly, and told her that I had not only rejected 
 this opportunity, but that I should also reject 
 every other which might be proposed to me ; 
 being determined rather to die a thousand deaths 
 than to separate myself from her, whose absence 
 would be insupportable, and render life a burden 
 to me. 
 
 Whilst we were dining one day tête-d-tête^ all 
 at once she became pale, her air became restless 
 and embarrassed, and her eyes were continually 
 turned to the windows that looked into the street. 
 She kept rising every instant, and was inces- 
 santly leaving the room and returning. Having 
 several times asked her, with eagerness, if any 
 thing was the matter with her, and if she felt 
 unwell? she answered in monosyllables, and 
 equivocally. I earnestly entreated her, at length, 
 to tell me frankly the cause of her uneasiness 
 during the last quarter of an hour. " Oh ! my 
 dear friend,'* she exclaimed, " you are undone ! 
 I see a person who is certainly an officer of 
 justice, and I have observed him for some time 
 passing and repassing before our house, with his 
 eyes incessantly fixed on the door. He is un- 
 doubtedly sent to watch you, till a detachment 
 comes to take you prisoner. Perhaps some one, 
 having recognised you this morning, and fol- 
 lowed you to the house, without your observing 
 him, has forthwith informed against you. I 
 have examined the house, from the cellar to the 
 c c 2 
 
588 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 garret, and there is no place where you can 
 conceal yourself.'* 
 
 I examined the man, and, in reality, no police- 
 runner could have a more villanous appearance. 
 The adventure alarmed me, and the more so, as 
 a person in the dress and with the appearance 
 of a porter, had, three days before, asked for me 
 at her uncle's j and, as he would not tell whence 
 he came, they said I had left the house. When 
 1 first lodged at the house of my good friend my 
 former landlady, I had imprudently told her the 
 address of Peggy's uncle, not then foreseeing 
 the consequences. I suspected, at first, that 
 this must have originated in a feeling of revenge 
 on her part, as none but she could know that I 
 spent every day, from morning till night, in the 
 house in question ; but when I reflected on her 
 great sweetness of temper and goodness of dis- 
 position, I could not think her capable of so 
 much baseness. I went out every morning in a 
 hackney coach, with the blinds up, so that it 
 was almost impossible I could have been recog- 
 nised by any one in the street. In short, I knew 
 not what to think of the matter. 
 
 As the man still continued to walk backwards 
 and forwards, never losing sight of tlie door of 
 the house, I knew not well what course to take. 
 I was undecided whether I should go out im- 
 mediately, before the arrival of the soldiers, and 
 trust to my sword and my heels, which would 
 create a terrible uproar in the street, or whether 
 I should remain quietly in the house, and wait 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 389 
 
 the result. My charming Peggy sprung to my 
 neck, and tenderly embracing me, exclaimed, 
 with an impassioned warmth, *' No, you shall 
 not die on the scaffold ! If I cannot succeed in 
 saving you, through the interest of my friends, 
 who are in favour at court, I will visit you in 
 prison the evening before the day of execution 
 with two doses of poison, and I will take one to 
 set you an example how to make use of the 
 other." Good heavens ! the idea of my adorable 
 Peggy's dying by poison filled me with horror. * 
 I did not in the least doubt that she was capable 
 of keeping her word, knowing, as I did, the 
 violence and determination which the fair sex in 
 England possess, in a degree not to be found in 
 any other nation. As to myself personally, poisoîi 
 would have been of all things the most accept- 
 able to me after my condemnation ; and the 
 
 * Though I admire the works of the celebrated J. J. Rous- 
 seau as much as any man, yet the portrait which he has 
 drawn of his hero St. Preux, in the Nouvelle Heloise, has 
 always appeared to me that of a coarse-minded and selfish 
 person, whose love was founded solely on enjoyment, with- 
 out friendship, or sincere regard for the object of it. When 
 he is tempted to throw himself into the water with Madame 
 de Wolmar, on returning from Meillerie, this is the impulse 
 of jealousy driven mad, on being deprived of the power of 
 brutally enjoying her. When our love is sincere, and founded 
 in friendship, we may indeed destroy ourselves through 
 despair ; but no one who loves with friendship and tender- 
 ness will ever think of destroying the dear object that 
 entirely possesses his soul. The very idea fills him with 
 horror. — Author. 
 
 c c 3 
 
590 MEMOIUS or THE 
 
 supplying me with it would have been a most 
 friendly action. 
 
 I entreated my Peggy to go with me and ex- 
 amine the house once more. In this survey I 
 remarked a window in the garret, by which I 
 could go out upon the roof) and pass from 
 thence to the roof of a neighbouring house. I 
 immediately dispatched my Peggy to watch as a 
 sentinel at the window below, with a silver bell 
 in her hand, which she was to ring as soon as 
 she saw people approach the door to knock ; 
 and it was agreed on that the ringing of the bell 
 should serve as a signal for my going out upon 
 the roof. I took off my shoes lest they should 
 make me slip on the slates and break my neck, 
 and I put them in my pocket ; and I held the 
 window with both hands, with the intention of 
 springing out the instant I heard the bell. 
 Having remained a quarter of an hour in this 
 attitude, in the utmost uneasiness, my dear 
 Peggy returned with a changed countenance, 
 and immediately said, with a smile, " Plague 
 take them both ! it is, I suppose, the sweetheart 
 of my chamber-maid. She has just asked my 
 permission to go out to walk, and the moment 
 she was in the street she familiarly took hold 
 of his arm." The villanous look of this man 
 threw us into a dreadful alarm. 
 
 A few days after this adventure, whilst I was 
 dining with Peggy and her uncle, the servant 
 entered and informed me, that a gentleman 
 wished to speak with me in the anti-chamber ; 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 391 
 
 I immediately went out, and was surprised at 
 seeing Mr. Colviil, Lady Jane Douglas's man of 
 business. * He told me, that she had lately 
 formed the resolution of residing in France, and 
 that he had been sent to London to procure a 
 passport, which she had obtained for one servant 
 more than she actually had, in order that she 
 might have an opportunity of taking me with 
 her, and thus enable me to escape to Holland ; 
 that he had left her at Huntingdon, about twenty 
 leagues to the north of London, in the house of 
 3. Mr. Raith, where she should wait three days 
 for me, before setting out for Harwich, the sea- 
 port for the packet-boats to Holland ; and that 
 she was accompanied by Mr. Stewart and Miss 
 Hewitt. 
 
 What dreadful news ! Before knowing my 
 divine Peggy, nothing would have been so 
 ardently wished for by me as such an oppor- 
 tunity for escape. But now matters were 
 changed ! I lived and desired to live only for 
 her. I remained some moments quite con- 
 founded, not knowing what to answer. I was 
 resolved not to avail myself of the offer of Lady 
 Jane Douglas, whilst, at the same time, I was 
 embarrassed how I should immediately find a 
 plausible excuse to justify my refusal ; and was 
 apprehensive lest she should imagine, from the 
 
 * It may be worth remarking that this Mr. Colville was 
 not correctly speaking a man of business, but a macer of 
 the court of Session, who had been a servant of Lady Jane 
 Douglas. 
 
 c c 4 
 
3i)^2 MEMOIRS OF THi: 
 
 extravagance of my conduct, that I had lost my 
 senses ; for who could ever imagine that any 
 one with the prospect of execution on the scaf- 
 fold every day before him, in case of his dis- 
 covery, would refuse an opportunity of escaping 
 that danger ? After a moment's reflection, 1 
 told Mr. Colvill that I should, during the whole 
 course of my life, retain tlie most grateful sense 
 of the goodness of Lady Jane towards me, but 
 that as my friends in London had discovered 
 several means of enabling me to escape to the 
 Continent, without any danger of discovery, I 
 would not, for the world, expose her Ladyship 
 again to any troublesome embarrassment, having 
 already put her kindness so much to the test ; 
 and I begged Mr. Colvill to tell her, in his 
 letter, not to wait for me in Huntingdon, as I 
 could not think of availing myself of her gene- 
 rous and obliging offer, when I reflected on the 
 inconveniences to which I should thereby expose 
 her. Mr. Colvill immediately took his leave, 
 and I returned to table without saying a word 
 about what had taken place. I only mentioned 
 that it was the man of business of Lady Jane 
 Douglas, whom she had sent to enquire after 
 me. During the interview, I dreaded nothing 
 so much as that the uncle, from not knowing 
 the person with whom I was in conversation, 
 might, from uneasiness on my account, leave 
 the dining room and join us, when the discovery 
 of my inconceivable extravagance would have 
 led him to suspect the true cause of my refusal. 
 
REBELLION OF J 745. 393 
 
 As soon as the uncle went out, which he 
 commonly did in the afternoon, I communicated 
 to my dear Peggy the obHging offer of Lady 
 Jane Douglas, and the difficulty which I had had 
 in getting rid of it ; adding, that I had refused 
 it, as I should certainly refuse whatever should 
 separate me from her. *' Ah ! my dear friend," 
 replied she, " you have done very wrong in re- 
 fusing it. I suffer continual pain and uneasiness 
 on your account, which I conceal from you. 
 Your situation fills me with incessant uneasiness 
 and apprehension, and hardly a night passes in 
 which I do not dream I see you in the hands of 
 the executioner. As the last occasion which 
 presented itself was not without danger of dis- 
 covery, I imagined that it might have the effect 
 of tearing you from me to bring you to imfne- 
 diate punishment, and I was therefore glad that 
 you refused it : but this occasion is very differ- 
 ent. Lady Jane Douglas is of so illustrious a 
 family that the court would not dare to tease 
 her, or to insult her by subjecting her to a rigor- 
 ous examination on mere suspicion ; and as there 
 could be no positive information in such a case, 
 you could have run no risk with her, and you 
 would have effected your escape." I was pene- 
 trated with the most heart-felt grief in hearing 
 her endeavour to persuade me to depart, and I 
 interrupted her with accusations of inconstancy, 
 and warmly reproached her for her indifference. 
 " No, my dear friend," exclaimed she, *' you 
 wrong me. My sentiments are so little changed 
 
394 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 with regard to you, that I reserve tor you a 
 proof stronger than any you have yet received, 
 and which I wished not to communicate to you 
 till the occurrence of a favourable moment for 
 carrying my project into execution. I have 
 long determined to share your fate ; and to 
 abandon for you my country, my parents, and 
 whatever is dear to me ; and I have only waited 
 for a safe opportunity for your escaping without 
 danger. An opportunity now presents itself in 
 the offer of Lady Jane Douglas, such as I have 
 long desired. I will disguise myself as a man, 
 and take my passage in the same packet-boat 
 with Lady Jane, without appearing to know 
 you. Let us go immediately in quest of clothes 
 among the brokers, in order that we may be 
 ready to set off to-morrow morning. Provi- 
 dence," she added, " will give us bread ; and I 
 shall be content to live with you on rustic fare, 
 in preference to all the riches of the universe." 
 I embraced my adorable Peggy, with tears in 
 my eyes, and assured her that I loved her more 
 than my life j and that that very tenderness and 
 affection which I vowed to her to my latest sigh, 
 would never allow me to plunge her into ruin 
 and wretchedness, — by doing which, I should, 
 at the same time, draw down upon myself the 
 contempt and indignation of her family ; that if 
 I had a certainty of our being enabled to subsist 
 independently of others the case would be dif- 
 ferent ; but that I did not know what would be- 
 come of me on reaching a foreign country, nor 
 how I should subsist till I obtained employment. 
 
REBELLION OF 174.5. 395 
 
 My dear friend, on seeing me determined not 
 to permit her to take this precipitate step, spoke 
 no more to me of my departure ; and we passed 
 the evening together with all the pleasure and 
 satisfaction which two persons completely de- 
 voted to each other by the sacred and inviolable 
 ties of the most perfect and sincere friendship 
 can feel in such a situation. 
 
 Having returned to my lodgings, after supper, 
 I went to bed ; but I was unable to close an 
 eye. A thousand different reflections crowded 
 on my mind. I examined my situation in Lon- 
 don, which, independently of the danger to 
 which I was continually exposed of being ar- 
 rested, was such, that I had no certainty of being 
 enabled to subsist for any length of time. Hav- 
 ing already experienced the harshness of my 
 father, it was evident that I should, sooner or 
 later, be in want of money. My Peggy had the 
 prospect of being one day very rich ; but she 
 did not, any more than myself, possess an inde- 
 pendent income. As it was my intention to 
 repair to Russia, as soon as I should effect my 
 escape to the continent, where my Peggy knew 
 I had the most powerful protection, through 
 the credit of my two uncles, who were still alive, 
 I flattered myself with the prospect of being 
 able to obtain a regiment on my arrival in 
 Russia, or soon afterwards. I thus hoped for a 
 change in my circumstances, such as would 
 enable me to share my fortune with her ; and 
 then I could either return to England incognito. 
 
