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 LIBRARY 
 
FOREIGN COXSPIRACY 
 
 AGAINST THB 
 
 LIBERTIES 
 
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 THE :U:N-ITE-D- STATES. 
 
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 THEi IILMBJRS'fNDE^l TiiE SiGNATLIre'oF 
 
 BRUTUS, 
 
 ftn«5jNALLY PUBLISHED IN THE NEW YORK OBSERVER. 
 
 REVISED AMU CORRECTED, ^V^T^ NOTES, BY THE AUTHOR, 
 
 SAMUEL F. B. MORSE, A. M. 
 
 President of the National Academy of I).-?!<7n, ai)d Prof^-ssor of the Arts of 
 Design in the University of the Ciiy of New York. 
 
 ■ Ofl fire is wi'.iiotit smoke, r 
 
 And peril wiliiuul bliuw. 
 
 Spincer. 
 
 SEVENTH EDITION 
 
 NEW- YORK: v;^-- 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE AMERICAN AND FOREIGN CHRISTIAN UNION,* 
 No 17 Beekman-street. 
 
 D. Fanshaw, Print. 35 Aim-sL cor. of Nassau. 
 
 1852. 
 
Ehtehed, 
 
 According to Act of Congress, in the year 1S33, 
 
 1o Un CleiL a Office of the District Court of the southern distric« of 
 
 New Yobk. 
 
 0TBREOTYPED BY F. F. RXPIJI\ 
 
 NEW youK. 
 
RECOMMENDATIONS. 
 
 New York, Jan. 1, 1S35. 
 Gentlemen,— Learning that you are about to publish in a small vol- 
 ume, the articles signed Brutus, (which recently appeared in the 
 New York Observer, showin;i that a conspiracy is formed agauist the 
 United States by the Pai>al powers of Europe,) the undersigned, who 
 road those articles with" interest, have great satisfaction in express- 
 in" their approbation of your undertaking. These articles are writ- 
 ten by a gentleman of intelligence and candor, who has resided in 
 the south of Europe, and enjoyed the best opportunities for acquaint- 
 ance with the topics on which he writes. . , t> 
 
 While we disapprove of harsh, denun.-.iatory language toward Ro- 
 man Catholics, their past history, and the fact that they everywhere 
 act toceiher, as if guided bv one mind, admonish us to be jealous of 
 their mllupnce, and to waich with unremitted care all their move- 
 ments in relation to our free institutions. As this work is now to be 
 published in a portable form, and with additional notes by the author, 
 we hope it may obtain an exten.sive circulation and a careful perusal. 
 Yours, with friendly regard, 
 
 James Milnor, N. Bangs, 
 
 Thomas De Witt, Jonathan Going. 
 • • The gentlemen who have signed the above letter, represent 
 four Protestant denominations, viz., the Episcopal, Presbyterian, 
 Methodist, and Baptist. 
 
 £xtiact from Zioi.'s Herald, a Methodist paper, published in Bn!=ton, Mass. 
 
 "Foreign Conspiracy.— We commence to-day publishing this in- 
 terestin'T series. The author is an American, who has resided tor a 
 long tiure in Italy and Austria. The same day that we had decided to 
 publish them, we received a note, signed by Rev. Messrs. Lindsey, 
 Fillmore, Kent, and Stevens, recommending and requesting that they 
 should appear in the Herald." 
 
 Recommendations since the Publication of the First Edition. 
 The author of a little volume just pubhshed in this ciry, entitled 
 «'Forei<fn Conspiracy against the Liberties of the United States," is 
 a gentleman personally known to us, and universally esteemed. We 
 conimend this volume to the serious attention of all Americans 
 who love liberty, and mean to maintain it. The author undertakes 
 to show that a conspiracy against the liberties of this Republic is 
 now in full action, imder the direction of the wily Prince MetternicU 
 of Austria, who, knowing the impossibility of obliterating th.s trou- 
 blesome example of a great and free nation by force of arms, is at- 
 temptincT to accomplish his object througli the agency of an army of 
 Jesuits ' The array of farts and arguments going to prove the exist- 
 ence of such a conspiracy, will astoni.sh any man who opens the 
 book with the same incredulity as we did. The author has travelled 
 extensively in Europe— has resided many months, if not many years, 
 in Italy— and understands fidl well the kind of inachinerv which the 
 politico-religious despots of the Old World would be likely tp put in 
 motion for the subversion of our liberties. He has taken hold of the 
 subject with a strong hand, and if he has not proved the existence of 
 a conspiracy, he has certainly proved an immense accumulation o( 
 foreign despotic influence among us, particularly in the VVest, by 
 means of priests and money sent here from foreign despotic coun- 
 
 1 
 
4 RECOMMENDATIONS. 
 
 tries. And he has further proved, that the personal iiifliience am) 
 pecuniary aid of the Emperor of Au-slria and ins ])riri(:iiuil .Miiii.-sicr, 
 as well as many of his sultjects, is directed wiili uuceusiui; assiiiuity 
 to maintain the fooUiold Ihey have oained, and to s[ireait the couia- 
 pion of their doctrines througliout this fair Republic. We ask afiain, 
 that if any are disposed to regard this subject as of little inipijrlauce, 
 they will give to the "Foreign Conspiracy" a serious and attentive 
 perusal. — A'. Y. Journal of Commerce. 
 
 " The author, well and alike known to us as an accomplished 
 scholar and artist, has recently returned from an European residence 
 of several years, during which period he became in various ways 
 possessed of facts and circumstances inducing him to believe in the 
 real and substantial existence of a conspiracy, which he has attempt- 
 ed to expose. When he commenced his labors, we frankly told him, 
 in repea'ed conversations, that we were incredulous of the fact he 
 was maintaining ; but we are free to confess tliat, in the course of his 
 labors he has brought forward a mass of direct and circumstantial 
 testimony, documentary and otherwise, which has left a strong im- 
 pression upon our minds, that after all, the alarm may not have been 
 Bounded without cause. Events have also transpired in our own 
 ctuntry, which, in connexion with the suspicious movements of ex- 
 otic prelates, have imparted still greater importance to the writings 
 of Brutus." — N. Y. Commercial Advertiser. 
 
 One excellence of the publication before us, almost peculiar to this 
 writer, when compared to others who have written upon this subject 
 in our country, is, that it handles the matter of discussion with calm- 
 ness, the writer not suffering himself to indite his letters under the 
 influence of exacerbated feelings, but wisely avoids those harsh and 
 blackening epithets which do more to irritate the passions than to 
 convince and enlighten the judgment. On this account the book may 
 be read with profit by all— iV. Y. Christian Advocate. (Methodist.) 
 
 " We would briefly observe that the work, as it is now revised and 
 corrected by the author, and illustrated by him with an Appendix of 
 valuable notes, seems to be something almost altogether new, if not 
 as to the substance, at least as it respects its adventitious embellish- 
 mcnt.s and illustrations. The notes of the Appendix may be truly 
 considered as so many rich pearls, which set off a figure already and 
 altogether prepossessing, to the best advantage. 
 
 '• The author manifests the spirit of a Christian on every page ; and 
 although he develops a conspiracy the most formidable agairist our 
 liberties, both civil and religious, not a vindictive breath ruffles the 
 fercnity of his mind. He steps forward, conscious of the rectitude 
 ol his motives, not to excite a false alarm, but coolly and deliberately 
 to present facts to our view. This work, in regard to its classical 
 merits, is an honor to American genius. The style is smooth, flow- 
 ing, and mellifluous. It is like a garden whose walks are lined with 
 flowers, where those who would imitate the industry of the bee, may 
 find a rich profusion of varied sweets. 
 
 " On reading the last chapter of this valuable work, wc are struck 
 with the contrast between the pacific disposition of the author, and 
 the ruthless spirit which characterizes the insidious enemy, whose 
 machinations iie exposes." — N. Y. Downfall of Babylon. (Presbyt.) 
 
 The letters of Brutus deserve an extensive circulation. — Missouri, 
 St. Louis Observer. (Presbyterian.) 
 
 "From what I have seen and know, the fears entertained by the 
 writer in the New York Observer, under the caption of 'Foreign 
 Conspiracy,' A:c., are not without foundation, especially in the West." 
 '—Letter of a Traveller in the West. (Maryland) Methodist Protestant. 
 
RECOMMENDATIONS. 5 
 
 The author maintains, that what is called the Roman Catholic Reli- 
 gion is in reality a political despotism, disguised under a religious 
 name. We ihinlc lie proves it ; and also that the leading enemies of 
 free institutions in Europe are encaged in organized efforts to give 
 that despotism prevalence in the United States. The author has not 
 given his name ; but it may not be amiss to state that he has been in- 
 timately acquainted with Popery in Europe. 
 
 We do not believe that the progress of Popery in this country can 
 be checked effectually in any way but by tlie conversion of its vota- 
 ries. The Gospel must be prcaciied to the Catholic emigrant, and by 
 its influence he must be brought to repent and believe. And it 
 Beems evident to U5, that the political argument is, from its very na- 
 ture, incapable of exciting men to the effort by which this can be ac- 
 complished. Preaching the Gospel from political considerations will 
 not convert men. We think that writers on Popery have been too 
 unmindful of this truth. Yet the political argument, like all truth, 
 has its value, and ought not to be neglected. In this work it is ad- 
 mirably presented. We hope it will be widely circulated and atten- 
 tively read. — Massachusetts, Boston Recorder. (Congregational.) 
 
 "Brutus has published his 'Conspiracy,' &c., in a small volume, 
 accoinpanied with notes. They are elaborate and eloquent articles. 
 I hope it will be scattered over the whole country. He is a dis- 
 tinguished scholar and artist of this city, and has his information 
 from personal observation, while in Europe a few years since." — 
 Letter to the Editor of tlie Mass. Zion's Herald. (Methodist.) 
 
 The numbers of Brutus. — " Our readers are already acquainted 
 with their contents. The object is to awaken the attention of the 
 American public to a design, supposed to be entertained by the des- 
 potic governments of Europe, particularly of Austria, in conjunc- 
 tion with his Holiness the Pope, to undermine gradually our free in- 
 stitutions by the promotion oi the Catholic religion in America. 
 The letters are interesting from the numerous facts which they dis- 
 close ; and are deserving the careful attention of the citizens of these 
 United States, who should guard with vigilance the sacred trust 
 which has been confided to us by our fathers." — N. Y. Weekly Mess. 
 
 " Bruttts. — The able pieces over this signature, relative to the de- 
 signs of Catholicity in our highly favored land, originally published 
 in the New York Observer, it is now ascertained were written, not 
 by an in<iividnal who was barely indulging in conjectures, but by one 
 who has witnessed the Papacy in all its deformity. One who has, not 
 long since, travelled extensively in the Romish countries, and has 
 spent much time in the Italian States, where the seat of the Beast is. 
 Rome is familiar to him, and he has watched the movements there 
 with great particularity. We may, therefore, yield a good degree of 
 credence to what Brutus has told us. His numbers are now pub- 
 Ushed in a Pamphlet, and the fact which has just come out in regard 
 to his peculiar qualification to write on this great suoject, will give 
 them extensive circulation." — Utica Baptist Register. 
 
 The work imbodies a mass of facts, collected from authentic 
 sources, of the deepest intere.st to every friend of civil liberty and 
 Protestant Christianity. The efforts of despotic European sovereigns, 
 to inoculate our country with the religion of Roirie, are fully proved. 
 Could they succeed in these efforts, and annihilate the spirit of lib- 
 erty on our shores, the march of free principles in our own domin- 
 ions would cease. They could then sit s^'curely on their thrones, 
 and rule with a rod of iron over their abject vassals. — Ohio, Cincin- 
 nati Journal. (Presbyterian.) 
 
 1* 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Phbfatort Remarks. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The first impression of the improbability of foreign conspiracy con- 
 sidered—Present political condition of Europe favors an enterprise 
 against our institutions— The war of opinions commenced— Des- 
 potism against Liberty— The vicissitudes of this war— The official 
 declaration of the despotic party against all liberty— Necessity to 
 the triumph of despotism, that American hbertv should be destroy- 
 ed—The kind of attack upon us most hkely to be adopted from the 
 nature of the contest— Particular reasons why our institutions are 
 obnoxious to the European governments— Has the attack com- 
 menced'? Yes! by Austria— through a Society called the St. 
 Leopold FoundatioTir— Ostensibly religious in its designs 33 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 Political character of the Austrian government, the power attacking 
 us— The old avowed enemy of Pxotestanl liberty— Character of the 
 people of Austria— Slaves-Character of Prince Metternich, the 
 arch-contriver of plans to stifle liberty— These enemies of all lib- 
 erty suddenly anxious for the civil and religious liberty of the Uni- 
 ted States— The absurdity of their ostensible design exposed—The 
 avowed objects of Austria in the Leopold Foundation— Popery the 
 instrument to act upon our institutions '42 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 
 Topery, in its political, not its religious character, the object of the 
 present examination— The fitness of the instrument to accomphsh 
 the political desiunsof despotism considered— The principles of a 
 despotic and free government briefly contrasted— Despotic prin- 
 ciples fundamental in Popery— Proved by infaUible testimony- 
 Papal claims of divine right and plenitude of power — Abject 
 principles of Popery illustrated from the Russian catechism- 
 Protestantism from its birth in favor of liberty— Luther on the 
 4th of July attacked the presumptuous clakn of divine right — 
 Despotism and Popery hand in hand against the liberty of con 
 science, liberty of opinion, and liberty of the press— The anti- 
 republican declarations of the present Pope Gregory XVI 49 
 
8 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER rV. 
 
 The cause of Popery and despotism identical — Striking difference be- 
 tween Popery and Protestantism as they exist in tliis country — 
 American Protestantism not controlled by Foreign Protestantism^ 
 American Popery entirely under foreign control — Jesuits, the For- 
 eign agents of Austria, bound by the strongest ties of interest to 
 Austrian policy, not to American — Their dangerous power — unpar- 
 alleled in any Protestant sect — our free institutions opposed in ihoir 
 nature to the arbitrary claims of Popery — Duplicity to be expected — 
 Political dangers to be apprehended from Roman Catholic organiza- 
 tion — American Roman Catholic ecclesiastical matters uncontrolled 
 by Americans or in America — managed in a foreign country, by a 
 foreign power, for political purposes — Consequences that may easi- 
 ly result from such a state of things 59 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Points in our political system which favor this foreign attack — Our 
 toleration of all religious systems — Popery opposed to all toleration 
 — Charge of intolerance substantiated— The organization of Popery 
 in America connected with, and strengthened by foreign organiza- 
 tion — Without a parallel among Protestant sects — Great preponder- 
 ance of Popish strength in consequence — The divisions among Pro- 
 testant sects nullifies their attempts at combination — Taken advan- 
 tage of by Jesuits — Popish duplicity illustrated in its opposite allian- 
 ces in Europe with despotism, and in America with democracy — 
 The laws relating to emigration and naturalization favor foreiga 
 attack — Emigrants being mostly Catholic, and in entire subjection to 
 their priests — No remedy provided by our laws for this alarming 
 evil 64 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The evil from emigration further considered — Its political bearings 
 — The influence of emigrants at the elections — This influence con- 
 centrated in the priests — The priests must be propitiated — By what 
 means — This influence easily purchased by the demagogue— The 
 unprincipled character of many of our politicians favor this foreign 
 attack — Their bargain for the suffi-ages of this priest-led band — A 
 church and state party — The Protestant sects obnoxious to no 
 such bargaining — The newspaper press favors this foreign attack — 
 Froim its want of independence and its timidity — An anti-republican 
 fondness for titles favors this foreign attack — Cautious attempts of 
 Popery to dignify its emissaries, and to accustom us to their high- 
 sounding titles — A mistaken notion on the subject of discussing jc- 
 ligious opinion in the secular journals favors this foreign attack — 
 Political designs not to be shielded from attack because cloaked by 
 religion 71 
 
 It 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 The political character of this ostensibly religious enterprise proved 
 from the letters of the Jesuits now in thi-s country-Their antipathy to 
 private judg7nent — Their anticipationsof achange in our form of 
 government — Our government declared too free for the exercise of 
 
CONTENTS. 9 
 
 their divine rights — Their political partiailities — Tlielr cold acknow* 
 ledgment of the generosity, andhberality, andhospitality of ourgov. 
 ernment — Their estimate of our condition contrasted with their esti- 
 mate of that of Austria — Their acknowledged allegiance and ser- 
 villty to a foreign master — Their sympathies with the oppressor, 
 and not with the oppressed — Their direct avowal of political inten- 
 tion 81 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Borne of the means by which Jesuits can already operate politically 
 in the country — by mob discipline — By priest police — Their great 
 danger — Already estabhshed — Proofs — Priests already rule the 
 mob — Nothing in the principles of Popery to prevent its interfer- 
 ence in our elections— Popery interferes at the present day in the 
 politics of other countries — Popery the same in our country— It 
 interferes in our elections — In Michigan — In Charleston, S. C. — In 
 Ne%v York — Popery a political despotism cloaked under the name 
 of Religion — It is Church and State imbodied— Its character at 
 head-quarters, in Italy — Its political character stripped of its reli- 
 gious cloak 89 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Evidence enough of conspiracy adduced to create great alarm— The 
 cause of liberty universally demands that we should awake to 
 sense of danger — An attack is made which is to try the moralstrengt 
 of the republic— The mode of defence that might be consistently 
 recommended by Austrian Popery — A mode now in actual opera- 
 tion in Europe — Contrary to the entire spirit of American Protest- 
 antism — True mode of defence — Popery must be opposed by antag- 
 onist institutions — Ignorance must be dispelled — Popular ignorance 
 of all Papal countries — Popery the natural enemy of g^enerai educa- 
 tion — Popish efforts to spread education in the United States de- 
 lusive 99 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 All classes of citizens interested in resisting the efforts of Popery — 
 The unnatural alliance of Popery and Democracy exposed — Reli- 
 gious liberty in danger — Specially in the keeping of the Christian 
 community — They must rally for its defence — The secular press 
 has no sympathy with them in this struggle, it is opposed to them — 
 The Poi?7/ca/ character of Popery ever to be kept in mind, and op- 
 posed — It is for the Papist, not the Protestant, to separate his reli- 
 gious from his political creed — Papists ought to be required pubhcly, 
 and formally, and officially to renyiMnce foreign allegiance, and anti 
 repubhcan customs 107 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Tne question, what is the duty oftlie Protestant community, consider 
 ed — Shall there bean Anti-Popery Union? — The strong manifestc 
 that might be put forth by such a union — Such a political union dis- 
 carded as impolitic and degrading to a Protestant community — Gold- 
 
10 CONTENTS. 
 
 en opportunity for showing the moral energy of the Republic— 
 The lawful, efficient weapons of this contest— Tc be used without 
 delay ....114 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 The political duty of American citizens at this crisi^i 123 
 
 Afpbmdix 128 
 
FOREIGN CONSPIRACY 
 
 AGAINST THE 
 
 LIBERTIES OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 BY BRUTUS. 
 
 Preface to tlie Second Edition. 
 
 The great and increasing attention to the subject 
 of which these chapters treat, has given them an ex- 
 tensive circulation. A large edition with notes has 
 been rapidly sold, and two editions of the numbers, 
 as they originally appeared in the New-York Obser- 
 ver, have been printed in the Valley of the Missis- 
 sippi, at the expense of patriotic Associations, and 
 distributed throughout the western country. A larger 
 and cheaper edition is now demanded, for general 
 distribution, by numerous citizens belonging to vari- 
 ous religious and opposite political sects. 
 
 The author has w^atched with more than ordinary- 
 solicitude, the movements throughout the country, in 
 relation to this exciting subject, and has anxiously 
 hoped that facts would transpire, which would prove 
 that the charge of Conspiracy against the Liberties 
 of the United States, conducted by the agents and 
 funds of foreign powers, was groundless. Gladly 
 would he make any personal sacrifice of feeling, and 
 endure the stigma of being accounted a visionary or 
 an alarmist, if satisfactory counter-testimony could 
 be adduced that might safely allay the fears that 
 have been generally excited, and which every one 
 must allow are at least plausibly grounded. On the 
 contrary, he is compelled to say, that the course of 
 events,' and further investigation, have brought full 
 confirmation to the truth of the charge. 
 
 No one who has turned his attention to the subject 
 can fail to have observed that the Roman Catholic 
 journals preserve a rigid silence on thesubject of the 
 Austrian St. Leopold Foundation, and the alleged 
 conspiracy against our civil institutions, through the 
 
12 PRKI'ACE. 
 
 instrumentality of the Catholic religion. Would an 
 accusation that was groundless, so seriously implica- 
 ting any Protestant sect with foreign political move- 
 ments, be suffered to agitate the whole country for 
 live or six moi tr.s, without producing from the sect 
 thus accused a prompt and satisfactory explanation? 
 No publication of the Roman Catholics attempting 
 to refute the charge has, to the author's knowledge, 
 been put forth, nor has there been, (with a single ex- 
 ception, which he will presently examine,) any dis- 
 claimer of principles hostile to our free institutions. 
 Silence, it Vvoald seem, has been the word of com- 
 mand on this subject, from head-quarters ; and from 
 Maine to Louisiana, throughout the Roman Catholic 
 ranks, with that perfectness of discipline for Avhicl 
 this despotic sect is famous, the Avord of command is 
 strictly obeyed. Neither in the daily political jour- 
 Dais under their inlluence (and there are many that 
 tire evidently in their interest) has there appeared 
 any thing in the way of refutation of the charge of 
 conspiracy, except a sneer at its improbabilitv, or a 
 gratuitous imputation of bigotry and intolerance, 
 against the writer. 
 
 Many who think, with the author, that there Is im- 
 minent danger to our free institutions from the in- 
 crease of foreign Catholics, and from their despotic 
 organization throughout these States, are yet unwil- 
 ling to believe that Austria and other foreign despotic 
 powers can have any settled design to subvert, 
 through the instrumentality of the Catholic religion, 
 (he Democratic institutions of the country. Had any 
 thing more than mere dissent on this charge been 
 hazarded, the author could better strengthen any as- 
 sailed point. He is not aware of any w^eak spot in 
 the chain of argument, or in the evidence by which 
 he sustains his owm belief, and he therefore must 
 have recourse to conjecture for possible objections to 
 its general credence. 
 
 What c(3ncurrence of circumstances, aside from 
 confession oftheplot. is sufficient to prove conspiracy? 
 
 Is not the case proved if it can be shown, 
 
PREFACE. 13 
 
 1st. That there exists an adequate motive to con- 
 spire ? 
 
 2d. That there exists ample means wherewith to 
 conspire ? 
 
 And 3d. That means capable of accomplishing 
 the object of conspiracy are actually employed by 
 those whose interest it is to conspire ? 
 
 No one in the case before us can expect a confes- 
 sion from the conspirators ; let us have recourse 
 then to the test proposed. 
 
 1. Have Austria and the Holy Alliance an ade- 
 quate motive for conspiring against the liberties of 
 the United States ? Can there be a stronger motive 
 than that of self-preservation? So certain as this 
 country exists in prosperity under its present demo- 
 cratic form of government, just so certain will its 
 example operate on the people of Europe, as it has 
 for two centuries operated, and is now in an acceler- 
 ated degree operating, to subvert the ancient oppres- 
 sive systems of government of the old world. The 
 strongest motive, therefore, that can influence gov- 
 ernments as well as individuals, that of self-preser- 
 vation^ impels Austria and the other despots of Eu- 
 rope to seek, by any means in their potoer, the sub- 
 version of this government. 
 
 2. Have they the means to conspire? No one can 
 doubt that the usual means of conspiracy, money ^ and 
 intriguing agents^ are perfectly at the command of 
 those governments who can lavish their millions for 
 the sole purpose of protecting their thrones, who keep 
 in their pay for this vital object, standing armies, and 
 a police of lens of thousands of spies. 
 
 3. Have they then employed, or are they actually 
 employing means capable of accomplishing their ob- 
 ject in this country ? Austria, in a combination with 
 other powers, called the St. Leopold Foundation, has 
 sent, and is still sending both money and agents to 
 this country ; the former comes in the shape of reli- 
 gious contributions to this St. Leopold Foundation, the 
 Society in Vienna, established with express refer- 
 ence to operations in the United States ; the latter 
 
 2 
 
14 PREFACK. 
 
 come from the same quarter, in the shape of hun- 
 dreds of Jesuits and priests; a class of men notori- 
 ous for their intrigue and political arts, and who have 
 a complete military organization through the United 
 States. The Catholic religion is the cloak which 
 covers the design. 
 
 All the circumstances, therefore, necessary lo prove 
 conspiracy, concur in fixing this charge upon Austria, 
 and her associates in that Union of Christian Prin- 
 ces, combined in the St, Leopold Foundation. Is 
 there any defect in the test I have applied, or in its 
 application ? Will it be said, that by this rule the 
 United Slates can be proved to have politically con- 
 spired against India; because Protestant American 
 Missionaries have been sent to India, to convert the 
 people to Christianity ? Let us apply the test, and see 
 if conspiracy can be proved. Aside from the fact 
 that the United States as a government cannot, as do 
 other governments, engage in a religious enterprise, 
 the peculiarity in its principles of the separation of 
 Church and State, making it unconstitutional, and 
 therefore impossible, I ask what adequate motive ex- 
 ists here for such a crusade ? what have the United 
 States to fear politically from India ? It is scarcely 
 necessary to answer, nothing. The proof fails, there- 
 fore, in the first rule, in regard to conspiracy by the 
 United States. 
 
 But some may say, although we can easily per- 
 ceive that the Austrian system and our own are di- 
 ametrically opposed, and that it may be, therefore, in 
 a general sense, for the interest of Austria to extin- 
 guish the liberties of this country, yet where is your 
 proof that she has ever so far interested herself in the 
 political character of this country, or considered the 
 example of this government in so alarming a light, 
 as to make it a serious object to destroy its influence 
 on Europe? Can you prove that she has ever con- 
 sidered American institutions so dangerous to the ex- 
 istence of her own, as to authorize you to use so 
 strong terms as self-preservation, in relation to the 
 degree of interest she has in the event expected, and 
 
PUEFACE. 
 
 15 
 
 conspiracy in relation to measures she is using, m 
 this country ? These are important points, and I will 
 examine them. As to the use of the term se//-/)re- 
 servalion, it might be a sufficient justification to re- 
 fer generally to the Austrian policy, in regard to a!'.- 
 countries, over, and in which she can exercise an'^ 
 control. Her interference in Saxony, (see page 48,) 
 to control the press, on the principle of self-preserva- 
 tion, is a case in point ; but her interference at this 
 moment to resist the progress of democratic opinions 
 in Switzerland on the same principle, fully proves 
 that she is sensibly alive to every movement in the 
 political world which tends in the slightest degree to 
 weaken the structure of her arbitrary system. 
 
 As to the other term, conspiracy, if any still 
 think it too strong in relation to the operations of 
 Austria in this country, I trust their opinion will be 
 changed by considering the following facts: — 
 
 In the year 1828, the celebrated Frederick Schlegel, 
 one of the most distinguished literary men of Europe,^ 
 delivered lectures at Vienna, on the Philosophy of 
 History, (which have not been translated into Eng- 
 lish,) a sreat object of which is to show the mutual 
 support ichich Popery and Monarchy derive from 
 each other. He commends the two systems in con- 
 nexion, as deserving of universal reception. Ha 
 attempts to prove that sciences, and arts, and all the 
 pursuits of man as an intellectual being, are best 
 promoted under this perfect system of church and 
 state ; a Pope at the head of the former ; an Em- 
 peror at the head of the latter. He contrasts \vhh 
 this, the system of Protestantism ; represents Pro- 
 testantism as the enemy of good government, as the 
 ally of Republicanism, as the parent of the distresses 
 of Europe, as the cause of all the disorders with 
 which legitimate governments are afflicted. In the 
 close of lecture ITth, vol. ii. p. 286, he thus speaks 
 of this country : — " The true nursery of all these • 
 destructive principles, the revolutionary school -^ 
 for France and the rest of Europe, has been 
 North America. Thence the evil has spread over" 
 
16 PREFACE, 
 
 ' many other lands, either by natural contagion, or 
 by arbitrary communication.^^ 
 
 Let it be remembered that it was in Vienna, in 
 182S, where opinions so flattering to the pride of 
 legitimacy Avere publicly preached by one of the 
 first scholars of the age, where the United States 
 was held up to the execration of his Austrian audi- 
 tors as the '• nursery of destructive 'principlesy as 
 ihe " revolutionary school for Europe,^'' as, in truth, 
 the great central fire which threatened the rest of the 
 world, and which must be put out, ere European 
 governments could rest in safety. Let it then also 
 "^ be borne in mind that it was in Vienna, in 1829, 
 ^ immediately after these opinions were promulgated, 
 ^while the influence of Schlegel's eloquent appeals 
 "^^was still fresh, that the St. Leopold Foundation 
 was set on foot for the purpose [to use the language 
 \ of its own reports] ^''of promoting the greater activ- 
 itij of Catholic missions in the United States." 
 
 Here, then, we have doctrines advanced in Aus- 
 tria, that Monarchy and Popery mutually sustain 
 each other, that Republicanism and Protestaiitism 
 also mutually sustain each other, and that the great 
 niftsery of this hated Republicanism is these United 
 States; and immediately consequent on the promul- 
 gation of these opinions, a great Society is formed, 
 with the Emperor of Austria for its patron, the 
 counsellor of State, Prince Metternich, its grand 
 ^manager, and all the officers of State the zealous 
 promoters of the design, and engaged in the instant 
 vigorous diffusion of Popery in this country. Now 
 what is the intention of Austria in spreading in this 
 country Popery, the natural ally of Monarchical 
 government? With the facts of the case before 
 them, the people will not be slow in forming their 
 judgment of the nature of this ostensibly religious 
 enterprise, and whether the term conspiracy is too 
 strong to apply to this insidious attempt. 
 
 But who, after all, is Frederick Schlegel? He 
 may be a great scholar, but what is his situation 
 that so much weight is to be attached to his opin- 
 
PREFACE. 17 
 
 ions ? I will give my readers a brief account 
 of him, abridged from the Encyclopedia America- 
 na, (edited by a German.) sufficient to enable them 
 to judge if too much stress is laid upon his opin- 
 ions. "Frederick Schlegel, (one of the great lite- 
 rary stars of Germany,) went over to the Catholic 
 faith, at Cologne, and in the year ISOO repaired 
 to Vienna. In 1809, he received an appointment at 
 the head-quarters of the Archduke Charles, where 
 he drew up several powerful proclamations. When 
 peace was concluded, he again delivered lectures in 
 Vienna on modern history and the literature of all 
 nations. In 1812, he published the German Museum, 
 and gained the conjidence of Prince Metternich by 
 various diplomatic papers, in consequence of which 
 he was appointed Austrian counsellor of legation at 
 the Diet in Frankfort. In 1818, he returned to 
 Vienna, where he lived as Secretary of the Court, 
 and Counsellor of Legation, and published a view 
 of the Present Political .Re/a?/o«5 [of Austria,] and 
 his complete works." In 1828, he delivered his lec- 
 tures on the Philosophy of History, in which his 
 views as I have stated them are fully developed. 
 
 This is the man i^'Kuse opinions on the relation of 
 Popery and Monarchy, and of Protestantism, and 
 Republicanism, and of ihe influence of the United 
 States, have been followed by the action of the Aus- 
 trians, in the formation of the St. Leopold Founda- 
 tion. He was part and parcel of thr, government, 
 he was ONE OF the Austrian Cabinet, the confi- 
 dential Counsellor of Prince Metternich ! 
 
 Let me now examine matters nearer home. How 
 far are the Roman Catholics of this country to be 
 considered as implicated in this Conspiiacy ? This 
 is indeed a grave question, and one which demands 
 serious attention, lest ^ve should be, on the one hand, 
 too regardless of danger from them, and on the other, 
 unjust to those who are innocent. We are told that 
 they disclaim hostility to our free government, that 
 they profess the warmest friendship to our demoH 
 cratic institutions. I readily concede that there has\ 
 2* . \ 
 
18 PREFACE. 
 
 been, and are now, many true patriots among^ this 
 sect, many estimable men of sound political views,, 
 sincere in supporting ihe democratic institutions oi 
 the country ; but making the most ample allowance, 
 they are but exceptions to the rule. The sect, as a 
 sect, is still justly chargeable with the tendency of 
 its acknowledged principles. If a Roman Catholic 
 in the United States is a Democratic Republican^ 
 he is so in spite of and in opposition to^ the system 
 of his churchy and not in accordance with if. To 
 the truth of this fact, the arguments of Schlegel, a 
 Catholic, and the profoundest investigator of the sub 
 ject in the present age, are unanswerably conclusive 
 From their principles of passive obedience, and the 
 denial of the right of private judgment alone, Ro 
 man Catholics, as' a sect, must be ignorant and will 
 ing slaves to the schen)es of any despotic ecclesi 
 astic that ^ foreign power may see fit to send to this 
 country to rule over thern. The secret plans, the 
 real designs of the Jesuits may be confined to feAV 
 bosoms, it is by no means necessary that the mass 
 of the sect should have any knowledge of the plot , 
 for from the nature of their system they may be blind 
 instruments of the few. 
 
 Popery and despotism are notoriously united m the 
 Austrian government, and Protestantism and Re- 
 publicanism in that of the United States. At the 
 ti'.r.e I adduced arguments to prove the truth of these 
 two categories, I y/as wholly unapprized that so dis 
 tinguished a political writer as Schlegei had taken 
 the same view^s of these opposite systems, to rouse 
 Austrians to the defence of their own category. A 
 powerful argument is derived from this corroboration 
 of an important political truth, by Schlegel, who 
 writes in the interest of absolutism, to urge all true 
 friends of liberty on this side of the water, to the 
 vigorous maintenance of the American category. It 
 is a truth now no longer to be questioned, that Po- 
 pery is so naturally the ally of Absolute government, 
 that the diffusion of the former will result in produ- 
 cing the latter j and it is equally true, that the dif- 
 
PREFACE. 19 
 
 fusion of Protestantism will result in the producfion 
 of liberal institutions. What, then, is the duty of 
 Americans, all who really love their own free system 
 of government ? There can be but one answer. 
 They must unite in giving every facility to the spread 
 of Protestant principles. Patriotism demands that 
 every Protestant religious sect be encouraged to pro- 
 mote its own views, each according to the dictates 
 of conscience ; and patriotism equally demands the 
 discouragement^ in every lawful way, of the further 
 introduction of Popery and Popish influence into the 
 country. Popery is the antagonist to o\xr free sys- 
 tem. No one can doubt that the unusual efforts of 
 despotic foreign governments to spread Popery in 
 the United States, has for its principal design the 
 subversion of our republican institutions. Ought a 
 vaunted but spurious charity to be allowed tJ blind 
 the eyes of Americans to the evidence of the attack 
 made upon them ? ought they to aid these foreign 
 conspirators, by adding their own contributions to 
 the means of spreading Popery ? ought they to en- 
 courage the schools of Jesuit agents; their immoral 
 nunnery systems; their slave-making seminaries, by 
 placing American children within the pale of their 
 discipline? ought they to court Jesuit influence in 
 our politics, and screen their political principles from 
 examination, on the plea that this is merely a reli- 
 gious controversy ? Let patriotism answer these 
 questions. 
 
 I will now examine the disclaimer of hostility to 
 our republican institutions, (to which I have alluded,) 
 made in behalf of the Catholics in this countrv, by 
 a Catholic journal. As a Unitarian paper in Bos- 
 ton has quoted it with satisfaction, I give it here, 
 with the Unitarian editor's remarks prefixed : — 
 
 CATHOLIC DISCLAIMER. 
 
 "We have no doubt that the Roman Catholics 
 have their due share of proselyting spirit. Some of 
 our good people, clergy and laity, would have a 
 poor opinion of their sincerity if they were destitute 
 of that spirit. But the cry is — '• Corispiracy against 
 
20 PREFACE. 
 
 the Liberties of the United States.' Let the fol- 
 lowing confession of political faith pass for what it 
 is worth. There is nothing in it which sounds like 
 what we call by the odious epithet Jesuitical ; and 
 we do not ourselves question the sincerity of the 
 avowal with which it closes; an avowal similar to 
 one which Catholics in England have made on like 
 occasions." — Christian Register. 
 
 " It Avas the duty of the Catholic Church to perform 
 the funeral offices for the latest representative (Car- 
 roll) of those who signed the charter of our liberties, 
 and struggled to raise them, on their present basis of 
 equal rights for all. The same republican opinions 
 which he held, the Catholics of this country now 
 hold. They ileem the constitution as sacred, and 
 the laws as obligatory in the spirit and in the letter, 
 as an^ portion of this public ; and were an eifort 
 now made to consolidate religious with national 
 government, though they should be the ruling party, 
 as Americans, as freemen, they would be found first 
 in the ranks to oppose such an alliance." — Catholic 
 [ Cincinnati'\ Telegraph^ 
 
 This is the disclaimer, the only one I have yet 
 seen, and which seems so far satisfactory to the 
 Editor of the Register, that he sees nothing in it 
 which " sounds Jesuitical." To me, Jesuitism wag 
 never more evident. It is permitted to scrutinize 
 with more than common care, a Jesuit document ; 
 but in the present case there needs no scrutiny. 
 The trick is so on the surface, that I am surprised at 
 the blindness of any one who professes not to see it. 
 " The same republican opinions which he (Carroll) 
 held, the Catholics of this country now hold," and 
 "were an effort now made to consolidate religious 
 with national government," &c. What is there in 
 this disclaimer which could be brought in proof of 
 breach of faith, or even of inconsistency, if to-mor- 
 row, or at any future period, the Roman Catholics 
 should think it politic to hold, that " a system of go- 
 vernnienf (like the United States.) "ma?/ he venj 
 fine in theory ; very fit for imilation on the part 
 
PREFACE. 21 
 
 of ^^056 who seek the power of the mob, in contra- 
 distinction to justice and the pjiblic interest; but it 
 is not of a nature to invite the refecting part of 
 the world, and shoios, at least, that it has evils ?" 
 It wjs politic, be it remarked, bat yesterday, (before 
 this subject had created so much excitement,) for 
 this same Catholic Telegraph to hold this identical 
 anti-republican, anti-American language, with the 
 addition of his opinion, that '•'the system of Ameri- 
 can Institvtions was condemned by numerous other 
 proofs." To-day, however, the Catholic leaders find 
 it politic to play republican ; because the people are 
 wakinij to a sense of danger to their liberties, and 
 the artifices of the Jesuits through the land are no 
 longer regarded with inditTerence. 
 
