MASTER NEGATIVE NO. 93-81423- MICROFILMED 1993 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the . ^ "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that the photocopy or other reproduction is not to be "used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research." If a user makes a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excess of "fair use," that user may be liable for copyright infringement. This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. A UTHOR: GOLDSMITH, [OLIVER] TITLE: THE GRECIAN HISTORY, FROM THE EARLIEST ... PLACE: PHILADELPHIA DA TE: 1848 Restrictions on Use: COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT PIBUOGR APHIC MTrnn^npp T^p^rT Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record j- - Goldsmith,' tOliTerj;i|1728-1774 The Grecian history, from the •arliest state , to the death of Alexander the Great... r^. and oor...by William Grimshaw. Philadelphia. Origg. 322 p. 19-1 om. 335S2 o ■ j.; '.1 ' ' .mak. % "• ■ " Master Negative # FILM SIZE: 3^ IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA DATE FILMED:__Xa I'lLMEDBY: RESEARrir v TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO- //K IB HB -f^ixw. jjji — 14a INITIALS.. 6j^ UBUCATTONS INC vynnnRpfi^i^p—:^ c Association for Information and Image Management 1100 Wayne Avenue, Suite 1100. Silver Spring, Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimeter mi iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiii mimmmjm 5 6 7 8 9 liiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiih Inches T TTTTJ 1.0 LI 1.25 10 iiilii TTT 11 J m 1 2.8 2.5 y4 l|3-2 ■^ II ^^ 2.2 ■ 6.3 ■ ao ■- 4.0 K£ 1= 2.0 t& ■^ u ISiUu 1.8 1.4 1.6 12 13 14 15 mm TTT llllllllllllllllllllll m 1 ri 6> O / & MfiNUFfiCTURED TO fillM STfiNDfiRDS BY fiPPLIED IMfiGE. INC. y \ %S^ Ci-^5T1 ffitbrarg BORN 1835-DIED 1903 FOR THIRTY YEARS CHIEF TRANSLATOR DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, D. C. LOVER OF LANGUAQE8 AND LITERATURE HIS LIBRARY WAS GIVEN AS A MEMORIAL BY HIS SON WILLIAM S. THOMAS, M. O. TO COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY A. D. 1905 t POPULAR AND CHEAP BOOKS. Particularly suitable for Family Liliraries. i PUBLISHEDBY GRIGG, ELLIOT & CO. No. 14 North Fourth Street. Philadelphia. AND FOR SALE BT BOOKSELLERS AND COUNTRY MERCHANTS GENE- RALLY IN THE UNITED STATES. c< Educated mind is o Nation's wealth, and promotes the happiness of mankind.*' At this time, when the press is teeming with so much nonsensical trash, tending to corrupt, not only the literary taste, but the morals of the people, parents and their children will be pleased to find so many valuable works to be procured at almost any bookstore in the country. Their perusal will tend to restore the mind to a true idea of life, its dignity, its duty and its destiny. The reading of the following books will exalt the mind, and purify the affections, and awaken to life many a fresh and noble thought that now lies buried. " The great business of man is, to improve his mind and govern his manners.^' ^^ys/v\/\/v^^^v^^n^^^v^^'^^'^^^^'^^'v^^'^w^ni^^^%^^^a THE LIFE OF GEN. ZACHARY TAYLOR, BY ROBERT T. CONRAD, Esq., WITH AN ORIGINAL AND ACCURATE PORTRAIT, And elegant illustrations of the Battles of Fort Harrison, Okee-cho-bee, Pah Alto, Resaca de la Falma, Monterey and Buena Vista, Comprising ample details of his early life and public and private career, derived from the most authentic and accurate sources. In a large and elegant volume, 12mo. 9^ The Life of this distinguished General from the eloquent pen of Judge Conrad, of Philadelphia. The subject, the author, the times and the circumstances, all combine to render such a work eminently popular ; and all who want a complete history of his Life for their libraries, will do well to say, in ordering, GRIGG, ELLIOT & CO.'S Edition. GENERAL TAYLOR AND HIS STAFF, 12ma SUustrateTi toCtt) ^ottrafts. In Press, and will shortly be published, GENERAL TAYLOR AND HIS STAFF ; CONTAINING BIOGRAPHIES OF GENERALS TAYLOR, WORTH, WOOL, BUTLER, AND ALL THE DISTINGUISHED OFFICERS OF THE PRESENT WAR. fCr These editions will be the very best published in this country and will b« beautifully illustrated. ^ JOSEPHUS'S (FLAVinS) WDR5S. Br THE LATE WILLIAM WHISTON, A. M. From the last Lmdon edition, complete^ and the only readable edition puhlialied in this country. As a matter of course, every family in our country has a copy of the Holy Bible --and as the presumption is, the greater portion often consult its pajres, we take the liberty of saying to all those that do, that the perusal of the writings of Jose- pnus will betonnd vory interestiag and instructing. A 1 those who wish to possess a beautiful and° correct copy of this invaluable werk, would do well to purchase this edition. It is for sale at all the principal bookstores m the United States, by country merchants generally in the §ouUiera and Western States. ^ SAY'S POLITICAL EGONOIHY. A Treatise on Political Economy, or the Proiluction, Distribution, and Consumption ofWealth. By Jean Baptiste Say. Fifth American edi- tion, with Additional Notes, by C. C. Biddle, Esq., in 1 vol. 8vo. It would be beneficial to our country if all those who are aspirin^r to office were required by their constituents to be conversant with the pa^es ofSav ' The distinguished biographer of the author, in noticing this" work, observes Happily for science he commenced that study which forms the basis of his admi- rable treatise on Political Economy, a work which not only improved under his hand with every successive edition, but has been translated into most of the Euro- pean lanjniages." ^" The editor of the North American Review, speaking of Say, observes, that « he is theti'meofSmi'th»^° ^^^ ^^^*^'® °'''^' ^^^^ "^"^^^ *"" Apolitical Economy, since BENNETT'S (Rev. John) LETTERS TO A YOUNG LADY On a variety of subjects calculated to improve the heart, to form Ihe'man- ners, and enlighten the understanding. " That our Daughters may be , as polished corners of the Temple*" ° . The publishers sincerely hope, {for the happiness of mankind,) that a copv of this valuable little work will be found the companion of every yountr lady as much of the happiness of every family depends on the proper cultivation of the female mind. ^^ i THE POETICAL WORKS OF ROGERS, CAMPBELL, MONT- GOxMERY, LAMB, AND KIRK WHITE. Complete in 1 vol. «vo., with 6 beautiful engravings. MILTON, YOUNG, GRAY, BEATTIE, AND COLLINS^ POETICAL WORKS. Complele in 1 vol. 8vo.; with 6 beautiful engravings. HEBER, POLLOK, AND CRABBERS POETICAL WORKS. Complete in 1 vol. 8vo.; with 6 beautiful engravings. A writer in tho Boston Traveler holds the following language with reference to Biese valuable editions: — Mr. Edttor--.I wish, without any idea of puffing, to say a word or two upon the *« Library of English Poets" that is now published at Philadelphia, by Grigff & Elliot; It IS certainly, taking into consideration the elegant manner in which U is printed, and the reasonable price at which it is afforded to purchasers, the best edition of the modern British Poets that has ever been published in this country. Each volume is an octavo of about 600 pages, double columns, stereotyped, and accompanied with fine engravings, and biographical sketches, and most of them are reprinted from Galiagnani's French edition. As to its value we need only mention that It contains the entire works of Montgomery, Gray, Bcattie, Collins. fc/ ^""V^rlJ^T'll' Milton Young, Rogers, Campbell, Lamb, Hemans, Hcber, Kirk White, Crabbe, the Miscellaneous Works of Goldsmith, and othe^ martyrs of the lyre. The publishers are doing a great service by their publication. and their volumes are almost in as great demand as the fashionable novels of the day, and they deserve to be so, for they are certainly printed in a style superior to that in which we have before had the works of the English Poets '> No library can be considered complete without a cop^y of the above beautiful and cheap editions of the English Poets, and persons ordering all or any of them will please say Gngg, Elliot & Co.'s illustrated ediUons. ^ HIND'S POPULAR SITSTEM OF FARRIERY. Taught on a new and easy plan, being a Treatise on aU the Diseases and Accidents to which the Horse is liable. With considerable additions and improvements; adapted particularly to this country, by Thomas M. femith, Velennar>' Surgeon, and Member of the London Veterinary Medical Society. In 1 vol. 12mo. ^ MASON'S POPULAR SYSTEM OF FARRIEltY. Comprising a General Description of the noble and useful animal, the Horse, together with the quickest and simplest mode of faltenin'r- necessary treatment while undergoing excessive fati-ne, or on a iour- ney; the construction and management of Stables; different marks for ascertaining the Age of a Horse: also, a concise Account of the Dis- eases to which the Horse is subject; with such remedies as lon^ expe- rience has proved to be effectual. By Richard Mason, M. D., formerly J^urrey Co., Va Ninth edition, with additions. To which is added ariize hssoy on Males, and An Appendix containing Observations and itecipes for the cure of most of the common distempers incident to Horses, Oxen, Cows, Calves, Sheep, Lambs, Swine, Dogs, &c. &c. Selected from different authors. Also, an Addenda, cbntaiSing AnnaU oj the Turf, Am^man Stud Book, Rules for Training, Racing, &c. ^J^^ PuWishers have received numerous flattering notices of the great practical Tnl VL ^'^ T'^^' ^^^ distinguished editor of the American Farmer, speak- hPrpLI't^'- '^'■''^'~"^^/^""'^* *°° "'§^^^y recommend these books, and thcrelore advise every owner of a horse to obtain thera." THE STOCK RAISER'S MANUAL. A Guide to the Raising and Improvment of Cattle, being a Treatise on theii Breeds, Management, and Diseases. By W. Youatt, author of a " Trea- tise on the Horse," with numerous illustrations. Complete in 1 vol. 8va This work will be found of the greatest importance to farmers and cattle raisera throughout the United States, and should be in the possession of every farmer^ u it is the most complete work on this subject ever published. M'MAHON'S AMERICAN GAIUEIilER. Ninth edition, much improved. In 1 vol. 8vo. This is an invaluable work to all who wish to obtain any information on the 8al>> ject of Gardening in all its various branches. GRIGG, ELLIOT & CO^S RURAL REGISTER AND ALMANAC ' For 184§: to be continued Annually. For fanners and gardeners it is invaluable, giving full directions for all their work for every month in the year, and for all the States in the Union. There is no work ever published that contains so much useful and valuable information in 80 cheap and convenient a form ; and we do say that no farmer or gardener, who IS worth a "bit," should be without one. There is no pursuit in which more real rational enjoyment and comfort will follow to an industrious man than Horticul- tural employments. BOOK OF POLITENESS. The Gentleman and Lady^s Book of Politeness and Propriety of Deport- ment. Dedicated to the Youth of both sexes. By Madame Celnart. Translated from the Sixth Paris edition, enlarged and improved. Fifth American edition. THE BEAUTIES OF HISTORY. Or, Examples of the Opposite Effects of Virtue and Vice, for the use of Families. 1 vol. 12mo., with plates. "After a careful examination of this book, we can conscientiously recommend It to parents and teachers as a most meritorious performance. There are here collected, withm a narrow compass, the most striking examples of individual virtue and vice which are spread forth on the pages of history, or are recorded in per- sonal biography. The noblest precepts are recommended for the guidance o{ youth ; and in the most impressive manner is he taught to conquer the degradinir impulses which lower the standard of the human character. We have not lately Su' T u^ volume which, in design and execution, seemed so acceptable as this. The book, moreover, is handsomely got up, and illustrated with wood engrar- ings," ® THE CLERBYISIAN'S ASSISTANT. Or, Guide in Reading the Liturgy; containing Directions for Reading Cor- rectly with the Pronunciation. By Rev. W. H. Odenheimer, of Phila- delphia. 1 vol. 12mo., cloth. LIFE OF PAUL JONES. In one vol. 12mo., with 100 Illustrations. "Life of Rear Admiral John Paul Jones,»» &c. &c., by James Hamilton. The work is compiled from his original journals and correspondence; and includes an account of his services in the American Revolution, and in the war between the Russians and Turks in the Black Sea. There is scarcely any Naval Hero of any age who combined in his character so much of the adventurous, skilful and daring, as Paul Jones. The incidents of his life are almost as startling and absorbing as those of romance. His achievements during the American Revolution—the fight between the Bon Homme Richard and Serapis, the most desperate naval action on record, and the alarm into which, with so small a force, he threw the coasts of England and Scotland, are matters comparatively well known to Americans: but the incidents of his subsequent career have been veiled in obscurity, which is dis- sipated by this Biography. A book like this, narrating the actions of such a man, ought to meet with an extensive sale, and become as popular as Robinson Crmot m fiction, or Weems* Life of Marion and Washington, and similar books in fact. It contains 400 pages— has a handsome portrait and medallion likeness of Jones, and is illustrated with numerous original wood engravings of naval scenes and distinguished men with whom he was familiar. L. G. Curtis, Esq., editor of The Commercial, Cincinnati, Ohio, speaking of thii work, &c., observes:- « Life of Rear Admiral Paul Jones, illustrated with nume- rous engravings from original drawings." This book we prize above any in our possession. John Paul Jones was truly an extraordinary man. He had the honor to hoist with his own hands the flag of freedom, the first time it was displayed in the Delaware, and in after life declared that he attended it with veneration ever after. To Paul Jones the honor of raising up an American navy belongs. He waa the first commander in the world who made the proud flag of England "come down." His life, as printed by Messrs. Grigg, Elliot & Co., should be in the hands of every intelligent American. WALKER'S SCHOOL AND FAMILY DICTIONARY. NEW EDITION. FROM NEW STEREOTYPE PLATES, GREATLY IMPROVED, AND PRINTED ON WHITE PAPER. A Critical Pronouncing Dictionary and Expositor of the English language in which the meaning of every word is explained, and the sound o^ every syllable distinctly shown. To which are prefixed an Abstract of English Pronunciation, and Directions to Foreigner^ for Acquiring a Knowledge of the Use of this Dictionary. By John Walker, author of " Elements of Elocution,^' " Rhyming Dictionary," &c. &c. Abridged for the use of Schools, by an American Citizen. "^ * P. S. This is a new edition, on fine paper, and improved in printing and bind- ing. Parents and Teachers will please examine and order Grigg, Elliot & Co »a Improved Edition. An eminent writer, and a good judge of the value of Dictionaries, observes as follows: — We have received from the publishers, Messrs. Grigg, Elliot & Co., No. 14 North Fourth Street, a copy of their new and handsome edition of Walker's Criti- cal Pronouncing Dictionary for Schools. The present edition is decidedly the best and most convenient we have ever seen, both in regard to the size of the type on which it is printed, and the style and form in which it is issued. It has been «< got up" in a handsome and substantial manner, expressly for schools— has been greatly improved and made better in every respect for teachers and scholars. All teachers who have any regard for their eyes and the eyes of their scholars, would find It to their advantage to use this edition, printed as it is from new stereotype plates and on clean white paper. The edition is for sale by booksellers and coui^ try merchants generally throughout the United States, 7 BOLLES' FHONOGRAFHIG PRONOUNCING DICTIONARY. IN ONE VOL. ROYAL 8V0 This valuable work has met with the most favorable reception from the Ameri- can public. It contains more words than the 8vo. edition of Webster, and has the pronunciation attached according to the best authorities, which is a very import- ant addition, and renders the work much more desirable for general use and reference than of any of the large dictionaries now in use. No man of business or family should be without this valuable Dictionary. The same work abridfred, in 1 vol. 12mo., we have just published also, which will be found an invaluable class book for academies, seminaries, and higher order of schools, as well as an important companion to the education of every young person. BIGLAND'S NATUKAL HISTORY Of Animals, Birds, Fishes, Reptiles and Insects, illustrated with nume- rous and beautiful engravings. By John Bigland, author of a "View of the World," " Letters on Universal History," &c. Complete in 1 vol. 12mo. ^^ This work is particularly adapted for the use of Schools and Families, forming the most elegantly written and complete work on the subject of Natural History ever published, and is worthy of the special attention of the teachers of all our schools and academies. 1 BIGLAND'S NATURAL HISTORY OF ANIMALS. Illustrated with 12 beautifully colored engravings. BIGLAND'S HISTORY OF BIRDS. Illustrated with 12 beautifully colored engravings. By Shoberl, with 12 colored plates. These works are got up in a very superior style, and well deserve an introduc- tion to the shelves of every family library, as they are very interesting, and par- ticularly adapted to the juvenile class of readers. GRIffiSHAW'S POPULAR HISTORIES. FOR SCHOOLS AND FAMILY LIBRARIES. GRIMSHAW'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Recently brought up by the author to the present time. Also, Questions adapted to the above History; and a Key, adapted to the Questions, for the use of Teachers and Families. GRIMSHAW'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Recently brought up by the author to the present time. Also, Questions adapted to the above History; and a Key, adapted to the Questions, for the use of Teachers and Families. GRIMSHAW'S IJMPROVED EDITION OF GOLDSMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE, With a Vocabulary of the Proper Names contained in the work, aod the Prosodijil Accents, in conformity with the Pronunciation of Lempriere. Also, Questions adapted to the above History; and a Key, adapted to the Questions, for the use of Teachers and Families. 8 GRIMSHAW'S IMPROVED EDITION OF GOLDSMITH'S HISTORY OF ROME. Revised and Corrected ; and a Vocabulary of Proper Names appended, with Prosodial Marks to assist in their Pronunciation. Also, Questions adapted to the above History; and a Key, adapted to the Questions, for the use of Teachers and Families. GRIMSHAW'S HISTORY OF FRANCE, with Key and Questions. GRIMSHAW'S HISTORY AND LIFE OF NAPOLEON. The editor of the North American Review, speaking of these Histories, ob- serves, that — Among the Elementary Books of American History, we do not remember to have seen any one more deserving approbation than Mr. 6rimsha«v's History of the United States. It is a small volume, and a great deal of matter is brought into a narrow space; but the author has succeeded so well in the construction of his periods, and the arrangement of his materials, that perspicuity is rarely sacri- ficed to brevity. The chain of narrative is skilfully preserved ; and the author's reflections are frequently such as to make the facts more impressive, and lead the youthful mind to observe causes and consequences which might otherwise have been overlooked. As a school book it may justly be recommended. What has been said of this volume will apply generally to his other historical works. They are each nearly of the same size as the one just noticed, and de- signed for the same object, that is, the use of classes in schools. The History of England is an original composition; but the Grecian and Roman Histories are Goldsmith's, improved by Grimshaw, in which he has corrected the typographical errors with which the later editions of Goldsmith's Abridgements so much abound ; and removed any grossness in language, which, in some few instances, render these valuable compends less useful in the schools to which youth of both sexes resort. He has also added a Vocabulary of Proper Names, accentuated, in order to show their right pronunciation, which is a valuable ap- pendage to the History. All these books are accompanied with very full and well-digested Tables of Questions, for the benefit of Pupils, and also with Keys to the same, for the con- venience of Teachers. * GRIMSHAW'S LADIES' LEXICON, And Parlor Companion; containing nearly every word in the Englisl. language, and exhibiting the plurals of nouns and thef participles oi verbs; being also particularly adapted to the use of Acaderaiefe and Schools. By William Grimshaw, Esq. In the Nashville Republican, we observe the following notice of this very useful book : — In recommending the " Ladies' Lexicon," therefore, to all our readers, male and female, who have ever experienced the difficulties which it is so admirably calculated to remedy, we but do an ordinary act of justice to the author and pub- lisher. We consider the *< Ladies' Lexicon," and recommend it to our readers as a work that possesses superior claims on their attention and patronage. THE GENTLEMEN'S LEXICON. Or, Pocket Dictionary: containing nearly every word in the English lan- guage, and exhibiting the plurads of nouns and the participles of verbs; being also particularly adapted to the use of Academies and Schools. By William Grimshaw. The public are again indebted to the talents of Mr. Grimshaw, for the very use- ful books which he has called " The Ladies' and Gentlemen's Lexicons." The peculiarity and advantages of these works may be collected from th« foUcwing portion of the preface :-— 9 9 They differ from all preceding works of the kind in thie, that they eihibit the plnrals of all nouns which are not formed by the mere addition of the letters, anil ;i!so the prirticiples of every verb now generally used, and unless accompa- i»if>(i by a p;irticul;ir caution. No word has been admitted which is not now of p(»!ite or populur use; and no word has been excluded which is required either in epibiolatory composition or conversation. , In giving the above extracts wc take occasion to say, that teachers will find the "Ladies' and Gentlemen's Lexicons" works admirably adapted to take the place, with advantage to their pupils, of the different works recently put into their hands under the name of Expositors, &c. ^fCr The above work has been introduced as a Classbook into many of our academies and schools, with great approbation. Ruschenberger's First Books of Natural History. FOR SCHOOLS, ACADEMIES, COLLEGES, AND FAMILIES. DR. RUSCHENBERGER'S ELEMENTS OF ANATOMY AND PHYSIOLOGY. For the use of Schools and Families; with 45 illustrations. 1 vol. 12mo. This is a most valuable work, by Dr. Ruschenberger: and most admirably are the plates, representing all the different parts of the body, done. It is cheap and every parent should place one in the hands of his children. — N, Y. Herald, DR. RUSCHENBERGER'S ELEMENTS OF MAMMALOGY. The Natural History of Quadrupeds; for beginners; 75 illustrations. 1 vol. 12nio. This number treats of all animals that in infancy feed on the milk of their mothers, from the human being down to the musquito-catching bat. Like the " First Book," it is divided into Questions and Answers, and a Glossary; and is illustrated by six plates. It is very cheap ; and contains an abundance of useful information. There are thousands of persons in this country, and millions in Europe, who do not know that whales give milk. — New York Era. We do not know a more useful set than this promises to be — and IS. — New York Aurora. DR. RUSCHENBERGER'S ELEMENTS OF ORNITHOLOGY. The Natural History of Birds; for beginners; 81 illustrations. 1 vol. 12mo. New York, Feb. 9, 1846. Sir — I have received your note of the 3d instant, together with the "Elements of Ornithology," prepared for the use of Schools and Colleges, by W. S. W. Ruschenberger, M. D., &c., and have read the work, in compliance with the re- quest of the American Institute, that I should examine and report upon it. I have great pleasure in highly recommending it. To say the truth, although I am somewhat blanched by the hand of time, and have many years been a student of Ornithology, I consider the present the very best introduction to that science that I have ever seen ; and I might add as full praise to the other works of the series of Ruschenberger's text- books of Natural History, as far as I am acquainted with the subjects they relate to. Dr. Ruschenberger has, in giving this series to the public, rendered a benefit to all seekers after science, as both old and young may profit by the well-arranged and valuable information these volumes contain. Your obedient servant. To H. Meigs, Esq., JOHN J. AUDUBON. Recording Secretary of the American Institute, New York City. We wish we could induce our teachers generally to examine this, as well as the earlier works of Dr. Ruschenberger; they are admirably arranged, and just the very books needed for schools. The work before us, on the Natural History of Birds, is an admirable one j auid no teacher should neglect to introduce the series. Cincinnati Gazette, 10 We have much pleasure in commending this series of work^—the third of which, now before us, is on Ornithology. It will be found useful m the school- room, or the private study.— C7. S. Gazette. ' DR. RUSCHENBERGER'S ELEMENTS OF HERPiMOLOGY AND ICHTHYOLOGY. The Natural History of Reptiles and Fishes; for beginners; 66 illustia- tions. 1 vol. 12mo. ; o ; Ruschenberger's Series of Books on Natural History are among the most valu- able and useful works for the use of Schools, that have ever been published. ^ A knowledge of Natural History is not only valuable, but deeply interesting : and no one's education can with such facilities as these works aflbrd, be considered com- plete without iL^National Intelligencer. i^uii^iuereu com DR. RUSCHENBERGER'S ELEMENTS OF CONCHOLOGY. The Natural History of Shells and Mollusca; for beginners; 119 illustra- tions. 1 vol. 12mo. t SJI-^ ^""""^ ""^ hand-books equal to these ; and we think Dr. R. has conferred ^ whh Ir/h" "5°" eachers and learners by producing them in an English dress, wni iV if-^'f '"'K' «^ ^"-engraved illustrations. The whole set of this rc^oonibrary.' ' °' ^' "" ^"''' ""'^^ P'"*^^ ^" invaluable acquisition to the , DR. RUSCHENBERGER'S ELEMENTS OF ENTOMOLOGY. TheNaturalHistory of Insects; for beginners ; 91 illustrations. 1 vol. 12mo. aZte^'JTnr^'.r^^^ f'^^*^'^' ^"^ ^':°"* V^^ exceeding chenpness and admirable P^Sq K , i^"""? elementary works, they are well fitted for general use in Public Schools, Academies, and in every private library .-iV.,., York American. DR. RUSCHENBERGER'S ELEMENTS OF BOTANY. The^ Natural History of Plants; for beginners; 194 illustrations. 1 vol. fh J^n^° """* ? u '^^^^ ^? '^y' *^^^ ^^'^ •' ^^^ '^^^t work of the kind and dimensions Recold^.^ ^ ^ '^^'P^' ^' ^^ ^'^ '"'■^ '^'^y ^''' P"^« it highly.-Bo?a«ic in Natu^THi«?olV^"^' ^' eminently useful, supplying adequately the instruction in Natural History necessary to a proper school education.-ATorM American. DR. RUSCHENBERGER'S ELEMENTS OF GEOLOGY. '^witfe'VpintTl w ^', ^'''^'? ^-^^"^"^"^ ^°^ beginners; illustrated with 300 beautiful Wood-cuts, designed to assist the learner in the course of his studies. 1 vol. 12mo Ja ^^ %'T^'^^ ^ competent judge in the opinion, that it is the most comnlete coun^rv tL T'"rTr^^?'"^"" '^' ^"^J^*^^ "^'^^ ^^ »^««« published 7this to exS; Jm^ZI n ^^''^^^y'' ?r '"'•^^'^''^S ^ ^--^^^ ^^^^' ^"d will continue to excite still more attention in the United States, as our vast mineral resources are becoming more fully developed ; and this work exactly su t the ^4nts onhe public, in training up the young for future study in this branch of knowledge '» yr.L^Tr^^^^ ^??^'^ °f "^^^^^ '^"' ^'^'"™^ a part has been highly and iustW corn- Sell 'Vkn ^f f^ J"^S-«' «« furnishing 'rare facilities fo=r L ae^u s fio„ of amined th. J^^^'^^S^' t»' ^oo much neglected in our schools. We have ex- nr^i^.K . volumes with much care, and we find them well deserving all the praise bestowed on them.— Codec's Lady^s Book, u«=,eiving me 11 ^"S^l're"„l^io;:t^^^^^^^^ Set^ Ja school books ia use. on the same subject. y^^ Co//e^«, Dw. 19, 1845. I think this an excellent work-condensed luci^^^^^^^^^^^ ThHirustttU gafe guide for the pupil, and a useful review for the teacher, ^^n^^^^^^^^^ are numerous and exact. Extract of a Report to the American Insttttae, ward for a very small expense of time and money. JAMtb J . m&fi^. GRIGG & ELLIOT'S NEW SERIES OP COMMON SCHOOL READERS, Numbers First, Second, Third and Fourth. TK.<.» hnnka are oarticularlv adapted for an introduction into the Schools gene- These books are parHouiariy P ^^^ f.^^^ ^ ^ i„,ere3t m promotmg Ihe VeVlre 'rtheir pu^ls, ^ill, no doubt, after a careful exammation, g.ve them %l^'^"::i TercherstiU XtreTiV^Uowing notice of this Invaluable apriea of Elementary School Bool'S. Te called auenti Jto the above-named paries o/^^Common S^^^^^^^^^ since, when publishing ^" ^^dverusement for ihj «ale Jf them Dy so ^^^^^^^ ^„^ Since that time we have had opportunity to ^^f^^^^^^^f^eiors of those interesting pub- feel it due to the community in ^hich we live, and J^^ P[X'g^^°;,ibute a valuable addftion ucations, to norice them ™ore particular y. They certai^^^^ ^^ .^^^.^^^^ to our stock of elementary hterature, in th^^^^^ acquaintance ^"J^^e necessii^. that d^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^ attaimnent of the *" i'he First Class reader is exactly «"^<^^^*^^b°f^f^|h^^^^ embodying plea- and hearts of little boys and girls. Composed ot snort ana e J ^ g^ ^^ j^ g^ch Sam and profitable instruction, it is J^^^i^he thmg for mf^^^^^ comprehend. In words as they can readily Pronounce and such idea^as they can ey J^^^ ^^^ ^^^ the Second and Third Class Readers the style increases in the imr^^^^^^ ^^^ studious elevation of sentiment in be auti Ail consistency vaththe^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ Class pupils, in the more \^,^^;;jf^ « Xm of K7inter^^^^^ instrucuve facts argu- keader is an invaluable co"ipendiura of d^^^^^ ments and inferences, drawntjom that unfa Im^ of 'History," consisung of and manners of by-gone times. It is a reprint oi in ^ ^^.^^ ^^^^^^^ and virtues, anecdotes of men ^nd women made ill ustri^^^^^^ of their characters and crimes. It is, there- or rendered eterna ly intamous by the J^/^^^^^^JJ^^g J," ^^ term of study, preparatory to fore, a fit companion for those who ^re ^^^f^^J"^^^^^^ S by the bright example of T^'^'V'i: ^a?k\"wi'dl's'n«7orp^^^^^ b/the wretchedness and ?Jn'o7?hrvTd^us,Tom^^^^^^^^^^ . . ,,,,^,^ f„r tke ' After the table of contents of the ^^-nd R^d^^^^^^ Si fnonTtle o?,Tu; f^ a£."F Af :/ut^of ^^^^^^ refer to the books ^trSic, private and^s^^^^^^^^^ ire^.To^U«ii ^"^^SsTT^^^^^^^ oj THE GRECIAN mSTORY, FROM THE EARLIEST STATE TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. \ ^ Y v"<^ BY DR. GOLDSMITH. TWO VOLS. IN ONE «BVISED AND CORRECTED. AND A VOCABULARY OF PROPER NAMI APPENDED; WITH PE030DIAL MARKS. TO ASSIST IN THEIR PRONUNCIATION. BY WILLIAM GRIMSHAW. ■»«> PHILADELPHIA : GRIGG, ELLIOT & CO. NO. 14 NORTH FOURTH STREET. 1848. I I o ADVERTISEMENT. /^-t Eastern District of Pennsylvania, to wit: BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the nineteenth day of June, rij S.) in the fiftieth year of the Independence of the United States of America, A. D. 1826, John Grigg, of the said District, tatxh deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as Proorietor, in the words following, to wit; " The Grecian History, from the earliest state to the death of Alex- ander the Great. By Dr. Goldsmith. Two volumes in one. Reviseo and corrected, and a Vocabulary of Proper Names appended; with Prosodial Marks, to assist in their Pronunciation; by William Grimshaw." In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, enti- tled, "An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of mans, charts, and books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned ;" And also to the Act, entitled, " An Act supplementary to an Act, entitled, * An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies during the times tlierem mentioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of de- •igning, engraving, and etching lustorical and other prints." D. CALDWELL, CUrk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania Printed by T K. t P. G. CoUiiw. I . When, many years ago, I offered to tfie Public, a revised edition of Goldsmith's Rome, I judged it necessary to accompany it with my reasons for so bold an attempt, and an exposition of the principal faults of the original. To that exposition, as well as to this revised edition of the History of Greece, by the same author, I refer the curious in literature ; that (hey may decide, whether or not I have been warranted, in attempting an improvement, or have been inexcusably presumptuous. Bold, indeed, may seem the under- taking, to improve the pages of an author, of whom the great moralist and lexicographer has said, " Nofi tetigit, quod non arnavif This compliment, how- ever, that fastidious critic certainly did not apply to Dr. Goldsmith, os an Historian* In history, scarcely any other writer has so completely failed. Nothing but his high merit,in other walks of literature, could have prolonged the existence of his works, in this branch of composition, for so great a length of time. He wrote with too great rapidity, for an historian , and, consequently, without a due regard to the 398160 ADVERTISEMENT wrangement and perspicuity of his matter, or the purity and correctness of his style. Obscurity and ambiguity— -inaccuracy and impurity— confusion and indelicacy—are every where visible, in his historical productions; upon which, alone, had he relied for reputation, his name would, now, after the lapse ot half a century, be unknown. iiarrUlmrg^ June 1, 1826. %♦ Accompanying this edition, there w c MiaU Book of Historical Questions, for the use of schools, also, for the convenience of Teachers, a Key, containing the Answers. TtOS HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAPTER I. Of the earliest state of Greece. The first notices we have, of every country, are fabulous And -ncertam. Among an unenlightened people, every imposture IS Ukely to be pracUsed ; for ignorance is the parent of creduli- ty. Nothmg, therefore, which the Greeks have transmitted to us, concernmg their earliest state, can be relied on Poets were the first who began to record the actions of their countrymen; and it is a part of their art to strike the ima^ina- tion, even at the expense of probability. For this reason, in the earliest accounts of Greece, we are presented with the machmations of gods and demi-gods, the adventures of he- roes and giants, the ravages of monsters and dragons, and all the potency of charms and enchantments. Man, plain histori- cal man, seems to have no share in the picture ; and, while the reader wanders through the most delightful scenes the imagmation can. offer, he is scarcely once presented with the actions of such a being as himself. It would be vain, therefore, and beside the present pur- pose, to give an historical air to accounts, which were never meant to be transmitted as true. Some writers, indeed, have laboriously undertaken to separate the truth from the fabie and to give us an unbroken narrative, from the first dawning ? ^^^'^j^'^^y ^o t*^e display of undoubted history. Thev have levelled down all mythology to their own apprehensions: every fable is made to look with an air of probability. In stead of a golden fleece, Jason goes in pursuit of a ^real treasure; mstead of destroying a chimera, Bellerophon re- claims a mountain ; mstead of a hydra, Hercules overcome! A robber. Thus, the fanciful pictures of a strong imagination, are 'aught to assume a serious severity; and tend to deceive the reader still more, by offering, in the garb of truth, what had been meant only to delight and allure him. The fabulous age, therefore, of Greece, must have no place A3 * 4 THE HISTOKX in history. It is now too late, to separate tl.ost oarts which may have a real foundation in nature, from those which owe their existence wholly to the imagination. There are no races left, to guide us in that intricate pursuit. The devr3 of the morning are past, and it is in vain to attempt con- tinuing the chase, in meridian splendour. It will be suffi cient, therefore, for us to observe, that Greece, like most other countries, of whose origin we have any notice, was at first divided into a number of petty states, each commanded by its own sovereign. \ Ancient Greece, which is now the southern part of Turkey in Europe, is bounded, on the east, by the iEgaean sea, no>» called the Archipelago; on the south, by the Cretan oi Cawdian sea ; on the west, by the Ionian sea ; and, on the north, by Illyria and Thrace. Of so very narrow extent, and so very contemptible, with regard to territory, was that country, which gave birth to all the arts of war and peace ; which produced the greatest generals, philosophers, poets, painters, architects, and statuaries, that the world ever boast- ed ; which overcame the most powerful monarchs, and dis- persed the most numerous armies that were ever brought into ^he field, and at last became the instructer of all mankind. It is said, in scripture, that Javan, the son of Japeth, was the father of all those nations that went under the general denomi- nation of Greeks. Of his four sons, Elisha, or Elias, is said to have given name to the Hellenes, a general name by which the Greeks were known. Tharsis, the second son, is thought to have settled in Achaia; Chittim in Macedonia; and Dodanim, the fourth son, in Tbessalyand Epirus. How they portioned out the country, what revolutions they ex- perienced, or what wars they maintained, a* e utterly unknown • and, indeed, the history of petty barbarous states, if known^ would hardly recompense the trouble of inquiry. In those early times, kingdoms were inconsiderable. A single city, with a few leagues of land, was often honoured with that magnificent appellation: it would therefore embar- rass history, to enter into the domestic privacy of every little state ; as it would be a subject rather for the economist, than the politician. It will suffice, to observe, that Sicyon is said to have been the most ancient kingdom of Greece. The be- ginning of this petty sovereignty, is placed, by historians, in the year of the world, one thousand nine hundred and fifteen ; before Jesus Christ, two thousand eighty-nine ; and before the first Olympiad, one thousand three hundred and thirteen. The first king, was ^gialeus. Its duration is said to have Cjwn a thousand years #' ><. fi OF GREECE. 5 The kingdom of Argos, in Peloponnesus, b€gan si a jlt thousand and eighty years before the first Olympiad, in ' ' the time of Abraham. The first king was Inachus. The kingdom of Mycaenae succeeded. The scat of gov- ernment was translated thither, from Argos, by Perseus, the grandson of Acrisius, the last king of that country ; whom Perseus unfortunately slew. The kings who reigned at My caehae, after Perseus, were Electryon, Sthenelus, and Eurys theus ; the latter of whom was driven out by the Heraclidae^ or the descendants of Hercules, who made themselves mas- l^s of Peloponnesus. The kingdom of Athens was first founded by Ce- . -j^ crops, an Egyptian. This prince, having settled in ^'aaq Atiica, divided the whole country, subject to him, into /welve districts, and also established a court forjudging causes^ entitled the Areopagus. Amphictyon, the third king of A^thens, procured a confederacy among the twelve states of Greece, which assembled twice a year, at Thermopylae ; there, /.o offer up common sacrifices, and to consult for the common interests of thd association. Theseus, one of the succeeding tings of this state, united the twelve boroughs of Cecrops into one city. Codrus was the last of this line : he devoted himself to death for his people. The Heraclidae having made an irrup- tion as far as the gates of Athens, the oracle declared that they should be conquerors, whose king should fall in this con- test. To take the earliest advantage, therefore, of this an- swer, Codrus disguised himself in the habit of a peasant ; and, provoking one of the enemy's soldiers, was killed by him. Whereupon, the Athenians sent a herald to demand the body of their king, which message struck such a damp into the enemy, that they departed, without striking another blow. After Codrus, the title of king was extinguished among the Athenians. Medon, his son, was set at the head of the commonwealth, with the title of archon ; which sig^iifies chief governor. The first of this denomination, had their places for life ; but the Athenians, growing weary of a gov- eniment, which repressed their love of freedom, abridged the term of the archon's power, to ten years ; and at last made the office elective every year. . m. The kingdom of Thebes was first foundea by Cad- g * * mus. This hero, coming, by sea, from the coast of ' Phoenicia, settled in that part of the country Which was afterwards called Boeotia. He there built the city of Thebes, which, from his own name, he called Cadmaea, and there fixed his seat of power and dominion. The adventures o^ § THE HISTORY his unhappy posterity, Laius, Jocasto, Oedipus, Eteocles, and Polynices, make a shining figure among the poetical fiction! of that period. The kingdom of Sparta or Lacedaemon, is sup]>osed to have been first instituted by Lelia. Helena, the tenth in suc- cession from this monarch, is equally famous for her beau- ty and infidelity. She had not lived above three ycai's with her husband, Menelaus, before she was carried off by Paris, the son of Priam, king of Troy. This seems to be the first occasion in which the Greeks united in one common cause. The Greeks took Troy, after a ten years' siege, much about the time that Jephthah was the judge in Israel. Corinth began later than the other cities above mentioned, . « , to be formed into a state, or to be governed by its 9fi9s * ^^'^S^* It was, at first, subject to Argos and Mycaenae; but Sisyphus, the son of iEolus, made himself mas- . *, ter of it; and, when his descendants were dispos- * ' sessed, Bachis assumed the reins of power. The '^ ' government, after this, became aristocratical ; a chief magistrate being annually chosen, by the name of prytanni At last, Cypselus having gained the people, usurped the su- preme authority, which he transmitted to his son Periander ; who was ranked among the seven wise men of Greece, from the love he bore to learning, and his encouragement of its professors. The kingdom of Macedonia was first governed by Cara- nus, descended from Hercules ; and subsisted from his time till the defeat of Perseus by the Romans, a space of six hun- dred and twenty-six years. Such, is the picture Greece offers, in its earliest infancy. A combination of little states, each governed by its respec- tive sovereign, yet all uniting for their mutual safety and general advantage. Still, however, their intestine conten- tions were carried on with great animosity ; and, as it hap- pens, in all petty states, under the dominion of a single com- mander, the jealousies of the princes were a continual cause of discord. From this distressful situation, those states, by degrees began to emerge ; a different spirit began to seize the people, and, sick of the contentions of their princes, they desired to be free. A spirit of liberty prevailed all ovei Greece; and a general change of government was effected.^ in every part of the country, except in Macedonia. Thus, monarchy gave way to a republican government ; which, how- ever, was diversified into as many various forms, as there were different cities, according to the different genius and peculiar character of each people » OF GREECE. 7 All these cities, though seemingly different from each other Ilk tlieir laws and interest, were united, by one common Ian* guage, one religion, and a national pride, that taught them to consider all other nations as barbarous and feeble. Even Egypt, itself, from whence they had derived many of their arts and institutions, was considered in a very subordinate ightj and rather as a half barbai-ous predecessor, than an en lightened rival. To make this union among the states of Greece still stronger, games were instituted, in different parts of the coun- .ry, with rewards for excellence, in every pursuit These sports were instituted for very serious and useful purposes: chey afforded an opportunity for the several states meeting together; they gave them a greater zeal for their common religion; they exercised the youth for the purposes of war- And increased that vigour and activity, which was then of the utmost importance in deciding the fate of a battle. But their chief bond of union arose from the council of thf Amphictyons ; which was instituted by Amphictyon, kinj? of Athens, as is already mentioned, and was appointed to be held, twice a year, at Thermopylae, to deliberate for the i^ene- ral good of those states, of whose deputies it was composed. 1 he states, who sent deputies to the council, were twelve •— ?^ J^^ssalians, the Thebans, the Dorians, the lonians, the Perhabeans, the Magnates, the Locrians, the Oetans, the Fthiotes, the Maleans, the Phocians, and the Dolopians. Each of those cities which had a right to assist at the Amphictyonic council, was obliged to send two deputies tu every meeting. The one was entitled the hieromnemon, who took care of the interests of religion ; the other was called the pylagoras, and had in charge the civil interest of his community. Each of these deputies, however differing in his functions, enjoyed an equal power of determining all affairs relative to the general interests of Greece. But, although the number of deputies seems to have been settled originally so as to answer the number of votes which each city was allowed, yet, in process of time, or on some ex- traordinary occasions, the principal cities assumed a power ot sending more than one pylagoras, to assist in a critical ^"l^pncy, or to serve the purposes of a faction. When the deputies, thus appointed, appeare-i to execute their commission, after offering up sacrifices to Apollo, Dia- na, Latona^ and Minerva, they took an oath, implying, that they would never subvert any city of the Amphictyons, never stop the course of waters, either in war or peace, and that Wiey would oppose any attempts to lessen the revereivce and € THE HISTORY authority of the gods, to whom they had paid their adora lion. Thiu, all offences against religion, all instances of im- piety and profanation, all contests between the Grecian states and cities, came under the particular cognizance of the Am- phictyons ; who had a right to determine, to impose fines, and even to levy forces, and to make war against those who offered to rebel against their sovereign authority. These different motives to confederacy, united the Greeks, for a time, into a body of great power, and greater emulation. By this association, a country, not half so large as England, was able to dispute the empire of the earth, with the most powerful monarchs of the world. By this association, they not only resisted the numerous armies of Persia; buttlispers- ed, routed, and destroyed them ; reducing their pride so low, as to make them submit to conditions of peace, as shameful to the conquered, as glorious to the conquerors. But, among all the cities of Greece, there were two, that, by their merit, their valour, and their wisdom, particularly distinguished themselves from the rest. These were Athens and Lacedsemon. As these cities served as an example of bravery or learning to the rest, and as the chief burthen of every foreign war devolved upon them, it v/ill be proper to enter into their particular history with greater minuteness, and to give the reader some idea of the genius, character, manners, and government, of their respective inhabitants. CHAPTER n. Of the Government of Sparta^ and the Ltojos of Lyeurgtu. Although the kingdom of Lacedaemon was not so consid- erable as that of Athens, yet, as it was of much earlier institu- tion, it demands our first attention. Lacedaemon, as observed before, was, in the beginning, governed by kings; of which, thirteen held the reigns of power, in succession, of the race of the Pelopidae. As, during this dark interval, there were no fixed laws to limit the prerogative, and no ideas of true government among the people, it does not appear that there .were any considerable encroachments made, cither on the side of the king, or that of the people. Under the race of the Heraclidae, who succeeded, instead of one king, the people admitted two^ who governed with equal authority. The cause of this change seems to have spnmg from a very particular accident. Aristodemus, dying, kft iwo sons, Eurysthenes and Procles, twins, so much alike, that %i was hartlly possible to distinguish them asunder. Hence, • • OF GREECE. 9» the hint was taken, by the mother, of fixing the crown upon both ; so that when the Spartans came for a king, she was either unable or unwilling to decide whieli of them was first bcm, or which had the justest pretensions. This form of government conlihued for several succeeding centuries ; and although the one was almost ever at variance with his asso- ciate on the throne, yet the government remained entire. | It was during this succession, that slavery was first institut ed in Sparta. Eurysthenes and Procles, having granted tl.? countrymen of Sparta the same pi'ivileges with the citizens, Agis reversed what his prediecessors had done in favour of the peasants, and imposed upon them a tribute. The Helotes were the only people that would not acquiesce in this im- post, but rose in rebellion, to vindicate their rights: the citi- zens, however, prevailed, the Helotes were subdued, and made prisoners of war. As a still greatei- punishment, they and their posterity were condemned to perpetual slavery; and, to increase their miseries still more, all other slaves were called by the general name of Helotes. It would appear, from hence, that this little state was gov- erned with turbulence and oppression, and required the curb of sovere laws and rigorous discipline. These severities and rigorous discipline were at last imposed upon it by Lycur* gus ; one of the first and most extraordinary legislators, that ever appeared among mankind. There is, perhaps, nothing more remarkable, in profane history, yet nothing better attested, than" what relates to the laws and government of Lycurgus. What, indeed, can be more aniazing, than to behold a mutinous and savage race of mankind, yielding submission to laws which controlled every sensual pleasure, and every piivate affection; to behold them giving up^ for the good of the state, all the comforts and conveniences of private life, and making a state of domestic privacy more severe and terrible than the most painful cam paigns, and the most warlike duties. Yet, all this was effect- ed, by the perseverance and authority of a single legislator, who gave the first lesson of hard resignation, in his own generous example. Lycurgus was the son of Eunomtis, one of the two kings who reigned together in Sparta. The two kings dying with- out appa»ent issue, the right of succession rested in Lycur- gus ; who accordingly assumed the administration. But art unexpected event interrupted his promotion : the queen, his sister-in-law, having declared that she was soon likely to have an heir, his right became doubtful. A man of less probity would have «sed every precaution to secure himself upon the 10 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 11 throne; and a proposal, which was made him by the cjueeni seemed to secure his pretensions. She offered to destroy the birth, upon condition that he would marry her, and take hei into a share of power. Lycurgus wisely smothered his resentment to so unnatural a proposal; and, fearful that she might use means to put her project in execution, assured her, that, as soon as the child was born, he would take upon himself to remove it out of the way. The child proved to be a boy ; which Lycurgus com manded should be brought to him, as he was at supper with the magistrates: to them, he presented the child as their king; and, to testify his own and the people's joy, gave him the name of Charilaus ; which signifies, " the people's joy.