390 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 to visit her, or induce her to repair to the coun- 
 try, to the service of which I might be attached. 
 
 I also thought, that as it was the interest of 
 France, in every sense of the word, to re-estab- 
 lish the house of Stuart on the throne of England, 
 the court of Versailles might abandon the old 
 system on which it had, for eighty years acted, 
 of making use of this unfortunate house as a 
 scarecrow to frighten the English, (a policy 
 now worn out, and no longer productive of 
 any effect,) and at length make a serious attempt 
 in favour of Prince Charles Edward, and then 
 I should return to England in a brilliant situ- 
 ation, to rejoin my Peggy. A thousand other 
 considerations made me hesitate whether I 
 should not yet avail myself of this opportunity 
 of escaping with Lady Jane Douglas ; but al- 
 ways on the supposition that my dear friend 
 wished that I should embrace it, independently 
 of her project of accompanying me. 
 
 I rose betimes, and went to breakfast with 
 my Peggy. As soon as her uncle left the room 
 to dress, I communicated my nocturnal reflec- 
 tions to her, demanding, at the same time, her 
 opinion, and that she would herself decide whe- 
 ther I should go or remain. She renewed her 
 proposal of accompanying me ; but I solemnly 
 protested that I would never suffer this, and that 
 it was useless to speak any more on that subject; 
 that I would perish rather under the hands of the 
 executioner, than allow her to precipitate her- 
 self in an abyss of ruin and destruction. See- 
 
REBELLIOX OF 1745. 397 
 
 ing that 1 was inflexible, she told me that I must 
 decidedly accompany Lady Jane Douglas, and 
 that she would willingly sacrifice her own happi- 
 ness and tranquillity to see me out of danger. 
 As time pressed, and as I could not expect that 
 Lady Jane Douglas would wait an instant for 
 me at Huntingdon, after hearing my answer to 
 Mr. Colvill, she ordered me to go immediately 
 to the coach-office, and take a place in the 
 diligence that goes in one day from London to 
 Huntingdon, and which would set off next 
 morning at three o'clock. I forwarded my lug- 
 gage at the same time, that I might have nothing 
 more on my mind, but be able to giv^e myself 
 altogether up to my Peggy. Finding her uncle 
 in the room on my return from the coach-office, 
 I mentioned to him the offer of Lady Jane 
 Douglas, my determination to accept it, and my 
 intention of setting off next morning. He ex- 
 pressed his satisfaction at my good fortune, in 
 finding so favourable an opportunity, though he 
 regretted that I was so soon to quit them. 
 
 I took leave of her uncle immediately after 
 dinner, and went to meet my charming Peggy 
 at a rendezvous which we had agreed on, to 
 pass the few precious moments that were left 
 us, in some solitary walk out of town. This 
 was the more necessary, as so affecting a separ- 
 ation would not admit of witnesses j and espe- 
 cially of the presence of her uncle, who had not 
 the least suspicion of our sentiments. The 
 afternoon, which was the most melancholy we 
 
398 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 ever knew, was spent in reciprocal vows and 
 promises of eternal fidelity and constancy ; 
 nevertheless it passed with the velocity of light- 
 ning. A hundred times I was tempted to re- 
 nounce my intention of departing ; and I had 
 occasion for all the fortitude of my charming 
 Peggy to confirm me in my resolution. She 
 accompanied me to the coach-office, where hav- 
 ing remained together till halfrpast eight o'clock, 
 she called a coach, and entered it more dead 
 than alive. 
 
 I followed her coach with my eyes, and when 
 it altogether disappeared, my resolution then 
 became weak and wavering. 
 
 My first movement was to run to the room 
 assigned me at the coach-office, with the inten- 
 tion of having my luggage carried back to my 
 lodgings at the hair-dresser's ; and feeling it 
 impossible for me to support a separation, I re- 
 nounced for ever the idea of it. Fortunately 
 reflection came to my aid before my luggage 
 was taken away, and I became sensible that such 
 a singular step would open the eyes of her uncle, 
 betray us, and involve us in the most unpleasant 
 embarrassments. I therefore returned to my 
 room, and threw myself down on my bed to wait 
 for the departure of the diligence, giving myself 
 wholly up to despair, and ready to sink under 
 the load of my affliction. I passed in review, at 
 the same time, all my various misfortunes, which 
 crowded on my troubled mind, painted in the 
 most powerful colours. If I could have fore- 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 399 
 
 seen that this was the last time I should ever see 
 her, no consideration on earth could have torn 
 me from her ; and rather than have left her, I 
 should have coolly awaited the ignominious 
 death with which I was every day threatened. 
 Vain hopes ! Vain illusions ! My life has been 
 one continued and uninterrupted series, a per- 
 petual concatenation of the effects of adverse 
 fortune. The Supreme Being has assigned a 
 fixed period for the dissolution of every thing 
 that is created of matter j but, if there be such 
 a thing as immortality, our two souls will be 
 eternally united. 
 
 The coach set off at two o'clock in the morn- 
 ing, and we arrived at Huntingdon at eight 
 at night. Lady Jane Douglas had left it, the 
 preceding evening, for Harwich ; not supposing, 
 from the answer of Mr. Colvill, that there was 
 any ground to expect me there. 
 
 I took post next morning, hoping to join her 
 before her arrival at Harwich j but the wretched 
 post-horses were so much fatigued by the rate 
 at which I proceeded that 1 was obliged to 
 sleep at Newmarket. Next morning 1 hired a 
 curricle, and arrived before sunset at an arm of 
 the sea, about a league in breadth, from which I 
 could see Harwich on the other side. A fri- 
 gate, of about forty guns, was riding at anchor 
 in the middle of this arm of the sea. I imme- 
 diately applied to the owner of the boats, and 
 other craft stationed here, who kept a tavern, 
 for a passage across this arm of the sea ; but, in 
 
400 MEMOIRS or THE 
 
 spite of all my entreaties, threats, and offers of 
 rewarding him handsomely, he persisted in re- 
 fusing me, telling me that the government had 
 prohibited all passage after sunset, on account 
 of the smuggling, and that the frigate was sta- 
 tioned there for the express purpose of enforc- 
 ing the prohibition. I was grieved and enraged 
 beyond measure to think that I should lose the 
 opportunity of accompanying Lady Jane, after 
 the painful struggle I had had before I could 
 bring myself to determine to avail myself of it. 
 His obstinacy was not to be overcome either by 
 my entreaties or my threats. He told me, that 
 the captain of the frigate, who was drinking in his 
 house with his officers, would throw him into 
 prison if he complied with my request, and his 
 vessel would be confiscated into the bargain. 
 The captain of the frigate, having heard my 
 dispute with the owner of the boats, came out 
 of the tavern to question me. I was not at all 
 disconcerted, but answered at once that I was 
 a servant of Mrs. Gray, (a travelling name 
 which Lady Jane Douglas had taken,) who was 
 now at Harwich, ready to embark in the first 
 packet-boat for Holland ; that she had sent me 
 to London to execute some commissions for her ; 
 and that I was uneasy lest she should leave Har- 
 wich before my arrival, vvith an account of my 
 proceedings, owing to the obstinacy of the 
 master of the boats, whom I could not induce 
 to give me a passage, either by my offers to pay 
 liim generously, or my threats to have him 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 401 
 
 punished by complaining to the governor of 
 Harwich. I entreated the captain, with great 
 earnestness, to make use of his authority to com- 
 pel him, assuring him, that I should not fail to 
 make a faithful report to my mistress of his kind- 
 ness. He told me that he had seen Mrs. Gray 
 arrive the evening before ; that she appeared to 
 be a very amiable lady ; and that he should be 
 extremely happy to have it in his power to be 
 of any service to her; but that he could do 
 nothing with the owner of the boats, as he had 
 received positive orders not to cross this arm of 
 tlie sea after sunset. He added, that she could 
 not have set sail, as the wind was unfavourable ; 
 and he offered to take me in his own boat, and 
 land me at Harwich, as soon as he should be 
 put on board his frigate. I did not hesitate an 
 instant to accept his offer, and entered his boat, 
 not only without apprehension, but boldly and 
 eagerly, telling him that my mistress would feel 
 grateful for his civility and kindness. I should 
 probably have been ruined beyond remedy if I 
 had shown the least timidity or distrust. 
 
 We were scarcely a musket-shot from the 
 shore, when the captain pointed out to me one 
 of his midshipmen in the boat, of the name of 
 Lockhart, asking me if I knew his family in 
 Scotland. I answ^ered in the negative, telling 
 him that I had never been in any other service 
 than that of Mrs. Gray. I was uneasy lest 
 Mr. Lockhart should have recognized me from 
 the windows of the tavern, whilst I was dis» 
 
 D D 
 
402 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 puting with the landlord, and mentioned who I 
 was to the captain ; for, as I had been a school- 
 fellow of his elder brother, and frequently in 
 the house of his father, Mr. Lockhart of Carn- 
 wath, he might very possibly have kjiown me. 
 He was about eighteen years of age, and had 
 been four years in the navy. His eldest brother, 
 the heir to a considerable estate, had been fool- 
 ish enough, like so many others, to join the 
 standard of Prince Charles. I suffered cruelly 
 from the thought, that the captain of the frigate 
 had had no other object in view by his civility in 
 offering me his boat, than to get me quietly on 
 board his ship, where he would immediately 
 make me his prisoner. Supposing even young 
 Lockhart not to know that I had been in the 
 army of the Prince, still there was something 
 very mysterious and equivocal in my being 
 disguised in the dress of a servant. It was 
 necessary, however, to submit to my destiny. 
 Heavens ! what an accursed and unlucky star 
 pursued and persecuted me, till the moment I 
 arrived in Holland ! Who could have expected 
 such an adventure at Harwich ? As the boat 
 approached the ship I began to reckon the 
 minutes which were to elapse before I should 
 be handcuffed and in irons. My heart beat 
 dreadfully, although I always preserved a calm 
 exterior, and answered a thousand questions 
 which the captain asked me with coolness and 
 presence of mind, and without being in the least 
 disconcerted J expecting, nevertheless, every 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 403 
 
 moment, that this politeness would cease, that 
 the mask would be dropped, and that the sailors 
 would receive orders to lay hold of me by the 
 neck. Of all my adventures since the battle of 
 Culloden this caused me the most cruel suffering 
 and agitation. I could not, however, foresee it ; 
 nor could I have avoided it, without abandoning 
 the project of escaping to Holland with Lady Jane 
 Douglas. In all my other sinister encounters I 
 had always had some ray of hope of escape, in 
 the possibility of my defending myself or of 
 my taking to my heels ; but here I was caught 
 like a fish in a net. At length, on reaching the 
 ship, the captain, having mounted, invited me 
 on board, to drink a glass to the health of my 
 mistress. I looked on this as the denouement of 
 the piece. I replied, that I was afraid my mistress 
 would be gone to bed before my arrival in Har- 
 wich, and that I had to communicate to her 
 some very important intelligence. He imme- 
 diately put an end to my sufferings ; calling out 
 to the sailors to land me in the town, and not to 
 forget presenting his compliments to Mrs. Gray. 
 I found Lady Jane Douglas at the inn, and im- 
 mediately told her the obligation I lay under to 
 the captain of the frigate, and the purgatory in 
 which I had been during the passage, on account 
 of young Lockhart, the son of Carnwath, his 
 midshipman, who certainly must have known 
 me. She praised my firmness, but laughed, at 
 the same time, at the singularity of my having 
 made the officers of King George accomplices 
 
 D D 2 
 
4>04i MEMOIRS OV THE 
 
 in saving a rebel, who had attempted to tear 
 the crown from the brow of their sovereign, to 
 place it on the head of Prince Charles Edward. 
 
 As the wind was contrary, we remained two 
 days at Harwich before embarking. During 
 our stay, the governor of the town, to whom 
 Lady Jane Douglas had been recommended, 
 became our tormentor, from his excessive polite- 
 ness and civility. He had received orders from 
 London to show her every attention, and he 
 came twenty times a-day, and at all hours, to 
 ask if she had any occasion for his services. 
 I always bolted the door of the room to prevent 
 my being surprised at table with my mistress. 
 Whilst we were at dinner, the governor knocked 
 at the door, and he could not be admitted till 
 I had removed my plate, and the table was ar- 
 ranged for three persons. Having opened the 
 door to the governor, I took my station of ser- 
 vant behind the chair of Lady Jane, and she 
 having asked the governor to taste her wine, I 
 presented a glass to him. It was easy to see 
 from his countenance that he suspected some 
 mystery j but to have lightly insulted a person 
 of Lady Jane's illustrious birth, and without 
 being certain of the fact, might have been at- 
 tended with inconvenience. 
 