 A disclaimer on the part of the Roman Cath.olics, 
 of hostility to republican institutions, is a matter of 
 loo serious importance, just now, to be left to be in- 
 ferred from ambiguous expressions ; it must come in 
 a more formal and responsible shape, than that of a 
 paragraph in a journal, of such contradictory views. 
 A disclaimer of anti-republican principles, of prin- 
 ciples in direct and dangerous opposition to those of 
 this government, with v.'hich the Papal system is 
 directly and distinctly charged, must be a frank, un- 
 ambiguous manifesto, that will bear scrutiny, issuing 
 from an authority unquestioned. It must embrace 
 a disclaimer o^ foreign allegiance, of hostility to 
 freedom of the press, io liberty of opinion, to liberty 
 of conscience. It must contain satisfactory evidence 
 that these anti-American principles are expunged, 
 and expunged for ever, from the Roman Catholic 
 system. These are some of the essential points to 
 be met, and they must be met without evasion. And 
 until this is done, the people of this country are fairly 
 borne out in regarding Roman Catholics essentially 
 and necessarily, enemies to her free government^ 
 and most especially to the democratic republican in- 
 stitutions of this country ; nor will they be blinded 
 to this truth by the representation industriously 
 pressed upon them, that the Catholic population of 
 
22 PREFACE. 
 
 this country, are 7iow, (whether trui^ or feignedly. 
 It matters not,) in favor of repuhlican institutions, or 
 that the foreigners among them, are now heard more 
 vociferous than native citizens, in their huzzas, on 
 all patriotic occasions, and in praises of civil and re- 
 ligious liberty. 
 
 The course of many of our daily journals, on this 
 subject, is one demanding severe reprehension from 
 the American people. They are conspicuously busy 
 in making the impression, that the excitement now 
 general through the country respecting Popery, is 
 the result of a sudden disposition to persecute the 
 Catholics ; that it is a sectarian and proscriptive war 
 upon them, the fruits of an intolerant, bigoted, fa- 
 natical spirit, and the revival of ancient prejudices. 
 These are accusations daily reiterated. We have 
 fallen on strange times, indeed, when subjects of the 
 deepest political importance to the country may not 
 be mooted in the political journals of the day with- 
 out meeting the indiscriminating hostility and de- 
 nunciations of such journals; without hints and even 
 threats of popular vengeance, unless we abstain from 
 discussing exciting subjects ; as if all great questions 
 touching our liberties could be otherwise than ex- 
 citing. "Oue, would have all debating societies sup- 
 pressed, even by mobs. Others liberally charge 
 illiberality, bigotry, and intolerance on all who ven- 
 ture publicly to \yVite against Popery, and little con- 
 scious of their own sins of the same character, are 
 bigoted against bigotry, and intolerant againt intoler- 
 arTce. Denunciations like these, be it remarked, are 
 made against any and all Protestant sects, while^ 
 Popery claims with them an exclusive privilege of 
 exemption from attack. Protestant American Chris- 
 tianity all over the land may be gratuitously charged 
 with the local sins of an irreligious, intemperate mob, 
 as at Charlestown ; American citizens may be sub- 
 jected to the grossest indignity by Pvoman Catholics 
 for not conforming to Popish customs, as at Cincin- 
 nati ; they may be threatened with the vengeance of 
 a band of foreigners, as by the Superior of the Ursu- 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 23 
 
 line convent ; they may be disturbed at religious 
 meetings, and forcibly driven into the streets by Ro- 
 man Catholic rioters, as in New-York; or prevented 
 from peaceably assembling to discuss the political 
 question of Popery, by threats of outrage, as at Phil- 
 adelphia ; and in these cases, where are the sympa- 
 thies of the press ? Does it raise the cry of illiber- 
 aliiy, and intolerance, and persecution, and bigotry 
 against the Roman Catholic aggressors ; does it de- 
 fend the sacred right of freedom of discussion thus 
 alarmingly invacjj^. No ! its terms of reproach are 
 exclusively reserved for those who venture to pub- 
 lish these acts. These are epithets suited only to 
 those Protestants who have the hardihood to main- 
 tain that American necks are not yet prepared to 
 wear the Popish yoke, the despotic chain offered by 
 Austria, and commended to them by the royal de- 
 votees of " the blessed St. Leopold." ' But, say some, . 
 this is a religious controversy, and it is wrong to 
 discuss it in the daily journals.' Is Popery a religious 
 controversy 1 Let us see. The St. Leopold Foun- 
 dation is asserted to be a political combination of 
 foreign powers, founded with a view to the over- 
 throw of our republican government. If despotism 
 approaches us in the garb of religion, is it the less to 
 be resisted ? Have we no political interest in the truth 
 or falsity of this fact ? Is this a religious or a polit- 
 ical question ? The agents of this society are as- 
 serted to be political agents sent to this country in 
 the disguise of religious missionaries. Is this a re- 
 ligious or a 'political question ? The present Pope 
 asserts his claim to temporal, as well as spiritual 
 jurisdiction over his subjects ; this jurisdiction he 
 now exercises in other countries. Are not the Ca- 
 tholics of this country the subjects of the Pope : do 
 they not owe him an allegiance superior to any due 
 to our laws ? And is this a religious or a political 
 question? Schools are establishing in all parts of''' 
 the country, colleges, convents, and seminaries, by ^ 
 means of Austrian money in the hands of Jesuits. 
 In these schools a system of education is devised al- 
 
y 
 
 24 PREFACE. 
 
 together different from our own school system. What 
 is the nature of this foreign system? Is it favorable 
 or adverse to liberty ? And are these religious or 
 •political questions ? Foreign emigrants are flocking 
 to our shores in increased numbers, two thirds at 
 least are Roman Catholics, and of the most ignorant 
 classes, and thus pauperism and crime are alarmingly 
 increased. The Irish Catholics in an especial man- 
 ner clan tosrether, keep themselves distinct from the 
 American family, exercise the political privileges 
 granted to them by our hospitality,^ot as Americans, 
 but as Irishmen, keep alive their foreign feelings, 
 their foreign associations, habits, and manners. Is 
 this mixture and these doings favorable or unfavor- 
 able to American character, and national independ- 
 ence ? and is ihis a religious or a political question 1 
 It would be easy to add to this list of questions pure- 
 ly political^ which are involved in the mixed system 
 of Popery ; and are editors who cry out against the 
 Popish controversy so ill-informed of the character 
 of this Church and State sect, that they are unable 
 to distinguish the political from the religious ques- 
 tions ? Has Popery so cloaked itself in sacredness, 
 has this political engine of foreign despotism so 
 sanctified its very name, that our press is awe-struck 
 at its movements, and cries sacrilege if its political 
 claims to our reception be in the slightest degree 
 disputed ? Whence come all the sorrows and regrets 
 about controversy, and lamentations and whinings 
 about intolerance, because freemen are jealous of the 
 meddling of foreigners in our concerns ? Is this dis- 
 cussion of the political principles of Popery really 
 ill-timed and gratuitous? Who has provoked it? 
 What! shall foreign powers combine together, se- 
 cretly and openly send their money and their agents, 
 to spread a great political and religious system over 
 the country ; a system notorious for enslaving, im- 
 poverishing, and degrading the people ; shall they 
 build their means of attack within our borders, and 
 American freemen be rebuked into silence, when 
 they venture to examme the chaiacter of this foreiga 
 
PREFACE. 25 
 
 enterprise, and to question the pureiy benevolent na- 
 ture of their imperial majesties' love for our souls 7 
 It is a subject of deep interest indeed, to the coni- 
 munity, to know how far our press is inoculated with 
 this no-controversy spirit; this truly papal spirit; 
 this emphatically anti-American spirit. How is it 
 that our free principles of government have been 
 brought out, and set before the world, but by free, 
 unembarrassed discussion ; by controversy, by sharp 
 controversy, by the collision of intellect with intel- 
 lect. It is in the skilful conflict of mind with mind, 
 that truth is elicited ; it is by the friction of keen de- 
 bate, that the rust of error is kept from gathering over, 
 and corroding away vital truths. Better, far better, 
 occasionally to endure even the excesses of the storm, 
 so necessary to scatter the noxious vapors of the at- 
 mosphere, than to purchase a fatal repose by dwelling 
 in the quiet but pestilential atmosphere of a tomb. 
 
 Is it the spirit of liberty or of despotism, that now 
 frowns upon free inquiry, that would shut cut debate 
 from the secular press, by the deceptive cry of reli- 
 gious controversy ? Who are they that are dreading 
 and shrinking from examination? Who that caution all 
 those over whom they have power, " against attend- 
 ing upon, or taking part in, or noticing meetings," 
 for the discussion of the political question of Pope- 
 ry? Ah ! is this the tender point? Is it when the 
 political question is proposed for public debate, that 
 Popish Bishops, _^r5^ take the alarm, and the spirit- 
 ual jurisdiction is pa.'-aded forth, and the spiritual 
 power exercised, to prevent their subjects from exer- 
 cising their political privileges ?* May the religious 
 question (that alone with which Bishops have any 
 thing to do) be freely debated, without their interfe- 
 rence. And is it only when the political question is 
 
 * Both Bishop Fenwick of Philadelphia, and Bishop Dubois of 
 New-York, have just issued orders, in ecclesiastical form, to those 
 under their jurisdiction !. to refrain from attending on the discussions 
 where Popery is the subject of debate. These documents are wor- 
 thy of notice. They will illustrate several despotic principles inhe- 
 rent in the Popish system; How would these orders be read by any 
 Protestant sect, as coining from their o\vn clergy 1 
 
 3 
 
26 PREFACE. 
 
 Started, with which as Bishops they have nothing 
 to do, that they fuhninate their spiritual thunders 
 against those who agitate the subject ? And is it in 
 such intermeddling with politics, that they are up- 
 held by the Protestant press? Is our press indeed in 
 awe of Popish bishops ? Does it fear to touch the 
 civil character of Popery, for fear of giving offence to 
 Popish bishops ? Truth has nothing to fear from the 
 severest scrutiny. It is error that loves- mystery ; that 
 seeks concealment ; that shrouds itself in secrecy, 
 and cries out persecution ! Yes, persecution, for- 
 sooth, if any one attempts to drag it into the light. 
 It was error that the poet aptly describes as 
 
 seeing one in mail, 
 
 Armed to point, sought back to turn again ; 
 
 For light she hated as the deadly bale, 
 
 Aye, wont in desert darkness to remain, 
 
 Where plain, none might her see, nor she see any plain. 
 
 This is a matter not to be covered up by silence. 
 The political press has a fearful responsibility now 
 resting upon it ; it has a sacred duty to the country to 
 perform, from which it cannot, must not shrink. It 
 should be known, that there is a wider desire for 
 knowledge on Popery, in its multifarious bearings 
 upon society, than some seem to be aAvare of, and es- 
 pecially in its effect upon our civil institutions ; a de- 
 sire, which, having been created by the necessity of 
 the times, (by the fact of unusual efforts made by 
 foreign governments, hostile to our institutions, to 
 spread throughout the country, Popery)m\ist be sat- 
 isfied. 
 
 The political character of Popery is a legitimate 
 subject of discussion in the secular press, and we be- 
 lieve that when the intelligent conductors of our jour- 
 nals shall have justly apprehended that part of the 
 mixed system of Popery which belongs to it as a po- 
 litical system, they will no longer be deterred by the 
 senseless cry of religious controversy, from lending 
 their columns and their pens for its fearless discus- 
 sion. They will see that the religious question of 
 Popery is a separate affair, and with the discrimina- 
 tion that should belong to them in their responsible 
 
PREFACE. 27 
 
 situations, will be able to keep the distinct religious 
 and political character of the controversy, each with- 
 in its respective limits. 
 
 The public mind is awake far and wide to the fact, 
 that Popery isapolilicalais well as a religious system, 
 nor will freemen be lulled to sleep by the Popish an- 
 odyne of no controversij ; they will not rest till these 
 more than suspicious manoeuvrings of Jesuit in- 
 triguers ; of Austrian conspirators against their lib- 
 erties, shall have been searched to the bottom. 
 
PREFATORY REMARKS. 
 
 The following Numbers, written for the New- 
 Vork Observer in the beginning of the year 1834, 
 and duriog several weeks of confinement by indispo- 
 sition, have been, perhaps, more extensively copied 
 into the religious journals of the different Christian 
 denominations, than any communications, (with, 
 perhaps, a single exception,) of the same extent, 
 since the establishment of religious newspapers; 
 and although the subject matter is almost altogether 
 political, giving proofs of a serious foreign con- 
 spiracy against the government, yet the writer is not 
 aware that a single secular journal in the United 
 States has taken the pains to investigate the matter, 
 or even to ask if indeed there may not be good 
 grounds for believing it true. The silence of the 
 secular press on a subjecT which has roused the 
 attention of so large a body of the Protestant com- 
 munity, may indeed be accounted for in part, perhaps 
 altogether, from the all-engrossing election contests 
 which have agitated the country from one extremity 
 of the land to the other ; for the writer would cer- 
 tainly be very reluctant to adopt the belief which 
 has repeatedly been urged upon him by many, that 
 the secular journals dare not attack Popery ; he 
 will not believe that dare not ever stood in the way 
 of the duty of any patriotic, independent conductor of 
 the American press.* 
 
 At the solicitation of many citizens, without dis- 
 tinction of religious denomination or of political 
 
 • A friend, to whom this part was read, smiled, and said, " You are 
 sufficiently guarded in your language, but how many patriotic^ inde- 
 pendent conductora of the American press are there] Can you 
 name one 7" 
 
30 PREFATOnY REMARKS. 
 
 party, tlie writer has consented to collect the num- 
 bers into a pamphlet, adding notes illustrative of 
 many matters which could not so well have been 
 introduced into the columns of a newspaper. 
 
 That a vigorous and unexampled effort is making 
 by the despotic governments of Europe to cause 
 Popery to overspread this country, is a fact too pal- 
 pable to be contradicted. Did not official documents 
 lately published put this fact beyond dispute, yet the 
 writer had personal evidence sufficient to convince 
 him of the fact, and of the political object of the 
 enterprise, while residing in Italy in the years 
 1S30-31, from conversations with nobles and gentle- 
 men of different countries, with the officers of vari- 
 ous foreign governments, visiting and resident in the 
 Roman and Austrian states, and with priests and 
 other ecclesiastics of the Roman faith. Sometimes 
 it was hinted to him as a check to too sanguine anti- 
 cipations of the triumph of the experiment of our 
 democratic republican government ; sometimes it 
 was told him by the former class, in a tone of ex- 
 ultation, that a cause was in operation which would 
 surely overthrow our institutions and gradually bring 
 us under a form of government less obnoxious to the 
 pride, and less dangerous to the existence of the 
 antiquated despotic systems of Europe. In addition to 
 these hints to the writer concerning the efforts making 
 by the governments of Europe to carry Popery through 
 all our borders, other American travellers will tes- 
 tify to similar hints made to them. By one, I am 
 permitted to say, that the celebrated naturalist, 
 the late Baron Cuvier, known also as a zealous 
 Protestant, inquired of him with marks of concern, ii 
 it were indeed true that Popery had made such pro- 
 gress in the United States as to cause the exultation 
 (which, it seems, was no secret,) among the legiti- 
 mates of Europe. And again, that a distinguished 
 member of one of the Protestant German embassies 
 in Rome also made similar inquiries of him, havirig 
 heard much boasting of the progress of Popery in 
 the United States, adding this pertinent remark,— 
 
PREFATORY REMARKS. 31 
 
 " thny will be hammer or nails, sir ; they will per- 
 secute or be persecuted.''' These facts may be of 
 so much importance in aid of the other proofs of a 
 conspiracy Avhich these numbers unfold, as to show 
 that among the various higher classes of Europe the 
 enterprise of a Popish crusade in this country is not 
 only a subject of notoriety, but is viewed with great 
 interest, and is considered as having a most import- 
 ant political bearing. 
 
 In the following numbers, the writer has chosen to 
 rest the evidence of conspiracy mainly on official 
 documents published in Vienna, because they have 
 been translated and published,* and are within the 
 reach of any citizen of the country who chooses more 
 closely to examine them. He has also availed him- 
 self of facts in the operations of Popish agents in this 
 country, so far as their workings have been occasion- 
 ally revealed. 
 
 The writer will add in conclusion, that he writes 
 not in the interest of a sect or a party, for the ques- 
 tion of Popery is not identified with either political 
 party. He has lived too long in foreign countries to 
 be able to identify himself with the local interests of 
 mere party at home, whether in religion or politics. 
 The great cZewocra^/c features of his country's insti- 
 tutions, as contradistinguished from the despotic, 
 monarchical, and aristocratic systems of Europe, 
 were admired by him as they appeared more boldly 
 relieved, viewed from abroad in such striking con- 
 trast to all around him ; and he is thoroughly per- 
 suaded that these democratic institutions, if suffered 
 to have their unobstructed course, unobstructed ex- 
 cept by the natural checks of education and religion, 
 actively and universally diffused and sustained, are 
 more favorable to civil liberty and to the final tri- 
 umph of truth, and consequently to human happi- 
 ness, than anv other civil institutions in the world. 
 The writer entertaining these views, has deemed it 
 
 • In the New- York Observer, of the months of January and Fob- > 
 ruary, :834. 
 
32 PREFATORY REMARKS. 
 
 an imperative duty, at any sacrifice, to warn his 
 countrymen of a subtle enemy to the democracy of 
 the country, and to conjure them, as they value their 
 civil and religious institutions, to watch the Protean 
 shapes of Popery, to suspect and fear it most when 
 it allies itself to our interests in the guise of a friend. 
 Mistrust of all that Popery does, or affects to doy 
 whether as a friend or foe, in any part of the coun- 
 try^ is the only feeling that true charity^ universal 
 charity, allows us to indulge. 
 
 New-York, January, 1835. 
 
FOREIGN CONSPIRACY 
 
 AGAINST THE 
 
 i 5BERTIES OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The first impression of the improbabiUty of foreign conspiracy con- 
 sidered — Pi-esent pohtical condition of Europe favors an entfrprise 
 against oiir institutions — The war of opinions commenced — Des- 
 potism against Liberty — The vicissitudes of this war — Tlie official 
 declaration of the despotic party against all liberty — Necessity to 
 the triumph of despotism, that American liberty should be destroy- 
 ed—The kind of attack upon us most likely to be adopted from the 
 nature of the contest— Particular reasons why our institutions are 
 obnoxious to the European governments — Has the attack com- 
 menced"? Yes! by Austria— through a Society called the <b7. 
 Leopold Foundation — Ostensibly religious in its designs. 
 
 Does this heading seem singular? What, 
 it will be said, is it at all probable that any na- 
 tion, or combination of nations, can entertain 
 designs against us, a people so peaceable, and 
 at the same time so distant? Knowing the 
 daily increasing resources of this country in 
 all the means of defence asrainst foreig^n ao;- 
 gression, how absurd in the nations abroad to 
 dream of a conquest on this soil ! Let me, 
 nevertheless, ask attention, while I humbly offer 
 my reasons for believing that a conspiracy ex- 
 ists, 'diat its plans are already in operation, 
 and that we are attacked in a- vulnerable 
 quarter, which cannot be defended by our 
 ships, our forts, or our armies. 
 
 Who among us is not aware that a mighty 
 struggle oi opinion is in our days agitating all 
 the nations of Europe ; that there is a war 
 
34 WAR OF DESPOTISM AND LIBERTY. 
 
 going on between despotisvi on one side, and 
 liberty on the other.* And with what deep 
 anxiety should Americans watch the vicissi- 
 tudes of the conflict ! Havinof lono; since 
 achieved our own victory in the great strife 
 between arbitrary power and freedom ; having 
 demonstrated, by successful experiment before 
 the world, the safety, the happiness, the superior 
 excellence of a repubhcan government, a gov- 
 ernment proceeding from the people as the true 
 source of power ; enjoying in overflowing 
 abundance the rich blessings of such a gov- 
 ernment, must we not regard with more than 
 common interest the efforts of mighty nations 
 to break away from the prejudices and habits, 
 and sophistical opinions of ages of darkness, 
 and struggling to attain the same glorious 
 privileges of rational freedom ? But there are 
 other motives than that of curiosity, or of mere 
 sympathy with foreio^n trouble, that should 
 arouse our solicitude in the fearful crisis which 
 has at length arrived, a crisis which the pro- 
 phetic tongue of a great British statesmant long 
 since foretold, the war of opinion^ threatening 
 the world with a more frightful sacrifice of 
 human life than history in any of its blood 
 stained pages records. Happily separated by 
 an ocean-barrier from the great arena wheVe the 
 physical action of this bloody drama is to be 
 performed, we are secure from the immediate 
 physical effects of the strife ; but we cannot 
 remain unaffected by the result. 
 
 Of European wars arising from the cravings 
 ♦ See note A, Appendix. t Mr. Canning. 
 
iMERICA INTERESTED IN THE WAR. 35 
 
 of personal ambition, from thirst for national 
 glory, from desire of territorial increase, or from 
 other local causes, we might safely be igno- 
 rant both of cause and result. No armed bands 
 of a conqueror flushed with victory could give 
 us a moment's alarm. But in a war of opin- 
 ions, in a war of principles, in which the very 
 foundations of government are subverted, and 
 the whole social fabric upturned, we cannot, if 
 we would, be uninterested in the result. Prin- 
 ciples are not bounded by geographical limits. 
 Oceans present to them no barriers. All of 
 principle that belongs to despotism throughout 
 the world, whether in the iron systems of Rus- 
 sia and Austria, or the scarcely less civilized 
 system of China, and all of principle that be- 
 longs to pure American freedom in the United 
 States, or in the mixed systems of Britain, 
 France, and some other European states, are 
 in this great contest arrayed in opposition. 
 The triumph of the one or the other principle, 
 whether in the field of battle, or in the secret 
 councils of the cabinet, or the congress of min- 
 isters, or the open debate, produces effects 
 wherever society exists. The recent convul- 
 sions in Europe should not pass unheeded by 
 Americans. The three days' revolution of 
 France ; the reform in Britain on the side of 
 liberty ; the suppressed revolutions of Italy 
 and Poland on the side of despotism ; the yet 
 doubtful victoty of the two principles now in 
 contest in Portugal and Spain ; * the crooked 
 
 * These numbers were written in January and Febru- 
 ary, 1834. 
 
36 VICISSITUDES OP THE WAK. 
 
 diplomacy, the contradictory measures, tht 
 faithless promises of the despotic cabinets, all 
 show that the war of principles has indeea 
 commenced, and that Europe is agitated to iti 
 very centre with the anxieties of the contest. 
 
 No open annual message reveals franlily to 
 all the world the true internal condition of the 
 oppressed nations of Europe. From the well 
 guarded walls of the secret council-chamber of 
 the imperial power, documents seldom escape 
 to shovv^ us the strength of the opposing prin- 
 ciple. Despotism glosses over all its oppres- 
 sions. The people are always happy under 
 the paternal sway. They that plead for liberty 
 are always enemies of public order. '• Order 
 rei2:ns in Warsaw," was the proclamation that 
 told the world that despotism had triumphed 
 over Poland, and none now may know the 
 number of her sons of freedom still at large, 
 still unexiled to the mines of Siberia: yet it is 
 great ; for Russia, and Prussia, and Austria 
 have leagued anew against unconquerable Po- 
 land ; and the agony of determination, the des- 
 perate resolution which the Russian Autocrat 
 has just uttered, tells the secret of the yet un- 
 vanquished spirit of Polish patriots, and at the 
 same time discloses the plot of mighty efforts^ 
 of united efforts^ of persevering efforts^ utterly 
 to extinguish liberty. 
 
 " As long as I live," says the Emperor, " I 
 will oppose a will of iron to the progress of 
 liberal opinions. The present generation is 
 lost, but we must labor with zeal and earnest- 
 ness to improve the spirit of that to come. It 
 
DF.CLARATrONS OF TIIF, HOLY ALLIANCE. 17 
 
 may require a hundred years ; I am not un- 
 reasonable, I give you a whole age, but you 
 must work without relaxation." 
 
 This is language without ambiguity, bold, 
 undisguised ; it is the clear and official disclo- 
 sure of the determination of the Holy Alli- 
 ance against liberty. It proclaims unextin- 
 guishable hatred, a loill of iron. There is 
 no compromise with hberty ; a hundred years 
 of efforts unrelaxed, if necessary, shall be put 
 forth to crush it for ever. Its very name must 
 be blotted from the earth. What ! and is there 
 a Holy Alliance, a " union of Christian prin- 
 ces,'^ leagued to extinguish the kindling sparks 
 of liberty in Europe ? and will they make no 
 effort to quench the great altar-fires that blaze 
 m their strength in the temples of this land of 
 liberty? An oversight like this would seem 
 to be too palpable for the wisdom of the despotic 
 cabinets to commit. This conquest must be 
 achieved, or liberty will never die in Europe. 
 
 With declarations before us, thus officially 
 put forth by despotism, of such exterminating 
 hostility to liberty, is it not possible that an 
 attack on us may be made from a quarter and 
 in a shape httle expected ? Should we not at 
 least look about us? Nations may be attacked, 
 and conquered too, with other weapons than 
 the sword. The diplomatic pen, as England 
 can testify, has often wrested from her that 
 territory which her sword had won. We need 
 not look, therefore, to the ports of Europe to 
 see if fleets are gathering. We are safe enough 
 from ships. Nor need we fear diplomacy, for 
 4 
 
38 "WK MUST EXPECT THEIU ATTACK. 
 
 we have " entano;]ing alliances^ with none." 
 Where, then, shall we look '? "What shape 
 would attack be hkely to assume ? Let the 
 nature of the contest aid us in the inquiry. It 
 is the war of opinion ; the war of anta<i-onist 
 principles ; the war of despotism asrainst lib 
 erty. But how can this contest be carried on 
 in this country? We have not the V\^arrinii 
 opinions to set in array against each other 
 One principle is certainly absent. We have no 
 party in favor of despotism. This party is to 
 be created. If then a scheme can be devised 
 for sowing the seeds and rearing the plants of 
 despotism, that is the scheme which would 
 find favor with the Holy Alliance, to subserve 
 its designs against American hbert^^ 
 
 It isasked. Why should the Holy Alliance 
 feel interested in the destruction of transatlan- 
 tic liberty? I answer, the silent but powerful 
 and increasing influence of our institutions on 
 Europe, is reason enough. The example alone 
 of prosperity, which we exhibit in such strong 
 contrast to the enslaved, priest ridden, tax-bur- 
 dened despotisms of the old world, is sufficient 
 to keep those countries in perpetual agitation. 
 How can it be otherwise ? Will a sick man, 
 long despairing of cure, learn that there is a 
 rernedy for him, and not desire to procure it ? 
 Will one born to think a dungeon his natural 
 home, learn through his grated bars that man 
 may be free, and not struggle to obtain his 
 liberty ? And what do the people of Europe 
 behold in this country ? They witness the suc- 
 cessful experiment of a fi'ee government ; a 
 
INFLUEN'CE OF OUR FREE INSTITUTIONS. 39 
 
 government of tlie people; without rulers do 
 ■/lire di vino, [by divine right:) having no hered- 
 itary privileged classes ; a government ex- 
 hibiting good order and obedience to law, 
 without an armed police and secret tribunals ; 
 a government out of debt; a people industri- 
 ous, enterprising. thriving in all their interests; 
 without monopolies ; a people religions with- 
 out an establisliment ; moral and honest with- 
 out the terrors of the conl'essional or the inqui- 
 sition ; a people not harmed by tlie uncon- 
 trolled liberty of the press and freedom of 
 opinion ; a people that read what they please, 
 and think, and judgfe, and act for themselves ; 
 a people enjoying the most unbounded security 
 of person and property ; among whom domes- 
 tic conspiracies are unknown ; v.' here the poor 
 and rich have equal justice ; a people social 
 and hospitable, exerting all their energies in 
 schemes of public and private benefit, without 
 other control than mutual forbearance. A 
 government so contrasted in all points with 
 absolute governments, must, and does engage 
 the intense solicitude both of the rulers and 
 people of the old world. Every revolution that 
 has occurred in Europe for the last half cen- 
 tury has been, in a greater or less de<jree, the 
 consequence of our own glorious revolution. 
 The great political truths there promulgated to 
 the world, are the seed of the disorders, and 
 conspiracies, and revolutions of Eiu'ope, from 
 the fu'st French revolution down to the present 
 time. These revolutions are the throes of the 
 internal life, breaking the bands of darkness 
 
40 WE ARE ACTUALLY ATTACKED BY AUSTRIA, 
 
 with which superstition and despotism liave 
 hitherto bound the nations, strug-o-lino- into the 
 hght of a new ao;e. Can despotism ivuow all 
 this, and not feel it necessary to do something 
 to counteract the evil. 
 
 Let us look around us. Is despotism doing 
 any thing in this country ? It becomes us to 
 be jealous. We have cause to expect an at- 
 tack, and that it will be of a kind suited to the 
 character of the contest, the war of opinion. 
 Yes ! despotism is doing somethino;. Avstria 
 ^ is now acting in this country. She has de- 
 ^ vised a grand scheme. She has organized a 
 great plan for doing something here, wdiich 
 she^ at least, deenis important. She has her 
 Jesuit missionaries travelling through the land ; 
 she has supplied them with money, and has 
 furnished a fountain for a regular supply. She 
 had expended a year ago more than seventy- 
 four thousand dollars in furtherance of her 
 design !* These are not surmises. They are 
 facts. Some official documents, giving the 
 constitution and doings of this Foreign So- 
 ciety, have lately made their appearance in the 
 New York Observer, and have been copied ex- 
 tensively into other journals of the country. 
 This society having ostensibly a religions ob- 
 ject, has been for nearly four years at work in 
 the United States, without attracting, out of the 
 relifjious world, much attention to its opera- 
 tions. The great patron of this apparently 
 
 * From the best authority, I have just ]earned, (Dec. 
 , 1834,) that SinO,000 have been received from Austria 
 ; within two years! 
 
UNDER THE CLOAK OF RELIGION. 41 
 
 religions scheme is no less a personage than 
 the Emperor of Austria. The Society is 
 called the St. Leopold Foimdaiion. It is or- 
 ganized in Austria. The field of its operations 
 is these United States. It meets and forms its 
 plans in Vienna. Prince Metternich has it 
 under his watchful care. The Pope has cfiven 
 it his apostolic benediction, and "His Royal 
 Highness, Ferdinand V. King of Hungary, and 
 Crown Prince of the other hereditary states, 
 has been most graciously pleased, prompted by 
 a piety worthy the exalted title of an apostolic 
 kino;, to accept the office of Protector of the 
 Leopold Foundation." Now in the present ^ 
 state of the war of principles in Europe, is not 
 a society formed avoiDedly to act upon this 
 country, oricrinating in the dominions of a des- 
 pot, and holding its secret councils in his cap- 
 ital, calculated to excite suspicion ? Is it 
 credible that a society got up under the aus- 
 pices of the Austrian government, under the 
 superintendence of its chief officers of state, 
 supplying with funds a .numerous body of 
 Jesuit emissaries who are organizing them- 
 selves in all our borders, actively passing and 
 re-passing between Europe and America ; is it 
 credible, I say, that such a society has for its 
 object purely a religious reform '!■ Is it cred- >' 
 ible that the manufacturers of chains for bind- 
 ing liberty in Europe, have suddenly become 
 benevolently concerned only for the religious 
 luelfare of this republican people ? If this So- 
 ciety he solely for the propagation of the 
 Catholic faith, one would think that Rome^ 
 4* 
 
43 A SUSPICIOUS BENEVOLENCE. 
 
 and iivot Viemia, should be its head quarters ! 
 that the Pope, not the Emperor of Austria, 
 should be its grand patron ! It must be al- 
 lowed that thisshould be a subject of general 
 and absorbing interest. If despotism has de- 
 vised a sciieme for operating against its an- 
 tagonist principle in this country, the strong- 
 hold, the very citadel of freedom, it becomes us 
 to look about us. It is high time that we 
 awake to the apprehension oif danger. I pro- 
 pose to show why I believe this ostensibly re- 
 ligious society covers other designs than reli- 
 gious. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Political character of the Austrian government, the power attacking 
 us — The old avowed enemy of Prolestant liberty — Cliaracter of the 
 people of Austria— Slaves— Character of Prince Metternich. the 
 arch-contriver of plans to stifle hberty— These enemies of all lib- 
 erty suddenly anxious lor tlie cicil and religjous liherly of the Uni- 
 ted States— Tlie absurdity of their oslensibh> design exposed — The 
 ' avowed objects of Austria in the Leofiold Foundation— Popery the 
 instrument to act upon our institutions. 
 
 Thf, documents to which I have alluded, 
 exhibit so much of the correspondence of the 
 "St. licopold Foundation," as it was deemed 
 advisable to publish in Vienna. They consist 
 of letters and statements from Jesuits, bishops 
 and priests, residing or itineratino- ju this coun- 
 try, and whose resources are chiefly derived 
 from the 'Society in Austria. In documents 
 thus prepared by Jesuits, (the most wary order 
 of ecclesiastics,) to draw forth more liberal sup- 
 plies from abroad, and then submitted to the 
 revision of the most cautious cabinet of Eu- 
 rope, that so much only may be published as 
 
CHARACTER OF AUSTRIA. 43 
 
 will attain their object in the Austrian domin- 
 ions, while ail that might excite suspicion in 
 the Utiited States is concealed, we must expect 
 to find great care to avoid any unnecessary 
 exposure of covert political designs. The evi- 
 dence therefore of. a concerted political attack 
 upon our institutions, which I conceive to lurk 
 under the sudden and extraordinary zeal of 
 Austria for the religions welfare of the United 
 States, will not depend altogether on the infor- 
 mation derived from these documents. Such 
 an attack is what might be expected from the 
 present political attitude of the European na- 
 tions, in regard to the principles of despotism 
 and liberty, from the powerful and unavoida- 
 ble effect which our institutions exert in favour 
 of the popular principle ; and also from the 
 known political character of Austria. 
 
 Who, and what is Austria, the government 
 that is so benevolently concerned for our reli- 
 gious welfare ? Austria is one of that Holy 
 Alliance of despotic governments, one of the 
 '•union of Christian princes," leagued against 
 the liberties of the people of Europe. Austria 
 is one of the partitioners of Poland; the en- 
 slaver and despot of Italy. Her government 
 is the most thorough military despotism in the 
 world. She is the declared and consistent en- 
 emy of civil and religious liberty, of the free- 
 dom of the press ; in short, of every great 
 principle in those free institutions which it is 
 our glory and privilege to inherit from our fa- 
 thers. Austria, from the commencement of the 
 Reformation to the present time, has been the 
 
f4 THE PEOPLE, AND PKINCE METTERNICH, 
 
 bitter enemy of Protestantism. The famous 
 thirty years' war, marked by every kind of 
 brutal excess, was waged to extirpate tliose 
 very principles of civil and relictions liberty 
 which lie at the foundation of our government; 
 and had Austria then triumphed, this republic 
 wonld never have been founded. 
 
 And what are the people of Austria ? They 
 are slaves, slaves iii body and mind, vv^hipped 
 and disciplined by priests to have no opinions 
 of their own, and taught to consider their Em- 
 peror their God. They are the jest and by- 
 word of the Northern Germans, who never 
 speak of Austrians but with a sneer, and "as 
 slaves unworthy the name of Germans ; as 
 slaves both mentally and physically." [Dwight.J 
 
 And who is Prince Metternich, whose letter 
 of approval,' in the name of his master the 
 Emperor, is among the documents? He is the 
 master of his Master, the arch-contriver of the 
 plans for stifling liberty in Europe and through- 
 out the world. "Metternich," says Dwight, in 
 his Travels in Germany, "by his wonderful 
 talent in exciting fear, has thus far controlled 
 the cabinets of Europe, and has exerted an in- 
 fluence over the destinies of nations, little, if 
 any inferior to that of Napoleon." He persuaded 
 the Emperor of Austria and King of Prussia 
 ?iot to fulfil the promise they so solemnly made 
 to their German subjects, of giving them free 
 constitutions. It was the influence of Metter- 
 nich that prevented Alexander from assisting 
 Greece in her struggles for liberty. He lent 
 Austrian vessels to assist the Turks in the sub- 
 
ACTS OF METTERNICH AGAINST LIBERTY. 45 
 
 jugation of the Greeks. Metternich crushed 
 the Uberties of Spain by induciii<r Louis XVIII. 
 against his wishes, to send 100,000 men thither 
 under the Diike dMngouleme to restore 'public 
 order ! When Sicily. Naples, and Genoa, in 
 1820-1, threw off the galling yoke of slavery, 
 Metternich sent his 30,000 Austrian bayonets 
 into Italy, and re-established despotism. And 
 when in 1831, (as the writer can testify from 
 personal observation.) goaded to desperation by 
 the extortion, and tyranny, and bad faith of 
 the Papal government, the Italian patriots made 
 a noble and successful effort to remedy their 
 political evils by a revolution firm, yet tempe- 
 rate, founded in the most tolerant principles, 
 marl^ed by no excess, and hailed by the lega- 
 tions with universal joy, asfain did this arch- 
 enemy of human happiness let loose his myrmi- 
 dons, overwhelming the cities, dragging the pa- 
 triots, Italy's first citizens, to the scaffold, or incar- 
 cerating them in the dungeons of Venice, filling 
 whole provinces with mourning, and bringing 
 back upon the wretchedly oppressed populatioa 
 the midnight darkness which the dawn of liber- 
 ty had begun to dispel. "Prince Metternich," v" 
 says Dwight, "is regarded by the liberals of 
 Europe as the greatest enemy of tJte hii/man ^ 
 race who has lived for ao^es. You rarely hear 
 his name mentioned without excitino- indiorna- 
 tion, not only ni the speaker but in the auditors. 
 Metternich has not been attackinaf wen but 
 PRINCIPLES, and has done so much towards 
 destroying on the continent those great politi- 
 cal truths which nations have acquired through 
 
if 
 
 46 AUSTRIA CONCERNED FOR OUR WELFARE. 
 
 ages of effort and suffering, that there is reason 
 to fear, should his system continue for half a 
 century, liberty will forsake the continent to 
 revisit it no more. The Saxons literally abhor 
 this Prince. The German word miilcniacht 
 means 7niclnis;'ht. From the resemblance of 
 the word to INletternich, as well as from his 
 efforts to cover Europe with political darkness, 
 the Saxons call him Prince Mitternacht — 
 Prince 31idnighL" 
 
 This is the government and the people which 
 have all at once manifested so deep an interest in 
 the sjnritiial condllion of this //ere^ic land. It 
 is this nation of slaves, this remnant of the 
 superstition, and v^assalage, and deo-radation of 
 the dark ages, from whom the light of the nine- 
 teenth century has been .so carefuUy shut out, 
 that it fondly conceits its own darkness to be 
 light, its death-like torpor, order — it is this 
 nation, not yet disenthralled from the chains of 
 superstition, that is anxious to enlighten us, in 
 the United States, in the principles of civil and 
 religious liberty. Civil and religious liberty! 
 words that may not be uttered in Austria but at 
 the risk of the dungeon ; v/ords that would carry 
 such shrieks of dismay through the ranks of 
 Prince Metternich's vassals, as the flash of a 
 torch would Irring forth from a cavern of owls. 
 