** Thus, Lycurgus sacrificed his ambition to his duty; and still more, continued his regency, not as king, but governor. How- ever, dreading the resentment of the queen, and finding the state in great disorder, he resolved, by travelling, to avoid the dangers of the one, and to produce a remedy for the defects of the other. Thus, resolving to make himself acquainted with all the improvements of other nations, and to consult the most ex- perienced persons he could meet in the art of government, he began with the island of Crete; whose hard and severe law* were very much admired. In this island, the handicraft trades were brought to some degree of perfection. There, they wrought in copper and iron, and made armour, in which they danced, with a confused noise of bells, at the sacrifices of their gods. It is from them, that the art of navigation wa* first known in Greece, and from them many legislators de- rived the principles of their respective institutions. From Crete, Lycurgus passed over mto Asia, where he still found new information, and is said to have first made the discovery of the works of Homer. Thence, he went into Egypt, and is said, by some, to have had conferences with the gymnosophists of India. But, while tlius employed abroad, his presence began to be greatly wanted at home All parties conspired to wish his coming; and many messa- ges wei-e sent, to hasten his return. The kings themselves importuned him to that effect ; and informed him, that the people had arrived at such a pitch of disorder, that nothing but his authority could control their licentiousness. In fact, every thing tended to the unavoidable destruction of the state, wid nothing but his presence was wished, to check its increas- ing dissolution. Lycurgus, at length persuaded to return, found the people wearied out with their o^vn importunities, and ready to re» •tM ceive any new impressions that he might attempt. The oor- ruption being general, he found it necessary to change the whole form of the government ; sensible that a few particular laws would produce no great effect. But, considering the efficacy of religion in promoting every new institution, ho went first to consult the oracle of Apollo, at Delphos ; where he met a reception that might flatter his highest ambition, for he was saluted, by the priestess, as the friend of the gods, and rather as a god, than a man. As to his new institution, also, he was told, that the gods heard his prayers, and that the commonwealth he was going to establish, would be the most excellent and durable upon earth. Thus encouraged, on his return to Sparta, Lycurgus first communicated his designs to his particular friends ; and then, by degrees, gained over the leading men to his party ; until things being ripe for a change, he ordered thirty of the prin- cipal men to appear armed in the market-place. Charilaus, who was at that time king, seemed, at first, willing to oppose this revolution ; but, being intimidated by a superior force, he took shelter in the temple of Minerva; whence, being pre- vailed upon by his subjects, and being also of a flexible tem- per, he came forth, and joined the confederacy. The people soon acquiesced under a set of institutions, evidently calculat- ed for their improvement ; and gladly acknowledged submis- sion to laws, which leaned, with equal weight, upon every rank of society. To continue the kings.^ with a shadow of power, he confirm- ed them in their right of succession, as before ; but diminish- ed their authority, by instituting a senate, which was to serve as a counterpoise between their prerogative and the_ people. They still, however, had all their former marks of outward dignity and respect. They had the chief seats in every pub- lic assembly ; in voting, they were allowed first to give their opinion ; they received ambassadors and sti'angers, and over- looked public buildings and highways. In the field, they were possessed of greater power ; they conducted the arniies of the state, and were attended by judges, field-deputies, and a gene- ral of the horse. However, they were not entirely at liberty, even in wai*, as ♦hey received their orders from the senate; which, though for the most part, discretionary, yet they were sometimes forced to march against the enemy, or return home, when they least desired to retreat. Th^^vernment, hitherto, had been unsteady ; tending, at one time^ towards despotism, at another to democracy ; but the senate instituted by Lycurgus, served as a check upon both nd kept the state balanced in tranquillity. This body n 12 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 19 % which was composed of twenty^ight members, founded fheir chief pohcy in espousing the side of the kings, when »he people were grasping at too ipuch power; and, on the other hand, the interest of the people, whenever the kinus attempted to carry their authority too far. The senators consisted of those who had aided Lycurijuf in his designs, as well as of several of the citizens remarkable lor their private virtues ; but none were eligible till sixty years of age. They were continued for life, except upon an J notorious crime ; and this, as it prevented the inconveniencies of too frequent a change, so it was a lasting reward to the old, and a noble incentive to the young. They formed the supreme court of judicature; and, though there lay an an- peal from them to the people, yet, as they were convened only at the pleasure of the senate, and as the senators were not responsible for any wrong judgment, their decrees gene rally passed without an appeal. Indeed, for several ages, such was the caution, and such the integrity, of this tribunal, that none seemed desirous of seek- mg larther justice, and both parties acquiesced in their de- crees. However, the great power of which the senate was .hus possessed, was, about a century afterwards, tempered by the erecUon of a superior court, palled the court of 'the ephorts which consisted of but five in number, elected annu- ally into office. They were chosen from the people, and had a power of arresUng and imprisoning the persons even of th«r kings, if they acted unbecoming their station. The people, also, had a nominal share in the government 1 hey had their assemblies, consisting of citizens only ; and also tneir great convention, of all persons who were frce,ot the state. But this power of convening, was but a mere mat ter o! form ; as the senate alone was permitted to call them together, and as it was in the option of that body to dismiss them at pleasure. The subject of deliberation, also, was to be ol their proposal ; while the people, denied the privilejce ot debating or discussing, could only reject or ratify, with laconic decision. To keep them still more helpless, they were left out of all offices of the state, and weie considered merely as machines, which their wiser fellow-citia ns were to con duct and employ. So small a degree of power granted to the people, might be apt to destroy these institutions, in their infancy : but, to re- concile them to the change, Lycurgus boldly resolved to give them a share in those lands, of which, by the increasing riches of some, and the dissipation of othei^ they had been deprived. One of the most r^jfined strokes in this philoso- pher's legislation, seems to have been, to keep the people in plenty and dependence. The majority of the people M'cre, at that time, so poor, that they were destitute of every kind of property ; whilst a small number of individuals were pos- sessed of all the lands and the wealth of the country. In ol- der, therefore, to banish the insolence^ the fraud, and the luxu- ry, of the one, as well as the misery, tlie repining, and the factious despair, of tlie others, he persuaded the majority, and forced the rest, to give up all their lands to the comnrion- wealth^ and to make a new division of them, that they might all live togetlier in perfect equality. Thus, all the sensual goods of life, were equally distributed among the gover- nors and the governed ; and superior merit alone conferred superior distinction. . Lycurgus accordingly divided all the lands of Laconia irto thirty thousand parts, and those of Sparta into nine thou- sand ; and these he portioned out to the respective inhabitants of each district. Each portion was sufficient to maintain a family, in that frugal manner he proposed ; and, though the kings had a larger share assigned them, to support their dig- nity, yet their tables had rather an air of decency and compc frency, than of superfluity or profusion. It is said, that, some years after, as Lycurgus was return- mg from a long journey, observing how equally tlie corn was divided, in all parts of the country, he was heard to ob- serve, smiling on those next him, Does not Laconia look like an estate^ which several brothers have been dividing amongst them. But it would have answered no permanent put-pose, to di- vide the lands, if the money were still suffered to accumulate. To prevent, therefore, every other distinction, but that of mer- it, he resolved to level down all fortune to one standard. He did not, indeed, strip those possessed of gold or silver, of their property ; but, what was equivalent, he cried down its value, and suffered nothing but iron money to pass, in exchange for every commodity. This coin also he made so heavy, and fixed at so low a rate, that a cart and two oxen were required to carry home a sum of ten minas, or about twenty pounds English ; and a whole house was necessary to keep it in. This iron money had no currency among any other of the Grecian states ; who, so far from esteeming it, treated it with the utmost contempt and ridicule. From the neglect of for- eigners, the Spartans themselves began to despise it; so that money was at last brought into disuse, and few troubled them- selves with more than was barely sufficient to supply their ne- cessities. Thus, not only riches, but their attendairt train of avarice, fraud, rapine, and luxury, were banished from this ♦ N 14 THE HISTORY simple state ; and the people found, in ignorance of riches, a happy substitute for the want of those refinements they bestow. But these institutions were not thought sufficient to prevent that tendency which mankind have to private excess. A third regulation was therefore made, commanding that all meals should be in public. He ordained, that all the men, witliout distinction, should eat in one common hall ; and, lest stran* gers should attempt to corrupt his citizens by their example^ a law was expressly made against their continuance in the city. By these means, frugality was not only necessary, but the use of riches was, at once, abolished. Every man sent montlily his provisions to the common stock, with a little money, for ether contingent expenses. These consisted of one bushel of flour, eight measures of wine, five pounds pf cheese, and two pounds and a half of figs. The tables consisted of fifteen persons each ; where non* could be admitted but by the consent of the whole company. Every one, without exception of persons, was obliged to be at the common meal; and a long time after, when Agis retuni- ed from a successful expedition, he was punished and repri- manded, for having eaten with his queen, in private. The very children eat of these meals ; and were carried Uiither, as to a school of temperance and wisdom. At these homely repasts, no rude or immoral conversation was permitted ; no loquacious disputes or ostentatious talking. Each endeavoured to express his sentiments with the utmost perspicuity and conciseness : wit was admitted, to season the banquet, and secrecy to give it security. As soon as a young man came in*o the room, the oldest man in company used to say to him, pointing to the door, « Nothing spoken here must go that way." Black broth was their favourite dish. Of what ingredients U was made, is not known ; but they used no flesh in their entertainments. It probably resembled those Icnten soups, which are still m use on the continent. Dionysius, the tyrant found their fare very unpalatable ; but, as the cook asserted' ihe broth was nothing, without the seasoning of fatigue and hunger. * ** An injunction so rigorous, which thus cut off* all the deli- cacies and refinements of luxury, was by no means pleasing -o the rich; who took every occasion to insult the lawgiver ^pon his new regulations. The tumults they excited were fre' quent ; and, in one of these, a young fellow, whose name was Alexander, struck out one of Lycurgus's eyes. But he had the majority of the people on his side ; who, provoked at th* bF GRfnSCE. t5 •nitrftge, delivered the young man into his hands, to treat hihtf with all proper severity. Lycnrgus, instead of testifying any brutal resentment, won over his aggressor by all the arts of affability and tenderness ;' till, at last, from being one of the proudest and most turbu- lent men of Sparta, he became an example of wisdom and moderation, and a useful assistant to Lycurgtis, in promoting his new institutions. Thus, undaunted by opposition, and steady in his designs, he went on to make a thorough reformation in the manners of his countrymen. As the education of the youth was one of the most important objects of a legislator's care, he took care to instil such early principles, that children should, in a manner, be bom with a sense of order and discipline. His grand principle was, that children were properly the posses- sion of the state, and belonged to the community, more than to their parents. To this end, he made it the mother's duty, to use such diet and exercise, as might fit her to produce a vigorous and healthy offispring. As, during this period, all institutions were tinctured with the savageness of the times, it is not wonderful that Lycurgus ordained, that all such children, as, upon a public view, were deemed deformed or weakly, and unfitted for a future life of v\gour and fatigue, should be exposed to perish in a cavern noar mount Taygetus. This was considered as a public pun- i'ihment upon the mother; and it was thought the readiest way to lighten the state of future incumbrance. Those infants that were born without any capital defects, were adopted as children of the state, and delivered to their parents, to be nursed with severity and hardship. From their tenderest age, they were accustomed to make no choice in their eating, nor to be afraid in the dark, or when left alone ; not to be peevish or fretful ; to walk barefoot, to lie hard at nights, to wear the same clothes winter and summer, and to fear nothing from their equals. At the age of seven years, they were taken from their pa- rents, and delivered over to the classes, for a public education. Their discipline, there, was little else than an apprenticeship to hardship, self-denial, and obedience. In these classes,' one of the boys, more advanced and experienced than the rest, presided, as captain, to govern and chastise the refrac- tory. Their very sports and exercises were reguiated ac- cording to the exactest discipline, and made up of labour and fatigue. They went barefoot, with their heads shaved, and fought with one another naked. While they wefc at table, it was usual for the masters to BS !l « 16 THE HISTORY instruct the boys, by asking them questions concerning the nature of moral actions, or the different merits of tlie most noted men of the time. The boys were obliged to give a quick and ready answer, which was to be accompanied with their reasons in the concisest manner ; for a Spartan's lan- guage was as sparing, as his money was ponderous and bulky. All ostentatious learning was banished from this simple commonwealth : their only study was to obey ; their only pride was to suffer hardship. Every ai't was practised, to harden them against adventitious danger. There was yearly a cus- tom of whipping them, at the altar of Diana ; and the boy that bore this punishment with the greatest fortitude, came off victorious. This was inflicted publicly, before the eyes of their parents, and in the presence of the whole city ; and many were known to expire under the severity of the discipline, without utter- ing a single groan. Even their own fathers, when they saw them covered \vith blood aud wounds, and ready to expire, exhorted them to persevere, to the end, with constancy and resolution. Plutarch, who says that he has seen several chil- dren expire under this cruel treatment, tells us of one, who having stolen a fox, and hid it under his coat, chose rather to let it tear his very bowels, than discover the theft. Every institution tended to harden the body, and shai pen the mind for war. In order to prepare them for stratagems and sudden incursions, tl\e boys were permitted to steal from each other; but, if they were caught in the fact, they were punished, for their want of dexterity. Such a permission, therefore, was little better than a prohibition of theft ; since the punishment followed, as at present, in case of detection. By this institution, negligence in the possessor was made just- ly liable to the loss of the possessions, a consideration which has not been sufficiently attended to by subsequent legislators. At twelve years old, the boys were removed into other classes, of a more advanced kind. There, in order to crush the seeds of vice, which, at that time, began to appear, their labour and discipline were increased Avith their age. They had their insiructer from among the men, called Paedonomus ; and, under him, the Irens ; young men, selected from their own body, to exercise over them a more constant and imme- diate command. They had now their skirmishes between parties, and their mock fights, between larger bodies. In these, they often fought with hands, feet, teeth, and nails, with such uostinacy, that it was common to see them lose their eyes, and often their lives, before the fray determined. Such, was llkQ constant discipline of their minority, which lasted till the OF GREECE. 17 age of thirty ; before which, they were not permitted to mar- ry to go into the troops, or to bear any ofhce in t^ state With regard to the females, their discipline was equally strict with the former. They were inured to a constant course of labour and industry, until they were twenty years old ; before which time, they were not considered marriage- able. They had also their peculiar exercises. They ran, wrestled, pitched the bar, and performed all these feats na- ked, before the whole body of the citizens. An education, so manlike, did not fail to produce in the Spartan women corresponding sentiments. They were bold, frugal, and patriotic, and filled with a love of military glory. Some foreign women, in conversation with the wife of Leoni las saying that the Spartan women alone knew- how to gov- irn'the men, she boldly replied, " the Spartan women alone jring forth men." A mother was known to give her son, who was going to cattle, his shield, with this remarkable advice : Return with i/, w return upon it. Implying, that, rather than throw it from him in flight, he should be borne upon it, dead, to his friends in Sparta. Another, hearing that her son was killed in fight- ing? for his country, answered, without any emotion, " It is tor that, I brought him into the world." After the battle ot Leuctra, the parents of those who died in the action, went to the temples, to thank the gods, that their sons had done their duty, while those whose children survived that dreadful day, seemed inconsolable. ^ Yet, it must not be concealed, that, in a city where the wo- men were inspired with such a passion for military glory, they were not equally remarkable for connubial fidelity. There was no law against adultery ; and an exchange of husbands was often actually practised among them. This was alvyays by the mutual consent of parties, which removed the tedious ceremonies of a divorce. One reason assigned for allowing this mutual liberty, was, not so much to gratify licentious de- sire, as to improve the breed of citizens, by matching such as were possessed of mutual inclination. In many of the laws of Lycurgus, he seems to admit, that private vices may be- come public benefits, and this among the number. Besides these constitutional regulations, there were many other general maxims laid down, that obtained amongst them the force of laws. They were forbid to exercise any mechan- ic art The chief occupations of the Spartans, were bodily exercises, or hunting. The Helotes, who had lost their liber ty *ome centuries before, and who had oeen condemned to 1 18 THE HISTORY I I perpetual slavery, tilled their lands for them, receivings for their labour a bare subsistence. The citizens, thus possessed of competence and leisure were mostly in company, in large common halls, where they met and conversed together. They passed little of their timt alone; being accustomed to live like bees, always together always attentive to their chiefs and leaders. The love of their country and the public good, was their predominant passion : and all self-interest was lost, in the general wish for the welfare of the community. Pedaratus, having missed the honour of being chosen of the three hundred who had a certain rank 'in the city, converted his disappointment into joy, that there tvere three hundred better men in Sparta, than he. Among the maxims of their legislator, it was forbidden them to make frequent war upon the same enemies. By this inhibition, they were restrained from lasting and immoderate resentment; they were in no danger of teaching their disci- pline to those upon whom they made war ; and all their alli- ances were thus more frequently renewed. When they had broken and routed their enemies, they never pursued them farther than was necessary to make them- selves sure of victory. They thought it sufficiently glorious to overcome, and were ashamed of destroying an enemy that yielded or fled. Nor was this without answering some good purpose: an enemy, conscious that all who resisted were put to the sword, often fled ; as they were convinced that such a conduct was the surest means of obtaining safety. Thus, valour and generosity seemed the ruling motives of this new institution. Arms were their only exercise, and their life was much less austere in the camp, than in the city. The Spar- tans were the only people in the world, to whom the time of war was a time of ease and refreshment : because the severi- ty ot their manners was then relaxed, and the men were in- dulged in greater liberties. With them, the first and most inviolable law of war, was, never to turn their backs on the enemy, however disproportioned in force, nor to deliver up their arms, until they resigned them with life. When the poet Archilochus came to Sparta, he was obliged to quit the city, for havmg asserted, in one of his poems, that it was bet- ter tor a man to lose his arms, than his life. Thus resolved upon conquest or death, they went calmly forward, with all the confidence of success ; sure of meeting a glorious victo- ry, or, what they vaked equally, a noble death? 1 hus, depending upon their valour alone for safety, their leguiator forbade walling the city. It was his maxim, that a wall of men was preferable to a wall of bricks ; and that OF GREECE. confined valour was scarcely preferable to cowardice. Indeed, a city, in which were thirty thousand fighting men, stood in little need of walls, to protect it ; and we have scarcely an instance in history, of their sufiering tlx^mselves to be driven to their last retreats. War and its honours was their employment and ambition Their Helotes, or slaves, tilled their grounds, and did all their servile drudgery. These unhappy men were, in a manner, bound to the soil; it was not lawful to sell them to strangers or to make them free. If, at any time, their increase became inconvenient, or created a suspicion in their fierce masters, there was a diabolical cryptia, or secret act, by which they were permitted to destroy them. From this barbarous se- verity, however, Lycurgus is acquitted by Plutarch ; but, it is plain, that his institutions were not sufficient to restrain the people from such baseness and cruelty. It was, by this abominable act, allowed, for several companies of young men to go out of the city, by day, and, concealing themselves in the thickets, to rush out, in the night, upon their slaves, and kill all they could find in their way. Thucydides relates^ that two thousand of these slaves disappeared, at once, with- out ever after being heard of. It is truly amazing, how a people like the Spartans, re- nowned for lenity to the conquered, for submission to their superiors, for reverence to old age, and friendship for each other, should yet be so horribly brutal, to those beneath them, to men who ought to be considered, in every respect, as their equals, as their countrymen, and only degraded by an unjust usurpation. Yet nothing is more certain, than their cruel treatment : they were not only condemned to the most servile occupations, but often destroyed, without reason. They were frequently made drunk, and exposed before the children, in order to deter them from so brutal a species of debauchery. Such, was the general purport of the institutions of Lycur- gv8 ; ^hich, from their tendency, gained the esteem and ad- miration of all the surrounding nations. The Greeks were ever apt to be dazzled, rather with splendid, than useful vip' lues : and praised the laws of Lycurgus, which, at best, were calculated to make men more warlike than happy, and to substitute insensibility for enjoyment. If, considered in a political light, the city of I.acedaemon was but a military garrison, supported by the labour of a nu- merous peasantry, who were slaves. The laws, therefore, by which they were governed, were not much more rigorous than are many of the military institutions of modern princes. The same labour, th« same discipline, the same porerty, ami' 20 THE HISTORY OF <^R££CE. 9m ■ I the same subordination, are found in many of the garwsoned towns of Europe, that prevailed for so many centuries in Sparta, The only difference that appears to me, between a soldier of Lacedaemon, and a soldier in garrison at Grave- imes, is, that the one was permitted to marry at thirty and the other is obliged to continue single all his life : the one lives m the midst of a civilized country, which he is supposed to protect ; the other lived in the midst of a number of civil ized states, which he had no inclination to offend. War is equally the trade of both : and a campaign is frequently a re- laxation from the more rigorous confinement of garrison duty. When Lycurgus had thus completed his military institu- tion, and when the form of government he had established, seemed strong and vigorous enough to support itself, his next care was to give it all the permanence in his power. H^ Uierefore, signified to the people, that something still remain- ed tor the completion of his plan, and that he was under the necessity of going to consult the oracle at Delphos, for its ad- vice. In the mean time, he persuaded them to take an oath for the strict observance of all his laws, till his return, and then departed, with a full resolution of never seeing Sparta When he had arrived at Delphos, he consulted the oracle, to know whether the laws he had made, were sufficient to render the Lacedaemonians happy : and, being answered, that nothing was wanting to their perfection, he sent his answer to Sparta, and then voluntarily starved himself to death Others say, that he died in Crete, having ordered his body to' be burned, and his ashes lo be thrown into the sea. The death of this great lawgiver, gave a sanction and authority to his laws, which his life was unable to confer. The Spartans re- garded his end as the most glorious of all his actions, a noble hnishmg of all his former services : they considered them selves as bound, by every tie of gratitude and religion, to a strict observance of all his institutions ; and the long con tinuance of the Spartan government, is a proof of their ner- severing resolution. * The Lacedaemonians, thus constittited, seemed desirous only of an opportunity of displaying the Superiority of their power, among the neighbouring states, their rivals. The war »>etween them and the Messenians, soon taught them the ad vantage* of their military institutions; but, as I am hasten ing to more important events, I will touch upon this as con- cisely as I can. There was a temple of Diana, coihthoti to the Messenians •od Lacedemonians, standing cm tht borders of both kin[j* drains. It was there, that the Messenians were accused of of- fering /iolence to some Spartan females ; and of killing Te- leculus, one of the Spartan kings, who interposed in their de^ fence. The Messenians^ on the other hand, denied the charge ; and averued that these supposed females, were young men, thus dressed up, with daggers under their clothes, and placed tiiere, by Telecuius, with an intent to surprise them. To the mutual resentment occasioned by this, another cause «^ animosity was soon afterwards added. Polychares, a Mes- •enian, who had won the prize in tlie Olympic games, let out jome cows to pasture to Euphaenus, a Lacedaemonian, who «v^as to pay himself for their keeping with a share of the in- crease. Euphaenus sold the cows, and pretended they were stolen from him. Polychares; sent his son, to deniand the money : but the Lacedaemonian, to aggravate his crime, kill- ed the young man, and persuaded his countrymen to give no redress. Polychares, therefore, undertook to dx> himself jus- tice, and killed all the Lacedaemonians that came in his way Expostulations passed, between both kingdonis, till at last th€ affair came to a general war, which was carried on for many yeai-s, with doubtful success. In this situation, the Messenians sent to consult the oracle of Delphos; which required the sacrifice of a virgin, of the family of iEpytus. Upon casting lots among the descendants of this prince, the chance fell upon the daughter of Lycisus : but, her paternity being doubtful, Aristodemus offered his daughter, whom all allowed to be his own. Her lover, how- ever, attempted to avert the blow, by asserting th^ she was pregnant by him; but her father was so enr^:ed, that he rip- ped her up, with his own hand, publicly, to vindicate her in- tiocence The enthusiasm which this sacrifice produced, served, foi^ a while, to give the Messenians the advantage; but, being at last overthrown and besieged in the city of Ithoe, Aristode- mus, finding all things desperate, slew himself, upon his daughter's grave. With him, fell the kingdom of Messenia ; not without a most obstinate resistance, and many a defeat of the Spartan army, which they held thus engaged for above twenty years. ... i_ n^ After a rigorous subjection of thirty-nine years, the Mes- senians, once more, made a vigorous struggle for freedomj headed by Aristomenes, a young man of great c^uragb and capacity. The success of the first engagement, was doubt- ful ; and the Lacedaemonians being advised by the oracle to send for a general from among the Athenians, this politic «ate >ent them Tyrtaeus, a poet and schoolmaster, whose 22 THE HISTORY chief business was to harangue and repeat his own verses The Spartans were little pleased with their new leader ; but their veneration for the oracle kept them obedient to his com- mands. Their success, however, did not seem to improve with their duty : they suffered a defeat from Aristomenes ; who, losing his shield in the pursuit, their total overthrow was prevented A second and a third defeat followed soon after; so that, the Lacedaemonians, quite dispirited, had thoughts of concluding a peace, upon any tei*ms ; but Tyrtaeus so inflamed them by his orations and songs in praise of mili- tary glory, that they resolved upon another battle ; in which, they were victorious ; and, shortly afterwards, Aristomenes was taken prisoner, in a skirmish, with fifty of his followers. The adventures of this hero deserve our notice. Being carried prisoner to Sparta, he was thrown into a deep dungeon, which had been used for the execution of malefactors, and his fifty soldiers with him. They were all killed, by the fall, ex- cept Aristomenes ; -who, finding a wild beast at the bottom, preying upon a carcass, he secured the animal's mouth, and continued to hold by the tail, until the beast made directly to its hole. There, finding the issue too narrow, he was obliged to let go his hold ; but, following the track with his eye, he perceived a glimmering from above, and at length wrought his way out. After this extraordinary escape, he repaired immediately to his troops ; and, at their head, made a successful sally by night, against the Corinthian forces. Nevertheless, he was once more, soon afterwards, taken by some Cretans ; but his keepers being made drunk, he stabbed them with their own daggers, and returned to his forces. But his single valour was not sufficient to avert the ruin of his country; although, with his own single prowess, he had thrice earned the Hecatomphonia, a sacrifice due to those who had killed one hundred of the enemy, hand to hand, in battle. The body of his forces being small, and fatigued with continual duty, the city of Eira, which he defended, was taken ; and the Messenians were obliged to take refuge with Anaxilas, a prince of Sicily. As for Tyrtaeus, the Lacedaemonians made him free . , . of their city, which was the highest honour they had «*„vj[* in their power to bestow. By the accession of the *^'*'*^' Messenian country to the territory of Sparta, this state be- came one of the most powerful of all Greece, and was sec- ond only to Athens, which state it always considered with an eye of jealousy. OF GREECE. CHAPTER HL 89 Of the CrGvemment of Athens^ the Laws of Solon, and the History of the Republic, from the time of Solon, to the commencement of the Persian war. We now return to Athens. Codrus, the last king of thi» state, having devoted himself for the good of his country, a magistrate, under the title of archon, was appointed to suc- ceed him. The first that bore this office, was Medon, the son of the late king; who, being opposed by his brother Nileus, was preferred by the oracle, and accordingly invested with his new dignity. This magistracy was at first for life ; it was soon reducctl to a period of ten years, and at last became an- nual ; and in this state it continued for nearly three hundred years. During this iliac tive government, little offers, to adorn the page of history ; the spirit of extensive dominion had not as yet entered into Greece, and the citizens were too much em- ployed in their private intrigues, to attend to foreign concerns. Athens, therefore, continued a long time incapable of enlarg ing her power; content M'ith safety, amidst the contending interests of aspiring potentates and factious citizens. A desire of being governed by written laws, at last made A M ^^^y ^^^ ^ ^^^ change in government. For more than * * a century, they had seen the good effects of laws in th* "^ ' regulation of the Spartan commonwealth ; and, as the/ were a more enlightened people, they expected greater ad- vantages from a new institution. In the choice, therefore, of a legislator, they pitched upon Draco ; a man of acknowledged wisdom and unshaken integrity; but rigid, even beyond hu man sufferance. It does not appear, that any state of Greece was jwssessed of written laws, before his time. However, he was not afraid to enact the most severe laws; which laid the same penalties on the most atrocious, and the most trifling offences. These laws, which punished all crimes with death, and which were said not to be written with ink, but with blood, were too cruel, fo be duly and justly administered. Sentiments of humanity in the judges, compassion for the accused, when his fault was not equal to his suffering, the unwillingness of witnesses to exact too cruel an atonement, their fears also of the resent- ment of the people ; all these, conspired to render the laws obsolete, before they couid well be put into execution. Thus, the new laws counteracted their own purpose ; and their ex- cessive rigour paved the way for the most dangerous impunity. JB4 THE HISTORIC It was in this distressful state of the commonwealth, thai Solon was applied to, for his advice and assistance, as th< wisest and justest man of all Athens. His great learning hud acquired him the reputation of being the first of the seven wise men of Greece ; and his known humanity procured him the love and veneration of every rank among his fellow-citizens. Solon was a native of Salamis, an island dependent on Athens ; but which had revolted, to put itself under the power of the Megareans. In attempting to recover this island, the Athenians had spent much blood and treasure ; until, at last, wearied out with such ill-success, a law was made, rendering it capital ever to advise the recovery of their lost possession. Solon, however, undertook to persuade them to another trial ; and, feigning himself mad, ran about the streets, using the most violent gestures and language ; but the purport of all was, upbraiding the Athenians for their remissness and ef- feminacy, in giving up their conquests in despair. lie acted his part so well, by the oddity of his manner, and the strength of his reasoning, that the people resolved upon anotlicr expedition against Salamis ; and, by a stratagem of liis contrivance, in which he introduced several young men upon tiue island, in women's clothes, the place was surprised, and added to the dominion of Athens. But this was not the only occasion on which he exhibited superior address and wisdom. At a time when Greece had carried the arts of eloquence, poetry, and government, higher than they had yet been seen among mankind, Solon was con- sidered as one of the foremost in each perfection. The sages of Greece, whose fame is still undiminished, acknowledged his merit, and adopted him as their associate. The correspondence between these wise men, was at onre instructive, friendly, and sincere. They were seven in num- ber ;— Solon of Athens, Thales the Milesian, Chilo of Lace- daemon, Pittacus of Mitylene, Periander of Corinth, Bias and Cleobolus, whose birth places arc not ascertained. Those sages often visited each other ; and their conversations gene- rally turned upon the methods of instituting the best form of govemment, or the arts of private happiness. One day, when Solon went to Miletos, to see Thales, the first thing he said was to express his surprise, that Thales had never desired to marry, or have children. Thales made him no answer, then, but, a few days afterwards, he contrived that a stranger, supposed to have just arrived from Athens should join their company. Solon, hearing whence the stran- ger came, was inquisitive after the news of his own city ; bul was onlv informed tliat a young man died there, for whom OF GREBCE. 25 the whole place was in the greatest affliction, as he was re- puted the most promising youth in all Athens. " Alas l*' cried Solon, " how much is the poor father of the youth to hf pitied I Pray, what was his name ?" " I heard the name," re plied the stranger, who was instructed for the occasion, " bui I have forgot it : I only remember that all people talked much of his wisdom and justice." Every answer afforded new matter of trouble and terror to the inquisitive father ; and he had just strength enough to ask, " if the youth was not tht^. son of Solon." " The very same," replied the stranger. A t which words, Solon showed all the marks of the most inconsolable distress. This was the opportunity which Thales Avanted ; who took him by the hand, and said to him, with a smile; " Comfort yourself, my friend ; all that has been told you is mere fiction, but may serve as a very proper answer to your question, why I never thought proper to marry." One day, at the court of Periander of Corinth, a question was proposed ; which was the most perfect popular govern- ment ? " That," said Bias, " where the law has no superior." *' That," said Thales, " where the inhabitants are neither too rich nor too poor." " That," said Anacharsis, the Scythian, "where virtue is honoured, and vice always detested." " That," said Cleobolus, " where the citizens fear blame, moi-e than punishment." " That," said Chilo, " where the laws are more regarded than the orators." Bul Solon's opinion seems to have the greatest weight, who said, " where an inju- ry done to the meanest subject, is an insult to the whole con- stitution." Upon a certain occasion, when Solon was conversing with Anacharsis, the Scythian philosopher, about his intended re- formation in the state ; " Alas !" cried the Scythian, " all your laws will be found to resemble spiders' webs : the weak and small flies will be caught and entangled, but the great and pow erful will always have strength enough to break through." Solon's interview with Croesus, king of Lydia, is still more celebrated. This monarch, who was reputed the richest of all Asia Minor, was willing to make an ostentatious display of his wealth, before the Greek philosopher ; and, after show- ing him immense heaps of treasure, and the greatest variety of other ornaments, he demanded Avhether he did not think the possessor the most happy of all mankind. " No," replieu Solon, "I know one man more happy, a poor peasant in Greece, who is neither in affluence or poverty, has but a few wants, and has learned to supply them by his laboui\" This answer was by no means agreeable to the vain men- 26 THE HISTORY I arch, who, by his question, only hoped for a reply that would lend to flatter his pride. Willing, therefore, to extort one still more favourable, he asked, " whether, at least, he did not think him happy ?" " Alas !" cried Solon, " what man can be pronounced happy, before he dies ?" The integrity and wisdom of Solon's replies, appeared in the event. The kingdom of Lydia was invaded by Cyrus, the empire destroyed, and Croesus himself taken prisoner. When he was led out to execution, according to the barbarous man- ners of the times, he then, too late, recollected the maxims of Solon ; aiid could not help crying out, when on the scaffold upon Solon's name : Cyrus, hearing him repeat the name, with great earnestness, was desirous of knowing the reason; and, being informed, by Croesus, of that philosopher's re- markable observation, he began to fear for himseli ; pardon- ed CrcEsus, and took him, for the future, into confidence and friendship. Thus, Solon had the merit of saving one king's life, and of reforming another. Such, was the man, to whom the Athenians applied for as- sistance, in reforming the severity of their government ; and instituting a just body of laws. Athens was, at this time, di- vided into as many factions, as there were different sorts of inhabitants in Attica. Those that lived on the mountains, were fond of exact equality ; those that lived in the low coun- try, were for the dominion of a few ; and those that dwelt on the sea coasts, and were consequently addicted to commerce, were for keeping those parties so exactly balanced, as to per- mit neither to prevail. But, besides these, there was a fourth party, by much the most numerous, consisting wholly of the poor; who were grievously harassed and oppressed by the rich ; and loaded with debts, which they were not able to dis- charge. This unhappy party, which, when they know their own strength, must ever prevail, were now determined to throw off the yoke of their oppressors ; and to choose them- selves a chief, who should make a reformation in govern ment, by making a new division of lands. As Solon had never sided with either, he was regarded as the refuge of all : the rich liking him, because he was rich : the poor, because he was honest. Though he was, at first, unwilling to undertake so dangerous an employment, he, at last, sufiiered himself tolDe chosen archon, and to be constitut- ed supreme legislator, with the unanimous consent of all This was a situation, in which nothing could be added to his power ; yet many of the citizens advised him to make him- self king : but he had too much wisdom, to seek after a name, which would render him obnoxious to many of his fellow citi OF GREECE. f lens, while he was, in fact, possessed of more than regal au- thority. A tyranny^ he would say, resembles a fair garden / 1/ is a beautiful spot while tee are within ; but it wants a way to gat out at. Rejecting, therefore, their desire for royalty, he resolved upon settling a form of government, that should be founded on the basis of just and reasonable liberty. Not venturing to med- dle with certain disorders which he looked upon as incurable, he undertook to bruig about no other alterations than such as were apparently reasonable to the meanest capacity. It was his aim, to give the Athenians, not the best possible consti- tution ; but the very best they were capable of receiving. His first attempt was, therefore, in favour of the poor; whose debts he abolished, at once, by an express law of insol- vency. But, to do this, with the least injury he could to the creditor, he raised the value of money, in a moderate propor- tion, by which he nominally increased their riches. But his management, on this occasion, had nearly produced very dan- gerous consequences ; for some of his friends, to whom the scheme had been pi-eviously communicated, took up vast sums of money while it was low, in order to be possessed of the difference when it became of greater value. Solon him self was suspected of being concerned m this fraud : but, to wipe off all suspicion, he remitted his debtors five, or as others say, fifteen talents ; and thus regained the confidence of the people. His next step, was to repeal all the laws enacted by Draco, except those against muvder. He then proceeded to the regu- lation of offices, employments, and magistracies; all which, he left in the hands of the rich. He distributed the rich citi zens into three classes ; ranging them according to their in comes. Those that were found to have five hundred mea sures yearly, as well in corn as in liquids, were placed in the first rank ; those that had three hundred, were placed in the second ; and those that had but two hundred, made up the third. All the rest of the citizens, whose income fell short of two hundred measures, were comprised in a fourth and last class ; and were considered as unqualified for any employ- ment whatever. But, to compensate for this exclusion, he gave every private citizen a privilege of voting in the great assembly of the whole body of the state. This, indeed, at first, might appear a concession of small importance: but, it wa', soon found to contain very solid advantages : for, by the laws Of' Athens, it was permitted, after the determination of the magistrates, to appeal to the general assembly of the pco- c 2 ! 88 THE HISTORY pic; and thus, in time, all causes of weight and moment ca'He before them. in some measure, to counteract the influence of a popular , assembly, he gave greater weight to the court of Areopagus ; and also instituted another council,consistingof four hundred, Tne Areopagus, so called from the place where the court was held, had been established some centuries before, but Solon restored and augmented its authority. To this court, was committed the care of causing the laws to be observed and put in execution. Before his time, the citizens of the great est probity and justice, were made judges of that tribunal. Solon was the first who thought it convenient that none should be honoured with that dignity but such as had passed through the office of archon. Nothing was so august as this court ; and its reputation for judgment and integrity became so very great, that the Romans, sometimes, referred causes, which were too intricate for their own decision, to the deter- mination of this tribunal. Nothing was regarded, here, but truth : that no external objects might prevent justice, the tri- bunal was held in darkness ; and the advocates were prohi- bited all attempts to work upon the passions of the judges Superior to this, Solon instituted the great council of foui hundred ; who were to judge upon appeals from the Areopa- gus; and maturely to examine every question, before it came to be debated in a general assembly of the people. Such, was the reformation in the general institutions, foi the good of the state. His particular laws, for dis{>ensin^ justice, were more numerous. In the first place, all persons who, in public dissentions and differences, espoused neithei party, but continued to act with ablameable neutrality, were declared infamous, condemned to perpetual punishment, and to have all their estates confiscated. Nothing could moio induce mankind fo a spirit of patriot ism, than this celebrated law. A mind, thus obliged to takf part in public concerns, loarns, from habit, to make those con rerns its principal care, and self-interest (,uickly sinks before thtm. By this method of accustoming the minds of the pea pic to look upon that man as an enemy, that should appeal indifferent and unconcerned in the misfortunes of the public he provided the state with a quick and general resource, iB every dangerous emergency. He next permitted every particular p>erson to espouse tlie quarrel of any one, that was injured or insulted. By this means, every person in the state became the enemy of him who did wrong; and the turbulent were thus overpowered by the number of their opponents. OF GREECE. 29 He abolished the custom of giving portions in marria|;e, with young women; unless they were only daughters. 'J'he bride was to carry no other fortune to her husband, than three suits of clothes, and some household goods of little value. It was his aim, to prevent making matrimony a traffic ; he con- sidered it as an honourable connexion, calculated for the mu- tual happiness of both parties, and the general advantages of the state. Before this lawgiver's time, the Athenians were not allow- ed to make their wills ; but the wealth of the deceased, natu- rally, and of course, devolved upon his children. Solon allowed every one that was childless, to dispose of his whole estate, as he thought fit; preferring, by that means, friendship to kin- dred, and choice to necessity and constraint. From this in- stitution, the bond between the parents and children becanie more solid and firm : it confirmed the just authority of the one, and increased the necessary dependence of the other. He made a regulation to lessen the rewards to the victors at the Olympic and Isthmian games, lie considered it as un- just, that a set of idle people, generally useless, often danger- ous to the state, should be allotted those rewards, which should go to the deserving. He wished to see those enioluments enjoyed by the widows and families of such as fell in the ser- vice of their country ; and to make the stipend of the state Honourable, by being conferred only upon the brave. To encourage industry, the Areopagus was charged with the care of examining into every man's method of living ; and of chastising all who led an idle life. The unemployed were considered as a set of dangerous and turbulent spirits, eager after innovation, and hoping to amend their fortunes from the plunder of the state. To discountenance all idleness, therefore, a son was not obliged to support his father in old age or necessity, if the latter had neglected giving him some trade or occupation. Illegitimate children were also exempt- ed from the same duty, as they owed little to their parents, except an indelible reproach. It was forbidden to give ill language in public; the magis- trates, who were not eligible till thirty, were to be particulai- 1 r circumspect in their behaviour ; and it was even death for an archon to be taken drunk. It is observable, that he made no law against parricide ; supposing it a crime that could never exist in any community. These were the chief institutions of this celebrated lawgiver; and, although neitner so striking, nor yet so well authorized, as those of Lycurgus, they did not fail to operate for several nuccceding ages ; and seemed to gather strength by observance 30 THE HISTORY After he had framed these institutes, his next care iras to i^ive them such notoriety, that none could plead ignorance. To this end, transcripts of them were hung up in the city, for every one to peruse ; while a set of magistrates, named thes- mothetae, were appointed, carefully to revise them ; and dis tinctly repeat them once a year. Then, in order to perpetu- ate the statutes, he engaged the people, by a public oath, to t>bserve them religiously, at least for the term of a hundred years : and, having thus completed the task assigned him, he withdrew from the city, to avoid the importunity of some, and the captious petulance of others. For, as he well knew, it was hard if not impossible, to please all. Solon, being thus employed on his travels, in visiting Egypt, Lydia, and several other countries, left Athens to become habituated to his new institutions ; and try, by experience, the wisdom of their reformation. But it was not easy for a city, long torn by civil dissensions, to yield implicit obedience to any laws, how wisely soever framed. Their former animosi ties began to revive, when the authority was removed, which alone could hold them in subjection. The factions of the state were headed by three different leaders, who inflamed the animosity of the people against each other ; hoping, by the subversion of all order, to indulge their own private hopes of aspiring. A person named Lycurgus, was at the head of the people who inhabited the low country; Pisistratus declar- ed for those who lived in the mountains ; and Megacles was the leader of the inhabitants upon the sea coast. Of these, Pisistratus was the most powerful. He was a well bred man ; of a gentle and insinuating behaviour ; ready to succour and assist the poor, whose cause he pretended to espouse. He was wise, and moderate to his enemies ; and was every way virtuous, except in his inordinate ambition, and being a most artful and accomplished dissembler. His ambition gave the appearance of possessing qualities which he really wanted : he seemed the most zealous champion for equality among the citizens, while he was accually meditating a change. The giddy multitude, caught by these appearances, were zealous in seconding his views ; and, without examining his motives, were driving headlong to tyranny and destruction. It was just at the eve of success, and upon the point of be- ing indulged in its utmost ambition, that Pisistratus had the mortification of seeing Solon return, after an absence of ten years; apprised of his designs, and willing to subvert his schemes. Sensible, therefore, of his danger, and conscious of the penetration of this great lawgiver, the aspiring dema- gogue used all his artifice to conceal his real designs ; andj OP GREECE. 