 The first letter which I received from my 
 cnarming Peggy informed me, that there was a 
 report in London, that Prince Charles had es- 
 caped to Holland with Lady Jane Douglas, dis- 
 guised as her servant. There is every reason 
 
REBELLION OF l'74fÔ. 405 
 
 for supposing, that the governor had informed 
 the court of his suspicions ; and it was fortunate 
 for us tiiat we set sail next morning, before he 
 could receive any answer authorising him to 
 act on these suspicions. She told me that I was 
 certainly born under a lucky star, and that I 
 could not fail to be one day fortunate. I know 
 not what star has presided at my birth, but my 
 life has been continually passed in misfortune, 
 adversity, pain, want, and the most crying injus- 
 tice in the service, — very hard to be borne by 
 a man of feeling, and an officer well acquainted 
 with the duties of his profession. I have always 
 been in straits ; and the third of the pension 
 given me by the King, for my subsistence, has 
 been retrenched from it. I owe nothing to for_ 
 tune, which has always cruelly persecuted me, 
 without having once been propitious. Provi- 
 dence has frequently saved my life, as if by a 
 miracle ; but that life has never yet been a source 
 of enjoyment to me. All my ambition is now 
 limited to the possession of the means of subsist- 
 ing frugally 5 the having this subsistence secured 
 for the few days that remain to me, and the pass- 
 ing these days in tranquility and serenity of 
 mind; looking forward to the termination of my 
 existence without either fearing or desiring it. 
 I should be content with mere necessaries, and 
 happy, notwithstanding the injustice of fortune, 
 who usually grants her favours only to the most 
 infamous and contemptible of mortals. 
 
 We arrived at Helvoetsluys in twenty-four 
 D u 3 
 
406 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 hours. During our passage I had a whimsical 
 enough scene. Sir CHfton, who hap- 
 pened to be on board the packet-boat, .was an 
 acquaintance of Mr. Stewart, and he was invited 
 into the cabin, which Lady Jane had engaged 
 for herself and suite, whilst his servant and my- 
 self remained in a little anti-cabin, where we 
 were very uncomfortably situated, and a source 
 of annoyance to each other. This rendered us 
 both very cross and ill-tempered. When we 
 were in bed, our legs were striking against each 
 other, from the smallness of the space in which 
 we were cooped up. We suffered the more, as 
 there were a great many passengers on board, 
 and the weather being rainy, prevented them 
 from going on deck, so that this little place was 
 always literally crammed, and it was hardly pos- 
 sible to breathe in it. Each believing the other 
 to be a footman, our respective observations were 
 delivered in an insulting and contemptuous tone; 
 and the scene would certainly have terminated 
 unfortunately, if Lady Jane had not informed 
 the Baronet, at dinner, that there was a young 
 gentleman in her suite, who had been with Prince 
 Charles Edward, whom she wished to invite into 
 her cabin to eat something. The Baronet told 
 her, that he was in a similar predicament, as the 
 person who acted as his valet was a Mr. Garnie, 
 an officer in the Irish brigade in the service of 
 France. We were both invited into the cabin, 
 to dinner, and on receiving the necessary expla- 
 nations, we were very much surprised, and made 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 407 
 
 a thousand excuses to each other for our inci- 
 vihty. 
 
 I was in a deep sleep when the packet-boat 
 arrived in the quay of Helvoetsluys, and all the 
 other passengers were on shore before I was 
 waked. I immediately rushed out of the packet- 
 boat, with my eyes half shut, and began to run 
 as fast as I possibly could from it, as if the cap- 
 tain and his crew liad it in their power to arrest 
 me. I could scarcely persuade myself that I 
 was beyond the reach of the English. Lady 
 Jane laughed heartily at seeing me run, and 
 called out, that it was entuely useless, as I was 
 now out of all danger. I became then tho- 
 roughly awake. It is impossible to express the 
 pleasure and satisfaction I felt on seeing myself 
 at last safe, after being six months between life 
 and death ! No one, without having been in a 
 similar situation, can have any idea of the delight 
 I felt at that moment. Ever since the battle of 
 Culloden, the idea that I should end my days 
 miserably upon the scaffold had never ceased to 
 haunt my mind. I now felt myself as if raised 
 from the dead. 
 
 After remaining eight days at Rotterdam, I 
 departed with Lady Jane Douglas to the Hague, 
 where she took up her residence. As I had long 
 determined to return to Russia, I immediately 
 wrote to my uncle, acquainting him with the 
 distressed situation in which I was then placed, 
 requesting him to inform his friends, Priïice Cu- 
 rakin and Count Gollovin, that I should be in 
 
 D D 4 
 
408 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Petersburg in a few days, and to endeavour to 
 induce them to honour me again with their pro- 
 tection, that I might find some employment on 
 my arrival. Had I followed this resolution, I 
 should have been a general officer many years ago. 
 I was on the point of setting out for Russia when 
 Lady Jane persuaded me to defer my departure, 
 till we had some positive account of the fate of 
 Prince Charles. Accursed fortune ! which has 
 all my life deceived me with false appearances. 
 Mr. Trevor, the English resident in Holland, 
 having presented a memorial to the States-gene- 
 ral, demanding that all the Scots, who had taken 
 refuge in Holland, should be arrested, and de- 
 livered up to the English government ; to tlie 
 eternal disgrace of this infamous republic, the 
 Dutch were cowardly enough to comply with 
 the requisition, and to violate the feelings of 
 humanity, and the law of nations. There were 
 then about twenty Scotsmen of our party in 
 Holland. Mr. Ogilvie was arrested and sent to 
 London : the rest left this worthless country as 
 fast as they could ; and, as it was necessary that 
 I should remain till I could find an opportunity 
 of going to Petersburg, I repaired in haste to 
 Leyd'en to enter myself there as a student of 
 medicine ; the privileges of this university being 
 so extensive, that the States-general cannot 
 arrest any of its students, except for the crime 
 of assassination. Having succeeded in obtaining 
 the insertion of my name in the register, by 
 means of a few ducats, which I gave to Professor 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 40l> 
 
 Gaubeiis, I returned immediately to the Hague, 
 where we learned, a few days afterwards, that 
 Prince Charles had escaped to France. The 
 desire of seeing him again, and the hope of 
 another attempt in his favour, determined me to 
 abandon my resolution of going to Russia j and 
 piy fate was decided, for the rest of my days, by 
 my arrival in Paris towards the end of the year 
 1746. 
 
 The pleasures of this capital soon made me 
 forget my past sufferings, and blinded me even 
 as to the future. I remained in a kind of 
 lethargy, allowing the opportunities of being 
 advantageously employed in Russia or Spain to 
 escape, in the hope that the court of France 
 would make another attempt to re-establish the 
 affairs of Prince Charles in Scotland ; and it was 
 not till the Prince was arrested, in 1748, and 
 sent out of the kingdom, in consequence of the 
 treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, that my eyes were 
 opened. I was then forced to think of the 
 means of subsistence, and to procure for myself 
 some situation. The Marchioness Dowager of 
 Mezieres and Lady Ogilvie having strongly re- 
 commended me to the Marquis of Puysieulx, 
 then secretary of state for foreign affairs, that 
 minister immediately took me under his parti- 
 cular protection, and granted me, from the be- 
 gining of the year 1749, two thousand two 
 hundred livres, out of tlie fund of forty thousand 
 livres, which his majesty ordered to be distri- 
 buted in annual pensions amongst the unfortunate 
 
410 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Scots who had had the good fortune to escape 
 to France, with the loss of their estates, and to 
 avoid death on a scaffold in England. 
 
 Seeing M. Puysieulx very much disposed to 
 favour me, and imagining that I should recom- 
 mend myself still more to his esteem and good 
 graces by entering into the service, and en- 
 deavouring to render my youth useful, instead 
 of living in idleness at Paris on the bounty of 
 the King, which I had obtained through this 
 minister, I entreated him to procure me a com- 
 pany of infantry at St. Domingo or Martinique. 
 As all the Scots in the suite of Prince Charles 
 had been allowed by the Count d*Argenson the 
 same rank in the service of France which they 
 held in that of the Prince in Scotland, and as I 
 was the oldest captain in his army, my com- 
 mission being dated the 21st of September, 1745, 
 the Prince having given it to me on the very 
 evening of the battle of Gladsmuir, immediately 
 after our return to Pinky-house, where he passed 
 the night, I had every reason to expect the same 
 treatment ; more especially as the Marquis 
 d*Eguille, the envoy from France with Prince 
 Charles in Scotland, gave repeated assurances 
 to every one, that, should our expedition ter- 
 minate unfortunately, all the commissions of 
 Prince Charles would be ratified by the King of 
 France ; and that all those who succeeded in 
 escaping to France should have the same rank 
 in the service of that crown that they enjoyed 
 in the army of Prince Charles. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 411 
 
 However, M. Rouillé, the new minister of the 
 marine, who was better acquainted with the 
 trade of India than with military affairs, instead 
 of acceding to the demand of M. de Puysieulx, 
 for a company for me, ordered an ensign's com- 
 mission to be made out for me, in the troops 
 detached from the marine to the island of Cape- 
 Breton. This commission I refused at first 
 with indignation and obstinacy, being unable to 
 brook the idea of a retrogression so mortifying 
 and revolting to an officer, who had always 
 served with honour ; and it was only in con- 
 sequence of the reiterated orders of M. de Puy- 
 sieulx, joined to his assurances that he would 
 not leave me long in the degrading situation of 
 a subaltern, after having served at the head of 
 my company during the whole of the expedition 
 of Prince Charles in Scotland, the progress of 
 which, and the battles we gained against very 
 superior numbers, had filled all Europe with 
 astonishment ; that I at length consented to ac- 
 cept it. I set out, therefore, immediately for 
 Rochefort, with full confidence in the promises 
 of M. de Puysieulx, to remain there in readiness 
 for my embarkation for the island of Cape-Breton, 
 the most wretched country in the universe. 
 
 I found three half-pay officers at Rochefort 5 
 viz. le Chevalier de Montalembert, the Chevalier 
 de Trion his cousin, and M. de Frene, who had 
 also obtained employment at Quebec. Inti- 
 macies are soon formed amongst military men, 
 and the same destination inspired us with senti- 
 
41^2 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 ments of mutual friendship : I contracted this 
 friendship the more readily, as they were all 
 three of an excellent disposition, and most agree- 
 able companions. We were ordered to embark 
 on board the Iphigenie, a merchant vessel, 
 freighted for the king, and belonging to M. 
 Michel Roderique, a ship-owner of Rochelle. 
 We accordingly left Rochefort ; and on our 
 arrival at Rochelle, we found the crew of the 
 Iphigenie in a state of mutiny, with the car- 
 penter at their head, who insisted on making a 
 declaration to the admiralty, that the ship was 
 entirely rotten, and nowise in a condition to 
 perform the voyage. 
 
 Roderique invited us to dinner, and whilst we 
 were at table, he incessantly assured us that his 
 ship was in good condition ; that, if he had him- 
 self occasion to go to Louisbourg, of which he 
 was a native, he would embark in it with his 
 family, in preference to any other ship in 
 Rochelle ; and that the ill repute of the Iphi- 
 genie arose from the jealousy of his brother ship- 
 owners, who had seduced his crew, and excited 
 them to mutiny. My comrades did not repose 
 an entire confidence in the honied words of 
 Roderique, but I was completely duped by him. 
 Indeed, I could never have imagined that there 
 existed on the earth a wretch so depraved, and 
 so devoid of every feeling of Inunanity, as to 
 expose three hundred people to destruction, for 
 the sake of vile pelf. We had with us two 
 hundred recruits on board, and there were, 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 413 
 
 besides, a number of passengers, and the crew. 
 Being myself convinced of the sincerity of 
 Roderique, I had no great difficulty in gaining 
 over my companions to my opinion, that the 
 jealousy of the ship-owners had really given rise 
 to disadvantageous reports respecting the Iphi- 
 genie j and having quieted the mutiny of the 
 sailors, we all embarked on the 28th of June, 
 ly^O; and the 29th, being St. Peter's day, we 
 weighed anchor and set sail, with fine weather 
 and a favourable wind. 
 
 The third day from our departure, after 
 doubling Cape Finisterre, we became convinced, 
 when too late, of the perfidy of Roderique, and 
 of the folly we had committed in believing him. 
 The Iphigenie, which, according to the declar- 
 ation of the crew in the mutiny, drew^ twelve 
 inches of water in an hour, in the roads of 
 Rochelle, drew twenty-four inches in the same 
 space of time when we were in the open sea ; 
 and M. Fremont, the master of the ship, being 
 unable any longer to conceal from us its wretched 
 state, demanded that we should come to an ar- 
 rangement, in order that some of the soldiers 
 might be continually pumping, and assisting 
 him in the management of the vessel. As the 
 crew only consisted of fourteen sailors in all, 
 good and bad, they were insufficient for the 
 duties of the ship, and M. de Montalembert, 
 who was our commander, was obliged to employ 
 sixteen soldiers, to take their turns along with 
 
414» MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 the sailors at the puinp, who were relieved every 
 quarter of an hour. 
 