 And can it be believed that such a govern- 
 ment, the determined, consistent enemy of lib- 
 erty, has no interested motive, no political de- 
 sign, no other than sentiments of Christian be- 
 nevolence in her operations in this country ? 
 Is it likely that we, Protestant republicans of 
 
/ 
 
 A GOVERNMENT, NOT k PRIVATE ENTERPRISE. 47 
 
 the United States, have won the kind regards 
 of the Austrian Government, which has been 
 the perseverino^ foe of the Reformation and its 
 repubhcan fruits since the days of Luther? 
 Has not Austria had vexation, and anxiety, and 
 trouble enoui^h for fifty years past, in stoppino^ 
 up the opening crevices of the European dun- 
 geon through which the unwelcome light of 
 American liberty has so often broken, to be per- 
 fectly apprized of the hated source of that 
 light ? Yes, she cannot but now perceive that 
 those Protestant principles wliich she has been 
 incessantly engaged in endeavoring to sup- 
 press, driven by the winds of persecution from 
 Europe, have been taking root, and strengthen- 
 ing in a congenial soil, and are here bearing 
 their genuine fruits, liberty and happiness, and 
 all the religions and social virtues. She can- 
 not view this Protestant nation growing to 
 gigantic dimensions, a living proof of the truth 
 mid salutary influence of tlie principles she 
 hates, without feelin^c that her own principles 
 of darkness are in danger. And v/ell may she 
 be dismayed. Yes, Austria has turned her 
 eyes towards us, and she loves us as the owl 
 loves the sun. Can any one doubt that she 
 would extinguish every spark of liberty in this 
 country if she had the power? . Can any one . 
 oelieve that she would make no attempt to 
 abate an evil which daily threatens more and 
 more the very existence of her throne? We 
 may be told by some, perhaps, that her designs 
 are purely of a relig-ioiis character. Who can 
 believe it ? No one who has been in Austria. 
 
48 CATHOLIC MISSIONS THE INSTRUMENT. 
 
 Every intelligent man who has resided even 
 for a short time in the Austrian dominions, 
 mnst have seen enough of the craft, both of the 
 government and the priests, to make him sus- 
 picious of ail their doings, and most so, when 
 they are most lavish of their professions of 
 kindness and benevolence. " Timco Danaos 
 et dona ferentes." 
 
 But let us see what Austria avows as her de- 
 sign in the formation of the Leopold Founda- 
 tion.* The first great object is " to promote the 
 greater activity of Catholic missions in Amer- 
 ica." She may be, and doubtless is, perfectly 
 
 * Some may be inclined to ask, is not this society a pri- 
 vate associaiion, merely chartered by the government, not 
 difiering materially from the religious societies in our own 
 country 7 I answer that, were the Leopold Foundation an 
 association of private individuals, (which it is not,j yet 
 got up in the Austrian dominions, it would still be a gov- 
 ernment ajfair. For we must not confound the practices 
 of two governments, so totally opposite in the administra- 
 tion of all their affairs as the Austrian and our own. 
 From the happy separation of church and state in our own 
 country, religious societies, of whatever character, have 
 no coniiexion with the government. They move in a sep- 
 arate sphere of action, yet in pefect harmony with it. But 
 in Austria, no plan, no society of any kind is private ; the 
 government interferes in every thing, is all in all. Even 
 the persecuted Maroncelli, confined in the dungeons of 
 Spielberg for the crime of loving the'political principles of 
 this country, must wait a week, at the risk of his life, for 
 a gracious permission from the Paternal government to 
 have his leg amputated. Yes, a private matter like this is 
 a government affair ; how much more then a grand soci- 
 ety, with the Emperor its patron, the crown prince and 
 heir to the imperial throne its protector, and Prince Met- 
 ternich, and all the dignitaries of the empire, temporal 
 and ecclesiastical, engaged in its operations'? It is the 
 Austrian government that is engaged in this plan of an 
 ostensibly religious character. 
 
CATHOLIC MISSIONS THE INSTRUMENT. 40 
 
 t>\v<'v\^ ia this design, for it is only necessary 
 tbat sfio siioLild succeed in her avowed object 
 to have her utmost wishes accomphshed. She 
 need avow no other aim. If she gains this, she 
 gains all. If she suc(^eeds in fastening upon us 
 the chains of Papal bondage; she h^ a people 
 as fit for any yoke she pleases to grace our 
 necks v/ithal. as any slaves over whom she 
 now holds her despotic rod. She has selected 
 a fitting instrument for her purpose. Her 
 armies can avail her nothing against us, for the 
 ocean intervenes. Her diplomacy gives her no 
 hold, for there are scarcely any political rela- 
 tions between us. The only instrument by 
 which she can gain the least influence in these 
 States, is that precisely which she has chosen. 
 Its perfect fitness to accomplish any political 
 design agamst the liberties of this country and 
 of tire world, I shall next consider. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Popery, in its political, not its religious character, the object of the 
 present crxamination— The fitness of the instrument to accomplish 
 the political designs of despotism considered— The principles of a 
 despotic and free government briefly contrasted— Despotic prin- 
 ciples fundamental in Popery— Proved by infallible testimony- 
 Papal claims of divine right and plenitude, of porrer- Abject 
 principles of Popery illustrated from the Russian catechism- 
 Protestantism from its birth in favor of liberty—Luther on the 
 4th of July attacked the presumptuous claim of divine right- 
 Despotism and Popery Imnd in hand against the liberty of con- 
 science, liberty of opinion, and liberty of the press— The anti- 
 repubUcan declarations of the present Pope Gregory XVI. 
 
 Before commencing the examination of the 
 perfect fitness of the instrument, Catholic mis- 
 sions, to accomplish the political designs, upon 
 this country, of Austria and her despotic allies. 
 1 would premise, that I have nothing to do in 
 5 
 
60 DESPOTIC AND FREE PRINCIPLES CONTRASTED. 
 
 these remarliS with the 'purely religious char- 
 acter of the tenets of the Roman CathoHc sect. 
 They are not in discussion. If any wish to 
 resolve their doubts in the religious contro- 
 versy, the acute pens of^ the polemic writers of 
 the day \|^ill furnish them abundant means of 
 deciding for tliemselves. But every religious 
 sect has certain principles of government grow- 
 ing out of its particular religious belief, and 
 which wnll be found to as^ree or disac-ree with 
 the principles of any given form of civil gov- 
 ernment.* It is my design, therefore, briefly to 
 consider some of the antagonist principles of 
 the government of Austria and of the United 
 States, and compare them with the principles 
 of government of the Catholic and Protestant 
 sects. By this method we shall be able to 
 judge of their bearing on the pernianency of 
 our present civil institutions. 
 
 Let us first present to view Xhe fundamental 
 principle of government, Xhdii principle which, 
 according to its agreement with one or the 
 other of the two opposite opinions that divide 
 the world, decides entirely the character of the 
 government in every part of the body politic. 
 From v'hom> is authority to govern derived 7 
 Austria and the United States will as^ree in an- 
 swering— //'o?7?/ God. The opposition of opin- 
 ion occurs in the answers to the next question. 
 To whom on earth is this authority delc' 
 gated 7 Austria answers, To the Emperor, 
 ^oho is the source of all authority — " /, tht 
 Emperor^ do ordain,^^ 6cc. The United States 
 
 ♦ See Note B. 
 
DESPOTISM INHERENT IN POPERY. 51 
 
 answers, To the People, in ivhom resides the 
 sovereign pmver — '• We, the People, do or- 
 dain, establish, grant,^^ &c. In one principle 
 is recognised the necessity of the servitude of 
 the people, the absokite dependance of the sub- 
 ject, unqiiahfied submission to the commands 
 of the rulers without question or examination. 
 The Rider is Master, the People are Slaves. 
 in the other is recognised the supremacy of 
 the jjeople, the equality of rights and powers of 
 the citizen, submission alone to laws emanating 
 from themselves ; the Ruler is a public serv- 
 ant, receiving wages from the people to perform 
 services agreeable to their pleasure ; amenable 
 in all things to thsm, and holding office at their 
 will. The Rider is Servant, the People are 
 Master. The fact and impoitant nature of 
 the difference in these antagonist doctrines, 
 leading, as is perceived, to diametrically oppo- 
 site results, are all that is needful to state in 
 order to proceed at once to the inquiry, Which 
 position does tlie Cathohc sect and the Protest- 
 ant sects severally favor ? The Pope, the su- 
 preme Head of the Catholic church, claims to 
 be the " Yicegerent of Godf'' " supreme over all 
 mortals;" "over all Emperors, Kin^s, Princes, 
 Potentates, and People ;" " King of kings and 
 Lord of lords." He styles himself, '• the di- 
 vinely appointed dispenser of spiritual and 
 temporal punishments ;" '- armed with power 
 to depose Emperors and Kings, and absolve 
 subjects from their oath of allegian-ce ;" '• from 
 him lies no appeal ;" " he is responsible to no 
 one on earth ;" " he is judged of no one but 
 
52 ABJECT POLITICAL PRINCtPLES OF POPERr. 
 
 God." But not to go back to former ages to 
 prove the fact of the Pope's claiiiung divine 
 ri2ht, let the present Pontitf Greo;oryXYI. tes- 
 tity. lie claims, and attempts tlie exercise ol 
 this pleititude of power, and asserts his divim 
 right. The document I quote is fresh froiu 
 the Vatican, scarce four months old, a docu- 
 ment in which the Pope interferes directly in 
 the political affairs of Portugal against Don 
 Pedro. "How can there be unity in the 
 body," says the Pope, " when the members are 
 not united to the head, and do not obey it? 
 And how can this union and obedience be 
 maintained in a country where they drive from 
 their sees the bishops, legitimately instituted by 
 Hi?ii to whom it appertains to assign pastors 
 to all the vacant churches, because the divine 
 RIGHT grants to Him alone the primacy of 
 jurisdiction and the p)lenitude of power." 
 The Catholic catechism now taught by Catho- 
 lic priests to the Poles in all the schools of Po- 
 land, and published by special order at Wilna,^ 
 1832, is very conclusive of the character of 
 Catholic doctrine. The following questions 
 and answers are propounded : 
 
 " Quest. 1. How is the authority of the Em- 
 peror to be considered in reference to the spirit 
 of Christianity? Ans. As proceeding imme- 
 diately from God. 
 
 " Gluest. 2. How is this substantiated by the 
 nature of things ? Ans. It is by the will of 
 God that men live in society ; hence the va- 
 rious relations which constitute society, which 
 
RUSSIAN CATECHISM. 53 
 
 for its more complete security is divided into 
 parts called nations ; the government of which 
 is intrusted to a Prince, King, or Emperor, or 
 in other words, to a supreme ruler ; we see, 
 then, that as man exists in conformity to the 
 will of God, society emanates from the same 
 divine will, and more especially the supreme 
 power and authority of our lord and master, 
 the Czar. 
 
 " Q,uest. 3. What duties does religion teach 
 us, the humble subjects ©f his Majesty the Em- 
 ueror of Russia, to practise towards him ? Ans. 
 Worship, obedience, fidelity, the payment of 
 taxes, service, love and prayer, the whole being 
 comprised in the words worship and fidelity. ' 
 
 " Gluest. 4. Wherein does this worship con- 
 sist, and how should it be manifested ? Ans. 
 By the most unqualified reverence in words, 
 gestures, demeanor, thoughts, and actions. 
 
 " Quest. 5. What kind of obedience do we 
 owe him? Ans. An entire, passive, and un- 
 bounded obedience in every point of view. 
 
 " Quest. 6. In what consists the fidelity we 
 owe to the Emperor ? Ans. In executing his 
 commands most rigorously, without examina- 
 tion, in performing the duties he requires from 
 us, and in dohig every thing willingly without 
 murmuring. 
 
 " Quest. 8. Is the service of his Majesty the 
 Emperor obligatory on us? Ans. Absolutely 
 so ; we should, if required, sacrifice ourselves 
 in compliance with his will, both in a civil and 
 military capacity, and in whatever manner he 
 deems expedient. 
 5* 
 
rj RUSSIAN CATECHISM. 
 
 « Quest. 9. What benevolent sentiments and 
 love are due to the Emperor? Ans. \\ e should 
 manifest our good will and affection, according 
 to our station, in endeavonn- to promote die 
 nrosneritv of our native land, Russia, (not Ro- 
 land.) as well as that of the Emperor, our fa- 
 ther ' and of his august family. "^ 
 
 "auest. 13. Does religion forbid us to rebel, 
 and overthrow the government of the Empe- 
 ror '^ Ans We are interdicted from so doing, 
 at ail times, and under any circumstances. 
 
 ^' Quest U. Independently of tlie worship 
 we owe to the Emperor, are we called upon to 
 respect the public authorities emanating from 
 him '^ Ans. Yes ; because they emanate from 
 him represent him, and act as his substitute, 
 so that the Emperor -is everywhere. 
 
 "Quest 15. What motives have we to tultil 
 the duties ahove enumerated I Ans. Tlie mo- 
 tives are two-fold-some natural, others re- 
 
 ^^'' Quest 1(3 What are the natural motives? 
 Ans Besides the motives adduced, t^iereare 
 the followincr : The Emperor, being the head 
 of the nation, the father of all his subjec s who 
 constitute one and the same country, is thereby 
 alone worthy of reverence, gratitude, a"d obe- 
 dience • for both public welfare and individual 
 security depend on submissiveness to his com- 
 
 "''^'Quest 17. Wliat are the supernatural re- 
 vealed motives for this worship] Ans. i he 
 supernatural revealed motives are, that the 
 Emperor is the vicegerent and mimster of God 
 
ROSSIAN CATECHISM. 55 
 
 to execute the divine commands ; and conse- 
 quently, disobedience to the Emperor is identi- 
 fied with disobedience to God himself; that 
 God will reward us in the world to come for 
 the worship and obedience we render the Em- 
 peror, and punish us severely to all eternity, 
 should we disobey and neglect to worship him. 
 Moreover, God commands us to love and obey, 
 from the inmost recesses of the heart, every 
 authority, and particularly the Emperor^ not 
 from worldly considerations, but from appre- 
 hension of the final judgment. * * 
 
 " duest. 19. What examples confirm this 
 doctrine? Ans. The example of Jesus Christ 
 himself, who lived and died in allegiance to 
 the Emperor of Rome, and ^respectfully sub- 
 mitted to the judgment which condemned him 
 to death. We have, moreover, the example of 
 the Apostles, who both loved and respected 
 them ; they suffered meekly in dungeons, con- 
 formably to the will of Emperors, and did not 
 revolt like malefactors and traitors. We must, 
 therefore, in imitation of these examples, sufter 
 and be silent." 
 
 This is the slavish doctrine taught to the 
 Catholics of Poland. The people, instead of 
 having power or rights, are, according to this 
 catechism, mere passive slaves, born for their 
 masters ; tauo;ht, by a perversion of the threat- 
 enings of religion, to obey without murmuring, 
 or questioning, or examination, the mandates 
 of their human deity ; bid to cringe, and fawn, 
 and kiss the very feet of majesty, and deem 
 
56 COINCIDENXE OF TOPISII AND DESPOTIC LAWS. 
 
 themselves happy to he whipped, to be kicked. 
 or to die in his service. Is it necessary to say 
 that there is not a Protestant sect in this coun- 
 try that holds such abject sentiments, or whose 
 creed inculcates such barefaced idolatry of a 
 human being ? Protestantism, on the contrary, 
 at its birth, while yet bound with many of the 
 sliackles of Popery, attacked, in its earliest 
 lispings of freedom, this very doctrine of divine 
 right. It was Luther, and by a singular coin- 
 cidence of day too, on the fourth of July ^ who 
 first, in a public disputation at Leipsic with his 
 Popish aiitao;onist. called in question the divine 
 right of the Pope. 
 
 Let us now examine in contrast other politi- 
 cal rights, liherty of conscience^ liberty of opin- 
 ion^ and liberty of the press. Austria and the 
 United States diifer on these points as widely 
 as on the fundamental question. Austria not 
 only has the press in her own territory under 
 censorship, but intermeddles to control the press 
 in the neighboring states on the principle of 
 self-preservation. " In Saxony," says Dwight, 
 " the press is fettered by Austria and Prussia, 
 who alleged this reason, ' that all the works 
 published in Saxony, which are not on the 
 proscribed list, are freely admitted into cur 
 dominions. For our happiness, therefore, and 
 the stability of our thrones, it is necessary 
 that the press should be, fettered ! P " As to 
 liherty of opinion, political or religious, in 
 Austria, no 'one dreams of the existence of such 
 a thino- • the dunsfeon is a summarv mode 
 thereof obtaining a most happy uniformity of 
 
POPERY AGAINST LIBERTY OP OPINION. 57 
 
 opinion tln'oughout all the imperial dominions. 
 It is our glory, on the contrary, that all these 
 rights are secured to us by our institutions, 
 and freely enjoyed, not only without the least 
 danger to the peace of the state, but from the 
 very genius of our government, they are es- 
 teemed amonsr its most precious sateguards. 
 What are the Catholic tenets on these points ? 
 Shall 1 go back some three or four hundred 
 years, and quote the pontifical law. which says, 
 [Art. 9,1 " Tiie Pope has the power to inter- 
 pret Scripture and to teach as he pleases, and 
 710 person is allowed to teach in a different 
 way ?" Or to the fourth Council of Lateran 
 in 1215, which decrees " That all heretics, 
 (that is, all who have an opinion of their own,) 
 shall be dehvered over to the civil magistrates 
 to be burned P Or shall I refer to the Catho- 
 lic Index Exjncrgatorius, to the list of forbid- 
 den books, to show how the press is still fet- 
 tered ? No! it is unnecessary to go farther 
 than the present day. The reigning pontiff, 
 Gregory XVI., shall again answer the ques- 
 tion. He has most opportunely furnished us 
 with the present sentiments of the Catholic 
 church on these very points. In his encycli- 
 cal letter, dated Sept. 183"2, the Pope, lament- 
 ing the disorders and infidelity of the times, 
 says — - 
 
 " From this polluted fountain of 'indifference' 
 flows that absurd and erroneous doctrine, or 
 rather raving, in favor and defence of ' liberty 
 of conscience,' for which most pestilential error 
 the course is opened to that entire and wild 
 
 y 
 
 x" 
 
 I^" 
 
58 POPERY AGAINST THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. 
 
 liberty of opinion wliich is everywhere at- 
 tempting the overthrow of rehgious and civil 
 institutions, and which the unbhishing impu- 
 dence of some has held forth as an advantage 
 to rehgion. Hence thatpest^ of all others most 
 to he dreaded in a state, luibridled liberty of 
 opinion^ hcentiousness of speech, and a hist of 
 novelty, which, according to the experience of 
 all ages, portend the downfall of the mostpower- 
 ful and flourishing empires." 
 
 " Hither tends that worst and never suflicient- 
 ly to be execrated and detested liberty op 
 THE PRESS, for the diffusion of all manner of 
 writings, which some so loudly contend for, 
 and so actively promote." 
 
 He complains, too, of the dissemination of un- 
 licensed books. 
 
 " No means must be here omitted, says Cle- 
 ment XIII., our predecessor of happy memory, 
 in the Encyclical Letter on the proscription of 
 bad books — 710 means must be here omitted^ 
 as the extremity of the case calls for all our exer- 
 tions, to exterminate the fatal pest which 
 spreads through so many w^orks, nor can the 
 materials of error be otherwise destroyed than 
 by the flarjies, which consume the depraved 
 elements of the evil." 
 
 Now all this is explicit enough, here is no 
 ambiguity. We see clearly, from infallible 
 authority, that the Catholic of the present day, 
 wherever he may be, if he is true to the princi- 
 ples of his sect, cannot consistently tolerate 
 liberty of conscience, or liberty of the press. Is 
 there any sect of protestants in this country, 
 
rOrERY AND DESPOTISM IDENTICAL. 59 
 
 from whose i-eligious tenets doctrines so sub- 
 versive of civil and religious liberty can be 
 even inferred? If there be, I am ignorant of 
 its name. The subject will be pursued in the 
 next chapter. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The canse of Popery and despotism idenlical— Striking: difference be- 
 tween Topcry and Piotestantisni as Ihey exist in this country — 
 American Proteslantiim not controlled by Foreign Protestantism— 
 American Popery entirely under foreign control — Jesuits, the For- 
 eicn agents of Austria, bound by the strongest ties of interest to 
 Austrian policy, not to American— Their dangerous power— unpar- 
 aile'ed in any Protestant sect— our free institutions opposed in their 
 nature to tiie arbitrary claimsof Popery— Duplicity to be expected— 
 Political dauijers to be apprehende<l from Roman Catholic organiza- 
 tion—American IlomanCiitholic ecclesiastical matters uncontrolled 
 by Americans or in America— managed in a foreign country, by a 
 foreign power, for ]iolitical purposes — Consequences thai may easi. 
 ly result from such a state of things. 
 
 I EXPOSFJD, in my last chapter, the remarkable 
 coincidence of the tenets of Popery with the 
 principles of despotic government, in this re- 
 spect so opposite to the tenets of Protestantism ; 
 Popery, from its very nature, favoring despot- 
 ism, and Protestantism, from its very nature, 
 favoring liberty. Is it not then perfectly natu- 
 ral that the Austrian government should be 
 active in supporting Catholic missions in this 
 country? Is it not clear that the cause of 
 Popery is the cause of despotism? 
 
 But there is another most striking and im- 
 portant difference between Popery and Protest- 
 antism, in their bearing upon the liberties of 
 the country. No one of the Protestant sects 
 owns any head^out of this country^ or is gov- 
 erned in any of its concerns by any men, or set 
 of men, in a foreign land. All ecclesiastical 
 oflicers are nominated and appointed, or remo- 
 
60 PROTESTANT SECTS MANAGED IN THE COUNTRY. 
 
 ved by the people of the United States. No 
 foreio-ii body has any such union with any sect 
 of Protestants in the United States, as even to 
 advise, much less to control any of its measures. 
 Our Episcopalians appoint their own bishops 
 without consulting the church of Enn^land ; 
 our Presbyterians are entirely independent of 
 the church of Scodand ; and our Wesleyan 
 Methodists have no ecclesiastical connexion 
 with the disciples of Wesley in the old world. 
 But how is it in these respects with the Catho- 
 lics? The right of appointing to all ecclesias- 
 tical offices in this country, as everywhere 
 v^else, is in the Pope, (now a mere creature of 
 Austria.) Fie claims the power, as we have 
 seen, by divine ri^ht. All the bishops, and all 
 the ecclesiastics down to the most insignificant 
 oliicer in the church, are, from the genius of 
 the system, entirely under his control. And lie, 
 of course, will appoint none to office but those 
 who will favor the views of Austria. He will 
 require all whom he appoints, to support the 
 agents whom Austria is sending to this country 
 for the accomplishment of her own purposes. •* 
 
 And who are these agents ? Tlieij are^ for 
 the most part, Jesuits, an ecclesiastical order 
 proverbial throuo;h the world for cunning, du- 
 plicity, and total want of moral principle ; an 
 order so skilled in all the arts of deception, that 
 even in Catholic countries, in Italy itself, it 
 became intolerable, and the people required its 
 suppression. They are Jesuits in the pay and 
 employ of a despotic government, who ai*e at 
 work on the ignorance and passions of our com- 
 
DANGEROUS POWER OF JESUITS. 61 
 
 munity ; they are foreigners^ who have been 
 schooled in foreign seminaries in the doctrine 
 of passive obedience ; they are foreigners nnder 
 vows oVperpetual celihacy^ and having, there- 
 fore, no deep and permanent interest'in this 
 country; they are foreio;iiers, bound by the 
 strong ties of pecuniary interest and aiiibition 
 to the service of a foreign despot.* Is there 
 no danger to our free institutions from a host 
 commanded by such men, whose numbers are 
 constantly increasing by the machinations and 
 funds of Austria ? 
 
 Consider, too, the power which these .Jesuits 
 and other Cathohc priests possess through the 
 co)ifessional, of knowing the private characters 
 and affairs of all the leading men in the com- 
 munity ; the power arising from their ri2"ht to 
 prescribe the kinds and degrees of penance^ 
 and the power ari.sing from the right to refuse 
 absolution to those who do not comply with 
 their commands. Suppose such powers were 
 exercised by the ministers of any other sect, the 
 Episcopalian, the Methodist, the Presbyterian, 
 the Baptist, &c. what an outcry would be rais- 
 ed in the land ! And should not the men who 
 possess such po,wers be jealously watched by 
 all lovers of liberty/ 
 
 Is it possible that these Jesuits can have a 
 sincere attachment to the principles of free in- 
 stitutions ? Do not these principles oppose a 
 constant barrier to their exercise of that arbi- 
 trary power, which they claim as a divine right, 
 and which they exercise, too, in all countries 
 
 * See note C. 
 
Dangerous power op Jesuits. 
 
 where they are dominant ? Can it not be per- 
 ceived, that ahhongh they may find it pohtic 
 for the present to conceal tiieir anti-repablicaii 
 tenets, yet this conceahiient will be merely tem- 
 porary, and is only adopted now, the better to 
 lull suspicion ? Is it not in accordance with 
 all experience of Popish policy, that Jesuits 
 should encroach by little and little, and perse- 
 vere till they have attained the plenitude of 
 power? At present they have but one aim in 
 this country, which absorbs all others, and that 
 is, to make themselv^es popular. If they succeed 
 in this, we shall then learn, when too late to 
 remedy the evil, that Popery abandons none of 
 its divine rights. The leaders of this sect are 
 disciplined and organized, and have their ad- 
 herents entirely subservient to their will. Here, 
 then, is a regular party, a religious sect, ready 
 to throw the weight of its power as circumstances 
 may require — ready to favor any man or set of 
 men who will engage to favor it. 
 
 And to whom do these leaders look for theii 
 instructions ? Is it to a citizen, or body of cit- 
 izens belonging to this country ; is it to a 
 body of men kept in check by the ever- 
 jealous eyes of other bodies around them, 
 and by the immediate publicity which must 
 be given to all their doings? No, they 
 are men owninsf no law on this side of the 
 ocean ; they are the Pope and his Consistory ol 
 Cardinals, following the plans and instructions 
 of the imperial cabinet of Austria.: — plans 
 formed in the secret councils of that cabinet, 
 instructions delivered in secret, according to 
 
UNDKR AUSTRIAN CONTROL. 
 
 63 
 
 the modes of despotism, to their obedient offi- 
 cers, and distributed throao^h the well disci- 
 phned ranks in this country, to be carried into 
 effect in furtherance of any pohtical designs 
 the Austrian cabinet may tliink advantageous 
 to its own interests. And will these designs be 
 in favor of liberty? With a party thus formed 
 and disciplined among us, who will venture to 
 say that our elections will not be under the 
 control of a Metternich, and that the appoint 
 ment of a President of the United States will 
 not be virtually made hi the Imperial Cabinet 
 of Vienna, or 'the Consistory of Cardinals at 
 Rome ? Will this be pronounced incredible ? 
 It will be the almost certain result of the do- 
 minion of Popery in this country. 
 
 But we need not imagine that it wiU always 
 be deemed expedient to preserve the name of 
 President, or even the elective character of 
 our chief magistrate. How long would it take 
 the sophistrylhat deludes the mind of its vic- 
 tim into the belief of a man's infallibility, and 
 fixes the delusion there indelibly, binding him, 
 soul and body, to believe against the evidence 
 of his reason and his senses ; holding him in 
 the most abject obedience to the will of a fel- 
 low-man ; how long, I say, would it take such 
 sophistry to impose the duty of acknowledg- 
 ing the divine right of an emperor over the 
 priest -conquered vassals of this country— vas- 
 sals well instructed in the Puissian Catechisni, 
 ;and prepared to worship, love and obey, as their 
 lord and master, some scion of the House of 
 Hapsburg— the Emperor of the United States ! 
 
Gi OUR TOLERATION FAVORS ATTACK. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Points in our political system which favor this foreign attack— Our 
 tol'iration of all reliirioiis systems— Poptn-y opposed to all toleration 
 —Charge of iuiolerance subslautiated— Tlie organization of Pojjery 
 in America connected with, and strensrhened hy foreign organiza- 
 tioa— VVitliout a parallel among Protestaiu socis— Great preponder- 
 ance of Pop;i.h sireng'liin inuise(nience—Tlip divisions among Pro- 
 testant sects nnliifies their attcuipis at cornbinatio:i— Taken advan- 
 tage of bv Jesnits— Popish duplicity illustrateri in iis opposite allian- 
 ces in Enrope with despotism, an<i in America with democracy— 
 The laws relating lo ei/iigralion and naiiiralization favor foroisn 
 attack— E:ni!;raata bein^uiosily Catholic, and in entire subjection to 
 their prieals— No remedy provided. by our laws for this alarming evil. 
 
 What I liave advanced in my previous 
 chapters, may have convinced my readers tliat 
 there is ^ooA. reason for heUeving that the des- 
 pots of Europe are attempting, by the spread 
 of Popery in this country, to subvert its free 
 institutions ; yet many may think tliat there are 
 so many connteracting canses in the constitu- 
 tion of onr society, that this effort to bind us 
 with the cast-off chains of the bigotry and 
 superstition of Europe cannot meet with suc- 
 cess. 1 will, therefore, in the present chapter, 
 consider some of the points hi our pohtical 
 system, of which advantage has ah'eady been 
 taken to attack ns by the wily enemies of our 
 Uberties, 
 
 It is a beautiful feature in our constitution, 
 that every man is left to worship God accord- 
 ing to the dictates of his own conscience ; that 
 the churcii is separated Irom the state, and that 
 equal protection is granted to all creeds. In 
 thus tolerating all sects, we have admitted to 
 equal protection not only those sects whose re- 
 ligious faith and practice support tlie principle 
 on which the free toleration of all is founde^, 
 but also that unique, that sohtary sect, the 
 Catholic, which builds and supports its system 
 
POPERY ESSENTIALLY INTOLERANT. €5 
 
 on the destruction of all toleration. Yes, the 
 Catholic is permitted to work in the light of 
 Protestant toleration, to mature his plans, and 
 to execute his designs to extinguish that light, 
 and destroy the hands that hold it. It is no 
 refutation of the charge of intolerance here 
 made against Catholics as a sect, to show that 
 small bodies of them under peculiar circum- 
 stances, have been tolerant, or that in this 
 country, where they have always been a small 
 minority, they make high professions of ardent 
 love for the republican, tolerant institutions of 
 our government. No one can be deceived by 
 evidence so partial and circumscribed, while 
 the blood of the persecuted for opinions' sake 
 stains with the deepest tinge every page of the 
 history of that church, aye, even while it is 
 still wet upon the dungeon floors of Italy; 
 while the intolerant and anti-republican prin- 
 ciples of Popery are now weekly thundered 
 from the Vatican, and echoed in our ears by 
 almost every arrival from Europe.* 
 
 Let me not be charged with accusing the 
 Catholics of the United States with intoler- 
 ance. They are too small a body as yet fully 
 to act out their principles, and their present 
 conduct does not affect the general question in 
 any way, unless it may be to prove that they 
 are not genuine and consistent Catholics. The 
 conduct of a small insulated body, under the 
 restraints of the society around it, is of no 
 vveiofht in decidina^ the character of the sect, 
 while there are nations of the same infallible 
 
 ♦ See note D. 
 ' 6* 
 
66 DESPOTIC ORGANIZATION, 
 
 faith actin;^ out its leo;itimate principles un- 
 controlled, and producing fruits by which all 
 may discern, without dansfer of mistake, the 
 true nature of the tree. If Popery is tolerant, 
 let us see Italy, and Austria, and Spain, and 
 X^ortiio^al, open their doors to the teachers of 
 the Protestant faith ; let -these countries grant 
 to Protestant missionaries, as freely as we 
 grant to Catholics, leave to disseminate their 
 doctrine through all classes in their domin- 
 ions. Then may Popery speak of toleration, 
 then may we believe that it has felt the influ- 
 ence of the spirit of the age, and has reformed ; 
 but then it will hot be Popery, for Popery nev- 
 er changes ; it is infallibly tlie same, infallibly 
 intolerant. 
 
 The conspirators against our liberties, who 
 have been admitted from abroad through the 
 liberality of our institutions, are now organ- 
 ized in every part of the country ; they are all 
 subordinates, standing in regular steps of slave 
 and master, from the most abject dolt that 
 obeys the commands of his priest, up to the 
 great master-slave Metternich, who commands 
 and obeys his illustrious Master, the Emperor.* 
 They report from one to another, like the sub- 
 officers of an army, up to the commander-in- 
 chief at Vienna, (not the Pope, for he is but a 
 subordinate of Austria.t) There is a similar 
 
 * See note E. 
 
 t Lest the charge often made in these numbers should 
 seem gratuitous of the Pope being the creature of Austria, 
 and entirely subservient to the Imperial Cabinet, it may 
 be as well to state that the writer was in Rome during the 
 deliberations of the Conclave, respecting the election ot 
 
NO CHECK FROM PROTESTANT ORGANIZATION. 67 
 
 oro^anization among- Mhe Catholics of other 
 conntries, and the whole Catholic church is 
 thus prepared to throw its \vci2:ht of power 
 aud wealth into the hands of Austria, or any 
 Holy Alliance of despots who may he persua- 
 ded to embark, for the safety of then- dynasties, 
 in the crusade a2;aiust the liberties of a coun- 
 try which, by its simple existence in opposi- 
 tion to their theory of leo^itimate power, is 
 workinof revolution and destruction to their 
 thrones. 
 
 Now, to this dangerous conspiracy, what 
 have we to oppose in tlie discipline of Protest- 
 ant sects? However well organized, each ac- 
 cordins: to its own manner, these different 
 sects may be, tliere is not one of themtiiat can 
 by any possibility derive strength, through its 
 organization, /rom foreign sects of the same 
 nmne. Nor is this a matter of regret ; it is 
 risfht that it should be so ; no nation can be 
 truly independent wliere it is otherwise. For- 
 
 the present Pontiff. It-was interesting to him to hear the 
 speculations of the Italians on the probability of this or 
 that cardinal's election. Couriers were daily arriving 
 from the various despotic powers, and intrigues were rite 
 in the ante-chambers of the Gluirinal palace ; now it was 
 said that Spain would carry her candidate, now Iial}^ and 
 now Austria, and when Cardinal Capelani was proclaim- 
 ed Pope, the universal cry, mixed, too, with low-mntiered 
 curses, was that Austria "had succeeded. The new Pope 
 had scarcely chosen his title of Gregory XVI. and passed 
 through the ceremonies of coronation, belore the revolu- 
 tion in his stales gave him the opportunity of calling in 
 Austria to take possession of the Patrimony of St. Peter, 
 which his own troops could not keep for an hour, and at 
 this moment Austrian soldiers hold the Roman Legations 
 in submission to the cabinet of Vienna. Is not the Pope 
 a creature of Austria 1 
 
6S UNNATURAL ALLIANCE OP POPERY AND DEMOCRACY. 
 
 eign influence, then, cannot find its way into 
 the country through any of the Protestant 
 sects, to the danger of the State. In this re- 
 spect CathoUcs stand alone. They are al- 
 ready tJie most i^owerful and dangerous sect 
 in the country^ for tliey are not confined ir 
 their schemes and means hke the other sects, 
 to our own horders, but they work with the 
 minds and the funds of all despotic Europe. 
 
 And not only are each of the Protestant 
 sects deprived of foreign aid ; they are weak 
 collectively, in having no common bond of 
 union among themselves, so far as political ac- 
 tion is concerned. The mutual jealousies of 
 the d liferent sects have hitherto prevented this, 
 and it is a weakness boasted of by Catholics, 
 and of which advantage is, and ever will be 
 taken, while the unnatural estrangement lasts. 
 Catholics have boasted that they can 7^/«?/ off 
 one sect agamst another, for in the petty con- 
 troversies that divide the contending parties, 
 the pliable conscience of the Jesuit enables 
 him to throw the weight of his influence on 
 either side, as his interest may be ; the com- 
 mand of his superiors, and the alleged good of 
 the churchy (that is, the power of the priest- 
 hood,) being paramount to all other considera- 
 tions. 
 
 This pliability of conscience, so advanta- 
 geous in buildins" up any system of oppression, 
 relio;ious or political, presents us with strange- 
 ly contradictory alliances. In Europe, Pope- 
 ry supports the most high-handed despotism. 
 lends Its thunders to awe the people into the 
 
EMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION LAWS. 69 
 
 most abject obedience, and maintains, at the 
 top of its creed, the indissoluble union of 
 cliurrJt and state ! while in this country, 
 where it is yet feehng its way, (oh ! how con- 
 sistent ! ) it has alhed itself with the democracy 
 of the land ; it is loudest in its denunciations of 
 tyranny, the tyranny of American patriots ; it 
 is first to scent out oppression, sees afar otT the 
 machinations of the native American Protes- 
 tants to unite church and state, and puts it- 
 self fortli the most zealous ofuardian of civil 
 and religious liberty ! With such sentinels, 
 surely our liberties are safe ; with such guard- 
 ians of our rights, we may sleep on in peace ! 
 Another weak point in our system, is our 
 laws, encouraging emigration^ and aflbrding 
 facilities to naturalization* In the early state 
 of the country, liberality in these points was 
 thought to be of advantage, as it promoted the 
 cuhivation of our wild lands, but the dangers 
 which now threaten our free institutions from 
 this source more than balance all advantages 
 of this chara.cter. The great body of emigrants 
 to this country are the hard-working, mentally 
 neglected poor of Catholic countries in Europe, 
 wtio have left a land where they were en- 
 slaved, for one of freedom. However well dis- 
 posed they may be to the country which pro- 
 tects them, and adopts them as citizens, they 
 are not fitted to act with judgment in the po- 
 litical afiairs of their new coimtry, lilie native 
 citizens, educated from their infancy in tlie 
 principles and habits of our instiuitions. Most 
 
 * See note F. 
 