31 r. ii while he flattered him in public, used every endeavour to bring over the people to second his own interests. Solon, at first, endeavoured to oppose art to his cunning; and to foil him at his own weapons. He praised him in his turn ; and was heard to declare, what might have l>een true ; that, excepting the immoderate ambition of Pisistratus, he knew no man of greater or more exalted virtues. Still, how- ever, he set himself to counteract his projects ; and to defeat his designs, before they were ripe for execution. But, in a vicious commonwealth, no assiduity can warn, no wisdom protect. Pisistratus still urged his schemes, with unabating ardour ; and every day made new proselytes, by his professions and his liberalities. At length, finding his schemes ripe for open action, he gave himself several wounds ; and, in that condition, with his body all bloody, he caused himself to be carried, in his chariot, to the market-place ; where, by his complaints and eloquence, he so inflamed the populace, that they considered him as the victim of their cause ; and as suffering such cruel treatment in their defence. An as- sembly of the people was, therefore, immediately convened ; from whom, he demanded a guard of fifty persons, for his future security. It was in vain, that Solon used all his authority and elo quence to oppose so dangerous a request. He considered his sufferings as merely counterfeited. He compared him to Ulysses, in Homer, who cut himself, with similar designs . but he alleged, that he did not act the part right; for the de- sign of Ulysses was to deceive his enemies ; but that of Pisis tratus was levelled against his friends and supporters. He upbraided the people with their stupidity ; telling them, that, for his own part, he had sense enough to see through his de sign, but they only had strength enough to oppose it. His exhortations, however, were vain : the party of Pisis- tratus prevailed ; and a guard of fifty men was appointed to attend him. This was all he aimed at; for now, having the protection of so many creatures of his own, nothing remained, but insensibly to increase their number. Thus, every day, his hirelings were seen to augment, while the silent fear of the citizens increased, in equal proportion. But it was now too late ; for, having raised a number to put him beyond the danger of a repulse, he at length seized upon the citadel, while none Avas left who had courage or conduct to oppose. In this general consternation, the result of folly on the one hand, and treachery on the other, the whole city was one scene of tumult and disorder ; some flying, others only complaJn* Vnj?, otherr preparing for slavery, with patient submission. I! n THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 3S Solon was the only man, who, without fear or shrinking, deplored the folly of the times, and reproached the Atheni. ans with their cowardice and treachery. " You might," said he, " with ease, have crushed the tyrant in the bud : but no- thing now remains, but to pluck him up by the roots." A*'- for himself, he had, at least, the satisfaction of havmg dis charged his duty to his country and the laws ; and, as for the rest, he had nothing to fear; and, now, upon the destruction of his country, his only confidence was in his great age, which gave him hopes of not being a long survivor. In fact, he did not survive the liberty of his country above two years : he died at Cyprus, in the eightieth year of his age, lamented and admired, by every state of Greece. Besides his skill in legislation, Solon was remarkable for several other shining qualifications. He understood eloquence, • in so high a degree, that, from him, Cicero dates the origin of eloquence in Athens. He was successful also in poetry; and Plato asserts, that it was only for want of due application, that he did not dispute the prize with Homer himself. The death of Solon served to involve Athens in new trou- bles and commotions. Lycurgus and Megacles, the leaders of the two opposite factions, uniting, drove Pisistratus out of the city; but he was soon after recalled by Megacles, who gave him his daughter in marriage. New disturbances arose. Pisistratus was twice deposed, and twice found means to reinstate himself; for he had art to acquire power, and moderation to maintain it. The mild- ness of his government, and his implicit submission to the laws, made the people forget the means by which he acquired his power; and, caught by his lenity, they overlooked his usurpation. His gardens and pleasure grounds were free to ■ all the citizens ; and he is said to have been the first who opened a public library at Athens. Cicero is of opinion, that Pisistratus first made the Athc- nians acquainted with the books of Homer ; that he disposed them in the order in which they now remain, and first caused them to be read, at the feast called Panathenaea. Being accused of murder, though it was in the time of his tyranny, he went, in person, to plead his cause, before the Areo- pagus ; where his accuser would not venture to appear. He was master of many excellent qualities ; and perverted them no farther, than as they stood in competition with empire Nothing could be objected to him, except his having greater power than the laws : but, by not exerting that power, he al- most reconciled the citizens to royalty. Upon these accounts, he was deservedly opposed to usurpers of fewer virtues • and I there seemed such a resemblance between him and a more successful invader of his country's freedom, that Julius Caesar was called the Pisistratus of Rome. Pisistratus, dying in tranquillity, transmitted the sovereign power to his sons, Hippias and Hipparchus. A passion for learning and its professors, had, for some time, prevailed in Athens ; and this city, which had already far outgone all its contemporsj-ies, in all the arts of refinement, seemed id sub- mit tamely to kings, who made learning their pride and their - profession. Anacreon, Simonides, and others, were invited to their courts, and richly rewarded. Schools were institu ted, for the improvement of youth in the learned professions; and Mercuries were set up, in all the highways, with moral sentences written upon them, for the instruction of the lowest vulgar. Their reign, however, lasted but eighteen years, and ended upon the following occasion. Harmodius and Aristogiton, both citizens of Athens, had contracted a very strict friendship for each other ; and re- solved to revenge the injuries which should be committed against either, with common resentment. Hipparchus being naturally amorous, seduced the sister of Harmodius ; and af- terwards published her shame, as she was about to walk in one of the sacred processions ; alleging, that she was not in a condition to assist at the ceremony. Such a complicated indignity naturally excited the resent ment of the two friends ; who formed a fixed resolution of de- stroying the tyrants, or falling in the attempt. Willing, how ever, to wait the most favourable opportunity, they deferred their purpose to the feast of the Panathanea, in which the ceremony required that all the citizens should attend in ar- mour. For their greater security, they admitted only a small num- ber of their friends into the secret of their design ; conceiv- ing, that, upon the first commotion, they should not want for abettors. Thus resolved, the day being come, they went early into the market-place, each armed with a dagger, and sted- fast to his purpose. , i • r i In the mean time, Hippias was seen issuing, with his fol- lowers, from the palace, to give orders, without the city, to the guards, for the intended ceremony. As the two fi lends continued to follow him at a little distance, they perceived one of those to whom they had communicated the design, talking very familiarly with him, which made them apprehend their plot was betrayed. Eager, therefore, to execute their designs, they were preparing to strike the blow, but recollected that the real aggressor would thus go unpuni'^hcd Thev oner I I I I S4 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 3S more, therefore, returned into the city, willing to begm their revenee upon the author of their indignities. Thev were not long in quest of Hipparchus : they met h m upInThdr leturn, a^d, rushing "P- W-' ^espatch^d hi« with their daeirers ; but were, soon afterwards, themselves Sn in the umult. Hippias, hearing of what was done, to pitve U farther disorders, got all those disarmed whom he ir Thelcast suspected of being privy to the design; and then "' AmoS t"r&s of the late assertors of freedom, was one Leona, a courtezan, who, by ^e charms of her beauty, an I her skill in playing on the harp, had capUvatcd some ol the conspi ators%.d was supposed to be deeply engaged in Ihe desl™. As the tyrant, lor such the late attempt had rendered^im, was conscious that nothing was concea ed from lbs woman, he ordered her to be put to the torture, in order to extort the names of the accomplices. But she bore all the cruelty of their torments, with invincible constancy ; and, lest she sh'^uld, in the agony of her pain, be induced to a confes- sion, she bit off her own tongue, aiul spit it m the tyrant s face In' this manner, she died, faithful to the cause of libert> ; showing the world a remarkable example of constancy in her sex The Athenians would not suffer the memory of so heroic abaction' to pass into oblivion. They erected a statue to her memo.°;^n which, a lioness was represented without a tongu^^ In the mean time Hippias put no bounds to his mdipation. A rebellious people ever makes a Suspicious tyrant. Numbers of citizens were put to death ; and, to guard h™self,for he future, av-ainst a like enterprise, he endeavoured to establish 1 is powi:- by foreign alliances. He gave his daughter in mar- vlJ^ to the son of the tyrant of Lampsacus; hei^-'^^tel a correspondence with Artaphei-nes, governor of Sardis; and endeavoured to gain the friendship of the Lacedemonians, who were then the most powerful people of Greece. But he was supplanted in those very alliances from which he hoped the greatest assistance. The family of the A cmae- onidx, who, from the beginning of the revolution, had been banished from Athens, endeavoured to undermine his inter- ests at Sparta; and they at length succeeded. Possessed of Kreat riches, and being also very liberal in their distribution amonir o;her public services, they obtained liberty to rebuild the temple at Delphos, which they fronted, in a most magni- ficeut manner, with Parian marble. So noble a mumficence was not without a proper acknowledgment of gratitude, from the priestess of Apollo ; who, willing to oblige them, made her oracle the echo of their desires. i As tliere was nothing, therefore, which this family so ar- dently desired as the downfal of regal power in Athens,^thc priestess seconded their intentions ; and, whenever the Spar- tans came to consult the oracle, no promise was ever made of the gods' assistance, but upon condition that Athens should be set free. This order was so often repeated by the oracle, that the Spartans at last resolved to obey. Their first at- tempts weie, however, unsuccessful: the troops they sent against the tyrant were repulsed with loss. A second effort succeeded. Athens was besieged ; and the children of Hip pias were made prisoners, as they were secretly conveyed to a place of safety out of the city. To redeem these from sla- very, the father was obliged to come to an accommodation ; by which, he consented to give up his pretensions to his sove- reign power ; and to depart out of the Athenian territories, in five days. Thus, Athens was once more set free from its tyrants ; and ol)tained its liberty the very same year that the kings were ^ expelled from Rome. The family of Alcmaeon Avere ^' . chiefly instrumental ; but the people seemed fonder ol ^^^^' acknowledging their obligations to the two friends who struck the first blow. . The names of Harmodius and Aristogilon were held in the highest respect, in all succeeding ages ; and scarcely con- sidered inferior even to the gods themselves. Their statues were erected in the market-place ; an honour, which had nev- er been rendered to any before ; and, gazing upon these, the people caught a love for freedom ; and a detestation for ty- ranny, which neither time nor terrors could ever after remove. CHAPTER IV. a short Survey of the State of Greece^ previous to the Persum War. Hitherto, we have seen the states of Greece in constant fluctuation ; different states rising, and others disappearing j one petty people opposed to another, and both swallowed up by a third. Every city emerging from the ancient form of government, which was originally imposed upon it ; and, by degrees, acquiring greater freedom. We have seen the ii> troduction of written laws ; and the benefits they produced, by giving stability to government. During these struggles for power, among their neighbour- ing states, and for freedom at home, the moral sciences, the arts of eloquence, poetry, and arms, were making a rapiJ S6 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 37 progress among them : and those institutions which they ori ginally borrowed from the Egyptians, were every day receiv- ing signal improvements. As Greece was now composed of several small republics, bordering upon each other, and differing in their laws, char- acters, and customs, this was a continual source of emulation : and every city was not only desirous of warlike superiority but also of excelling in all the arts of peace and refinement Hence, they were always under arms; and continually exer cised in war : while their philosophers and poets travelleo from city to city; and, by their exhortations and songs, warmed them with a love of virtue, and with an ardour of military glory. These peaceful and military accomplishments raised them to their highest pitch of grandeur ; and they now wanted only an enemy worthy of their arms, to show the world their su- periority. The Persian monarchy, the greatest, at that time, in the world, soon offered itself as their opponent ; and the contest ended with its total subversion. But as Greece was continually changing, not only its gov- ernment, but its customs ; as, in one century, it presented a very diiferent picture from what it offered in the preceding it will be necessary to take a second view of this confederacy of little republics, previous to their contests with Persia: as by comparing their strength with that of their opponent, we shall find how much wisdom, discipline, and valour, are si. perior to numbers, wealth, and ostentation. Foremost, in this confederacy, we may reckon the city of Athens, commanding the little state of Attica; their whole dominions scarcely exceeding the largest of our English counties, in circumference. But, what was wanting in ex- tent, was made up by the citizens being inured to war, and impressed with the highest ideas of their own superiority. Their orators, their philosophers, and their poets, had already given lessons of politeness to mankind ; and their generals, though engaged only in petty conflicts with their neighbours, had begun to practise new stratagems in war. There were three kinds of inhabitants in Athens : citizens, strangers, and servants. Their number usually amounted to twenty-one thousand citizens, ten thousand strangers, and from forty to sixty thousand servants. A citizen could only be such, by birth, or adoption. To be a natural citizen of Athens, it was necessary to be born of a father and mother, both Athenians, and both free. The people could confer the freedom of the city upon strangers: and those whom the" had so adopted, enjoyed almost the same rights and '|| privileges as the natural citizens. The quality of a citizen of Athens, was sometimes granted, in honour and gratitude, to those who meritexl well of the state ; as to Hippocrates, the physician : and even kings sometimes canvassed that ti- tle for themselves and Mieir children. When the young men attained thr age of twenty, they were enrolled upon the list of citizens, after having-taken an cath ; and, in virtue of this, they became members of the state. Strangers, or foreigners, who came to settle at Athens, for the sake of commerce, or of exercising any trade, had no share in government, nor votes in the assemblies of the people. They put themselves under the protection of some citizen ; and, upon that account, were obliged to render him certain duties and services. They paid a yearly tribute to the state, of twelve drachmas ; and, in default of payment, were made slaves, and exposed to sale. Of servants, tliere were some free, and otliers slaves, who had been taken in war, or bought of such as trafficked in them. The Athenians were as remarkable for their lenity to these unhappy men, as the Spartans were noted for their severitjT and cruelty. There was even an asylum for slaves, where the oones of Theseus had been interred ; and that asylum sub- sisted for nearly two thousand years. When slaves were treated with too much rigour and inhu- manity, they might bring their masters to justice : who, if the fact were sufficiently proved, were obliged to sell them to another master. They could even ransom themselves against their master's consent, when they had laid up money enough for that purpose; for, out of what they got by their labour, after having paid a certain proportion to their masters, they kept the remainder for themselves ; and made a stock of it at their own disposal. Private persons, when they were satis- fied with their services, often gave them their liberty ; and, when the necessity of the times obliged the state to make their greatest levies, they were enrolled among the troops ; and from thence were ever after free. The annual revenues of this city, according to Aristophanes, amounted to two thousand talents, or about three hundred thousand pounds sterling. They were generally gathered from the taxes upon agriculture ; the sale of woods ; the pro- duce of mines ; the contributions paid them by their allies ; a capitation, levied upon the uihabitaiits of the country, as well natives as strangers ; and from fines laid upon dififerent misdemeanors. The application of tnese revenues was in paying the troops, both by land and sea • building and fitting out fleets ; keeping r 38 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 39 up and repairing temples, walls, ports, citadels, and other public buildings. But, in the decline of the republic, the greater part was consumed in frivolous expenses, games, feasts, and shows ; which cost immense sums, and were of no manner of utility to the state. But the greatest glory of Athens, was its being the schoo- and abode of polite learning, arts, and sciences. The study of boetry, eloquence, philosophy, and mathematics, began there and brought these branches almost to their utmost perfection The young people were sent first to leani grammar, under masters, who taught them regularly, and upon the principles of their own language. Eloquence was studied with still greater attention ; as, in that popular government, it opened the way to the highest employments. To the study of rhetoric, was annexed that of philosophy, which comprised all the sciences ; and in these there were many masters, very conversant, but, as is common, their vanity was still greater than their pretensions. All the subordinate states of Greece, seemed to make Athens the object of their imitation ; and, though inferior to it upon the whole, yet each produced great scholars, and re- markable warriors, in its turn. Sparta, alone, took example from no other state ; but, still rigorously attached to the in- stitutions of its great lawgiver, Lycurgus, it disdained all the arts of peace, which, while they polished, served to enervate, the mind ; and, formed only for war, it looked forward to campaigns and battles, as scenes of rest and tranquillity. All the laws of Sparta, and all the institutions of Lycur gus, seemed to have no other object, than war ; all other em ployments, arts, polite learning, sciences, trades, and even husbandry itself, were prohibited amongst them. The citizens of Lacedaemon were of two sorts ; those who inhabited the city of Sparta, and, who, for that reason, were called Spartans ; and those who inhabited the country depen- oent thereon. Id the times of Lycurgus, the Spartans amount- ed to nine thousand men ; the countrymen to thirty thousfcrtd. This number was rather diminished than increased, in suc- ceeding times ; but it still composed a formidable body, that often gave laws to the rest of Greece. The Spartan soldiers, properly so called, were considered as the flower of the nation ; and we may judge of their esti- mation, by the anxiety the republic expressed, when three hun- dred of them were once taken prisoners by the Athenians. But, notwithstanding the great valour of the Spartan state, it was formed rather for a defensive, than an offensive war. It was always careful to spare its own troops; and, as it had vtiy little money, was not in a capacity to send its armies upon distant expeditions. The armies, both of Sparta and Athens, were composed of four sorts of troops : citizens, allies, mercenaries, and slaves. The greater number of troops in the two republics, were composed of allies, who were paid by the cities that sent them. Those which received pay from their employers, wei*e styled mercenaries. The number of slaves attending on eve- ry army was very great ; and the Helotes in particular were employed as light infantry. The Greek infantry consisted of two kinds of soldiers ; the one heavy armed, and carrying great shields, spears, and scimi- tars ; the other light armed, carrying javelins, bows, and slings. These were commonly placed in the front of the battle, or upon the wings, to shoot their arrows, or fling their javelins and stones at the enemy, and then retire through the intervals be- hind the ranks, to dart out occasionally, upon the retiring enemy. The Athenians were almost strangers to cavalry; and the Lacedaemonians did not begin the use till after the Wdr with Messena. They raised their horse principally in a small city, not far from I^acedaemon, called Sciros ; and they were al- ways placed on the extremity of the left wing; which post they claimed as their rightful station. But, to recompense this defect of cavalry, the Athenians, in naval affairs, had a great superiority over all the states of Greece. As they had an extensive sea coast, and, as the pro- fession of a merchant was held reputable among them, their navy increased ; and was at length sufficiently powerful, to intimidate the fleets of Persia. Such, were the two states, which, in some measure, engross- ed all the power of Greece to themselves; and, though seve- ral petty kingdoms still held their governments in indepen- dence, yet they owed their safety to the mutual jealousy of these powerful rivals ; and always found shelter from the one, against the oppressions of the other. Indeed, the dissimilari- ty of their habits, manners, and education, served as well to divide these two states, as their political ambition. The Lacedaemonians were severe, and seemed to have something almost brutal in their character. A government too rigid, and a life too laborious, rendered their tempers haughtily sullen and untractable. The Athenians were, naturally, obliging and agreeable, cheerful among each other, and humane to \u:cir inferiors : but they were restless, unequal, timorous fiftends. and ct^ri* cious protectors. Ft > 40 THE HISTORY Hence, neither republic could sufficiently win over th» smaller states of Gi eece to their interests ; and, although then ambition would not suffer the country to remain in repos^ vet their obvious defects were always a bar to the spreadmg of their dominion. Thus, the mutual jealousy of these states kept them both in constant readiness for war, while then common defects kept the lesser states independent. CHAPTER V. From the Expulsion of Hippins, to the Death of Danus, It was in this disposition of Athens and Sparta, and of the lesser states, their neighbours, that the Persian monarchy be- can to interest itself in their disputes ; and made itselt an urn- pire in their contentions for liberty, only to seize upon the lib- erties of all. It has been already related, that Hippias being besieired in Athens, and his children being taken pris^oners: in o-der to release them, he consented to abdicate the sov- ereiin. power, and to leave the dominion of Athens m hvt days Athens, however, in recoviM-ing its liberty, did not en- iov that tranquillity, which freedom is thought to bestoNV. Two of the principal citizens, Calisthenes, a favourite ui the people, and Isagoras, who was supported by the rich, be- jran to contend for that power, which they had, but a Utile before, joined in depressing. The former, who was become very popular, made an alteration in the form of their estab lishment; and, instead of four tribes, whereof they before con sisted, enlarged their number to ten. He also instituted the giving of votes by Ostracism, as it was called. The manner of performing this, was for every citizen, not under sixty years old, to give in a name, written upon a tile, or oystershell, (whence the method of voting had its name) and he upon whom the majority fell, was pro- nounced banished for ten years. These laws, evidently cal- culated to increase the power of the people, were so displea- sing to Isagoras, that, rather than submit, he had recourse to Cleomenes king of Sparta, who undertook to espouse his quarrel. In fact, the Lacedaemonians only wanted a favour- able pretext for lessening and destroying the power of Athens, which, in consequence of the command of the oracle, they had so lately rescued from tyranny. ,. .j , Cleomenes, therefore, availing himself of the divided state of the city, entered Athens, and procured the banishment of Calisthenes, with seven hundred families more, who had si- *>od with him in the latr. commotions. Not contend with thi OF GREECE. 41 ■ r ne endeavoured to new model the state; but, being strongly opposed by the senate, he seized upon the citadel ; whence, however, in two days he was obliged to retire. Calisthenes, perceiving the enemy withdrawn, returned, with his follow- ers; and, 'finding it vain to make any further attempts ior pov/er, restored the government, as settled by Solon. In ihe mean time, the Lacedemonians, repenting the ser- vices they had rendered their rival state, and perceiving the impost ire of the oracle, by which they were thus impel- led to act agahist their own interests, began to think of reinstat ing Hippias on the throne. But, previous to this attempt, thev judged it prudent to consult the subordinate states o. Greece, and to see what hopes they had of their concurrence and approbation. Nothing, however, could be more morti- fying than the universal detestation with which their propo- sal was received, by the deputies of the states of Greece. The deputy of Corinth expressed the utmost indignation at the design ; and seemed astonished, that the Spartans, who were the avowed enemy of tyrants, should thus espouse the interests of one noted for cruelty and usurpation. 1 he rest of the states warmlv seconded his sentiments, and the La- cedaemonians, covered with confusion and remorse abandon- ed Hippias and- his cause for ever after. _ Hippias, being thus frustrated in his hopes of exciting the Gree.vs to second his pretensions, was resolved to have re- course to one who was considered as a much more powerful patron. Wherefore, taking his leave of the Spartans, he ap- plied himself to Artaphernes, governor of Sardis, for the king of Persia ; whom he endeavoured, by every art, to engage m a war against Athens. He represented to him the divided state of the citv ; he enlarged upon its riches, and the happi- ness of its situation for trade : he added the ease with which it might be taken, and the glory that would attend success Influenced by these motives, the pride and the avarice ot tha Persian court were inflamed, and nothing was so ardently sought, as a pretext of a dispute with the Athenians. When, therefore, that city sent to the Persian court to vinaicate their proceedings, alleging that Hippias deserved no counte- nance from so great a people ; the answer returned was. That if the Athenians would be safe, they must admit Hippias Jor their 'Athens, having so lately thrown off the yoke, had too live- Iv a sense of its past calamities, to accept safety, upon such base conditions : and resolved to suffer to the last extremity, rather than open its gates to a tyrant Wh^n Artaphernes, therefore, demanded the restoration of Hippias, the Athenians 42 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 4S I boldly returned hiw a direct and absolute refusal. From this, arose the war between Greece and Persia; one of the most glorious, and the most remarkable, that ever graced the annals of kingdoms. But there were more causes than one, tending to make a breach between these powerful nations, and produce an irre- concilable aversion for each other. The Greek colonies of Io- nia, iEolia, and Caria, that were settled for above five hundred years in Asia Minor, were at length subdued by Croesus, king of Lydia ; and he, in turn, sinking under the power of Cyrus, his conquests of course fell in with the rest of his dominions The Persian monarch, thus possessed of a vastly extensive territory, placed governors over the several cities that were ^us subdued ; and, as men bred up in a despotic court, Avere likely to imitate the example set them at home, it is most probable they abused their power. Be this as it may, in all the Greek cities, they were called tyrants ; and, as these littk states had not yet lost all idea of freedom, they took ever) oppoi tunity to recover their liberty, and made many bold, but unsuccessful struggles, in that glorious cause. The Ionian) particularly, who bore the greatest sway among them, let no occasion slip, which promised the smallest hopes of shaking off the Persian yoke. That which favoured their designs, upon the present occa- sion, was the expedition of Darius into Scythia; into which country, he sent a numerous army, laying a bridge over the rivei Isther for that purpose. The lonians were apoointed to guard this important pass ; but were advised, by Mlltiades whom we shall afterwards find performing nobler exploits, to break down the bridge, and thus cut oif the Persian retreat The lonians, however, rejected his counsel ; and Darius re turned with his army into Europe, where he added Thrace and Macedon to the number of his conquests. Histizus, the tyrant of Miletus, and the person who op- posed the advice of Miltiades, being of an ambitious and in- iriguing disposition, was willing to lessen the merit of all his contemporaries, in order to enhance his own : but he was de- ceived in his expectations of success: from these schemes, Dari- us, justly suspecting his fidelity, took him with him to Susa^ under pretence of using his friendship and advice, but in re- ality of preventing his future machinations at home. But Histiaeus saw too clearly the cause of his detention, which he regarded as a specious imprisonment ; and therefore took every opportunity of secretly exciting the lonians to a revolt hoping that be himself might, one day, be sent to bring thein lo remson. Aristagoras was, at that time, statesman's deputy at Mile- tus, and received the instructions of his master to stir up the Ionian cities to revolt with the utmost alacrity. From a late failure of this general upon Naxos, his credit was ruined at the Persian court ; and no alternative remained for him, but to com- ply with the advice of Histiaeus, in exciting a revolt ; and of trying to place himself at the head of a new confederacy. The first step Aristagoras took, to engage the affections of the lonians, was to throw up his power in Miletus, where he was deputy, and to reinstate that little place in all its formei freedom. He then made a journey through all Ionia, where by his example, his credit, and perhap? his menaces, he in- duced every other governor to imitate his example. They all complied the more cheerfully, as the Persian power, since the check it had received in Scythia, was the •ess able to punish their revolt, o** to protect them in their continued attachment. Having thus united all these little states by the consciousness of one common off*ence, he then threw off" the mask, declaring himself at the head of the con- federacy, and bid defiance to the power of Persia. To enable himself to carry on the war with more vigour, ne went, in the beginning of the following year, to Lacedaimon, in order to engage that state in his interests ; and incite it to a war with a power, that seemed every day to threaten the general liberty of Greece. Cleomenes was at that time king of Sparta ; and to him Aristagoras applied for assistance, in what he represented as the common cause. He represented to him, that the lonians and Lacedaemoni- ans were countrymen ; that it would be for the honour of Spar- ta to concur with him in the design he had formed for resto- ring the lonians to their liberty ; that the Persians were ener- vated by luxury ; that their riches would serve to reward the conquerors, while nothing was so easy as their overthrow Considering the present spirit of the lonians, it would not be difficult, he said, for the victorious Spartans to carry theii arms even to the gates of Susa,the metropolis of the Persian empire ; and thus give laws to those who presumed to call themselves the sovereigns of the world. Cleomenes desired time to consider this proposal ; and be mg bred up in Spartan ignorance, demanded how far it was from the Ionian sea to Susa ? Aristagoras, without considering the tendency of the question, answered, that it might be 9 journey of three months. Cleomenes made no ansM-er, but, turning his back upon so great an adventurer, gave orders, that, before sunset, he should quit the city Still, however, Aristagoras follow^ed him to his house; und, finding the in 44 THE IHSTOlllf > HRcacT of his eloquence, tried what his ofiers of wealth could do. lie idl first wfiered him ten talents; he then raised the ■uni to fifteen ; and it is unknown what effect such a large «um nii^ht have had upon the Spartan, had not his daughter a child of nine years old, who was accidentally present at the propos;^!, cried out, Fty fiiiher, or this stranger will comtpt you, Ihi^ advice, ^iven in the moment of suspense, prevailed: Cleomrnes refused his bribes; and Aristagoras went to sut at other cities, where eloquence was more honoured, and wealth more alluring. Athens was a city where he expected a more favourable reception. Nothing could be more fortunate for his interests than his arrival, at the very time they had received the pe- remptory message from the Persians, to admit their tyrant, or to fear the consequences of their disobedience. The Athe- bians were, all in an uproar ; and the proposal of Aristagorai met with the most favourable reception. It was much easier to impose upon a multitude, than a single person : the whole body of citizens engaged immediately to furnish twenty ships, to a^st his designs ; and, to these, the Eretrians and Eubae- ana added five more. Aristagoras, thus supplied, resolved to act with vigour; and, iiaving collected all his forces together, set sail for Ephesus : wkKtr^ leaving his fleet, he entered the Persian frontiers, and marched to Sardis, the capital city of Lydia. Artaphernes, who resided there as the Persian viceroy, finding the city un- tenable, i*esolved to secure hii.iself in the citadel, which he knew could not easily be forced. As most of the houses of this city were built with reeds, and consequently very combustible, one of the houses being set on fire by an Ionian soldier, the iamct quickly spread to all the rest. Thus, the whole town was quickly reduced to ashes, and numbers of the inhabitants slain. But the Persians were soon avenged for this unnecessary cruelty ; for, either recovering themselves from their former panic, or being reinforced by the Lydians, they charged the lunians in a body, and drove them back, with great slaughter. The pursuit was continued even as far as Ephesus ; where the vanquished and the victors arriving together, a great carnage easued ; and but a small part of the routed army escaped which took shelter aboard the fleet, or in the neighbouring cities. Other defeats followed this; and the Athenians, intimidat ed by such a commencement of ill success, could not be per- •aiaded to continue the war. The Cyprians were obliged c< more to submit to the Persian yoke. The lonians lost re of their towns, one after another; and Aristagora« OF GREECE. 45 apng *rAo fhrace, was cui oif, by the inhabitants, with all his torces. In the mean time, Histiaeus, who was the original cause of all these misfortunes, finding that he began to be suspected in Persia, left that court, under a pretence of going to quell those troubles, which he had all along secretly fomented : but his duplicity of conduct rendered him now suspicious to both parties. Artaphernes, the Persian viceroy, plainly accused him ot treachery ; while his own Milesians refused to admit him as their master. Thus wavering, uncertain, and not knowing where to turn having picked up a few scattered remains of the routed ar' mies, he fell in with Harpagus, one of the Persian generals who routed his forces, and made Histiaeus himself a prison- er. Being sent to Artaphernes, that inhuman commander immediately caused him to be crucified ; and ordered his head to be sent to Darius, who received the present with that di gust which evinced his superior humanity. He wept over it, with a friendly sorrow ; and ordered that it should receive honourable interment. In the mean time, the affairs of the Ionian confederacy eve- ry day became more desperate. The Persian generals, find ing that Miletus was the city on which they chiefly depended resolved to march thither, with all their forces ; concluding' that having taken that city, all the rest would submit, of course. The lonians, having intelligence of this design, de- termined, in a general assembly, to make no opposition by land wheie the Persians were too powerful ; but to fortifv Miletus' and exert all their efforts by sea, where they hoped for Mie advantage, from their superior skill in naval evolutions. They accordingly assembled a fleet of three hundi-ed ships, at a little island over against Miletus ; and, on the superiority of this fleet, they placed their whole reliance. But the Per- sian gold effected, what their arms were unable to compass. 1 heir emissaries having secretly debauched the greater part of the confederates, and engaged them to desert, when the two fleets came to engage, the ships of Samos, Lesbos, and several other places, sailed off, and returned to their ovm country. Thus, the remaining part of the fleet, which did not amount to more than a hundred ships, was quickly over- powered, and a!most totally destroyed. After this, the city of Miletus was besieged, and was easily taken. All the other cities, as well on the continent as among the islands, were forced to return to their duty. Those who continued obstinate, were treated with great severity. The handsomest of the young men were chosen to serve in 44 THE HISTORY y efficacy of his eloquence, tried what his offers of wealth could do. He at first t»ffered him ten talents ; he then raised the sum to hfteen; and it is unknoxrn what effect such a laret *um might have had upon the Spartan, had not his daughter a chiJd of nine years old, who was accidentally present at the proposal, cried out, Fly faihtr, or this stranger wiU corrxipt you, J his advice, Mven m the moment of suspense, prevaUed: Ueomenes reused his bribes; and Aristagoras went to sut - at other ciUes where eloquence was more honoured, and wealth more alluring. Athens wa^ a city where he expected a more favourable reception. Nothing could be more fortunate for his interests than his arrival, at the very time they had received the pe- remptory message from the Persians, to admit their tyraVu or to fear the consequences of their disobedience. The Athe' mans were all in an uproar ; and the proposal of Aristagorai met with the most favourable reception. It was much easier to impose upon a multitude, than a single person : the whole body of citizens engaged immediately to furnish twenty ships. II t!lf ]"« ^^"'^^J ^^» t« these, the Eretrians and Eub«. ans added five more. Aristagoras, thus supplied, resolved to act with vigour; and, having collected all his forces together, set sail for Ephesus • ma'^rh^dT^^ ';' 'r' '^ .^'^^^^^ theVersian fronZers, ^'i who r. -^ /r^*''' the capital city of Lydia. Artaphe^nes, t^nll", '*'!.''" ^' '^^^ ^^^^^^"^ viceroy, finding the city un.' tenable, resolved to secure hiiaself in the citadel, which he knew could not easily be forced. As most of the hoises of this city were built with reeds, and consequently very combustible one of the houses being set on fire by an Ionian soldier, the flames quickly spread to all the rest. Thus, the whole town was quickly reduced to ashes, and numbers of the inhabitants slain. r..7.it f P*^'*?^^"^ ^ere soon avenged for this unnecessary cruelty ; for, either recovering themselves from their former panic, or bemg remforced by the Lydians, they charged the lonians m a body, and drove them back, with great slaughter 1 he pursuit was continued even as far as Ephesus ; where the vanquished and the victors arriving together, a great carnage ensued; and but a small part of the%outed ^y escaped^ erne's ^^""^^ ^^^ ^""^^^ '''' '" ^^^ neighbouring Other defeats followed this; and the Athenians, intimidat cd by such a commencement of ill success, could not be per. • suaded to continue the war. The Cyprians were obliVed ce more to submit to the Persian yoke. The lonians hu re of their towns, one after another; and Aristago-»« ^' op GREECE. 45 i Rrcis"* '^"^ *" "'"' ''^' ^^ "^ i^habiunte, with .fl In the meai time, Histiaeas who was the original caose of A^^tilul f ? ^ *" *'°"S^ secreUy fomented : but his duplicity of conduct rendered him now suspicious to boS parues Artaphemes, the Persian viceroy, pS a °c^ ^m i ^'^ZL:.'''' "^ °^ Milesians^Pf Je^^ t^S Thus wavering, uncertain, and not knowing where to turn ^i^'J^. . ^ K " 7"^ Harp^s, one of the Persian generaU^ who routed h,s forces, and made Histiseus himself fpri^n^ er. Being sent to Artaphemes, that inhuman comSer gust whkh evfn^Ti;'' ° '^^^"l^ '^^ P"=^"' ''''^ «»>»' ^i i?f h r r • !,y"'=«*' •"« superior humanity. He w«nt over it. hol^SetLreT' "*"' °-'^"^'' ^^' '^ ^""""5 recTi;^ rv^L'^tT""^ ''""'' "J^ ^'^*^" "'■ *« Ionian confederacy eve- iL flT hSrT' """^ desperate. The Persian generals, fii^d ins hat Miletus was the city on which they chilfly depended resolyed to march thither, with all their forces; concrdtng t?mi^;H ^ ""'"f' •**'■'"» •nt'^'ligence of this design, de- whSe thi P '^ ^""■*' assembly, to make no opposition b^land wheie the Persians were too powerful ; but to fortify Milet , ^Im^^i-' """■: '^ff-''' by'^sea, whe're they hope'd for -he advantage, from their superior skill in naval evolutions .f tuZ *P":°'^«&'y assembled a fleet of three hundml shins at a little island over against Miletus; and, on the superiority' sian gold effected, what their arms were unable to compasr Their emissaries having secretly debauched the greate^'Trt °io fleerrfm^T' ''"•' *="&^^1..^»'em '<> ^eserl when^hi sTverll ^.h 1 ^"S^ST' ">« ^h'PS of Samos, Lesbos, and ^In^v Thu^T"' '""'•^•°'^' '«'' '^'"""''' '<> their 'o,^ country. Thus, the remaining part of the fleet whirh HiH no amount to more than a bundled ships, tasjicklytt^ powered, and a!most totally destroyed ^ "'X """-o tak'^n Au'ft "II °^ -'^ ■'"" ""^ "^"''S^d, and was easily amo^;.fl^ .1 ^'"' r""*': »' '^'" °" ">« <^ontinent a. among the islands, were forced to return to their duty Those who continued obstinate, wei^ treated with ^at^severit^ The handsomest of the young men were chosin to ^Vve S, 46 THE HISTORY ! i the king's palace, and the young women were all sent into Persia. Th IS, ended the revolt of the lonians, which continued six ypars. from its first breaking out, under Aristagoras; and tills was the third time the lonians were obliged to undergo the yoke of foreign dominion ; for they inherited a natural -^u U'^^^°"™' ^^'^^^^ a" tl^e Greeks were known to possess. A • "^^f ^^s*^"s, having thus subdued the greater part of Asia Minor, began to look towards Europe, as offering con- quests worthy their ambition. The assistance given the loni- ans by the Athenian fleet, and the refusal of that state to admit Hippias as their king; the taking of Sardis, and the contempt they testified for the Persian power; were all suffi- cient motives for exciting the resentment of that empire • and for marking out all Greece for destruction. ' Darius, therefore, in the twenty-eighth year of his reign, having recalled all his other generals, sent Mardonius, the son ot Gobrias, a young nobleman who had lately married one oi the king's daughters, to command in chief throughout all the maritime parts of Asia ; and particularly to revenfje the burmng of Sardis. This was an offence which that mon- arch seemed particularly to resent ; and, from the time of that conflagration, he had given orders for one of his attend- ants every time he sat down to table, to cry out, Bemember the Jithenians. Mardonius, willing to second his master's animosity, quick- ly passed into Thrace, at the head of a large arm/, and so terrified the inhabitants of that country, that they yielded implicit obedience to his power. From thence, he set sail for Macedonia ; but, his fleet attempting to double the cape ol Mount Athos, in order to gain the coasts of that country was attacked by so violent a tempest, that upwards of three hundred ships were sunk, and above twenty thousand men perished in the sea. His land army, that took the longest way about, met, at the same time, with equal distresses : being encamped in a place of no security, the Thracians attacked them by niijht and made a great slaughter. Mardonius himself was wound' ed, and, finding his army unable to maintain the field, return- ed to the Persian court, covered with grief and confusion ; having miscarried both by sea and land. But the ill success of one or two campaigns, was not suf- hcient to abate the resentment, or the ardour, of the king of Persia. Possessed, as he was, of resources almost inexhaus- lible, wealth without end, and armies that seemed to increase Irom defeat, he only grew more determined from every re- f OF GREECE. 47 pulse, and doubled lus preparations, in proportion to his for- mer failures He now perceived, that'^thi youth and inc:^ perience of Mardonius were unequal to so great an under taking: he therefore displaced him, and appointed h. nU stead, two generals, Datis, a Mede, U ArtaXrnes.'the so^ of him who was late governor of Sardis. ' His thoughts were earnestly bent on attackinu Greece wi h all h,s forces: he wished to take a signal reve^n^^ u»o„' A hens, which he considered as the principal cau l^ of ' he late revolt in loma: besides Hippias was sdU near him 'o warm his ambition, and keep his resentment alive GrTeVe he said, was now an object fcr such a conqueror; the world humbTeS It mlht'!'"^'" ^'^'^ °^ ^''•""•^''°" ' ^"'^ '^ "°t °o°« age oft IS '" '""" ''"PP'*"^ •=^^" ^^^'"^ « the horn- Thus, excited, by every motive of ambition and reventre Oarius resolved to bend all his attention to a war w th G, ee«' Smted'eVa r''^r"^°-' '"^ '^'^^ -"» spies whho„e uemocedes, a Greek physician, as their conductor, to briuL- h.m information with respect to the strength and shuat o" j.f all the states of Greece. This secret deputation faUeS cnaracter of heralds, to denounce his resentment and at he same time, to learn how the different states of the co'un try stood affected towards him The form used by the Persians, when they ex jected sub. mission from lesser states, was to demand eJrth 'and tater in the monarch's name: and such as refused were to blco^' thSre"o?tr l" ".V"^ ^'^'^^ P°^'-- 0""hl° aS thereloie, of the heralds amongst the Greeks, many of the manH', ri^'"!'-" ^"''''"'3 power, complied 'with tLir de! mands. 1 he .Egmelans, with some of the islands, also, yi»ld- ^ a ready submission; and almost all, but Athens and W »,we,-e contented to exchange their liberties for safety '^ tnowUr?.,'^ "•'''^ "=P"''"" ^"^"^^y disdained lo ac rreedom ; and were resolved to maintain it to the Ia.it T,. ed they threw the heralds, the one into a well, the other into a ditch; and addmg mockery to insult, desired them to ake earth and water from thence This, they probably did ty, but m perseverence and despair. Nor were the Athenians content with this outraee but Son ?o'V° r"'?"" '"^ ^&-«-«.who,by abafe'sul mission to the Persian power, had betrayed thf common 4S THE HISTORY cause of Greece. They accordingly represented the affair to the Spartans, with all its aggravating circumstances, and heightened with that eloquence for which they were famous Before such judges, it was not likely that cowardice or timi- dity would find many defenders : the Spartans immediately gayc judgment against the people of iEgina, and sent Cleo- menes, one of their kings, to apprehend the authors of so base a concession. The people of iKgina, however, refused to deliver them, ixider pretence that Cleomenes came without his colleague! This colleague was Demaratus, who had himself secretly fur- nished them Avith that excuse. As soon as Cleomenes had re- turned to Sparta, in order to be revenged on Demaratus, for thus counteracting the demands of his country, he endeavour- ed to get him deposed, as not being of the royal family. In fact, Demaratus was born only seven months after marriage, and this was supposed, by many, to be a sufficient proof of his being illegitimate. This accusation, therefore, being revived, the Pythian ora- cle was appointed to determine the controversy, and the priest- ess being privately suborned by Cleomenes, an answer was given against his colleagues, just as he had dictated. Dema- ratus, being thus declared illegitimate, and unable to endure so gross an injury, banished himself from his country, and retired to Darius ; who received him with great friendship, and gave him a considerable settlement in Persia. He was succeeded on the throne by Leotychide? ; who, con- curring with the views of Cleomenes, punished the jEgine- tans, by placing ten of the most guilty citizens in the hands of the Athenians : while Cleomenes, some time after, being de- tected of having suborned the priestess, slew himself, in a fit of despair. On the other hand, the iEginetans complained of the se- verity of their treatment; but, finding no likelihood of redress, they resolved to obtain that justice by force, which was refused to their supplications. Accordingly, they intercepted an Athe- nian ship, which, in pursuance of an annual custom,ever since vhe limes of Theseus, was going to Delos, to offer sacrifice This produced a naval war between these two states: in which after a variety of fortunes, the jEginetans were worsted, and the Athenians gained the sovereignty of the seas. Thus, these civil discords, which seemed, at first, to favour ihe designs of the common enemy, tunied out to the genera) advantage of Greece. The Athenians, acquiring great pow er at sta, were out in a capacity of facing the Persian fleets OF GREECE. 