 Some time after, we had another fatal proof 
 of the complete rottenness of our ship, in the 
 loss of our mizen-mast, which fell upon the 
 deck, and nearly carried away our main-mast in 
 its fall. The socket, rotten like the rest of the 
 ship, having given way, the end of the mizen- 
 mast entered the cabin, by penetrating the 
 boards. M. de Montalembert, who happened 
 to be opposite at the time, miraculously escaped 
 being crushed to death, by springing aside. It 
 was fortunate for us that this accident happened 
 at nine o'clock in the morning, in very fine 
 weather, and when we had little wind, as this 
 enabled the sailors in a short time to cut the 
 mast and shrouds with the axe ; for otherwise 
 we should have run the greatest risk of perishing 
 immediately. All our hopes of escaping death 
 were in the arms of our soldiers, and in a con- 
 tinuation of good weather, as it was then sum- 
 mer. But, alas ! our hopes were vain, as far as 
 regarded the weather, for we afterwards ex- 
 perienced as violent gales as if it had been the 
 middle of winter. A gust of wind, whilst we 
 were off the Azores, carried away our top-masts 
 and our sails, tearing the latter in shreds as if 
 they had been sheets of paper; a heavy sea 
 drowned our sheep and poultry, and deprived 
 us of all our refreshments ; and, to add to our 
 misery, our water, which Roderique, in his 
 atrocious and abominable avarice, had put into 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 415 
 
 old wine-barrels, became altogether corrupted in 
 less than five weeks after our departure, black 
 as ink, stinking like the pestilence, so as to be 
 totally unfit for use. But these were trifling 
 evils compared with our deplorable and alarming 
 situation. Death was constantly staring us in 
 the face, and the idea was constantly imprinted 
 on our minds, that the Ipliigenie would some 
 day go to the bottom with us. When the wind 
 was favourable, we durst only carry very little 
 sail, least we should lose our other two masts in 
 the way we lost our mizen-mast. We were thus 
 without any prospect of a speedy termination to 
 our cruel distress and sufferings, and thoroughly 
 convinced that they would be of long duration, 
 and that we should at least be long in a state of 
 suspense between life and death. 
 
 Having experienced nine difïërent gales since 
 the â9th of June, when we put to sea. Heaven 
 reserved for us the tenth, a dreadful storm off 
 the banks of Newfoundland : this was on the 
 10th of September. We had a dead calm dur- 
 ing the whole of the day of the 9th ; but at 
 midnight the wind began to rise, and continued 
 increasing till it became a most furious tempest. 
 M. Fremont came into the cabin at nine o'clock 
 in the morning, to warn us to prepare for death. 
 He told us that our only hopes of being saved, 
 and not being immediately swallowed up by the 
 waves, now depended on our offering up vows. 
 He added, that the crew had just made a vow to 
 St. Nicholas, having promised to cause a grand 
 
416 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 mass to be performed at Louisbourg, if it should 
 please God to deliver us from the imminent dan- 
 ger in which we were; and he invited us to 
 join them in it, as the only means of preserving 
 our existence. Sad and feeble resource Î How- 
 ever, we each of us gave him a crown of six 
 francs, to be added to the contribution of the 
 sailors for this grand mass.* 
 
 I clambered up on deck to see the state in 
 which we were, but my eyes could scarcely bear 
 for a moment the terrific view of the ocean, 
 which formed monstrous waves, like pointed 
 and moving mountains, consisting of several 
 gradations of hills : from their summits rose 
 great spouts of foam, which assumed all the 
 colours of the rainbow ; they were so high that 
 our vessel seemed to be in a valley at the foot 
 of these mountains, every wave threatening us 
 with destruction, and to precipitate us into the 
 bottomless deep. It was a grand majestic spec- 
 tacle of horror, which might have been beheld 
 with admiration from the land. We were at the 
 mercy of the storm, without sails, as we could 
 
 * Having experienced violent gales in the Baltic, on my 
 return from Russia, on board Mr. Walker's ship, where all 
 the crew were English, the difference which I observed 
 between the English and French sailors was this, that the 
 English sailors swear and work at the same time to the very 
 last, and, as long as they can, keep their heads above water ; 
 whilst the French have more confidence in their vows than 
 in their arms. It seems to me that a just medium would not 
 be amiss. — Author. 
 
REfeELLIOX OF 1745. 417 
 
 carry none ; the rolling was truly terrible, and 
 the ship was laid so flat on her side by every 
 wave, that her keel was frequently out of water. 
 The sailors attempted to put up the sail of dis- 
 tress to assist the ship ; but it was immediately 
 carried away by the wind, like a sheet of paper. 
 Having regained the cabin as fast as I could, 
 though not without some difficulty and several 
 bruises, I found M.duFrene striking his feet with 
 great violence against the partition. ** Morbleu!'* 
 said he to me, *' is it not a hard case to perish 
 in this manner, after having escaped in a hell of 
 a fire, at the siege of Bergen-op-zoom, with the 
 grenadiers of the regiment of Lowendahl ?" M. 
 de Montalembert quietly shed a torrent of tears; 
 and the Chevalier de Trion, a young man about 
 twenty years of age, who appeared very little 
 affected wath our dreadful situation, told me 
 that he had made his peace before our departure 
 from Rochefort. It would seem as if the longer 
 we Hve, the more unwilling we are to quit life. 
 The contrasts of the different characters which 
 the same event affected so very differently, 
 would have been a noble subject for a painter. 
 I was resigned to die, as I always had been in 
 all my difficulties, at the time when I endea- 
 voured to flee the scafïbld ; that is to say, sub- 
 mitting myself with patience to a fatal destiny 
 which there are no means of avoiding sooner or 
 later ; for human nature shudders at destruction 
 when we are in health, and in cool blood. 
 ..,No man is willing to die when he can preserve 
 
 E E 
 
41 s MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 his life without ignominy, and when it is not a 
 burden to him. Virtue, valour, the love of 
 duty, glory, and patriotism may lead men to 
 brave death ; but they preserve always, at the 
 bottom of their hearts, that natural repugnance 
 to it, which makes them tremble involuntarily 
 when the fatal moment approaches. The most 
 intrepid man will not here contradict me if he 
 is sincere. Outwardly, I had a great appear- 
 ance of tranquillity ; but my mind was, at the 
 same time, agitated and tormented with imagin- 
 ing w^hat there was behind the curtain, which 
 was so soon to be drawn. We were told that 
 Fremont had fallen down dead ; but it was 
 only a fainting fit, which passed over in a quarter 
 of an hour. It was the ambition of this foolish 
 animal to command a ship, which had plunged 
 us in this disaster ; and he was as cowardly and 
 faint-hearted in the hour of danger, as he was 
 insolent and impertinent in good weather. 
 
 I passed the whole day in reading the Psalms 
 of David, and plunged at the same time in re- 
 flections on a future existence, and on the im- 
 mortality of the soul. I recalled to my remem- 
 brance M^hat WoUaston says, which appeared to 
 me the most satisfactory of all I had ever read, 
 on a subject that no mortal can ever clear up. 
 About three o'clock in the afternoon, a wave 
 broke through the port-holes of the cabin, and 
 inundated the Chevalier de Trion, who was 
 lying on his bed : as he was soaked with the sea 
 water, I invited him to lie down wàth me in. the 
 16 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 419 
 
 bed which had been assigned me at the entry of 
 the cabin. We had now great difficulty in pre- 
 vaihng on our soldiers to continue at the pump ; 
 and indeed these poor wretches suffered very 
 much, for every instant the waves broke over 
 them with such violence, as almost to force them 
 into the sea. The Clievalier de Trion made 
 continual rounds between decks, to induce them 
 to ascend, as the sergeants, at this critical mo- 
 ment, had lost all authority over them, and it 
 was only by menaces and hard usage, that he 
 could succeed with them. They would say to 
 him, that, as destruction was inevitable, it was 
 better to perish between decks than to be carried 
 away by the waves, or to be dashed to pieces on 
 deck. Several of our soldiers were wounded ; 
 tlie waves breaking on deck with an astonishing 
 force, which threw them frequently from one 
 side of the ship to the other. 
 
 About ten o'clock in the evening, the car- 
 penter, who was a droll fellow, and a complete 
 harlequin, but very active and laborious when 
 necessary, came to work near the door of my 
 bed, where I was lying with the Chevalier de 
 Trion. Having asked him if there was any 
 thing new, he replied, " Oh ! yes, gentlemen ; 
 great news, very great news, the fore-part of 
 the ship has opened, and the water now enters 
 by bucket-fulls ; the soldiers having worked 
 long at the pump, without being able to make 
 head against it, the pump has at length broken, 
 and a wave has passed over the deck, which has 
 
 E E ^2 
 
420 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 covered their clothes with sand ; so, gentlemen, 
 we shall soon be at the devil, and in less than an 
 hour we shall all drink of the same cup." It is 
 a curious circumstance that there are some cha- 
 racters capable of joking, even to the last mo- 
 ment of existence, whilst the approach of danger 
 deprives others of all sensation, who appear dead, 
 long before they really are so. 
 
 My conscience, that internal and concealed 
 light, as a Chinese author expresses it, did not 
 reproach me with the commission of any great 
 crimes ; but only with such faults, as the heat 
 and giddiness of youth occasion through thought- 
 lessness ; and my mind having been absorbed all 
 day in the most serious reflections, I at length 
 felt a drowsiness and inclination to sleep come 
 on me, which I wished to encourage. I said to 
 the Chevalier de Trion, that I should be very 
 glad if I could pass the barrier between this and 
 the other world when asleep, and that I was 
 desirous of making the attempt. We then ten- 
 derly took leave of each other ; and turning my 
 face towards the boards, I immediately fell into 
 a deep sleep, out of which I was never once 
 awaked by the continual passing in and out of 
 the cabin of the Chevalier de Trion. I slept 
 from half-past ten at night till seven in the morn- 
 ing ; and when I awoke, I rather supposed 
 myself in the other world than in this. The 
 Chevalier de Trion immediately told me how" 
 fortunate I had been ; that the whole night 
 through they expected every moment the ship 
 
REBELLION OF 174^. 4-21' 
 
 would go to the bottom; that I had thus escaped 
 many painful sensations, which I must have ex- 
 perienced had I been awake ; that they had 
 bound the ship with cables to prevent it splitting 
 open altogether; that as soon as the carpenter 
 had mended the pump, the soldiers, who had 
 worked the whole night through like galley- 
 slaves, had succeeded in clearing the vessel of 
 water ; that the wind and sea were now greatly 
 calmed j. and that, for this time, we were thought 
 out of danger. How narrow a space separates 
 pain from pleasure ! Very fine weather, with a 
 favourable breeze, succeeded, about ten o'clock 
 in the morning, to this violent tempest, and im- 
 mediately raised our drooping spirits, and obli- 
 terated from our minds our sufferings, which we 
 usually forget more easily than our enjoyments. 
 We had frequently suspected that Fremont 
 knew nothing of navigation ; but at length we 
 became perfectly satisfied of his ignorance, which 
 might have cost us dear indeed. M. Lion, the 
 second in command of the Iphigenie, told us 
 that, by his journal, we were very near the coast 
 of the island of Cape-Breton, although by Fre- 
 mont's journal we were still two hundred leagues 
 from it. The difference in their reckoning made 
 us lirieasy, and indeed it would have been very 
 hard to have been shipwrecked upon the rocks, 
 with which this isle is completely surrounded, 
 the very moment afiter escaping from the tem- 
 pest. I determined to pass the whole night on 
 deck, and told my brother-officers, that as they 
 
 E E 3 
 
422 MEBIOIRS OF THE 
 
 had watched over my safety while I slept pro- 
 foundly the preceding night, I should now 
 watch over theirs in my turn. We were all 
 much more inclined to believe M. Lion than the 
 other, and we begged him to remain on deck 
 with me till day-break. It was a very fine star- 
 light night, and though there was no moon, 
 there was a brightness in the sky, the whole 
 night through, like a twilight, which enabled us 
 to see to a considerable distance. M. Lion 
 placed a sailor at the ship's head, to remain con- 
 tinually on the look out. Heavens ! how agree- 
 ably were we surprised, when, about two o'clock 
 in the morning of the 12th of September, he 
 called out that he saw land. M. Lion and 
 myself immediately sprang towards him, and in 
 less than ten minutes we could distinctly see 
 the coast at a distance of about three hundred 
 toises from us. They immediately tacked about 
 and stood to sea, whilst I ran down to acquaint 
 my comrades with the good news, awaking them 
 as agreeably as I had been myself awaked the 
 morning before. 
 