70 DANGER FROM IGNORANT EMIGRANTS. 
 
 of them are too ignorant to act at all for Iheni- 
 selves, and expect to be gaided wholly by 
 others. These others are of course their priests. 
 Priests have ruled them at home by divine 
 right ; their ignorant minds cannot ordinarily 
 be emancipated from their habitual subjection, 
 they will not learn nor appreciate their exemp- 
 tion from any such usurpation of priestly pow- 
 er in this country, and they are implicitly at 
 the beck of their spiritual guides. They live 
 surrounded by freedom, yet liberty of con- 
 'science, right of private judgment, whether in 
 religion or politics, are as effectually excluded 
 (by the priests, as if the code of Austria already 
 \ruled the land. They form a body of men 
 whose habits oi action (for 1 cannot say thought) 
 are opposed to the principles of our free insti- 
 tutions, for, as they are not accessible to the rea- 
 sonings of the press, they cannot and do not 
 think for themselves. 
 » Every unlettered Catholic emigrant, there- 
 fore, that comes into the country, is adding to 
 a mass of ignorance which it will be difficult 
 to reach by any liberal instruction ; and how- 
 ever honest, (and I have no doubt most of them 
 are so,) yet, from the nature of things, they are 
 but obedient instruments in the hands of their 
 more knowing leaders, to accomplish the de- 
 siofns of their foreio:n masters. Republiean 
 education, were it allowed freely to come m 
 contact with their minds, would doubtless soon 
 furnish a remedy for an evil for which, in the 
 existinof state of thing-s. we have no cure. It 
 is but to continue for a few years the sort of 
 
EMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION LAWS. 71 
 
 emigration that is now daily pouring in its 
 thousands from Europe, and our institutions, 
 for ought that I can see, are at the mercy of a 
 body of foreigners, officered by foreigners, and 
 held completely under the control of a foreign 
 power. "We may then have reason to say that 
 we are the dupes of our own hospitality ; we 
 have sheltered in our well provided house a 
 needy body of strangers, who, well filled with 
 our cheer, are encouraged, by the unaccus- 
 tomed familiarity with which they are treated, 
 first to upset the regulations of the household, 
 and then to turn their host and his family out 
 of doors. 
 
 _ - — / 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Tlie evil from emigration fnrtlier considered— Its political bearings 
 — Tile influence of emigrants at the elections — Tliis influence con- 
 centrated in tiie priests — The priests must bepropiiiated— By what 
 means— This influence easily purchased by the demagogue— The 
 unprincipled character of many of our politicians favor tliis foreign 
 attack — Their bargain for the suffrages of this priest-led band— A 
 church and state party — The .Protestant sects obnoxious to no 
 such bargaining— The newspaper i)ress favors this foreign attack — 
 Fromit.s want of independence and its timidity — An anti-republican 
 fondness lor titles favors this foreign attack — Cautious attempts of 
 Popery to dignify its emissaries, and to accustom us to their high- 
 sounding titles— A mistaken notion on the subject of discussing re- 
 ligioics opinion in the secular journals favors this foreign attack — 
 Political designs not to be shielded from attack because cloaked hj 
 religion. 
 
 I WILL continue the consideration of some of 
 the points in our political system, of which the 
 foreign conspirators take advantage, in their 
 attacks on our liberties. We have seen that, 
 from the nature of the case, the emigrant Cath- 
 olics, generally, are shamefully illiterate, and 
 without opinions of their own. They are, and 
 
72 EMIGRANTS CONTROLLED BY PRIESTS. 
 
 "^^must be, under the direction of their priests. 
 The press, with its arguments for or against 
 any political measure, can have no effect on 
 minds tauo^ht only to think as the priest thinks, 
 and to do what the priest commands. Here 
 is a large body of ignorant men brought into 
 our community, who are unapproachable by 
 any of tlie ordinary means of enlightening the 
 people — a body of men who servilely obey a 
 set of priests imported from abroad, bound to 
 the country by none of tlie usual ties, owing 
 allegiance and service to a foreign government ; 
 dependinjT on that government for promotion 
 and reward, and this reward, too, depends on 
 the manner in which they discharge the du- 
 ties prescribed to them by their foreign master ; 
 which is, doubtless for the present, to confine 
 themselves simply and wholly to increasing 
 the number of their sect, and the influence of 
 the Pope in this country. It is men thus offi- 
 cered, and of such a character, that we have 
 placed in all respects on a level, at our elec- 
 tions, with the same number of native patriotic 
 and intelligent citizens. 
 
 The Jesuits are fully aware of the advan- 
 tao^e they deriv^efrom this circumstance. They 
 know that a body of men admitted to citizen- 
 ship, unlearned in the true nature of American 
 liberty, exercising the elective franchise, total- 
 ly uninfluenced by the ordinary methods of 
 reasoning, but passively obedient only to the 
 commands of their priests, must give those 
 priests great consequence in the eyes of the 
 leaders of political parties ; they know that 
 
HOW PRIESTS /.RE PROPITIATED. 73 
 
 these leaders must esteem it very important 
 that the priests be propitiated. And how is a 
 Cathohc priest to be propitiated ? How, but 
 by stipulating for that which will increase his 
 power, or the power of the church, for be it al- 
 ways borne in mind that they are identical. 
 The Roman church is the body of priests and 
 -prelates ; the laity have only to obey and to 
 ■pay^ not to exercise antliority. The priest 
 must be favored in his plans of destroying Pro- 
 testantism, and building up Popery. He must 
 have money from the public treasury to en- 
 dow Catholic institutions ; he must be allowed 
 to have charters for these institutions which 
 will confer extraordinary powers upon their 
 Jesuit trustees ;* he must be permitted quietly 
 to break down the Protestant Sabbath, by en- 
 couraging Catholics to buy and sell on that 
 day as on other days ; in one Avord, he must 
 have ail the powers and privileges which the 
 law, or the officers appointed to administer the 
 law, can conveniently bestow upon him. The 
 demagogue, or the party who will promise to 
 do most for tiie accomplishment of these ob- 
 jects, will secure all the votes adiich he con- 
 trols. Surely there is grea. danger to our 
 present institutions from this source, and men 
 as skilful as are the Jesuits, we may be sure 
 will not fail to use the power thus thrown into 
 their hands to work great mischief to the re- 
 public. 
 
 The recklessness and nnprincipled charac- 
 ter of too many of our politicians give a great 
 
 ♦ See Dote G. 
 
74 UNPRINCIPLED CHARACTER OF POLITICIANS. 
 
 advantage to these conspirators. Tliere is a 
 set of men in tlie conntry who will have pow- 
 er and office, cost what they may ; men who, 
 without a particle of true patriotism, will yet 
 ring the changes on the glory and honor of 
 then' conntry, talk lond of liberty, flatter the 
 lowest prejudices, and fawn upon the powerful 
 and the influential : men wlio study politics 
 only, that they may balance the chances of 
 their own success in falling in with or oppos- 
 ing this or that fluctuating interest, without 
 carino* whether tliat interest tends to the secu- 
 ritv or tiie downfall of their country's institu- 
 tions. To such pohticians, a body of men thus 
 drilled by priests presents a well fitted tool. 
 The bargain with the priest- v/ill be epsily 
 struck. " Give me office, and I will talce care 
 of the interests of your cluirch." The o;lTect 
 of the bar^jainupon the 2:reat moral or political 
 interests of the country will not for a moment 
 influence the calculation. Thus we have 
 among us a body of men, a religious scci', who 
 can exercise a direct controlling influence in 
 the politics of the country, and can be moved 
 together in a solid phalanx; we have a chiwch 
 interfering directly/ and most -powerfully in 
 ike affairs of state. There is not in the whole 
 country a parallel to this among the other 
 seers. What clergyman of the Methodists, or 
 Baptists, or Episcopalians, or of any other de- 
 nomination, could command the votes of the 
 members of their several congregations, in the 
 eleption of an individual to political office ^< 
 The very idea of such power is preposterous to 
 
 i 
 
OUR PRESS NOT INDEPENDENT. 75 
 
 a Protestant. No freeman, no man accustom- 
 ed to jiidofe for himself, would submit even to 
 be advised, unasked, by his minister in a mat- 
 ter of this kind, much less dictated to. 
 
 Connected with these evils, and assistinof to 
 increase them, we have a Press to an alarm- 
 ing* extent vmnting in independence. Most 
 of our journals are avowedly" attached to a 
 particular party, or to particular individuals. 
 They are like counsel retained for a particular 
 cause ; they are to say every thinsf that makes 
 in favor of their client, aild conceal every 
 thing that makes ao^ainst him. Does a ques- 
 tion of principle arise, of fundamental import- 
 ance to the country? — the inquiry wuth a 
 journal thus pleds^ed is not, how are our freo 
 institutions, iiow is the country affected by the 
 decision, but how will the decision alfect the 
 interests of our particular party or favorite ? 
 How few are there amono- our newspaper edi- 
 tors who dare to take a manly stand for or 
 against a principle that affects vitally the consti- 
 tution, if it is found to bear unfavorably upon 
 their party or their candidate ! A press thus 
 wanting in magnanimity and independence is 
 the tit instrument for advancing the purposes 
 of unprincipled men ; and editors of this stamp 
 — and tliey are confined to no particular party 
 • — whether they have followed out their con- 
 duct or not to its legitimate results, can easily 
 be made the tools of a despot, to subvert tho 
 liberties of their country. 
 ■ Again ; we have, still unsubdued, some weak- 
 nesses, (perhaps they belong to iiuman nature,) 
 
76 ANTI-REPUBLICAN FONDNESS FOR TITLES. 
 
 of which advantao;e may be taken to the injury 
 of our repubUcan character, and in aid of des- 
 potism, and which may seem to some too triv- 
 ial to merit notice in connexion with the more 
 serious matters just considered. One of tliese 
 weaknesses is an anti-repiiblicaii fond ii ess for 
 titles;'' and whoever has hved in the old 
 world, and knows the extraordinary and pow- 
 erful influence which mere titles of" honor 
 exercise over the minds of men, and their ten- 
 dency to keep in due subjeclion the artiticial 
 ranks into which despotic and aristocratic 
 power divide tlie people, subduino; the lower 
 orders to their lords and masters, wiU not think 
 it amiss in this place to draw attention to the 
 subject. Republicans as we are, I fear we are 
 influenced in a ^-reater degree than we are 
 aware, by the hicrh sonnding epithets with 
 which despotism and aristocracy surround their 
 oflicers. to awe into reverence the ignorant 
 multitude. A name having half a dozen titles 
 for its avant couriers, and as many for its rear 
 ^uard, swells into an importance even in the 
 estimation of our citizens, wliich the name 
 alone, and especially the individual himself, 
 could never assume. Let Mr. Brown or Mr. 
 Smith, or anv other intelhgent, upriicht, active 
 citizen, be elected president of a benevolent 
 society, does he excite the gaze of those who 
 meet him, or inspire awe in the multitude ? 
 No one regards him but as a respectable, useful 
 member of the community. But let us learn 
 that a gentleman, not half as intelhgent,or up- 
 
 ♦ See note H. 
 
INFLUENCE OF TITLES. 
 
 77 
 
 liv-ht. or active, is to land in our city, who is 
 announced as the " Most Illustrious Archduke 
 and Eminence^ his Imperial Highness, the 
 Cardinal and Archbishop of Obmitz, Ro- 
 DOLPH. (this last is the o;entlenian's real name,) 
 Hidicst Curator of the Leopold Foundation,'' 
 and altl]on<rh not half as capable in any respect 
 as Mr. Brown or Mr. Smith, or ten thousand 
 other honest untitled citizens among us, I very 
 much fear that the Battery would he thronged, 
 and the windows in Broadway would be in 
 demand, and the streets filled with a gaping 
 crowd, to see a m.au who could have sucli a 
 mighty retinue of ghtteiing epithets about hnn. 
 yjt. this title-blazoned gentleman liolds the 
 same otfice as Mr. Brown or Mr. Smilh.^ Poor 
 human nature ! Alas for its v/eakness 1* 
 
 Who is not struck with the difference of ef- 
 fect upon the imagination when we describe a 
 
 person thus : Mr." , a good hearted old 
 
 gctithman, rather weak in the head, uho finds 
 
 in the 'manufacture of secding-u'ax one of the 
 
 chief and most agreeable employments of his 
 
 time •" and when we should describe a man 
 
 thus:' ''His Imperial Majesty Francis I. 
 
 Emperor of Austria, King of Jerusalem, 
 
 Hungary, Bohemia, of Lombardy and Venice, 
 
 Dalmatia, Croatia, ^clavonia, Galizia, and 
 
 Lodcmiiria, Archduke of Austria, Duke of 
 
 Loreua, Salsbvrg, Styria, Carinthia, and 
 
 * There is reason to believe we are reforming in this 
 particular, for we have now tilled foreigners, respectable 
 iMen, travellers in the country, and cur press no jonger 
 lends itself to announce their uninnportant presence or 
 
 uiuvemenis. 
 
 7* 
 
78 POPERY CAUTIOUSLY INTRODUCING TITLES. 
 
 Carniola, Grand Prime of Transylvania, 
 Margrave of Moravia, Count Prince of Han s^ 
 hurgandTyroir^c. &c.; and yet these two fie- 
 scnptions belong to one and the sameitKhvidiial. 
 , 1 here used to be a soand democratic feehno- 
 in the country, which spurned such o-]osses of 
 character, and frowned out of use mere glorn- 
 givmg title.^ Austria, however, is crradnallv 
 as fast as it is thought safe) introducing these 
 ^ded gentlemen into the country. Bishop 
 Fenwick, a Cat hoi, c priest, is '-7./;. Grace of 
 CuicmnaUf Mr. Yicar-General Rese, another 
 priest ,s only "/..> Reverence ^ and Bishop 
 flaget,and all the other Bishops, are simple 
 Monseigneurs, this title in a foreign llm- 
 ^wa-e being less harsh at present to repuhh- 
 can ears than its plump aristocratic Emdish 
 translanon,^ ^^My Lord Bishop of New York;^ 
 
 jiij ^%^Vf ''t^' ^^ ^''^^''^'' " ^% Lord 
 Bishop of Charleston^ &c. c^c. &c. As we 
 
 improve, however, under Catholic instruction 
 
 we imy come to be quite reconciled even tJ 
 
 his Eminence, Cardinal so and so, and to al» 
 
 the other graduated f )oleries which are so well" 
 
 adapted to dazzle the ignorant. The scarlet 
 
 carnage of a Cardinal, too, bedizened with 
 
 gold, and containing the sacred person of some 
 
 Jesuit all scarlet and humility, as is at this 
 
 day often seen in Rome, may yet excite our 
 
 admn-ation as it rolls throu^h'our streets; and 
 
 even a Pope, (for in these republican times in 
 
 Italy, who knows but his Holiness mav have 
 
 leave of absence,) yes, even a Pope, a Yiceo-e^ 
 
 rent of God^ the great divinely appointed ap- 
 
rOLITICAL CIlAnACTER OF POPERY DISCUSSED. 79 
 
 pointer of Rulers, the very centre from which 
 all titles emanate, may possibly, in his scarlet 
 and gold and jewel-decked equipage, astonish 
 onr eyes, and prostrate ns on our knees as he 
 moves down Broadway. To be snre, some of 
 his republican friends, now in strange holy al- 
 liance with his faithful subjects here, might 
 find their Protestant knees at first a little stifii", 
 yet the Catholic schools, which they are en- 
 cou raiding with their votes and their money 
 and their influence, will soon furnish them 
 good instructers in the art of reverential ges- 
 ture and genuflexion. 
 
 Again, there are some minds of a peculiarly 
 sensitive cast, that cannot bear to have the sub- 
 ject of religious opinion moored in any way 
 in the secular journals. They use a plausi- 
 ble arjjument that satisfies them, namely, that 
 religion is too sacred a subject to be discussed 
 by the daily press. I agree to a certain extent, 
 and in a modified sense, with this sentiment; 
 but it should be remembered that all is not re- 
 ligion which passes under that name. The 
 public safety makes it necessary sometimes to 
 strip ofl" the disguise, and show the true char- 
 acter of a design which may have assumed the 
 sacred cloak, the better to pass unchallenged by 
 just such feeble-hearted objectors. "Were such 
 objections valid, how easy would it be for the 
 most dangerous political designs (as in the 
 case we are considering) to assume a religious 
 garb, and so escape detection. The exposure 
 I am now making of the foreign desig-ns upon 
 our liberties, may possibly be mistaken for 
 
fiO THE POLITICAL, NOT RELIGIOUS. 
 
 an attack on the ReUfflcn of the Cathohcs ; yet 
 1 have not meddled with the conscience of any 
 Cathohc ; if he honestly beheves the doctrnie 
 of Trau:<nbstaniialio}7, OY t\mt by doing ?)e/i- 
 ance he will prepare himself for heaven, or m 
 the existence of Purgatonj, or m the effi- 
 cacy of the jjrayers and masses of priests 
 to free tlie sonls of his relatives from its 
 flames, or that it is rio^ht to worship ^//e Virgm 
 Mary, ox to pray to ^Saints, or keep holy days, 
 or to refrain from meat at certain tnnes, or to 
 o-o on pilgrimages, or in the virtue of relics, 
 or that none bnt Catholics can be saved, or 
 many other points ; however wrong I may and 
 do tfnnk him to be, it is foreign from the de- 
 siirn of these chapters to speak agamst them. 
 Bnt when he proclaims to the world that all 
 power, temporal as well as spiritual exists m 
 the Pope, (denying, of course, the fundamental 
 doctrine of republicanism ;) that liberty of con- 
 science is a ''raving;' and ''most pesldential 
 error ,■' that '-he execrates and detests the liber- 
 ty of\he press f when his intolerant creed as- 
 serts that no faith is to be kept with heretics, 
 (all being iieretics, in the creed of a Catholic, 
 who are^iot Catholics,) and many other pal- 
 pable anti-republican, as well as immoral doc- 
 trines, he has then blended with his creed 
 political tenets that vitally affect the very ex- 
 istence of our government, and no association 
 with religious belief shall shield them f^rom 
 observation and rebuke, it wonld indeed be 
 sin<rnlar if these mere "ravings,' (the Popes 
 phrase is appropriate here.) subversive of tne 
 
CHARACTER OP POPERY HERE DISCCSSED. 81 
 
 fLindainsQtal principles of our g-overnment, 
 should be shielded from exposure because mis- 
 named religion. If incendiaries or robbers 
 should ensconce themselves within a church, 
 from the windows and towers of which they 
 were assailiui^ the people, the cry of sacrilege 
 shall not prevent us from attempts to dislodge 
 them, though the walls which protect them 
 should sutler in the couflict. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The political characfcr of the ostens\h\y religious enterprise proved 
 from llie linun-s ol the Jesuits now in this coanrry-Theii antijiatliy to 
 f-rivnit jitcli^viciit — Tlieir anticipaiionsof a cliaiii^e of our form of 
 government — Our y:ovoriiment declared too free fur the exercise of 
 their divine riirlits — Tiieir political partialities — Tlieir eult! aclcnow- 
 led;i:me;it oftlie jrenerosity, andliijcrality, and !ins})itality of onrgo"'. 
 ernment — Their estimate of our condition contrasted witii their esti- 
 maf" ofMiat of Anslria — Their acknowledged allegiance and servili- 
 ty to a foreign master — Their sym])athies with the oyipressor, rind 
 not with tlie oppressed — Their direct avowal of po/j/icanntention. 
 
 Let m;,'. next show the political character of 
 this ostensibly reli'j;ious effort, from the senti- 
 ments of the Austrian emissaries expressed to 
 their foreign patrons. The very nature of a 
 conspiracy of this kind precludes the possibility 
 of much 6f/?-ec^ evidence of political design; for 
 Jesuit cunning and Austrian duplicity would 
 be sure to tread with unusual caution on 
 American ground. Yet if I can quote from their 
 correspondence some expressions of antipathy 
 to our free principles and to the government ; 
 some hinting at tJie subversion of the s:overn- 
 rnent ; prevailing partialities for arbitrary 
 gorernment; and siding luith tyranny against 
 the oppfressed ; and some acknoirhdgmenfs 
 0/ POLITICAL EFFECTS ^0 he expectedfiom the 
 operations of the society^ I shall have exhibited 
 
SZ PROOFS OP POLITICAL DESIGN", 
 
 evidence enouirh to put every citizen, who val- 
 ues his birthright, upon the strict watch of these 
 men and their adherents, and to show the im- 
 portance of some measures of repelling this in- 
 sidious invasion of the country. 
 
 The Bishop of Bakimore, writing to the 
 Austrian Society, laments the wretched state of 
 the Catholic religion in Virginia, and as a proof 
 of the difficulty it has to contend with, (a proof 
 donhtless shocking to the pious docility of his 
 Austrian readers.) he says : 
 
 " I sent to Kiciimond a zealous missionary, 
 a native of America. He travelled through the 
 whole of Virginia. The Protestants flocked on 
 all sides to hear him; they offered hiiu their 
 churches, court-houses, and other public build- 
 ings, to preach in — which, however, is not at all 
 surprising, for the people are divided into nu- 
 merous sects, and know not what faith to em- 
 brace. In consequence of being spoiled by bad 
 instruction, thei/ loill judge every thing them- 
 selves ; they therefore hear eagerly every new 
 comer," &.c. 
 
 The Bishop, if he had the power, would of 
 course change this " bad instruction^'^ for bet- 
 ter, and, as in Catholic countries, would relieve 
 them from the trouble oi judging for tJieni- 
 selves. Thus the liberti/ 0/ private judgment 
 and freedom of opinion, guarantied by our 
 institutions, are avowedly an obstacle to the 
 success of the Catholics. Is it not natural that 
 Catholics should desire to remove this obstacle 
 out of their way T 
 * A Catholic journal of this city (the Register and Dia- 
 
PROM THE LETTERS OF THE JESUITS. 83 
 
 My Lord Bishop Flaget, of Bardstown, Ken- 
 twclvy, in a letter to his patrons abroad, has this 
 plain hint at an ulterior political design^ and 
 that no less than the entire subversion of our 
 republican government. Speakins; of the diffi- 
 culties and discouragements the Catholic mis- 
 sionaries have to contend with in converting the 
 Indians, the last difficulty in the way he says, 
 is "their continual traffic among the whites, 
 
 WHICH CANNOT BE HINDERED AS LONG AS THF: 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT SHALL SUBSIST!" 
 
 What is this but saying that a republican 
 government is unfavorable in its nature to the 
 restrictions we deem necessary to the extension 
 of the Catholic religion ; when the time shall 
 come that the present government shall be sub- 
 verted, which we are looking forward to, or 
 hope for, we can then hinder this traffic? 
 
 Mr. Baraga, the German missionary in Michi- 
 gan, seems impressed with the same conviction 
 of the unhappy influences of a free government 
 
 ry) was put into my hands as I had completed this last 
 paragraph. Il contains the same sentiment, so illustrati\'-e 
 of the natural abhorrence of Catholics to the exercise of 
 private judgment, that I cannot forbear quotingit. 
 
 " We seriously advise Catholic parents to be very cau- 
 tious in the choice of school-books for their children.— 
 There is more danger to be apprehended in this quarter 
 than could be conceived. Parents, we are aware, have 
 not always the time or patience to examine these matters : 
 but if they trust iinplicUlif to us, ice shall, xoith God's help, do 
 il for them. Legimus lie legantur.'' We read, that they 
 may not read ! ! 
 
 How kind! they will save parents all the trouble of 
 judging for themselves, but ' ' v:e must be trusted implicitly /" 
 Would a Protestant journal thus dare to take liberties 
 with its readers 1 
 
64 PROOFS CONTINUED. 
 
 upon his attempts to make converts to the 
 church of Rome. In giving an account of the 
 refusal of some persons to have their children 
 baptized, he lays the fault on this " too free 
 {allzii,frci.en) government." In a more de- 
 spotic government, in Italy or Austria, he would 
 have been able to put in force compulsory bap- 
 tism on these children.* 
 
 These few extracts are quite sufficient to 
 show how our form of government, which gives 
 to the Catholics all the freedom and facihties 
 that all other sects enjoy, does from its very 
 nature embarrass their despotic plans. Accus- 
 tomed to dictate at home, how annoying it is to 
 these Austrian ecclesiastics to be obliged to 
 put off their authority ; to yield their divine 
 right of judofing for others ; to be compelled to 
 get at men through their reason and conscience, 
 instead of the more summary way of compul- 
 sion ! The disposition to use force, if they 
 could, shows itself in spite of all their caution. 
 The inclination is there. It is reined in by 
 circumstances. They want only strength to 
 act out the inherent despotism of Popery. 
 
 But let me show what are some of the politi- 
 cal partialities which these foreign emissaries 
 discover in their letters and statements to their 
 Austrian supporters. They acknowledge their 
 unsuspicious reception by the people of the 
 United States ; they acknowledge that Protest- 
 ants in all parts of the country have even 
 aided them with money to build their chap- 
 els, and colleges, and nunneries, and treat- 
 See note I. 
 
POLITICAL PARTIALITIES OF THE JESUITS. 85 
 
 ed them with hberality and hospitahty, and 
 —-strange infatuation!! — have been so mon- 
 strously foolish as to intrust their children to 
 them to be educated ! so infatuated as to con- 
 fide in their honor and in their promises that 
 they would use no attempts to proselyte them ! 
 And with all this, does it not once occur to 
 these gentlemen, that this liberality, and gene- 
 rosity, and openness of character are the fruits of 
 Protestant republicanism? Mi^ht we not ex- 
 pect at least that Popery, were it republican in 
 its nature, would find something in all tliis 
 that would excite admiration, and call forth 
 some praise of a system so contrasted to that 
 of any other government ; some acknowledof- 
 ments to the government of the country that 
 protects it, and allows its enemies the unpar- 
 alleled liberty even to plot the downfall of the 
 state 7 But no, the government of the United 
 States is not once mentioned in praise. The 
 very principle of the g"overnment, throuo-h 
 v/hich they are tolerated, is thus slightingly no- 
 ticed : '• The government of the United States 
 has thought fit to adopt a complete indiffer- 
 ence towards all religions.'** They can re- 
 cognise no nobler principle than indifference. 
 
 Again, of the people of our country they 
 thus write : ''We entreat all European Chris- 
 tians to unite in prayer to God for the conver- 
 sion of these unhappy heathen and obstinate 
 heretics" We are spoken of as a country ^'07i 
 which the light of faith has hitherto not shi- 
 ned." "^ vast country, destitute of all spiritual 
 ♦ auart. RegLst. Feb. 1830, p. 198. 
 o 
 
86 THEIR ABUSE OF THIS COXIKTKY. 
 
 and temporal resoiirces.^^ But if Austria is 
 mentioned, what are the terms ? " Yonr So- 
 ciety, (the Leopold Foundation,) which is an 
 ornament to the illustrioiis Avstrian Empire.^^ 
 — ^^tlie noble and generous inhabitants of the 
 Austrian empire." "Of many circumstances in 
 our condition, few, perhaps, in your happi/ em- 
 pire can form a correct notion ;" and asfain, 
 " Here are many churches, if you jnay so 
 call the miserable wooden building's, differinof 
 little from the barns of your happTj land P"* 
 Austria^ happy land ! ! How enthusiastic, too, 
 is another Bishop, who writes, " we cannot 
 sufficiently praise our good Emperor (of Aus- 
 tria,) were ice to extol him to the third heaven P^ 
 Such are the p)olitical partialities which are 
 discovered in various parts of these documents. 
 Are they in fivor of our republican darkness, 
 and heathenism, and misery, or of Austrian 
 light, and piety, and happiness? 
 
 In the struG:,2:les of the European people for 
 their liberty, do these foreisfn teachers sym- 
 pathize n'ith the oppressor ox with the oppress- 
 ed? " France no more helps us," (Charles X. 
 had just been dethroned,) " and Rome, beset by 
 eneinies to the church and jniblic order, is not 
 in a condition to help us." And who are these 
 men, stigmatized as enemies of j^nblic order ? 
 They are the Italian patriots of the Revolution 
 of 1831, than whom our own country, in the 
 perils of its own revolution, did not produce 
 men more courageous, more firm, more wise, 
 more tolerant, more patriotic ; men who had 
 freed their country from the bonds of despotisn 
 
OTHER DESPOTS INTERESTED IN THE ENTERPRISE. 87 
 
 in a struo-o-lc almost bloodless, for the people 
 were with'them ; men who, m the spirit ot 
 American patriots, were organizino- a free gov- 
 ernment; rectitVino: the abuses of Papal mis- 
 rule, and who, in a few weeks of tneir power 
 had accomplished years of benefit. These 
 are the men afterwards drag2:ed to death or 
 to prison, by Austrian intruders, and styled by 
 our Jesuits, enemies of public order ! Austria 
 herself uses the selfsame terms to stigmatize 
 those who resist oppression. i • -. t 
 
 1 will notice one extract more, to whicH 1 
 would call the special attention of my readers. 
 It is from one of the reports of the society m 
 Lyons, which society had the principal man-, 
 ac^ement of American missions under Charles 
 X When this bio'oted monarch was dethroned, 
 and liberal principles reigned in France, the 
 society so languished that Austria took he de- 
 sio-n more completely into her own hands, and 
 th%uo-h the Leopold Foundation she has the 
 enterprise now under her more immediate guar- 
 dianship. , „ . - 
 
 " Oar beloved kincr (Charles X.) has given 
 the society his protection, and has enrolled his 
 name as a subscriber. Our society has also 
 made rapid procrress in the neialiboring slates 
 of Piedmont and Savoy. The pious rulers of 
 those lands, and the chief ecclesiastics, have 
 p-iven it a friendly reception." ^ , , 
 
 Charles X., be it noticed, and the despotic 
 rulers of Piedmont and Savoy, took a special 
 hiterest in this American enterprise. 1 he re- 
 port goes on to say — ■ 
 
88 POLITICAL nPFECTS DIRECTLY AVOWKD. 
 
 " Who can doiilu that an iiisfittitioii which 
 has a jnirely spiritual aim, whose only ofjjecL 
 is the conversion of souls, desires nothino^ less 
 than to make whole nations, on whom the 
 lio^ht of faith has hilhert^ not shined, parta- 
 kers of the knowledge of the Gospel ; an insti- 
 tution solemnly sanctioned by the suprenje 
 head of the church : which, as w^e have already 
 remarked, enjoys the protection of our pious 
 monarch, the support of archbishops and bish- 
 ops ; an institution established in a city under 
 the inspection of officers, at whose head stands 
 the great almoner, and which numbers among 
 its members men alike honorable for their 
 rank in church and state ; an institution of 
 which his excellency, the minister of church 
 affairs, lately said, in his place in the Chamber 
 of Deputies, that, independent of its pureli/ 
 spiritual design, it was of great political 
 
 INTEREST." 
 
 Observe that great pains are here taken to 
 impress upon the public mind the purely spir- 
 itual aini, the pmrely spiritual design of the 
 society ; and yet one of the French ministers, 
 in the ChamlDers of Deputies, states directly 
 that it has another design, and that it was of 
 "great political interest." He gives 
 some of these political objects — '' because it 
 planted the French name in distant countries; 
 caused it, by the mild, influence of our mis- 
 sionaries, to be loved and honored, and thus 
 opened to our trade and industry useful chan- 
 nels," &c. Now, if some political effects are 
 aheady avowed, as intended to be produced by 
 
JESUITS CAN NOW OPERATE POLITICALLY. 89 
 
 this society, and that, too, immediately after 
 reiterating its inirely spiritual design^ why 
 may not that pa?'tiailar pohtical efiect be also 
 intended, of far more importance to the inter- 
 ests of despotism, namely, the subversion of our 
 Republican institutions ? 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 Some of tho means by which Jesuits can already opei^te politicnUy 
 in the country — by mob discipline — By j>riest police — Their jireat 
 dani^er — Already established— Prools— Priests already rule the 
 uiob — Nothing in the principles of I'opery to prevent its interfer- 
 ence in our elections— Popery interferes at the present day in the 
 polilics of other countries- i'opery the same in our country- It 
 interleres in our i'lections— In iNIichigan — In Charleston, S. C. — In 
 New York — Popery a political despotism cloaked under the name 
 of Reliirion — It is "Ciiurch and Slate iuibodied— Its character at 
 head-ciuarters, in Italy— lis political character stripped of its reli- 
 gious cloak. 
 
 But some of my readers, notwithstandinof 
 they may be convinced that it is for the inter- 
 est of despotism to snbvert our institutions, and 
 are even persuaded that this grand enterprise 
 has been actually undertaken, may be inclined 
 to ask in what manner can the despots of Eu- 
 rope effect, by means of Popish emissaries, any 
 thing in this country to counteract the influ- 
 ence of our liberal institutions? In what way 
 can they operate here ? 
 
 With the necessity existing of doing some- 
 things from the instinct of seJfpreservation^ 
 to check the influence of our free institutions on 
 Europe, with the funds provided, and ageiits 
 on the spot interested in their plans, one would 
 think it needed but little sagacity to find modes 
 and opportunities of operating; especially, too, 
 when such vulnerahlc points as I have ex- 
 posed (and there are many more which I have 
 not brought forward) invite attack. 
 8* 
 
90 COMPOSITION OF MOBS. 
 
 To any such inquirers, let me say there 
 are many ways in which a body organized 
 as are the Cathohcs. and moving in concert, 
 mi2:ht disturb (to use the mildest term) the 
 S^ood order of the republic, and thus compel 
 us to present to observing Europe the spectacle 
 of repubhcan anarchy. Who is not aware 
 that a great portion of that stuff which compo- 
 ses a mob, ripe for riot or excess of any kind, 
 and of which we have every week or two a 
 fresh example in some part of the country, is a 
 Catiiohc* population ? And what makes it tur- 
 bulent I Ignorance — an io"norance which it is 
 for the interest of its leaders not to enlighten ; 
 for, enlighten a man, and he will think for him- 
 self, and have some self-respect; he will un- 
 derstand the laws, and know his interest in 
 obeying tliem. Keep him in ignorance, and. 
 he is the slave of the man who will tlatter his 
 passions and appetites, or awe him by super- 
 stitious fears. Against the outbreakings of such 
 men, society, as it is constituted on our free 
 system, can protect itself only in one of two 
 ways : it must either bring these men under 
 the influence and control of a sound republican 
 and religious education, or it must call in the 
 aid of tJte prU-sfs who govern them, and who 
 may permU and direct, or restrain their turbu- 
 lence, in accordance with what they may judge 
 at any particular time to be the interest of the 
 church. Yes, be it well remarked, the same 
 
 * At the time this was written, riots in this country 
 were almost entirely confined to the emigrants from for- 
 sie:n countries employed as laborers on our rail-roads, 
 canals &c. 
 
PRIEST POLICE. 91 
 
 hands that can, whenever it suits their inter- 
 est, restrain, can also, at the proper time, " let 
 slip the dogs of i6'«r." In this mode of re- 
 straint by a police of priests, by substituting 
 the ecclesiastical for the civil power, the priest- 
 led mobs of Portugal and Spain, and South 
 America, are instructive examples. And start 
 not, American reader, this kind of police is 
 already established in our country ! We 
 have had mobs again and again, which neither 
 the civil nor military power have availed any 
 thing to quell, until the magic '■^ peace, he still,^ 
 of the Catholic priest has hushed the winds, 
 and calmed the waves of popular tumult.* 
 While I write, what mean the nes^otiations be- 
 tween two Irish bands of emigrants in hostile 
 array against each other, shedding each other's 
 blood upon our soil, settling with the bayo- 
 net miserable foreign feuds which they have 
 brought over the waters with them? Why 
 have not the civil and military power been 
 able to restore order among' them and obe- 
 dience to our laws, without calling in the 
 priests to negotiate and settle the terms on 
 which they will cease from violating our laws?t 
 
 * See note J. 
 
 t As our readers have probably forgotten tke particu- 
 lars of the affair here alluded to, we subjoin, from the 
 Jc urnal of Commerce, a copy of the agreement subscribed 
 by the leaders of the riot. The civil and military author- 
 ities of Maryland had tried repeatedly, but in vain, to 
 quell the rioters. — Ed. Obs. 
 
 Frovi the Jo\u)-nal of Commerce. 
 The Rioters.— It appears by the following notice, that 
 the rioters on the Baltimore and Washington Eail-road 
 ha\e concluded a treaty of peace, through the intervention 
 
92 RECENT EXERCISE OF ITS POWER. 
 
 Have the priests become iiecessaiy in our polit- 
 ical system? Have the emissaries of a foreign 
 despotic power stolen this march upon us ? 
 Can they tell their foreign masters, '■'-ice alrea- 
 dy rule the mob'P^ Yes, and facts will bear 
 them out in their boastincr * 
 
 And what now prevents the interference of 
 CathoHcs, as a sect, directly in the foUtical 
 elections of the country ? They are organized 
 under their priests: is there any thing in their 
 religious principles to restrain them? Do not 
 Catholics of the present day use the bonds of 
 rehgious union to efiect political objects in 
 
 of a priest. There was considerable talk during the late 
 riots in this city, of calling in the agency of the priests to 
 put an end to the disturbance. No doubt it would have 
 been eflectual. 
 
 AGREEMENT. 
 
 On the 24ih of June, 1834, the subscribers, in the pres- 
 ence of the Rev. John McElroy, have respectively and mu- 
 tually agreed to bury for ever, on their own part, and on 
 behalf of their respective sections of country, all remem- 
 brance of feuds and animosities, as well as injuries sus- 
 tained. They also promise to each other, and make a 
 sincere tender of their intention to preserve peace, har- 
 mony, and good feeling between persons of every part of 
 their native country without distinction. 
 