49 I* i •rd of cutting off those supplies which were continually car- rying to their armies on land. In the mean time, the preparations, on both sides, for a general war, were carried on with the greatest animosity and despatch. Darius sent away his generals, Datis. and Arta- phernes, whom he had appointed in the room of Mardonius, to what he supposed a certain conquest. They were furnish- ed with a fleet of six hundred ships, and an army of a hun- dred and twenty thousand men : their instructions were, to give up Athens and Eretria, a little city which had joined in the league against him, to be plundered ; to burn all the houses and temples of both, and to lead away all the inhabitants into slavery. The country was to be laid desolate, and the army was provided with a sufficient supply of chains and fetters, for binding the conquered nations. To oppose this formidable invasion, the Athenians had only their courage, their animosity, their dread of slavery, their discipline, and about ten thousand men. Their civil commotions with the other states of Greece, had given them a spiri<: of war and stratagem, while the genius of their citi- zens, continually excited and exercised, had arrived at its highest pitch, and fitted them for every danger. Athens had long been refining in all those arts, which qualify a state to extend, or to enjoy conquest. Every citizen was a statesman and a general, and every soldier considered himself as one of the bulwarks of his country. But, in this little state, from which first flowed all those improvements that have since adorned and" civilized society, there were, at that time, three men who were considered as superior to all the rest ; all remarkable for their abilities in war, and their mtegrity in peace ; for those qualifications that can advance the glory of states, or procure the happiness of the individual. Of these, Miltiades, as being the most experienced, was, at that time, the most known. He was the son of Cimon, and nephew of Miltiades, an illustrious Athenian, who accepted the government of Doloncy, a people of the Thfacian Cher sonesus. Old Miltiades dying without issue, he was succeed- ed in his government by Stesagoras, his nephew; and he al so dying, young Miltiades was chosen as his successor. He was appointed to that government, the same year tha» Darius undertook his unsuccessful expedition against the Scy- thians. He was obliged to attend that prince as far as the Isther, with what shipping he was able to supply; but, ever eager to throw off the Persian yoke, it was he who advised ♦he lonians to destroy the bridge, and leave the army of Darius to its fate When the affairs of the continent began to decline, Milti 30 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 51 I ades, rather than live in dependence, resolved to return onc« more to Athens; and thither he returned with five ships, which were all that remained of his shattered fortune. At the same time, two other citizens, younger than Milti ades, began to distinguish themselves at Athens, — Aristides and Themistoclcs. These were of very different dispositions ; but, from this difference, resulted the greatest advantage tJ their country. Themistoclcs was naturally inclined to a popular govern ment, and omitted nothing that could render him agreeable tc the people, or gain him friends. His complaisance was bound less, and his desire to oblige sometimes outstepped the bounds of duty. His partiality was often conspicuous. Somebody talk ing with him once on the subject, told him he would make a« excellent magistrate, if he had more impartiality : God forbid, replied he, that I shmld ever sit an a tribunal, where my frienck should find no more favour, than strangers. Aristides was as remarkable forliis justice and integrity Being a favourer of aristocracy, in imitation of Lycurgus, he was friendly, but never at the expense of justice. In seeking honours, he always declined the interest of his friends, lest they should, in turn, demand his interest, when his duty was to be impartial. The love of the public good was the great spring of all his actions; and, with that in view, no difficul- ties could daunt him, no success or elevation exalt. On all occasions, he preserved his usual calmness of temper, being persuaded that he was entirely his country's, and very little his own. One day, v/hen an actor was repeating some lines from iEschylus,on the stage, coming to a passage which des- cribed a man as not desiring to appear honest, but to be so, the whole audience cast their eyes on Aristides, and applied the passage. In the administration of public offices, his whole aim was to perform his duty, without any thought ol enriching himself. Such, were the characters of the illustrious Athenians that led the councils of the state, when Darius turned his arms against Greece. They inspired their fellow citizens with a noble confidence in the justice of their cause ; and made all the preparations against the coming invasion, that prudence and deliberate valour could suggest. In the mean time, Datis and Artaphernes led on their nu- merous forces towards Europe ; and, after having made them- selves masters of the islands in the ^gean sea, without any op- position, they turned their course towards Eretria, that city which had formerly assisted the lonians in their revoU. The Eretrians, now driven to the last extremity, saw no hopes of meeting their enemy in the field ; wherefore, they sent back four thousand men, with which the Athenians had supplied them, and resolved patiently to stand a siege. For six days, the Persians attempted to storm the city, and were repulsed with loss ; but on the seventh, the city, by the treachery of some of the principal inhabitants, being betrayed into their hands, they entered, plundered, and burned it. The inhabitants were put in chains, and sent, as the fruits of the war, to the Persian monarch ; but he, contrary to their expectations, treat- ed them with great lenity ; and gave them a village in the country of Cissa, for their residence ; where Apollonius Tya- naeus found their descendants six hundred years after. After such splendid success at Eretria, nothing now remain- ed, but the apparently easy conquest of Greece. Hippias, the expelled tyrant of Athens, still accompanied the Persian ar- my ; and led them, by the safest marches, into the heart of the country : at length, flushed with victory, and certain of success, he conducted them to the plains of Marathon, a fer- tile valley, but ten miles distant from Athens. From thence, they sent to summon the citizens, acquainting them with the fate of Eretria, and informing them that not a single inhabi- tant had escaped their vengeance. But the Athenians were not to be intimidated by any vicini ty of danger. They had sent, indeed, to Sparta, to implore succour against the common enemy, which was granted with- out deliberation ; but the superstition of the times rendered their assistance ineffectual ; for it was an established law among the Spartans, not to begin a march before the full moon. They applied also to other states ; but they were too much awed by the power of Persia, to move in their defence. An army of a hundred and twenty thousand men, exulting in the midst of their country, was too formidable, for a weak and jealous confederacy to oppose. The inhabitants of Plataea alone furnished them with a thousand soldiers ; and they were left to find all other assistance in their courage and their despair. In this extremity, they were obliged to arm their slaves, for the safety of all ; and their forces, thus united, amounted ti» but ten thousand men. Hoping, therefore, to derive from their discipline what they wanted in power, they placed their whole army under the conduct of ten generals, of whom Miltiades was chief; and of these, each was to have the command of the troops day about, in regular succession. An arrangement, in itself so unpromising, was still more embarrassed, by the generals themselves disputing whether they should hazard a battle, or wait the approach of theene- E2 52 THE HlSTOKy my within theii walls. The latter opinion seemed, for awhile- to prevail : it was urged, that it would be rashness itself to face so powerful and well appointed an army, with a handful of men. It was alleged, that the soldiers would gather cour age from their security behind the walls ; and that the forces of Sparta, without, might make a diversion, in case of a sal ly from withm. Miltiades, however, declared for the contra ' ry opinion ; and showed, that the only means to exalt the courage of their own troops, and to strike a terror into those of the enemy, was to advance boldly towards them, with an air of confidence and desperate intrepidity. Aristides, also, strenuously embraced this opinion, and exerted all his masculine eloquence to bring over the rest The question being put, when the suffrages came to be taken, the opmions were equal on each side of the argument It now, therefore, remained for Callimachus, thepolemarch who had a right of voting as well as the ten command- ers, to give his opinion, and decide this important debate It was to him, Miltiades addressed himself, with the utmost earnestness ; alleging, that the fate of his country was now in his power; that his single vote was to determine whether his country should be enslaved, or free; that his fame might now, by a smgle word, be made equal to that of Harmodiui and Aristogiion, who were the authors of Athenian liberty Thus exhorted, Callimachus did not long debate, but gave his voice m favour of an open engagement ; and Miltiades, thus seconded, prepared to marshal up his little armv fo7 the great encounter. In the mean time, it appeared, that so many leaders, com manding in succession, served only to perplex and counteract each other. Aristides perceived that the command, which changes every day, must be incapable of projecting- or exe cuting any uniform design: he therefore gave it as his opin- ion, that It was necessary to invest the whole power in one single person ; and to induce bis colleagues to conform, he himself set the first example of resignation. When the day came, on which it was his turn to command, he resigned it to Miltiades, as the more able and expei ienced general - and the other commanders, warmed by so generous a pre*' ference, followed his example. Miltiades, thus invested with the supreme command, which was now the post of highest danger, like an experienced general, endeavoured, by the advantage of his ground, to make up his deficiency in strength and numbers. He was sensible, that, by extending his front to oppose the enemy ne must weaken it too much, and give tlieir dense \ dy the or GREECE 53 advantage. He therefore drew up his anny at the foot of a mountain, so that the enemy could not surround him, or charge him in the rear. On the flanks, on each side, he caus- ed larg^ trees to be thrown down, which were cut for the purpose ; and these served to guard him from the Persian cavalry, which generally wheeled on the flanks, in the height of an engagement. Datis, on his side, was sensible of this advantageous dis- position ; but, relying on his superiority of numbers, and un- willing to wait till the Spartan reinforcements should arrive, he determined to engage. Now, was to be fought, the first great battle in which the Greeks had ever engaged. It was not like any of their for- mer civil contests, arising from jealousy, and terminating in an easy accommodation : it was a battle that was to be decid- ed with the greatest monarch of the earth, with the most numerous army that had been hitherto seen in Europe. This was an engagement that was to decide the liberty oi Greece ; and, what was infinitely of greater moment, the future pro- gress of refinement among mankind. Upon the event of this battle, depended the complexion which the manners of the west were hereafter to assume ; whether it was to adopt Asiatic customs with its conquerors, or to go on modelling itself upon Grecian refinements, as was after- wards the case. This, therefore, may be considered as one of the most important battles that ever were fought; and the event was as little to be expected, as the success was glorious. The signal was no sooner given, than the Athenians, with- out waiting the Persian onset, rushed in upon their ranks, with desperate rapidity, as if wholly regardless of safety. The Persians regarded this first step of the Athenians as the result of madness, and were more inclined to despise them as maniacs, than oppose them as soldiers — However, they were quickly undeceived. It had never before been the custom of the Greeks to run on with this headlong valour ; but, compar- ing the number of their own forces, with that of the enemy, and expecting safety only from rashness, they determined to break through the enemy's ranks, or fall in the attempt. The greatness of their danger added to their courage, and despair did the rest. The Persians, however, stood their ground, with great in- trepidity, and the battle was long, fierce, and obstinate. Mil- tiades had made the wings of his army exceedingly strong, but had left the main body more weak, and not so deep. Having but ten thousand men to oppose to such a numerous 04 THE HISTORY OF GREECE 55 army, he supposed the victory could be obtained by no other means than strengthening his flanks ; not doubting, that when his wings were once victorious, they would be able to wheel upon the enemy's main body, on .either side, and thus put tht m easily to rout. The Persians, therefore, finding the main body weakest, attacked it with their utmost vigour. It was in vain, that Aristides and Themistocles, who were stationed in this post of danger, endeavoured to keep their troops to the charge. Courage and intrepidity were unable tc resist the torrent of increasing numbers; so that they were at last obliged to give ground. But, in the mean time, the wings were victorious : and now, just as the main body were fainting under the une- qual encounter, these came up, and gave them time to recover •their strength and order. Thus, the scale of victory quickly began to turn in their favour ; and the Persians, from being the aggressors, now be- gan to give ground in turn, and, being unsupported by fresh forces, they fled to their ships, with the utmost precipitation. The confusion and disorder was now universal ; the Athenians followed them to the beach, and set many of their ships on fire. On this occasion, it was, that Cynaegyrus, the brother of the poet iEschylus, seized, with his hand, one of the ships that the enemy was pushing off from the shore. The Persians withm, seeing themselves thus arrested, cut off his right hand that held the prow : he then laid hold of it with his left which they also cut off; at last, he seized it with his teeth' and in that manner expired. Seven of the enemy's ships were taken, above six thousand Persians were slain, without reckoning those Avho were drowned in the sea, as they endeavoured to escape, or those who were consumed when the ships were set on fire. Of the Greeks, not above two hundred men were killed ; among whom, was Callimachus, who gave his vote for bring- ing on the engagement. Hippias, who was the chief incen- diary of the war, is also thought to have fallen in this battle • though some say he escaped, and died miserably at Lemnos! Such, was the famous battle of Marathon, which the Per- sians were so sure of gaining, that they had brought marble mto the field, to erect a trophy. Just after the battle, an Athenian soldier, whose name was Eucles, still covered with blood and wounds, quitted the army and ran to Athens, to carry his fellow-citizens the news of the victory. His strength just sufficed to reach the city; and, throwing himself into the door of the first house, he utterea Ihrec wortJ^, Rejoice, tve triumph, and instantly expired. f t ^ While a part rf the army marched forward to Athens, to jii'Otect it from the attempts of the enemy, Aristides reniainetl on the field of battle, to guard the spoil and the prisoners ; and, although gold and silver were scattered about the enemy's deserted camp, in abundance, though their tents and galleys were full of rich furniture and sumptuous apparel, he would not permit any of it to be embezzled, but reserved it, as a com- mon reward, for all who had any share in obtaining the victory. Two thousand Spartans, also, whose laws would not permit them to march until the full of the moon, now came into tlu field ; but the action being over the day before, they had an opportunity only of paying due honours to those who gained so glorious a victory, and to bring back the news to Sparta. Of the marble the Persians had brought with them, the Athe- nians made a trophy ; being carved by Phidias into a statue, in honour of the goddess Nemesis, who had a temple near the field of battle. In the mean time, the Persian fleet, instead of sailing di- rectly back to Asia, made an attempt to surprise Athens, be- fore the Greek forces could arrive from Marathon. But the latter had the precaution to move directly thither; and pei- formed their march with so much expedition, that, though it was forty miles from Marathon, they arrived there in one day. In this manner, the Greeks not only expelled theii ene- mies, but confirmed their security. By this victory, the Grecians were tanght to know their own strength, and not to tremble before an enemy, terribl© only in name. This taught them, through the whole of suc- ceeding ages, to imitate their ancestors with an ardent emu- lation, and inspired them with a wish not to degenerate from the Grecian glory. Those Athenians that were slain in battle, had all the hon our immediately paid them, that was due to their merit. Il- lustrious monuments were erected to them, in the very place where the battle was fought ; upon which, their names, and the tribe to which they belonged, were inscribed. There were set up three distinct sets of monuments ; one for the Atheni' ans, one for the Plataeans, and a third for the slaves who had been enrolled into their troops upon that urgent occasion. But their gratitude to Miltiades, spoke a nobleness of mind, that far surpassed expensive triumphs, or base adulation. Sen- sible that his merits were too great for money to repay, they caused a picture to be painted, by Polygnotus, one of the most celebrated artists ; where Miltiades was represented, at the head of the ten commanders, exhorting the soldiers, and set- ting them an example of their duty. This picture was pre I M THE HISTORY An emulation seemed to take place in everv rank nf r.fi. Polygnotus yaiued l>imself so muc^h upon the h^n^r of bellt ... K&Sf i- te-- -^- ^" - -^. to take every ODDortuni^ of m"^.-f- freedom, were willing merit they hadTucHXr " '''"^ ^ ^"""'' '^°™ ^'^"^^ an?sTh!ttSirJ\he P?"'^ ^''P^*° P""'^'' '"ose isl- ed the siege of Cos «non »?'.'*" ""^^''"V ''"•* ''''ving rais. enemy's flfet h^t^? ' ^T * "^'^^ ""^P"" "^ ">« arrival of the was aLus:d by one x^trTr'""^ *° ^*''^"^' -•>-•= "« Persia. As he Zs not i7/ ' ^.^^^'^S taken a bribe from being coniined trws b d b„ I'mT. l^^T ^'^ '''"«'' accusation prevailed aeains^ him , ,^ ^^^ '^ ^^'■""' »'« lose his life ^ ''""> *"^ '>e ^a* condemned tv tence was pronounced aeainst him k . u^ r "* ^'''^ ^^'*' were such as to have t hff ^ • k ' ^''^^ ^'' ^^™^^ services ?ut an end to his life and misfortunes ^''"^'■'"'' ""'' sedX"^!^;:on°?hi:o:c:sTor 'a' »■ ™^ ^•^-^ r"^' ''•?-'- not permit the body of MUt adet to h ''"^"i'i^^ "ty woul.l .a.e. a^d p.ocuSirfiKi^;i-— s Lzri^ ^ OF GREECE. CHAPTER VI. 57 from the Death of Miltiades, to the Retreat of Xerxes out oj Greect, The misfortunes of Darius served only to increase his re- sentment, and give spirit to his perseverance. Finding the ill success of his ge!\erals, he resolved to try the war in person : and despatched orders,throughout his whole dominions,for fresh preparations. However, a revolt in Egypt for a while averted his resentment ; a contest among his sons, about nomi- nating his successor, still farther retarded his designs ; and, at last, when he had surmounted every obstacle, and was just preparing to take a signal vengeance, his death put an end to all his projects, and gave Greece a longer time for preparation. Xerxes, his son, succeeded ; who, with the empire, inherit- ed also his father's animosity against Greece. Having carried on a successful expedition against Egypt, he expected the same good fortune in Europe. Confident of Tictory, he did not choose, he said, for the future to buy the figs of Attica ; he would take possession of the country, and thus have figs of his own. . But, before he engaged in an enterprise df that importance he thought proper to assemble his council, and collect the opinions of the principal officers of his court. In his speech, M opening the council, he evidently showed his desire of re- venge, and his passion for military glory. The best way, therefore, to pay court to this young monarch, was by flatter- ing him in his favourite pursuits, and giving his impetuous aims the air of studied designs. Mardonius, grown neither wiser nor less ambitious b^ his own bad success, began by ex- tolling Xerxes, above all other kings that had gone before him : he urged the indispensible necessity of avenging the dishonour done to the Persian name; he represented the Greeks as cowards, that were accidentally successful; and was firmly of opinion, that they would never more stand even the hazard of a battle. A discourse which so nearly coincided with his own senti- ments, was very pleasing to the young monarch ; and the rest of the company, by their looks and their silence, seemed to applaud his impetuosity. But Artabanus, the king's uncle, who had long learned to reverence courage, even in an ene- my, and presuming upon his age and experience to speak his real sentiments, rose, with an honest fp^edom, to represent the intended expedition in its true light. " Permit me. Sir," said he, " to deliver my sentiments, on this occasion, with a liberty suitable to my age, and your in 58 THE HISTORY r I terest. When Darius, your father and my brother, lirst thought of making war against the Scythians, I used all my endeavours to divert him from it. The people you are going- to attack, arc infinitely more formidable thaji they. If the Athenians, alone, could defeat the numerous army command- ed by Darius and Artaphcrnes, what ought we to expect from an opposition of all the states of Greece united ? " Vou design to pass from Asia into Europe, by laying a bridge over the sea. But, what if the Athenians should ad- vance, and destroy this bridge, and so prevent our return ? Let us not expose ourselves to such dangers, as we have no sufficient motives to compel us to face them ; at least, let us take time to reflect upon it. When we have maturely de- liberated upon this aifair, whatever happens to be the success, we have nothing to regret. Precipitation is imprudent, and is usually unsuccessful. Above all, do not suffer yourself, great prince, to be dazzled with the splendour of imaginary glory. The highest and the most lofty trees, have the most reason to dread the thunder. God loves to humble the osten- tatious, and reserves to himself alone the pride of importance As for you, Mardonius, who so earnestly urge this expedi tion, if it must be so, lead it forward. But let the kinp-, whose life is dear to us all, return back to Persia. " In the mean time, let your children and mine be given up as a pledge, to answer for the success of the war. If the is- sue be favourable, I consent that mine be put to death; but if it prove otherwise, as I well foresee, then I desire that you and your children may meet the reward of rashness." This advice, which was rather sincere than palatable, was received, by Xei-xes, with a degree of rage and resentment. ** Thank the gods," cried he, " that thou art my father's bro- ther : were it not for that, thou shouldst this moment meet the just rev, ard of thy audacious behaviour. But you shall have your punishment ; remain here behind, among the wo men : these, you but too much resemble, in your cowardice anc' fear. Stay here, while I march at the head of my troops, when my duty and glory call me." Upon cooler thoughts, however, Xerxes seemed better re conciled to his uncle's opinion. When the first emotions of his anger were over, and he had time to reflect, on his pillow upon the different counsels that were given him, he confes- sed the rashness of his former rebuke ; and ingeniously as cribed it to the heat of youth, and the ardour of passion. Ht offered to come over to his opinion ; at the same time assur jng the council, that, from his dreams, he had every cncoui agement to proceed with this expedition. OF, G.^ECE. 59 So much condescension, on the one hand, and such favour- able omens on the other, determined the whole council to second his inclinations. They fell prostrate before him, eager to show their submission and their joy. A monarch thus surrounded by flatterers, all striving which should most gratify his pride and passions, could not long continue good, though naturally inclined to virtue. Xerxes, therefore, seems a character thus ruined by power, exerting his natural justice and wisdom, at short intervals ; but then giving way to the most culpable and extravagant excesses. Thus, the council of Artabanus being rejected, and that of Mardonius favourably received, the most exten sive preparations were made for carrying on the war. The greatness of these preparations seemed to show the high sense which the Persians had of their enemy. Xerxes, that he might omit nothing conducive to success, entered into an alliance with the Carthaginians, who were, at that time the most potent people of the West ; with M'hom, it \vas stipulated, that, while the Persian forces should attack Greece, the Carthaginians should awe the Greek colonies, dispersed over the Medite^-r^nean, from comin? to their as distance. I'hus, having drained all the East to compose his own ar- my, and the West to supply that of the Carthaginians . ^ under Amilcar, he set out from Susa, in order to enter ;, ^' ttpon thi* war, ten years after the battle of Marathon. ^^^^' Sardis was the place where the various nations that were compelled to his banner, were to assemble. His fleet was to advance, along the coasts of Asia Minor, towards the Hellespont. As this monarch passed on, in his march to the placeW general destination, he went through Cappadocia, crossed the river Halys, and came to Calene, a city of Phrygia, near the source of the river Meander. He was there met by Pythias, a Lydian prince, who, by the most extreme parsimony and oppression, had become, next to Xerxes, the most opulent man in all the Persian empire. His treasures, however, were not sufficient to buy off the attendance of his eldest son, whom he requested might be permitted to remain with him, as he was old and helpless. He had before offered his money, which amounted to about four millions sterling, for the monarch's use; but this, Xerxes had refused; and now, finding the young prince willing to remain with his father, he was so enraged, that he commanded him to be put to death, before his father's eyes. Then, causing the dead body to be cut in two, and one part >f it tc be pi ced on the right, and the other 60 THE HISTORY OF GREECf:. 61 I on the left, he made the whole army pass between them, to terrify them from a reluctance to engage, by his example. From Phrygia, Xerxes marched to Sardis, and, in the opening of spring, directed his march down towards the Hellespont, where his fleet lay in all its pomp, expecting his arrival. Here, he was desirous of taking a survey of all his foices, which composed an army never equalled, either before or since. It was composed of the most powerful nations of the East, and of people scarcely known to posterity, excep* by name. The remotest India contributed its supplies, while the coldest tracts of Scythia sent their assistance; Medes, Per sians, Bactrians, Lydians, Assyrians, Hyrcanians, and a hun- dred other countries, of various forms, complexions, languages, dresses, and armies. The land army., which he brought out of Asia, consisted of seventeen hundred thousand foot, and eighty thousand horse. Three hundred thousand more that were added, upon crossing the Hellespont, made all his land forces together amount to above two millions of men. His fleet, when it set out from Asia, consisted of twelve hundred and seven vessels, each carrying two hundred men. The Europeans augmented his fleet with a hundred and twen- ty vessels, each of which carried two hundred men. Besides •hese, there were two thousand smaller vessels, fitted for car- rying provisions and stores : the men contained in these, with the former, amounted to six hundred thousand ; so vhat the whole army might be said to amount to two million? and a half, which, with the women, slaves, and suttlers, alwa>3 ac companying a Persian army, might make the whole above five millions of souls; a number, if rightly conducted, capa- ble of overturning the greatest monarchy, but being command- ed by presumption and ignorance, they only served to obslntc* and embarrass each other. jL^rd of so many and such various subjects, Xerxes fount; a pleasure in reviewing his forces, and was desirous of be- holding a naval engagement; of which, he had not hitherto been a spectator. To this end, a throne was erected for him upon an eminence ; and, in that situation, beholding all the earth covered with his troops, and all the sea crowded With his vessels, he felt a secret joy difl'use itself through his frame, from the consciousness of his own superior power. But all the workings of this monarch's mind were in the extreme : a sudden sadness took place of his pleasure ; and dissolving in a shower of tears, he gave himself up to a re- flection that not one of so many thousand would be alive a «kV:^dred years after Artabanus, who neglected no opportunity of moralising upon every occurrence, took this occasion to discourse with him upon the shortness and miseries of human life. Find- ing this more distant subject attended to, he spoken more closely to the present occasion, insinuated his doubts of the success of the expedition ; urged the many inconveniences- the army had to suffer, if not from the enemy, at least from their own numbers. He alleged, that plagues, famine, and confusion, were the necessary attendants of such ungoverna- ble multitudes by land, and that empty fame was the only reward of success. But it was now too late, to turn this young monarch from his purpose. Xerxes informed this monitor, that great ac- tions were always attended with proportionate danger; and, that if his predecessors had observed such scrupulous and timorous rules of conduct, the Persian empire would never have attained to its present height of glory. Xerxes, in the mean time, had given orders for building a bridge of boats across the Hellespont, for the transporting his army into Europe. This narrow strait, which now goes oy the name of the Dardanelles, is nearly an English mile over. But, soon after the completion of this work, a violent atorm arising, the whole was broken and destroyed, and the labour was to be undertaken anew. The fury of Xerxes, upon this disappointment, was attend ed with equal extravagance and cruelty. His vengeance knew no l30unds ; the workmen who had undertaken the task, had their heads struck off", by his order ; and, that the sea itself, also, might know its duty, he ordered it to be lashed, as a dehnquent, and a pair of fetters to be thrown into it, to curb its future irregularities. Thus, having given vent to his absurd resentment, two bridges were ordered to be built, in the place of the former; one for the aiTny to pass over, and ^he other for the baggage and beasts of burthen. The workmen, now warned by the fate of their predecessors, gave their labours greater stabili- ty: they placed three hundred and sixty vessels across the strait, some of them having three banks of oars, and others fifty oars a-piece. They then cast anchors into the water, on both sides, in order to fix these vessels against the violence of the winds and the current. They then drove large piles into the earth, with huge rings fastened to them, to which were tied six vast cables, which went over each of the two oridges. Over all these, they laid trunks of trees, cut pur posely for that use ; and flat boats again over them, fastened and joined together, so as to serve for a floor or solid bottom. 9ii THE HISTORY OF GREECE 63 When the whole work was thus completed, a day was ap- pointed for their passing over; and, as soon as the first rays of the sun began to appear, sweet odours of all kinds were abundantly scattered over the new work, and the way was strewed with myrtle. At the same time, Xerxes poured out libations into the sea, and turning his face towards the east, worshipped that bright luminary, which is the god of the Persians. Then, throwing the vessel, which had held his libation, into the sea, together with a golden cup and Persian scimitar, he went forward, and gave orders for the army to follow. This immense train were no less than seven days and seven nights passing over, while those who were appointed to conduct the march, quickened the troops, by lashing them along; for the soldiers of the East, at that Ume, and to this very day, are treated like slaves. This immense army having landed in Europe, and being joined by the several nations that acknowledged the Persian power, Xerxes prepared for marching directly forward into Greece. Besides the generals of every nation, who each commanded the troops of their respective countries, the land army was commanded by six Persian generals, to whom all the rest were subordinate. These were, Mardonius, Tirinta- techmus, Smerdonius, Massistus, Gergis, and Megabyzus. Ten thousand Persians, who were called the Immortal Band, were commanded by Hydarnes, while the cavalry and the fleet had their own respective commanders. Besideg those who were attached to Xerxes, from princi- pie, there were some Greek princes, who, either from mo- tives of interest or fear, followed him in this expedition Among these, were, Artemisia, queen of Hallicarnassus, who after the death of her husband, governed the kingdom for her son. She had brought, indeed, but a trifling succour of five ships, but she made ample amends by her superior prudence, courage, and conduct. Of this number, also, was Demaratus, the exiled king of Sparta, who, resenting the indignity put upon him by his sub- jects, took refuge in the Persian court, an indignant spectator of its luxuries and slavish submission. Being one day asked by Xerxes, if he thought the Grecians would dare to wait his approach, or would venture an engagement with armies that drank up whole rivers in their march. " Alas ! great prince," cried Demaratus, " Greece, from the beginning ol time, has been trained up and accustomed to poverty ; but the defects of that are amply recompensed by virtue, whick^ wisdom cultivates, and the laws support in vigour. As fo l*' the Lacedaemonians, as they have been bred up in freedom, they can never submit to be slaves. " Though all the rest of the Greeks should forsake them, though they should be reduced to a band of a thousand men, yet still they would fact every danger, to preserve what they hold dearer than life. They have laws which they obey, with more implicit reverence than you are obeyed by your subjects. By these laws, they are forbidden to fly in battle, and they have only the alternative to conquer or to die." Xerxes was not offended with the liberty of Demaratus; but, smiling at his blunt sincerity, ordered his army to march forward, while he directed his fleet to follow him along the coast, and to regulate its course by his motions. But, ir doubling the cape of Mount Athos, many shipwrecks were sustained ; he was resolved to cut a passage through that neck of land which joined the mountain to the continent, and thus give his shipping a shorter and safer passage. This canal was a mile and a half long, and hollowed out from a high mountain ; it required immense labour to per- form so great a work, but his numbers and his ambition were sufficient to surmount all difficulties. To urge on the undertaking the faster, he treated his la- bourers with the greatest severity, while, with all the osten- tation of an eastern prince, he gave his commands to the mountain to sink before him: — At/ios, thou proud aspiring mountain, that liftest up thy head unto the Iieavens, be not so auda- cious as to put obstacles in my way. If thou givest them that op- position, I will cut thee level to the plain, and throw thee headlong into the sea. In this manner, he pursued his course without any mter- ruption, every nation near which he approached, sending him all the marks of homage and subjection. Wherever he came, he found provisions and refreshments prepared before hand, pursuant to the orders he had given. Every city he arrived at, exhausted itself in giving him the most magnificent re- ception. „ The vast expense of these feasts gave a poor Thracian an opportunity of remarking, that it was a peculiar favour of the gods, that Xerxes could eat but one meal a day. Thus, did he continue his march through Thrace, Macedonia, and Thessaly, every knee bending before him, till he came to the straits of Thermopylae, where he first found an army pre- pared to dispute his passage. This army was a body of Greeks, led on by Leonidas, king of Sparta, who had been sent thither to oppose him. As soon as it was known, in Greece, that Xerxes was preparing to in- F2 64 THE HISTORY vade that country, and that an army of millions were coming on, with determined resolution, to ruin it, every state seemed differently affected, in proportion to its strength, its courage, or its situation. The Sicilians refused their aid, being kept in awe by Amil- car, the Carthaginian. The Corcyreans pretended they were wind-bound, and would not let their ships stir from the har- bour. The Cretons, having consulted the Delphic oracle, absolutely determined to remain inactive. The Thessalians and Macedonians, from their situation, were obliged to sub- mit to the conqueror ; so that no states were found bold enough to face this formidable army, but Athens and Lacedaemon. These states had received intelligence of the Persian de- signs, from Demaratus, long before they had been put into execution. They had also sent spies to Sardis, in order to have a more exact information of the number and quality of the enemy's forces. The spies, indeed, were seized, bui Xerxes ordered them to be conducted through his army, and to give an exact account of what they had seen, at their return They had sent deputies to all the neighbouring states, tc awaken their ardour ; to apprise them of their danger, and to urge the necessity of fighting for their common safety But all their remonstrances were vain ; fear, assuming thf name of prudence, offered frivolous excuses, or terms which were inadmissible. Relying, therefore, on their own strength, those generous states resolved to face the danger, with joint forces, and conquer or fall in the cause of freedom. Having summoned a general council at the isthmus, they there solemn- ly resolved to wave all private quarrels or pretensions, and join against the common danger. One cannot, without astonishment reflect on the intrepidity of the Greeks, who determined to face the innumerable army of Xerxes, with such disproportioned forces. All their forces joined together, amounted only to eleven thousand two hun dred men. But they were all soldiers, bred amidst fatigue and danger, all determined, to a man, either to conquer or die. Their first care, however, was to appoint a general. It was then, that the most able and experienced captains, terrified at the danger, had taken the resolution of not presenting them- selves as candidates. Epicydes, indeed, a man of ignorance, avarice, and presumption, was ready to lead them on ; but, under his guidance, nothing could be hoped for except con fusion and disappointment. In this pressing juncture, there fore, ThemistocJes, conscious of his own capacity, and warm- ed with the love of glory, which was great in proportion to danger, resolved to use every art to get himself appointed to OF GREECE. ^k \ the command. For this purpose, he used all his interest, ana even distributed bribes, to remove his competitor ; and, hav- ing gratified the avarice of Epycides, which was his ruling passion, he soon found himself appointed to the command, which was the darling object of his ambition. But, in this pressing exigence, it was incumbent on the Athenians to avail themselves of every person that might be serviceable, however subject he might be to their resentment. There were many useful citizens, whom they had, on some factious discontents, sent into banishment, and these they no^v repentingly wished to restore. Among this number, was Aristides, that brave and just man, who had, at the battle of Marathon, and upon other occasions, ;>een instrumental in gaining their victories, and who had, upon all occasions, improved them, by the disinterestedness and integrity of his example. This magistrate, having had many contests with Themistocles, who was his rival in powei and fame, and always wished to supplant him, was at length condemned to go into banishment, by the power of the pre vailing faction. It was on that occasion, that a peasant, who could not write, and did not know Aristides personally,* applied to himself, and desired him to write the name of Aristides, upon the shell, oy which his vote was given against him. " Has he done you any wrong," said Aristides," that you are for condemning him, in this manner ?" " No," replied the peasant, " b?it I hate to hear him praised for his Jus/ice." Aristides, without saying a word more, calmly took the shell, wrote down his own name upon it, and contentedly retired into banishment. But the present distresses of his country, were now an ob ject that strongly solicited his return. Even Themistocles, his rival, was so far from remembering his old resentments, that he now ardently desired the assistance of his counsel ; and gave up all his private resentments for the good of the state. The hatred t)f these great men, had nothing in it of that bitter and implacable spirit, which prevailed among the Romans, in the latter times of the republic ; or perhaps their thoughts were then occupied only by the desperate situation of their country. But the preparations by land alone, were not sufficient to repel the growing danger. If the Greeks had trusted to their land armies, without further succour, they must have been undone. Themistocles, who saw that the victory of Mara thon must be followed by many more, before safety could be ascertained, had prudently caused a hundred galleys to be built; and tunied all his thoughts to give Athens a superiority at sea i#6 THE HISTORY il i I The oracle had declared, some time before, that A then i should defend herself only by^wooden walls ; and he took the advantage of that ambiguity, to persuade his countrymen, tlfiit, by such walls, was meant only her shipping. He had the address to procure some money, annually coming in from silver mines, which the Athenians had in their district, to the purposes of equipping and manning this fleet ; and now, upon the approach of Xerxes, the confederates found themselves at the head of a very powerful squadron, of two hundred and eighty sail; the command of which was conferred upon Eurybiades, a Lacedaemonian. All measures being taken, that this brave confederacy could devise, it next remained to settle in what place they should first meet the Persians in the field, in order to dispute their entrance into Greece. The people of Thessaly represented, that, as they were most exposed, and first liable to be attack- ed by the enemy, it was but reasonable that their security should ^e the first object of attention. The Greeks, willing to protect all who would declare in their quarrel, in pursu- ance of this request, resolved to send their chief force to guard the passage which separates Macedonia from Thessa- ly, near the river Peneus. But Alexander, the son of Amyn- tas, representing that post as untenable, they were obliged to change their measures ; and at last resolved to send a body of men to guard the pass at Thermopylae, where a few were capable of acting against numbers. Thermopylae was a narrow pass, of twenty-five feet broad, between Thessaly and Phocis, defended by the remains of a wall, with gates to it, formerly built by the Phocians, to se- cure them against the incursions of their neighbouring enemy. From these gates, and some hot baths, which were at the en- trance into the pass, the strait had its name. This was cho- sen, as well for the narrowness of the way, as for its vicinity to the sea, from which the land forces could occasionally re ceive assistance from the fleet. The command of this important pass, was given to Leoni- das, one of the kings of Sparta, who led thither a body of six thousand men. Of these, three hundred were Spartans- the rest, consisting of Boeotians, Corinthians, Phocians, and Arcadians ; all such as in the present exigency were prepared for the field, and were not afraid of the numbers of the enemy. Each of these had particular commanders of their own, but Leonidas had the conduct of the whole. But though the determined resolution of these troops, was Incapable of being shaken, little was expected from the na- ture of their destination. They were ?" "'-^^ 1 OF GREECE. 67 4.^., ^.1- * « upon themselves as a forlorn hope, placed: there only to check the progress of the enemy, and give them a foretaste of the desperate valour of Greece; nor were even oracles wanting, to check their ardour. It had been declared, that, to procure the safety of Greece, it was necessary that a king, one of the descendants of Hercules, should die. This task was cheerfully undertaken by Leonidas ; and, as he marched out from Lacedaemon, he considered himself as a willing victim, offered up for the good of his country : however, he joyfully put himself at the head of his little band ; took possession of his post, and, with deliberate desperation, waited, at Ther- mopylae, the arrival of the Persian army. Xerxes, in the mean time, approached with his numerous army, flushed with success, and confident of victory. His camp exhibited all the marks of Eastern magnificence and Asiatic luxury. He expected to meet no obstruction on his way to Greece : he led on his forces, rather to terrify the ene- my, than to fight them ; great, therefore, was his surprise, to find that a few desperate men were determined to dispute his passage. He had all along flattered himself, that, on the first hearing of his arrival, the Grecians would betake them- selves to flight ; nor could he ever be persuaded to believe, what Demaratus had assured him, that, at the first pass he came to, his whole army would be put to a stand. He, himself, took a view of their camp and entrenchments. - The Lacedaemonians were some of them calmly amusing themselves with military exercises, others were combing theii long hair. He inquired the reason of this conduct, and was informed, that it was the Spartan manner of preparing them- selves for battle. Still, however, entertaining some hopes of their flight, he waited four days, to give them time to reflect on the greatness of their danger, but they still con- tinued gay and unconcerned, as men who regarded death as tlie end of labour. He sent to them, to intimate that they should deliver up their arms. Leonidas, with truly Spartan contempt, desired him to come and take them. He offered, if they would lay down their arms, to receive them as friends, and to give them a country much larger and better than that for which they fought. No country, they replied, was worth acceptance, unless won by virtue ; and that, for their arms, they should want them, whether as his friends or entmies. Upon this, the monarch addressed himself to Demaratus, asking, if these desperate men could expect to outrun his horses ? Demara- tus answered, that they would fight to the last, and not a man of them would survive his country's freedom. Some 68 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. men yrerc heard to say, tliat the Persians \7ere so numeroui that their darts wouM darken the sun. Diences, a Spartan, replied, " Then we shall fight in the shade." Xerxes, thus treated with contempt, at length ordered a body of Medes to advance; desiring such as had lost any of their relations at the battle of Marathon, to take their re- venge. Accordingly, they began the onset, but were repul ied with great loss. The number of the assailants only servec to increase their confusion ; and it now began to appear, tha/ Xerxes had many followers, but few soldiers. These forces being routed by the Grecian troops, the Per 8ian immortal band was brought up, consisting of ten thou ^nd men. But these were as unsuccessful as the former The charge was renewed the next day ; Xerxes endeavour mg to inspire his troops with the promises of reward, sincf he found they were dead to the sense of shame. But though their charge was violent, it was unsupported ; and the Greeks, standing closely connected in a body, withstood the shock, and filled the way with Persian carcases. During these unsuccessful assaults, Xerxes was a specta- tor, sitting upon his throne, placed upon an eminence, and directing the order of battle; impetuous in his pride and resentment, and now and then seen to leap from his seat when he beheld his trooDs in confusion, or oflerinir to ^ivt way Thus, did the Greeks keep their ground lor two days, and no power on earth seemed capable of removing them froi^ their adv^antageous station. Xerxes, out of all hopes of beuitr able to force a passage, appealed under the greatest coni sternation ; but he was relieved from his embarrassment by Che appearance of Epialtes, a Trachinian, who had desert- ed from the enemy, and undertook to show his troops a secret path that led through the defiles of the mountains, and through which a body of forces might be conducted, to fall upon the Grecians in the rear. He quickly, therefore, despatched a body of twenty thou- sand men, thither; who, marching all night, ariived, at the break of day at the top of the mountain, and took posses- sion ot that advantageous post. The Greeks were soon apprised of this misfortune ; and Leonidas, seeing that his post was no longer tenable, advised the troops of his allies to retire, and reserve themselves for better times, and the future ^safety of Greece. As for him- self and his fellow Spartans, they were obliged, by their laws, not to fly ; that he owed a life to his country, and that it was ftow his duty to fall in its defence 69 Thus, having dismissed all but his three hundred Spartans with some Thespians and Thebans, in all not a thousand men' he exhorted his followers, in the most cheerful manner to' prepare for death. " Come, my fellow-soldiers," says he, "/e/ us dine cheerfully here^for to-night we shall siip with Pluto." His men, upon hearing his determined purpose, set up a loud shout, as if they had been invited to a banquet, and re- solved, every man, to sell his life as dearly as he could. The night now began to advance, and this was thought th - most glorious opportunity of meeting death in the enemy's camn, where the silence would favour desperation, and hide the smallness of their numbers. Thus Tesolved, they made di- rectly for the Persian tents, and, in the darkness of the night, had almost reached the royal pavilion, with hopes of sur- prising the king. The obscurity added much to the horror of the scene, and the Persians, fallinij upon each other with- out distinction, rather assisted the Grecians, than defended themselves. Thus, success seemed to crown the rashness of their enterprise, until the morning beginning to dawn, the light discovered the smallness of theii numbers. They were soon, therefore, surrounded by the Persian forces, who, fearing to fall in upon them, flung their javelins, from every quarter; till the Greeks, not so much conquered, as tired with conquering, fell amidst heaps of the slaughter- ed enemy; leaving behind them an example of intrepidity, never known before. Leonidas was one of the first that fell ; and the endeavours of the Lacedaemonians to defend his dead body, were incredible. It was found, after the battle, buried under a mountain of the dead, and was nailed to a cross, by way of infamy, by the brutal victor. Of all the train, two only escaped, whose names were Ari^- 'odemus and Panites. The latter, upon his return to Sparta, was branded with infamy, and treated with such contempt, that he killed himself. Aristodemus reserved himself for another occasion: and, by his bravery at the battle of Platiea, recovered that honour which he had lost. Some time after this transaction, the Amphictyons ordered a magnificent monument to be erected over these brave defenders of their country, and Simonides, the poet, wrote their epitaph. Xerxes, in the battle, is said to have lost twenty thousand men ; among whom, were two of his brothers. But, to con- ceal the greatness of his loss from the army, he caused all h\x\ a thousand of those that were slain, to be buried, in holes, in discriminately : however, his stratagem had very bad success; for, when the soldiers of tlic fleet were curious some time after, in taking a survey of the field of battle, they discoverpt! 70 THE HISTORY Uie artifice ; and urged it as an act of flagrant impiety against him. Dismayed at an obstinacy in the enemy, that cost him so dear, Xerxes was, for some time, more inclined to try his for- tune at sea, than to proceed immediately into the country ; where he had learned, from Demaratus, that eight thousand Spartans, such as he had but lately fought with, were ready to receive him. Accordingly, the very day of the battle of Thermopylae, there was an engagement, at sea, between the two fleets. The Grecian fleet consisted of two hundred and seventy-one vessels. That of the enemy had lately lost four hundred vessels in a shipwreck, but was still greatly superior to the fleet of the Grecians. To repair this loss, by a victory, two hundred Persian ves- sels had orders to take a compass, and surprise the Grecians lying in the straits of Eubcea ; but the Grecians, being ap- p- ised of their designs, set sail, by night, and so, by a coun- ter surprise, fell in with them, while they were thus separat- ed from their main squadron; took and sunk thirty, forced the rest to sea ; and there, by stress of weather, they were all soon after either sunk or stranded. Enraged at these disappointments, the Persians bore down, liie next day, with their whole fleet; and, drawing it up in form of a half moon, made an off*er of battle; which the Greeks as readily accepted. The Athenians having been re- inforced with three and fifty sail, the battle was very obsti- nate and bloody, and the success nearly equal on both sides ; so that both parties seemed content to retire in good order. All these actions, which passed near Artemisium, though, at that time, indecisive, yet served not a little to animate and inspire the Athenians ; who were now taught to think that there was nothing either formidable in the numbers, or use- ful in the size of the Persian ships. Thus, strengthening themselves with the hopes of more splendid engagements, they sailed away from Artemisium, and stopped at Salamis, where they might most conveniently assist the Athenians. In the mean time, Xerxes having entered with his numer ous army into the country of Phocis, burning and plundering every town through which he passed, the inhabitants of Pelo- ponnesus, who were naturally defended by their inaccessible situation, as their country was joined to the continent only by a neck of land, thought it the most prudent way to defend the isthmus by a wall, to take shelter behind that rampart, and to leave the rest of Greece to the mercy of the conqueror. The Athenians, however, whose country lay without the Isthmus, remonstrated lour ly against this desertion, and cn- OF GREECE. "l deavoured to persuade the Greeks to face the enemy in tlic plain. But prudence prevailed, and Themistocles gave them to understand, that, though their country should be, for a while, overrun by the invader, yet they had still their wooden walls to lely on, for their fleet was ready to transport them to such of their settlements as they thought proper. At first, however, this advice" was the most hateful that could be imagined. The people thought themselves inevita- bly lost, if they should once abandon the temples of their gods, and the tombs of their ancestors. But Theroistocles, using all his eloquence and address to work upon their pas- sions, represented to them that Athens did not consist either in its walls or its houses, but in its citizens, and that the saving of these was the true preservation of the state. A decree, therefore, was passed, by which it was ordained, that Athens, for a while, should be given up, in trust, to the gods ; and that all the inhabitants, whether in freedom or slavery, should embark on board the fleet. In this calamitous desertion, Cimon, though very young, was seen encouraging the citizens, by his words and example. Bearing in his hands a part of his horse's furniture, he went lo off*er it, as now useless, in the temple of Minerva; and then l^oing down to the water side, was the first that cheerfully went on board. When he was followed by the rest of tlie 'ity, so moving and melancholy a sight, drew tears, even from Ihe most obdurate. A brave, generous, polite, and ancient Deople, now forced from their native seats to undergo all the vicissitudes and dangers of the sea, to implore a retreat from foreign states, and give up their native lands to the spoiler, iv^as a most moving spectacle. Yet the steadiness and cou- -age of some, and the pious resignation of all, demanded the utmost admiration. The young and adventurous embarked for the island of Sa- 'amis; the old, the women, and children, took shelter at the city of Troezene, the inhabitants of which generously offered them an asylum. They even allowed them a maintenance, at the expense of the public ; permitted their children to gather fruit wherever they pleased, and appointed masters for their instruction. But, in this general desertion, that which extremely »*aised the compassion of all, was the great number of old men they were obliged to leave in the city, on account of their age and infirmities. Many also voluntarily remained behind, believing that the citadel which they had fortified with wooden ram- parts, was what the oracle pointed out for general security. 