 When day appeared, Fremont, who had al- 
 ready made a voyage to Louisbourg, pretended 
 that he knew the land we saw perfectly well ; 
 that it was L^ Indienne y a settlement of the island 
 of Cape-Breton, sixteen leagues north of Louis- 
 bourg ; and he immediately gave orders for 
 steering southwards. As we had every reason 
 to believe that we should reach Louisbourg; in 
 the course of the day, we dressed ourselves, and 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 423 
 
 kept ourselves in readiness for going on shore ; 
 but at three o'clock in the afternoon, when we 
 were at the mouth of a port, which Fremont 
 took for that which we had so long and so 
 ardently looked for, he hailed a boat, which 
 passed near us, to know if this was not the port 
 of Louisbourg.- He was answered by a demand 
 to know the name of the ignorant fool in the 
 command of a ship, who sought Louisbourg in 
 the port of Thoulouse, a settlement twenty 
 leagues to the south of it. We thus ascer- 
 tained, when too late, that it was the port of 
 Louisbourg we had seen in the morning, but 
 that a cruel fatality had blindfolded Fremont. 
 This disappointment vexed us exceedingly. 1 
 urged M. de Montalembert strongly to land at 
 port Thoulouse with our detachment, to proceed 
 to Louisbourg by land ; but Fremont frightened 
 him by declaring, that if he took this step he 
 should be responsible for the cargo. We were,„ 
 however, well entitled to have done so, on ac- 
 count of the bad state of the ship, and the 
 dangers to which we should have been exposed, 
 had we been driven out to sea by a contrary 
 wind. 
 
 Having had fine weather the whole night, and 
 a light favourable breeze, we entered the port of 
 Louisbourg next morning, the 13th of Septem- 
 ber, to the great astonishment of all the inhabit- 
 ants of this town, who supposed us to have 
 perished at sea; for a small vessel which left 
 Rochelle at the same time with us, and on board 
 
 E E 4 
 
424 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 of which were Madame du Hagette, and two 
 officers of the colony, had performed the passage 
 in fifty days, while ours had taken up seventy- 
 six days, and had reported the wretched state of 
 our ship. The quays were crowded with people, 
 who came to congratulate us on our happy deli- 
 verance, and w^ho viewed the ruinous state of 
 the Iphigenie with surprise and admiration. 
 Next day the crew of our vessel made a proces- 
 sion, with no other covering on their bodies 
 than their shirts, to the church, where a grand 
 mass was performed; in the getting up of which 
 no money was spared, agreeably to their vows 
 during the tempest. It was wished to send back 
 the Iphigenie to France ; but the crew having 
 lodged a complaint with the admiralty, an in- 
 spection took place, and she was condemned to 
 be broken up immediately, * 
 
 * We were not long at Louisbourg, before we learned the 
 powerful protection of the Iphigenie. Roderique was in 
 partnership with M. Prévôt, the principal commissary at the 
 island of Quebec, and M. Prévôt again was in partnership 
 with M. de la Porte, the principal clerk in the Bureau de la 
 Marine. It was not therefore astonishing, that the inspec- 
 tors at Rochefort shut their eyes as to the state of the 
 vessels taken up for the King ; and the unfortunate sailors 
 would have been obliged to return to France, in this rotten 
 ship, if the officers of the admiralty had not had more probity 
 and humanity than the proprietors ; who, if the Iphigenie 
 had gone to the bottom of the sea, would have lost nothing, 
 as the ship and cargo were insured at their full value, and 
 perhaps for more. What monsters the love of gain creates 1 
 — Author. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 425 
 
 As to Fremont, who had never ceased an- 
 noymg us with his impertinence during the 
 whole voyage, as soon as he landed I made him 
 submit to a very different sort of procession, 
 along the quay, under the blows of a cudgel, 
 to the great amusement of all the officers of the 
 island of Quebec ; but, above all, to the great 
 satisfaction of my companions during the voyage, 
 who had been daily exposed with myself to his 
 stupidity and insolence. It was a truly laugh- 
 able scene. He at first drew his sword, but 
 either fearing that I should break the blade with 
 my cudgel, which was both stout and heavy, or 
 fearing that he might receive the blows on his 
 face, every time I lifted my arm, he presented 
 his shoulders with the best possible grace, to 
 receive the blows, the effects of which he must 
 certainly have felt for a long time. I have al- 
 ways found cowardice and impertinence inse- 
 parably united in the same person ; for the truly 
 brave man is inoffensive, and never insults any 
 one, however violent he may be, when personally 
 injured. M. I'Oppinot, assistant-major of Louis- 
 bourg, who witnessed the beginning of this 
 scene, withdrew, that he might leave us at full 
 liberty ; and only returned to order me to de- 
 sist, when he thought Fremont had had a suf- 
 ficiency of blows. I bestowed them with the 
 more force and good-will, as he was the cause of 
 all the trouble and dangers to which we had 
 been exposed during this long and painful 
 voyage, by concealing from us, at Rochelle, the 
 
426 ^MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 miserable state of his ship, that was so com- 
 pletely rotten, that the beams crumbled on being 
 touched by the finger. 
 
 Before I had staid a year at Louisbourg, I was 
 thoroughly convinced of the folly I had com- 
 mitted in accepting an ensign's commission, in 
 conformity to the orders of M. de Puysieulx, and 
 in hopes of a continuation of his protection. 
 When the dispatches of the court arrived, there 
 was not the least mention of my advancement, 
 and M. de Puysieulx having quitted the foreign 
 department, his successor, M. de St. Contest, im- 
 mediately struck out my name from the list of 
 Scotsmen, in the suite of Prince Charles, who 
 received pensions from his Majesty. How 
 strange the caprices of fortune ! Having been 
 attached to the artillery with my company, dur- 
 ing the expedition in Scotland, as a fixed escort, 
 though my commission of captain made no men- 
 tion of that destination. Prince Charles, in the 
 list which he delivered to the court of France, 
 gave me the title of captain of artillery. I 
 received twelve hundred livres in 1746 j my 
 pension was augmented in 17^9, to two thou- 
 sand and odd hundred livres ; and now, in ly^l, 
 I found myself at Louisbourg, degraded to the 
 rank of ensign, from the ignorance of M. Rouillé 
 in military affairs. I was the only individual 
 of all the Scots officers subjected to this morti- 
 fication. M. Rouillé sent to Cape-Breton of- 
 ficers without experience, to fill the vacant com- 
 panies and lieutenancies, whilst he refused to 
 
REBELLION OF I74f5. 4'27 
 
 do me the justice of ratifying my commission of 
 captain under Prince Charles Edward, — a rati- 
 fication which the Count d' Argenson had granted 
 to all my countrymen ; although I had no more 
 than four hundred and eighty livres per annum 
 of pay, a sum quite insufficient to pay my board 
 in the most wretched public-house of Louis- 
 bourg. 
 
 Fortune blinds the world in a singular man- 
 ner, and impels us, in spite of ourselves, towards 
 the fate that she destines for us. If I have not 
 succeeded in procuring a sufficiency for the 
 evening of my life, I cannot accuse myself of any 
 error of judgment in the means which I em- 
 ployed to attain that object ; for, when I recall 
 the whole of my past life to my remembrance, I 
 do not see how I could have acted otherwise 
 than I have done ; and, if it were to begin 
 again, I should yield to the same illusions, under 
 the impression of my following the most rational 
 course. Man can only judge and act from the 
 appearances which seem most likely to conduct 
 him to the objects he has in view ; and if, 
 through strange and unaccountable effects, 
 which he could not foresee, the course which 
 he takes, on the apparent probability of its being 
 the best, turns out to be quite the contrary, 
 what else can he do than consider himself as 
 a grain of sand driven about by chance, that un- 
 just tyrant, who governs and disposes of all our 
 actions according to his caprice ? All the misery 
 which must now necessarily accompany me to 
 
MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 the grave, as it is almost out of the power of 
 fortune to afford me relief at my time of life, 
 dates its commencement from the moment I 
 • consented to accept the commission of ensign, in 
 1750, on the repeated assurances of M, le Puy- 
 sieulx, that he would certainly procure me a 
 company without delay. M. Rouillé was then, 
 according to all appearances, the only minister 
 in any court of Europe who would have taken 
 it upon him to dishonour the commission of 
 Prince Charles, by degrading, in this manner, 
 an officer in his army in Scotland. How could 
 I refuse to confide in the promises of M. de Puy- 
 sieulx, who had already given me so many con- 
 vincing proofs of his esteem and favourable dis-^ 
 position? He had allowed me two thousand 
 two hundred livres from the funds, granted to 
 the Scots in 1749 ; and he was so much dis- 
 posed to favour me, that if I had asked a per- 
 manent pension on this fund, of 1500 livres, it 
 would have been at once granted to me. Wa« 
 it not natural to suppose, that the desire I mani- 
 fested of rendering my youth useful to the 
 King and the state, rather merited recompense 
 than punishment ? Is it as meritorious in a 
 young man to pass his time at Paris in effeminacy 
 and pleasure, which I, with my pension on the 
 Scots' list, might have done, as to embrace so 
 arduous an employment as thatof an officer who 
 discharges his duty conscientiously, continually 
 exposed to dangers of every kind, the body 
 worn out with excessive fatigue, and the con- 
 
REBEÏ-LION OF 1745. 4.^9 
 
 stitutioiî ruined by bad food, with a thousand 
 other inconveniences which necessarily attend 
 the severe profession of arms ? Could I ever 
 imagine that I should see in the service of 
 France cowards who dishonour the name of 
 officer, and whose only service has consisted in 
 pillaging and robbing the King, and enriching 
 themselves at the public expense, received with 
 open arms in the government offices of Ver- 
 sailles ; while, at the same time, a son of a 
 pastry-cook, and the son of a menial of the 
 wardrobe *, would be the channels of intro- 
 duction to officers who had passed their lives in 
 disinterested service, who had been continually 
 occupied with the good of the army, and with 
 the wish to render themselves useful ? I own 
 that I could never have formed a just idea of 
 the abuses in the service in France, had I not 
 experienced them ; having always supposed that 
 honour, good conduct, and great knowledge of 
 the military art, were the only means of arriving 
 at distinction, in every service in the world. 
 
 M. des Herbiers having succeeded in obtain- 
 ing from the court his recall, the Heureux^ 
 commanded by the Chevalier de Caumont, was 
 sent to Louisbourg, with the Count de Raimond, 
 to succeed him in the government of Quebec, 
 and bring him back to France. Seeing the for- 
 getfulness and negligence of my protectors in 
 procuring me suitable promotion, and the im- 
 
 * Messieurs Berranger and Coutereau, 
 
430 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 possibility of my living at Louisbourg on tour 
 hundred and eighty livres a year, this worthy 
 and respectable gentleman felt for my situation. 
 In his friendship for me, he had obtained from 
 the new governor permission for me to return 
 to Europe with him in the Heureux j he suc- 
 ceeded, at the same time, in procuring the con- 
 sent of M. de Caumont, to my coming on board 
 ten or twelve days before our departure, that I 
 might make up for the bad cheer to which I 
 had been subjected for a year during my stay 
 at Louisbourg. Our fare, in winter, consisted 
 solely of salted cod, with dried peas and bacon ; 
 and, in summer, of fresh fish with rancid salt 
 butter and bad oil. I was now familiarised to 
 an uninterrupted train of misfortunes, chequered 
 by no ray of prosperity. Two hours after I was 
 on board, the moment we were sitting down to 
 supper, our ship was nearly blown up ; and, had 
 there been the least wind, we must have inevit- 
 ably perished. A fire broke out in a vessel 
 close to the Heureux, loaded with rum and oil ; 
 and, in an instant, it was wholly in flames. All 
 the boats in the harbour came immediately with 
 grappling irons, to draw off the vessel on tire, 
 and strand it in such a way as to prevent its com- 
 municating the fire to the rest of the shipping ; 
 and it was with the utmost difficulty this object 
 was effected. This ship passed very near to us. 
 If the grappling irons had given way we should 
 all have been ruined. It is impossible to con- 
 ceive the disorder that prevailed on board our 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 431 
 
 ship during the alarm : some called out to cut the 
 cable ; others to veer it ; a hundred voices were 
 heard giving different orders at the same time. 
 Nothing was done j and the crew did not know 
 whom to obey. If I were in the command of a 
 vessel in any pressing danger, with a pair of 
 pistols before me, I should enforce silence ; so 
 that the orders of the captain might be heard 
 and executed. On returning to table, as soon 
 as the danger was over, the dear and worthy 
 M. des Herbiers told us, that during the catas- 
 trophe he could not help thinking continually of 
 me, and of my adverse fate in embarking just in 
 time to meet destruction. 
 