 They further mutually agree to exclude from their hou- 
 ses and premises, all disorderly persons of every kind, and 
 particularly habitual drunkards. They are also resolved, 
 and do intend to apply, in all cases where it is necessary, 
 to the civij authorities, or to the laws of the country for 
 redress — and finally, they are determined to use their ut- 
 most endeavors to enforce, by word and example, these 
 their unanimous resolutions. 
 Signed bv fourteen of the men employed ) v v ir f ii 
 
 on the ■4th, 5ih, and 8th sections of "the > ^^ ^,^ ^'\ ^'^ 
 
 2d division, E. and* W. R. R. ) ^^^^P'^3'ed. 
 
 And also by thirteen of the 8Lh section of ) on behalf of all 
 
 the 1st division. 5 emploj'ed. 
 
 * See note K. 
 
POPERY INTERFERES IN FOREIGN POLITICS. 93 
 
 Other countries? Did not the Pope interfere 
 in Poland in the late revohition, and, through 
 the priests, command submission to the tyran- 
 ny of the Czar ? At the moment I am writing-, 
 are not monks and priests leaders in the held 
 of battle in Spain; in Portugal? Is not the 
 Pope encouraging the troops of Don Miguel, 
 and exciting priests and people to arms in a 
 civil contest? Has Popery abandoned its ever- 
 busy meddlins: in the politics of the countries 
 where it obtains foothold I* 
 
 Will it be said, that however officious in the 
 old countries, yet here, by some strange meta- 
 morphosis. Popery ha$ changed its character, 
 and is modified by our institutions ; that here 
 it is surely religious, seeking only the religious 
 welfare of the people — that it does not meddle 
 with the state ?t It is not true that Popery 
 meddles not with the politics of the country. 
 The cloven foot has already shown itself Po- 
 jjery is organized at the elections ! For ex- 
 ample : in Michigan, the Bishop Richard, a 
 Jesuit, (since deceased,) was several times cho- 
 sen delegate to Congress from the territory, the 
 majority of the people being Catholics. As 
 Protestants became more numerous, the con- 
 test between the bishop and his Protestant rival 
 was more and more close, until at length, by 
 the increase of Protestant emigration, the latter 
 triumphed. The bishop, in order to detect any 
 delinquency in his flock at the polls, had his 
 ticket printed on colored jjoper 7 Whether any 
 were so mutinous as not to vote according to 
 * See note L. t See note M. 
 
94 POPERY INTERFERES IN OUR ELCETI0N3. 
 
 orders, or what penance was inflicted for diso- 
 bedience, I did not learn. The fact of such a 
 truly Jesuitical mode of espionage I have from 
 a gentleman resident at that time in Detroit. 
 Is not a fact like this of some importance? — 
 Does it not show that Popery, with all its spe- 
 ciousness, is the same here as elsewhere ? It 
 manifests, when it has the opportunity, its gen- 
 uine disposition to use spiritual power for the 
 promotion of its ie??iporal ambition. It uses its 
 ecclesiastical weapons to control an election. 
 
 In Charleston, S. C. the Roman Catholic 
 Bishop, England, is said to have boasted of the 
 number of votes that he could control at an 
 election. I have been informed, on authority 
 which cannot be doubted, that in New- York, a 
 priest, in a late election for city officers, stopped 
 his congregation after mass on Sunday and 
 urged the electors not to vote for a particular 
 candidate, on the ground of his being an anti- 
 Catholic ; the result was the election of the 
 Catholic candidate. 
 
 It is unnecessary to multiply facts of this nature, 
 nor will it be objected that these instances are 
 unworthy of notice, because of their local or 
 circums,cribed character. Surely American 
 Protestants, freemen, have discernment enough 
 to discover beneath them the cloven foot of this 
 subtle foreign heresy, and will not wait for a 
 more extensive, disastrous, and overwhelming 
 political interference, ere they assunie_the atti- 
 tude of watchfulness and defence. {They will 
 v/ [ see that Popery is now, what it has ever been, 
 a system of the darkest j^olitical intrigue and 
 
ITS CHARACTEn AT HEAD-QCARTERS. 95 
 
 despotism, cloaking itself, to avoid attack, under 
 the sacred naiiio of religion. They will be 
 deeply impressed with tfie truth, that Popery is 
 a jmUtical as well as a religious system ; that 
 ill this respect it ditfers totally from all other 
 sects, from all other forms of religion in the 
 country. Popery imhodies in itself the clo- 
 sest UNION OF Church AND State. Observe 
 it at the fountain-head. In the Roman States 
 the civil and ecclesiastical offices are blended 
 together in the same individual. The Pojje is 
 the Kiii^. A Cardinal is Secretary of State. 
 The Consistory of Cardinals is the Cabitiel 
 Coimcil, the Ministry^ and they are Viceroys 
 in the provinces. The Archbishops are Am- 
 bassadors to foreign courts. The Bishops are 
 Judges and Magistrates ; and the road to 
 preferment to most, if not all the great offices of 
 state, is through the priesthood. In Rome, and 
 the patrimony of St. Peter, the temporal and 
 spiritual powers are so closely united in the 
 same individual, that no attack ca-n be made on 
 any temporal misrule without drawing down 
 upon the assailants the vengeance of the s^pir- 
 itual power exercised by the same individual. 
 Is the Judge corrupt or oppressive, and do the 
 people rise against him — the Judge retires into 
 the Bishop^ and in his sacred retreat cries, 
 " Touch not the Lord's annointed." 
 
 Can we not discern the 'political character of 
 Popery ? Shall the name of Religion^ artfully 
 connected with it, still blind our eyes ? Let us 
 suppose a body of men to combine together, and , 
 claim as their right, that all public and private \ 
 
96 POPERV STRIPPED OF ITS RELIGIOUS CLOAK. 
 
 2}ropertj/, of whatever klndj is held at their 
 disposal ; that theij alone are to judge of their 
 own right to dispose of it; that they alone are 
 authorized to think or speak on the subject ; 
 that they loho speak or write in opposition to 
 them arc traitors, and must be pnt to death ; 
 that all temporal power is secondary to theirs^ 
 and amenable to their superior and infallible 
 judgment ; and the better to hide the presump- 
 tion of these tyrannical claims, suppose that 
 these men should pretend to divine right, and 
 call tlieir system Religion, and so claim the 
 protection ot" our laws, andpleadihs^ conscience, 
 demand to be tolerated. Would the name of 
 Religion he a cloak sufficiently thick to hide 
 such absurdity, and shield it from public in- 
 diofuation ? Take, then, from Popery its name 
 of Religion ; strip its officers of their pompous 
 titles o( sacredness,'Andi its decrees of the nau- 
 seous cant of piety* and what have you re- 
 mainino;? Is it not a naked, odious Despotism, 
 depending for its streno^th on the observance of 
 the strictest military discipline in its ranks, from 
 the Pope, throuofh his Cardinals, Archbishops, 
 Bishops, &c. down to the lowest priest of his 
 dominions? And is not this despotism acting 
 politically in this country?" , 
 
 Let us suppose, for the "sake of illustration, 
 that the Emperor of Russia, in a conceited 
 dream of divine rig^ht to universal empire, should 
 parcel out our country into couA^enient districts, 
 
 ♦Through the Leopold Foundation reports there is this 
 perpetual cant of ^ie<7/ ; We have "j^iM^s prelate," ^^ pious 
 purpose," "■pious end," ^^ pious curiosity," ^^ pious dread," 
 "pioMs progress," and even ^^ pious dress." 
 
ILLUSTRATION OP THE RELIGIOUS DISGUISE OF POPERY. 97 
 
 and should proclaim his intention to exercise 
 his rightful sway over these states, now not 
 ownino^ his control ; should we not iusdy lano-h 
 at his ridiculous pretensions? But suppose he 
 should proceed to appoint his Viceroys^ Grand 
 Liiperlal Dnkcs, giving to one the title of " his 
 Grace of Alhany^^'' to another the " Grand 
 Duke of Washington,^^ and to another " his 
 Imperial Highness of Savamiah,^^ and should 
 send them out to take possession of their dis- 
 tricts, and subdue the people as fast as practica- 
 ble to their proper obedience to his legitimate 
 sway : and should these pompous Viceroys, with 
 their train of sub-officers, actually come over 
 from Russia, and erect their government houses, 
 and commence by comphant manners and fair 
 promises to procure lands and rentals to hold 
 in the power of the Emperor, and under the 
 guise of educatinor the rising generation should 
 begin to sap the foundations of their attachment 
 to the government, by blinding their reasoning 
 faculties, and by the Russian catechism instil- 
 ling the doctrine of passive obedience, and the 
 divine right of the Emperor ; v/hat would we 
 say to all this ? Ridiculous as the first conceit- 
 ed dream of imperial ambition appeared, if mat- 
 ters got to this pass, we should begin to think 
 that there was something serious in the attempt, 
 and, very properly too, be a little alarmed. — ■ 
 Suppose then, further, that the Emperor's cause, 
 by Russian emigration, and the money supplied 
 by the Emperor, had become so strong that the 
 Viceroys were imboldened, in a cautious way, to 
 try their influence upon some of the local elec- 
 
98 rr.LUSTRATiox continued. 
 
 tions ; that the Russian party had become a 
 body somewhat formidable; that its foreign 
 leaders had their passive obedience troops so 
 well under command as to make themselves 
 necessary in thepo/ice of the country; that we 
 feared to ojfend them, that the secular ])ress 
 favored them* and the iini)vincipled courted 
 them; to what point then, in the process of 
 gradually surrendering our liberties to the Rus- 
 sian Czar, should we have come ; and how near 
 to their accomplishment would be those wild 
 dreams of imperial ambition, which we had, in 
 the first instance, ridiculed? 
 
 And is this a caricature? What is the dif- 
 ference between the real claims, and efforts, 
 and condition of Popery at this moment in these 
 United States, and tlie supposed claims, and 
 efforts, and condition of the Russian despotism ? 
 The one comes diss^uised under the name of 
 JReligioHjihe other, more honest and more harm- 
 less, would come in its real political name. Give 
 the latter the name of Religion, call the Em- 
 peror, Pope, and his Viceroys, Bishops, inter- 
 lard the imperial decrees with pious cant, and 
 you have the case of pretension, and intrig-ue, 
 and success, too, which has actually passed in 
 these United States ! Yes, the King of Rome, 
 acting by the promptings of the Austrian Cabi- 
 net, and in the plentitude of his usurpation, has 
 
 * Is this a harsh judgment on the secular press 1 If a 
 secular paper ventures to remonstrate against Catholics, is 
 not the cry of intolerance or persecution at once raised, and 
 the editor scared away from his duty of exposing the se- 
 cret political enemies of the republic, under the false notion 
 that he is engaged in a religious controversy 1 
 
KVIDEN'CK OF CONSPIHACY ADDUCED. 99 
 
 already extended liis sceptre over our land; he 
 has divided ns np into provinces, and appoint- 
 ed his Viceroys, who claim tlieir jurisdiction* 
 from a hi2:lier power than exists in this coun- 
 try, even hom his majesty himself, who appoints 
 the'm, who removes them at will, to whom they 
 owe allegiance ; for the extension of whose tem- 
 poral kin2:dom they are exerting themselves, 
 and whose success, let it be indehbly iinpressed 
 on your minds, is the certain destruction of the - 
 free institutions of our country. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Evidence enou"-h of conspiracy adduced to create great alarm— TIiO 
 caii^e of liberty universally deiirduds that we should a\val<e to a 
 gonse ofdanoer— An attack is matlc whicli is to try the moralstrenglh 
 oftlu- rcpublic-The mode of defence that mi;j!ht be consistently 
 recommended bv Austrian Popery-A mode now m actual opera- 
 tion in Europe— Contrary to tlie entire spirit of American 1 rotcst- 
 autism— True mode of defence— Popery must be opposed byantag- 
 oi.i^t institutions— Ignorance must be dispelled— Popular iunorance 
 of all Paiial countries-Popery the natural enemy of fCrteraZ educa- 
 tjoii— Popish efforts to spread education in the United fctates de- 
 lusive. 
 
 Is not the evidence I have exhibited in my 
 previous numbers sufficiently strong to prove 
 to my countrymen the existence of a foreign 
 conspiraci/ ao^ainst the liberties of the country 7 
 Does tlie nature of the case admit of stronger 
 evidence? or must we wait for some positive, 
 undis^Tuised acts of oppression, before we will 
 believe that we are attacked and in danger I 
 Must we wait for a formal declaration of war? 
 The serpent has already commenced his coil 
 about our limbs, and the lethargy of his poison 
 is creeping over us ; shall we be more sensible 
 
 ♦ " Indiana and Illinois, two states dependinsr on my 
 ^uriscUdion /"—[My Lord Bishop Flagei's Letter.] 
 
100 WE MUST WAKE TO A SENSE OF DANGER. 
 
 of tlie torpor v/hen it has fastend upon our vi- 
 tals '/ The lioiise is on fire ; can we not be- 
 lieve it till tlie flames hav^e touched our flesh? 
 Is not tlie enemy already organized in the land '? 
 Can we not perceive all around us the evidence 
 of his presence ? Have not the wily manoeu- 
 verinsrs of despotism already commenced? Is he 
 not inveio-lino- our, children to his schools ? Is he 
 not intriguiuir with the press] Is he not usurjiing 
 the police of the country, andshowingliis front 
 in our political councils ? . Because no foe is oil 
 the sea, no hostile armies on our plains, may 
 Vv''e sleep securely? Shall we watch only on 
 the outer walls, while the sappers and miners of 
 foreia^n despots are at work under our feet, and 
 steadily advancing beneath the very citadel? 
 Where is that unwearying vigilance which the 
 eloquent Burke proclaimed to bo the character- 
 istic of our fathers, who did not wait to feel op- 
 pression, but ^'-augured misgovcniment at a 
 distance, and snuffed the approach of tyranny 
 in every tainted breeze /" Are we their sons, 
 and shall we sleep on our posts? We may 
 sleep, but the enemy is awake ; he is straining 
 every nerve to possess himself of our fair land. 
 We must awake, or we are lost. Foundations 
 are attacked, fundamental principles are tlueat- 
 ened, interests are put in jeopardy, which throw 
 all the questions Vv?"hich now agitate the coun- 
 cils of the country into the ^hade. It is Liber- 
 ty zV.'^e//' that is in danger, not the liberty of a 
 sinofle state, no, nor of the United States, but 
 the liberty of the loorld. Yes, it is tlie ivorld 
 that has its anxious eyes upon us; it is the 
 
THE MORAL STRENul'II OF THE REPUBLIC ATTTACKED. 101 
 
 rcorld that cries to us in tlie aofony of its strng- 
 gles against despotism, the World expects 
 America, republican America, to do her 
 
 DUTY. 
 
 Our institutions have ah'eady withstood ma- 
 ny assaults from within and from without, but 
 the war has now assumed a new shape. An 
 effort is now making that is to try the moral 
 strength of the Republic. It is not a physi- 
 cal contest on the land or on the water. The 
 issue depends not on the strength of our ar- 
 mies or navies. How then shall we defend 
 ourselves from this iieiv, this subtle attack? 
 
 " Defend yourselves !" cries the Austrian Pa- 
 pist ; "you cannot defend yourselves; your 
 government, in its very nature, is not strong 
 enough to protect you against foreign or domes- 
 tic conspiracy. You must here take a lesson 
 from legitimate governments ; we alone can 
 teach the effectual method of suppressing con- 
 spiracies. You say you have a body of con- 
 spirators against your liberties, a body of for- 
 eigners who are spreading their pernicious 
 heresies through your land, and endangering 
 the state. The weakness of republicanism is 
 now manifest. Wliat constitutional or legal 
 provision meets the difficulty ? Where are 
 your laws jnoJiihiting Catholics from preach- 
 ing or teaching their doctrines, and erecting 
 their chapels, churches, and schools? Where 
 is your jjassport syste7n, to enable you to know 
 the movements of ever man of them in the land ? 
 Where is your Gens dUirmerie^ your armed 
 police, those useful agents, whose domiciliary 
 9* 
 
102 PAPAL MODE OF GUARDING THE STATE. 
 
 visits could ferret out every Catholic, seize and 
 examiue his papers, and keep him from farther 
 mischief ill tlie duno^eonsoflhe state? Where 
 are your laws that can terrify, by the penalty 
 of imprisonment, any man that dares to utter 
 an opinio fi a^a.\nsl ihe, government? Where 
 is your judicious censorship of the press, to si- 
 lence the Catholic journals, and stifle any Cath- 
 olic sentiments in other journals? Where is 
 your Index expurgatorijis, to denounce all 
 unsafe books, that no Catholic book may be 
 printed or admitted into the country ? Where 
 is your system oi espionage, that no Protestant 
 may read a Catholic publication, or express in 
 conversation a sino;le sentiment luifavorable to 
 Protestantism,' without behio; overlooked and 
 ov^erheard by some faithful spy, and reported to 
 the 2:t)vernment ? Where are the officers in 
 your post-office department for the secret ex- 
 amination of letters, so that even the most con- 
 fidential correspondence may be purified from 
 dan2:erous heresy ? Where is your secret In- 
 qnisitorial Court for the trial and condemna- 
 tion of apostate Protestants ? Without these 
 chano:es in the constitution and laws of your 
 government, you can oppose no efficient obsta- 
 cle to the success of this conspiracy." 
 
 And what shall I reply to this consistent Papist? 
 The methods he would prescribe have the sanc- 
 tion of successful experiment for some centu- 
 ries. They are in sober truth the very means 
 that Popery employs at this very day, in the 
 countries where it is dominant, to prevent the 
 spread of opinions contrary to its own dogmas. 
 
THE LIVING PRINXIFLE OF OUR INSTITUTIONS. 103 
 
 But are these the methods that cornniend 
 themselves to American Protestants / Does 
 not such acambroas machinery of chains, and 
 boUs, and bayonets, snd soldiers, to hold tlio 
 mind in bondage, seem rather a dream of the 
 dark ages, than a real system now in actual 
 operation in the nineteenth centro'y 7 Away 
 with Austrian and Popish precedent. Ameri- 
 can Protestantism is of a different school. 
 It needs none of the aids which are indis- 
 pensable to the crumbling despotisms of Eu- 
 rope ; no soldiers, no restrictive enactments, 
 no Index expurgatorins, no Inquisition. This 
 war is the war of principles ; it is on the open 
 field of free discussion ; and the victory is to be 
 won by the exercise of moral energy, by the 
 force of religious and political truth. But still 
 it is a ivar, and all true patriots must wake to 
 the cry of danger. They must up and gird 
 themselves for battle. li is no false alarm. 
 Our liberties are in danger. The Philistines 
 are upon us. Their bonds are prepared, and 
 they intend, if they can, to fasten them upon 
 our limbs. We must shake off our lethargy, 
 and like the sfiant awaking from his sleep, snap 
 these shackles asunder. We are attacked in 
 vulnerable points by foreign enemies to all lib- 
 erty. We must no lon^rer indulge a quiet com- 
 placency in our institutions, as if there were a 
 charm in the simple name of American liberty 
 sufficiently potent to repel all invasion. For 
 what constitutes the life of our justly cherished 
 institutions ? Where is the living principle that 
 sustains them? Is it in the air we breathe? 
 
104 TRUE MODE OF DEFENCE. 
 
 Is it ill tlie soil we cultivate? Is our air or our 
 soil more congenial to liberty than the air and 
 soil of Austria, or Italy, or Spain ? No ! The 
 life of our institutions ! — it is a moral and in- 
 tellcctiialM^Q] it lies in the culture of the human 
 mind and heart, of the reason and conscience; 
 it is bound up in principles which must be 
 taught by father to son, from generation to gen- 
 eration, with care, with toil, witli sacrifice. — 
 Hide the Bible for fifty years — (we will not ask 
 for tlie hundred years so graciously granted by 
 the autocrat to stifle liberty) — hide the Bible for 
 fifty years, and let our children be under the 
 guidance of men whose first exercise upon the 
 yonthtul mind is to teach that lesson of old 
 school sophistry which distorts it forever, and 
 binds it through life in bonds of error to the 
 dictation of a man — a man whom, in the same 
 exercise of distorted reason, he is persuaded to 
 believe infallible ; let these Jesuit doctors take 
 the place of our Protestant instructors, and 
 where will be the political institutions of the 
 country? Fifty years would amply suffice to 
 give the victory to the despotic principle, and 
 realize the most sanguine wishes of the tyrants 
 of Europe. 
 
 The first thing to be done to secure safety, 
 is to open our eyes at once to the reality and the 
 extent of the danger. We mrjst not walk on 
 blindly, crying " all's well." The enemy is in 
 all our borders. He has spread himself throuijh 
 all the land. The ramifications of this foreisfn 
 plot ^YQ everywhere visible to all who will 
 open their eyes. Surprising and unwelcome 
 
POPERY IN FAVOR OF IGNORANCE. 103 
 
 as is such an announcement, we must bear it 
 and recjard it. We must make an immediate, 
 
 A VIGOROUS, A UNITED, A PERSEVERING EF- 
 FORT TO SPREAD RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECT- 
 UAL CULTIVATION THROUGH EVERY PART OF 
 
 OUR COUNTRY. Not a viUas^e nor a lo2r-hut of 
 the land should be overlooked. Where Popery 
 has put darkness, we must put light. Where 
 Popery has planted fts crosses, its colleger, its 
 churches, its chapels, its nunneries, Protestant 
 patriotism must put side by side col les^e for col- 
 lege, seminary for seminary, church for church. 
 And the money must not be kept back. Does 
 Austria send her tens ofthousaijds tosubjUiJ"cite 
 us to the principles of darkness? We must send 
 our hundreds of thousands, ay, our millions, 
 if necessary, to redeem our children from the 
 double bon'dasfe of spiritual and temporal slave- 
 ry, and preserve to tliem American light and 
 liberty. The food of Popery is ignorance. J^rno- 
 rance is the rnothef 'of Papal devotion. Igno-' 
 ranee is the legitimate prey of Popery. 
 
 But some one here asks, are not the Romau 
 Catholics establishitio; schools andcol!e2:es, and 
 seminaries of various kinds, in the destitute 
 parts of the land? Are they not also zealous 
 for education ? May we not safely assist them 
 in their endeavors to enlis'hten the ignorant? 
 Enlighten the ignorant ! Does Popery enlight- 
 en the ignorant of Spain, of Portugal, of Italy, 
 of Ireland, of South America, of Canada I What 
 sort of instruction is that, in the latter country 
 for example, which leaves 78,000 out of 87,000 
 of its grown up scholars, signers of a petition 
 
106 POPERY THE NATURAL ENEMY OF GENERAL EDUCATION. 
 
 by their mark, unable to write their own names, 
 and many of the remaining sio^ners who write 
 nothing biU their jiames ? AYhat sort of hght 
 is that which generates darkness ? Popery en- 
 lighten tlie ignorant ! Popery is tJte natural 
 enemy of gkineral edncation. Do 3^011 ask for 
 proof/ It is overwhehning. Look at the in- 
 tellectual condition of all the countries where 
 Popery is dominant. If Popery is in favor of 
 general education, why are the great mass of 
 the people, in the papal countries 1 have named, 
 the most ill-informed, mentally degraded beings 
 of all the civilized world, arbitrarily shut out 
 by law from all knowledge but that which 
 makes them slaves to the tyranny of their op- 
 pressors 'I No ! look well to it ! If Popery 
 in this country is professing friendship to gen- 
 eral knowledge, it is a feiijned alliance. If it 
 pretends to be in favor of educating the jmnr, 
 it is a fldse pretence, it is only temporizing ; it 
 is conf or filing for the present, from policy, to 
 the spirit of Protestantism around it, that it 
 may forge its chains widi less suspicion. If it 
 is ekablishing schools, it is to make i\\Qm pris- 
 ons of the youthful intellect of the country. If 
 the Papists in Europe are really desirous of 
 enliglitcning ignorant Americans by establish- 
 ing "schools^ let them make their first efforts 
 among their brethren of the same faith in Can- 
 ada and Mexico. 
 
 Do our fellow-citizens at the South and West 
 ask for schools, and are there not funds and 
 teachers enouoh in our ov/n land of wealth and 
 education to train up our own offspring in the 
 
WE MUST SPREAD EDUCATION. 107 
 
 free principles of our own institutions? or are 
 we indeed so beggared as to be dependant on 
 the charities of the Holy Alliance^ and the Je- 
 suits of Europe^ iox innds and teachers to edu- 
 cate our youth — in what ? — the principles 
 OF DESPOTISM ! Forbid it, patriotism ! forbid 
 it, rehgion ! Our own means are sufficient ; 
 we have wealth enouorh, and teachers in abun- 
 dance. We have only to will it with the reso- 
 lution and the zeal that have so often been 
 shown, whenever great national or moral inter- 
 ests are to be subserved, and every fortress, ev- 
 ery corps of Austrian darkness will be surround- 
 ed; the lighted torches of truth, political and 
 religious, would flash their unwelcome beams 
 into ev^ery secret chamber of the enemies of our 
 liberty, and drive these ill-omened birds of a 
 foreign nest to their native hidino^-place. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 All classes of citizens interested in resisting the efforts of Popery— 
 The unnatural alliance of Popery and Democracy e.\]iosed — /JeiV- 
 g-ioMS ^iier/y in danger— Specially in the keeping of tlie Chrisiian 
 communitv— They must rally for its defence— The secular press 
 has no sympathy with them in this struffgle, it is opposed to them— 
 The Po/?acoi character of Popery ever to be kept in mind, and op. 
 posed— It is for the Papist, not the Protestant, to scparalr- his reli- 
 gions from his political creed— Papists ought to be required pnblicly, 
 and formally, and officially to renounce/orez^w allegiance^ and aud- 
 repubiican customs. 
 
 In considering the means of counteracting 
 this foreis^n pohtical conspiracy against our 
 free institutions, I have said that we must 
 awake to the reality and extent of the danger^ 
 and rouse ourselves to immediate and vigorous 
 actionem spreading religious and intellectual 
 cultivation throuo^h the land. This, indeed, 
 
108 POPERY DOUBLY OPPOSED TO OUR INSTITUTIONS. 
 
 would be effectual, but this remedy is remote 
 in its operation, and is most seriously retarded 
 by the enormous increase of ignorance which 
 is floodino; the country by foreign emigra- 
 tion. While, therefore, the remote effects of 
 our exertions are still provided for, the pressing 
 exicjency of the case seems to require some 
 more immediate eflbrts to prevent the further 
 spread of the evil. The two-fold character of 
 the enemy who is attacking us must be well 
 considered. Popery is doubly opposed— civ illi/ 
 and religionslf/— to all that is valuable in our 
 free institutions. As a religions system, it is 
 the avowed and common enemy of every other 
 reli'jious sect in the land. The Episcopalian, 
 the~Methodist, the Presbyterian, the Baptist, 
 the Quaker, the Unitarian, the Jew, &c., &c., 
 are alike anathematized, are together obstinate 
 heretics, in the creed of the Papist. He wages 
 a}i indiscriminate, uncompromising, extermi- 
 iiatin::^: v/ar with all. 
 
 As^a political system, it is opposed to every 
 political party in the country. Popery in its' 
 very nature is opposed to the genius of our 
 free system, notwithstandinof its affected, artful 
 cppropriatiou (in our country only) of the 
 jiabits and phraseology of democracy. Present 
 policy alone dictates so unnatnral an alliance, 
 ay, most unnatural alliance. What ! Popery 
 tuid Democracy allied ? Despotism and Li- 
 berty hand in hand ? Has the Sovereign Pon^ 
 tiff "in very deed turned Democrat in the 
 e'nited States? Let us look into this incon- 
 o-ruous coalition, this solecism in politics— 
 
ALLIANCE OF POPERY AND DEMOCRACY EXPOSED. 109 
 
 Popish Democracy. Do Popish Bishops or 
 Priests consult tJte people 7 Have the people 
 any voice in ecclesiastical matters ? Can the 
 people vote their own taxes l or are they ini 
 posed upon them by irresponsible priests ? Do 
 the bishops and priests account for the manner 
 in which they spend the peopWs money') 
 Has Popery here adopted the American prin- 
 ciple of Responsibility to the People; a 
 responsibility which gives the most insignifi- 
 cant contributor of his money towards any 
 object, a right to examine into the manner in 
 which it is disbursed? No! the people ac- 
 count to their priests in all cases^ not the 
 priests to the people in any case. What sort 
 of Democracy is that where the people have no 
 pouter, and the priests have all., by divine 
 rio^ht? Let us hear no more of the presump- 
 tuous claim of Popery to Democracy. Popery 
 is the antipodes of Democracy. It is the same 
 petty tyrant of the people here, as in Europe. 
 And this is the tyranny that hopes to escape 
 detection, by assuming the name, and adopting 
 the language of Democracy.* It is this ty- 
 ranny that is courted and fivored at political 
 elections by our politicians of all parties, be- 
 cause it has the advantage of a despotic organ- 
 izationt How much longer are the feelings 
 of the religious community to be scandalized, 
 
 ♦ See note N. 
 
 + And iTiy^fZdiiT/ too, it seems, hasjust learned the secret of 
 political power, and, not content with civil and religious 
 liberty, has introduced a third kind, and orsfanizing itself 
 into a new interest, demands to be represented in the state 
 as the advocate of irreligious liberty ! 
 
 10 
 
110 KELIG!OUS LlBSaTY IN DANGER. 
 
 and their moral sense oiUra<;ed, by the bare- 
 faced barcrainin^s for Catholic and infidel 
 votes? Have the religions comnumity no rem- 
 edy ao^ainst such outrage? If tliey have not, 
 if there is not a single point on which thfcy 
 can act together, if the religions denominations 
 of various uanies can have no understanding 
 on matters of this kind, if they have no com- 
 mon bond to unite them in repelhng common 
 enemies, then let us boast no more o( religious 
 liberty. What is religious liberty? Is it 
 merdv a phrase to round a period in a Fourth 
 of July oration? Is it a dazzling sentiment 
 for Papists to use in blinding the eyes of the 
 people, while they rivet upon them their foreign 
 cliains of superstition ? Is it a shield to be 
 held before infidels, from behind which they 
 may throw their poisoned shafts at all that is 
 orderly and fair in our civil, as well as religious 
 institutions ? Or is it that prize above all 
 price, that heaven-descended gift to the world, 
 for wliich, with its twin-sister, we contended in 
 our war for independence, and which we are 
 bouiid, by every duty to ourselves, to our chil- 
 dren, to our country, to the world, to guard 
 with the most jealous care? And has it ever 
 occurred to Christians that this duty of guard- 
 ins: religious liberty in a wore special manner 
 devolves on ihcm! 'Who but the religious com- 
 munity appreciate the inestimable value of 
 religious liberty ? Are their interests safe in the 
 hands of the infidel, who scoffs at all religioit, 
 and uses his civil liberty to subvert all liberty? 
 Is it safe in the hands of imported radicals and 
 
THE SECULAR PRESS AN UNFAITUFCL WATCHMAN. Ill 
 
 blasphemers ? Is it safe in the hands of calcu- 
 latinir, selfish, power-seeking" pohticians ? Is 
 it sale in the keepinor of Metteniich's stipendi- 
 aries, the active agents of a foreign despotic 
 power ? Does the secular press take care of 
 our reho-ions hherty? Is tl icre a secular jour- 
 nal that has even hinted to its readers the ex- 
 istence of this double conspiracy / The most 
 dan^-erons politico-reli^^ious sect that ever ex- 
 isted ; a sect that has been notorious for ages 
 for throwing governments into confusion, is 
 politically at work in our own country, under 
 the immediate auspices of the most despotic 
 power of Europe, interested politically and 
 vitally in the destruction of our free .institu- 
 tions, and is any alarm manifested by the sec- 
 ular press J No ! they are altogethel' silent 
 on tliis subject. They presume it is only a 
 reUgioiis controversy, and they cannot meddle 
 with religious controversies. They must not 
 expose religious imposture, lest they should be 
 called pious. They have no idea of blending 
 church and state. They have a religion of 
 their own, a worship in which the public, they 
 think, feel a more exciting interest. One has 
 a liberty pole to be erected, another a hickory 
 tree ; and the rival pretensions to superiority of 
 these wooden gods of their idolatry it is of the 
 last importance to settle, and the bacchanalian 
 revelry of their consecration must be recorded 
 and blazoned forth in italics and capitals in its 
 minutest particulars : " O Pole ! O Tree ! thou 
 art the preserver of our liberty!" No; if the 
 reh'si'ioiis community (in which term I mean to 
 include Protestants of every name who profess 
 
112 THE RELIGIOUS COMMUNITV' MUST GUARD THEIR RIGHTS. 
 
 a religious faith) awake not to the defence of 
 their own ri2:htsin the state, if they indulge ti- 
 midity or jealousy of each other, if they will 
 not come forward boldly and firmly to withstand 
 the encroachments of corruption upon their own 
 rights; the selfish politicians of the day (and 
 they swarm in tlie ranks of all parties) will bar- 
 gain away all that is valuable in the country, 
 civil and reliufious, to the Pope, to Austria, or*to 
 any foreign power that will pay them the price 
 of their treason. 
 
 We cannot be too often reminded of the 
 double character of the enemy who has gained 
 foothold upon our shores ; for althoguh Popery is 
 a religious sect, and on this ground claims tol- 
 eration side by side with other religious sects, 
 yet Popery is also a political^ a despotic sys- 
 tem, which we must repel as altogether incom- 
 patilile with the existence of freedom. I repeat 
 it, Popery is a political, a despotic system^ 
 which must be resisted by all true patriots. 
 
 Is it asked, how can we separate the charac- 
 ters thus combined in one individual? How 
 can we repel the politics of a Papist without 
 infringiug upon his religions right? I answer, 
 that this is a difficulty lor Papists, not for Pro- 
 testants to solve. If Papists have made their 
 religion and despotism identical, that is not 
 our fault. Our relimon, the Protestant reli- 
 gion, and Liberty, are identical, and liberty 
 keeps no terms with despotism. American 
 Protestants use no such solecism as religious 
 despotism. Shall political heresy be shielded 
 from all attack, because it is connected with a 
 rcUs^ious creed 1 Let Papists separate their 
 
DILEMMA OF PAPISTS. 113 
 
 religious faith from their pohtical faith, if they 
 can" and the former shall suffer no political at- 
 tack from US. " But no," the Papist cries, '• I 
 cannot separate them ; my religion is so blend- 
 ed with the political system, that they must be 
 tolerated or refused together ; my ' whole sys- 
 tem is one, and indivisible, unci uinge able, in- 
 fallible:— l^m conscientious, I cannot separate 
 them." What are we to do in such a case?-— 
 Are we to surrender our civil and religious lib- 
 erty to such presumptuous folly? 
 
 No ! our liberties mnst be preserved ; and 
 we say, and say firmly to the Popish Bishops 
 and Priests amon^^ us. give us your declaration 
 of your relation to our civil government. Re^ 
 noniice your foreign allegiance, your allegi- 
 ance to a Foreign Soveiip:ign. Let us have 
 your own avowal in. an official manifesto, that 
 the Democratic Government under irhich you 
 here live delights you best. Put your ecclesi- 
 astical doings upon as open an^ popular a 
 footing as other sects. Open your books to 
 the people, that they Quay scrutinize your 
 financial matters, that the people, your ownpeo- 
 j)le, may know how much they pay to priests^ 
 and how the priests expend their utoney ; that 
 the poorest who is taxed from his hard earned 
 ivages for church dues, and the richest who 
 gives his gold to support your extravagant 
 ceremonial, may equally know that their con- 
 tributions are not misapplied. Come out and 
 declare your opinion on the Liberty of the 
 Press, on 1/iberty of CoNscIE^x'E, and 
 Liberty of Opinion. Americans demand it. 
 10* 
 
114 THEY MUST RENOONCE FOREIGN ALLIANCE. 
 
 They are waking up. They have their eyes 
 upon you. Think not the American Eagle is 
 asleep. Americans are not Austrians, to be 
 hoodwinked by Popish tricks. . This is a call 
 upon yon you will be obliged soon to regard. 
 Nor will they be content with partial, obscure 
 avowals of republican sentiment in your jour- 
 nals, by insulated priests, or even bishops. The 
 American people will require a more serious 
 testimonial of your opinions on these funda- 
 mental political points. You have had Con- 
 vocations of Bishops at Baltimore. Let us 
 have at their next assembling, their sentiments 
 on tliese vital points. Let us have a docuinent 
 full and explicit, signed by their names, a 
 document that may circulate as ivell in Aus- 
 tria and Italy as in Jlmerica ; ay, a document 
 that may he puhUshed " con permissione'^ in 
 the Diario di Roma, and be circulated to in- 
 struct the faithful in the united church, the 
 churcJi of hut one mind^ in the sentiments of 
 American democratic Bishops on these Ameri- 
 can principles. Let us see how they loill ac- 
 cord ivith those of his Holiness, Pope Gregory 
 XVL, in his late encyclical letter ! Will Po- 
 pish Bishops dare to put forth such a manifesto ? 
 No ! Tliey dare not. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. / 
 
 The question, what is t)ie duty of the Protestant community, consider- 
 ed — Siiall there bean Anti-Popery Union 1 — The strong manifesto 
 that niifilit be put fortli by such aunion— Suclia poliiical union dis- 
 carded ds inipohlic and degradinij to a Protestant community — Gold- 
 en opportunity for showing tlie moral encrg-j of tlie Republic — The 
 lawful, efficientweaponsofthiscontest— To be used without delay. 
 
 There is no question of more pressing, more 
 vital importance to the whole country than this : 
 
rUTY OF THE PROTESTANT COMMCNITY. 115 
 
 Whati!^ flic duty of the Protestant communi- 
 ty in the perilous condition toivJiicltreli^-ious 
 as well as civil liberty is reduced, by the at- 
 V tempts of Popery and foregin enemies upon 
 our free institutions f Have Christian patriots 
 reflected at all on the possihle, nay, I will say 
 probable loss of religious liherty ; or in idea 
 attempted to follow out to their result, and in 
 their immeasurable extent, the fearful conse- 
 quences of its loss? Why is it, then, that no 
 more energetic efforts are made to save our- 
 selves ? 
 