1 o heighten this scene of general distress, the matrons wttm 72 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 7a seen clinging, with fond affection, to tiie places in which thp. had so long resided; the wives filled the streets v^thi< ^pmTn'r' ''"'' 'r PoordomestL altrufeUr^o Uke a part m the general concern. It was impossihle to sec these poor creatures run howling and crvine alf,.P f , J I who were going on ship-boafd/wltl^rb^eiS sronJy X^d Among these, the faithfulness of a particula^r dS reSlt who jumped into the sea after his master, and contTnued swimming, as near as he could to the vessel, til L landed a, ter^'-'^lfi-"'" '"°'"*^"' '^ft^'- "P°» the shore ^"' "' r-.I^i 7 »n'l?''"ants that remained behind, retired into the citadel; where literally interpreting the orace, they fortified approach" '■"' '^"""'' ^"'^ P'''""^'^ waited 'the Invade;^ the GrelS wlr^emproS^^^^^^ ^'' '"J" '"^^^ nalfoft'ha'trr'"! {^ ^^-P- "'vl^L^tTitL^^^^^^^^^^^ terms of acromml!^ /• ^* J^^^"* country, would listen to no .£::drw\°rdt?h; tLS:>fb«s t ouTwSKeTwerf al^ ^T?"^^='^^"" carrifdTlldrTh «" dured to a'shes ^ "'^ ''''°-'"''' ''"'' '^« "'»«»'=' ■■«• ^5w\ivrr;rhror„t-olf^^^^^^^^ ciuV wj:?,r coTs'uU uoof t'h'^''^ """-^^^ summo„?d":cou„- opposing hrhrba'^oT- .'"^drtir U^re^plr '^tf that it migh't co.o;e;at;:?tV^"a:m7r 1^/. Z T^ "?' Socles was entirely of flT.nfK*»« • - \ * ^^^ Thenns- -uld be the'^i^Llrnifesrert^tndl'^riH'''''^ '' .««ot.. a po«, as that of Salami,, whlVttl' were" thcHtt tioned. They were now, he said, in possession of the nar- row seas, where the number of the enftmy could never avail them ; that the only hope now left the Athenians, was their fleet, and that this must not be capriciously given up, by iijnorance, to the enemy. "Euribyades, who considered himself as glanced at, could not contain his resentment, but offered to strike Themisto- cles, for his insolence. Slrike me, cried the Athenian ; strike nte, but hear me. His moderation and his reason prevailed : the generals were reconciled to each other, and the result of the council was, that they should prepare to receive the Per- sians on the isthmus, by land, and in the straits of Salamis, by sea. Meanwhile, Xerxes, after having demolished and burned Athens, marched down towards the sea, to act in conjunc- tion with his fleet, which he had determined should once more come to an engagement with that of the enemy. This was what ThemistocleSjinhis present situation, most ardently desir- ed ; but he was fearful his confederates would not have cour- age to abide the encounter. Their thoughts were still bent upon sailing towards the isthmus, and assisting their army, in case of distress. Themistocles, therefore, in this exigence, was obliged to have recourse to one of those stratagems which mark superiority of genius ; he contrived to let Xerxes pri- vately understand that the confederates were now assembled at Salamis, preparing for flight, and that it would be an easy task to attack and destroy them. This information was at- tended with the desired success. Xerxes gave orders to his fleet to surround Salamis, by night, in order to prevent an es cape v^'hich he so much dreaded. in this manner, the Grecian fleet was blocked up, and no safety remained, but in intrepidity and conquest. Even The- mistocles himself was not apprised of the situation of his own forces and that of the enemy: all the narrow straits werfi blocked up, and the rest of the Persian fleet was sent for, to make every passage impracticable. In this exigence, Aristides, in whose bosom the love of his country always prevailed over every private revenge, was re- solved to venture all, in order to apprise Themistocles of his situation and danger. He was then at jEgina, where he had some forces under his command; and, with very great dan- ger, ventured, in a small boat, through all the fleet of the enemies, by night. Upon landing, he made up to the tent of Themistocles. and addressed him, in the following manner: "If we are H^ise, Themistocles, we shall henceforth lay aside those vain 74 THE HISTORY and puerile dissensions, which have hitherto separated ns One strife, and a noble emulation it is, now remains for us, which of us shall be m'>st serviceable to our country. It is yours, to command as a general ; it is mine, to obey as a sub- ject ; and happy shall I be, if my advice can any way contri- bute to your own and my country's glory.'* He then informed him of the fleet's real situation, and warmly exhorted him to give battle, without delay. The- mistocles felt all the generous gratitude, which so disinter- ested a conduct demanded ; and, eager to show a new return of noble friendship, disclosed to him all his projects and aims, particularly this last, of suffering himself to be surrounded After this, they used their joint authority with the othei commanders, to persuade them to engage; and according ly both fleets prepared themselves for battle. The Grecian fleet consisted of three hundred and eighty ships; the Persian fleet was much more numerous. But, whatever advantage the Persians had in numbers, and the size of their shipping, they fell infinitely short of the Greeks in their naval skill, and their acquaintance with the seas where they fought ; but it was particularly, in their command- er, that the Greeks were superior, Euribyadeshad nominally the conduct of the fleet ; but The- mistocles, in reality, conducted all their operations. Nothing escaped his vigilance ; and he knew how to improve every incident, to the greatest advantage. He, therefore, deferred the onset, until a wind, which, at that time of the year, was periodical, and which he knew would be favourable, com- menced. As soon as this arose, the signal was given for battle ; and the Grecian fleet sailed forward, in exact order Xerxes, imputing his former ill success at sea to his own absence, was resolved to be a witness of the present engage- ment, from the top of a promontory; where he caused a throne to be erected, for that purpose. ^This served, in some measure, to animate his forces ; who, conscious of their king's observance, resolved to merit his applause. The Per- sians, therefore, advanced with such courage and impetuosity, as struck their enemy with terror ; but their ardour abated, when the engagement became closer. The numerous disad- vantages of their circumstances and situation, then began to appear. The wind blew directly in their faces; the height and heaviness of their vessels, rendered them unwieldy and useless ; even the number of their ships in the narrow sea where they fought, served only to embarrass them, and in- crease their confusion. Th*! lonians, whom Themistocles had implored, by charge* OF GREECE. n ters engraven along the rocks of their coast, to remember from whence they derived theif original, were the first wh6 betook themselves to flight. In the other wing, the contest was, for some time, doubtful ; until the Phoenicians and Cy- prians being driven on bhore, the rest retired in great disor- der, and fell foul of each other, in their retreat. In this total defection, Artemisiua alone seemed to stop the progress of victory ; and, at the head of her five ships, per- formed incredible acts of valour. Xei-xes, who was a spectator of her conduct, could not help crying out, that his soldiers be- haved like women in the conflict, and the women like soldiers. As this queen, from her signal intrepidity, was become very^ obnoxious to the Athenians, a price had been set on her head sensible of which, as she was on the point of falling into theii hands, by a lucky turn of thought, she pretended to desert from her own party, and to fall foul of one of their ships : the Greeks thus concluding, that she either belonged to them, or was a deserter, permitted her to escape. In the mean time, the confederates pursued the Persian fleet, on every side : some were intercepted at the straits of Attica; many were sunk, and more taken. Above two hun dred were burned ; all the rest were dispersed ; and the allies, dreading the resentment of the Greeks, as well as of the Per- sian king, made the best of their way to their own country. Such, was the success of the battle of Salamis ; in which, the Persians had received a severer blow, than they had ever hitherto experienced, from Greece. Themistocles, in a secret conversation with Aristides, was, or pretended to be, so ela- ted, as to propose breaking down the bridge by which Xei-xes had made his way into Europe. Whether Themistocles was really sincere in the proposal, remains a doubt ; but Aristides used all his powers to persuade his coadjutor from such an undertaking. He represented to him the danger of reducing so powerful an enemy to desperation ; and asserted, that it was his wish to be relieved from such an intruder, with all possible despatch. Themistocles at once asquiesced in his reasons ; and, in order to hasten the king's departure, con- trived to have him secretly informed, that the Grecians de* signed to break down the bridge. The situation of Xerxes was such, that the smallest repulse was sufficient to wean him from his darling expedition. As- tonished at the late overthrow, and alarmed at this new in formation, he only wanted a decent opportunity to retreat, when Mardonius came conveniently to extricate him from his embarrassments. He began, by extenuating the late loss, and the many expedients that remained to relieve their situation • G 3 n THE HiSTORY he laid all the blame of their defeat, upon tlie cowardice of tbt auxiliaries, and their insincere attachment to his kingdom. Lest the fame of his ill success, which always represents things worse than they are, should occasion any commotions in his absence, he engaged, if he would leave him three hun- dred thousand of his choice troops, to subdue all Greece. On the other hand, if the event proved otherwise, he would take all the blame of miscarriage, and suffer, in person, if it were to retrieve the honour of his master. This advice was very well received by Xerxes ; who, think- ing enough had been given to glory, when he had made him- self master of Athens, prepared to return to Persia, at the head of a part of his army ; leaving the other part of it with Mardonius : not so much with the hope of reducing Greece, as through the fear of being pursued. These resohitions were communicated in a council held soon after the fight ; and the night following, the fleet set sail, in great confusion, towards the Hellespont, and took up their winter quarters at Cuma. The king himself leaving the generals to take care of the army, hastened, with a small re« tinue, to the sea side ; which he reached forty-five days after ihe battle of Salamis. When he arj'ived at the place, he found ihe bridge broken down, by the violence of the waves, in a tempest which had lately happened there. He was, therefore, obliged to pass the strait in a small boat ; which manner of returning, being compared to the ostentatious method in which he had set out, rendei*ed his disgrace still more poignant and afflicting. The army which he had ordered to follow him, having been unprovided with provisions, suffered great hard- ships by the way. After having consumed all the corn they could find, they were obliged to live upon herbs, and even upon the bark and leaves of trees. Thus harassed and fa- tigued, a pestilence began, to complete their misery ; and, after a fatiguing journey of forty-five days, in which they were pursued rather by vultures and beasts of prey, than by men, they came to the Hellespont, where they crossed over, and marched from thence to Sardis. Such, was the end of Xerxes' expedition into Greece ; a measure begun in pride, and cerminating in infamy. It is to be observed, however, that we have all this account from the Greek writers, only; who no doubt have been partial »o their countrymen. I am told, that the Persian historians represent this expedition in a very different light ; and say, that the king was recalled in the midst of his successes, to quell an insurrection at home. Be this as it will, the affairs gf Persia seemed, after that, to go backward, until the time \ OF GREECE. 77 when Alexander led a conquering army of Greeks to invade ihem in turn. CHAPTER Vn. From the Retreat of Xerxes^ to the Peace concluded he'toeen the Greeks and the Persians. The earliest object to which the Greeks attended, after the battle of Salamis, was to send the first fruits of the . ^ rich spoil they had taken from the Persians, to Del- '.^^o^^ phos. Considered in a confederated light, they were "* * ever attentive to the duties of religion ; and, though the sects and opinions in philosophy, taught mankind to entertain but very mean ideas of the objects of public worship, yet it was religion that formed their bond of union ; and, for a while, held them feebly together. When that bond came to be brok- en, and the council of the Amphictyons became rather a po- litical, than a religious assembly, the general union no longer prevailed ; and the different states fell a sacrifice to their own contentions. The Joy of the Greeks, upon this victory, was general and loud ; every commander had his share of honour ; but the glory of Themistocles eclipsed that of all the rest. It was a custom in Greece, that, after a battle, the commanding officers should declare who had distinguished themselves most, by writing the names of such as merited the first and second re- wards. On this occasion, each officer concerned, adjudged the first rank to himself, but all allowed the second to The- mistocles ; which was, in fact, a tacit superiority. This was farther confirmed by the Lacedaemonians, who carried him in triumph to Sparta; and, having adjudged the rewards of valour to their own countryman, Euribyades, adjudged that of wisdom to Themistocles. They crowned him with olive ; presented him with a rich chariot, and conducted him, with three hundred horse^ to the confines of their state. But still there was a homage paid him, which flattered his pride yet more ; when he appeared at the Olympic games, the spectators received him with uncommon acclamations. As soor as he appeared, the whole assembly rose up, to do him honour : nobody regarded either the games or 'he combatants; Themistocles was the only spectacle worth their attention. Struck with such flattering honours, he could not help o\>- serving, that he that day reaped the fruits, of all his labours. After the Grecians had returned from pursuing the Persian fleet, Themistocles sailed to all the islands which had espoused 78 THE HISTORY their interests, in order to levy contributions. The first he applied to was that of Andros, from whose inhabitants he re- quired a considerable sum. I come^ said he, to you^ accompa' itied by tuoo very powerful divinities, Persuasion and Necessity, Alas ! replied they, we^ also, have divinities on our side, Poverty Cy?id ImpossibUity. . In consequence of this reply, he blocked them up for some lime ; but finding them too well fortified, he was obliged to retire. Some other islands, however, were furnished neither with so much reason, nor so much power. He exacted large sums from all such as were incapable of opposition ; and these contributions he converted chiefly to his own private advan- tage; thus showing, in his own character, two very oddly as- sorted qualities, avarice and ambition. In the mean time, Mardonius, who remained in Greece, with a body of three hundred thousand men, passed the win- ter in Thessaly ; and, in the beginning of spring, led thera down into the province of Boeotia. From thence, he sent Alexander, king of Macedonia, with a splendid retinue to Athens, with proposals for an accommodation ; and to endeav- our to make them separate their interests from the general cause of Greece. He offered to rebuild their city ; to give them a considerable sum of money: to suffer them to enjoy their laws and constitution, and to give them the government of all Greece. Aristides was, at that time, in the highest office, being prin- cipal archon at Athens. It was in his presence, that the king of^ Macedon made his proposals ; and that the deputies from the other states of Greece, endeavoured to avert their force. But Aristides wanted no prompter, but the natural dictates of his own heart, to give them an answer. " To men," said he, " bred up to pleasure and ignorance, it is natural to prof fer great rewards ; and to hope, by bribes, to buy off virtue. Barbarians, who make silver and gold the chief objects of their esteem, may be excused for thinking to corrupt the fideli- ty of every people : but that the Lacedaemonians, who came to remonstrate against these offers, should suppose they could prevail, was indeed surprising. The Athenians have the common liberty of Greece entrusted to their care, and moun- tains of gold are not able to shake their fidelity. No : so long as that sun which the Persians adore, continues to s]iine, with wonted splendour,.so long shall the Athenians be mortal ene- mies to the Persians ; so long shall they pursue them, for ravishing their lands, for burning their houses, and polluting their temples : such, is the answer we return to the Persian Jjroposal ; and you,** continued he, addressing himself t» OF GREECE. 79 Alexander, " if you are truly their friend, refrain, for the fu- rare, from being the bearer of such proposals ; your honour, and perhaps even your safety, demands it." All treaty being thus broken up, Mardonius prepared to act with vigour, and invaded Attica, which the Athenians were once more obliged to desert and leave to his fury. He entered Athens, ten months after it had been taken by Xei-xes, the inhabitants having again conveyed tjiemselves to Salamis, and other neighbouring places. In that state of exile and want, they continued contented with all their sufferings, since repaid by freedom. Even Ly- cidas, a senator, who attempted to propose a submission, was stoned to death, while his wife and children met with the same fate from the women ; so strong was the aversion which the Athenians had conceived against all communications Avith Persia, In the mean time, the Spartans, whose duty it was to co- operate with the Athenians with equal ardour, unmindful of the general cause, thought only of making preparations for their own security ; and resolved to fortify the isthmus, in or- der to hinder the enemy from entering into Peloponnesus. ' This, the Athenians considered as a base and ungrateful de- fection, and sent deputies to remonstrate against the Spartan conduct. They had orders to say, that if Sparta would per- sist in its partial method of seeking security, the Athenians would follow their example ; and, instead of suffering all for Greece, would turn, with their fleet, to the Persians; who, being thus masters of the sea, could invade the territory of Sparta whenever they should think proper. These menaces had so good an effect, that five thousand men were privately despatched, each attended with seven Helotes, and were ac- tually upon their march before the Spartans gave the Athe- nian deputies any answer. Mardonius had left Attica, at this time, and was on his re- turn to the country of Boeotia ; where he resolved to await the approach of the enemy, as he could there draw up his (orces with greater ease, than in the hilly parts of Attica, where a few might be opposed to numbers with greater suc- cess. He encamped by the river Asopos, along the banks of which his army extended, consisting of three hundred thou sand fighting men. Great, as this army was, the Greeks, with much inferioi forces, resolved to meet it in the field. Their troops were b> ihis time assembled, and amounted to seventy thousand men i)f these, five thousand were Spartans, attended by thirty-fivr Uiottsaud Helotes. The Athenians amounted to eight tjiou 80 THE HISTORY sand, and the troops of the allies made up the remainder. In the right wing of this army, the Spartans were placed, com- manded by Cleombrotus; in the left wing, the Athenians, with Aristides at their head. In this order, they followed Mardonius into Boeotia, deter- mined on trying the fate of a battle ; and encamped at no j^rcat distance from him, at the foot of mount Cythaeron. Here, they continued for some time, awaiting, in dreadful suspense, a battle that was to determine the fate of Greece. Some skirmishing between the Persian cavalry, and the wing of the Grecian army, in which the latter were successful, seemed to give a presage of future victory, for which, how- ever, during ten days, neither side seemed willing to strike. While the two armies were thus opposed, waiting the most favourable opportunity of engaging; the Greeks, by their mutual dissensions, were upon the point of losing their free- dom, in satisfying their mutual jealousy. The first dispute that arose in the army, was begun by the Tegeans, who con- tended with the Athenians upon the point of precedence. They willingly allowed the Spartans the command of the right wing, as they constantly had it : but they insisted on having the left ; alleging that they had earned it by former acts cJ valour, and well-known success. The dispute ran high ; a mutinous disposition began to prevail in all parts of the army ; and the enemy were likely to become victorious, without a blow. In this general spirit of dissension, Aristides alone appear- ed unmoved. Long noted for his impartiality and justice, all parties fixed their eyes upon him, as the only moderator from whom they could expect satisfaction. Wherefore, turning himself to the Spartans, and some of the rest of the confede- rates, he addressed them in the following manner : " It is not now a time, my friends, to dispute about the merit of past services ; for all boasting is vain,in the day of danger. Let it be the brave man's pride, to rest assured, that it is not the post or station which gives courage, or which can take it away. I head the Athenians ; whatever post you shall assign us we will maintain it : and make our station, wherever we are placed, the post of true honour and military glory. We are come hither, not to contend with our friends, but to fight with our enemies ; not to boast of our ancestors, but to imi- tate them. This battle will distinguish the particular merit of each city, each commander, and even the lowest sentinel will share the honour of the day." This speech determined the council of war in favour i f OF GREECE. SI A fatal conspiracy, in the midst of the Athenians, threat- ened consequences still more dangerous, as they were uns7en Some of the best and richest families, who had wastod the?; fortunes m the war, and lost their credit in the ci?y, enter^ into a confederacy, to deliver up Greece into the hands of the Persians. Anst.des, however, still watchful in the servke of the s ate, was early informed of their machinations, Mdi^- stantly laid their schemes before the general council No"- withstanding, he was contented with hiving eight of the con- .pirators arrested; and of these, two only were reserved for trial. Yet his lenity, or, to call it by a truer name, his nru dence, would not permit him to act rigorously, e^en aga'^nsi these ; as he knew that severity, in times of general dS would but depress the ardour of the army, he permittedTlfem to escape; and thus sacrificed public justicMo public security .».K H^'™'^' ^"^ "°'^ continued for ten days in sight of .ach other in anxious expectation of an engagement- both willing to begin, yet afraid to strike, as the a^lreTsor was o engage at a disadvantage. But Mardonius KTatur^l" |.f an impatient, fiery disposition, grew very unlasy at so lisli'':i,d th: f"'-'' '''"' ""' ""'^•' provisioTs'^tft f^r a^diSftelh^^^^i^r ^"" ''"' '^^ ^^'•""^^■•' "^ ^'•^ ,.^!' ^^u"i?''^'- "^^^'^ ^ <=»"n"l of war, to deliberate wheth- merk .t? f" ''^f"^- ^rtabazus, a person of singular merit and great experience, was of opinion, that theyshoufd ral'rThe'bes'"''!,-!'"^'''^* they sLuId' retire uLer^e and subii^f !V^''%"'!,^"^'">'''^"''""=<' °f ^^"°"s "oops, their own .n.^^""'" leaders, would destroy each other, by on th.7 'I'^^^ns'ons ; or might be partly corrupted to give up the common cause. p u i" {.ivc snurredo&" *^^ the most reasonable; but Mardonius, fS J^ ^ T".""^ impetuosity, and wearied with a pro' contrS T ^ '*'°'\'='' '° *"^S« 5 "O"- had the rest coura^ to ?h.v =K M^' ■ '^?°''"i°"- The result, therefore was^ that they should give battle the next day. ' lot W ^""^ "-evolved, on the side of Persia, the Greeks wore Iv aDDHfJ'',K'" • ^u i^e engagement: they had been secret- of the result o? IIE'^'p''''?'""' "y A'F?'ander, king of Macedon, eave orH^^i . l^ ^'■"*'' councils. Pausanius, therefore, fiid Hr,if ^!- V^^' *° prepare themselves for battle ; «!,'„?„ T^^ "P h's fo"-"*, placed the Athenians on the right L «n^ better acquainted with the Persian manner of filh^ "»8f, and flushed with former success. * 82 THE HISTORY Whether it was fear or prudence that suggested this change to the general, the Athenians took the post of honour with exultation : nothing was heard among them but mutual ex- hortations to bravery, and a steady resolution to conquer or fall. But Mardonius, hearing of this alteration in the dispo- sition of the Grecian army, made an alteration also in his own. This oncf more produced a change likewise in the disposi- tion of the Greeks ; by which changing and re-changing the order of battle, nothing farther was done that day. At night, the Greeks held a council of war, in which it was resolved, that they should decamp from their present snuation, and march to another, more conveniently situated for water. As their removal was to be performed in the night, much disorder ensued ; and, in the morning, Mardonius per- ceiving them scattered over the plain, he supposed that they were flying, rather than retreating : he, therefore, resolved to pursue them, with his whole army. The Greeks, perceiving his design, soon collected then scattered forces, which the darkness had dispersed, but not intimidated ; and, halting near the little city of Plataea, there determined to await the shock of their pursuers. The barba rian forces soon came up to the engagement, with their ac- customed howling, expecting rather to plunder, than to fight. The Lacedaemonians, who closed up the rear of the Gre- cian army, were the first who supported the shock of the as- sailants. They were, in some measure, separated from the rest of the army, by the obstinacy of one of their own regi- ments, who considered their retreat as contrary to the idea of Spartan discipline ; but, still consisting of a formidable body of men, they were in a capacity of making head against the in- vaders. Collecting themselves into a phalanx, they stood im- pencti able and immoveable, to all the assaults of the enemy. In the mean time, the Athenian troops, who were apprised of the attack, quickly turned back, in order to assist their al- lies ; but the Greeks, who were in Persian pay, to the number of five thousand, intercepted their return. Thus, the battle was divided into two, and fought, with great ardour, in vari- ous parts of the field. But nothing could resist the weight of % the Spartan phalanx; which, after some time, broke in upor the Persian forces, and put them into disorder. In this tumu!t, Mardonius, Jn attempting to restore the or- der of battle, and rushing into the midst of the carnage, was killed, by Aimnestus, a Spartan; and, soon afterwards, all his arntiy betook themselves to flight. The other Greek troops soon followed the brave example set them by Sparta, and thf rout became general OF GREECE. 83 Artabazus, who commanded a body of forty thousand Per- •ians fled with them, towards the Hellespont: while the rest fortified themselves, in theii:. camp, witli wooden ramparts There, they were attacked by the Spartans ; but, not beine well' skilled in that part of war, the Athenians soon came up to their assistance, and effected a breach in this hasty rampart ^ It was then, that the slaughter of the enemy was indiscrim- inate, and terrible Of all the Persian army, that had taken refuge there, not four thousand men escaped. Above a hun- dred thousand men were put to the sword ; and the conquer- ors, willing to rid their country, at once, of their terrible in- yaders, refused to give quarter. Thus, ended the Persian mvasions of Greece; nor, ever after, was the Persian armv keen to cross the Hellespont. The carnage being at last over, the Greeks buried their dead, which at most did not amount to ten thousand men • and soon after, as a testimony of their gratitude to Heaven' they caused a statue of Jupiter to be made, at the general ex- pense, which they placed in his temple, at Olympia. The names of the several nations of Greece, that were present in the engagement, were engraven on the right side of the pedesta of the statue; the Spartans first, the Athenians next, and all the rest in order. ' In the mean time, while success attended the Grecian arms upon and, they were not less fortunate, at sea. The ereat- ?jr.°r " P^'-^t".'^^^'' ''^"'^ "'« defeat at Salamis, win- tered at Cumie ; and, m the spring, moved to Samos, both to guard and awe the coasts of Asia. The Grecians, in ihe mean time, were refitt „g their ships at ^.gina ; and, be ng im- portuned by the Samians, they put to sea under the conduct of Lcotichydes, the Spartan, and Xanthippus, the Athenian. 1 he Persians apprised of their approach, and having lon^ experienced their own inferiority, would not venture to opposf them, at sea, but drew up their ships, upon land, at Mycale, a promontory of Ionia ; where they fortifie . them with a wal of tivfv'^K'"'" i r*"''= "'^ '^'"'^ ''^^° protected by an army 01 sixty thousand foot, under the command of Tigranes. Mfn.t'Vi ^'^'^'f'''"-^."'" *••='«■■ '••« ^'•"'^s '■■•"■n venturing to attack them. Leotichydes having endeavoured to make th- loinans revolt, landed his forces, and the next day prepared' for the assault. He drew up his army in two bodies ; the one consisting chiefly of Athenians and Corinthians, kept the P am, whilst the other, of Lacedemonians, marched over the mils and precipices, to gain the highes. ground. 1 he battle being joined, great courage and resolution wan •Down on both sides, and the fortune of the dav continued fo. 84 THE HISTORY OF GBEECE. a long time in suspense. The defection of the Greek aux- iliaries in the Persian army, turned the fate of the battle : the Persians were soon routed, and pursued, with great slaugh tcr, to their very tents. The Athenians had made themselves masters of the field before the Lacedaemonians could come to their assistance, so that all the share these had in the action was to disperse some Persian troops, which were attempting to make a regular retreat ; soon afterwards, their ramparts were forced, and all their vessels burned, so that nothing could be more complete, than the victory at Mycale. Tigranes, the Per- sian general, and forty thousand men of his army, lay dead on the field of battle ; the fleet was destroyed ; and, of the great army brought into Europe by Xerxes, scarcely one remained, to carry back the tidings. The battle of Plataea was fought in the morning, and that of Mycale in the evening of the same day. But, what is very extraordinary, it is universally affirmed, that the victory at Plataea was known at Mycale before the battle began, though it is a passage of several days from one place to the other. It is most probable that Leotichydes made use of the repori to encourage his army, and incite them to emulate their as- sociates in the cause of freedom. During these misfortunes, Xerxes, who had been the cause of all, lay at Sardis, expecting the event of his expedition ; but every hour coming loaded with the news of some fatal disaster, finding himself unable to retrieve his affairs, he re« tired farther into the country; and endeavoured to drown, in luxury and riot, the uneasy reflections of his unsuccessful ambition. To the want of success abroad, was added the contempt of his subjects at home ; and this brought on a train of trea- sons, insurrections, sacrilege, murder, incest, and cruelty; so that the latter part of his reign was as scandalous, as the first part of it had been unfortunate. The Grecian fleet, after the battle of Mycale, set sail to- wards the Hellespont, to occupy the bridges which Xerxes had built over that strait ; but, finding them already destroyed by the tempestuous weather, they returned home. From this time, all the cities of Ionia revolted from the Persians; and, having entei^ed into the general confederacy, most of them preserved their liberty during the time that empire subsisted. The treasures which the Persians had brought into Greece, were very great ; and these, of course, became a prey to the <:onquei*ors. From this period, the Greeks began to lose their f 8* spirit of hardy and laborious virttie ; and to adopt the refined indolence, the captious petulance, and the boundless love of pleasure, which are always the result of extreme wealth. The former equality of the people, now began to be broken ; rnd, while one part of the inhabitants rioted in opulence and luxu- ry, another was seen pining in want and despair. It was in vain that philosophy reared its head, to stop these calamities : its voice reaches only a few ; the great, and the little vulgar, arc equally deaf to its dictates. From this time, we are to view a different picture ; and, in- stead of a brave and refined people, confederating against tyranny, we are to behold an enervated and factious populace, a corrupt administration among those in power, and wealth alone making distinction. CHAPTER VIII. From the Vklory at Mycale^ to the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. No sooner were the Greeks freed from the appre- . ^^ nensions of a foreign invasion, than they began to en- ^' tertain jealousies of each other. Indeed, these petty '^^^^• animosities had all along subsisted among them ; but they were kept under by the sense of general danger. As this col- lection of republics was composed of states entirely dissimi- lar in manners, interests, and inclinations, it was no way sur- prising to find its parts ever at variance with each other. The first marks of jealousy, after the destruction of the Persian army, exhibited themselves between the Athenian^ and Spartans; the one, a refined ambitious people, unwilling to admit a superior in the general confederacy; the other, a hardy unpolished race, which could never think of admitting a feebler state as an equal. The Athenians, with their fami- lies, having returned to their own country, began to think of rebuilding their city, which had been almost destroyed dui-^ ing the Persian war. As every new foundation aims at improving the old, they laid a plan of strengthening and extending their walls ; and giving their city, at once, more magnificence and security. This was but natural : however, the Lacedaemonians conceived a jcafousy at this undertaking; and began to think that Athens, from being mistress of the seas, would soon attempt usurp- ing all authority upon land. They, therefore, sent an embassy to the Athenians, to dis- suade them from this undertaking; giving, as an ostensibly 64 THE HISTORY reason, the danger such fortifications would be of to the gene- ral confederacy, if they should ever fall into the hands of the Persians. This message at first appeared reasonable, and the Athenians put an immediate stop to their undertaking ; but Themistocles, who, since the battle of Salamis, continued to guide in the assemblies of Athens, easily saw through the pretext ; and advised the council to meet their dissimulation with similar address. He, therefore, answered the Spartan ambassadors, that the Athenians would soon send an embassy to Lacedaemon, in which they would fully satisfy all their scruples. Having thus gained time, he procured himself to be elected for that im- portant negociation ; and took care to draw out the treaty by studied delays. He had previously desired that his colleagues should follov/^, one after another ; and still he alleged, at Lace- daemon, that he only waited for their arrival, to determine the affair at a single audience. During all this time, the work was carried on at Athena with the utmost vigour and industry ; the women and chil- dren, strangers and slaves, were all employed in it, nor was it interrupted for a single day. It was in vain, that the Spartans complained of this proce- dure ; it was in vain, that they urged Themistocles to hasten his business: he steadfastly denied the fact, and entreated them not to give any credit to loose and idle reports. He desired they would send again, and inquire into the truth of the matter; and, at the same time, advised the Athenians to detain the Spartan envoys, until he and his colleagues should return. At last, finding all his pretence for delay exhausted, he bold- ly demanded an audience ; and, knowing that the work was finished, he no longer kept on the mask. He then informed the Spartans, in full council, that Athens was now in a con- dition to keep out any enemy, whether foreign or domestic ; chat what his countrymen had done, was conformable both to the law of nations and the common interests of Greece ; that every city had a right to consult for its own safety, without submitting to the voice or control of its neighbours : that what had been done was entirely in consequence of his advice: and, in short, that whatever injury they offered him, they must expect would be returned upon their own ambassadors, who were still detained at Athens. These declarations extremely displeased the Lacedaemoni- ans : but, either sensible of their truth, or unwilling to come to an open rupture, they dissembled their resentment ; and the ambassadors, on both sides, having all suitable honours paid them, returned to their respective cities. Themistoclet OF GREECK 87 was received with as much joy, by his fellow-citizens, as if he had returned from a triumph ; and he was of a disposition to feel those honours, with the highest delight. Having thus taken proper precautions for securing the city, his next care was to strengthen the port, and form a harbour, at once spacious and secure. He likewise obtained a decree, tliat every year they should build twenty vessels, to continue and augment their force by sea ; and, in order to induce the greater number of workmen and sailors to resort to Atnens, he caused particular privileges and immunities to be granted in their favour. His design was, to render Athens entirely a maritime city; in which, he followed a very different system of politics, from their former governors ; who bent all their efforts to alienate the minds of the people from commerce and naval affairs. But, as success, in one part, is apt to lead on to designs still more extensive, Themistocles was willing to outstep the bounds of justice, in the prosecution of his darling projects He even formed a plan for supplanting Sparta, and making Athens the unrivalled mistress of Greece. On a certain day, therefore, he declared, in a full assembly of the people, tha* he had a very important design to propose ; but which could not be communicated to the public, as the execution required secrecy and despatch. He, therefore, desired they would ap- point a person to whom he might explain himself; one, whose judgment might direct, and whose authority might confirm him in his design. To direct in a matter of this importance. It was not easy to overlook the wisest and the best man of the state: and Aristides was unanimously chosen, as the mosi pioper person, to weigh the justice, as well as the utility, of the proposal. Themistocles, therefore, taking him aside, told him that the design he had conceived, was to burn the fleet belonging to the rest of the Grecian states, which then lay in a neighbouring port; and thus procure Athens an undisputed sovereignty of the sea. Aristides, inwardly displeased at the proposal, made no answer; but, returning to the assembly, informed them, that nothing could be more advantageous for Athens, than what J hemistocles had proposed; but nothing could be more unjust. The people, still possessed of a share of remaining virtue, unanimously declined the proposal, without knowing its con- tents; and conferred the surname of Just upon Aristides; a title still more flattering, as he had so well deserved it. Thus, Athens being restored to peace and security, once more began to apply to those arts that adorn life, and secure freedom. The people began to assume a greater share in the 8J THE HISTORT goYcrnment of the state, than they had hitherto aspired at; and steps were every day taken, to render the constitution entire. ly popular. Aristides perceived this ; and dreaded the consequences of a democratic government; he, therefore, procured a decree, that the archons, who were the chief magistrates of the state, should be chosen, indiscriminately, from all ranks of Athenians, with out distinction. Thus, by indulging the citizens in a part oi their wishes, he secured a legal subordination among the whole In the mean time, the Grecians, encouraged bv their formei victories, resolved to send a fleet to deliver their confederates, who still groaned beneath the Persian yoke. Pausanias com- nianded the Spartan fleet, while Aristides, and Cimon, the son of Miltiades, were appointed to conduct the fleets of Athens. This was the first time that Cimon, who was yet very youne' was placed in a sphere for the exhibition of his virtues. He had formerly suffered himself to be imprisoned towards the i-atisfying of his father's fine, and his pietv, upon that oc- casion, gave the most favourable presage of his future great- ness. When set at liberty, his services in war soon became conspicuous ; and it was seen that he acted with the courage of his father, the judgment of Themistocles, and with morr sincerity than either. The ingenuous openness of his temper, being easily seen, he was opposed in the state as a counter- poise to the craft and subtlety of Themistocles; and thus ad- vanced to the highest employments, both at home and abroad. Under these commanders, the allied fleet first directed their course to the isle of Cyprus, where they restored all the cities to their liberty: then, steering towards the Hellespont, they attacked the city of Byzantium, of which they made themselves masters ; and took a vast number of prisoners, many of whom were the richest and most considerable families of Persia. The success of this expedition was not more flattering to the Cirecks, than in the end injurious to them. A delu"-e of wealth pouring in, corrupted the simplicity, and tainted the manners, of every rank of people. The Athenians, already skilled in the arts of politeness and effeminacy, concealed their change, for a time; but it soon broke out among the Spar- tans, and Pausanias himself, their commander, was the first infected with the contagion. Being naturally of a haughty and imperious temper, and, still more, impressed with the gloomy austerity of Sparta, he iet no bounds to his iambition : he treated his officers and even the confederate generals, with severity, arrogance, and dis dam; and so much alienated the minds of the soldiers, that OP GREECE. 8d l« was forsaken by all the confederates, who put themselves under the command and protection of Aristides and Cimon. These generals had always observed a contrary deport- ment : affable, courteous, and obliging, they tempered their authority with mildness ; and won, by their manners, such as they could not engage by their benefits. An opposition, so mortifying, could not but be displeasing to Pausanias : it was in vain, that he attempted to keep up his authority by pride and ostentation ; his importance sunk with his unpop- ularity ; and he became contemptible, even to those that still acknowledged his command. Perhaps it was from these motives, that he resolved to sa orifice his country to his ambition ; and give up to the Per- sians, a state where he could no longer expect to dictate. Be this as it will, he made overtures for gaining the favour of Xerxes ; and, in order to ingratiate himself at the court of that monarch, he suffered some of his more exalted prison- ers to make their escape, by night, commissioned with let- ters to Xerxes ; wherein, he offered to deliver up Sparta and all Greece, on condition that he would give him his daugh- ter in marriage. Xerxes readily hearkened to the proposal, and referred him to Artabazus, his governor, to concert measures with him for putting it in execution. He also furnished him with a large sum of money, to be distributed among such of the Grecian states as would join in the conspiracy. How long this treaty continued secret, we are not told; but it was discovered at Sparta, before it could be put into execution ; and Pausanias was ordered home, to take his trial for the offence. The proofs, however, against him, were not Buflicient for conviction ; as the ephori had made it a rule never to convict a man, but upon the plainest evidence. But his command was taken from him ; and he retired, still med- itating revenge and destruction to his country. It was not long, however, before he received a second sum- mons to appear before the ephori, for fresh crimes, and a number of his own slaves were found to depose against him. Still, however, he had the fortune to come off; the mildness of tlie Spartan laws, and tl e authority of his regal office, which he still possessed, conspiring to protect him. Pausanias, having in this manner twice escaped the justice of his country, would not, however, abandon his base projects, or sacrifice his resentment to his safety. Immediately upon his being acquitted, he returned to the sea-coasts, without any authority from the state, and still continued to carry on hii correspondence with Artabazus. 911 THE HISTORY He now acted with so little reserve, that his conduct wjis known to the ephori, and they only wanted information to convict him. While they were thus perplexed for evidence^ a certain slave, who was called the Argillian, cleared their doubts, and came with proofs which could not be resisted. This man had been employed, by Pausanias, to carry a let- ter to Artabazus, and he accordingly prepared himself for the expedition ; but, reflecting that many of his fellow-slaves had been sent on similar messages, and seeing none of them return, he was induced to open the packet of which he was the bearer, and there he discovered the mystery, and his own danger. It seems, that Pausanias and the Persian governor, had agreed to put to death all the messengers they mutually sent to each other, as soon as their letters were delivered; so that there might be no possibility left of tracing out or discover, ing the correspondence. This letter he delivered to the ephori, who were now convinced that Pausanias was guilty; but, they were desirous of having a fuller confirmation from himself. For this purpose, they contrived that the slave should lake sanctuary in the temple of Neptune, as for safety and protection ; and, under a pretence of supplicating the deity, for the infidelity he had committed. The instant Pausanias was informed of his slave's behaviour, he hastened to the temple, to inquire the reason ; where the slave informed him, that, having opened his letter, he found the contents fatal to himself ; and, therefore, took this method of averting the dan- ger. Pausanias, instead of denying the fact, endeavoured rather to pacify the slave, and promised him a large reward to bribe his future secrecy. But, during this interview, the ephori had privately posted persons to overhear the conver- sation, and they soon divulged his guilt. The moment, therefore, he had returned to the city, the ephori resolved to seize him ; and, from the aspect of one of these magistrates, he plainly perceived his danger : he there- fore flew to take sanctuary in the temple of Minerva, and got thither before his pursuers could overtake him. As the religion of the state would not permit his being laken forcibly from thence, the people stopped up the en- trance, with great stones; and, tearing off* the roof, left him exposed to the inclemency of the weather. After a short stay, he was starved to death ; and, in this miserable manner, died the general who had led on the victorious troops to the field of Plataea. The fate of Pausanias soon afterwards involve^ that of OF GREECE. 91 Themistocles, who had some time before been banished, and lived in great esteem at Argos. A passionate thirst of glory, and a strong desire to command arbitrarily over the citizens, liad made him very odious at Athens. Pie had built, near his house, a temple, in honour of Diana, under this title, " To Diana, the goddess of good counsel," as hinting at his own counsels upon several important occa- sions, and thus tacitly reproaching his fellow-citizens of hav- ing forgotten them. This, though a small off*ence, was suffi- cient to expel him from so fluctuating and jealous a state, as that of Athens; but he was now accused of having partici- pated in the designs of Pausanias. In fact, Pausanias had communicated to him all his designs ; but Themistocles had rejected his proposals, with the utmost indignation. But he concealed his treason ; either thinking it base to betray the secrets trusted to his confidence, or imagining it impossible ''or such dangerous and ill-concerted schemes to take efiect. Be this as it will, upon the downfal of Pausanias, it appear- ed, that a correspondence had been carried on betAveen them ; and the Lacedaemonians declared themselves his accusers, be- fore the assembly of the people of Athens. Such of the citi- zens as had long either envied, or feared Themistocles, now joined in the general accusation, and, with great acrimony, urged his death. Aristides, alone, who had long been his open opposer, re- fused to join in this base confederacy against him, and rejected so mean an opportunity of revenge; being as little inclined to delight in the misfortunes of his adversary, as he had before been to envy his success. It was in vain, that Themistocles answered, by letters, to the calumnies laid against him ; it was in vain, he alleged that a mind like his, disdaining slavery at home, could think of wishing for it in exile : the people, too strongly wrought upon by his accusers, sent persons to seize and bring him before the council of Greece. Fortunately, however, he had timely notice of their design, and went to take refuge in the island of Corcyra; to the in- habitants of which, he had formerly done signal services. From thence, he fled to Epirus ; and, finding himself still pur- sued by the Athenians, grown at length desperate, he fled to Admetus, king of the Molossians, for refuge. There, he first practised all the abject arts of a man obliged to sue to a ty- rant for succour. He had, on a former occasion, been instru mental in preventing the Athenians from granting aid to this monarch; and this was now severely remembered against him, Admetus was from home, at the time Themistocles came to implore protection : and, upon his return, he was surprise.ri If M THE HISTORT OF GREECE. 