 We left Louisbourg in the month of August, 
 1751, and arrived, in fifty days, in the roads of 
 Rochelle ; having only experienced one violent 
 gale on the passage, which lasted 48 hours, and 
 alarmed the officers of the ship very much ; but 
 as it was much inferior to the most of the gales 
 to which I had been exposed the preceding 
 year, on board the Iphigenie, and as the vessel 
 was in an excellent state, and capable of resist- 
 ing, I suffered no other uneasiness than that 
 occasioned by the interruption to our good 
 cheer ; for, whilst it lasted, no cooking could 
 take place, and we were reduced to ham with 
 biscuit instead of new bread. There were twenty 
 officers on board the Heureux, which was a 
 ship of sixty-four guns. One of these officers, 
 called Bordet, was an excellent sailor, but a 
 great drunkard, and always intoxicated as early 
 
43â MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 as seven o'clock in the morning. His brother* 
 officers had so much deference for him, and so 
 much confidence in his nautical skill, that they 
 made him go on deck, and take the command 
 during the storm, where, being unable to stand 
 firmly on his legs, they placed him in an arm- 
 chair, from which he gave his orders, like an 
 emperor upon his throne. 
 
 The magnificence of the table on board a 
 French man-of-war is incredible. Here we meet 
 with all the elegance which it is possible to 
 display on shore. The captains of the English 
 navy can never imitate this ; for, on receiving 
 sailing orders from the Admiralty, (which re- 
 ceives a regular return, every day, of the state 
 of the vessels in all the ports of the kingdom,) 
 they must put to sea with the first favourable 
 wind, and cannot remain two or three weeks in 
 port to lay in provisions for the table of the 
 officers, as the French vessels sometimes do. 
 The English captains are often obliged to put 
 up with salt beef and bacon, like the sailors ; 
 with this difference only, that the officers are 
 allowed to have the choice of the pieces. The 
 utmost care is, indeed, taken by the Commis- 
 sioners of the Admiralty that all the provisions 
 for the navy be of a good quality, and in good 
 condition. 
 
 On my arrival at Paris I made every endeavour 
 to get myself replaced on the list of those Scots, 
 in the suite of Prince Charles, who received 
 gratifications from his Majesty j feeling as I 
 
REBELLION OF 171«'J'. 433 
 
 then did the egregious folly I had committed in 
 renouncing it. But M. de St. Contest always 
 replied, to all my protectors, " that they were 
 endeavouring to ruin a young man who might 
 make his way in the army." Seeing all my 
 endeavours in tliis respect unavailing, I now 
 exerted myself to get a company, and M. 
 Rouillé was warmly solicited in my favour, by 
 M. de Puysieulx, the Prince Constantin de 
 Rohan, now cardinal, the Prince de Montauban 
 his brother. Lord Thomond, and Lord Maris- 
 chal, the friend of my uncle in Russia, and then 
 in Paris in quality of ambassador of the King 
 of Prussia. If I had at that time had as perfect 
 a knowledge of the government offices as 1 have 
 since acquired by experience, I should have 
 been more successful with much less protection ; 
 but I was then unacquainted with the omnipo- 
 tence of the clerks, the crooked paths which 
 it was necessary to tread in order to arrive at 
 any object, and the irresistible influence of 
 petticoats, which force open all the barriers to 
 fortune. Though I am now acquainted with 
 this marvellous key for opening a door to the 
 reward of merit and demerit, I have never made 
 use of it. M. Rouillé gave my friends every 
 possible assurance that their demand in my 
 favour would be complied with ; and M. de la 
 Porte assured me, at the same time, that I should 
 find my commission at Louisbourg, on my arrival 
 there. This minister sent me an order, towards 
 the end of May, to repair to Rochefort ; and 
 
 F F 
 
434 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 M. de St. Contest having given me a grati- 
 jfication to defray, in part, the expenses of my 
 journey, I immediately left Paris, not indeed 
 confiding in their promises, for I had received 
 as many the year before, and, when once de- 
 ceived, I seldom bestow my confidence in the 
 same quarter a second time ; but I saw no other 
 course open to me, than that of returning to 
 Louisbourg. If I had been in possession of 
 sufficient funds, I should undoubtedly have 
 then quitted France, and endeavoured to obtain 
 employment in some other service ; but the 
 want of money forges chains that cannot pos- 
 sibly be broken, and binds for ever the unfor- 
 tunate man' to his wretched condition. This 
 want forms the certain and infallible means of 
 which fortune avails herself to crush and immo- 
 late her victims. 
 
 I embarked at Rochelle towards the end of 
 June, 1752, on board the Sultane, a merchant 
 ship of three hundi'ed tons, freighted for the 
 King, and commanded by^M. Roxalle, a man of 
 abilities and education, extremely obliging, and 
 every way the reverse of Fremont. There were 
 three other passengers on board, viz. M. Pen- 
 sence, a captain of Cape- Breton ; M. Lery, an 
 officer of Canada, and M. de Gaville, son of the 
 intendant of Rouen, who was placed at Louis- 
 bourg, having been formerly in the French 
 guards. We had a very long and wearisome 
 passage, on account of the bad weather and 
 contrary winds, which prevailed almost con- 
 
REBELLION OF 174'ô. 43.^ 
 
 tintially, and without interruption. We were 
 eighty days at sea. I thought it impossible for 
 the elements to form a more terrible tempest 
 than what we had experienced in the Iphigenie 
 on the 10th of September, 1750 ; but we en- 
 countered a still more furious storm on the 
 ^2d of September, 1752, on board the Sultane. 
 M. Roxalle, who had passed forty years of his 
 life at sea, had never seen its equal ; and it gave 
 him such a distaste to a sea-life that he quitted 
 it upon his return to Rochelle. If this tempest 
 had taken place when I was on board the Iphi- 
 genie, such a rotten ship could not have resisted 
 it for a moment ; but the Sultane was a new 
 vessel, which had only made one voyage to the 
 coast of Guinea. 
 
 As the description of this tempest, which M. 
 Roxalle entered in his log-book, appeared to me 
 curious, I took a copy of it, which is as follows : 
 " From Friday at noon, to Saturday at noon, 
 âd Sept. 1752, the wind S. S. E. to S. W., till eight 
 o'clock in the evening ; steered to W. N. W. 
 two degrees west ; in this route making sixteen 
 leagues. Then the wind to the S. W. and aug- 
 menting, we took in all our sails, and lay to, with 
 our mizen, having taken down our mizen-yard. 
 The wind continues always to increase, with a 
 violence beyond expression, the sea horribly 
 heaving, and in a state of corruscation — passing 
 over us it seemed all on fire. — I never in my 
 life witnessed such dreadful weather, nor such 
 an appearance of danger. We have always, by 
 p F *2 
 
436 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 the aid and assistance of the Lord kept ourselves 
 up, our vessel standing it as well as could be 
 hoped for in such a terrible storm, and not daring 
 to venture under the mizen for fear of being 
 swallowed up by the sea. 
 
 " At ten o'clock the violence of the gale un- 
 did our great sail to the wind. God be thanked 
 we had time to secure it with earings. It is 
 much torn, but we have saved it. We have 
 brought the yard to the socket. 
 
 " An hour and a half after midnight the wind 
 carried away our mizen. It began to fail at the 
 point of the sheet. The rest followed. Nothing 
 of it remained but the bolt ropes. 
 
 " The jib, middle jib, and the top-gallant 
 sail had the same fate — though they were very 
 light, the violence of the wind undid them and 
 carried them away, and the mizen top-sail yard 
 broke by the middle. When this last sail gave 
 way it cruelly affected our mizen-mast : I wished 
 to cut it, but when the axe was already raised, 
 the wind having carried off the whole of the 
 sail, by the grace of God we preserved our mast. 
 
 ** At three o'clock a gale drove in the star- 
 board window of the great cabin, which let in a 
 great deal of water, which fell on M. de J * * * •, 
 who was in bed there. 
 
 " At four o'clock our tiller broke ; we put a 
 capstern bar at the head of the helm in the great 
 cabin to hold it. 
 
 *' At six o'clock in the morning the wind be- 
 came kss terrible, and shortly afterwards it gave 
 
UKIÎELLION OF 174.5. 437 
 
 way. At present (noon), we hope that the gale 
 is over ; but we can only attribute our safety in 
 the imminent peril in which we were, to the 
 goodness and mercy of God. May he in his 
 abundant grace continue to have us in his holy 
 keeping. 
 
 " The half of our poultry were drowned in 
 their cages."- 
 
 Being in bed in the great cabin, where thei'e 
 was no light, 1 heard, about midnight, the voice 
 of M. Pensence, who, in falling, exclaimed that 
 he had killed himself. I called to him several 
 times, and receiving no answer, I thought him 
 either dead or in a swoon. As his servant could 
 give him no assistance, having disabled himself 
 a little before by a similar fall, I sprang from my 
 bed, got a lantern, in order to take him up ; but 
 I was no sooner in a situation to have a sight of 
 the deck, than a wave burst over my head, which 
 made me drink salt water in abundance. I re- 
 turned to the great cabin as well as I could, and 
 in a great rage ; and having changed my linen 
 and clothes, I threw myself down upon my bed, 
 fully determined, if Pensence should break his 
 neck a thousand times, not to stir again. He 
 was an amiable Gascon, and so droll that his 
 exclamations made me sometimes laugh, not- 
 withstanding our horrible situation. He had 
 come to France the year before, to obtain the 
 cross of St. Louis, with the intention of retiring 
 from the service, and living in his native place.; 
 and-the court had bestowed this favour on him 
 
 F 1' 3 
 
438 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 on condition of his return to Louisbourg, and 
 receiving it there. During the danger, Pen- 
 sence continually repeated, " Accursed and ex- 
 ecrable cross ! — If I had foreseen the horrible 
 position in which we now are, all the orders of 
 Europe should not have tempted me to embark. 
 — What had I to do with this miserable cross ? 
 Could not I have lived quietly and happily in 
 Gascony without it ?" In short, as long as the 
 tempest endured, we heard nothing but the 
 same exclamations and the same regrets. The 
 second ducking, which I received through the 
 windows of the great cabin, distressed me beyond 
 measure, for I was obliged to remain with my 
 clothes wet. The wave having fallen on my 
 trunk, and at the same time on my bed, every 
 article I had was as much wet with the sea water 
 as the clothes upon my back. A petty officer 
 gave me his bed ; but it was destined that I 
 should be no where at my ease during the tem- 
 pest. Part of every wave, which passed over 
 the deck, entered through an opening into the 
 bed, like a torrent, and fell on my legs. How- 
 ever we arrived at Louisbourg on the 14th of 
 September. If it had not been for the weather, 
 our passage would have been agreeable enough, 
 from the great quantity of provisions and refresh- 
 ments of every kind with which we had been 
 supplied, by M. Pascaut, the ship-owner, a very 
 different man from the avaricious wretch, Rod- 
 erique, who, no doubt imagining that the Iphi- 
 genie was to go to the bottom, thought it useless 
 
REBELLION OF l^éfÔ. 439 
 
 to supply US with any thing to render us com- 
 fortable on our passage. 
 
 The bad climate of Louisbourg, where the sun 
 is sometimes not visible for a whole month ; the 
 extreme wretchedness which prevailed there, as 
 we could not -have a morsel of fresh meat at any 
 price ; the society of the women of the country, 
 very amiable no doubt, but who had cards con- 
 tinually in their hands, so that my pay would not 
 allow me to be daily of their parties ; all contri- 
 buted to inspire me with a taste for reading and 
 retirement, and a philosophic mode of life. I 
 seldom quitted my chamber except to do my 
 duty, which I performed with the most scrupu- 
 lous exactness, or to go a fishing for trouts once 
 or twice a week, with my servant St. Julien, who 
 was an excellent Jack of all trades, for the pur- 
 pose of supplying my table, when we brought 
 home from eight to ten dozen of trouts, which 
 we caught with the line in the course of a couple 
 of hours ; the streams in the neighbourhood 
 abounding in fish. Puysegur, Polybius, with 
 the commentaries of Folard, Feuquiere, Vege- 
 tius, the commentaries of Caesar, Turenne, Mon- 
 tecuculi, the Roman History, Prince Eugene, 
 Josephus, Vauban, and other books of the same 
 kind, served to kill the time, and to withdraw 
 my attention from my situation ; for I had not 
 obtained my advancement, but only the office of 
 interpreter of the King, which produced me 
 annually four hundred livres of increased pay ; 
 
 F F 4 
 
440 . MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 and to dissipate the gloomy ideas which, other- 
 wise, would have thrown me into despair. 
 