 ^ve hear this fearful tempest sing, 
 
 Yet seek no shelter to avoid the storm ; 
 We see the wind sit sore upon our sails, 
 And yet we strike not, but securely perish. 
 ******* 
 
 We see the very wreck that we must suffer ; 
 
 And unavoided is the danger now, 
 
 For sulferingso the causes of our wreck. 
 
 Shal'spcare. 
 
 Yes, the rocks are in full view on which Amer- 
 ican liberty must inevitably be wrecked, unless 
 all hands are roused to immediate action. Our 
 dangers are none the less, be assured; because 
 they are not those airainst ^vliich the general 
 cry of alarm is so loudly raised by the two 
 great political parties of iheday. In the heed- 
 less strife they are now waging, the most super- 
 lative epithets of alarm have been already ex- 
 hausted by each, on fictitious or comparatively 
 trivial dansrers to the commonwealth. The 
 public ear is deafened by their noise ; its se^ise 
 of hearing is orrown callous with the reiterated 
 cries of alarm on every slight occasion. " Wolf! 
 Wolf!" has been so often flilsely cried, that 
 now, when the wolf has in reality appeared, we 
 
116 FORMATION OF AN ANTI-POPERT CN^gN CONSIDERED. 
 
 cannot be made to realize it. " If the trunipet 
 give an uncertain sound, who shall prepare 
 himself for the battle T We are bnsyino- our- 
 selves in quenching the few falling sparks that 
 threaten the deck of the ship, without heeding 
 the fire beneath, that is approaching the maga- 
 zine. In this reckless warfare of passion, and 
 falsehood, and slander, and aided by the deai- 
 enino- din of party strife, neither party seem to 
 have observed that a secret enemy, an artful, 
 foreign enemy, has stolen in among us, joining 
 his foreign accents Xo sw^ell the uproar, that he 
 may with less suspicion do his nefarious work.* 
 Like incendiaries at a conflagration, they even 
 cry fire ! loudest, and are most ostentatiously 
 busy in seeming to protect that very property 
 which they watch but to make their prey. 
 
 What then can be done / Shall Protestants 
 or2:anize themselves into a political union after 
 the manner of the Papists, and the various class- 
 es of industry and even oi foreigners in the 
 country 7 Shall they form an Anti-Popery 
 Union, and take their places amongthis strange 
 medley of conflicting interests'/ And why 
 should they not ? Various parties and classes 
 do now combine and organize for their own 
 interest ; and if any class of men are allowed 
 thus to combine and promote their own pecu- 
 liar interests at the expense of anotlier class, 
 that other class surely has at least an equal right 
 to combine to protect itself against the excess of 
 its antagonist. A denial of this right would 
 certainly come with an ill grace from those who 
 
 • See note O. 
 
PRINCIPLES OF A UNION 117 
 
 are already formed into separate orsfariizations, 
 as a IVorking- Merits party, as a Trades^ 
 Union party, as a Catholic party, as an Irish 
 party, as a German party, yes, even as a 
 French and an Italian party.* 
 
 And now, on the supposition that such a po- 
 litical oro^anization of Protestants were expedi- 
 ent, (for it resolves itself altogether into a ques- 
 tion of expediency.) let us see whether any 
 party or interest could show a stronger claim 
 upon the support of the whole nation. Its 
 manifesto might run thus: 
 
 Popery is a political system^ despotic in its 
 organization, anti-democratic and anti-repub- 
 lican^ and cannot therefore co-exist widi Amer- 
 ican republicanism. 
 
 * By classing these together at this moment, I do not in 
 tend to commit myself as expressing approval or disap- 
 proval of the right of each and all of these to organize, but 
 merely to show that such organization does already exist 
 among other classes in thecommunity, and ii QYen foreign' 
 ers among us are allowed to exercise the right to organize 
 into a separate interest, yes, even as foreigners, can the 
 right with any propriety be refused to American Chris- 
 tians 1 Having thus stated the case, lam now free to 
 make the passing remark, that excluding from view the 
 three clashes first named, the right o{ foreigners toorgaa- 
 ize as foreigners, for political purposes, is at least very 
 questionable; but were their right unquestionably legal 
 through the mildness of our laws, yet the practice is dan- 
 gerous, indecorous, and a palpable abuse of political liber- 
 ality. The Irish naturalized citizens who should know 
 no other name than Americans, for years have clanned 
 together as Irish, and every means has been used, and is 
 still used, especially by Catholics, to preserve them distinci 
 from the American family. Recently a ])oMion of the Ger- 
 mans have organized to keep up their distinct nationality, 
 and the French and Italians have just followed the exam- 
 ple. [Nov. 1831.] To what will all this lead ] 
 
118 ITS MANIFESTO. / 
 
 The ratio of increase of Popery is the exact 
 ratio of decrease of civil liberty. 
 
 The dominance of Popery in the United 
 States is the certain destruction of our free in- 
 stitutions. 
 
 Popery, by its organization, is wholly under 
 thecontrol of a foreign despotic Sovereign. 
 
 Austria, one of the Holy Alliance of sove- 
 reigns leasfued asrainst the liberties of the world, 
 
 HAS THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF THE OPERA- 
 TIONS OF Popery in this country. 
 
 The accents of Austria in the United States 
 are Jesuits and priests in the pay of tliat for- 
 eign power, in active correspondence with their 
 employers abroad, not bound by ties of any 
 kind to our government or country, but, on the 
 contrary, impelled by the strongest motives of 
 ambition to serve the interests of a despotic 
 foreiofu crovernment ; which ambition has al- 
 ready, in one or more instances, been gratified, 
 by promotion of these agents to higher office 
 and wealth in Europe. 
 
 Popery is a Union of Church and State, 
 nor can Popery exist in this country in that 
 plenitude of power which it claims as a di- 
 vine riofht, and which, in the very nature of the 
 system, it must continually strive to obtain, 
 until such a union is consummated. Popery 
 on this ground, therefore, is destructive to our 
 religious as well as civil liberty. 
 
 Popery is more dangerous and more formi- 
 dable than any power in the United States, on 
 the ground that, through its despotic organiza- 
 tion, it can concentrate its efforts for any pur- 
 
SUCH A UNION DISCARDED AS DEGRADING. 119 
 
 pose with complete effect ; and that organiza- 
 tion being wholly iinder/ore/^?i control, it can 
 have no real sympathy with any thing Ameri- 
 can. The fluids, and intellect, and intriguing 
 experience of all Papal and despotic Europe^ 
 by means of agents at this moment organized 
 throughont our land, can. at any time, be 
 brought in aid of the enterprises of foreign 
 powers in this country. 
 
 These are the grounds upon which an ap- 
 peal for support might be made to the patriot- 
 ism, the love of liberty, the hatred of tyranny, 
 temporal and spiritual, which belong in common 
 to the wliole Protestant American family. 
 
 But is this the plan of opposition to Popery 
 that should be proposed, the plan which ought 
 lobe adopted by the Protestant commnnity? 
 No; distinctly and decidedly xo. Plausible as 
 it may appear, and perfectly in accordance as 
 it is with the practice of politicians, the Chris- 
 tian community ought not, cannot adopt such 
 an organization. There must not be a Chris- 
 tian party. What ! sliall Christianity throw 
 aside the keen moral and intellectual arms with 
 which alone it has gained and secured every 
 substantial victory since the commencement of 
 its glorious career ; shall it exchange those arms 
 of heavenly temper, " miorhty in pulling down 
 strong holds," for the paltry, earthly (I might 
 even say infernal) weapons of party strife ? Can 
 Christianity stoop so low ? Can it bring itself 
 down from contemplating its great work of rev- 
 olutionizing the world, by brinoririg moral truth 
 to bear on the conscience and the heart, and 
 
120 CHRISTIANS MUST NOT DEGRADE THEMSELVES. 
 
 narrow its vision to the contracted sphere of 
 party politics ? Can it enter, without defile- 
 ment, into the polluted and polluting arena of 
 political contest ? Can it consent to be bargain- 
 ed for by political huclcsters, or have the price 
 of its favors hawked in the market by political 
 brokers?* Can it consent to compete with 
 Popery in the use of those instruments of in- 
 trigue, and trick, and gambling management, 
 in which Popery is perfectly skilled from the 
 hoarded experience of ages l Can Christians 
 present themselves before the country and the 
 world, in this enlightened age and country, as 
 a mere political party ? No, no ; God forbid 
 that we should forget the holy character of our 
 cause ; let us not be caught in that snare of the 
 enemy. The danger-cry of Church and State 
 may safely be left to the people, to ^trumpet 
 aloud through the land, when the blind infat- 
 uation which now closes their eyes shall have 
 been removed, and they shall be able to see, 
 what many already see, the secret political 
 manoeuvringst of a sect whose very existence 
 depends upon a union of Church and State. 
 No ; let American Christianity proclaim anew to 
 all the world that it can never be wooed to any 
 such unholy alliance. It will keep its garments 
 unspotted from the crimes of the State. It will 
 take none of the responsibihties of the political 
 errors of the age, nor father any of the evils 
 which the unprincipled politicians of the day 
 may bring upon the country and the world, as 
 the effect ~of their poUtical bargainings. 
 ♦ See note P. t See note R. 
 
CHRISTIANS MUST EXERCISK MORAL ENERGY. 121 
 
 Now is the time for this Christian Republic to 
 show her moral enero^y. Europe is an anxious 
 spectator of our contests, and is watching the 
 success of this new trial of the streno^th of our 
 boasted institutions. Oh ! what a lesson, what 
 an impressiv^e lesson mio-ht free America now 
 read to Europe! what an example of the power 
 of moral over pJiysical government can she 
 give to the world, if she will but rouse herself, 
 in her moral might, to the grand effort which 
 the occasion demands ! How would the petty 
 jealousies of the different Protestant sects be 
 swallov.^ed up in the ma2:nitude of the one 
 great enterprise ! How would every sect rather 
 cheer the others on, in their united march 
 against the common foe. and make a common 
 rejoicing of the success of any and every corps, 
 as of a victorious regiment in the same great 
 army ! 
 
 Will American Christians prepare them- y 
 selves for this enterprise? Will each seci 
 awake to the feeling of its being a corps of the 
 great Christian army, marching under the com- 
 mand of no earthly leader, fighting with no 
 earthly weapons, and ^ against no earthly foe) 
 Will they wake to the perception of the great 
 truth, that while their o^reat Captain allows each 
 to act separately and independently within cer- 
 tain limits, it is he that commands in chief, 
 and now orders all his soldiers, under whatever 
 earthly banner enrolled, in united phalanx to 
 ^0 forward^ forward in his single service ? 
 Which corps will first marshal itself for action? 
 Which will be first in the field? Which will 
 11 
 
122 CftTRISTIANS MUST IMMEDIATELY 
 
 press forward with most zeal for the honor of 
 the advance, for the post of danger ? Which 
 in the battle will be most in earnest to carry 
 forward the standards of truth and plant them 
 upon the battlements of papal darkness? Will 
 any shrink back for fear ? Will any be deter- 
 red from unholy jealousy of its neighbor ? Will 
 any indulge in unchristian, ignoble suspicion 
 of its brethren ? What cause have any for fear, 
 or jealousy, or suspicion ? This enterprise asks 
 no sacrifice of sectarian principle; it demands no 
 surrender of conscientious predilection of each 
 to its own modes and forms ; but it does ask 
 the sacrifice of petty prejudice ; it does demand 
 the surrender of those miserable jealousies and 
 envyings which more or less belong to some of 
 every sect, when they learn the greater success 
 of another, as if the victory of one were not 
 the victory of all. And what are the weapons 
 of this warfare ? The Bible, the Tract, the In- 
 fant school, the Sunday school, the common 
 school for all classes, the academy for all class- 
 es, the college and university for all classes, a 
 free press for the discussion of all questions. 
 These, all these, are w^eapons of Protestantism, 
 weapons iinknoicn to Popery ! Yes, all un- 
 knov%ai to genuine Popery ! liCt no one be 
 deceived by the Popish apings of Protestant 
 institutions. The Popish seminary has little 
 in common with the Protestant seminary but 
 the name. It is but the sheep's skin that covers 
 the wolfs back ; the teeth and the claws are 
 not even well concealed beneath. With the 
 weapons we have named, and with our edu* 
 
UNITE IN PROMOTING EDUCATION. 123 
 
 cation societies, theological seminaries, and 
 missionary societies, we need no new organi- 
 sation, no Anti-Popery nnion. Bat we must 
 use our arms, and not rest satisfied with he 
 possession of them. They must be furbished 
 anew, and we must prepare ourselves for a vigor- 
 ous warfare. We must be stirring, if we mean 
 indeed to be victorions. Not a moment is to 
 be lost. The enemy knows well the import- 
 ance of the present' instant. Hear what he 
 savs " We must make haste, the moments 
 are precious. If the Protestant sects are 
 
 BEFOREHAND WITH US, IT WILL BE DIFFI- 
 CULT TO DESTROY THEIR INFLUENCE. Ullg it 
 
 not this acknowledgment of the enemy to quick- 
 en and encourage to instant effort ? And again 
 writes a Catholic Missionary, " Zeal for error is 
 always hot. particularly among the Methodists, 
 / whom nothing can turn from their track and 
 who heap absurdity upon absurdity 1 should 
 desimir if I should .see this sect huildmg a 
 church in my neighborhood P Wih not our 
 Methodist brethren take this hint I 
 
 CHAPTER XII. f- 
 
 The political duty of American citizens at this crisis. 
 
 In my last number I deemed it a duty to 
 warn the Christian community against the 
 , temptation to which they were exposed, m 
 miardino- against the political dangers arismg 
 from Popery, of leaving their proper sphere of 
 action, and "degrading themselves to a common 
 political interest. This is a snare nito which 
 they mi'->-ht easily fall, and into which, if 
 
134 THE DUTV OF AMERICANS 
 
 Popery^ could invite or force tlievn, it mioht 
 keep a jubilee, for its triuniph would be sure. 
 The propensity to resist by nn!a\vl"nl means the 
 encroachment of an enemy, becanse that enemy 
 uses snch means ao;ainst us, belonofs to human 
 natnre. We are very apt to think, in the irri- 
 tation of being attacked, that we may lawfnlly 
 hmi back the darts of a foe, whatever may he 
 their character; that we may "fiolit the devil 
 with fire,*' instead of the milder, yet more eifec- 
 tive vva-apon of "the Lord rebuke thee." '^l^he 
 same spirit of Christianity which forbids us to 
 return railinsf for railing, and persecution for 
 persecution, forbids the nse of nnlawfnl or even 
 of doubtful means of defence, merely because 
 an enemy uses them to attack us. If Popery 
 (as is unblushinoly the case) organizes itself at 
 onr elections, if it interferes politically, and sells 
 itself to this or that political demagogue or 
 party, it should be remembered that this is noto- 
 rionsly the true character of Popery. It is its 
 nature. It cannot act otherwise. Intrio-ne is 
 its appropriate business. Byt all this is foreign 
 to Christianity. Christianity must not enter 
 the political arena with Popery, nor be mailed 
 in Popish armor. The weapons and strat- 
 agems of Popery suit not with the sinjplicity 
 and frankness of Christianity. Like David 
 with the armor of Saul, it would sink beneath 
 the ill-iitting covering, before the Philistine. 
 Yes ! Popery will be an overmatch for any 
 Christian who fights behind any other shield 
 than that of Faith, or uses any other sword 
 than the sword of tlie Spirit of Truth. 
 
TO OPPOSE POPERY POLITICALLY. 125 
 
 But whilst deprecating a union of religious 
 sects, to act politically against Popery, I must 
 not be misunderstood as recommending no 
 political opposition to Popery by the American 
 community. I have endeavored to rouse Pro- 
 testants to a renewed and more vigorous use 
 of their religious weapons in their moral war 
 with Popery,butIamnotunmindfal of another 
 duty, the political duty, which the double 
 character of Popery makes it necessary to urge 
 upon American citizens with equal force — the 
 imperious duty of defending the distinctive 
 principles of our civil government. It must 
 be sufficiently manifest to every republican 
 citizen that the civil polity of Popery is in di- 
 rect opposition to all which he deems sacred in 
 government. He must perceive that Popery 
 cannot, from its very nature, tolerate any of 
 those civil rights which are the peculiar boast 
 cf Americans. Should Popery increase but for 
 a little time longer in this country, with the 
 alarming rapidity with which, as authentic 
 statistics testify, it is advancing at the present 
 time, (and it must not be forgotten that despot- 
 ism in Europe, in its desperate struggles for 
 existence, is lending its powerful aid to the en- 
 terprise,) we may even in this generation learn, 
 by sad experience, what common sagacity and 
 ordinary research mig'ht now teach in time to 
 arrest the evil, that Popery cannot tolerate our 
 form of government in any of its essential prui- 
 ciples. 
 
 Popery does not acknowledge the right of 
 the people to govern ; but claims for itself the 
 IV 
 
126 LlBEnXY OF CONSCIENCE. 
 
 snpreaie risfht to gov'eni all people, and all 
 -iilers. by divine ]-io;ht. 
 
 li does not tolerate the Liberty of the Press ; 
 it takes advantage indeed of our liberty of the 
 ])ress to use its own press against our liberty, 
 but it proclaims in the thunders of the Vatican, 
 a'ld with a voice which it pronounces bifalli- 
 blf and utfchangeable, that it is a liberty " never 
 siificieii.flij to be execrated and detested^ 
 
 It does not tolerate liberty of conscience nor 
 liberty of opinion,. The one is denounced by 
 the Sovereiuii Pontiff as ''c/ most pestilen'ilal 
 error ^'^ and the other, " a pest of all others ?nost 
 to be dreaded in. a stated 
 
 It is not responsible to the people in its finan- 
 cial matters. It taxes at n^ill, and is account- 
 able to none Imt itself. 
 
 Now these are political tenets held by 
 Papists in close union with their religious be- 
 lief, \('t these are not reH^''ions, bui civil tenets ; 
 they belong to despotic government. Con- 
 science cannot be pleaded ai^ainst our dealing 
 pohticallv with them. They are separable 
 .from rtiligious belief; and if Papists will separate 
 them, and repudiate these noxious principles, 
 and teach and act accordingly, the political 
 duty of exposing and opposing Papists, on the 
 ground of tlie enmity of their political tenets to 
 our republican government, will cease. But 
 can they do it? If they can, it behooves them 
 lo do it without delay. If they cannot, or will 
 not, let them not complain of rcli^-ious persecu- 
 tion, or of re//f>-/o//.<? intolerance, if this republican 
 neople, when it shall awake to a sense of the 
 
THE INFANT HERCULES AWaKE. 127 
 
 danofer that threatens its blood-bouofht /nstitu- 
 tions, shall rally to their defence with some show 
 of indignation. Let them not whine about 
 religious oppression, if the democracy turns its 
 searching eye upon this secret treason to the 
 state, and shall in future scrutinize with some- 
 thing of suspicion the professions of those /or- 
 eign friends^ who are so ready to rush to a fra- 
 ternal embrace. Let them not raise the cry of 
 religious proscription, if American republicans 
 shall stamp an indelible brand upon the liveried 
 slaves of a foreign despot, the servile adorers 
 of their good ^^ Emperor " the Austrian con- 
 spirators, who now, sheltered behind the shield 
 of our religious liberty, dream of security, while 
 sapping the foundations of our civil govern- 
 ment. Let no tbreio;n Holy Alliance presume, 
 or congratulate itself, upon the hitherto unsus- 
 picious and generous toleration of its secret 
 agents in this country. America may for a time 
 sleep soundly, as innocence is wont to sleep, 
 unsuspicious of hostile attack ; but if any for- 
 eign power, jealous of the increasing strength 
 of the embryo giant, sends its serpents to lurk 
 v.Mthin his cradle, let such presumption be as- 
 sured that the waking enersfies of the infant are 
 not to be despised ; that once having grasped his 
 foes, he will neither be tempted from his hold 
 by admiration of tlieir painted and gilded cover- 
 ing, nor by fear of the fatal embrace of their 
 treacherous folds. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Note A . — P a g e 3 4 . 
 The War of Opinions. 
 
 Every account from Europe attests the cor- 
 rectness of the views here taken more than a 
 year since, of the poUtical state of the civihzed 
 world. This war of opinions, or of categories^ 
 as Lafayette termed it, is in truth commenced, 
 and Americans, if they will but use common 
 observation, cannot but feel that a neglect to no- 
 tice and provide ao-ainst the consequences of 
 that settled, systematic hostility to free institu- 
 tions so strongly manifested by foreign powers, 
 and which is daily assuming a more serious as- 
 pect, will inevitably result in mischief to the 
 country, will surely be attended with anarchy, 
 if they wake not to the apprehension of the re- 
 ality of this danger. Americans, you indeed 
 sleep upon a mine. This is scarcely a figure 
 of speech. You have excitable materials in 
 the bosom of your society, which, skilfully put 
 in action by artful demagogues, will subvert 
 your present social system. You have a for- 
 eigii interest too, daily, hourly increasing, ready 
 to take advantage of every excitement, and 
 which will shortly be beyond your control, or 
 will be subdued only by blood. You have 
 agents among you, men in the pay of those ve- 
 ry foreign powers, whose every measure of for- 
 eign and domestic policy has now for its end 
 and aim the destruction of liberty ever 
 
APPENDIX. 129 
 
 To increase your peril, you have a press that 
 will not apprize you of thedan^-ers that threat- 
 en yoLi ; we can reach you with our warnintrs 
 only throu2:h the religious journals ; the daily 
 press is blind, or asleep, or bribed, or afraid ; at 
 any rate, it is silent on this subject, and thus is 
 throwing the weis^ht of its influence on the side 
 of your enemies. Foreign spies have clothed 
 themselves in a reli2:ious dress, and so awe- 
 struck are our journalists at its sacred texture, 
 or so unable or lunvilhno- to discern the ditfer- 
 ence between the man and his mask, that they 
 vStart away in fear, lest they should be called 
 biofoted, or intolerant, or persecutinsf, if they 
 should venture to lift up the consecrated cloak 
 that hides a foreisTQ foe. Americans, if you de- 
 pend on your daily press, you rely on a broken 
 reed ; it fails you in your need. It dare not, 
 no. it dare not attack Poperv. It dare not dra^f 
 into the lio;ht the pnUfJcal enemies of your lib- 
 erty, because they come in the name oii^eligion. 
 All despotic Europe is awake and active in 
 plotting your downfall, and yet they let you 
 sleep, and you choose not to be awaked : •• a 
 httle more sleep, a little more slumber, a little 
 more foldinof of the hands to sleep."' And now, 
 like a man whose house is on fire, dreamiuifof 
 couifort and security, you will perhaps repel 
 with passion and reproach the friendly hand 
 tliat would wake you in season, to escape with 
 your life. 
 
 Do you doubt whether Euro))e is in hostile 
 array a^fainst liberty? Read of the movements 
 and revolutions of forei'j:n cabinets, as one or the 
 
130 APPENDIX. 
 
 Other principle temporarily predominates. Read 
 the views of the statesmen of Europe. A dis- 
 tinofiiished member of the Spanish Cortes, Don 
 Telesforo de Trueba, in a speech delivered be- 
 fore that body a few months since, says, " The 
 present war is not a war of succession, but of 
 principle — liberty and despotism are at issue. 
 England, France, Belgium, Spain, and Portus^al 
 have ranged themselves under the banner of the 
 former, but it is not necessary for me to name 
 those powers who follow the standard of the 
 latter." Of Don Carlos and his government he 
 says, " Ignorance, hypocrisy, and fanaticism are 
 his only counsellors, whispering to him new 
 modes of oppressing his people. Every thing 
 around is stamped witli the marks of baseness 
 and falsehood, while in this infernal region 
 desolation and death reign triumphant. A san- 
 guinary priesthood is sacrificing human vic- 
 tims to the God of peace and love — men who 
 wish to brino^ back the dark aores, the a2:e of 
 tyranny, and ignorance, and death." 
 
 The foreicrn correspondent of the Evening 
 Post, in a letter from Florence, Italy, published 
 in that journal, Dec. 27, 1834, has the follow- 
 ing information directly from Tuscany. 
 
 "Hitherto" (in the administration of the gov- 
 ernment) "a disposition has been shown to let 
 off political offenders as lightly as possible ; but 
 lately, however, something of the same jealousf/ 
 of republicanism has shoion itself which has 
 been manifested by the other absolute govern- 
 ments of Europe. A quarterly journal was sup- 
 pressed a few months since on account of some- 
 
APPENDIX. 131 
 
 thing lohidi gave offence to Aff stria. This, 
 and several other acts of the Grand Duke, have 
 greatly diminished his personal popularity. — 
 The rulers of Italy appear to hare come to an 
 understandings that it is time to make an ex- 
 ample of some of the disaffected." 
 
 Now this Austria is the same busy, meddling 
 government that is operating" in this country; 
 we scarcely read the name of Austria in a for- 
 eign jonrnal, or in letters from abroad, but in 
 connexion with some plan for extinguishing 
 liberty ; and yet we harbor her emissaries, 
 promote their secret desio;ns. contribute our 
 money to swell their coffers, build for them 
 their seminaries and convents, intrust our 
 children to their instruction, court their favor, 
 shield them from all attack, yes, even put our- 
 selves under their protection : all, all this we do, 
 and our native blood flows evenly in our veins. 
 Spirit of '76 ! where dost thou sleep? 
 
 Note B.— Page 5 0. 
 Opposite tendencies of Popery and Protestantism. 
 
 • On the very threshold of the examination 
 upon which I have here entered, and while 
 searchinof amoncf the records of the two sects 
 for the political tendencies of the principles of 
 Popery and Protestantism, I was struck with 
 the marked difference in extent which the two 
 fields of inquiry legitimately offered for examin- 
 ation. The prime dogma of the Catholics, that 
 all which their church teaches is infallible, un- 
 changeable ; that what she has once taught as 
 
132 APPENDIX. 
 
 truth, must, now and forever be truth, lays 
 opeu to our examination a wide field. All and 
 each of these precepts, laws, and acts of Pope- 
 ry, from the earliest ages to the present day, 
 may be les'itimately quoted to show the politi- 
 cal character of that sect. Innovation, repeal, 
 reform, or progress can find no admittance into 
 the Papal system, without destroying the funda- 
 mental principle on which the whole system 
 rests. " The whole of our faith," says Cardi- 
 nal Pallavicini, «//, hifaHiblc aiitJinrUi/^ '-rests 
 tipon one indivisible article, naiiK^ly, theinlalH- 
 ble autiioritvofthe church. The mument. A here- 
 fore, fJnif. ire ^ire ti/) am/ part whatever, the 
 whole falls ; for v/hat admits not of being 
 divided, naist evidently stand entire, or fall 
 entire.'''' 
 
 Protestantism, on the contrary, is founded on 
 the ]5il)le ; the Bible is the rallying point of all 
 Protestant religions sects. They all believe 
 that God is its author. The religious ffiith ot 
 each is bound to this one volume. But as the 
 Bible prescribes no/orw of faith, or doctrine, 
 or of chnrch government, in whicli all, in the 
 exercise of the natnral and reveaUid right of 
 private judgment, can a2:ree, each sect adopts 
 that form most in accordance with what it be- 
 lieves to be the spirit of the doctrines which the 
 Bible teaches. Hence there is diversity of views, 
 according to the diversities of the human con- 
 stitution, accordins: to the varying degrees of 
 intellectual cultivation, or to the peculiar wants 
 and condition incident to the infinite variety of 
 circumstances in which human society exists. 
 
iPPENDIX. 133 
 
 Upon this freedom to choose accordinof to the 
 dictates of reason and conscience, granted to 
 man by his Maker, denied b}^ Roman Cathohcs 
 and claimed by Protestants, is built the fabric 
 of religions liberty. Difference of opinion be- 
 ing allowed, controversy of course ensues, and 
 converts are made, not by force of arms, but by 
 force of truth, supported by appeals to reason 
 and conscience. Zealous according" to the 
 streng^th of his belief in the dogmas of his sect, 
 the Protestant calls to his aid the treasures of 
 science. He believes that the divine Author of 
 truth in the Bible is also the author of truth in 
 nature. He knows that as truth is one, He that 
 created all that forms the vast field of scientific 
 research cannot contradict truth in Scripture by 
 truth in nature; the Protestant is therefore the 
 consistent encourager of all learning, of all in- 
 vestigation. Every discovery in science, he 
 feels, brinsrs to relio-ious truth fresh treasures. 
 Free inquiry and discussion, all intellectual ac- 
 tivity, legitimately belongs to Protestantism. It 
 is by thus opening wide the doors of knowledge, 
 and letting in the light of natural science upon 
 what it beheves to be the revealed truth of the 
 Bible, that Protestantism has been able gradu- 
 ally to bring out the principle of religions 
 liberty^ and in its train the invaluable blessmg 
 of civil liberty. At the commencement of the 
 reformation, however, we are not to look 
 for a full development of the tree principles of 
 Protestantism. We must expect to find many 
 truths (which, to us who live in the noon of 
 freedom, are as clear as the sun) tlien obscured 
 12 
 
134 APPEVPIX. 
 
 or entirely invisible in the Popish darkness of 
 the times. The slavish prohibitions, the deep- 
 rooted heathen rites, and the arbitrary dogmas 
 of Popery, were then enforced by power, by 
 ignorance and corrnption ; so that the struggle 
 of free with despotic principles was attended, 
 throngh many generations, with constant vicis- 
 situde. No maxim or usage of Popish intoler- 
 ance that for a long time clung or still clings 
 to any of the Protes'tant systems of Europe, can 
 be quoted against American Protestantism; 
 consequently I am under no necessity of de- 
 fending any despotic or intolerant practice 
 which may be charged or proved upon foreign 
 or ancient Protestantism ; while every act or 
 practice, past or present, of Popish enactment 
 is (Papists themselves being judges) available 
 to demonstrate the immutable character of 
 Popery. 
 
 N T E C . — P AGE 61. 
 
 The foreign Emissaries of Popery rewarded in their own 
 
 country. 
 
 This is a matter deserving of serious atten- 
 tion. Where is nov\r Bishop Cheverus, who 
 passed about fourteen years in Boston? He 
 was a foreigner, with no ties to this country ; 
 paid for his services by a foreign government, 
 he had a duty to his foreign masters to perform. 
 What that duty was, may now easily be con- 
 \ jectured. Boston, as the capital of New-Eng- 
 land, was considered, at the time he arrived, 
 the stronghold of Protestant, of anti-Popish 
 principles. Popery was there, and throughout 
 
APPENDIX. 135 
 
 New-En 2^1 and, held in the jxreatest abhorrence; 
 lor to Popery may be traced, thono-h remotely, 
 yet clearly, the persecutions which drove the 
 Pilgrim-fathers to this country. The history 
 of those fathers, for ages previous, is but the 
 history of hard-fought battles to wrest from 
 Popish usurpation those invaluable rights, civil 
 and religious, which they fled to this wilder- 
 ness securely to enjoy. Ere Popery, then, 
 could expect to gain foothold among the de- 
 scendants of the persecuted Puritans, their 
 almost innate abhorrence to Popery must be 
 overcome. What plan could be better devised 
 to accomplish the end, than to send the mild, 
 conciliating, gentle Bishop to demonstrate, by 
 his example and his teachingj that Popery was 
 not that monster their fathers had tauoht them 
 to believe it to be, or at least that now the ty- 
 rant had grown mild and tolerant ? If this 
 were the desicrn, no plan could have been more 
 successful. Who that has visited Boston, does 
 not know the epithets with which Bishop 
 Cheverus' name is coupled? ^Th&good Bishopj 
 the liberal Bishop^ the excellent^ pions, tole- 
 rant, mild Bishop. Now all this might have 
 been, and perhaps is true of the Bishop. The 
 instrument was Vv''ell chosen, his duty was well 
 accomplished, and he receives the reward of a 
 faithful servant from his foreign masters, in a 
 translation to the mealthy archbishopric of 
 Boiirdeaux. 
 
 Again, where is Bishop Dubourg, of New- 
 Orleans? He has resided in this heathen land 
 his stated time, and having accomplished the 
 
136 APPENDIX. 
 
 duty prescribed to him, is translated to the 
 Bishopric of Montaiiban, in France. 
 
 And again, where is Bishop Kelly, of Rich- 
 mond, Virginia? He also sojourns with ns until 
 his duties to foreign masters are performed, and 
 then is rewarded by promotion at home to the 
 Bishopric of Waterford and Lismore. 
 
 And where soon will be that busy, pompous 
 Jesuit, who has been so often announced as 
 passing and repassing between Rome, Vienna, 
 and the United States, Bishop England ? If re- 
 port speaks truth, he is soon to be rewarded for 
 his services in the cause of his foreign masters, 
 with a CardinaVs hat. The following, from 
 the Dublin Freeman's Journal, preceded by a 
 nauseous mass of fulsome compliment, gives 
 substance to the report: — "After escorting these 
 ladies (some nuns) to Charleston, Dr. England 
 proceeds, without delay, as Legate from the 
 Pope to Hayti, over the ecclesiastical affairs oi 
 which republic he carries with him from the 
 Holy See the most full and unlimited powers ; 
 from which we confidently trust, ere long, he 
 will again return to Europe to receive^ as some 
 reirardfor all his labors and services, a Cardi- 
 naVs hat] for, instead of receiving dignity fro?n. 
 should such an appointment take place. Dr. 
 England will confer dignity i(.po?i the sacred 
 purple." 
 
 Now, in view of these instances of services 
 in this country, rewarded by appointments in 
 Europe, the question naturally occurs : What 
 intei'est have these servants of a foreign despot- 
 ism in the free institutions of this country? 
 
APPENDIX. 137 
 
 • 
 
 What sympathies with American hberty can 
 foreigners have, educated, as they have been 
 in their own country, in the principles of des- 
 potic institutions, hving but temporarily in this 
 country, (whose entire political system is di- 
 ametrically opposed to their whole education,) 
 and looking forward, after their task is per- 
 formed, to a recall to comfortable benefices 
 and high places of profit and honor, to rewards 
 devised by Austria and the Pope, and meted 
 out to their faithful advocates according to the 
 zeal and devotion manifested to their interests'/ 
 What would be said of the Episcopalian, or 
 Presbyterian, or Methodist, or Baptist clergy, 
 were they announced as foreigners sent from 
 England, who, after a short sojourn of active 
 service in this country, were knovvai to be re- 
 called and promoted in their own country to 
 be Bishops and dignified officers under the 
 British government? 
 
 Note D.— Page 65. 
 Sanguinary spirit still existing in modern Popery. 
 
 If any suppose that Popery has changed its 
 intolerant character in modern times, we refer 
 them to the foUowinaf specimen of its spirit. It 
 is Popery of the present day — Popery of 1833. 
 
 In the recent journals of Modena, in Italy, 
 are articles signed by the Duke of Canosa, the | 
 language of which knows no bounds. He 
 justifies ttie St. Bartholomew's Massacre. He 
 says, "when a disease has made such progress 
 that it cannot be cured by magnesia and calo* 
 12* 
 
138 APPENDIX. 
 
 liiel, to save life, recourse must be had to arse- 
 nic. If Charles IX. had recoiled from the 
 massacre of the Huguenots, he would certainly 
 have perished a few weeks after upon the 
 scaffold, as happened to the indulgent and 
 compassionate Louis XVI., because he took an 
 opposite course. He who in such a case has 
 not the courage of a lion, and does not resolve 
 on rigorous measures, is lost. The pusillani- 
 mous alone are ignorant of this truth." Such 
 shocking sentiments, be it remembered, are 
 published in a country where there is a censor- 
 ship of the press : and they are therefore the 
 lano:uao:e of the o-overnment. 
 * The Duke reasons like a true les^itimate. 
 The happiness and lives of the people, to any 
 amount, are mere chaff, compared with the 
 happiness and life of that sainted bauble, called 
 a kina:. His reasoninsr amounts to this : " better 
 that thousands of the common people should 
 perish by the bloodiest butchery, than that the 
 single life of one human being endowed with 
 divine right to reigii, should, like Louis XVI. 
 perish on the scaffold." It is not necessary to 
 uphold the shedding of royal blood, but there 
 is a trick of kingcraft which ought to be exposedj 
 because its influence is not unfelt in this coun- 
 try. The divine right to reign is first assumed, 
 then the human being thus invested with power 
 partakes of diviniti/, he becomes sacred, and 
 all the names and paraphernalia of idolatrous 
 worship surround him. He becomes a God; 
 every word he utters, every step he takes, every 
 action, however unimportant in any other hu- 
 
APPENDIX. 13J) 
 
 man beinn:, is invested in this earthly divinity 
 with a sacred character. Does tlie god-king 
 ride out, the whole country must know the im- 
 portant event ; is he married, the whole nation 
 keeps jubilee ; is. he dead, the world is clad in 
 mournino:. The misfortunes of his offspring 
 are magnified and consecrated by all the arts of 
 the imagination, by all the embellishments of 
 romance. Is an illustration wanted ? Take a 
 recent case. Look at the history of the Dutch- 
 ess de Berri, an infamous woman, notoriously 
 profligate, of a character that in common life 
 would condemn her to the neglect of the world, 
 and cast h*er out of all society. But she is a 
 princess, she has a spark of royal divinity that 
 shines upon her brazen front, and the duped 
 multitude bow in adoration before her. Her 
 sufferings, her wanderings, her dress in the 
 minutest particulars, her words, lier looks, are 
 the subject of sympathetic appeals to the com- 
 passion of the world; ladies shed tears over the 
 distresses of the unfortunate princess. Alas! 
 alas ! that royal blood §hould suffer ! And are 
 we not influenced by this mawkish, morbid 
 sympathy for suffering despots? Where are 
 our sympathies, when the interested statements 
 of a government-controlled foreign press in- 
 forms us of the struggles of the people against 
 age-consecrated oppression? Are they with the 
 people 7 Do we ever suspect the truth of the 
 glovvinor details of the doings of the scandalous 
 mob, the hio-h-wrous^ht accounts of outrage and 
 rebellion of a icicked rabble against lairful 
 authority^ which circulate through our land 
 
140 APPENDIX. 
 
 the production abroad of pensioned writers, of 
 a licensed press, and those, too, without remark 
 or explanation from our press ? What should 
 be the feelings of a true American ? Where 
 should be his sympathies, who has been nurtur- 
 ed in the air of liberty; who has learned from 
 his father's lips the black catalogue of despotic 
 wrongs whicli his ancestors suffered, and which 
 were defended by all the tricks, and glosses, 
 and arts of oppression? If any human being 
 should feel quick sympathy with the struggles 
 of the j}coj)le, should examine with the great- 
 est care the charges preferred against them, and 
 exercise a willing charity for their apparent or 
 real excesses, and quick mistrust of all the do- 
 ings, representations, and fair speeches of des- 
 potis?n, it is an American. 
 