93 to find his old adversary, who had come lo put nimself undef Ills protection. As soon as the king appeared, Themistocles took that monarch's young son in his arms, and, seating him- self amidst the household gods, informed him of the cause ot his arrival, and implored his clemency and protection. Admetus, surprised and moved with compassion, at seeing the greatest man of Greece an humble suppliant at his feet, rais- ed him immediately from the ground, and promised him pro- tection. Accordingly, when the Athenians and Lacedsemoni- ans came to demand him, he refused absolutely to deliver up a person who had made his palace an asylum, in the firm per- suasion that it would aflbrd him safety and protection. Thus, continuing to spend the close of his life in indolence and retirement, having learned to pardon and despise the in gratitude of his country, he expected at least their forgiveness. liut the Athenians and Lacedemonians, would not suffer him to live in peace, and still insisted on having him delivered up. In this exigence, as the king found himself unable to protect his illustrious guest, he resolved to promote his escape. He was, therefore, put on board a merchant ship, which was sailing to Ionia, and his quality concealed, with the utmost precaution. A storm having carried the ship near the island ot Nuxos, then besieged by the Athenians, the imminent dan ger he was m of falling into their hands, compelled him to discover himself to the pilot, and prevailed upon him to steer lor Asia ; where, arriving at Cumae, a city of ^olia, in Asia Minor, he was from thence sent under a strong guard, and in one of those covered chariots, in which the Persians were accustomed to convey their wives, to the court at Sardis. When the unfortunate exile had arrived at the palace of the voluptuous monarch of the country, he waited on the captain ot the guard, requesting, as a Grecian stranger, to have per- mission to speak with the king. The officer informed him of a ceremony, which he knew was insupportable to some Greeks • but, without which, none were allowed that honour. This was to fall prostrate before the Persian monarch, and to wor- ship hini, as the living image of the gods on earth. Themistocles, who was never scrupulous of the means of obtaining what he sought, promised to comply; and, fallino on his face before the king, in the Persian manner, declared his name, his country, and misfortunes. " I have done," cried he, " my ungrateful country services more than once, and I am now come to offer those services to you. My life is in your hands ; you may now exert your clemency, or display rour vengeance. By the former, you will preserve a faithful suppliant; by the latter, you will desti'oy the greatest enemy 'o Greece." The king made him no answer, at this audience, though he was struck with admiration at his eloquence and intrepidity ; but he soon gave a loose to his joy at the event. He told his courtiers, that he considered the arrival of Themistocles as a very happy accident, and wished that his enemies would for ever pursue the same destructive methods, of banishing from among them all the good and wise. Even his satisfactions were continued in a dream. At night, he was seen to start from his sleep, and three times to cry out, ** I have got Themistocles, the Athenian." He even gave him three cities for his support, and had him maintained in the utmost affluence and splendour. It is said, that, such was his favour at the Persian court, and so great was the considera- tion in which he was held by all ranks of mankind, that, one iay at table, he was heard to cry out to his wife and children, that were placed there, " Children, we should have been cer lainly ruined, if we had not been formerly undone." In this manner, he lived in affluence and contented slavery, aiiiil the king began to think of employing his talents, in Rending him at the head of an army against Athens. Although Themistocles professed himself Un open enemy to the state, yet he still harboured a latent affection for it, which no re- sentment could remove. The consciousness that he should be instrumental in overturning a city which had been made to flourish by his counsels, gave him inexpressible pain. He found himself, at last, unable to sustain the conflict between his gratitude to the kiivg, and his love to his coiintry ; and, therefore, resolved upon dying, as the only means of escaping from his perplexity. He, therefore, prepared a solemn sacri • fice, to which he invited all his friends ; when, after embra- cing them all, and taking a last farewell, he swallowed poison, which soon put an end to his life. He died at Magnesia, aged *ixty-five years, the greatest part of which he had spent iis khe intrigues and bustles of active employment. Themistocles seemed to unite in himself all the prominent features of the Greek character; sagacious, eloquent, and brave, yet unprincipled, artful, and mercenary, with too man'* virtues ever to be mentioned as a despicable character, and too many defects ever to be considered as a great one. In the mean time, while Themistocles was thus become the sport of fortune, the just Aristides attempted a nobler path to glory. It has already been observed, that the com- mand of Greece had passed from Sparta to the Athenians ; wwi it was agreed among the body of th« states, that their 94 THE HISTORY common treasure for defraying the expanses of the war, should be Io(l,q;ed in the island of Delos, under the custody of a ma»: of a clear head and an uncorrupt heart. The great question, therefore, was, where to find a man to be trusted with so im- portant a charge, and steadfastly known to prefer the public interest to his own. In this general disquisition, all parties cast their eyes on Aristides,of whom Themistocles used jest- ingly to say, that he had no other merit than that of a strong box, in keeping safely what was committed to his charge. The conduct of Aristides, in his discharge of this duty served to confirm the great opinion mankind had formed of his integrity. He presided over the treasury, with the care of a father over his family ; and the caution of a miser, over what he holds dearer than himself. No man complained of his administration ; and no part of the public money was ex- hausted in vain. He, who thus contributed to make govern- ment rich, was himself very poor ; and so far was he from be- ing ashamed of poverty, that he considered it as glorious to him, as all the trophies and victories he had won. It happened, on a certain occasion, that Callias, an intimate friend and relation of Aristides, was summoned before the judges, for some offence ; and one of the chief objections al- leged against him, was, that, while he rolled in affluence and luxury, he suffered his friend and relation, Aristides, to re- main in poverty and want. Upon this occasion, Aristides Wis cited ; when it appeared that Callias had frequently of- fered to share his fortune with him, but that he declined the benefit ; asserting, that he only might be said to want, who permits his appetites to transgress the bounds of his income ; and that he who could dispense with a few things, thus ren- dered himself more like the gods, who want for nothing. In this manner, he lived, just in his public, and independent in his private capacity. His house was a public school for virtue ; and was open to all young Athenians, who sought wisdom, or were ambitious of power. He gave them the kindest reception ; heard them with patience ; instructed them with familiarity, and endeavoured, above all things, to give them a just value for themselves. Among the rest of his disciples, Cimon, who afterwards made such a distinguish- ed figure in the state, was one of the foremost History does not mention the exact time or place of his death, but it pays the most glorious testimony to his disinter- ested character, in telling us, that he who had the absolute disposal of all the public treasures, died poor. It is even as- serted, that he did not leave money enough behind him, to pay the expenses of his funeral; but that the government OF GREECE. 95 was obKged to bear the cliarge of it, and to maintain his family. His daughters were married, and his son subsisted, at the expense of the public ; and some of his grand-children were maintained by a pension, equal to that which such received as had been victorious at the Olympic games. But the great- est honour paid by his countrymen to his memory, was in giving him the title of Just; a character far superior to all the empty titles of wisdom or conquest ; since fortune or ac- cident may confer wisdom or valour, but all the virtues of morality are solely of our own making. Athens being, in this manner, deprived of the counsels and integrity of her two greatest magistrates, room was now made for younger ambition to step forward ; and Cimon, the son of Miltiades, promised to fill the scene with dignity and honour. Cimon had spent his youth in excesses, from wtiicli It was thought no effort could extricate him. When he first offered to gain public favour, he was so ill received by the people, prejudiced against him by his former follies, that he suffered the most cruel neglect. But, though he was possessed of courage and abilities, he began to lay aside all thoughts of the public, contented with only humbler satisfactions. But Aristides, perceiving that his dissolute turn of mind was united with many great qual- ifications, inspired him with fresh hopes : and persuaded him once more to renew the onset. He now, therefore, ^entirely changed his conduct, and, laying aside his juvenile follies, aimed at nothing but what was great and noble. Thus, he became not inferior to Miltiades in courage, to Themisto- cles in prudence, and was not far surpassed by Aristides in integrity. The first command, of any note, to which Cimon was ap- pointed, was of the fleet destined to scour the Asiatic seas. VVhen he had arrived, with his fleet, at Caria, all the Grecian' cities on the sea-coast, immediately submitted; and the rest which were garrisoned by the Persians, were taken by storm! Thus, by his conduct, as well as by his intelligence, the whole country, from Ionia to Pamphylia, declared against the pow- er of Persia; and joined in the association with Greece. The capture of the city Eion is too remarkable, to be pass- ed over in silence. The governor was Boges ; who held it for his master, the king of Persia, with a firm resolution to save it, or perish in its fall. It was in his power to have capitu- ulated with the besiegers ; and Cimon had often offered hiuj very advantageous terms : but, preferring his honour to hit safety, he declined all treaty, and defended his station with 96 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. y? incredible fury, till he found it no longer possible to continue the defence. Being, at last, in the utmost want of provi- sions, he threw all his treasures from the walls, into the river Strymon; after which, killing his wife and children, he laid them upon a pile, which he had erected for that pur- pose, and then setting fire to the whole, rushed into the midst of the flames, and expired. Cimon, thus proceeding from one conquest to another, was at last informed, that the whole Persian licet was anchored at the mouth of the river Eurymedon ; where they expected a reinforcement of ships from Phoenicia, and therefore defer- red an engagement till then. The Athenian general, however, resolved, if possible, to prevent this junction ; and ranged his gallies in such a posture, as to accomplish this, and yet compel the enemy to engage. It was in vain, that the Per- sian fleet retired farther up the mouth of the river : the Athenians still pursued them, until they were obliged to pre- pare for battle. The Persians, having the superiority of a hundred sail, maintained the conflict, for some time, with great intrepidity ; but, being at last forced on shore, those who came first threw themselves upon land, leaving their empty vessels to the enemy. Thus, besides what were sunk, the Athenians took above two hundred ships ; and following their success upon land, the Greek soldiers jumping from their ships, and setting up a shout, ran furiously upon the enemy, who sus- tained the first shock with great resolution. But, at length, thf Grecian valour overcame the enemy's desperation; a total rout of the Persians ensued ; numbers were made pris- oiiers; and a great quantity of plunder seized, which was found in their tents. Thus, the Greeks obtained a double victory, by sea and land, upon the same occasion. CUmon, having returned successful from this expedition, resolved to expend those treasures which he had taken in war, in beautifying and adorning his native city. A taste for architecture had, for some time, been entering into Greece; and the Athenians gave the world examples in this art, which surpass all others, to this very day. Victories, so very humiliating to the pride of Persia, in- duced that empire at last to think of peace ; and, after some lime, a treaty was concluded, in which the terms were very honourable on the side of Greece. It was stipulated, that the Grecian cities in Asia should be left in quiet enjoy- ment of their liberty ; and that both the land and sea forces of the Persians should be kept at such a distance from the Gre cian seas, as not to create the smallest suspicion. \^ Thus, entirely ended the Persian war, which had kept the Grecian states united, and called all their abilities into exer- tion. From that time forward, those enmities which had bcei dissipated upon the common foe, began to be turned upor each other : they lost all warlike spirit, in petty jealousies and, entirely softened by the refinements and luxuries of peace, prepared themselves for submission, to the first invader of their freedom. About this time, the study of philosophy was carried from Ionia to Athens, by Athenagoras, the Clazomenian. Poetry was, at the same time, cultivated by Simonides, of the island of Ceos; who sung the exploits of his country, in a style be- coming their valour. His writings, however, have not had merit enough to preserve them from oblivion ; and it may be asserted, that mankind rarely suffer any work to be lost, which tends to make them more wise, or more happy. CHAPTER IX. From the Peace mth Persia, to the Peace of Nicias, The state of Athens being thus, in a great measure, freed from its fear of a foreign enemy, began to cherish intestine ani- mosities ; and its citizens laboured, with every art, to supplant each other, in aiming at places of trust and authority. Besides Cimon, who, by general consent, had been appointed to con- duct the fleet and army, others endeavoured to take the lead at home, and to govern, with less hazard, the operations oi the state. The foremost in this attempt, was Pei icles, who was much younger than Cimon, and of a quite different character. Peri- cles was descended from the greatest and most illustrious fami- lies of Athens: his father, Xanthippus, defeated the Persians at Mycale ; and his mother, Agarista, was niece to Calisthenes, who expelled the tyrants, and established a popular govern- ment in Athens. He had early thoughts of rising in the state ; and took lessons from Anaxagoras, in the philosophy of na- ture. He studied politics, with great assiduity ; but particu- larly devoted himself to eloquence ; which, in a popular state, he considered as the fountain of all promotion. His studies were crowned with success ; the poets, his contemporaries, affirm, that his eloquence was so powerful, that, like thunder, it shook and astonished all Greece. He had the art of uniting force and beauty; there was no resisting the strength of his argume cs, or the sweetness of his delivery. Thicydides, his great opponent, was often heard to say, 93 THE, HISTOUY that, though he had often overthrown him, the power of his persuasion was such, that the audience could never perceive him fallen. To this eloquence, he added also a thorough in- sight into human nature, as well as a perfect acquaintance with the disposition of his auditors. It was a constant say- ing with him, to himself, " Remember, Pericles, thou art go- ing to speak to men born in the arms of liberty ;"— and still he took care to flatter them in their ruling passion. He resembled the tyrant Pisistratus, not only in the sweet- ness of his voice, but the features of his face, and his whole air and manner. To these natural and acquired graces, he added those of fortune : he was very rich, and had an exten su-e alhunce with all the most powerful families of the state. Ihe deatk of Aristides, the banishment of Themistocles, and the absence of Cimon, gave opportunities to his growing ambition. Yet he at first concealed his designs, with the most cautious reserv e ; till, finding the people growing more and more in his interest, he set himself at their head; and op- posed the principal men of the state, with great appearance oi disinterested virtue. The chief obstacle to his rise, was Cimon, whose candour and liberality had gained him a numerous party of all ranks and denominations. In opposition to him, Pericles called in popular assistance ; and, by expending the public money iu bribes, largesses, and other distributions, easily gained the muUitude to espouse his interests. Thus, having laid a se- cure foundation in popularity, he next struck at the council ol the Areopagus, composed of the most respectable persons ol al Athens; and, by the assistance of Ephialtes, another popular champion, he drew away most causes from the coiyni. zance ol that court; and brought the whole order into con- tempt. In this manner, while Cimon was permitted to con- duct the war abroad, he managed all the supplies at home • and as it was his inferest to keep Cimon at a distance, he look cure to provide him with a sufficiency of forei^ em- ployment. ° In this state of parties at Athens, an insurrection of the lleiotae, Lacedaemonian slaves, gave an opportunity of tryinj? il»e strength of each. These men, who had, for several cen- tunes, groaned under the yoke of their countrymen ; and had .>een excluded from all hopes of preferment, merely by the influence of an unjust precedent to their prejudice, at last look up arms against their masters, and threatened no less than the destruction of the Spartan state. In this extremity the Lacedaemonians sent to Athens, to implore succour ; but this was opposed by Ephialtes, who declared that it would be OF GREECE. 99 * no way advisable to aid them, or to make a rival city power- ful by their assistance. On the other hand, Cimon espoused the cause of Sparta ; declaring, that it was weak and inconsistent to maim the Grecian confederacy, by suffering one of its members to be tamely lopped away. His opinion, for this time, prevailed : he was permitted to march forth, at the head of a numerous body, to their relief; and the insurrection was quelled, at their approach. But, shortly afterwards, the mischief broke out afresh. The Helotes got possession of the strong fortress of Itliome, and the Spartans again petitioned for Athenian aid. It was now, that the party of Pericles was found to prevail, and the Lacedaemonians were refused a compliance with their demands. Thus, left to finish the war with their insurgent slaves, in the best manner they could, after besieging Ithome, which held out for ten years, they at last became masters of it, sparing the lives of those who defended it, upon condition of their leaving Peloponnesus, for ever. In the mean time, the refusal, on the side of Athens, and some indignities, said to have been received on the side of Lacedaemon, revived a jealousy which had long subsisted be- tween these rival states, and which continued thenceforward to operate, with greater or diminished influence, until both were utterly unable to withstand the smallest efforts of for- • • • eign invasion. The first instance the Athenians gave of their resentment, was to banish Cimon, who had been a favourer of the Spartan cause, for ten years, from the city. They next dissolved their alliance with Sparta; and entered into a treaty with the A gives, the professed enemies of the former. The slaves of Ithome were also taken under Athenian protection; and set- tled, with their families, at Naupactus. But, what contribut- ed to widen the breach still more, the city of Megara, re- volting from its alliance with Sparta, was protected and gar- risoned by the Athenians : thus, was laid the foundation of an inveterate hatred, which ended in mutual destruction. As, in the beginning of all enmities, several treaties were entered into, and several leagues concluded, till at last they came to a formal rupture. Two pitched battles between the Athenians and Corinthians, in which each side was alternate ly victorious, sounded the alarm. Another followed, between the Athenians and Spartans, at Tangara; in which, Cimon, forgetting the injury he had sustained from his country, came in to its assistance ; but the Athenians suffered a defeat. In a month or two afterwards, the disgrace was repaired, and the Athenians were, in their turn, victorious. The coquet 12 ^ 100 THE HISTOKY OF GllEECE. 101 of Cimon again restored him to public favour : he was re- called from banishment, in ^yhich he had spent five years ; and it was Pericles, his rival, who first proposed the decree. The earliest use Cimon made of his return, was, to recon- cile the two rival states to each other ; and this was so far effected, outwardly, that a truce for five years was concluded between them. This led the way to exerting the power ol the state, upon a more distant enemy By his advice, a fleet of two hundred sail was equipped, and destined, under his command, to conquer the island of Cyprus. He quickly sailed, overran the island, and laid siege to Citium. Here, being either wounded by the defendants^ or wasted by sickness, he began to perceive the approaches of dissolution ; but, still mindful of his duty, he ordered his. attendants to conceal his death, until their schemes werf crowned with success. His injunction was strictly obeyed. Thirty days after he was dead, the army, which still supposed itself under his command, gained a signal victory : thus, he died, not only in the arms of conquest, but gained battles merely by the efficacy of his name. With Cimon, in a great measure, expired the spirit of gIo» ry in Athens. As he was the last, so he was the most sue cessful, of the Grecian heroes. Such, was the terror of thf Persians at his name, that they universally deserted the sea coasts, and would not come within four hundred furlongs of the place where he could be possibly expected. Pericles, being now, by the death of Cimon, freed from a potent rival, set himself to complete the work of ambitiou which he had begun; and, by dividing the conquered lands, amusirig the people with shows, and adorning the city with public buildings, he gained such an ascendancy over the minds of the people, that he might be said to have obtained a mo- narchal power in Athens. He found means to maintain, for eight months in the year, a great nufjiber of poor citizens, l)y putting them on board the lleet, consisting of sixty ships, which he fitted out every year He planted several colonies in the many places which had lately submitted to Athens. By this, he cl'iared the city of a great nimibcr of idle persons, who were ever ready to disturb his government; and were, at the same time, unable to sub- sist themselves, by reason of his oppression. But the public buildings which he raised, the ruins of some of which exist to this day, are sufficient to convey his name to posterity. It is surprising, tihat, in a city not noted for the number of its inhabitants, and in so short a space of time a> 0\at of his administration, such laborious,exponsive,and mag* F flificent works, could be executed. All the arts of architec ture, sculpture, and painting, were exhausted in his designs; and what still remain, continue, to this hour, as inimitable models of perfection To effect these great works, he, in some measure, had re- course to injustice; and availed himself of those treasures which had been supplied by Greece for carrying on the war with Persia: and which, having been lodged at Delos,he had address enough to get transported to Athens, where he ex- pended them in securing his own power, by all the arts of popularity. By these means, Athens became so much admired and en* vied by her neighbours, that it went by the name of Orxa ment; and, when it was urged that the common treasure was squandered away in these works of show, Pericles answered, that the people of Athens were not accountable to any, for their conduct; for they had the best right to the treasures of the confederate states, who took the greatest care to defend them. He added, that it was fit ingenious artisans should have their share of the public money, since there was still enough left for carrying on the war. These were rather the arguments of power, than persua- sion •" of a man already in possession, than willing, upon just grounds, to relinquish what he had claimed. It was seen, not only by the wiser citizens, but by all the states of Greece, thai he was daily striding into power ; and would, as Pisistratus had done before, make the people the fabricators of their own chains. For remedying this growing evil, the heads of the city opjioscd Thucydides to his growing power; and attempt- ed to restrain his career, by opposing eloquence to popu larity. Thucydides was brother-in-law to Cimon, and had display- ed his wisdom on numberless occasions. He was not pos- sessed of the military talents of his rival ; but his eloquence gave him a very powerful influence over the people. As he never left the city, he still combated Pericles, in all his mea- sures; and, for a while, brought down the ambition of his rival to the standard of reason. But his efforts could not long avail, against the persuasive power and corrupt influence of his opponent. Pericles every day gained new ground, till he at last found himself possess- ed of the whole authority of the state. It was, then, that he oegan to change his behaviour; and, from acting the fawning and humble suppliant, he assumed the haughty airs of roy- alty. He now no longer submitted himself to the caprice of Ilf 102 TJIE JllSTOUY the people : hut changed the democratic state of Athens into a kind of monarchy. He would sometimes, indeed, win his fellow-citizens over to his wiil ; hut, at other times, when he found them obsti- natc, he would, in a manner, compel them to consult their own mterests. Thus, between power and persuasion, public prolusion and private economy, political falsehood, and pri- vate integrity, Pericles became the principal ruler at Athens- and all such as were his enemies, became the enemies of the state. It was not to be wondered at, that this magnificent state ol Athens was not a little displeasing to the rival states of Greece, especially as its state of splendour was, in some mea- sure formed from their contributions. The Spartans, par. iicularly, still continued to regard this growing city with envy; and soon showed their displeasure, by refusing to send deputies to Athens, to consult about repairing the temple which had been burnt down during the wars with Persia ' The successes of Pericles against the enemy in Thrace, still more increased their uneasiness ; and particularly, when sail- ing round Peloponnesus with a hundred ships, he protected the allies of Greece, and granted their cities all they thout^h't ht to ask him. These successes raised the indignation of bparta, while they intoxicated Athens with ideas of ambition and opened new inlets for meditating conquest. The citizens now began to talk of attempts upon Ei?ypf ol attacking the maritime provinces of Persia; of carrying their arms into Sicily, and of extending their conquest from Ita y to Carthage. These were views beyond their power, and ma»'ked rather their pride, than their ability. An expedition against Samos, in favour of the Melisians wro iiad craved their assistance, was the beginning of this rupture, which never after was closed. It is pretended, that 1 ericlcs fomented this war, to please a famous courtezan, named Aspasia, of whom he was particularly enamoured After several events and battles, not worth the reirard'of history, Pericles besieged the capital of Samos, with tortoises and battering rams ; which was the first time these military engines had been employed in sieges. The Samians, after suffering a nine months' siege, surrendered. Pericles razed their walls; dispossessed them of their ships, and demanded immense sums, to defray the expenses of the war. Flushed with this success, he returned to Athens ; buried all those who lost their lives in the siege in the most splendid man- ner, and pronounced their funeral oration. Abrupture, between the Athenians and Lacedsemonians, OF GREECE. 103 A M seemed now inevitable. Pericles, diercf.re, to antici- 3572 P^^^ ^^^^ designs of his rival state, advised that aid should be sent to the people of Corcyra, whom the Corinthians, assisted by the Lacedaemonians, had invaded. As the quarrel between the Corcyreans and Corinihians, gave rise to the great Peloponnesian war, which, soon after- wards, involved all Greece, it will be necessary to give a slight account of its origin. Epidamus was a colony of the Corcyreans, which, growing first rich, and then factious, ban- ished the chief of her citizens. The exiles, joining with the lUyrians, brought the Epidamians so low, that they were obliged to send to Corcyra, their parent city, for assistance. The Corcyreans rejecting their request, they had recou»i-se to Corinth ; and, giving themselves up to that state, were taken under its protection. This, however, the Corcyreans began to resent; and, having been remiss in affording assistance themselves, resolved to punish such as should offer any. A rupture ensued, between the Corinthians and Corcyreans ; some naval engagements followed, in which the Corcyreans being worsted, had recourse, as has already been observed, to the Athenians for support ; who sent some naval succours, which, however, proved of no efficacy in their defence. From this war, arose another. Pptidaea, a city belonging to Athens, declaring for Corinth, these two states,' from being accessaries, became principals ; and drew their forces into the field, near Potidaea, where a battle ensued, in which the Athenians had the victory. It was in this battle, that Socrates saved the life of Alcibiades, his pupil ; and, after the battle was over, procured him the prize of valour, which he him- self had more justly earned. In consequence of this victory, Potidaea was soon after- wards besieged ; and the Corinthians complained to the states of Greece, against the Athenians, for having infringed the articles of peace. The Lacedaemonians, in particular, ad- mitted them to an audience ; where the deputies of Corinth endeavoured to rouse them into a sense of their danger, from the ambitious designs of Athens ; and threatened, if left un- protected, to put themselves under the command of a power, strong enough to grant them protection and safety. After hearing what the Athenians had to reply, the Spar- tans came to a close debate among themselves, wherein it was universally agreed, that the Athenians were the aggres- sors ; and that they should be reduced to a just sense of their duty. But the dispute was, whether war should be immedi- ately declared against them, or remonstrances made to bring them to reason. I- *^'* THE HI3TORV Archidamus one of their kings, a man of prudence an^ temper was of opinion that they were not, af this t?me a match for Athens ; and endeavoured to dissuade them fiom "ushing ,„to a thoughtless and improvident war. BuTsthe- neaues, one of the ephori, urged the contrary jaUegnt hat when once they had received an injury, they oua-hf n^ to deUherate; but that revenge should fol'^^w insult Ac cordmgly, a war was declared,\nd all the confeder^e's J^^ made acquainted with the resolution cueraies wei» In order to give a colour of justice to their desifms the Lacedsenion.ans began by sending ambassadors to Es- and while they made preparations for acting w U> v gTur sun kept up a show of seeking redress by treaty. The^re wholn "«^,A"\'^"!f"» the expulsion from\heir c ty, of som' who had profaned the temple of Minerva, at Cylon • thev de manded, that the siege of Potidjea should be raised and th!i G^e^cf """^ '''°""* "''^ '° '"f''"S« "pon thriTtL'':; Pericles now saw, that, as he had led the Athenians into a ^ar. It was incumbent on him to inspire them whh coura« to prosecute It with success. He showed his "ountryme? that even trifles, extorted from them with an air of comS' were in themselves, a sufficient ground for war that thev plight promise themselves a considerable share k success leTs Ihat'IheTh d "h- •=°"f'='»"^»<=d -"""Is of their oppo-' J!h ,K • -7 ^^ Shipping to invade their enemies' coasts ^ land."" ' "^ "'^" '"'"''«'^''' """"^ »°' easil/be taken" ih^^ <=°"^'"me colour to their proceeding, sent evasive knswers toT. Spartan demand; and concluded with asserting *Lattlev desired to adjust all differences by treaty, as beh^g u„wil 5 to begin a war ; but, in case of danger, would defend them^ selves, with desperate resolution. Thus, the people, from their love of change, entered hastilv into the war; but Pericles was personally interested in I Hechration. He was deeply indebted to the S, and kne!. OF GREECE. 105 that a time of peace was the only opportunity in which he could be called upon to settle his accounts. It is said, that Alcibiades, his nephew, seeing him one day very pensive, and demanding the reason, was answered, that ac was considering how to make up his accounts. " You had better," said he, " consider how to avoid being accountable." Besides this, Pericles finding no happiness in domestic so ciety, gave himself up to the allurements of his mistress As- pasia, whose wit and vivacity had captivated all the poets and philosophers of the age ; even Socrates himself not ex- cepted. She was inclined to oppose the Spartan state ; and be, in some measure, is thought to have acquiesced in her advice. i> x.-\ rio;ftvi a- -fci'. War being thus mutually resolved on, the first dawn of suc- cess seemed to offer in favour of Athens ; the city of Plataea which had lately declared for them, was surprised by three hundred Thebans, who were let in by a party of the town who joined in the conspiracy. But some of the citizens, whi^^ had espoused the opposite interests, falling upon them, in the night, killed a part, and took two hundred prisoners ; who, a little time after, were put to death. The Athenians, as soon as the news was brought of this \ction, sent succours and provisions thither, and cleared the tity of all persons who were incapable of bearing arms. From [his time, all Greece appeared in motion, every part of it took a side in the common quarrel, except a few stales who con- tinued neuter, till they should see the event of the war. The majority were for the Lacedaemonians, as being the deliverers of Greece ; and espoused their interests with ar dour. On their side, were ranged the Achaians, the inhabi- tants of Pellcne excepted ; the people of Megara, Locris Bccotia, Phocis, Ambracia, Leucadia, and Anactorium. Oi the side of Athens, were the people of Chios, Lesbos, Plataea many of the islands, and several tributary maritime states including those of Thrace, Potidaea excepted. The Lacedaemonians immediately after their attempts npor Plataea, assembled a body of men, making up, with their con federates, sixty thousand in number. Archidamus, who com- manded the army, harangued them, in an animated speech he told them, that the eyes of all Greece were upon them ;hat they were superior In numbers, and were to oppose fin tnemy not only inferior in number, but oppressed with the :on«iciousness of their own violence and injustice, lie ex- horted them to march boldly into the country, which they were about to enter, with that courage for which they had been long famous, and that caution which was requisir<* against s«» ^^ THE HISTORY insidious an adversary. The whole army answered with an it " c . • u^T' 7^^ c«»«nienced in a frenzy of transport by lericles, on the other hand, prepared his scanty body of Athenians, to meet the threatened blow. He declai-ed to th^ Athenians, that, should Archidamus, when he was laying wast^ be on^e^^^^^^^^^ ^P^.'^y P^^^ '' ^»^-- lands^whTch oeiongta to Pericles himself, he wou d only consider it as i rick to impose upon Athenian credulity. He theieLe\raye to\he st'tr?.'""' l"^ i'r ^^"'^ ^ ^"^ resigned them b^aJk Wi Ti ' "" '^^'""^ ^'^ ancestors had originally received ^Si d^rTTl:^'^ '° the people, thatlwal[^e^^ iTemselverr^^^^ ' war : and to let the enemy consume inemselves by delay. He advised them to remove all their effects from the country ; and to shut themselves up L Athens without ever hazarding a battle ^ ^tnens, Lh JSerwer'e^Tn''"^' '"""" k"' '''^ '^^'^^^^ ^^"^P^^^d with Liose they were to oppose : they amounted only to thirteen tnousand heavy armed soldiers, sixteen thousand inhabitants and we ve hundred horse, with a body of aiXs aW double that number. This was the whole^ army of the Athe^ nians; but their chief strength consisted in a flel of three hundred galleys which, by continually infesting and plunder' ing the enemies' coast, raised contributions sufficien to dL Iray the expenses of the war. "i^icnc lo ae- Imprest with the exhortation of Pericles, the Athenians With a mixture of grief and resolution, forsook the cultuTof the fields, and carried all their possessions that could be con- veyed away with them, into Athens. They had now enioved the sweets of peace for nearly fifty years, and their llnds wore an appearance ot wealth and industry; but, from the fa lof war, they were once more obliged to forsake c^ture for en- campment, the sweets of rural life for the shocks of battle In the mean time, the Lacedaemonians entered the cou tr'y at Oenoe a frontier fortress; and, leaving it behind them marched forward to Acharne, an unwallod town, within seven miles of Athens. The Athenians, terrified at their ap^ch now began to convert their fury against the enemy^huo 't' proaches against their former leader. They abused h n fo^ bringing them into a war, in which he had not st^rngt To^t nose nor courage to protect: they loudly desired notwif standing the inferiority of their number, to be /^d tb^^^ J encles, however, chose the more moderate, part. He shut up the city gates; placed sufficient guards at all the no ts .round ; sent out parties of horse, to keep the enemy emphv OF GREECE. 107 ed, and, at the same time, ordered out one hundred galleysi to infest the coast of Feloponnesus. These precautions at last succeeded. After tne I acedae- monians had laid waste the whole country around Athens ; and insulted the defenders of the city by their numbers, and their reproaches, finding the place impregnable, they aban- doned the siege ; and the inhabitants once more issued from their walls, in security and joy. The Athenians, after this severe mortification, resolved to retaliate : being left at liberty to act offensively, as well by land as sea, they invaded the enemy's territory, in turn, with their whole force ; and took Nisae, a strong haven, with walls reaching to the city of Nigara. Proud of the first dawn of success, and the first campaign having elapsed, during the winter they expressed their triumph by public games, at the funerals of those that were slain in battle. They placed their bodies in tents, three days before the funeral : on the fourth day, coffins of cypress were sent from the tribes, to convey the bones of their relations ; the procession marched with solemn pomp, attended by the in- habitants, and strangers who visited the city : the relations and children of the soldiers, who were killed, stood weeping at ^le sepulchre : those who fell at the battle of Marathon, indeed, were buried on the field ; but the rest received one common interment, in a place called Ceranicus. Pericles, on that occasion, pronounced a funeral oration o\er them, which remains, to this day, a specimen of his great eloquence. But the joy of the public was not confined to empty praises, ceremonies, and tears : a stipend was set apart for maintaining the widows and orphans of those who had fallen in the service of their country. And thus ended the first year of the Peloponnesian war. In the beginning of the ensuing summer, the X-acedaemoni- ans renewed their hostilities ; and invaded the territories of Athens, with the same number of men as before. In this manner, these capricious states went on to harass and depopu- late each other ; but a more terrible punishment now began to threaten them from Heaven. A plague broke out, in the city of Athens ; a more terrible than which is scarcely recorded in the annals of history. 1 1 is related, that it began in Ethiopia, whence it descended into Egypt, from thence travelled into Lybia and Persia, and at' last broke, like a flood, upon Athens. This pestilence baflled the utmost efforts of art ; the most robust constitutions were unable to withstand its attacks ; no skill could obviate, no remedy dispel the terrible infection. 108 TJIE HISTORY OF GREECE. 109 The instant a person was seized, he was struck with dcs- l»air, wiiich quite disabled him from attempting a cure. The humanity of friends was fatal to themselves, as it was i )ef- lectual to the unhappy sufferers. The prodigious quantity oi baggage which had been removed out of the country into *^o r,tv, increased the. calamity. Most of the inhabitants, tor want oi lodgmg, lived in little cottages, in which they could scarcely breathe; while the burning heat of the sum- mer increased the pestilential malignity. They were seen confusedly huddled together, the dead as ^ell as the dying; some crawling through the streets; some lymg along by the sides of fountains, whither they had en- deavoured to repair, to quench the raging thirst which con- sumed them. Iheir very temples were filled with dead bodies; and every part of the city exhibited a dreadful imat?e of death, without the least remedy for the present, or the least hopes with regard to the future. It seized all, with such violence, that they fell one upon ano thcr, as they passed along the streets. It was also attended with such uncommon pestilential vapours, that the very beasts and birds of prey, though famishing around the walls of the city, would not touch the bodies of those who died of it Even m those who recovered, it left such a tincture oP its malignity, that it struck upon their senses. It eff-iced the no- lices and memory of all the passages of their lives ; and thcv kr.ew neither themselves nor their nearest relations. 1 he circumstances of this disease are described at larcre by lhucydides,who was sick of it himself: and he obscM-ves, among other effects of it, that it introduced into the city a more licentious u-ay of living : for the people at first had re- ^^Z?lu '^?''^f' ^^, ^'Y' t'^^t judgment ; but, finding they uere al alike infected, whether they worshiped them or not, and that it was generally mortal, they abandoned themselves at once, to despair and riot; for, since they held their lives m. T ^^^^^''^^y the day, they were resolved to make the most ot their time and money. The cause of it was generally imputed to Pericles; who, cornl^ntln ?k'" '^^'?^^'V'*to the city, was thought t^ have c oi riipted the very air. Yet, though this was rac^ini? within s^.l^^'^'r^ Tf""^ '\' "°^^"'''y ^^^^h«"^ ^^^ ^^^s still in the same mind as before—that they ought not to put all their hopes upon the issue of a battle. In the mean time, the en^ my advancing towards the coast, laid waste the whole coun- ry; and returned, after having insulted the wretched Athe- mans already thinned by pestilence and famine. f ickleness and inconstancy were the prevailing chararter« of the Athenians : and, as these carried them, on a sudden, to their greatest excesses, they soon brought them back withm the bounds of moderation and n-.spect. Peric es had been loii^ a favourite; the calamities of the state at last began tc render him obnoxious : they had deposed him from the com- mand of the army, but now repented their rashness, and rein- stated him, a short time afterwards, with more than former *"bv dint of suffering, they began to bear patiently their do nestic misfortunes; and, impressed with a love for their coun- trv asked pardon for their former ingratitude. But he dia not live long, to enjoy his honours. He was seized with the plaeue, which, like a malignant enemy, struck its severest llow at parting. Being extremely ill and ready to breathe his last/the principal citizens, and such of his friends as had not forsaken him, discoursing in his bed-chamber concerning the loss they were about to sustain, ran over his exploits, and computed the number of his victories. They did not imagine that Pericles attended to what they said, as he seemed insen- sible ; but it was far otherwise: not a ^^l^g ^ ^^oj^ of their discourse had escaped him. At last, cried he, "Why will you extol a series of actions, in which fortune had the great- est part ? There is one circumstance, which I would not have forgotten, yet which you have passed over. 1 could wish to have it remembered, as the most glorious circumstance of my life— that I never yet caused a single citizen to put on ""Thus"! died Pericles; in whom, were united a number of excellent qualities, without impairing each other. As we skilled in naval affairs, as in the conduct of armies ; as well skilled in the arts of raising money, as of employing it; elo- nuent in public, and pleasing in private : he was a patron ol artists, at once informing them by his taste and example. The most memorable transaction of the following year, was the siege of Platxa, by the Lacedemonians. 1 his was one of the most famous sieges in antiquity, o"„=^"°""V°[. ^¥ vigorous efforts of both parties; but especially for the glou- ous resistance made by the besieged ; and their stratagems to p«irane the furv of the assailants. , . The Lacedemonians besieged this place in the beginning of the thU-d campaign. As soon as they had fixed their camp round he city, in order to lay waste the p aces adjacent the Plasetans sent deputies to the Lacedsmonian general, decla- rinfthriStice of injuring them, who had received their iberties,™ a former occasion, from the Lacedaemonia s Ihem- .elves The Lacedemonians replied, that there was but ™e 110 THE HISTORY method to insure their safety, which was, to renew that alii ance by which they gained their freedom ; to disclaim their Athenian supporters, and to unite with the Lacedaemonians who had power and will to protect them. The deputies replied, that they could not come to any agree- ment, without first sending to Athens, whither their wives and children had retired. The Lacedaemonians permitted them to send thither ; but the Athenians solemnly promising to succour them to the utmost of their power, the Platxans re- solved to suffer the last extremities, rather than surrender; and prepared for a vigorous defence, with a steady resolution to succeed or fall. Archidamus, the Lacedaemonian general, after calling upon the gods to witness that he did not first infringe the alliance^ prepared for the siege, with equal perseverance. lie surround- ed the city with a circumvallation of trees, which were laid very close together, the branches turned towards the city. He then raised batteries upon them, and formed a terrace, suffi- cient to support his warlike machines. His army worked day and night, without intermission, for seventy days; one half of the soldiers reposing themselves, while the others were at work. The besieged, observing the works begin to rise around them, threw up a Avooden wall, upon the walls of the city, op- posite the platforn), in order that they might always out-top the besiegers. Tliis wall was covered, on the outside, with fades, both raw and dry, in order to shelter it from the be- siegers* fires. Thus, both walls seemed to vie with each other for superiority, till at last the besieged, without amusing them- selves at this work any longer, built another, within, in the form of a half-moon, behind which they might retire, in case tlieir outer works were forced. In the mean time, the besiegers, having mounted their en- gines of war, shook the city wall, in a very terrible manner; which, though it alarmed the citizens, did not, however, dis- courage them: they employed every art that fortification could suggest, against the enemy's batteries. They caught, with ropes, the heads of the battering rams that were urged again&t them, and deadened their force with levers. The besiegers, finding their attacks did not go on success- fully, and that a new wall was raised against their platform," despaired of being able to storm the place ; aiid, therefore, changed the siege into a blockade, after having vainly at- tempted to set fire to the city, which was suddenly quenched by a shower. The city was now surrounded by a brick wall, suddenly OF GREECE. in elected, strengthened, an each side, by a deep ditch. Thj! whole army was engaged successively upon this wall ; and, when it was finished, they left a guard over one halt ; the ftoeotians offering to guard the other half, whilst the rest of the army returned to Sparta. In this manner, the wretched Plataeans were cooped up, by a strong wall, without any hopes of redress, and only waited the mercy of the conqueror. There were now in Plataea, but four hundred inhabitants, and eighty Athenians, with a hun- dred and ten women, to dress their victuals, and no other per- son, whether freeman or slave; all the rest having been sent to Athens, before the siege. At last, the inhabitants of Plataea, having lost all hopes ot succour, and being in the utmost want of provisions, formed a resolution to cut their way through the enemy. ■»^ut,halt ot them, struck with the greatness of the danger, and boldness of the enterprise, entirely lost courage, when they came to the execution ; but the rest, who were about two hundred and twenty soldiers, persisted in their resolution, and escaped, in the following manner : « . „ » * The besieged first took the heights of the wall, by count ing the rows of bricks which composed it ; and this they did at different times, and employed several men for that purpose, in order that they might not mistake in the calculation. 1 his was the easier, because as the wall stood at a small distance, every part of it was very visible. They then made ladders of a proper length. . , j • ♦! ^ All things being now ready for executing the design, the besicL-ed left the city, one night when there was no moon, in the inidst of a storm of wind and rain. After crossmg the first ditch, they drew near the wall, undiscoAered, through the darkness of night, whilst the noise made by the rain and wind, prevented their being heard. They marched at some distance from one another, to pre^ vent the clashing of their arms, which were light,^in order that those who carried them might be the more active; and one of their legs was naked, to keep them from sliding so easily in the mire. Those who carried the ladders laid them in the space between the towers, where they knew no guard was posted, because it rained. That instant, twely^ men mounted the ladder, armed with only a coat of mail and a dagger, and marched directly to the towers, six on each side. They were followed by soldiers, armed only with javelms, that they might mount the easier ; and their shields were carried after them, to be used in the charge. When most of these had ascended to the top of the waM, K2 112 THE JilSTOJiy they were discovered by the falling of a tile, which one of their comrades, in taking hold of the parapet, had thrown down. The alarm was immediately given from the towers, and the whole army approached the wall, without discovering the occasion of the outcry, from the gloom of the night and the violence of the storm. Besides which, those who had staid behind in the city, beat an alarm, af the same time, in another quarter, to make a diversion : so that the enemy did not know which way to turn themselves, and were afraid to quit their posts. But a corps, the reserve of three hundred men, who were kept ior any unforeseen accident that might happen, quitted the contravallation, and ran to that part where they heard the noise : and torches were held up towards Thebes, to show that they must run that way. But those in the city, to render the signal of no use, made others,at the same time,in different quarters, haA^ng prepared them on the walls for that purpose. In the mean time, those who had mounted first, havine taken possession of the two towers which flanked the interval where the ladders were set, and having killed those who e-uard- ed them, posted themselves there, to defend the passaife, and keep off the besiegers. Then, setting ladders on the top of the wall, between the two towers, they caused a good number ol their comrades to mount, in order to keep off, by a discharjrt of their arrows, as well those who were advancing to the toot of the wall, as the others who were hastenim- to the neighbouring towers. Whilst this was doing, they had time to set up several lad- tiers; and to throw down the parapet, that the rest mitjht ascend with greater ease. As fast as they came up, they went clown on the other side; and drew up near the fosse, on the outside, to shoot at those who appeared. After they had passed over, the men who were in the towers came down, and hastened to the fosse, to follow after the rest. That instant the guard, with three hundred torches, arrived. However' as the Plataeans saw their enemies by this light, better than they were seen by them, they took a surer aim ; by which Bieans, the last crossed the ditch, without being attacked in their passage. However, this was not done without much difficulty; because the ditch was frozen over, and the ice would not bear, on account of thaw and heavy rains The violence of the storm, was of great advantage to them. After -all had passed, they took the road towards Thebes, the bet- ter to c-onceal their retreat; because it was not likely thev IiaU fled towards a city of the enemy. Immediately, they perceived the besiegers, with torches in OF CiREECE 113 their hands pursuing them in the road that led to Athens. After keeping that of I'hebes about six or seven stadia, they turned short towards the mountain, and resumed the route to Athens : where two hundred and twelve arrived, out of two hundred and twenty, who had quitted the place : the rest havine returned back through fear, one archer excepted, who was taken on the side of the fosse of contravallation. The besiegers, after having ineffectually pursued them, re- turned to their camp. In the mean time, the Plataeans, who re- mained in the city, supposing that all their companions had been killed, (because those who had returned, to justify them- selves affirmed they were) sent a herald, to demand their dead rodies ; but?being told the true state of the affair he withdrew. At the end of the following campaign, the Pla ^ans being in absolute want of provisions, and unable to make the least defence, surrendered, upon condition that they should not be nunished, till they had been tried and adjudged m form ot ustice. Five commissioners came, for this purpose from Lacedxmon ; and these, without charging them with any S bTre"; asked them whether they hud done any service to the Lacedemonians and the allies in this war. The Plateans were much surprised, as well as puzzled, by this ouestion; and were sensible that it had been suggested by thrThTbans, their professed enemies who had vowed theii destruction. They, therefore, put the Lacedaemonians n minrof the services Ihey had rendered Greece m general both at the battle of Artemisium and that of Platxa, and JaKicul^l in Lacedemonia, at the time of the earthquake, which was followed by the revolt of their slaves. The only reason, they declared, for their having joined he Athenirns\fterwards,'was to defend themselves from the hostUitks of the Thebans, against whom they had in vain implored the assistance of the Lacedaemonians. That if that vir-rpu ed to them as a crime, which was only their mis- for un^i ought not, however, entirely to obliterate the re- trbr'ance of their former services, "^-t your eyes said thev " on the monuments of your ancestors, which >ou see here' to whom we annually pay all the honours which can be rendered^^^^^^ manes of the dead. You thought fit to en. [rust [heir bodies with us, as we were eye-witnesses of their bravery Yet you will no^ give up their ashes to their mur. derers^n abandoning us to the Thebans, who fought against them at the battle of Platan a ? Will you enslave a province ^\"e Greece recovered its liberty? WiU you destroy ^ temoles of those gods, to whom you owed the victory? \\ill Iro^ aboUsh the memory of their founders, who contributed 'i'* THE HISTORY so greatly to your safety ? On this occasion, we may venture to say, that our interest is inseparable from your Elorv • and that you cannot deliver up your ancient friends and bencfac tors, to the unjust hatred of the Thcbans, without eternal in- lamy to yourselves." One would conclude, that these just remonstrances should have made some impression on the Lacedemonians: but they were biassed more by the answer of the Thebans, which was expressed in the most haughty and bitter terms against the Platsans: and besides, they had brought their instructions Irom Lacedsmon. u>-uui.a They stood, therefore, to their first question— whether the Plataeans had done them any service since the war • and *" "?