 I had a little garden before the windows of 
 my apartment, which St. Julien had brought 
 into cultivation, and which served me as a place 
 of recreation, when I was tired with reading, or 
 when my eyes were fatigued. I enjoyed a real 
 and complete satisfaction from tlie esteem and 
 friendship of all my comrades, which it was no 
 easy matter to retain ; for the corps of the island 
 of Cape-Breton, composed of more than a hun- 
 dred officers, was divided into three factions ; 
 those who had been longest in the island, those 
 who had come from Canada, and the half-pay 
 officers from France, placed on service at Louis- 
 bourg. All the three factions detested one an- 
 other, and were continually at variance. On 
 my joining the corps, I declared that I would 
 not enter into their cabals; that I would not 
 interfere in any manner with their disputes, nor 
 share their animosities ; that I should choose my 
 friends wherever 1 might find them to my taste ; 
 and that standing alone, and being of no party, 
 I should defend myself against all those who 
 might insult me, or endeavour to fasten a quar- 
 rel on me. Thus by an exact neutrality, which 
 I always strictly observed, I had the good will 
 of every body, and listened to the horrible accu- 
 sations which these officers were every day re- 
 peating to me against each other, without ever 
 committing myself j that is, I listened to them 
 without ever returning any answer. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 441 
 
 The Count de Raimond, who gave me daily 
 marks of his esteem and favour, having de- 
 manded my promotion, I received a lieutenancy 
 in 1754 ; by which, with my office of inter- 
 preter, I enjoyed a larger income than the cap- 
 tains ; but I was by no means pleased with my 
 situation. Convinced of the folly of placing 
 any reliance on promises, I formed the reso- 
 lution of returning to France that year, for the 
 purpose of either obtaining a company, or en- 
 deavouring to obtain employment in some other 
 service. I considered this voyage the more in- 
 dispensable, as I was on bad terms with the 
 principal commissary ever since the first year 
 of my arrival at Louisbourg ; who, by means of 
 his partners in commerce, was all-powerful in 
 the bureau of the marine, and always supported, 
 in opposition to the governors, M. des Herbiers, 
 and M. de Raimond, who incessantly, but fruit- 
 lessly, complained to the court of his thefts from 
 the magazines, and other infamous acts. He 
 was a complete knave ; proud and vain as a pea- 
 cock, and of the most obscure origin. He had 
 a beautiful and amiable wife, of whom he was 
 so jealous that even her shadow filled him with 
 alarm. He was always on the look-out for oc- 
 casions to injure me and to give me pain. His 
 attempts were, however, unavailing at Louis- 
 bourg ; for by discharging my duty with the 
 utmost exactness, I always retained the esteem 
 and friendship of my superiors. Indeed the 
 wretchedness of my situation could not easily 
 
4'k2 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 be augmented, buffeted as I was by fortune, in 
 addition to my sufferings from the miserable 
 climate, and the badness of the food. Being 
 thus in extreme misery, 1 had the melancholy 
 satisfaction of reflecting that my situation could 
 not become worse.* At length the capture of 
 Louisbourg, in 17'^8, released me from purga- 
 tory, in which I was subject to evils of every 
 
 * The Sieur Jacques Prévost was so abhorred, not only 
 by all the officers of the corps of the island of Cape-Breton, 
 but also by the regiments of Artois and Burgundy, that no 
 officer, from the commandant down to the ensign, ever en- 
 tered his door. When the English fleet appeared before 
 Louisbourg in 1757, all the troops instantly marched out to 
 line the entrenchments des Ances, in the Bay of Gabarus, in 
 order to oppose their landing. Mr. Guerin our surgeon- 
 general having given to M. de St. Julien, the senior officer in 
 command, a list of the quantity of lint, brandy, and other 
 things necessary for the wounded ; Prévost, in answer to the 
 application of M. de St. JuHen, told him "that there were 
 none of the articles in question in the King's magazines ; 
 that if the English should force our entrenchments, it was 
 their business to take care of our wounded ; and if we re- 
 pulsed the English, we should have time to attend to them." 
 M. de St. Julien immediately carried this list with a com- 
 plaint to M. de Bois de la Mothe, who instantly landed at 
 nine o'clock in the evening, proceeded straight to the house 
 of Prévost, and threatened to put him in irons, and send him 
 off to France, if all the articles contained in the list were not 
 supplied the following morning. They were accordingly 
 supplied, to the great chagrin of this inhuman monster, who, 
 in his hatred to the officers, wished that brave men should 
 perish for want of assistance. He shed tears of rage. He 
 contrived to make himself equally despised and detested by 
 all the naval officers; and the Prince de Listenois always 
 treated him as one of the refuse of the eartlï. — Author. 
 
REBELLION OF 174^5. 443 
 
 kind. Not wishing to be the prisoner of the 
 same regiments of Lee, Warburton, and Las- 
 celles, who had been our prisoners in Scotland, 
 at the battle of Gladsmuir, in 1745, after the 
 capitulation of the town, I made my escape to 
 Nova Scotia, and thence into Canada. 
 
 Hostilities having commenced in Nova Scotia 
 in 1754, when I was upon the point of setting 
 out for Europe, it did not appear proper that I 
 should absent myself at such a critical period : 
 I therefore resolved to continue where I was, 
 hoping, by zeal and services, to obtain the ad- 
 vancement, which I had not been able to effect, 
 from the negligence and feeble efforts of my pro- 
 tectors, who were certainly powerful enough to 
 have improved my condition, had they chosen 
 to exert themselves in my favour, as I was led 
 to expect they would, from their promises, of 
 which, in my credulity, I was the dupe. 
 
 Having obtained a boat with fifty Canadians 
 at Miramichi, in Nova Scotia, to conduct to 
 Quebec fourteen English prisoners, who were 
 land-officers, and captains of merchants' ships, 
 I set out with them without delay. On enter- 
 ing the gulpli of St. Laurence we perceived the 
 English squadron, which instantly gave chace to 
 us ; and we only escaped their frigates, by run- 
 ning into one of the little ports, of which there 
 are a great many along that coast. It was a for- 
 tunate discovery ; for I found M. de PEchaf- 
 faud at the mouth of the river, with five ships of 
 the line, which he commanded, readv to sail for 
 
444- MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Europe, who, from not knowing that there was 
 an EngHsh fleet in the gulph, might have fallen 
 into their hands. To avoid them he passed 
 through the straits of Belle Isle. 
 
 I was very favourably received in Canada, par- 
 ticularly by M. de Levis and M. de Montcalm, 
 who soon honoured me with their esteem, con- 
 fidence, and favour, in a very distinguished man- 
 ner ; and M. Bigot, the intendant, who was in 
 every thing the opposite of Prévost, and who 
 took a pleasure in relieving the wants, and dimi- 
 nishing the sufferings of the army, gave me from 
 the stores a complete dress ; for I was quite 
 naked, having left my trunk at Louisbourg, and 
 having only taken with me a couple of shirts in 
 my pockets. M. de Levis took me for his aide- 
 de-camp, in the beginning of the campaign of 
 1759 ; and not having a sufficient number of en- 
 gineers for the immense space which our camp 
 occupied at Quebec, with a front of about two 
 leagues, to fortify from the river St. Charles 
 to the falls of Montmorency, I undertook to 
 plan and conduct the entrenchments, redoubt, 
 and battery on the left .of our camp where 
 M. de Levis commanded, on condition that I 
 should do so in my own way, and that the engin- 
 eers should not interfere with me. My self-love 
 was greatly flattered when the English, on the 
 31st of July, landed and attacked the works 
 which I had constructed, and were repulsed 
 with the loss of five hundred men. I was 
 charged at the same time with the examination 
 
 19 
 
REBELLIONT OF 1745. 445 
 
 of the prisoners and deserters, and with trans- 
 lating their depositions into French. My occu- 
 pations were so multipUed that I scarcely had 
 an hour's sleep in the four-and-twenty. As it was 
 impossible for M. de Levis to furnish me with 
 bed-clothes, mattrass, or paillasse, having left 
 my own at Carillon, I was obliged to sleep every 
 night in my clothes, in his room, on chairs or on 
 boards ; having never taken off my clothes dur- 
 ing the whole campaign, except to change my 
 linen, and seldom taken off my boots, except to 
 change my stockings. 
 
 Every morning I was exposed to the guns and 
 musketry of the enemy, in visiting our advanced 
 posts with M. de Levis. The day was passed in 
 the same manner in carrying his orders, or in 
 superintending my four hundred labourers ; and 
 the night was spent either in replying to the 
 messages, which were continually arriving, when 
 M. de Levis slept, as I allowed him to sleep, 
 unless something of great importance occurred, 
 or in writing depositions and orders. Every 
 body told me that I must have a constitution of 
 iron to stand so much fatigue ; but I had three 
 powerful motives to support me, and enable me 
 to bear up against such excessive fatigue : first, 
 my ambition to rise in the army, by rendering 
 myself useful in the King's service ; secondly, 
 my friendship and attachment to M. de Levis 
 personally ; and, lastly, the uncertainty as to my 
 fate, if I should be taken by the English, several 
 regiments of their army having been our prisoners 
 
as MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 in Scotland, in 1745 ; so that I looked on the 
 preservation of the colony as the preservation of 
 my own existence. Pecuniary motives had no 
 influence with me ; for I not only constantly re- 
 fused the contract for the fascines, saucisso?is, 
 and gahions, by which another officer gained 
 twenty or thirty thousand livres ; but I always 
 sent the Serjeants, who acted under me as over- 
 seers, to receive payment from the intendant, 
 agreeably to the statement given in, with orders 
 to distribute, immediately, the money them- 
 selves to the workmen. I saved for the King 
 the proportion of wages corresponding to the 
 half-days, and even the quarter-days of those 
 who were absent at the calling over the names, 
 which I did four times a-day. This amounted 
 to a considerable sum, which I might have ap- 
 propriated to myself according to the custom of 
 the country at that time, if I had been destitute 
 of probity, rectitude, and delicacy ; for, of four 
 hundred workmen, whom I employed at twenty 
 sols a-day, there were sometimes one hundred 
 absent at the calling over the roll. 
 
 M. de Levis was sent, in the beginning of 
 August, to take the command at Montreal, on 
 a false report, that a body of English troops 
 were attempting to penetrate through the upper 
 country ; and my portmanteau had already been 
 sent off with his baggage, when M. de Mont- 
 calm waited on him, the moment we were set- 
 ting out, to beg of him to leave me beliind, on 
 account of the knowledge I had of all our posts 
 
REBELLION OF 171.5. 41.7 
 
 at the fall of Montmorency, and our placets of 
 defence in that quarter. M. de Levis gave his 
 consent; and, as I loved him with the most 
 sincere affection, I quitted him with the greatest 
 regret, and with tears in my eyes, desiring 
 ardently to finish the campaign with him. I 
 accompanied him till we overtook the baggage, 
 in order to get back my portmanteau ; and, 
 having passed the night with him, I returned 
 next day to M. de Montcalm, to continue my 
 functions of aide-de-camp with him. That great 
 man, worthy of a better fate, told me that he 
 was very sensible of the sacrifice I had made in 
 quitting M. de Levis ; but that I should have 
 no cause to repent of it. And I must say that, 
 on all occasions, he showed as much kindness 
 and affection to me as if I liad been his own son. 
 But his premature death gave me great cause to 
 regret the change ; for I should not, otherwise, 
 have known, as I did, the whole extent of his 
 extraordinary merit, nor had occasion to lament 
 his loss my whole hfe. 
 
 The death of M. de Montcalm, who was killed 
 at the battle of Quebec, on the 18th of Sep- 
 tember, 1759, w^here my usual destiny precipi- 
 tated me fruitlessly into a tremendous fire, to 
 extricate me afterwards when on the point of 
 sharing his fate, having put an end to the cam- 
 paign of 1759 sooner than we had reason to 
 expect, I resolved to return to France, with Mr. 
 Cannon, in the latter end of the season. This 
 voyage was absolutely essential to me, particu- 
 
448 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 lady as I was the oldest lieutenant of the corps 
 of Canada, which enjoyed a rotation with that 
 of the island of Cape-Breton, by my commission 
 of 1754 ; and as there were three companies 
 vacant in the troops of that colony, I was justly 
 entitled, from my services, to expect one of 
 them. But the Marquis de Vaudreuil abso- 
 lutely refused to give me leave of absence, not- 
 withstanding the urgent application of M. de 
 Levis for that purpose; dreading, probably, that 
 I should give a true account to the court of the 
 particulars of that campaign, which irrevocably 
 decided the fate of Canada. However, he gave 
 me his word of honour that he would do me 
 justice, and that 1 should have a company ; but 
 as I still insisted in my demand for permission 
 to return to France, he told me that if I teased 
 him I should get nothing. At length, in I76O, 
 the list of promotions arrived, when I found the 
 companies disposed of to three officers younger 
 than myself by several years, and without merit 
 in their profession. One of the three was a son 
 of a menial of the King's wardrobe, and of 
 course enjoyed the protection of the heads of 
 the public offices. What a service that of 
 France is for a foreigner ! 
 