 Note E.— Page 62. ' 
 
 Popery is organized thrmighout the World. 
 This organization is asserted in the late pro- 
 clamation of the Pope to the Portuguese. In 
 the catalogue of his complaints he says : "Ne- 
 vertheless, that which principally afflicts us is, 
 that tliose acts and measures have evidently 
 for tlieir aim to break every bond of union witifi 
 that venerable chair of the blessed Peter" (his 
 own throne) " which Jesus Christ has made 
 the centre of unity; and thus the society of 
 communion beins; once l)roken, to wound the 
 cruirch by tlie most pernicious schism. In fact, 
 how can there be unity in the body, Avhen the 
 memb^ers are not united to the head, and do 
 not obey it 'V^ 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 141 
 
 N O T E F . — P A G E 6 5 . 
 
 Emigration and our Naturalization Law. 
 The subject of efnigration is one of those 
 which demands the immediate attention of the 
 nation, it is a question which concerns all par- 
 ties : and if the writer is not mistaken in his 
 reading of the signs of the times, the country is 
 waking to asenseof the alarming evil produced 
 by our fiatui'alizationlsiws. Let us war among 
 ourselves in party warfare, with every lawful 
 weapon that we can convert to our purpose. It 
 is our birthright to have our own opinion, and 
 earnestly to contend for it ; but let us court no 
 foreign friends. Every American should feel 
 his national blood mount at the very thought of 
 foreign interference. While we welcome the 
 inteiri2:ent and persecuted of all nations, and 
 give them an asylum and a share in our privi- 
 leges, let us beware lest we admit to dangerous 
 fellowship those who cannot and will not use 
 our hospitality aright. That such may come, 
 and do come, there is no reason to doubt. Con- 
 sider the following testimony of an emigrant, 
 given before a justice in Albany. He says that- 
 " in June last the parish officers paid the pas- 
 sages of himself, and about forty others of the 
 scune parish^ from Chatham to the city ot Bos- 
 ton, in America, on board the ship Royalist, 
 Captain Parker, and that they landed in Bos- 
 ton in the month of July last — that the parish 
 officers gave him thirty shillings sterling, in 
 money, in addition to paying his passao-e — that 
 he is now entirely destitute of the means of liv- 
 ing, and is unable to labor, and prays for relief." 
 
V 
 
 143 APPENDIX. 
 
 Now here are forty paupers cast upon our 
 shores from one parish in England, and m Jive 
 years they become citizens, entitled to vote ! ! 
 Is there an American, of any party, who can 
 beheve that there is no dansfer in admittino: to 
 equal privileges with himself such a class of 
 foreio^ners ? A remedy to this crying evil ad- 
 mits of not a moment's delay. At this moment 
 the ocean swarms with ships crowded with this 
 wretched population, bearing them from misery 
 abroad to misery here. 
 
 The expense incurred in this city (New- 
 York) for the support of foreign paupers, it is 
 well known, is enormous. In Philadelphia 
 more than three-fourths of the inmates of their 
 Almshouse are foreigners. Whole families 
 have been known to come from on board ship 
 and 2:0 directly to the Almshouse. In the Bos- 
 ton Dispensary there were the last year, (1834,) 
 from two districts only, 477 patients ; of these 
 441 v)ere foreigners ! ! leaving but 36 of our 
 own population to be provided for. In the 
 Boston Almshouse the following- returns show 
 the increase of fon^ign paupers in five years : 
 The year ending Sept. 30, 1829, Americans 395 
 '• " " " Foreigners 284 
 
 The year endinsr Sept. 30, 1834, Americans 340 
 u u~ u u Foreicrners 613 
 
 Thus we see that native pauperism has de- 
 creased in five years, and foreign pauperism 
 more than doubled. 
 
 In Cambridge (Mass.) more than four-fifths 
 of the paupers are foreigners. 
 
 The first and immediate step that should be 
 
APPENDIX. 143 
 
 taken, is to press upon Cono^ress, and upon the 
 nation, instant attention to the naturaliza- 
 tion LAWS. We must first stop this leak in y 
 the ship, through which the muddy waters < 
 from without threaten to sink us. If we mean 
 to keep our country, this Ufe-hoat of the world, ^ 
 from founderincr with all the crew, we will take ^ 
 on board no more from the European wreck -^ 
 until we have safely landed and sheltered its 
 present freight. But w^ould you have us forfeit 
 the character of the country as the asylum of 
 the world ? No; but it is a mistaken philanthro- 
 py indeed that would a.ttempt to save one at the 
 expense of the lives of thousands ; that would 
 receive into our famihes those dying with the 
 plague. Our naturalization laws were never ^ 
 intended to convert this land into the almshouse ^ 
 of Europe, to cover the alarming importation of'' 
 every thing in the shape of man that European 
 tyranny thinks fit to send adrift from its shores ; 
 nor so to operate as to surrender back all the 
 blessings of that freedom for which our fatliers 
 paid so dear a price, into the keeping of our en- 
 emies. No, we must have the law so amended 
 
 that no FOREIGNER WHO MAY COME INTO THE^ 
 COUNTRY. AFTER THE PASSAGE OF THE NEW ^ 
 LAW, SHALL EVER BE ALLOWED TO EXERCIPE ^ 
 THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. Tllis aloue mCCtS 
 
 the evil in its fullest extent. 
 
 Who can complain of injustice in the enact- 
 ment of such a law. Not the native American^ 
 he is not touched by it. Certainly not \S\q for- 
 eigner now in the country^ whether naturalized 
 or not ; it cannot operate against him. It would 
 
 ^ 
 
144 APPENDIX. 
 
 take away 710 right from a single individual 
 in any coantry. This law would withhold a 
 favor, not a right from foreigners, and from 
 those foreigners only who may hereafter come 
 into the country. If foreigners abroad choose to 
 take offence at the law, we are not under -)bli- 
 gations to consult their wishes ; X\ieY need not 
 come here. This favor, it should be under- 
 stood, has repeatedly been abused, and it is 
 necessary, for the safety of our institutions, in 
 future to withhold it. The pressing dangers to 
 the country from Popery, which I think I have 
 shown not to be fictitious ; other visible indica- 
 tions of foreign influence in the political horizon; 
 the bold orofanization of foreigners as foreigners, 
 in our elections — these, all demand the instant 
 attention of Americans, if they mean not to be 
 robbed, by foreign intrigue, of their liberty, and 
 their very name. 
 
 Note G.— Page 73. 
 One College at the West under Austrian influence. 
 The following fact illnstrates the dangerous, 
 successful intriguing spirit of the Jesuits, and 
 the culpable nesrbgence of one of onr state legis- 
 latures, (that of Kentucky,) which has thus suf- 
 fered itself to be the dupe of Popish artifice. — • 
 St. Joseph's Colleo:e, at Bardstown, Kentucky, 
 was incorporated by the State Legislature in 
 1 824. The Bishop of Bardstown is Moderator, 
 und five Priests are Trustees. And there is 
 tliis provision in the charter: '• The said trus- 
 tees shall hold their station in said college one 
 year only, at which time the said Moderator 
 
APPENDIX. 145 
 
 shall have the power of electing others, or the 
 same, if he should think proper, and increase 
 the numher to twelve ; and this power may be 
 exercised by him every year thereafter, or his 
 successor or successors to the Bishopric k ; and 
 in case of the removal, resignation, or death of 
 either of the said trustees, his place may be 
 supplied by an appointment that may be made 
 by the said Bishop, or his successor or succes- 
 sors, who may also become moderators in the 
 institution, and act and do as the said B. J. 
 Flaget is impowered by this act to do." 
 
 The Bishop of Bardstown, in a letter to a 
 friend in Europe, dated February, 1S25, says : 
 '' Our legislature has just incorporated the col- 
 lege. The Bishops of Bardstown are continued 
 perpetually its moderators or rectors. / might 
 have dictated conditions, which I could not 
 have made more advantageous or honorable ; 
 and what is still more flattering is, tliat these 
 privileges were granted almost without any 
 discussion, and with unanimity in both houses." 
 
 Now the Pope, it is well known, appoints all 
 Bishops. Here then is one college in the coun- 
 try, already placed in perpetuo under the ex- 
 clusive control of the Pope, and consequently 
 for an indefinite period under that of Austria ! 
 
 Note H.— Page 76. 
 Glory- Giving Titles. 
 
 One of the plainest doctrines of American 
 Republicanism, which is essentially democratic, 
 is, that mere glory-giving titles, or titles of ser- 
 vility, are entirely opposed to its whole spirit. 
 13 
 
146 APPENDIX. 
 
 They are considered as one of those artificial 
 means of kingcraft, by which it fosters that 
 aristocratic, unholy pride in the human heart, 
 which loves to domineer over its fellow-mari', 
 which loves artificial distinction of ranks, a 
 privileged class, and of course which helps to 
 sustain that whole system of regal and papal 
 usurpation which has so long cursed mankind. 
 If such titles are to some extent still acknow- 
 ledged in this country, they have either been 
 thoughtlessly but unwisely used as mere epi- 
 thets of courtesy, or they are the remains of old 
 deep-rooted foreign habits, which, in spite of the 
 uncongenial soil to which they have been trans- 
 planted, still maintain a sort of vv^ithered exist- 
 ence. It now, however, becomes a serious in- 
 quiry whether this practice, hitherto seemingly 
 unimportant, may not be attended with danger 
 to the institutions of the country. For Popery, 
 it appears, is already taking advantage of this, 
 as of all other weaknesses in our habits and 
 customs, to introduce its anti-democratic sys- 
 tem, and this, too, while it manifests in words 
 great zeal in defence of democratic liberty. Let 
 the democracy look well to this. 
 
 Is it asked to what extent should titles or 
 names of distinction be abolished throughout 
 the land ? the answer is plain. Every title that 
 merely desio-nates an office, is perfectly in ac- 
 cordance with our institutions ; such as Presi 
 dent. Secretary, Senator, General, Commodore, 
 &c. So are letters after a name which desig- 
 nate the ofiice or membership in a society; but 
 titles of reverence, titles which imply moral 
 
APPENDIX. 147 
 
 qualities, sucli as YourExcellencVj Your Hon- 
 or, The Reverend, Rt. Reverend, Honorable, 
 <fec. and letters which imply moral or intellect- 
 
 «) superiority, 1 think it must be conceded are 
 \v not only useless but dangerous. Tljere 
 needs no law to abolish these gewgaw append- 
 ages to a name ; they must be left to tlie good 
 sense of the individual who nses them, to dis- 
 contituie them ; and fortunately they generally 
 belono; to intellectual men, who have nrindsca- 
 pable of discerning the remote evils to which 
 the practice leads, and patriotism enough to 
 make a greater sacrifice than this occasion 
 calls for, to avert dangers which threaten their 
 country. 
 
 Will it be said that this is a little matter? 
 Notlhng is of little consequence that may en- 
 danger, however remotely, the civil lilierty of 
 the country. Nay more, no practice is unwor- 
 thy of reform, which, continued, may aid by its 
 example in the surrender of religious liberty 
 into the hands of Popery. 
 
 Note I.— Page 84. 
 Compulsory Baptism, 
 
 Perhaps Father Baraga was thinking: of the 
 facilities afforded in Spain, in the time of Xi- 
 menes, for administering baptism, when " Fifty 
 thousand (50,000) Moors, under terror of death 
 and torture, received the grace of baptism, and 
 more than an equal number of the -refractory 
 were condemned, of whom 2,536 were burnt 
 alive." May our government long be ^^toofree^ 
 for the enacting of such barbarity. 
 
148 APPENDIX. 
 
 Note J. AND K.— Page 91— 92. 
 Priests control the Moh. 
 
 If no farther proof were wanting of the f^i 
 of the supreme intinence of the Cathohc prid^ 
 over the mob, it is opportunely furnished in the 
 testimony on the trial of the rioters at Charles- 
 town, (Mass.) Mr. Edward Cutter testified that 
 the Lady Superior, in an interview previous to 
 the burning of the Convent, thus threatened 
 him; she said, " the Bishop had 20,000 of the 
 vilest (or boldest) Irishmen under his control, 
 who would tear down the houses of Mr. Cutter 
 and others ; and that the selectmen of Charles- 
 town mio-ht read the riot act till they were 
 hoarse, and it would be of no use." 
 
 But if any doubt is thrown over Mr. Cutter's 
 testimony because he is a Protestant, hear what 
 the Lady Superior herself testifies : " I told 
 him," she says, " that the Right Reverend Bish- 
 op's influence over ten thousand brave Irishmen 
 mis:ht lead to the destruction of his property 
 and that of others." 
 
 Here we have the startling fact, acknowledg- 
 ed in a court of justice by the Superior of the 
 Convent, that the Bishop has such influence 
 over a mob of foreigners, that he can use them 
 for vengeance, or restrain them at pleasure. — 
 The question that occurs is, how much strong- 
 er is it necessary for this foreign corps to be- 
 come liefore it may prudently act offensively 
 a^rainst our obnoxious Protestant institutions 'I 
 The fact is established, by Catholic testimony, 
 that the Popish population is not snumoi^g ant- 
 zed mob, but is moved by priestly leaders, Je- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 149 
 
 suit foreigners in the pay of Austria. They are 
 ready to keep quiet, or to strike, as circumstan- 
 ces may render expedient. But, exckisive of 
 other proof, another most important fact is 
 rendered certain by this singular confession of 
 the Lady Superior, and that is Roman Catho- 
 lic interference in our elections. Jesuits are 
 not in the habit of shghting their advantages, 
 and the Bishop wlio can control ten or twenty 
 thousand, or five hundred thousand men, as 
 the case may be, for the purpose of destruction 
 and riot, can certainly control the votes of these 
 obedient instruments ! Will not American free 
 men wake to the apprehension of a truth like 
 this I 
 
 Note L . — P age 93. 
 Political interference of Popery. 
 The kind of interference in the political af- 
 fairs of other countries by the Sovereign of 
 Rome^ may l)e learned from the following ex- 
 tracts from the Pope's proclamation ao-ainst Don 
 Pedro, in which he thus speaks of Portugal. — 
 He laments the defection of "that kingdom, 
 cited, until now, as a model of devotion and 
 fidelity to tlie Catholic faith, to the Holy See, 
 and to the Roman Pontiffs, our predecessors ; a 
 kingdom which, as is meet, has ah*eady felt it 
 an honor to obey its Sovereigns, distincruished 
 by the title of Most faithful Kings. We con- 
 fess that we could not at first believe what re- 
 port and public rumor related upon enterprises 
 so audacious ; but the unexpected return to 
 Italy of him who represented us in the said 
 
 13* 
 
l50 APPENDIX. 
 
 kino^dom as Apostolic Nuncio, and the most 
 positive testimony of many persons, soon con- 
 vinced us that wliat had been previously an- 
 nounced to us was but too true. 
 
 " It is then as certain, as it is s^reatly to be 
 deplored, that the above-mentioned government 
 has unjustly driven away him who represented 
 our person and the Holy See, commanding him 
 to quit the kingdom without delay. But, after 
 so gross an insult offered to the Holy See, and 
 to us, the audacity of these perverse men has 
 been carried still further against the Catholic 
 Church, as^ainst ecclesiastical property, against 
 the inviolable rights of the Holy See. Consid- 
 erino^ that all these measures have been exerci- 
 sed almost at the accession of a new Power, 
 and in consequence of a conspiracy prepared 
 beforehand, our mind is filled with horror, and 
 we cannot refrain from tears. All the public 
 prisons have been opened, and, after having let 
 those who were detained there go forth, they 
 have thrown into them, in their place, some of 
 those of whom it is written. Touch not my 
 Anointed. Laymen have rashly arrogated to 
 themselves a power over sacred things ; they 
 have proclaimed a general reform of the secular 
 clergy, and of religious orders of both sexes." 
 
 After enumeratino- various acts of rigor of the 
 new government against those priests, monks, 
 and other ecclesiastics, who have taken an ac- 
 tiv^e part in the civil war, the Pope continues: 
 " For this reason, venerable brethren, we ex- 
 pressly proclaim that we absolutely reprobate 
 all the decrees issued by the aforesaid govern/' 
 
APPENDIX. 151 
 
 ment of Lisbon, to the 2:reat detriment of the 
 Church, of its holy ministers, of the ecclesiastical 
 law, and Holy See prerogatives ; we, therefore, 
 declare them to he null and of no effect, and 
 exi)ress our most serious complaints against 
 the audacious measures we have referred to; 
 we declare, that in exercising the duties of our 
 office, and with God's help, we will oppose our- 
 selves as a wall for the House of Israel, and 
 show ourselves in the combat at the day of the 
 Lord, as the inierests of religion and the 
 gravity of circumstances may required 
 
 He hopes this low rumbling of the thunders of 
 the Vatican will prevent his "having recourse 
 to those spiritual arms with which God has in- 
 vested his apostolic ministry," namely, anathe- 
 mas, curses of excommunication, (fee. And 
 these are not the records of doings of the dark 
 ages, but are fresh from the papal throne, the 
 acts of 1833. 
 
 Note M.— Page 93. 
 
 If any suppose that Popery meddles not with 
 
 civil matters in this country, let them peruse 
 
 the following extract of a letter from one of 
 
 their missionaries: 
 
 "Mr. Baiaga to the Central Direction of the Leopold 
 Foundation, dated L'Arere Croche, October 10th, 18.32. 
 
 "* * On the .5th of Auo^ust, after partaking 
 the sacrament of confirmation, the Bishop call- 
 ed all the chiefs and head men of the mission, 
 and made known to them some civil laws 
 which he had made for the Oftowas. The 
 Indians received these laws with much plea- 
 
152 APPENDIX. ' 
 
 sure, and promised solemnly to obey them. 
 The 'missuniary and four chiefs are ilie ad- 
 ministrators of these laws. 
 
 " Frederick Baraga, Missionary." 
 Here is a specimen of the disposition of 
 Popery to meddle in civil matters in this coun- 
 try, where it has the power: the Bishop is th.e 
 propounder, and the missionary one of the ad 
 ministrators of the civil laws. 
 
 Note N.— Page 109. 
 
 The poor, the illilcrale, and the v'orking classes the niost 
 deeply interested in quelling riot and disorder. 
 
 I. have elsewhere hinted at the danger to 
 the stability of our institutions of the inch spirit 
 which has been manifested in different parts of 
 the country. But I fear that the jjrocess of 
 disorganization, the gradual change which 
 frequent riot necessarily works in the nature 
 of government, has not been duly considered 
 by those whom it most deeply, most vitally 
 concerns; I mean the hard-ivor/dng, uneduca- 
 ted poor. Let me endeavor to trace this process. 
 What is the proper effect of our democratic re- 
 publican institutions upon the various classes 
 into which human society must ever be divi- 
 ded? How do they affect the condition of the 
 rich and the poor, the educated and the illit- 
 erate 7 Equality, tlie only practicable equality, 
 is their result ; not that spurious, visionary 
 equality wJiich would make a forced commu- 
 nity of property, but that equality which puts 
 lio artificial obstacles in the way of anv man's 
 becoming the richest or most learned in i\\Q 
 
APPENDIX. 153 
 
 State; which allows every man, without other 
 impediment than the common olistacles of 
 human nature, and the equal rights of his neigh- 
 bor impose, to strive after wealth, and know- 
 ledge, and happiness. True Christian repub- 
 licanism, by its benevolent and ennobling 
 principles, impels the wealthy and the "educa- 
 ted to use their talents for the benefit of the 
 whole community; it prompts to acts of public 
 spirit, to self-sacrifice, and to unwearied efforts 
 to lesson the natural obstacles in the way of the 
 poor and uneducated to competence and intel- 
 lectual character, by affording them both em- 
 ployment and education. The kindness and 
 benevolence thus shown to the poor, beget, in 
 this class of our citizens, industry and mental 
 effort. They feel that they are not like the 
 proscribed of other countries ; they see that the 
 way is equally open to all to rise to the same 
 rank of independence in mind and condition, 
 and they consequently are without the ex- 
 citing causes of envy, and ill-will, and bitter- 
 ness of feeling towards the wealthy and edu- 
 cated, which exist and produce these fruits in 
 other and arbitrary governments. Society in 
 its two extremes is thus knit together by a 
 mutual confidence, and a mutual interest ; for 
 causes beyond human control are ever varying 
 the condition of men. He that is rich to-day 
 may be poor to-morrow ; and thus there is a 
 constant interchange, a mingling of ranks, 
 which, like a heathful circulation in the natural 
 body, begets soundness and vigor througfh the 
 political body. The vicious and voluntarily 
 
154 APPENDIX. 
 
 ignorant being the only portions of society 
 naturally and justly excluded from the benefits 
 of this system. 
 
 Let us now look at the condition of these 
 same classes under an arbitrary government. 
 In Austria, for example, the jjoor and Illiterate 
 are considered as the natural slaves of the 
 wealthy and learned. These classes are per- 
 petually separated by the artificial barrier of 
 hereditary right ; the line of separation is dis- 
 tincdy drawn, and in all that relates to social 
 intercourse there js an impassable gulf. There 
 may be condescension on the one part, but no 
 elevation on the other. High birth, learning, 
 wealth, and polished manners are on the one 
 side, strengthening the hands of the arbitrary 
 power that sustains them ; on the other, low 
 birth, ignorance, poverty, and boorishness, kept 
 down by their intrinsic weakness, generation 
 after generation, in irretrievable subjection; the 
 upper classes knowing that their own security 
 is based upon the perpetuity of ig^norance and 
 superstition in the lower classes. Now, to 
 make the change from republicanism to abso- 
 lutism, what means would an arbitrary power 
 like Austria be most likely to devise ? AVould 
 she not attain her object entirely by the creation 
 on the one hand, in the wealth and talent of 
 this country, a necessity for employing physi- 
 cal force, to hold in subjection the poor and 
 illiterate? and the production, on the other 
 hand, of a class ignorant and unprincipled, and 
 turbulent enough to need the very restraints the 
 other class might be compelled to employ? Are 
 
APPENDIX. 155 
 
 there any indications of such a change in this 
 country I We have a daily increasing host of 
 emio:rantS; a portion of the very class used to 
 foreign servitude abroad. How could Austrian 
 emissaries better serve their imperial master's 
 interert, than by keeping these unenlightened 
 men in the same micntal darkness in which 
 they existed in the countries from which they 
 caiTie, surroundiuo^ them here with a police of 
 priests, and shutting out from them the light 
 which mio'ht break in upon them in this land 
 of light, nourishing them for riot and turbu- 
 lence at political meetings, and for bullying at 
 the polls those of opposite political opinions? 
 And what would be the effect of such a mode 
 of proceedings upon that class who have ac- 
 quired, by lives of honest industry and studious 
 application, wealth, and knowledge, and politi- 
 cal experience ? Is not such a course calculated 
 to drive them away from any participation in 
 the politics of the country .^ And is not such sedi- 
 tious conduct intended to produce this very re- 
 sult ? V. ill not meu who have any self-respect, 
 who have any sense of character, turn away and 
 ask, with feelings of indignation, where is that 
 intelligent, sober, orderly body of 'native me- 
 chanics and artisans who once composed the 
 wholesome substantial democracy of the coun- 
 try, and on whose independence and rough 
 good sense the country could always rely — 
 that well-tried body of their own fellow-citizens, 
 accustomed to hear and read patiently, and de- 
 cide discreetly? And when they see them 
 associated with a rude set of priest-governed 
 
156 APPENDIX. 
 
 foreigners, strangers to the order and habits of 
 our institutions, requiting us for their hospita- 
 ble reception by conduct subversive of the 
 very institutions which make them freemen ; 
 when they see them become the dupes of the 
 machinations of a foreign despotic power, refu- 
 sing to be undeceived, and madly rushing to 
 tlieir own destruction, will they not, from mo- 
 tives of self-preservation, be willing to adopt 
 any system of measures, however arbitrary, 
 which will secure society from violence and 
 anarchy ? When disgust at priest-guided mobs 
 shall have alienated the minds of one class of 
 the citizens from the other, we have then one 
 of the parties nearly formed, which is neces- 
 sary for the designs of despotism in accom- 
 plishing the subversion of the republic. And 
 the otJicr farty is still easier formed. The 
 alienation of feeling in the wealthier class, and 
 their remarks of disgust, may be easily tortured 
 into contempt for the classes below them, and 
 then the natural envy of the poor towards the 
 rich will always furnish occasions to excite to 
 violence. When hostility between these two 
 parties has reached a proper height, the sig- 
 nal from the arch jugglers in Europe to their 
 assistants here, can easily kindle the flames of 
 civil strife. And then comes the dexterous 
 change of systems. Frequent outrage must be 
 quelled by military force, for the public peace 
 must at all events be preserved, and the civil 
 arm will have become too weak ; and thus 
 commences an armed police, itself but the pre- 
 cursor of a standing army. And which party 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 157 
 
 will be tlie sulferer? All experience answers 
 that ivedllh and talent are more than a match 
 for mere brute force, for the plain reason that 
 they can ho\\\jmr chase and direct it. The rich 
 can pay for their protection, and soldiers belong 
 to those wlio pay them. The man of talent 
 is wanted to direct, and he also is retained by 
 the rich. What then becomes of the illiterate 
 and laborino; poor '] Reduced after inetlectual, 
 ill-concerted resistance, to the same state of 
 perfect subjection that obtains in the '' Juippy 
 Austrian empire:' It is the poor^ then,- the 
 2V)or and ignorant^ not the rich and learned, 
 that have every thino- of hope and liberty to 
 lose from the machinations of Austria. In a 
 moral and intelligent Democracy, the rich and 
 poor are friends and equals ; in a Popish des- 
 potism, the poor are in abject servitude to the 
 rich. Let the working-men, the laboring class- 
 es, well consider that their liberty is in danger, 
 and can be preserved only by their encourage- 
 ment of education and good order. 
 
 Note O. — Page 116. 
 
 Dangers from a riotous spirit, and the kind of treatment due 
 
 from Protestant Americans to Catholic Emigrants. 
 
 AH the topics which grow out of this mo- 
 mentous subject of Popery as their prolific 
 parent, are of absorbing national interest, but 
 no one forces itself upon our consideration more 
 imperiously at this moment, than that which 
 heads this note. For, nnless I am greatly de- 
 ceived, the waking up of this great nation's in- 
 dicrnation. the shaking ofFof the lethargy which 
 14 
 
158 APPENDIX. 
 
 has so long held in unacconntable stupor the 
 senses of the people, which has shut their eyes 
 and stopped their ears to the proofs of foreign con- 
 spiracy which everywhere surrounded them, 
 the mis^hty crathering of all real patriots to the 
 defence of their liberties, which the sounds of 
 preparation from all quarters of the land but 
 too strongly indicate, may be attended with ef- 
 fects disastrous to the cause of true liberty — may 
 produce, through 63xcess or ill-regulated zeal, 
 the evil which it is desirous to remedy ; for ex- 
 cess, even in favor of right principles, doubles 
 the amount of the evil which it attempts to 
 cure. Excess of all kinds, whether in thought, 
 word, or action, (O that this could be impressed 
 on every American heart !) is just so much 
 gain to the side of Popery. I know not how 
 prevalent is error on this point, but I am per- 
 suaded that it exists to an extent to make an 
 American tremble for the permanency of our 
 democratic institutions. 
 
 Is there not a culpable acquiescence in the 
 doina^s of a mob, if their violence is directed 
 against some apparent or real irritating popular 
 evil? Is not the language of such acquiescence 
 most dangerous? It amounts to this: "Al- 
 though we are averse to mob-law, yet, on the 
 whole, there are cases where the sin is venial, 
 and the character of the nuisance it would 
 abate justifies its violence." Now, once con- 
 cede in a democratic community, a community 
 which makes its own laws according to modes 
 prescribed by itself, that an irresponsible minor- 
 ity may set at defiance these laws, and then 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 159 
 
 let me ask. where is s^overnment? It is pros- 
 trated. It has become anarchy, and on the ru- 
 ins of social order will arise another form of 
 government, more or less arbitrary^ according 
 to the more or less profound causes which 
 effected the destruction of the first. Of all forms 
 of government, a truly democratic government, 
 while it is least obnoxious to the disturbing in- 
 fluences of mobs, can at the same time least of 
 aU bear the shocks of their turbulence. No 
 events, therefore, that have occurred in the 
 eventful history of the country, have so justly 
 caused alarm for the stability of the govern- 
 ment, as the spirit of mob-violence which has 
 lately manifested itself so frequently in our 
 large cities. We should do well to remember 
 tha^t we have secret and artful enemies busily 
 at work, who can and will take advantage of 
 this unnatural state of the public feeling, and 
 who will not fail secretly to administer fuel, in 
 modes in which they are perfectly familiar, to a 
 diseased excitement so favorable to their views. 
 We have in the country a powerful religious- 
 politico sect, whose final success depends on the 
 subversion of these democratic institutions, and 
 who have therefore a vital interest in promoting 
 mob-violence. The saying of the German Am- 
 bassador concernins: the Papists, (quoted in the 
 prefatory remarks,) is full of meaning, and 
 should be constantly borne in mind ; it lets us 
 into the secret of their manoeuvring in this 
 country ; " they vnll he hammer or nails, they 
 will persecute or be persecutecV Where they 
 are in power, they alioays persecute ; when not 
 
160 APPENDIX. 
 
 in power, and conseqtiently nnabie to persecute, 
 they will be sure to conduct, either in so outra- 
 geous, or mysterious, or deceptive a manner, as 
 to rouse pnbliQ indignation. They will con- 
 trive ingenious modes of irritation that shall 
 draw upon them popular vengeance, and then 
 all meekness, and innocence, and resignation, 
 raise the implorinof cry of persecution. And 
 how do they gain by these opiposite modes? If 
 they are strong enough to persecute, they will 
 destroy their opponents,?';?, obedience to theopen- 
 ly avoioed principhs of their sect, by exile, by 
 dungeons, and by death. If they themselves 
 are persecuted in a Protestant community, (Pro- 
 testant principles being in known direct opposi- 
 tion to persecution,) it is always by an irreli- 
 gious mob, acting in defiance of Protestant 
 principle, and unsustained by public opinion, 
 and the reaction of Protestant sympathy for the 
 sufferers on any such occasion, more than makes 
 amends, by its gifts, for the injury sustained. 
 Thus the very virtues of Protestants, growing 
 out of principles directly antao;onist to Popish 
 principles, are made to work ag-ainst Protest- 
 antism, and in favor of Popery. Do not Jesuits 
 know the well known truth, that a sect is helped 
 by a little persecution? Do they not now act 
 upon a knowledge of it ? And should not Amer- 
 icans replenish their memory with it also, that 
 they may most rigidly abstain from disorder, 
 and discountenance every disposition to riot or 
 violence ? Let them remember that the laws 
 that govern them are their own laws, and they 
 must not allow them to be broken. liCt them 
 
APPENDIX. X61 
 
 suspect a Popish plot to rob them of their Ubcr- 
 ties in every disorderly assemblage, and by 
 good order, by firmness of resistance to every 
 .temptation to riot, defeat the designs of these 
 worst enemies of Democracy. 
 
 In close connexion with this topic, is that of 
 the kind of treatment vAiidi Protestant Amer- 
 icans should show to Catholic emigrants. 
 On this subject a volume conld be written. I 
 have space but for a few remarks. 
 
 The condition of the Catholic emigrants that 
 are daily pouring into the country from Ger- 
 many and Ireland, should awaken the strongest 
 sympathies of Americans ; and in whatever as- 
 pect viewed, should enlist all their feelings of 
 benevolence. Reflect a moment who and what 
 they are. We have read, and our own coun- 
 trymen who have travelled and seen them in 
 their native land, bear testimony to the effects 
 upon the people of the grinding oppressions of 
 Papal government; to the mental degradation ; 
 to the poverty, to the wretchedness of the vas- 
 sals of despotism. And as if to prove to us what 
 we might doubt on the authority of others, so 
 sombre is their picture of human misery, the 
 very subjects of foreign oppression are brought 
 and placed before our eyes. See yonder ship 
 slowly furling her sails. She approaches the city. 
 She casts her anchor. Who are those that crowd 
 her decks ? With eager eyes they gaze in one 
 direction. They see, at length, the far-famed 
 land of liberty. Yes ; its name lias been waft- 
 ed even to their ears, and with the longings of 
 captives for freedom, they have broken away 
 14* 
 
162 APPENDIX. 
 
 from slavery, and sought the asyhim of the op- 
 pressed. They land upon our shores. Look; 
 Americans, see before you the fruits of jiapal 
 education! of papal care of the bodies and 
 minds of its children. Filthy and ragged in 
 body, ignorant in mind, and but too often most 
 debased in morals, .they fill your streets with 
 squalid beggary, and your highways with 
 crime; they are such a loathsome picture of de- 
 gradation, moral and physical, that you turn 
 away in disirust from the sight. But why should 
 this be? They .'vre hunian beino-s, althonorh 
 oppression has l)lotted out their reason, and 
 conscience, and thoug;ht. They are the pro- 
 geny of Popery ; they are the victims of its iron 
 despotism. It is Popery that lias reared them 
 up in its own caverns of superstition. They 
 exhibit before you the blio-hting effects of this- 
 scourge of the earth. It is Popery tliat has filled 
 their n^inds v.'ith puerile fables, closed their men- 
 tal eyes in the darkness of ignorance, fleeced 
 them of their property by systematic robbery, 
 kept them from the knowledo-e of their natural 
 ri<;rhts as men, to liberty of conscience and of 
 opinion, extorted an abject obedience to their 
 feilow-men, to blasphemous usurpers of the 
 prerogative of Deity. Their ignorance is their 
 lasting, fatal curse; their reason and conscience 
 stifled at their birth, they are cast upon our 
 care mere human machines, for the fell usurp- 
 ers of God's power have torn out of them their 
 very minds. To think for themselves, that in- 
 alienable right of a rational being, is rebellion 
 against their priest ; they read not, tliey under- 
 
APPENDIX. 163 
 
 stand not our charter of liberty. They love 
 liberty, indeed, but what shape has liberty 
 to men without minds ? What perception of 
 light has a sightless eye? Their liberty is 
 licentiousness, their freedom, strife and de- 
 bauchery. 
 
 And now with what emotions should Protest- 
 ants look on these suffering, deluded men? In 
 what channel should their sympathies flow? 
 They have already been beaten to the dust by 
 tyranny. Is it for freemen to follow up the cruel 
 blow of foreign tyrants ? They have been 
 brutalized by neglect ; shall they be now hunt- 
 ed by proscription ? Shall no Christian effort 
 be made to light up again in their darkened 
 bosoms the extinguished spark of humanity? 
 They are followed into our habitations ; yes, 
 Americans, they are pursued into your own 
 asylum of liberty by their foreign oppressors, 
 who, like hungry wolves, have ventured with 
 unhallowed feet into the very sanctuary of free- 
 dom to grasp again their scarcely escaped prey. 
 And have Americans no compassion? Have 
 they no courairc ? Will they not protect the 
 oppressed ? Will they not interpose between 
 them and their priestly oppressors, and say to 
 the latter, •' Stand off; this is a land of freedom; 
 these men are now American citizens ; — they 
 have a rioht to American education ; to repub- 
 lican education ; to Bible education ; they have 
 aright to the knowledge that they owe no allegi- 
 ance to priests ; that here there are no forbid- 
 den books, that knowledge here is not meted cut 
 in scanty drops, to serve the purposes of power- 
 
164 APPENDIX. 
 
 grasping despots, but it is spread out before 
 them wide and deep as the ocean ; that Amer- 
 ican laws protect them from ecclesiastical 
 as well as civil proscription., from ecclesiastical 
 as well as civil extortion ; that they owe no obli- 
 gation to pay an arbitrary tax of bishop or 
 priest; that they have a right to know the 
 amount^ and the manner of disburse?7ienf, of 
 every cent they are called on to contribute in 
 church as well as state ?" 
 
 Will not Americans teach them these truths, 
 and aid them to break the chains with which 
 foreign tyrants have bound them? or will they 
 compel them, by proscription and persecution, 
 or unfeeling neglect, to clan together around 
 their priests, because deserted by those who 
 shonld, and who alone can undeceive and en- 
 lighten them 7 In the one case, there is hope 
 of incorporating them into the American repub- 
 lican family, as useful fellow-citizens. In the 
 other, there is the certainty of perpetuating a dis- 
 tinct foreign and hostile interest in the country, 
 to distract its councils, to sully the peaceful 
 character of its institutions, and finally to aid 
 in the complete destruction of this strong hold, 
 the last hope of Freedom. 
 
 -'but once put out thy (light,) 
 
 " Thou canning'st pattern of excellent nature, 
 "I know not where is the Promethean heat 
 " That can thy light relume." 
 
 Note P.— Page 120. 
 
 Both political Parties intrigue for Catholic votes. 
 