« xT^"J. P^'f °"^ ^''''^'' ^"""^er, as they severally an-' swered "No," each was immediately butchered, and nofone escaped. About two hundred were killed in this manner • and twenty-five Athenians, who were among them, met with the same unhappy fate. Their wives who had been taken prisoners were made slaves. The The_bans afterwards peopled the city with exiles from Megaraand Platxa; but the year afterwards, they demolished 11 entirely. It was in this manner, the Lacedemonians, in the fi^iT.K pf^P'"^ ^'^l' advantages from the Thebans, sacri- ficed the Platsans to their animosity, ninety-three years aftei their first alliance with the Athenians. I pass over several particular incidents of the succeeding campaign, m which the Grecian states mutually destrovcd each other, without promoting general happiness, or estab- lish.ng any common form of government. The fluctuations of success were various. The Athenians took the city of Pylus from the Lacedemonians; and they, on the other hand made annual incursions into Attica. More than one overture .nJI'r'ZT """*"' ''"' Cleon, who had a great ascendaJ anjor.g the Athenians, prevented their taking effect 1 he war was, therefore, renewed, with all its former ani. mosuies. The island of Pylus became the scene ormutua contention Demosthenes, who afterwards became the cc"e brated orator, being joined in commission with CIcon, landed on he island m order to dispossess the Lacedemonians, who sun remained there They attacked the enemy with great vigour, drove them from post to post, and, perpetually Un ing ground, at last forced them to the extremity of the isfan ■„jy Ir^"''^">°nians had stormed a fort that was thought' naccessible ; there they drew up in battle array, faced abou to that side only where they could be attacked, and defended themselves like so many lions. As the eno-n.^.!^-.-,. T'""., -■r OF GREECE. 115 th'* ercalcr part of the day, and the soldiers were oppressed Willi heat and weariness, and parched with thirst, the general of the Messenians directinij himself to Cleon and Demos- thenes, said, that all their efforts would be ineffectual, unless they charged their enemy's rear; and promised, if they would irive him some troops, armed with missive weapons, that he would endeavour to find a passage. Accordingly, he and his followers climbed up certain steep and craggy places, which were not guarded ; when, coming down unperceived into the fort, he appeared, on a sudden, at thf backs of the Lacedaemonians, which entirely damped their courage ; and afterwards completed their overthrow. They now made a very feeble resistance ; and being oppressed with numbers, attacked on all sides, and dejected through fatigue and despair, they began to give way, but the Athenians seized on all the passes, to cut off their retreat. Cleon and Demosthenes, finding, that, should the battle continue, not a man would escape, and, being desirous of carrying them alive to Athens, commanded their soldiers to desist ; and caused a proclamation to be made, by a herald, for them to lay down their arms, and surrender at discretion. At these words, the greater part lowered their shields, and clapped their hands, in token of approbation. A kind of sus- pension of arms was agreed upon, and their commander de- sired leave might be granted him, to despatch a messenger to the camp, to know the resolution of the generals. This was not allowed ; but they called heralds from the coast, and, af- ter several messages, a Lacedaemonian advanced forward, and cried aloud, that they were permitted to treat with the ene- my provided they did not submit to dishonourable terms. Upon this, they held a conference, after which they sup- rendered at discretion ; and were kept till the next day. The Athenians, then raising a trophy, and restormg the Lacedx- monians their dead, embarked for their own country ; alter distributing the prisoners among the several ships, and com mittini? the guard of them to the captains of the galleys. In this battle, there fell one hundred and twenty-eight La ced^monians, out of four hundred and twenty, which wa% their number at first; so that there survived not quite three hundred; a hundred and twenty of whom were mhabuanta of the city of Sparta. The siege of the island (to compute from the beginning, including the time employed m the truce) had lasted seventy-two days. . ., , Thev all now left Pylus, and Cleon's promise, though so vain and rash, was found literally true. But the most sur- prising circumstance, was, the capitulation that had bcea lUi TJJK JIIbJoiiY made ; for, u had been tho„..ht that th. T a far from surrcndeiing their trmf^vn .1 ^.='^^''«monians, S9 Having come to Athens, tl™r' IhJ ^" ''""'^ "' ^and. ers, UII a peace should be concluded "m ■".'"""' ^"""'■ nionians did not nuke any kcurstll P?"'^-^ 1^'= I-aceds- pactus,Vho^:drr;;;;oS:ed u"*^ ^r,--^ -f^'- «'f their youth, who very muchTnf . •i^"u' 't"''" ^''^ Aowcr . by their incursions ; and, Ts the e M ' ' ^'"=«'*'"°'"ans' euage of the country, they nrevaili •!?""'"' ^P°^^ '^e Ian- slaves to join them. ^ P'-^vailed with a great number of deputt!;rt*rhtrbutT,tVur"'^'- r"' -' -vera, •ng too much elated 'with hX'^nrr"'-"'" ^"'^"'^"^ be their late success, to listen to-^L^.^^^^l' «"' especially years, successively', hostih"ew".e r?"'' , ^"'' '''" °^ "'ree success; and nothing but 1L h , ,■•""' ?"'^'"i alternate other of the two Hvaf states couIdT'"? °f ">*= °"^ °'- 'he Athenians made themselves masters of , ■'',' ''I""''-*'- ^be b... on the other hand, were cleSd:^^^^'-; any real advantage A ...^r/' ''"'' ''"" "°' Pi-ocure them eluded, which bing e^ red t ^ r' ^^»^ '^erefore co" njore lasting .•econc'ili:'[ro:"''Tle dea h Tl ''"^ "^^ '•^ ^ that commanded the mnt^., r .^^" ^^ ^^e two trenep;^^ hasten this event. 'BrS^"L''r'"r""""'' "=' ''^i" ^ as he was conducting a sallv w I, ^^"j'«"'°nian, was killed and Cleon, the Athfnkn H^^- • ^""S"' '" Amphipolis- knew himself supertrtltTroL"" '^'""^ '° '^^'^^^e safety, was killed by a soldier Xoh "'"'"''?' '"^ "^'"if '"^ Thus, these two men who hn!i i ""^PPened to meet him of Greece, and raised hel 'f '°"? "PP?''^^ "'e tranqu Uy' ent way, fel, a sacrifice to the^i'^wra^nb '." ' '" ' very'diifer' They were, howevpr ^1 V ^'"bition. Brassidas had courage 'an^^„°5 "^''^ "PPosite characters fty; and, it was hJ^^^r^^^^^ttuh r^T'''"' ^"^ "^'eg. "}S reputation of his countr,' Hi^'''"''^P' "P "'e sink- since Pausanias, who appeared whh ' '^^ ""'^ Spartan, ter among the confederateft^ T^ .^"^ established charac they were' again brou^' undeT t^ h' ''^"^"'^ ^° ^^11, tha, and several cities submitted f„^ • ^ dependance of Spana rrer from the tyranny o"Athe„""' "' ""''• --"mou^delfv' ^''""^^"-"''^^'»P'>'P^^-^.'>esidestheIrJoI„i„,w^ OF GREECE. 117 Ihe other allies in solemnizing his funeral in a public manner, instituted anniversary games and sacrifices to his memory, as a hero; and so far considered him as their founder, that they destroyed all the monuments which had been preserved as marks of their being an Athenian colony. His opposition to the peace, was not so much the effects of his obstinacy, as of a true Spartan zeal for the honour of his country, which he was sensible had been treated by the Athenians with too much insolence and contempt. He had now a fair prospect of bringing them to reason, as he was gaining ground upon them, and every day making fresh con- quests; and, however he might be transported with the glory of performing great actions, yet the main end of his ambition seems to have been, the bringing the war to a happy con- clusion. I must not here omit the generous answer, made by his mother, to the persons who brought her the news of his death. Upon her asking them whether he died honourably, they naturally fell into encomiums on his great exploits, and his personally bravery, and preferred him to all the generals of his time ; " Yes," said she, " my sen was a valiant man, but Sparta has still many citizens braver than he." Cleon was a different sort of man. He was rash, arrogant, and obstinate ; contentious, envious, and malicious ; covetous and corrupt ; and yet, with all these bad qualities, he had some little arts of popularity, which raised and supported him. He made it his business to caress the old men ; and, much as he loved money, he often relieved the poor. ^le had a ready wit, with a way of drollery that pleased many, though with the generality it passed for impudence and buffoonery. He had one very refined way of recommending himself, which was, upon his coming into power, to discard all his old friends, for fear it should be thought he would be biassed by them. At the same time, he picked up a vile set of syco- phants, in their room, and made a servile court to the lowest dregs of the people ; and yet even they had so bad an opinion of him, that thoy often declared against him for Nicias, his professed enemy ; who, though he took part with the nobility, still preserved an interest in the commons, and was more generally respected. That which Cleon chiefly depended on, was his eloquence, but it was of a boisterous kind, verbose and petulant, and consisted more in the vehemence of his style and utterance, and the distortion of his action and gesture, than in the strength of his reasoning. By this furious manner of haranguing, he introduced. 118 THE HISTORY among the orators and statesmen, a licentiousness and inde cency, which were not known before ; and which caused the many riotous and disorderly proceedings, that afterwards oc- curred in the assemblies, when almost every thing was car- ried by noise and tumult. In the military part of his service, he was as unaccountable, as in the rest of his conduct. He was not naturally formed for war, and used it only as a cloak for his ill practices, and because he could not carry on his otner views without it. The taking of Sphacteria was certainly a great action, but it was a rash and desperate one ; and it has been shown how he was undesignedly drawn into it by a boast of his own. However, he was so elated with the success of that expedi- tion, that he fancied himself a general : and the people were brought to have the same opinion. But the event soon undeceived them ; and convinced them that he knew better how to lead in the assembly, than in the field. In reality, he was not a man to be trusted in either; for, in the one, he was more of a blusterer, than of a soldier; and in the other, he had more of an incendiary, than of a patriot. The Lacedaemonians were no less inclined to peace, than the Athenians ; and were glad to treat, at this time, while they could do it with honour; besides, they had nothing more at heart than the imprisonment of their men taken at Pylus, who were the chief of their city ; and, among other conside- rations, it was not the least, that the truce which they had made with Argos for thirty years, was just expiring. This was ;. strong and flourishing city, and though it was not, of itself, a match for Sparta, yet they knew it was far irom being contemptible, and that it held too good a corres pondence with its neighbours, not to make itself capable of giving them a great deal of uneasiness. The matter having been canvassed and debated most of the winter, the Lacedaemonians, to bring the treaty to a con- clusion, gave out that they resolved, as soon as the season would permit, to fortify in Attica. Upon wh'ch, the Atheni- ans grew more moderate in their demands ; and a peace was concluded, in the tenth year of the war, between the two states and their confederates, for fifty years. The chief articles be- ing, that the garrisons should be evacuated, and the towns and prisoners restored, on both sides. This was called the Nician Peace ; because Nicias, who was just the reverse of his rival Cleon, was the chief instru- ment in its negotiation. Besides the tender concern he al- *vays expressed for his country, he had more particular ends OF GREECE. 119 m obtaining it, in securing his reputation. He had been upon many expeditions, and had generally succeeded in them ; yet he Avas sensible how much he owed to his good fortune, and Ids cautious management ; and he did not care to risk what he had already got, for the hopes of more. •9@ft CHAPTER X. From the Peace of Nicias, to the end of the Peloponnesian JVdr. Every thing now promised a restoration of former tran- quillity. The Boeotians and Corinthians were the first that showed signs of discontent, and used their utmost endeavours to excite fresh troubles. To obviate any dangers arising from that quarter, the Athenians and Lacedaemonians united in a league, offensive and defensive, which served to render them more formidable to the neighbouring states, and more assured with regard to each other. Yet still the former animosities and jealousies fermented at bottom; and, while friendship glossed over external appearances, fresh discon- enls were gathering below. The character, indeed, of Nicias, was peaceable ; and he did all in his power to persuade the Athenians to cultivate general tranquillity. But a new promoter of troubles, was now beginning to make his appearance; and, from him, those w o wished for peace, had every thing to fear. This was no other than the celebrated Alcibiades, the disciple of Socrates, a youth equally remarkable for the beauty of his person and tne greatness of his mental accomplishments. The strict intimacy between Alcibiades and Socrates, is me of the most remarkable circumstances of his life. This philosopher, observing in him excellent natural qualities, which were greatly heightened by the beauty of his person, bestowed incredible pains in cultivating so valuable a plant, lest, being neglected, it should wither as it grew, and abso- lutely degenerate. Indeed, Alcibiades w^as exposed to num- berless dangers ; arising from the greatness of his extraction, his vast riches, the authority of his family, the credit of his ipiardians, his personal talents, his exquisite beauty, and, still "uore than these, the flattery and complaisance of all who ap« jiroached him. " One would have concluded," says Plutarch, " ^hat fortune had surrounded and invested him with all these pretended advantages, as with so many ramparts and bul- warks, to render him inaccessible and invulnerable to all darts of philosophy, those salutary darts which strike to the 120 THE IIISTOliy very heart, and leave in it the strongest incitements to virtue and sohd glory." But those very obstacles redoubled the zeal of Socrates. Notwithstanding the strong endeavours that were used to divert this young Athenian from a correspondence which alone was capable of securing him from so many snares, he devoted himsell entirely to it. He had the most unbounded wit; he was fully sensible of Socrates' extraordinary merit, and could not resist the charms of his sweetly insinuatino. eloquence, which, at that time, had a greater ascendant ove? nim, than the allurements of pleasure. He was so jealous a disciple of that great master, that he ollowed him, wherever he went; took the utmost delight in his conversation ; was extremely well pleased with his prin- ciples ; received his instructions, and even his reprimands, with wonderful docility; and was so moved with his dis- courses, as even to shed tears and abhor himself: so weiichty was the force of truth in the mouth of Socrates, and iii so odious a light did he expose the vices to which Alcibiades abandoned himself. Alcibiades, in those moments when he listened to Socrates, differed so much from himself, that he appeared quite ano- ther man. However, his headstrong, fiery temper, and his natural fondness for pleasure, which was heightened and in- flamed by the discourses and advice of young people, soon plunged him into his former irregularities ; and tore him, as U were, from his master, who was obliged to pursue him as a slave who had escaped correction ^ This vicissitude of flights and returns, of virtuous resolu- lions and relapses into vice, continued a long time; but still Socrates was not disgusted by his levity ; and alwavs flatter- ed himself with the hopes of bringing him back to his duty: and hence, certainly, arose the strong mixture of good and evil, which always appeared in his conduct: the instructions which his master had given him, sometimes prevailint? • and at other times, the fire of his passions hurrying him* in J manner, against his own will, into things of a quite opposite natuie. n ^ Among the various passions that were discovered in him the strongest and most prevailing was a haughty turn of mmd, which would force all things to submit to it ; and could not oear a superior, or even an equal. Although h-s birth and uncommon talents, smoothed the way to his attaining the highest employments in the republic, there was nothing however, to which he was so fond of owing the credit and authority he wanted to gain over the people, as to the force OF GREECE. 121 of his eloquence, and the persuasive grace of his orations. To this, his intimacy with Socrates might be of great service. Alcibiades, with such a cast of mind as we have here de- scribed, was not born for repose ; and had set every engine at work, to traverse the treaty lately concluded, between the two states; but, not succeeding in his attemi^,he endeavoured to prevent its taking effect. He was disgusted at the Lace- dcemoniansj because they directed themselves only to Nicias, of whom they had a very high opinion; and, on the contrary, seemed to take no manner of notice of him, though his an- cestors had enjoyed the rights of hospitality among them. The first thing he did to infringe the peace, was, having been informed that the people of Argos only wanted an op- portunity to break with the Spartans, whom they equallv hated and feared, he flattered them secretly with the hopes that the Athenians would succour them, by suggesting to them that they were ready to break a peace which was no way advantageous to them. Accordingly, he laid hold of this juncture; and improved the pretext given by the Lacedaemonians, to exasperate the people, both against them and Nicias; which had so good an eflect, that, every thing seemed disposed for a treaty with Argos : of which, the Lacedaemonians being very apprehen- sive, immediately despatched their ambassadors to Athens ; who, at first, said what seemed very satisfactory, that they came with full power to concert all matters in difference, upon equal terms. The council received their propositions, and the people were to assemble the rext day to give them audience. . . Alcibiades, in the mean while, fearing Jest this negotiation should ruin his designs, had a secret conference with the am- bassadors ; and persuaded them, under colour of friendship, not to let the people know, at first, what full powers their com mission gave them ; but to intimate that they came only to treat and make proposals : for that otherwise they would grow insolent in their demands ; and extort from them such unreasonable terms, as they could not with honour consent to. They were so well satisfied with the apparent sincerity and prudence of this advice, that he drew them from Nicias, to rely entirely upon himself; and the next day, when the peo- ple were assembled, and the ambassadors introduced, Alcibi- ades, with a very obliging air, demanded of them, with what powers thcv were come ?' They made answer, that they were not come as plenipotentiaries. Upon which, he instantly changed his voice and countenance, and, exclaimirg against ihcm as notorious liars, bade the people take care hew they 122 THE HlJSTOllY transacted any thing with men on whom they could have so little dependance. The people dismissed the ambassadors, m a rage ; and Nicias, knowing nothing of the deceit, was confounded, and in disgrace. To redeem his credit, he proposed being sent once more to Sparta : but, not being able to gain such terms, there, as the Athenians demanded, they immediately, on his return, formed a league with the Argives, for a hundred years, including the Eleans and Mantincans; which yet did not, in terms, cancel that with the Lacedaemonians ; though, it is plain, that the whole intent of it was levelled against them. Upon this new alliance, Alcibiades was declared general; and, though his best friends could not commend the method by which he brought about his designs, yet it was looked upon as a great reach in politics, thus to divide and shake almost all Peloponnesus ; and to remove the war so far from the Athenian frontier, that even success would profit the enemy but little, should they be conquerors : whereas, if they were defeated, Sparta itself would be hardly safe. The defection of the confederates, began to awaken the jealousy of Sparta: they resolved, therefore, to remedy the evil, before it spread too far; wherefore, drawing out their whole force, both of citizens and slaves, and being joined by their allies, they encamped almost under the walls of Argos. The Argives, having notice of their march, made all possible preparations, and came out, with a full resolution to fight them. 15ut, just as they were going to engage, two of their oflScers went over to Agis, the Spartan king and general, and proposed to him to have the business settled by a reference. He im- mediately closed with the offer, granted them a truce for four months, and drew off his army; the whole affair being trans- acted by these three, without any general consent or know- Itdge, on either side. The Peloponnesians, though they durst not disobey their orders, inveighed grievously against Agis, for letting such an advantage slip, as they could never promise to themselves agiiin ; for they had actually hemmed in the enemy, and that with the ])est, if not the greatest army, that ever was brought • into the field. And the Argives were so little apprehensive of danger, on their side, that they were not less incensed against their mediators, one of whom they forced to the al Urs to save his life, and confiscated his goods. Thus, every thing seemed to favour the Athenian interest; and their prosperity, for this was the most flourishing period * of their duration, blinded them to such a degree, that they were persuaded no power was able to resist them. In thw OF GREECE. 123 I i disposition, they resolved to take the first opportunity of add- ing the island of Sicily to their empire ; and soon an occa- sion offered to their wish. Ambassadors were sent from the people of Egesta, who, in quality of their allies, came to implore their aid against the inhabitants of Selinuta, who were assisted by the Syracusans. It was the sixteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. They re- presented, among other things, that, should they be abandoned, the Syracusans, after seizing their city, as they had done that of Leoutium, would take possession of all Sicily, and not fail to aid the Peloponnesians, wiio were their founders : and, that • they might put them to as little charge as possible, they of- fered to pay the troops that should be sent to succour them. The Athenians, who had long waited for an opportunity to declare themselves, sent deputies to Egesta, to inquire into the state of affairs ; and to see whether there was money enough in the treasury, to defray the expenses of so great a war. The inhabitants of that city had been so artful, as to borrow, from the neighbouringnations, a great number of gold and silver vases, worth an immense sum of money ; and of these they made a show, when the Athenians arrived. The deputies returned with those of Egesta, who carried sixty talents in ingots, as a month's pay for the galleys, which they demanded ; and a promise of larger sums, which they said were ready, both in the public treasury, and in the temples. The people, struck with these fair appearances, the truth of which they did not give themselves the leisure to examine* and, seduced by the advantageous reports which their deputies made with the view of pleasing them, immediately granted the Egestans t^^cir demand ; and appointed Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lamachus, to command the fleet, with full power not only to succour Egesta, and restore the inhabitants of Leontium to their city, but also to regulate the affairs of Sicily, in such a manner as might best suit the interests of the republic. Nicias was. appointed one of the generals, to his very great regret ; for, besides other motives which made him dread the command, he shunned it because Alcibiades was to be his col- league. But the Athenians promised themselves greater suc- cess from this war, should they not resign the whole conduct of it to Alcibiades, but temper his ardour and audacity with the coldness and wisdom of Nicias. Nicias, not daring to oppose Alcibiades openly, endeavour- ed to do it indirectly, by staning a great number of difficul- ties, drawn particularly from the great expense of this expe- dition. He declared, that, since they were resolved upon war, they ought to carry it on in such a manner, as might suit the 124 THE IllSTOKY exalted reputation to which Athens had attained : that a fleet was not sufficient to oppose so formidable a power, as that of the Syracusans and their allies ; that thev must raise an army composed of good horse and foot, if they desired to act in a manner worthy of so noble a design ; that, besides their fleet which was to make them masters at sea, they must have a great number of transports, to carry provisions perpetually to the army, which otherwise could not possibly subsist in ai enemy s country; that they must carry with them vast sumf at money, without waiting for that promised them by the citi zens ol Lgesta ; who perhaps were ready in words only, and very probably might break their promise ; that they ou^ht to weigh and examine the disparity between themselves and their enemies, with regard to the conveniences and wants of the army; the Syracusans being in their own country, in the midst of powerful allies, disposed by inclination, as well as engaged by interest, to assist them, with men, arms, horses and provisions; whereas, the Athenians would carry on the war m a remote country, possessed by their enemies ; where, in the winter, news could not be brought them, in less than lour months; a country, where all things would oppose the Athenians, and nothing be procured, but by force of arms- Khn W Z ^ 'f'''' !''^ S:reatest ignominy on the Athenians; should they be forced to abandon their enterprise; and there- by become the scorn and contempt of their enemies, by their neglecting to take all the precautions which so important a design required ; that, as for himself, he was determined nol o go, unless he was provided with all things necessary for the expedition, because the safety of the whole army depend- ed on that circumstance; and that he would not rely on ca price, or the precarious engagements of the allies. Nicias had fluttered himself that this speech would cool the ardour oi the i)eople, whereas it only inflamed it the more Immediately, the generals had full powers given them, to raise as many troops, and fit out as many galleys, as thev should judge necessary: and the levies were accordingly carried on. in Athens and other places, with inexpressible activity }V hen prepar2d, they accordingly set sail, after having an- pointed Corcyra the rendezvous for most of the allies, with such ships as were to carry the provisions and warlike stores. All the citizens, as well as foreigners, in Athens, Hocked, by day-break, to the pert of Pyrocus : the former attended bv their children, relations, friends and companions, with a joy over- cast with a little sorrow, upon their bidding adieu to persons hat were as dear to them as life, and who were settim? out on a distant and very dangerous expedition, from which it OF GREECE. \k% was uncertain whether they would ever return ; though they fiatiered themselves with the hopes that it would be successful. The foreigners came thither to feed their eyes with a sight, which was highly worthy their curiosity; for no single city in the world had ever fitted out so gallant a fleet. Those, in- deed, which had been sent against Epidaurus and Potidaea, were as considerable, with regard to the number of soldiers and ships ; but they were not equipped with so much magni- ficence, neither was their voyage so long, nor their enter- prise so important. Here, was seen a land and naval army, provided with the utmost care, and at the expense of particular persons, as well as of the public, with all things necessary, on account of the length of the voyage, and the duration of the war. The city furnished a hundred empty galleys ; that is, sixty light ves sels, and forty to transport the soldiers heavily armed. Every mariner received daily a drachma, or ten pence English, for his pay, exclusive of what the captains of ships gave the row- ers of the first bench. Add to this, the pomp and magnifi- cence universally displayed ; every one striving to eclipse the rest, and each captain endeavouring to make his ship the lightest, and, at the same time, the gayest in the whole fleet. I shall but briefly notice the choice of the soldiers and sea- meii, who were the flower of the Athenians ; their emulation with regard to the beauty and neatness of their arms and equipage ; and more than that their oflicers, who had laid out considerable sums, purely to distinguish themselves, and to give foreigners an advantageous idea of their persons and cir- cumstances ; so that this sight had the air of a pageant, in which the utmost magnificence is displayed, rather than of a warlike expedition. But the boldness and greatness of the design, still exceeded its expense and splendour. When the ships were loaded, and the troops got on board, the trumpet sounded, and solemn prayers were off*ered up, for the success of the expedition ; gold and silver cups were filled every where with wine, and the accustomed libations were poured out: the people who lined the shore shouting at the same time, and lifting up their hands to heaven, to wish their fellow-citizens a good voyage and success. The hymn being sung, and the ceremonies ended, the ships sailed, one after another, out of the harbour ; after which, they strove to outsail each other, till the whole fleet met at -£gina. From thence, it sailed to Corcyra ; where the army of the allies was assembled with the rest of the fleet. Having now arrived at Sicily, the generals were divided mi their opinions, as to the place where they should make a de- .26 THE HISTORy scent, l^uniachus, one of the generals, was for sailing direct ly ior Syracuse. He urged, that it was as yet unprovided, and under the greatest consternation ; that an army was al- ways most terrible on its approach, before the enemy had linic to recollect, and make danger familiar. These reasons however, were overruled. It was agreed to reduce the smaller cities first ; when, having detached ten galleys, only to take a view ot the situation and harbour of Syracuse, they landed, with the rest of their forces, and surprised Catana. In the mean time, the enemies of Alcibiades had taken oc- casion, irom his absence, to attack him, with redoubled vigour 1 hey aggravated his misconduct, in neglecting the propel method of attack ; and enforced their accusation, by allejjinp that he had prolaned the mysteries of Ceres. This was suf hcient to inauce the giddy multitude to recal their general; but, lor fear of raismg a tumult in the army, they only sen him orders to return to Athens, to pacify the people, by his Alcibiades obeyed the orders, with seeming submission; but, reflecting on the inconstancy and caprice of his judges the instant he arrived at Thurium, and had got on shorefhe disappeared; and eluded the pursuit of those who soukt after him : the galley, therefore, returned without him ; and the people, in a rage, condemned him to death, for his contu macy His whole estate was confiscated ; and all the orders ot religion were commanded to curse him. Some time after news being brought him that the Athenians had condemned him to death; " I hope, one day," said he, « to make theiri sensible that I am still alive." ^J^'^^yY^''^^""^ i\ad by this time, put themselves in apos- tureot defence ; and, finding that Nicias did not advance to- wards them, they talked of attacking him in his camp; an^ some of them asked, in a scoffing way, whether he was come Hto Sici y to settle at Catana. He wis roused by this insuTt! and resolved to make the best of his way to Syracuse He durst not attempt it by land, for want of cavklry: and he thought It e.,ually hazardous to make a descent by sea, upon an enemy who was so well prepared to receive him : ho veve^ he chose the latter way, and succeeded in it by a stratagem the Syracusans, and inform them that the Athenians lay every night in the town, without their arms : and, that early in the Ihem '"!;•''" ' fif'-"^" ^"^ appointed, they might surprise them seize on their camp with all their arms and bag/aire- burn their fleet in the harbour, and destroy the whole^fX Ihe Syracusans gave credit to him, and marched, with aU OF GREECE. 127 their forces, towards Catana : of which, Nicias had no sooner notice, than he embarked his troops ; and, steering away for Syracuse, landed them there, the next morning, and fortified himself in the outskirts of the town. The Syracusans were so provoked at this trick, that they immediately returned to Syracuse, and presented themselves without the walls, in o*i> der of battle. Nicias marched out of his trenches, to meet them ; and a very sharp action ensued ; wherein, at length, the Athenians prevailed ; and forced the enemy back to the city, after havinp killed two hundred and sixty of them and their confederates, with the loss of fifty of their own men. They were not as yet in a condition to attack the city, and, therefore, took up their winter quarters at Catana and Naxes. The year following, greater projects were undertaken. Having received a supply of horse from Athens, with provi- sions, and other stores of war, Nicias set sail for Syracuse, in order to block it up, by sea and land. In this manner, did the little state of Athens spread terror among all the neigh- bouring states ; and now, risen to its utmost height, began to aspire at universal empire. Athens had already been the mistress of arts and philoso- phy : she now, with inverted ambition, aimed at setting man- kind an example of the arts of conquest and of war; but she had never considered, that a petty state, raised artificially into power, is liable to a thousand accidents, in its way to conquest. The Athenians had now sent out their whole force into Sicily ; and, while they fought to decide the fate of Syracuse, they were in fact contending for their own ; the existence of Athens and Syracuse depended so much on the event of the present invasion, that both sides fought with the utmost per- severance, and historians have been minute in the detail. The siege was now carried on in a more regular and skilful manner, than had ever been practised before ; and men were taught a new lesson, as well in the arts of attack, as of de- fence. Nicias found it necessary, in the first place, to gain Epipolae, a high hill which commanded the city, and had a steep craggy passage up to it. The Syracusans were so sen- sible of the importance of this post, that they had ordered a detachment of seven hundred men to march, upon a signal given, to its defence ; but Nicias had landed his men in a little remote harbour, so Secretly and so suddenly, that they easily made themselves masters of it; and the seven hundred, run- ning up from the plains, in a confused manner, to dispossess them, were repulsed, with the loss of three hundred ind their leader. 128 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 18 Nicias built a fort there, as a magazine; and proceeded t« invest ihe town, on the land side, so as to prevent any com- munication with the country. The enemy endeavouring to destrox his works, and render them useless, several skirmishes ensued, wherein the Athenians had generally the advantage^ hat, in one of them, Lamachus, being pressed hard, and aban- doned by his men, was killed. The Syracusans, still intent on the recovery of Epipolae orden J thither another detachment. Nicias was at this time sick a. the fort, and in bed, with only his servants about him; but, w lien he found the enemy were forcing his entrenchments he go: up, and set fire to the engines and other wood that lay scattei-ed about the fort; which had so good an effect, that it serve 1 as a signal to his own troops to come up to his relief, and so terrified and confounded those of the enemy, that thev retreated into the city. Tlenceforth Nicias, who was now sole general, conceived great hopes. Several cities of Sicily, which hitherto had no! dechred for either side, came and joined him; and there ar- rived, from all quarters, vessels laden with provisions for his army; all parties being eager to go over to him, because he had acquired the superiority, and been exceedingly success- ful m all his undertakings. The Syracusans, seeing them- sehes blocked up both by sea and land, and losing all hopes of being able to defend their city any longer, already pro- jv»sed an accommodation. Gylippus, who was coming from Lacedaemon to their as- SI stance, having heard, in his passage, the extremity to which niey were reduced, and looking upon the whole island as lost, nevertheless sailed forward, not with the view of defending Sicily, but only to preserve to the nations of Italy such cities ds were subject to them in that island, if it were not too late, and if this could be done ; for fame had declared, in all places, that the Athenians had already taken possession of the whole island, and were headed by a general whose wisdom and good fortune rendered him invincible. The fortifications of the Athenians, were now almost com- pleted : they had drawn a double wall, nearly half a league in length, along the plain and the fens, towards the great port ; and had almost reached it. There now remained, on one side! only a small part of the wall to be finished ; and the Syracu- sans were on the brink of ruin ; they had no hopes left; they were unable to defend themselves, and they knew not where to look for succours ; for this reason, they resolved to surren- der, and a council was held, to settle the articles of capitula Uon which were to be presented to Nicias i i It was at that very instant, and in this most distressful mncture, that, a messenger arrived at Syracuse, from Corinth, with news of speedy relief. The whole body of citizens flocked round the messenger of such welcome information He informed them, that Gylippus, the Lacedaemonian gene- ral, would be with them immediately, followed by a great many other galleys which had come to his aid. The Syracu- sans astonished, or rather stupified, as it were, with this nrws, could scarcely believe what they heard. Whilst they were thus fluctuating, and in doubt, a coui ier arrived, from Gylippus, to inform them of his approach ; nnd ordered them to march out all their troops, to meet him. He himself, after taking a fort in his way, marched, in onler of battle, directly for Epipolae; and, ascending by Eurycl is, as the Athenians had done, he prepared to attack them fn^m without, while the Syracusans should charge them, on tht ir side, with the forces of Syracuse. The Athenians, exceedingly surprised by his arrival, drew up hastily, and without order, under the wall : with regard (o himself, laying down his arms when he approached, he sent word, by a herald, that he would allow the Athenians five days to leave Sicily. Nicias did not condescend to make the least answer to this proposal ; and some of his soldiers, bursting out a laughing, asked the herald, whether the presence of a Lacedaemonian privateer, and the trifling wand of a herald, could make any change in the present state of the city. Both sides, therefore, prepared for battle. Gylippus began by storming the fort of Labdalla, and cut- ting in pieces all who were found in it. The Athenians, in Ihe mean time, were not idle, in forming intrenchments, to oppose him ; while the besieged Avere equally assiduous, in cutting down and breaking through those walls and circum- vallations, which were carried round their city. At length, both sides drew up their forces, in battle array, between the walls which the Athenians had raised to keep off" the enemy. In the first eno:agement, the cavalry of Gylippus being rendered useless from the narrowness of the place, to reani- mate his soldiers, by doing them justice, he had the courage to reproach himself for their ill success ; and to declare pub- licly, that he, not they, had occasioned the late defeat, because he made them fight in too narrow a spot of ground. How- ever, he promised soon to give them an opportunity of re- covering both their honour and his ; and, accordingly, the very next day, he led them against the enemy, after having exhorted thein, in the strongest terms, to behave in a manner vorthy of their ancient glory. 130 THE HISTORY Nicias, perceiving, that though he should not desire to come to a battle, it would, however, be absolutely necessary to prevent the enemy from extending their line beyond the contravallation, to which they were already very near, (be- cause otherwise this would be granting them a certain vic- tory) therefore marched boldly against the Syracusans. Gy- lippus brought up his troops beyond the place where the walls terminated on both sides, in order that he might leave the more room to extend his battle ; when, charging the ene- my's left wing with his horse, he put it to flight, and soon afterwards defeated their right. We have an instance of what the experience and abilities of a great captain are capable of producing: Gylippus, with the same men, the same arms, the same horses, and the same ground, by only changing his order of battle, defeated the Athenians, and beat them quite to their camp. The following night, the victors carried on their wall beyond the wall of contravallation of the Athenians, and thereby deprived them of all hopes of being able to surround the city. Nicias, ever since the arrival of Gylippus, had been pu« upon the defensive ; and, as he daily lost ground in the coun try, he retired towards the sea, to keep that open, in case of accidents, and to bring in provisions. For this purpose, he seized Plemmyrium, near the great harbour ; where he built three forts, and kept himself up, as it were, in a garrison. Gylippus took this opportunity to gain over the inland cities; and, at the same time, the fleet arrived, that was expected from Corinth. Nicias, under these circumstances, wrote a very melan. choly account of his affairs to Athens ; that the enemy were become so superior to him, that he was not in a condition to force their intrenchmcnts ; and that, instead of besieging them, he was now besieged himself: that the towns revolted from him, the slaves and mercenaries deserted: that his troops were employed in guarding the forts and fetching in provisions, and that, in this latter service, many of them were cut off by the enemy's horse ; that the fleet was in as bad condition, as the army; and that, in short, without a speedy reinforcement of men, ships, and money, equal to what he had at first set out with, it was in vain to attempt any thing farth^^r : then, as to himself, he com})lained of his being af- flicted with sharp ne])hritic pains, which rendered him inca- pable of going on with the service; and therefore pressed to be recalled. The Athenians were so affected with this letter, that they named Eurymcdon and Demosthenes, (not the great orator^ OF GREECE. 131 to go over with fjesh supplies; the former, immediately, wiih ten galleys, and the other, early in the spring, with d stronger force. At the same time, they appointed Meander and Euthydcmus, to act as assistants to Nicias, but would not grant his request of coming home. In the mean time, Gylippus, who had made the tour of Sicily, returned, with as many men as he could raise in the whole island ; and prevailed with the Syracusans to fit out the strongest fleet in their power, and to hazard a battle at sea, on the presumption, that the success would answer the greatness of the enterprise. This advice was strongly en- forced by Hermocrates, who exhorted the Syracusans not to abandon, to their enemies, the empire of the seas. He ob- served, that the Athenians themselves had not received it from their ancestors, nor been alwTiys possessed of it ; that the Persian war had, in a manner, forced them into the know- ledge of naval affairs, notwithstanding two great obstacles, their disposition, and the situation of their city, which stood at a considerable distance from the sea ; that they had made themselves formidable to other nations, not so much by their real strength, as by their courage and intrepidity ; that they ought to copy them ; and, since they had to contend with enemies who were so enterprising, it was fit they should be equally daring. This advice was approved, and accordingly a large fleet was equipped. Gylippus led out all his land forces, in the r.ight time, to attack the forts of Plemmyrium. Thirty-five galleys of Syracuse, which were in the great harbour, and forty-five in the lesser, which was an arsenal for ships, were ordered to advance towards Plemmyrium, to amaze the Athe- nians, who would find themselves attacked, both by sea and land, ut the same time. The Athenians, at this news, went on board also ; and, with twenty-five ships, sailed to fight the thirty-five Syracusan ves- sels, which were sailing out against them from the great har- bour ; and opposed thirty-five more to the forty-five of the enemy which were come out of the little port. A sharp en gagement was fought, at the mouth of the great harbour ; one party endeavouring to force their way into it, and the other to keep them out. Those who defended the forts of Plemmyrium, having flocked to the shore, to view the battle, Gylippus attacked the forts unexpectedly by day-break; and, having carried the greatest of them by storm, the soldiers who defended t!ie othtr two were so terrified, that they abandoned them in a moment. M 132 THE HISTORVr After this advantage, the Syracusans sustained a consider- rible loss. Such of their vessels as fought at the entrance of the harbour (after having forced the Athenians) bulged furi- ously one against the other, as they entered it in disorder ; and, by this means, shifted the victory to their enemies, who were not contented with pursuing, but also gave chase to those who were victorious in the great harbour. Eleven Sy- racusan galleys were sunk, and great numbers of the sailors in them were killed. Three were taken ; but the Athenians likewise lost three ; and, after towing off those of the enemy, they raised a trophy, in a little island lying before Plem' myrium, and retired to the centre of their camp. One circumstance, which the besieged considered of the gieatest importance, was, to attempt a second engagement both by sea and land, before the fleet and other succours, sen. by the Athenians, should arrive. They had concerted fresn measures for a battle at sea, by improving from the error.- they had committed in the last engagement. The change made in the galleys\vas,their prows were no^ sliorter, and, at the same time, stronger and more solid, than before. For this purpose, they fixed great pieces of timber, projectmg forward on each side of the prows, and, to these piece?, they joined beams, by way of props. The beams ex- tended to the length of six cubits, on each side of the vessel both within and without. By this, they hoped to gain an advantage over the galleys of the Athenians, which did not dare, because of the weakness of their prows, to attack an enemy m front, but only in flank; not to mention, that, should the battle be fought in the harbour, they would not have room to spread themselves, nor to pass between two galleys in which lay their greatest art, nor to tack about, after they should have been repulsed, in order to return to the charge- whereas, the Syracusans, by their being masters of the whole extent oi the harbour, would have all these advantages; and might reciprocally assist one another. On these circum'stan ces the latter founded their hopes of victory. Gylippus, therefore, first drew all the infantry ott of the camp, and advanced towards that part of the contravallation of the Athenians, which faced the city; whilst the troops of Olympia marched towards the other, a!id their galleys set sail. Nicias did not desire to venture a second battle • sayinir* tha* as be expected a fresh fleet every moment, and a great reinforcement under Demosthenes, it would betray the i.?reat- cst wani of judgment, should he and his troops, who wp^e in- Tenor in number to those of the enemy, and already fatifjued. hazard a battle, without being forced to it. ' o » OF GREECE. 133 On the contrary, Menander and Euthydemus, who had just before been appointed to share the command with Nioias till the arrival of Demosthenes, fired with ambition, and jealous of those generals, were eager to perform some exploit, to be- reave the one of his glory, and if possible eclipse that of the other. The pretence alleged by them, on this occasion, was, the fame and reputation of Athens ; and they asserted, with such vehemence, that it would be entirely destroyed, should they shun the battle, as the Syracusans offered it to them, that they at last forced Nicias to a compliance. The Athenians had seventy-five galleys, and the Syracusans eighty. The first day, the fleets continued in sight of each other, in the great harbour, without engaging, and only a few skir- mishes passed ; aftec which, both panics retired, while the land forces acted in the same manner. The Syracusans did not make the least motion the second day. Nicias, taking advantage of this inactivity, caused the transports to draw up, in a line, at some distance from one ' another, in order that his galleys might retire behind them, with safety, in case he should be defeated. Next morning, the Syracusans came up sooner than usual, when a great part of the day was spent in skirmishing ; after which, they retired. The Athenians did not suppose they would return; but imagined that fear would make them fly. But, having re- freshed themselves with great diligence, and returned x)n board their galleys, they attacked the Athenians, who were far from expecting them. Being now forced to return im- mediately on board their ships, the Athenians entered them in great disorder ; so that they had not time to draw them up'in a line of battle ; and most of the sailors were fasting. Victory did not long continue in suspense. After making a short and slight resistance, they retired behind their line of transports. The enemy pursued them thither, but were stt^pped by the yards of those ships, to which were fixed dolphins of lead : these being very heavy, had they falleit on the enemy's galleys, would have sunk them at once. In this engagement the Athenians lost seven galleys ; and a great number of sol diers were either killed or taken prisoners. This loss threw Nicias into the utmost consternation : all the misfortunes he had met with, since he had enjoyed the supreme command, came into his mind ; and he was now in- volved in a greater than any of lhem,by his complying with the advice of his colleagues. Whilst he was revclving these gloomy ideas, the day after the battle, Demosthenes* fleet was seen coming forward, in great pomp, and with such an air ' 1 134 THE HISTOUY i as might fill the enemy with dread. This fleet consisted of seventy-thrtie galleys, on board of which were five thousand fighting men, and about three thousand archers, slingers, and bowmen. All these galleys were richly trimmed, their prows being adorned with shining streamers, manned willi stout rowers, commanded by good officers, and echoing with the sound of clarions and trumpets: Demosthenes having aiTectcd an air of pomp and triumph, purposely to strike terror into the enemv. This gallant sight alarmed them beyond expression. They did not see any end, or even the least suspension of their ca- lamities. All they had done, hitherto, or suffered, was as nothing, and their work was to be begun again. What hopes could they entertain of being able to weary out the patience of the Athenians ; since, though they had a camp intrenched m the middle of Attica, they were yet able to send a second army into Sicily, as considerable as the former; and their power as well as their courage, seemed, notwithstanding all their losses, instead of diminishing, daily to increase ? Demosthenes, having made an exact inquiry into the state of things, imagined it would not be proper for him to lose time, as Niciai had done, who having spread a universal terror, at his first arrival, became afterwards the object of contempt, for having wintered in Catana, instead of going directly to Syracuse ; and had afterwards given Gylippus an opportunity of throwing troops into it. He flattered himself with the hopes that he should be able lo carry the city at the first attack, by taking advantage of the alarm which the news of his arrival would spread through every part of it ; and, by that means, should immediately put an end to the war: otherwise, he intended to raise the siege and no longer harass and lessen the troops, by fighting battles never decisive ; nor quite exhaust the city of Athens, by em ploying its treasures in needless expenses. Nicias, terrified by this bold and precipitate resolution of Demosthenes, conjured him not to be so hasty; but to take time to weigh things deliberately, that he might have no cause to repent of what he should do. He obsi-rved to him that the enemy would be ruined by delays ; that their pro' visions, as well as money, were entirely exhausted ; that their allies were going to abandon them ; that they must soon be reduced to such extremity, for want of provisions, as would fot-ce them to surrender, as they had before resolved. For there were certain persons in Syracuse, who held a secret correspondence with Nicias, and exhorted him not to be im- patient, because the Syracusans were tired of the war with OF GREECE. 