 During the négociations at Montreal, for the 
 general surrender of the colony by capitulation, 
 I was far from being at my ease there, from my 
 uncertainty of the treatment I should receive 
 from the EngHsh ; and, as I could place no re- 
 liance on the Marquis de Vaudreuil, it was high 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 44<J 
 
 time for me to extricate myself from tliis awk- 
 ward situation in the best way I could ; for I 
 was now in as embarrassing and ticklish a po- 
 sition as that in which I was after the battle of 
 Culloden. Mr. Young, colonel of the royal 
 American regiment, happened to be at Montreal, 
 having been taken prisoner at the battle, which 
 M. de Levis had gained in the spring, near 
 Quebec. He was cousin-german of my brother- 
 in-law Rollo, and a person of much consideration 
 in the English army, on account of his merit, 
 wit, talents, and amiable disposition : all my 
 hopes of being able to escape the sad fate that 
 menaced me were centered in him. I went to 
 sup with him whilst the British and French 
 generals w^ere negociating the terms of the 
 capitulation ; and Mr. Mills, aide-de-camp of 
 General Amherst, and two other English officers, 
 who were waiting for M. de Vaudreuil's answer 
 to the propositions of General Amherst, also 
 came to sup with Colonel Young. I was greatly 
 disconcerted during the supper ; for M. de Levis 
 having given me the name of Chevalier de la 
 Montagne, whilst Mr. Young called me always 
 La Montagne, the Misses Erie, daughters of 
 the merchant in whose house he was boarded, 
 gave me every moment my real name. This 
 was so often repeated, that I perceived it was 
 remarked by the English officers, upon which I 
 made a sign to Mr. Young, that I wished to 
 speak to him in private. On our retiring to a 
 corner of the room, I told him that it seemed to 
 me essentially necessary to confide my secret to 
 
 G G 
 
450 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 Mr. Mills ; and Mr. Young being of the same 
 opinion, immediately asked him to join us. I told 
 him frankly my situation ; that I had been with 
 Prince Charles in Scotland, and I begged him to 
 tell me what he thought I might expect from Ge- 
 neral Amherst. Mr. Young informed him, at the 
 same time, of our alliance ; of the warm interest 
 he took in my safety ; recommended me par- 
 ticularly to his kind offices with the General, 
 and expressed a wish that he would sound his 
 dispositions with respect to me, in order to make 
 us acquainted with them next morning. The 
 aide-de-camp replied, that General Amherst was 
 of so singular a character, that no person could 
 ever discover his sentiments, and that it would 
 be better to say nothing to him on the subject, 
 particularly as he would only remain a few days 
 at Montreal, and that General Murray, who 
 would have the command on his departure, was 
 more tractable. He added, that if the General 
 should be inclined to adopt a violent course 
 against me, he would know it immediately ; and 
 he gave us his word of honour, that, in that case, 
 I should have notice of it in time to enable me 
 to escape into the woods. 
 
 I experienced a terrible alarm some days after 
 the English had been in possession of the town. 
 About seven o'clock in the morning there was a 
 violent knocking at my room door, and when I 
 opened it, I was surprised to see a tall young man, 
 in the English uniform, about six feet high *, 
 
 ♦ French measure. 
 
REBELLION OF 1745. 451 
 
 who, pronouncing my name, asked if he had the 
 honour to speak to that person ? Although I 
 conceived that he was sent with a detachment to 
 arrest me, yet, seeing no possibility of escape, I 
 replied that I was the person in question ; and 
 asked him, at the same time, the object of his 
 visit. He told me, that he was my near relation, 
 of the same name, son of Lady Girthead, whom 
 I had seen on entering into England with the 
 army of Prince Charles ; that he was captain of 
 artillery ; and that, as he had to convey his gun- 
 ners to Quebec by water almost immediately, he 
 had come to offer me his services, and to request 
 me to embark with him in one of his artillery- 
 boats, where I would not be recognised ; and 
 to remain with him in a house which he had 
 furnished at Beauport, near Quebec, where he 
 lived with a mistress, till our troops should em- 
 bark on board the transports for France. I re- 
 plied, that I felt, as I ought, extremely obliged 
 to him for his offer, but that I would not, for 
 any consideration in the world, involve him 
 rashly in an affair of so much danger ; and I 
 advised him to wait immediately on General 
 Murray, Amlierst being now gone, and to tell 
 him frankly that he had found at Montreal a 
 near relation, who had been in the rebellion in 
 Scotland, and was now in the service of France ; 
 and that he had a great desire to show a kind- 
 ness to him, by taking him home to his house at 
 Beauport; but that he did not wish to do so 
 without his permission, and that he wished to 
 have his advice in what manner he should act 
 
 G G 2 
 
45^2 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 in this case. He immediately proceeded to 
 General Murray's, and returned in a couple of 
 hours to tell me, that General Murray had in- 
 formed him, that he, in common with the whole 
 English army, had long known that I w^as in 
 Canada ; that I might remain tranquilly at 
 Beauport, without any apprehension from him j 
 that if I did not seek him he would not seek me ; 
 and that he sent me his compliments. Having 
 thus concluded a separate capitulation for my- 
 self, of a very favourable nature, I immediately 
 left Montreal for Beauport, where I passed three 
 weeks in the most agreeable manner waiting for 
 the embarkation of our troops. The whole 
 time was spent in entertainments with numerous 
 parties of English officers, each of whom had 
 his mistress. They gave entertainments by 
 turns ; sometimes they were in my relation's 
 house, and sometimes in the houses of the other 
 officers, and I was always one of the party. 
 These officers showed me every possible kindness 
 and civility, taking care always to call me M. de 
 la Montagne, though they knew very well my 
 history, and no one ever appearing surprised 
 that I spoke their language so well. I had 
 every reason to be pleased with their conduct 
 towards me. 
 
 An English officer asked me, one day, the 
 name of the general-officer, mounted upon a 
 black horse, who had reconnoitred their army, 
 immediately after our defeat on the 13th of Sep- 
 tember of the preceding year ? He added, that 
 they aimed at his horse to dismount him, and 
 
REBELLION OF 174Ô. 4fÔ3 
 
 take him prisoner j and that the horse must have 
 been invulnerable to escape the thousands of 
 musket-shots which were fired at him from all 
 quarters. I answered, that I was the person in 
 question ; that chance had conducted me there, 
 without my having had any desire or ambition 
 of receiving such a salutation, which, in fact, 
 was worthy of a general-officer ; but that their 
 soldiers had not obeyed their orders, for, on the 
 discharge which they had aimed at me in the 
 brushwood, I felt the wind of the balls which 
 passed me as high as my head, as if a handful of 
 peas had been thrown in my face ; and I showed 
 him my coat where a part of the cloth had been 
 carried away on the shoulder. As the English 
 had a higher opinion of the regiments of France 
 than of the troops of the colony, I embarked on 
 board the transport destined for the regiment of 
 royal Roussillon, with my friend M. de Poularies, 
 who entered me on the list of officers of that re- 
 giment ; and we left Quebec on the l6th of Oc- 
 tober, with all the other transports with which 
 the English had supplied us, according to the 
 capitulation for our conveyance to France. 
 
 Before we left the river St. Lawrence, we per- 
 ceived that our ship was old, rotten, and every 
 way resembling the Iphigenie. However, we en- 
 tertained a hope of being able to keep up with 
 the fleet, and of receiving assistance in case of exi- 
 gency ; but in the course of three days, on our 
 getting out of the Gulf, we found ourselves 
 alone and abandoned to Providence ; for, as we 
 could not sail so fast as the others, they left us 
 
454» IVIEMOIKS OF THE 
 
 immediately behind. On All-saints day and 
 Martinmas-day we experienced two dreadful 
 gales off the Azores. Our ship sprung such a 
 leak that she must have gone to the bottom, had 
 not one of the sailors fastened a rope round his 
 body and plunged into the sea, with a large 
 quantity of tallow in his hand to stop it, till the 
 weather permitted the carpenters to work. The 
 vessel having opened in the same m.anner as the 
 Iphigenie, it was fastened also by a cable. After 
 experiencing these gales, we fell in with a vessel of 
 our fleet, having onboard M. de Mouy, M. Druil- 
 lon, and some other officers of Canada; and having 
 told them the wretched condition of our ship, and 
 the danger to wàiich we were exposed, expecting 
 every moment to go to the bottom, we earnestly 
 begged them not to quit us. We remained toge- 
 ther for three days, till another gale of wind separ- 
 ated us. At length w^e arrived in the roads of 
 the Isle of Ré, in the evening of the 3d of 
 December, where we immediatly anchored, and 
 a pilot came on board to conduct us, next morn- 
 ing, to Rochelle, five leagues from the spot at 
 which we anchored. As it was very fine wea- 
 ther, the English captain, from the vanity of 
 wishing to conceal the bad state of his ship from 
 his brother captains, immediately took off the 
 cable, and other articles by which the vessel was 
 secured ; but at midnight, the wind began to 
 rise, and soon after there came on a dreadful 
 tempest. We lost, in a moment, two anchors of 
 the three which we had, and the pilot, of the 
 Isle of Ré, whose countenance bespoke his fears 
 
REBELLION OF 17 i J. 455 
 
 in the unhappy predicament in which he was 
 placed along with us, told us that the cable of the 
 third was very bad, and would soon give way like 
 the rest ; adding, that there was no other way of 
 escaping being dashed to pieces on the rocks, 
 with wliich the ishmd is surrounded, than by 
 endeavouring to make a voluntary shipwreck in 
 the river of Maraine, the bottom of which was full 
 of mud, and if the vessel could only carry a suffi- 
 ciency of sail to allow him to steer, he hoped he 
 should be able to save all our lives, by conducting 
 us into it. His salutary advice was immediately 
 adopted by the Englisli captain ; they veered 
 our Jast cable, but the first sail which was hoisted 
 was instantly torn to pieces, like so much paper ; 
 however, having tried the sail of distress, which 
 resisted better than the other, he run us on 
 shore at the place wliere he proposed, and our 
 ship entered in the mud as into a pot of butter, 
 without our feeling the least shock. They then 
 hoisted sails to fix the vessel as much as possible 
 in the mud, lest, if the wind should happen to 
 change, it might throw us on the other coast 
 among the rocks ; and we were immediately 
 anchored in such a manner as left us no ground 
 for fear. Next morning, being the 5th of 
 December, I76O, I landed at low water, by 
 means of a ladder and planks, placed on the 
 mud ; and, after cordially saluting the earth, I 
 entered a tavern in Maraine, where I found 
 oysters and white wine in abundance, firmly 
 resolved never more to trust myself to the power 
 of Neptune. 
 
456 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 Fortune has not })rovccl more propitious to 
 me since my return to France, having continued 
 to persecute me unceasingly witli an invincible 
 obstinacy. There is now every appearance that 
 she will only cease to persecute me with the ter- 
 mination of my existence, which perhaps will be 
 occasioned by the want of the necessaries of life. 
 At my age our lot is not easily susceptible of 
 amelioration. I can truly say, that the events of 
 my life pro\'^ the justice of the observations of 
 Artabanes to Xerxes, when he shed tears at 
 sight of his innumerable army at the passage of 
 the Hellespont, on reflecting that, in the course 
 of an hundred years, not one of them would be in 
 existence. *' Are we not exposed, during life, 
 to what is more bitter and more to be lamented 
 than death ? For, during the short time that we 
 live in the world, there is no person so happy, 
 who has not frequently wished to die rather 
 than to live. Diseases and misfortunes disturb 
 even the happiest days of our lives, and, although 
 it be very short, they make it appear long and 
 wearisome. Hence death is to man a desirable 
 refuge from the ills of life ; and it may be said, 
 that the Deity, who is immortal, treats us with 
 severity, in giving us life on such hard con- 
 ditions." 
 
 THE END. 
 
 London : 
 Printed by A.& R. Spottiswoode, 
 New- Street- Squai e. 
 
■O 
 'S\ 
 ro, 
 
 TO 
 
 si- 
 
 
 LU 
 
 
 z 
 
 
 o 
 
 f^ 
 
 K> 
 
 o 
 
 00 
 
 • 
 
 2 
 
 r-4 ITk 
 
 X 
 
 •v^ o 
 
 o 
 
 cr -) 
 
 -5 
 

 ".■*."; 
 
 i;r;::ijX"prpL'H;:;: 
 
 5HH 
 
 - ■' " ;-^':. :;:: •