 Let neither political party throw upon his 
 anta2:onist the exclusive odium of courting this 
 
APPENDIX. 165 
 
 foreign, priest-disciplined band. There arc 
 some of both parties who mnst hide their heads 
 with shame, when real Americans, the patriots 
 of the coimtry, disreo^ardine party name, shall 
 turn their indignant eyes upon this lurking en- 
 emy of liberty, and shall apprehend the reality 
 of this foreign conspiracy. Is either political 
 party disposed to upbraid the other with tam- 
 pering with Popery, or to cong:ratulate itself 
 that it has kept its own o;arments unspotted from 
 the crime of this indirect treason? If either 
 thus flatters itself, let it he dji.mh ; let guilt stop 
 the utterance of both. Both are deplorably, 
 notoriously guilty. This is a truth that cannot 
 and will not be denied. Both have bargained 
 with these organized vassals of a foreign power. 
 Both, in their ea2;er recklessness to triumph 
 over each other, have aided foreign despotism to 
 prostrate at its feet the liberties of their country, 
 the liberties of the world. All parties, religions 
 and political, are suffering, and have yet much 
 more to suffer from the evils already produced by 
 their blind folly, by this their culpable servility to 
 priest governed foreigners their cowardly back- 
 wardness in not daring todraginto the light this 
 covert treason, because, forsooth, it comes in a 
 sacred s^arb, thejr wretchedly loose notions of tol- 
 erance, and charity, and liberality; their shame- 
 ful disregard of the consequences of their bar- 
 gainings. And is it indeed come to this? A 
 nation of Protestant freemen, nurtured in Pro- 
 testant principles, the only true principles of 
 liberty, principles wrested from tyranny by the 
 persevering valor of their fathers, the result of 
 
166 APPENDIX. 
 
 the intellectual, ay, and physical combats of 
 centuries — the fruits of obstinately contested 
 struggles with despotism, and superstition, and 
 bigotry — struggles of ages against the united 
 intrigues of kingcraft and priestcraft ; Ameri- 
 cans, thus emancipated, having^ enjoyed the 
 peaceful fruits of these blood-earned truths for 
 two centuries, at length grow careless of their 
 treasure ; they sport with their liberty, as if it 
 were nothing Avorth ; they grow weary of guard- 
 ing their happiness, they sleep on their posts, 
 they settle down into quiet security. They have 
 ships, and forts, and arms, and brave hearts to 
 defend their shores, and so there is no danger — 
 all is peace, for the battle has long since been 
 won, they can now safely doff their armor, 
 there is no further need of the watchings of the 
 camp. Our enemies, they say, have in truth 
 become our friends ; Kings are now Republi- 
 can, and the Pope, yes, the Pope (his bulls and 
 proclamations to the contrary notwithstanding) 
 we hope and beheve has turned a Protestant 
 Republican, at least in this country. Let us 
 be generous, say these descendants of ever- 
 jealous sires ; let us invite our former foes to 
 partake of our hospitality. How noble the sen- 
 timent ! How will the world applaud ! Let us 
 show an exampleof liberality unparaUeled. The 
 invitation is accepted, and they flock in count- 
 less thousands to our shores ; a motley band, 
 the oppressor and the oppressed too;ether, and 
 their relations to each other, too, unchanged. 
 They have needed no Trojan horse to hide 
 them from our too credulous eyes; we lead 
 
APPENDIX. 167 
 
 thi^i. openly iiito the midst of us. They parade 
 cui oa'tjtts with foreicrn banners, already they 
 flaufii ihem in our faces in derision. They 
 even threaten us with their veno^eance, and 
 we cower beneath their frown. Yes, we plead 
 with them to spare us, we thank them for re- 
 straining their rod, we humbly confess the sins 
 of our ancestors ; we tell them our fathers w^ere 
 bigoted RndfcDiatical^ they were too prejudiced 
 against these our regal and papal friends. 
 
 AVe, their children, grown more liberal, will 
 show our freedom from narrow prejudices ; we 
 will make amends for past offences; our papal 
 friends shall be received with open arms : we 
 will even urge them to^he the umpires in our 
 family quarrels ; w^e will beseech them to edu- 
 cate our children in their foreio^n principles of 
 passive obedience ; we will build for them their 
 fortresses on our own soil, to attack our own 
 strong-hold, and then we will trust to their 
 mercy ; we shall then have delivered up to 
 them all the keys of our house, and what will 
 remain for us but to bow our necks beneath the 
 foot of the Pope, and asking absolution for our 
 own sins, and our fathers' sinsof lonsf rebellion 
 against his rightful sovereignty, humbly beg a 
 legal charter for our country, and a consecra- 
 ted king for our throne ? 
 
 Note R.— Page 120. 
 Popish experiment on the Military of the Country. 
 
 The experiments of Popery, in various parts 
 of the country, on the ignorance, or credulity, 
 
168 APPENDIX. 
 
 or apathy of the people, are every day, I mio-ht 
 say eA^ery hoar, more manifest, and they are 
 prosecuted with a boldness, with an audacious 
 detiauce of American habits, and the feelings 
 of American republica.nism, truly astonishing. 
 Yet, upon reflection, is it so astonishing that a 
 tyranny of such inexhaustible resources of cun- 
 ning aiid artifice, backed by the treasures and 
 the open encouragement of the arbitrary gov- 
 ernments of Europe, should be more than or- 
 dinarily hold / For if success attends the 
 advauce of these arch intriguers against our 
 Protestant habits and institutions, high honors 
 and pecuniary rewards await them at home: if 
 detection at any time Overtakes them, from the 
 sudden wakino- of their victim, and his restive 
 efforts to break off the bands that they would, 
 spider-like, softly bind upon hini, they have 
 a retreat from punishment in their own coun- 
 try. A new experiment, anotlier step for- 
 ward in the march against our freedom, (and 
 to all appearances, at present, a successful 
 one.) has been tried at the West, at St. Louis, 
 in the consecration of the Popish cathedral. 
 The account is from a Popish journal, called 
 the Catholic Telegraph. They shall have the 
 benefit of their own recital. 
 
 '• The cathedral of St. Louis is 134 feet long, 
 by 84 wide. There are 8 rows of pews, 25 in 
 each row, calculated to contain at least 8,000 
 persons. There are two magnificent colonnades 
 at opposite sides in the body of the church, con- 
 sistinij;" of five massive pillars of brick, elegantly 
 marbledj and each four feet in diameter. 
 
APPENDIX. 169 
 
 '•The altar is of stone. It is only temporary, 
 and will soon be superseded by a superb mar- 
 ble altar, which is hourly expected from Italy. 
 
 '• The church, it is said, has already cost 
 $42,000. It is presumed that about $18,000 
 more will be required to finish it, according: to 
 the original and magnificent design of its foun- 
 ders; so that the entire cost of the building and 
 its furniture cannot be less than §60,000. 
 
 " The consecration took place on the Sab- 
 bath, October 2(3, 1834. 
 
 " At an early hour, 7 A. M. on the day of 
 consecration, four Bishops, twenty-eight Priests, 
 twelve of whom were from twelve different 
 nations, and a considerable number of young 
 aspirants to the holy ministry, making the en- 
 tire ecclesiastical corps amount to fifty or sixty, 
 were habited in their appropriate dresses. As 
 soon as the 'procession was organized^ the 
 pealing of three large and clear-sounding bells, 
 the thunder of two pieces of artillery raised all 
 hearts, as well as our own, to the Great Al- 
 mighty Being. 
 
 " When the holy relics were moved to- 
 wards their new habitation, where they shall 
 enjoy an anticipated resurrection — the presence 
 of their God in this holy tabernacle, the guns 
 fired a second salute. We felt as if the soul 
 of St. Louis, Christian, Lawgiver, and Hero, 
 was in the sound, and that he again led on his 
 victorious armies in the service of the God of 
 Hosts, for the defence of his religon, his sepul 
 chre, and his people. 
 
 "When the solemn moment of the consecra- 
 15 
 
170 APrtNDix. 
 
 tion approached, and the >Sb/i of the Hvlng God 
 was going to descend, for the first time, into 
 tlie new residence of his glory on earth, the 
 dritms heat the reveille, three of the star-span- 
 gled banners icere lowered over the balustrade 
 of the sanctuary, the artillery gave a deafening 
 discharge. 
 
 " The dedication sermon was preached by 
 the Bishop of Cincinnati. During the Divine 
 Sacrifice, two of the military stood with drawn 
 swords, one on each side of the altar ; they 
 belonged to a guard of honor, formed express- 
 ly for the occasion. Besides whom, there were 
 detachments from the four militia companies of 
 the city, the Marions, the Grays, the Riflemen, 
 and the Cannoneers from Jefi'cr son Barracks, 
 stationed at convenient distances around^ the 
 church. 
 
 " Well and eloquently did the Rev. Mr. Abel), 
 pastor of Louisville,- observe in the evening dis- 
 course, alluding to his own and the impressions 
 of the clero^y and laity, who were witnesses to 
 the scene : Fellov\r-Christians and Fellow-Cit.i- 
 zens ! I have seen the flag of my country proud- 
 ly floating at the mast" head of our richly- 
 freio^hted merchantmen ; I have seen it flutter- 
 ing in the breeze at the head of our armies ; but 
 never, 7iever did my heart extdt as when I this 
 day beheld it for the first time bow before its 
 God ! Breathing from infancy the air which 
 our artillery had purified from the infectious 
 spirit of bigotry and persecution, it would be 
 the pride of my soul to take the brave men by 
 the hand, by whom these cannons were served. 
 
APPENDIX. . 171 
 
 But for those cannons, there would be no home 
 for the free, no asyhnii for the persecuted." 
 
 What are the reflections. of an American on 
 an occurrence Uke this ? What must they be 
 to one who has ever felt his pride of country 
 stir within liim, when in foreign lands he has 
 beheld the de^^raded slaves of despotism bow in 
 like manner before the altars and idols of hea- 
 thenish superstition, awed into seeming rever- 
 ence by the military array which always 
 accompanies the imposing ceremonial of the 
 Popish church? But the military were only a 
 guard of honor ! Yes, this is the soft name given 
 to this despotic chain, the musical sound to 
 charm us away from scrutinizing it; audit will be 
 sufficient, doubtless, to drown its harsher clank- 
 ing in our torpid ears. The guard of honor, that 
 universal appendage of kings and sacred des- 
 pots, is a serviceable band. It not only helps 
 to swell a procession by its numbers, but with 
 the o-litter of its arms, and accoutrements, and 
 gay bamiers, it adds splendor to the pageant of 
 a lieathen ritual. But, reader, it has an essen- 
 tial duty to perform. Its duty is to enforce the 
 ceremonies of ivorship upon all present. Do 
 you doubt this duty of the guard of honor 7 — • 
 The writer will give his own experience of the 
 duties of the gruard of honor. 1 was a stran- 
 ger in Rome, and recoverinof from the debility of 
 a slight fever; I was walking for air and gentle 
 exercise in the Corso, on the day of the celebra- 
 timi of the Corpus Domini. From the houses 
 on each side of the street were hung rich tapes- 
 tries and 2fold embroidered damasks, and to- 
 
172 . APPENDIX. 
 
 wards me slowly advanced a long procession, 
 Adecked out with alt the heathenish parapher- 
 nalia of this self-styled church. In a part of 
 the procession a lofty baldichino, or canopy, 
 borne by men, was held above the idol, the host, 
 before which, as it passed, all heads were un- 
 covered, and every knee bent but mine. Igno- 
 rant of the customs of heathanism, I turned my 
 back to the procession, and close to the side of 
 the houses in the crowd, (as I supposed unob- 
 served,) I was noting in my tablets the order of 
 the assemblage. I was suddenly aroused from 
 my occupation, and staga:ered by a blow upon 
 the head from the gun and bayonet of a sol- 
 dier, which struck' off my hat far into the 
 crowd. Upon recovering from the shock, 
 the soldier, with the expression of a demon, 
 and his mouth pouring forth a torrent of Ital- 
 ian oaths, in which il diavolo had a prom- 
 inent place, stood with his bayonet against 
 my breast. I could make no resistance, 1 could 
 only ask him why he struck me, and receive in 
 answer his fresh volley of unintelligible impre- 
 cations, which havmg delivered, he resumed 
 his place in the guard of honor, by the side of 
 the ofiiciating Cardinal. 
 
 Americans will not fail to observe in the pre- 
 cious extract of the discourse in which the 
 priest gives vent to his feehngs of exultation 
 upon seeing our national flag, the star span- 
 gled banner, humbled in the dust before the 
 Pope, that with the cunning of his craft he 
 flatters the soldiery, and in a sermon professed- 
 ly to the God of Peace, and in dedicating a 
 
APPENDIX. 173 
 
 temple to bis name, he is inspired with no lof- 
 tier feelings of the soul than this — "it would be 
 the pride of my soul to take the brave men by 
 the hand by whom these cannons were served." 
 Why? Is it such a brave act to touch off a 
 cannon ? Or was the imagination of the priest 
 revelhng in the dream of seeing the military 
 power of the country, at a future day, at the 
 beck and service of the Pope, and his Austrian 
 master ? 
 
 THE MASK THROWN ASIDE. 
 
 A charge of hostility to American institutions, 
 against any sect or class in the community, is 
 a very serious one, and only requires evidence 
 to support it, to draw upon all its doinsfs the 
 watchful eye of American freemen. It is ask- 
 ed, what evidence should you think sufficiently 
 strong to substantiate the charge? I answer, 
 the general principles of the sect would be suf- 
 ficient, but its own declarations of hostility 
 would certainly substantiate the charge. If a 
 Presbyterian journal, in commentins^ on tbe 
 trial of the rioters in Charlestown, should make 
 remarks like the following, the evidence would 
 doubtless be considered complete. 
 
 •' A system of government which admits a feeling of 
 alarm, in the execution of the laws, from the vengeance of 
 the mob, which Mr. Austin," (the prosecuting attorney) 
 " distinctly allows to be the case — a vengeance exhibited 
 by letters to the public officers, and threats to the public 
 authorities — may be very fine in theory, very fit for imitoMon 
 on the part of those v:ho seek the poioer of the vioh in coyitra' 
 distinction to justice and the public iiiterest. but it is not of a 
 15* 
 
174 APPENDIX. 
 
 nature to invite the reflectiHg part of the irorld, and sko-ws 
 at least that it has evils. A public officer in England, who 
 would publicly avow such a fear of executing his duty and 
 carrying into effect the law of the realm, ousrht and would 
 be thrust out of office by public opinion. This one fact is 
 condemnation of the system of American institutions, 
 confirmed latehj by numerous other proofs." 
 
 Now, could hostility to our institutions be 
 more strongly expressed ? and were Presbyte- 
 rians, or any other Protestant sect, thus boldly 
 to avow its political antipathies, every political 
 journal would seize upon this evidence of trea- 
 son, and trumpet it throuo-h the whole country. 
 Why then are they now silent? This treason 
 is actually uttered; nor is it less humiliating, 
 or less dano^erous, that it is flung in our faces 
 by a set of foreigners in the employment and 
 pay of a foreign government, instead of native 
 citizens. The very words I have quoted are 
 from the Catholic Telegraph, a Roman Catho-^ 
 He journal, edited and published at Cincinnati. 
 Let it be borne in mind too, that a Catholic 
 journal is under the supervision of the Bishops, 
 who exercise a rigid censorship over it; that it 
 speaks the authorized sentiments of the sect ; 
 and we shall then perceive something of the im- 
 portance to be attached to these anti-republican 
 declarations. They are indeed a precious, an in- 
 valuable testimonial to the people, of the duplici- 
 ty of their professed friends. Everywhere in 
 the land hitherto. Papists have been loudest in 
 professions of attachment to American repub- 
 lican institutions. They have now thrown of! 
 tlie mask. They unblnshingly declare that 
 "o//r system, of government^ though very fine 
 
APPENDIX. 175 
 
 ifi theory, is not of a nature to invite the reflect- 
 ing jxirt of the world ;" in short, that it is an 
 experiment that has failed: that ^'•American 
 institutions stand condemned by a single fact 
 in the trial in Boston, and by numerous other 
 proofs.^'' And what has brought out this precious 
 confession ; what has occurred to make it a fit 
 time to lay aside the disguise in which they have 
 till now deceived the democracy of the country ? 
 What has produced this sudden revolution in 
 their opinion of our form of government '} Let 
 us look into this matter. 
 
 A body of native citizens is excited to indig- ^ 
 nation by rumors (whether true or false alters 
 not the case) that an act of foul play, such as 
 the history of those nuisances (convents) in all 
 countries have abundantly furnished, had oc- 
 curred in the Charlestown Nunnery. This mob, 
 instead of beins: met with efforts to appease it 
 by immediate explanation, as would have been 
 the case in any Protestant seminary in the land, 
 (for Protestants have no secret mysteries in 
 their disciphne.) this mob, I say, is kept for 
 days in an excited state, by mysterious manoeu- 
 vrinsf on tlie part of the Catholics, and by 
 irritating threats from the Superior of the Con- 
 vent, that 20.000 foreigners, under the orders 
 of the Bishop, would take vengeance upon the 
 citizens if they dared to commit an injury up- 
 on the Convent, and this threat was uttered in 
 sight of Bunker hill. Under this provocation 
 the outrao-e was committed. And is it a mat- y 
 ter of surprise? I know of no one who justi- 
 fies the illegal violence in burning the Convent, 
 
170 APPENDIX. 
 
 but I unhesitatingly say, that the feehng of in- 
 dignation which animated the populace, was 
 a just and proper feehng. It was roused by 
 the belief that a yovuig and helpless female had 
 been illegally and cruelly abducted from her 
 friends, and subjected to a secret tyrannical 
 punishment. The feeling, I say, under this 
 belief, was not only honorable to the Charles- 
 towniaus, but, had they viewed such an out- 
 rage with indifference, they would have shown 
 themselves unworthy of American citizens. 
 Their error (and it cannot be defended, how- 
 ever it may he palliated by the gross insult 
 whicli they received) consisted in suffering 
 their just indignation to flow in an illegal chan- 
 nel, and instead of rallying round the laws, 
 and strengthening tJiem by a strong expression 
 of public opinion at a special meeting of citi- 
 zens, they leaped the bounds of law, and com- 
 mitted a crime which the Papists are trying 
 every possible means to cause to react in 
 their favor. But allowing that no palliating 
 circumstances attended the act of the rioters, 
 that no excuse could be pleaded for them, as 
 acting under the impulse of the most stino^ing 
 insult that could be given to any people by a 
 foreigner; what have these acts to do with our 
 "system of irovernment;" or with "American 
 institutions?" In Enoland, forsooth, they man- 
 ao-e thino-s better. There arc never riots in 
 En^-land ! London, Manchester, Bristol, I sup- 
 pose were never agitated by riots ! Paris, Ly- 
 ons, Marseilles, Nismes, St. Petersbnrgh, Brus- 
 sels, Frankfort, Pvome, Constantinople : none of 
 
APPENDIX. 177 
 
 these places, under various systems of 2:overn> 
 ment, are ever witnesses to riots ! But this 
 Popish enemy to our institutions may say, it is 
 not the riot, but the threatening letters sent to 
 the prosecuting attorney to intimidate him in 
 his duty, that tells against the 2;overnment. 
 Indeed ; and who wrote the letters? Is it quite 
 certain thai they were not the production of 
 some Jesuit, to fan an excitement which w.as 
 so likely to be turned to the advantage of his 
 schemes? Threatening letters are much in use 
 in a certain Catholic country called Ireland, un- 
 der a monarchical system of government. But 
 suppose these letters were not written by Jesu- 
 its, but were the production of some wicked or 
 thoughtless person, what then? Is our form 
 of government the cause of the writing of an- 
 onymous threatening letters? Would any 
 other form of government prevent this evil, of 
 so alarminof magnitude in the eyes of the 
 Catholic Telegraph? Can it be prevented in 
 Eno^land, or in any other form of govermxient 
 in the world ? Yes, there is one government 
 which could probably prevent it. It is one in 
 which the Inquisition is established, and by 
 means of which, aided by the confessional, all 
 that is considered necessary for the good of 
 the church could be brought to light, or rather 
 to the ears of those most interested in knowins" 
 all secrets that bear upon their own power. 
 How soon we shall be prepared for such a 
 change of government to suit the designs of 
 these busy foreign emissaries, depends on the 
 
178 APPENDIX. 
 
 continuance of the character for sagacity, in- 
 teUio-ence, and virtue of the American people. 
 
 Whatever doubts some may Iiave hitherto 
 had with resrard to the existence of a foreign 
 conspiracy in the country, I thinlv the case is 
 now become too plain to need furtlier proof. 
 Indeed, so bold are these foreign emissaries in 
 the utterance of their anti-republican dogmas, 
 so unbhishing in their attacks upon our institu- 
 tions, that we are often led to exclaim, wiiat 
 does this mean? Are these men fools, or mad- 
 men? or are they so strong iu their support 
 from abroad, that they feel secure in bearding 
 American freemen in their own homes? The 
 latter supposition alone satisfactorily explains 
 their conduct. Austria is now playing a des- 
 perate game against liberty, for the safety of 
 her own throne, and for that of her allies. It is 
 the last hazard, and her object is gained if she 
 can destroy the influence of our prosperity 
 upon the people of Europe, a« prosperity the 
 natural result of our popular free institutions ; 
 and this latter object is effected, if, hy any 
 }?ieans, no matter how, riot and disorder can 
 be produced in this country, to be pointed at as 
 the effect of republican government. Amer- 
 icans ! Friends to liberty ! Friends of order ! 
 examine this subject, and decide with your 
 usual sagacity and discretion. You have a 
 busy, a crafty, a powerful, a dangerous set of 
 foreign leaders controllins; and commanding a 
 foreiofn population, io;norant and infatuated, 
 intermixed with your own population, and 
 
APPENDIX. 179 
 
 who, at a single signal from the Pope, or from 
 Metternich, when the cause of despotism shall 
 require the deed, cati spread disorder and riot 
 through all your borders. 
 
 Shrink not, Americans, from looking at the 
 truth. You may boast of your peace and pros- 
 perity ; you hold them both, at this moment^ 
 at tJce mercy of Austria ! She has a disci- 
 plined band of foreigners in the midst of you, 
 who, in any season of excitement, she can 
 make to fill your streets and dwelhngs with fear 
 and confusion. She may not think it prudent 
 or expedient just now to exercise her power, 
 but she has the power, through Popish priests, 
 who hold in cheeky at their jdeasure^ the ele- 
 ments of discord^ and whose favor you are 
 compelled humbly to conciliate as tJie price of 
 your tranquillity. And this power is daily in- 
 creasino^, not merely by foreign emigration, 
 and foreign money, but, with the deepest shame 
 be it spoken, by the assistance, direct and indi- 
 rect, of Protestant Republican Americans, who, 
 with a facility most marvellous, fall into every 
 snare and pleasant baited trap that Popery 
 spreads for them. 
 
 * * 
 
 * 
 
 * As the last sheet was printing, an article 
 of intelligence was received, bearins^ important- 
 ly on the subject of this volume. Bishop Eng- 
 land, the busy Jesuit whom I have had occa- 
 sion before to notice, has just put forth an ad- 
 dress to his Diocese at Charleston, on his re- 
 
180 APPENDIX. 
 
 turn from Europe, from which we make the 
 following extracts : 
 
 " During my absence I have not been negli- 
 gent of the concerns of this Diocese. 1 have 
 endeavored to interest in its behalf several em- 
 inent and dignijied personages V'honi I had, 
 the good fortune to meet ; and have continued 
 to impress with a conviction of the propriety 
 of continuing their generous aid, the adminis- 
 tration of those societies from which it haspre- 
 viously received valuable snccour. In Paris 
 and at Lyons I have conversed ivith those ex- 
 cellent men who manage the affairs of the As- 
 sociation for yropagatins:; tlie Faith. This 
 year their grant to this Diocese has been lar- 
 ger than, usn.al. I have also had opportunities 
 of comnncni cation, IV ith some of the Council 
 u'hich administers the Austrian Association ; 
 they continue to feel an interest in our con- 
 cerns. The Propaganda in Rome, thongh 
 greatly embarrassed, owing to the former plun- 
 der of its funds by rapacious infidels, has this 
 ^rear contributed to our extraordinary expendi- 
 ture ; as has the holy father himself, in the 
 kindest manner, from the scanty stock which 
 constitutes his private allowance ; but which 
 he economizes to the utmost for the purpose of 
 being able to devote the savings to works of 
 pietv, of charity, and of literature. 
 
 ''The prelates of the Church of Ireland, are 
 ready, as far as our hierarchy shall require their 
 co-operation, to give to them their best exer- 
 tions in selecting and forv/arding from amongst 
 the numerous aspirants to the sacred ministry 
 
APPENDIX. 181 
 
 that are found in the island of saints^ (Ireland,) 
 a sufficient number of those properly qualifiea 
 to supply our deficiencies. I have had very 
 many applications, and accepted a few, who, I 
 trust, have been judiciously selected^ 
 
 We hav^e here additional confirmation, if any 
 were wanted, that in countries where Church 
 and State are closely united, and where conse- 
 quently eveiy religious association (totally un- 
 like our reliofious associations, which have no 
 comiexion with the Government) is directly 
 connected with political objects, there is a great 
 and special effort making to effect certain ob- 
 jects in the United States. AVe have no less 
 than three great societies, all formed to operate 
 on this country. THEY say religiously, but 
 let Americans, who know that Austria makes 
 no movement which is not intended for politi-^/ 
 cal effect, judge whether religious benevolencej 
 towards this benighted land, or a deeper and! 
 more earthly feeling of political self-preserva-| 
 tion prompts her " continued feeling ofinier']! 
 est in our conceryis^ 
 16 
 
183 APPENDIX. 
 
 The rules of the Leopold Foundation, 
 
 .THE LETTER OfBiSHOP FeNWICK, OfOhIO, 
 
 TO THE Emperor of Austria, and Prince 
 Metternich's answer, are appended. 
 
 Rules of the institution erected under the 
 name of the Leopold Foundation,, for aid- 
 ing Catholic missions in America,, hy con- 
 tributions in the Austrian empire. 
 
 1. The objects of the institution, nndei* the 
 name of the Leopold Foundation, are, (a) To 
 promote the greater activity of Catholic mis- 
 sions in America; (b) To edify Christians by 
 enhsting; them in the work of propag-atiiig the 
 Church of Jesus Christ in the remote parts of 
 the earth ; (c) To preserve in lastinsf remem- 
 brance her deceased Majesty, Leopoldina, Em- 
 press of Brazil, born Archduchess of Austria. 
 
 2. The means selected to attain these ends, 
 are Prayer and Alms. 
 
 3. Every member of this religions institution 
 engages daily to olfer one Pater and Ave, with 
 the addition : " St. Leopold ! pray for tis" 
 and every week to contribute a crucifix ; and 
 thus by this small sacrifice of prayer and alms, 
 to concur in the great work of promoting the 
 true faith. As, however, every one is free to 
 enroll himself in this society, he may also leave 
 it at pleasure. 
 
 4. Every ten members shall appoint one of 
 their number a Collector, to receive the weekly 
 
APPENDIX. 183 
 
 alms. The collector shall see that the small 
 number of his company, after the death or re- 
 moval of any, is filled up. The alms collected 
 shall be paid monthly, by the collector, to the 
 parish minister of his district. 
 
 5. Every parish minister shall pay over, as 
 opportimity oiferSjthe alms collected in the man- 
 ner prescribed, to the deacon, (in Hungary the 
 vice archdeacon,) and he to his most reverend 
 ordinariate. 
 
 6. If any one intends a greater sum for this 
 pious end, and that to he paid at once, his alms 
 may be given either to the parish minister, with 
 his own inscription inserted in the rubric de- 
 signed, or to the deacon, (or vice-deacon.) or 
 immediately to the most reverend ordinariate. 
 
 7. The most illustrious and reverend lords 
 bishops of the whole empire are fully author- 
 ized to forv/ard the alms thus obtained, from 
 time to time, to the central direction of this re- 
 ligious institution, at Vienna. 
 
 8. The central direction at Vienna under- 
 takes the grateful office of carrying into eftect 
 this pious work, under the protection of his 
 most sacred majesty, and in connexion with 
 Frederick Rese, now Vicar-General of the Cin- 
 cinnati bishopric in North America, and of 
 employing the funds in the most efficacious 
 manner to promote the glory of God and true 
 faith in Jesus Christ ; so that the alms collect- 
 ed by means of the most reverend ordinariates, 
 or those sent immediately to them, shall be con- 
 scientiously applied, and in the most economi- 
 cal manner, to the urgent wants of American 
 
184 APPENDIX. 
 
 missions, as they are made known by authentic 
 accounts and careful investigation. 
 
 9. The central direction will see that all the 
 members of the society, lor their spiritual con- 
 solation, and in reward for their pious zeal, shall 
 bo constantly informed of the progress and 
 fruits of their munificence, as well as of the 
 state of the Catholic Religion in America, ac- 
 cording to the accounts received. 
 
 10. The Leopold Foundation, being a pri- 
 vate religious institution, the central direction 
 will solemnly celebrate the feast of the immac- 
 ulate conception of the Blessed Virgin, the uni- 
 versal patroness of all religions assemblies, as the 
 feast of the Foundation; but will also celebrate 
 the feast of St. Leopold Marchion, the given 
 nam.e of the Empress Leopoldina and special 
 patroness of this institution ; and also every 
 year on the 11th of December, (the anniversa 
 ry day of the death of I^eopoldina, Empress of 
 Brazil,) it will see that the solemn mass for the 
 dead be said for the repose of her soul, and all 
 the souls of the deceased patrons and benefac- 
 tors of the institution called by her name, all 
 the members being invited to unite their pious 
 prayers with the prayers of the Direction. 
 
 11. His Holiness, Pope Leo XIL eleven days 
 before his most pious death, having declared 
 his approbation of the institution (which must 
 serv^e as a great incitement to all good chris- 
 tians) did grant to its members large indulgen- 
 ces, in an express letter, the publication of 
 which, being graciously permitted by his ma- 
 jesty on the 14th of April, was made by the 
 
APPENDIX. , 185 
 
 most reverend ordinariates, to wit : "fall indul- 
 gence to each member on the day he joins the 
 society, also on the 8th December, also on the 
 day of the feast of St. Leopoldina, and once a 
 month if through the former month he shall 
 have daily said a Pater and Ave, and the 
 words : Sancte Leopolde ! ora pro nobis, (St. 
 Leopold, pray for us,) and on condition that af- 
 ter sincere confession he partake of the sacra- 
 ment of the Holy Eucharist, and pray to God in 
 some public church for the unity of Christian 
 princes, the extirpation of heresies, and the in- 
 crease of Holy Mother church." 
 
 12. The most serene and eminent Arch 
 Duke Cardinal Rudolphus, Archbishop of 01- 
 mulz, has kindly taken the supreme direction 
 of the Leopold Foundation, and appointed the 
 most hioh and reverend lord prince archbishop 
 of Vienna his locum tenens. Vienna, 12 May, 
 1829. 
 
 THE pope's letter OF APPROBATION. 
 
 The following is the letter of approbation o{ 
 Pope Leo XH. referred to above. 
 
 Be it remembered, Although there are many 
 things wdiich disturb and grieve our mind in 
 the most weighty discharge of our apostieship, 
 while we learn that some are not only opposed 
 to the catholic religion, but seek to draw others 
 also into error ; yet the God of all consolation 
 does not suffer us to be without solace, but al- 
 leviates the labors, cares, and anxieties which 
 we continually bear. This has recently hap- 
 16* 
 
186 APPENDIX. 
 
 pened, and we are filled with the highest joy, 
 on hearing that in the kingdom of our well be- 
 loved son in Christ, Francis I., Emperor of 
 Austria and King of Hungary, a society has 
 been formed called the "Leopold Foundation," 
 which is designed to aid the cause of missions. 
 For what is more useful to a christian communi- 
 ty, what is more excellent than by the preaching 
 the word of God to confirm the just, and to lead 
 the wandering from the paths of vice to those 
 of salvation ? And indeed, as the Apostle says, 
 " How shall they believe on him of whom they 
 have not heard? and how shall they hear with- 
 out a preacher, and how shall they preach ex- 
 cept they be sent ?" , We, therefore, desiring to 
 favor, as far as God permits, such a society, do 
 with a ready and willino; mind grant the re- 
 quests which have been made for the endow- 
 ment of the same with some holy indulgences. 
 Therefore, trusting in the mercy of Almighty 
 God, and the authority of Peter and Paul, his 
 apostles, we grant to all the truly penitent co- 
 operators in this society, who shall confess their 
 sins, and partake of the feast of the Lord's body 
 on the day on which they shall be received into 
 the society, full indulgence and remission of all 
 their sins. Also, we grant full indulgence to 
 them after they shall have been cleansed from 
 the pollutions of life by holy confession, and re- 
 ceived the eucharist, on the 8th day of Decem- 
 ber, also on the day of the feast of St. Leopold, 
 and once every month, provided that every day 
 during the previous month they shall have said 
 the Lard's prayer, the salutation of the angeJ, 
 
APPENDIX. 187 
 
 and the words, '= St. Leopold, pray for us," and 
 in some public church have said pious prayers 
 to God for t!ie harmony of Christian princes, 
 the extirpation of heresies, and the glory of 
 Holy Mother Church. These letters we en- 
 dow with perpetual etficacy ; and we order that 
 the same authority be given to the copies of 
 them, signed by the public notary and sealed 
 with the seal of the person of proper ecclesias- 
 tical dignity, as is given to our permission in 
 this very diploma. 
 
 Dated at Rome, at St. Peter's, jinder the ring 
 of the fisherman, on the 30th day of January, 
 1829. in the sixth year of our Pontificate. 
 
 T. CAPvD. BERNETTl. 
 
 This apostolic letter is sanctioned by the roy- 
 al leave. 
 
 By his Sacred Imperial Royal Majesty, ' 
 VINCENTIUS SCHUBERT. 
 
 Vienna, 2Cth April, 1829. 
 
 First Report of the Leopold Foundation 
 IN THE Austrian Empire, for the sup- 
 port OF Catholic Missions in America. 
 
 « « 
 
 The members of the Leopold Founda- 
 tion are united to aid, by their prayers and 
 their contributions, the messengers of God in 
 America, in building^ churches, foundingr clois- 
 ters, establishing schools, and in providing all 
 that is essential for the performance of divine 
 worship. 
 
 * * * 
 
188 APPENDIX. 
 
 We shall first give a view of what the Leo- 
 pold Foundation has done from its estal)lishment 
 to the end of October, 1830 ; then will follow 
 accoants from the missions. The institu- 
 tion went into operation on the 13th of May, 
 1829. The constitution, and the addresses de- 
 livered on the day of its establishment, were 
 translated into the different languages of our 
 monarchy, and sent in great numbers to the 
 various dioceses, to give publicity to tlie un- 
 dertaki[ig. In Vienna, an office was opened, 
 which was given to tlie society free of rent by 
 the Prior of the Dominicans. The result soon 
 appeared in contributions from all quarters to 
 the central treasury, exhibiting a hvely proof 
 of the zeal and efi'orts of priests and people to 
 advance the kinsrdom God on earth. Before 
 giving a statement of the receipts and expendi- 
 tures, we cannot withhold the letter which the 
 pious bishop of Cincinnati, in North America, 
 Mr. Edward Fenwick — (whose Vicar- General, 
 Frederick Rese, as is known to you all, by his 
 visit to Vienna, gave occasion to the formation 
 of our pious society) — wrote to his majesty, 
 our all-gracious Emperor, who had patronised 
 the Society of the Leopold Foundation, together 
 with the answer which in the name of his Ma- 
 jesty was given by his Serene Highness, the 
 Chancellor of State, Prince Metternich. 
 
APPENDIX. 189 
 
 Letter of the Bishop of Cincinnati to his Ma' 
 jestt/, the Efnperor of A ustria. 
 
 Cincinnati, 15th Jaimaiyj 1830. 
 
 Sire, 
 
 May it please your Majesty to receive the 
 most respectful homage of a man who is pene- 
 trated with feehngs oJf gratitude for the good 
 will and distinguished zeal of your Imperial 
 Majesty, for the Catliolic religion. We feel 
 ourselves irresistibly led to express to your Im- 
 perial Majesty, the consolation derived by the 
 assembled bishops and directors of missions in 
 Am^erica, at the recent news, that in the states of 
 your Imperial Majesty, a society has been formed 
 for the snpport of Catholic Mwfeions in Ameri- 
 ca. We have the pleasure also to mention the 
 safe return of our friend and Vicar-General, 
 Mr. Frederick Rese, whose apostolical labors and 
 unwearied zeal are above all praise. He brings 
 me the most gratifying accounts of the kindness 
 with which he was received and honored by 
 pious and disting^uished persons in your impe- 
 rial city, especially of the flattering kindness 
 with which he was received by your Imperial 
 Majesty, who was pleased to lend your protec- 
 tion to the pious work of supplying the pressing 
 wants of OLir poor missions, and our new dio- 
 cese. We venture here to flatter ourselves that 
 the worthy inheritor of the virtues of St. Leo- 
 pold and the great empress Maria Theresa, 
 will continue to support us in oar weak endeav- 
 ors to extend the Catholic religion in this vast 
 country, destitute of all spiritual and temporal 
 
190 APPENDIX. 
 
 resources, especially among the Indian tribes, 
 who form an important part of onr diocese. — 
 We will not fail, daily to offer up our poor 
 prayers to the Lord of Hosts, the king of heav- 
 en, that he may shed his richest blessings upon 
 your Imperial Majesty, your illustrious family, 
 and your whole kingdom. Be pleased to ac- 
 cept graciously this expression of the sincere 
 gratitude and reverence with which we sub- 
 scribe ourselves your Imperial Majesty's most 
 grateful, most humblC; and most obedient ser- 
 vant. 
 
 Edward Fen wick. 
 
 Bishop of Cincinnati and Apostolical Administrator 
 of Michigan, in the Northwest Territory. 
 
 Answer of his Werene Hlgluiess, Prince Met- 
 ternichy Chancellor of State of his Imperial 
 Majesty. 
 
 Vienna, April 27, 1830. 
 
 Most worthy Bishop ! 
 
 The Austrian consul-general at New York for- 
 warded me the letter which your grace direct- 
 ed to the Emperor, my most illustrious master, 
 on the 1 5th of January of this year. I did not 
 delay to give it to his Majesty, who was highly 
 gratified with the sentiments expressed in it, 
 and commissioned me to answer your grace. 
 
 The Emperor, firmly devoted to our holy re- 
 ligion, feels a lively joy at the account that the 
 truth makes rapid progress in the vast countries 
 of North America. Convinced of the irresisti- 
 t)le power which the Catholic doctrine must 
 necessarily have on simple and un corrupted 
 
APPENDIX. 191 
 
 hearts and minds, when its truths are proclaim- 
 ed by truly Apostolical missionaries, his Impe- 
 rial Majt^sty cherishes the most favorable hopes 
 of the pious progress which our holy religion 
 will make in the United States and among the 
 Indian tribes. 
 
 The Emperor commissions me to say to your 
 grace, that he cheerfully allows his people to 
 contribute to the support of the Catholic church- 
 es in America, according to the plan laid down 
 by your worthy vicar-general, Mr. Frederick 
 Kese. 
 
 While I discharge myself of the commission 
 of my illustrious master, to your grace, I feel 
 happy in being his organ, and beg you to ac- 
 cept the assurance of the sentiments of respect 
 and esteem, with which I remain, your grace's 
 most humble and most obedient servant. 
 
 Prince Von Metternich. 
 
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