135 Gylippus ; and, that should the necessity to which they were reduced, be ever so little increased, they would surrender at discretion. As Nicias did not explain himself clearly, and would not declare, in express terms, that sure and certain advices were sent him of whatever was transacted in the city, his remon- strances were considered as an effect of the timidity and slowness with which he had always been reproached. " Such," «aid they, " are his usual protractions, delays, distrusts, and fearful precaution, whereby he has deadened all the vivacity, wid extinguished all the ardour of the troops, in not march- ing them immediately against the enemy ; but, on the con- trary, by deferring to attack them, till his own forces were weakened and despised," This made the rest of the generals, and all the officers, come over to Demosthenes' opinion ; and Nicias himself was at last forced to acquiesce. Demosthenes, after having ineffectually attacked the wall which cut the contravallation of the besiegers, confined him- self to the attack of Epipol3e,from a supposition, that, should he once be master of it, the wall would be quite undefended. He, therefore, took provisions for five days, with workmen, implements, and every thing necessary for him 'to defend that post, after he should obtain possession. As it could not be approached, in the day time, undiscov- ered, he marched thither in the night, with all his forces, fol- lowed by F.urymedon and Menander ; Nicias staying behind, to guard the camp. They went up by the way ^f Euryclus, as before, unperceived by the sentinels, attacked the first in- tienchment, and stormed it, after killing part of those who defended it. Demosthenes, not satisfied with this advantage, to prevent the ardour of his soldiers from cooling, and to delay the execution of his design, marches forward. During this interval, the forces of the city, sustained by Gylippus, marched, under arms, out of the intrenchments. Being seized with astonishment, which the darkness of the night increased, they were immediately repulsed, and put to flight. But, as the Athenians advanced in disorder, to force whatever might resist their arms, lest the enemy might rally again, should time be allowed them to breathe and recover from their surprise, they are stopped on a sudden by the Boeotians, who make a vigorous stand, and, marching against the Athenians with their pikes presented, they repulse the«m with great shouts, and make a dreadful slaughter. This spread a universal terror through the rest of the army. Those who fled, either force along such as were advancing to their assistance, or else, mistaking them for enemies, turn M3 136 THE HISTOKY ■I' t'i their arms against them. They were now all mixed indis- criminately; it being impossible to discover objects in the horrors of the nignt ; which was not so gloomy as entirely to make objects imperceptible, nor yet so light as that one could distinguish those which were seen. The Athenians sought for one another in vain ; and, from their often asking the word, by which only they were able to know one another, a strange confusion of sounds was heard, which occasioned no little disorder; not to mention that they, by this means, divulged the word to the enemy, and coufd not learn theirs ; because by their being together, and in a body, they had no occasion to repeat it. In the mean time, those who were pursued threw them- selves from the top of the rocks ; and many were dashed tc pieces by the fall : and as most of those who escaped, strag. gled from one another, up and down the fields and woods^ they wei-e cut to pieces, the next day, by the enemy's horse] who pursued them. Two thousand Athenians were slain, in this engagement; and a great nun.oer o. nrms were taken; those who fled having thrown them away, \ at they might be the better able to escape over the precipice . Soon afterwards, Gylinuus, having made .ne tour of Sicily, brought a great numbcr'ot troops with h'.n, which rendered the affairs of Athens s\'ll nore desperp.'vC ; and deprived Ni- cias of all hopes of sp cess : besides, the Athenian army now began to diminish exceedingly, by sickness ; and nothing seemed to remain, but their quilting an island, in which they had experienced every mortification. Nicias no longer op- posed the resolution, und only desired to have it kept secret Orders were therefore given,'as privately as possible, for the fleet to prepare for setting sail, with the utmost expedition. When all things were ready, the moment they were going to sail y wholly unsuspected by the enemy, who were far from surmising they would leave Sicily so soon) the moon was suddenly eclipsed, in the middle of the night, and lost all its splendour; which terrified Nicias and the whole army; who, from ignorance and superstition, were astonished at so sud- den a change, the causes of which they did not know, and Ihcrefore dreaded the consequences. They then consulted the soothsayers ; who, being equall) unacquainted with the reasons of this phenomenon, only aug mented their consternation. It was the custom, after such things, to suspend their enterprise only for three days. The soothsayers pronounced, that he must not sail till three times nire days were past, ^^ihese were Thucydides* words) which OF GFxEECE. .37 was doubtless a mysterious number, in the opinion of the ^^Nicias, scrupulous to a fault, and full of a mistaken vene- -ation for these blind interpreters of the will of the gods,de. clared, that he would wait a whole revolution of the moon, and not retuni till the same day of the next month ; as if he had not seen the planet very clearly, the instant it had enierg- cd from that part which was darkened by the interposition of the earth's body. r i • But he was not allowed time for this. The news of the m- tended departure of the Athenians, soon spread over the city; a resolution was taken to attack the besiegers, both by sea and land. The Syracusans began, the first day, by attacking the intrenchments, and gained a slight advantage. On the morrow, they made a second attack, and, at the same time, sailed with 'seventy-six galleys, against eighty-six of the Athenians. * i • Eurymcdon, who commanded the right ot the Athenian fleet, having spread along the shore, to surround them, this movement proved fatal to him. As he was detached from the body of the fleet, the Syracusans, after forcing the main bat- tle, which was in the centre, attacked him ; drove him vigor- ously into the gulf called Dascon, and there defeated him entirely. In the engagement, Eurymedon lost his life. They afterwards gave cliase to the rest of the galleys, and ran them against the shore. Gylippus, who commanded the land armv,'seeing the Athenian galleys were forced aground, and not able to return into the stoccado, landed, with part of his troops, in order to charge the soldiers, in case they should be forced to run ashore, and give his friends the more room to tow such galleys as they should have taken : however, he was repulsed by the Tyrrhenians, who were posted on that side, and obliged, by the Athenians, who flew to sustain them, to retire, with some loss, as far as an adjacent moor. The latter saved most of their ships, eighteen excepted, which were taken by the Syracusans, who cut to pieces their crews. After this, resolving to burn the rest, they filled an old vessel with combustible materials, and, having set fire to it, they drove it, by the help of the wind, against the Ath^ nians ; who nevertheless extinguished the fire, and drove off that ship. Each side erected trophies ; the Syracusans, for the death of Eurymedon, and the advantage they had gaineu the day before; the Athenians, for having driven part ol the enemy into the moor, and put the other part to flight. But the minds of the two nations were very differently af- fected : the Syracusans, who had been thrown into the ut- 13S THE HISTORY : I hit most consternation at the arrival of Demosthenes with hi* fleet, seeing themselves victorious in a naval engagement, re- sumed fresh hopes, and assured themselves of a complete victory over their enemies ; the Athenians, on the contrary, frustrated in their only resource, and overcome at sea, so contrary to their expectations, entirely lost courage, and had no thoughts but of retiring. The enemy, to deprive them of all resource, and pre\ enl their escaping, shut the mouth of the great harbour, which was about five hundred paces wide, with galleys, placed crosswise, and other vessels fixed with anchors and iron chains ; and, at the same time, made the requisite preparations for a bat tie, in case they should have courage to engage again. When the Athenians saw themselves thus hemmed in, the generals and principal officers assembled, in order to delibe- rate on the present state of affairs. They were in absolute want of provisions, which was owing to their having forbid- den the people of Catana to bring any, from the hopes they entertained of their being able to retire ; and they could not procure any from other places, unless they were masters of the sea. This made them resolve to venture a sea fight. With this view, they were determined to leave their old camp and their walls; and to intrench themselves on the shore, near the ships, in the smallest compass possible : their design was to leave some forces in that place, to guard the baggage and their sick ; and to fight with the rest on board all the ships they should save. They intended to retire into Catana, incase they should be victorious; otherwise, to set fire to their ships, and to march, by land, to the nearest city belong ing to their allies. This resolution being taken, Nicias immediately filled a hundred and ten galleys (the others having lost their oars) with the flower of his infantry, and drew up the rest of the forces, particularly the bowmen, in order of battle, on shore. As the Athenians dreaded very much the beaks of the Syra- cusan galleys, Nicias had provided harping irons, to grapple them, in order to break the force of the blow, and tp come immediately to close fight, as on shore. But the enemy perceiving this, covered the prows and upper part of their galleys with leatner, to prevent their being so easily laid hold of. The commanders, on both sides, had em- ployed all their rhetoric to animate their men ; and none could ever have been prompted with stronger motives : the battle which was going to be fought, was to determine, not only ihfiir lives and liberties, but also the fate of their country. This battle was very obstinate and bloody. The Athenians OF GREECE. 139 having arrived at the mouth of the port, easily took those ships which defended the entrance ; but, when they uticmpt- rd to break the chain of the rest, to widen the passage, the enemy came up, from all quarters. As nearly two hundred galleys came rushing, on each side, in a narrow place, there must necessarily be a great confusion; and the vessels could not easily advance, or retire, or turn about to renew the attack. I'he beaks of the galleys, for this reason, did very little exe- ;ution ; but there were very furious and frequent discharges. The Athenians were overwhelmed with a shower of stones, ,^'hich always did execution, from what place soever they *vere thrown; whereas, they defended themselves only by shooting darts and arrows ; which, by the motion of the ships, from the agitation of the sea, did not carry true, and by that means the greater part of them did little execution. Ariston, the pilot, had given the Syracusans this counsel. These discharges being over, the soldiers, heavily armed, attempted to enter the enemy's ships, in order to fight hand to hand ; and it often happened, that, whilst they were climb- ing up one side, their own ships were entered on the other, and two or three ships were grappled to one ; which occa- sioned a great perplexity and confusion. Besides, the noise of the ships which dashed one against another ; the different cries of the victors and the vanquished ; prevented the orders of the officers from being heard. The Athenians wanted to force a passage, whatever might be the consequence, to secure their return into their own country ; and this the enemy employed their utmost efforts to prevent, in order that they might gain a more complete and more glorious victory. The two land armies, which were drawn up on the highest part of the shore, and the inhabitants of the city who were there, ran to the walls, whilst the rest, kneeling in their tem- ples, were imploring heaven to give success to their fellow- citizens : all these saw clearly, because of their little distance from the fleets, every thing that passed, and contemplated the battle as from an amphitheatre, but not without great anxiety and terror. Attentive to, and shuddering at every movement, and the several changes which happened, they discovered the concern they had in the battle ; their fears, their hopes, their grief, their joy, by different cries and different gestures ; stretching out their hands sometimes towards the combatants, to ani- mate them ; at other times, towards heaven, to implore the *uccour and protection of the gods. At last, the Athenian fleet, after sustaining a long battle, 110 THE JlliSTOKVr and making a vigorous resistance, was put to flight, and drove against the shore. The Syracusans, who were spectators of this victory, conveyed the news, to the whole city, by a uni- versal shout. The victors, now masters of the sea, and sail ing with afavourable wind towards Syracuse, erected a trophy whilst the Athenians, who were quite dejected and overpovV cred, did not so much as request that their dead soldiers might be dehvered to them, in order to pay the last sad duty to their remains. ' There now remained but two methods for them to choose either to attempt the passage a second time, for which they had ships and soldiers sufficient, or to abandon their fleet to the enemy, and retire by land. Demosthenes proposed the .ormer; but the sailors, in the deepest affliction, refused to )bey, fully persuaded that it would be impossible for them to sustain a second engagement. The second method was, there- Fore, resolved upon ; and accordingly they prepared to set out m Uie night, to conceal the marchof their army from the enemy But Hermocrates, who suspected their design, was very sensible that it was of the utmost importance not to suffer so great a body of forces to escape, since they otherwise mie-ht iortily themselves in some corner of the island, and renew the war. The Syracusans were, at that time, i» the midst of their festivity and rejoicings ; solemnizing the festival of Hercules ; and meditating nothing but how they mii>ht divert themselves, after the toils they had sustained in fight. lo desire the Syracusans to take up arms again, in order to pursue the enemy, and to attempt to draw them from their diversions, either by force or persuasion, would have been useless ; lor which reason, another expedient was employed Hermocrates sent out a few horsemen, who were to pass as J^uJ"'-^^^ Athenians, and ordered them to cry aloud, lell Niciasnot to retire till day-light, for the Syracusans he in ambush for him, and have seized on their passes." 1 his false advice stopped Nicias at once ; and he did not even set out the next day, in order that the soldiers miirht have more time to prepare for their departure, and carry off whatever might be necessary for their subsistence, and abandon the rest. > •* '^ The enemy had time enough for seizing the avenues. The f^t fiT?^'"^'' T^^'' ^^V^ occupied the most difficult passes; toitified those places where the rivers were fordable ; broke down the bridges, and spread detachments of horse up and down he plain ; so that there was not one place which the Athenians could pass, without fighting. They set out upon their march the third day after the bat I OF GREECE. 141 tie, with a design to retire to Catana. The whole army was in an inexpressible consternation, to see so great numbers of men, either dead or dying ; some of whom were left exposed to wild beasts, and the rest to the cruelty of the enemy. Those who were sick and wounded, conjured them, with tears, to take them along with the army ; and held by their clothes when they were going : or else, crawling after them, followed them as far as their strength would permit : and, when this failed, had recourse to tears, sighs, imprecations; and send- ing up towards heaven plaintive and dying groans, they call- ed upon the gods, as well as men, to avenge their cruelty, whilst every place echoed with lamentations. The whole army was in a deplorable condition. All the Athenians were seized with the deepest melancholy. They were inwardly tortured with rage and anguish, when they represented to themselves the greatness from which they were fallen ; the extreme misery to which they were reduced, and the still greater evils from which they foresaw it would be impossible for them to escape. They could not bear the com- parison, for ever present in their thoughts, of the triumphant state in which they had left Athens, in the midst of the good wishes and acclamations of the people, with the ignominy of their retreat, aggravated by the cries and imprecations of their relations and fellow-citizens. But the most melancholy part of the spectacle, and that which most deserved compassion, was Nicias ; dejected and worn out by a tedious illness, deprived of the most necessary stores, at a time when his age and infirmities required them most; pierced, not only with his private grief, but that of others : all which preyed upon his heart. However, this great man, superior to all his evils, thought of nothing but how he might best comfort his soldiers, and revive their courage. He ran up and down, in all places, crying aloud, that their situation was not yet desperate, and that other armies had escaped from greater dangers ; that they ought not to accuse themselves, or grieve too immode- rately for misfortunes which they had not occasioned: tha* if they had offended some god, his vengeance must be satiated by this time; that fortune, after having so long favoured the ;nemy, would, at last, be tired of persecuting them ; trtat their bravery and numbers njade them still formidable : (being still aearly forty thousand :) that no city in Sicily would be able to withstand them, nor prevent their settling wherever they might think proper ; that they had no more to do than to take care of themselves, and march in good order : that, by a p;u- dent and courageous retreat, which was now become thei" il 142 THE HISTORY only resource, they would not only save themselves, but also their country, and enable it to recover its former grandeur. The army now marched in two bodies, both drawn up ir. the form of a phalanx ; the first being commanded by Nicias, and the second by Demosthenes, with the baggage in the centre. Having come to the river Anapis, they forced their passage, and afterwards were charged by all the enemy's cavalry, as well as krchers, who discharged perpetually upon them. They were annoyed in this manner during several days* march ; every one of the passes being guarded, and the Athenians being obliged to dispute every inch of their way. The enemy did not wish to hazard a battle against an army which despair alone might render invincible ; and the instant the Athenians presented the Syracusans battle, the latter re- tired ; but whenever the former proceeded in their march, they advanced, and charged them in their retreat. Demosthenes and Nicias, seeing the miserable condition to which the troops were reduced, being in extreme want of pro visions, and great numbers of them wounded, judged it ad visable to retire towards the sea, by a quite contrary way to that in which they then marched; and to make directly for Camarina and Gela, instead of proceeding to Catana, as they first intended. . They set out in the night, after lighting a great number of fires. The retreat was made in great confusion and dis- order, as generally happens, to great armies, in the gloomy horrors of the night, especially when the enemy is not far off. However, the vanguard, commanded by Nicias, went forward, in good order; but above half the rear-guard, with Demos- thenes at their head, separated from the main body, and lost their way. On the next day, the Syracusans, who, on the report of their retreat, had marched with the utmost diligence, overtook him, about noon ; and having surrounded him with their horse, drove him into a narrow place inclosed with a wall, where nis soldiers fought like lions. Perceiving, at the close of the day, that they were oppress- ed with fatigue and covered with wounds, the conquering Syracusans gave the islanders leave to retire, which some of Ihem accepted; and they afterwards spared the lives of the rest, who surrendered at discretion, with Demosthenes ; after having stipulated, that they should not be put to death, nor Bcntencf d to perpetual imprisonment. About six thousand soldiers surrendered on these conditions. Nicias a^-tived, the same evening, at the river Erineus ; and, passing b *»ncampcd on a mountain, where the enemy came OF (iREECE. 143 I up with him the next day, and summoned him to surrender at discretion, as Demosthenes had done. Nicias could not persuade himself, at first, that what they told him concern- ing Demoslher es was true ; and therefore desired leave to send some hoi se for information. Upon their returning with the news that Demosthenes had really surrendered in that manner, Nicias offered to pay the expenses of the war, on conditioa that they would permit him to leave the country with his forces, and to give as many Athenians for hostages, as they should be obliged to pay talents. But the enemy re- jected this proposal, with disdain and insolence ; and renew- ed the attack. Nicias, though in absolute want of all things, however, sustained the charge the whole night; and marched towards the river Asinarus. When they had reached the banks, the Syracusans, advancing up to them, threw most of them into the stream, the rest having already plunged voluntarily into it, to quench their thirst. Here, the greatest and most bloody havoc was made, the poor wretches being butchered, without the least pity, as they were drinking. Nicias, finding all lost, and unable to bear this dismal spectacle, surrendered, upon condition that Gylippus should discontinue the fight, and spare the rest of his army. A great number were killed, and more taken prisoners, so that all' Sicily was filled with them. The Athenians seemed to have been displeased with their general, for surrendering, in this manner, at discretion ; and, for this reason, his name was omitted in a public monument, on which was engraved the names of those commanders who had lost their lives in fight- ing for their country. The victors, adorned, with the arms taken from the prison- v.'s, the finest and largest trees they could find on the banks of the river; of which, they made a kind of trophies; when, crowning themselves with chaplets of flowers, dressingtheir horses in the richest caparisons, and cropping those of theii •^nemies, they entered, triumphantly, into Syracuse, after having happHy terminated the mos<: considerable war in which they had ever been engaged v ith the Greeks ; and won, by their strength and valour, a most signal and com- plete victory. I'he next day, a council was held, to deliberate on what was to be done with the prisoners. Diodes, one of the leaders of the greatest authority among the people, proposed, that all the Athenians who were born of free parents, and all such Sicdiansas had joined with them, should be imprisoned, and only two measures of flour and one of water c-iven them daily i 144 THE HISTORY \hat the slaves and all the allies should be publicly sold; and the two Athenian generals should be first scourged with rods, and afterwards put to deatn. This last article was exceedingly disliked, by all wise and compassionate Syracusans. Hcrmocrates, who was very fa- mous for his probity and justice, attempted to make some re- monstrances to the people ; but they would not hear him ; and the shouts which echoed on all sides, prevented him from continuing his speech. At that instant, an ancient man, venerable for his great age and gravity, who, in this war, had lost two sons, the only heirs to his name and estate, made his servants carry him to the tribunal for hai-angues, and, the instant he appeared, a pro- found silence was made. " Vou here behold," says he, "an unfortunate father, who has felt more than any other Syracu- san, the fatal effects of this war, by the death of two sons, who formed all the consolation, and were the only supports of my old age. I cannot, indeed, forbear admiring their cou- rage and felicity, in sacrificing, to their country*s welfare, a life, of which they would one day have been deprived by the common course of nature : but I cannot but be strongly affect * ed by the cruel wound which their death has made in my heart; nor forbear hating and detesting the Athenians, tht authors of this unhappy war, as the murderers of my chil Oven ; but, however, I cannot conceal one circnmstance, which is, that I am less sensible of my private affliction than of the honour of my country ; and I see it exposed to eternal infamy, by the barbarous advice which is now given you. The Athe- nians, indeed, merit the worst treatment, and every kind of punishment that can be inflicted, for so unjustly declaring war against us ; but, have not the gods, the just avengers of crimes, punished them, and sufficiently revenged us ? When iheir general laid down his arms and surrendered, (Vu\ he not do this in hopes of having their lives spared ; and if we put them to death, will it be possible for us to avoid the just re- proach of our having violated the laws ot nations, and dis- honoured our victory, by an unheard-of cruelty ? Mow win you suffer your glory to be thiis sullied, in the fare of the whole world; and have it said, that a nation who first dedi- cated a temple in their city to Clemency, had not found any in yours ? Surely victories and triumphs do not give immor- tal glory to a city; but the exercising of mercy towards a vanquished enemy; the using of moderation in the greatest prosperity, and fearing to offend the gods by a haughty ana insolent pride, will ever insure it. -**You doubtless have not forget, that this Nicias, whose OF GKECCE. 115 fate you are going to pronounce, was the very man who plead- ed your cause in the assembly of the Athenians ; and employ- ed all his credit, and the whole power of his eloquence, to dissuade his country from embarking in this war : should you, therefore, pronounce sentence of death on this worthy gene- ral, would it be a just reward for the zeal he showed for your interest ? With regard to myself, death would be less grievous to me, than the sight of so horrid an injustice, committed by my countrymen and fellow-citizens." The people seemed moved with compassion, at this speech. When this venerable old man first ascended, they expected to hear him cry aloud, for vengeance, on those who had brought all his calamities upon him, instead of suing for their pardon But the enemies of the Athenians having expatiated, wiili vehemence, on the unparalleled cruelties which their republic had exercised on several cities belonging to their enemies, and even to their ancient allies ; the inveteracy which the commanders had shown against Syracuse, and the evils they would have made it suffer had they been victorious ; the af- flictions and groans of infinite numbers of Syracusans, who bewailed the death of their children and near relations, whose manes could be appeased no other way than by the blood of their murderei-s; — these representations prevailed, and the people returned to their sanguinary resolution, and followed Diodes' advice, in every respect. Gylippus used his utmost endeavours, but in vain, to have Nicias and Demosthenes given up to him (especially as he had taken them) in order that he might carry them to Lacedaemon ; but his demand was rejected with a haughty scorn, and the two generals were put to death. All wise and compassionate men could not forbear shedding tears at the tragical fate of two such illustrious personages ; and particularly for Nicias, who, of all men of his time, seem- ed least to merit so ignominious and untimely an end. When people recollected the speeches and remonstrances he had made to prevent the war ; and, on the other side, when they considered how high a regard he had always retained for things relating to religion, the greater part of them were tempted to exclaim against Providence, in seeing that a man, who had ever shown the highest reverence for the gods, and had always exerted himself to the utmost for their honour and worship, should be so ill rewarded by them, and meet with no better fate than the most abandoned wretches. The prisoners were shut up in the prisons of Syracuse , where, crowded one upon the other, they suffered incredible torment, for eight months. Here, they were for ever exposed 146 THE HISTOKY to the inclemencies of the weather ; scorched, in the day 'time by the burning- rays of the sun, or frozen in the night by th« cold of autumn ; Npoisoned by the stench of their own excre ment, by the carcasses of those who died of their wounds and of sickness, and worn out by hunger and thirst; for the dail) allowance to each was but a small measure of water, and twi of meal. Those who were taken out of this place two months after wards, in order to be sold as slaves, many of whom were citi- zens, who had concealed their condition, found a less rigorous fate. Their wisdom, their patience, and a certain air of prob- ity and modesty, Mere of great advantage to them ; for they were soon restored to their liberty, or met with the kindest and most generous treatment from their masters. Several ot them even owed the good usage they met with to Eurypides the finest scenes of whose tragedies they repeated to the Si- cilians, who were extremely fond of them ; so that when they returned to their own country, they went and saluted that poet as their deliverer ; and informed him of the admirable effects wrought in their favour by his verses. The news of the defeat being carried to Athens, the citizens would not, at first, believe it ; and were so far from giving credit to the report, that they sentenced that man to death who first published the tidings : but, when it was confirmed, all the Athenians were seized with the utmost consternation,* and, as if themselves had not decreed the war, they vented their rage and resentment against the orators who had pro moted the enterprise, as well as against the soothsayers, who by their supposed prodigies, had flattered them with the hopes of success. They had never been reduced to so deplorable a condition as now, having neither horse nor foot ; money, galleys, noi mariners. T'hey were in the deepest despair, expecting every moment that the enemy, elated with so great a victory, and strengthened by the revolt of the allies, would come and in vade Atlwins, both by sea and land, with all the forces of Peloponnesus. Cicero had reason to observe, speaking of the !)attles in the harbour of Syracuse, that it was there the troops of Athens, as well as their galleys, were ruined and sunk ; and that, in this harbour, the power and glory of the Athenians were miserably shipwrecked. The Athenians, however, did not suffer themselves to be wholly dejected, but resumed courage. They now resolved to raise money, on all sides ; and to import timber for build- ing ships, in order to awe the allies, and particularly the in- habitants of the island of Eubcea. They retrenched all su- OF GREECE. 147 perfluous expenses ; and established a new council of ancient men, who were to weip;h and examine all affairs, before they should be proposed to the people. In fine, they omitted noth- ing which might be of service in the present conjuncture ; the alarm in which they were, and their common danger obliging every individual to be attentive to the necessities of the state, and sedulous to all advice that might promote its interests. Such, was the event of the siege of Syracuse, the failure o! which destroyed the power of those that had undertaken it. We have hitherto seen Athens rising in arts and arms, giving lessons in politics and humanity, philosophy and war, to all the nations around, and beginning to fix an empire, which, if once established, no neighbouring power could overthrow. But their ambition grew faster than their abilities, and their views extending beyond their capacity to execute, they fell, at once, from that height, to which, for ages, they had been assiduously aspiring. We are now, therefore, to be presented with a different picture : we are no longer to view this little state panting for conquests over other nations, but timorously defending itself at home : we are no longer to view Athens taking the lead in the councils, and conducting the confederate armies of Greece : they now become, in a measure, annihilated ; they fade from the eye of the historian, and other nations, whose names have hitherto been scarcely mentioned, emerge from obscurity. The rashness of this enterprise was severely punished, in the loss of their best generals, fleets, and armies : all now was destroyed or left at the mercy of those whom they ha.d so un- seasonably undertaken to subdue. Their allies began now to think of throwing off their yoke : 4nd even those who had stood neuter, took this occasion to declare against them. But the Lacedaemonians, being more particularly elevated, resolved to prosecute the war with vigour; so the winter was spent in preparations on both sides. The Athenians, in their present distress, scarcely knew where to -turn ; many of their allied cities revolted : and it was with the utmost difiiculty,that,by placing their forces and fleets at Samos, they reduced such states as had aban- doned them to their former obedience, and kept the rest in their duty ; thus, still struggling with a part of their former spirit, they kept themselves in a condition to make head against their enemies, over whom they had obtained several advantages. Alcibiades, who was well informed of all that passed among the Athenians, sent secretly to their principal men at Samos, N 2 148 THE HIiJTOKy OF GREECE. 119 lo sound their sentiments ; and to let them know that he wa% not averse to returning to Athens, provided the administra- tion of the republic were put into the hands of the great and powerful, and not left to the populace, wno had expelled him Some of the principal officers went from Samos, with a de- sign to concert with him the proper measures for the success of that undertaking. He promised to procure the Athenians not only the favour of the Persians, with whom he had taken refuge, but of the king himself, upon condition they would abolish the democracy or popular government; because the king would place more confidence in the engagements of the nobility, than upon those of the inconstant and capriciouf multitude. The chief man who opposed his return, was Phrynicus, one of the generals ; who, to compass his designs, sent word to Astyocus, the Lacedaemonian general, that Alcibiades was treating with Tissaphernes, to bring him over to the Athe- nian interest. He offered, farther, to betray to him the whole army and navy of the Athenians. But his treasonable prac- tices being all detected, by the good understanding betwixt Alcibiades and Astyocus, it was laid aside, and he was after wards stabbed in the market-place. In the mean time, the Athenians went eagerly forward, to complete that change of government which had been propos ed to them by Alcibiades : the democracy began to be abol- ished in several cities of Athens ; and, soon afterwards, the scheme was carried boldly forward by Lysander, who was chiefly concerned in this transaction. To give a new form to this government, he caused ten commissaries, with absolute power, lo be appointed, who were, liowever, at a certain fixed lime, to give the people an account of what they had done. At the expiration of that term, the general assembly wa» summoned, wherein their first resolution was, that every one should be admitted to make sucli jiroposals as he thought fit without being liable to any accusation for infringing the law, or consofjueniial penalty. It was afterwards decreed, that a new council should be formed, with full power to administer ihe public affairs, and to elect new magistrates. For this purpose, five presidents were established, who nominated one hundred persons, including themselves. Each of these chose and associated three more at his own pleasure, which mad^ in all four hundred, in whom an absolute power was lodged. But, to amuse the people, and to console them with a sha- dow of popular government, whilst they instituted a real oil garchy,it was said, that the four hundred should call a coun- cil of five thousand citizens, when they should judge it necei' sary, to assist them. I'he council and assemblies of the people were held as usual, nothing was done, however, but by order of the four hundred. The people of Athens were deprived, in this manner, of their liberty, which they had enjoyed al most a hundred years, after having abolished the tyranny ot .he Pisistratides. This decree being passed without opposition, after the separation of the assembly, the four hundred, armed with daggers, and attended by a hundred and twenty young men whom they made use of when any execution required it, en- tered the senate, and compelled the senators to retire, after having paid them the arrears due upon their appointments They elected new magistrates, out of their own body, observ- ing the usual ceremony upon such occasions. They did not think proper to recal those who were banished, lest they should authorise the return of Alcibiades, whose uncontrol- lable spirit they apprehended, and who would soon make himself master of the people. Abusing their power in a ty- rannical manner, they put some to death, others they banish- ed, and confiscated their estates with impunity. All who ventured to oppose this change, or even to complain of it, were l)utchered, upon false pretexts; and those were intimi- dated who demanded justice of the murderers. The four hundred soon after their establishment, -sent ten deputies to Samos, for the army's concurrence to their establishment. The army, in the mean time, which was at Samos, pro- tested against those proceedings in the city ; and, at the per- suasion of Thrasybulus, recalled Alcibiades, and created him general, with full power to sail directly to the Pyraeus, and crush this new tyranny. Alcibiades, however, would not give way to this rash opinion, but went first to show himself to Tissaphernes, and acquaint him that it was now in his power to treat him as a friend or an enemy. By this means, he awed the Athenians with Tissaphernes, and Tissaphernes with the Athenians. When, afterwards, the four hundred sent to Samos, to vindicate their proceedings, the army was for putting the messengers to death, and persisted in the de- sign upon the Pyrseus ; but Alcibiades, by opposing it, mani- festly saved the commonwealth. In the mean while, the innovation in Athens had occasion ed such factions and tumults, that the four hundred were more intent upon providing for their safety, than prosecuting the war. In order to which, they fortified that part of the Pyraeus which commands the mouth of the haven ; and re- solved, in case of extremity, rather to let in the Lacedaemo cvuxir^ than expose their persons to the fury of thei* fellow- i , ■ ! 150 THE lllSTOKY citizens. The Sparians took occasion, from these distur- bances, to hover about, with forty-two galleys, under the conduct of Hegesandrides; and the Athenians with thirty-six under 1 iniochares, were forced to engage them, but lost part o\ their fleet, and the rest were dispersed. To add to which, all Euboea, except Oreus, revolted to the Peloponnesians. T his failure of success, served to give the finishing blow to the power of the four hundred. The Athenians, without de- lay, deposed them, as the authors of all the troubles and divisions under which they groaned. Alcibiades was recalled, by unanimous consent, and earnestly solicited to make all possible haste to the assistance of the city. But, judging that il he returned immediately to Athens, he should owe his re- cal to the compassion and favour of the people, he resolved to render his return glorious and triumphant, and to deserve It by sonie considerable exploit. For this purpose, leaving Samos with a small number oi ships, he cruised about the island of Cos and Cnidos; and having learnt that Mindarus, the Spartan admiral, had sailed to the Hellespont with his whole fleet, and that the Atheni ans were in pursuit of him, he steered that way, with the ut- most dihgence, to support them, and arrived happily, with hia eighteen vessels, at the time the fleets were engaged near Abydos, in a battle which lasted till night, without any ad- vantage on cither side. His arrival at first gave new courage to the Spartans, who believed him still their friend ; and dispirited the Athenians, liut Alcibiades, hanging out the Athenian flag in the admiral's galley, tell upon them, and put them to flight; and, animated by his success, sunk their vessels, and made a great slaughter ol their soldiers, who had thrown themselves into the sea, to save themselves by swimming. The Athenians, having taken thirty of their galleys, and retaken those they had lost, erect ed a trophy. ' Alcibiades, after the victory, went to visit Tissaphernes, who was so far from receiving him as he expected, that he immediately caused him to be seized, and sent awav prisoner to Sardis ; telling him he had orders from the king to make war against the Athenians; but the truth is, he was afraid of being accused, to his master, by the Peloponnesians, and thought, by this act of injustice, to purge himself from all lormer imputations. Alcibiades, after thirty days, made his escape to Clazo- menes ; and soon afterwards bore down upon the Peloponne- sian fleet, which rode at anchor before the port of Cyzicus. With twenty of his best ships, he broke through the enemy, OF GKEKCE. 151 pursued those who abandoned their vessels and fled to land, and made a great slaughter. The Athenians took all the enemies' ships, made themselves masters of Cyzicus, while Mingimia, the Lac^idaemonian general, was found among the number of the slain. Alcibiades well knew how to make use of the victory he had gained ; and, at the head of his conquering forces, took several cities which had revolted from the Athenians. Chal cedon, Salymbria, and Byzantium, were among the number Thus, flushed with conquest, he seemed to desire nothing so ardently as to be once more seen by his countrymen, as hia presence would be a triumph to his friends, and an insult to his enemies. Accordingly, being recalled, he set sail for Athens. Besides the ships covered with bucklers and spoils, of all sorts, in the manner of trophies, a great number of vessels were towed after him, by way of triumph : he displayed also the ensigns and ornaments of those he had burned, which were more than the others ; the whole amounting to about two hundred ships. It is said, that, reflecting on what had been done against him, on approaching the port, he was struck with some ter- ror, and was afraid to quit his vessel, till he saw, from the deck, a great number of his friends and relations, who had come to the shore, to receive him, and earnestly entreated him to land. As soon as he had landed, the multitude, who came out to meet him, fixed their eyes upon him ; thronged about him ; saluted him with loud acclamations, and crowned him with garlands. He received their congratulations with great satisfaction : he desired to be discharged from his for- mer condemnation, and obtained, from the priests, an abso- lution from all their former denunciations. Yet, notwithstanding these triumphs, the real power of Athens was now no more: the strength of the state was gone : and even the passion for liberty was lost, in the common de- generacy of the times. Many of the meaner sort of the peo- ple, passionately desired that Alcibiades would take the sove- reignty upon him; they even desired him to set himself above the reach of envy, by securing all power in his own person : the great, however, were not so sanguine in their gratitude ; they were content with appointing him generalis simo of all their forces : they granted him whatever he de- manded, and gave him for colleagues the generals most agree able to him. He set sail, accordingly, with a hundred ships, and steered for the island of Andros which had revolted ; where, having defeated the inhabitants, he went from thence to Samos, in- 152 THE HISTORY tending to make thai the seat of the war. In the mean time, the Lacedaemonians, justly alarmed at his success, made choice of a general, supposed to be capable of making head against him : for this reason, they fixed upon Lysander, who, though born of the highest family, had been bred up to hardships, and paid an entire respect to the discipline and manners of his country. He was brave and aspiring, and, like his countrymen, sacri ficed all sorts of pleasures to his ambition. He had an even- ness and sedateness of temper, which made all conditions of life sit easy upon him, but withal was extremely insinuating, crafty, and de&igning, and made his interest the only measure of truth and falsehood. This deceitful temper was observed to run through the whole course of his life ; upon which occa- sion, it was said, that he cheated children with foul play, and men with perjury : and it was a maxim of his own, that, when the lion fails, we must make use of the fox. Lysander, having brought his arnry to Ephesus, gave or- ders for assembling ships of burthen, from all parts, and erect- ed an arsenal for building galleys : he made the ports free for merchants ; gave public places to artificers ; put all arts in motion ; and, by these means, filled the city with riches, and laid the foundation of that magnificence which it afterwards obtained. Whilst he was making these dispositions, he received ad- vice, that Cyrus, the Persian prince, had arrived at Sardis : he therefore set out from Ephesus, to make him a visit, and to complain of Tissaphernes, whose duplicity and treacher) had been fatal to their common cause. Cyrus, who had a personal enmity to that general, came into the views of Ly- sander, agreed to increase the seamen's pay, and to give him all the assistance in his power. The largess filled the whole fleet with ardour and alacrity^ and almost unmanned the enemies* galleys : the greater part of the mariners deserting to that party where the pay was best. The Athenians, in despair, upon receiving this news^ endeavoured to conciliate Cyrus, by the interposition of Tis- saphernes; but he would not hearken to them, notwithstand- mg the satrap represented that it was not for the king's in- terest to aggrandise the Lacedaemonians, but to balance the power of one side with that of the other, in order to perpetu- ate the war, and to ruin both, by their own divisions. Alcibiades, on the other hand, having occasion to leave the fleet, in order to raise the supplies, gave the command of :l to Antiochus, with express command not to engage or attack rhe enemy, in his absence. Antiochus, however, was willing OF GREECE. 153 to Ao some action that might procure him favour, without a oartner in the glory : he was so far, therefore, from observing ihose orders, that he presently sailed away for Ephesus; and, It the very mouth of the harbour, used every art to provoke I he enemy to engage. Lysander at first manned out a few ships, to repel his in suits ; but, as the Athenian ships advanced to support Anti ochus, other galleys, belonging to the Lacedaemonians, also '.ame on, till both fleets arrived, by little and little, and the engagement became general. Lysander at length was victo- rious : Antiochus was slain, and fifteen galleys were taken. It was in vain, that Alcibiades soon afterwards came up to the relief cf his friends ; it was in vain, that he offered to re- new the combat ; Lysander, content with the victory he had gained, was unwilling again to trust to fortune. The fickle multitude of Athens, again, therefore, began to accuse Alcibiades of insufficiency. He who was, just before, respected even to adoration, was now discarded, upon a groundless suspicion that he bad not done his duty. But it was the glory he had obtained by his past services, that now- ruined him ; for his continual success had begot in the people such an opinion of him, that they thought it impossible for him to fail in any thing he undertook ; and, from thence his enemies took occasion to question his integrity, and to im- pute to him both his own, and the miscarriages of others. Callicratides was appointed to succeed Lysander, whose vcar had expired. Alike severe to himself and others, inac- cessible to flattery and sloth, the declared enemy of luxury, he retained the modesty, temperance, and austerity, of the ancient Spartans ; virtues that began to distinguish him par- ticularly, as they were not too common in his time. His prob- ity and justice were proofs against all things ; his simplicity \nd integrity abhorred all falsehood and fraud; to which, were joined a truly Spartan nobleness and grandeur of soul. The first attempt of the admiral, was against Methyma, in Lesbos, which he took by storm. He then threatened Conon, who was appointed general of the Athenians, that he would make him leave debauching the sea; and accordingly soon af- terwards pursued him into the port of Mytilene, with a hun- dred and seventy sail, took thirty of his ships, and besieged him in the town, from which he cut off* all provisions. He soon afterwards took ten ships more, out of twelve, which were coming to his relief. Then, hearing that the Athenians had fitted out their whole strength, consisting of a hundred and fifty sail, he left fifty of his ships, under Etoni- cus, to carry on the siege of Mytilene ; and, with a hundred 154 THE HISTORY and twp.nty more, met the Athenians at ArginusaE,over agamst Lesbos. His pilot advised him to retreat : as the enemy was supe- rior in number. He told him, that Sparta would not be the worse inhabited, though he were slain. The fight was long and obstinate, until at last the ship of Callicratides, charging through the enemy, was sunk, and the rest fled. The Pelo- ponncsians lost about seventy sail, and the Athenians twenty- five, with most of their men. The Athenian admirals, who had the joint command of the fleet, instead of being rewarded for so sig^ial a victory, were made a barbarous instance of the power and ingratitude of their fellow-citizens. Upon a relation of the fight before the senate, it was alleged, they had suffered their men who were shipwrecked to be lost, when they might have saved them ! Upon which', they were clapped in irons, in order to answer It to the people. They ujgcd, in their defence, that they were pursuing the enemy, and, at the same time, gave orders about taking up the men, to those whose business it more peculiarly was ; par- ticularly to Theramenes, who was now their accuser : but yet that their orders could not be executed, by reason of a vio- lent storm. This seemed so reasonable and satisfactory, that several stood up, and offered to bail them ; but, in another assembly, the popular incendiaries demanded justice, and so awed the judges, that Socrates was the only man who had courage enough to declare he would do nothing contrary to law ; and accordingly refused to act. After a long debate, eight of the ten were condemned, and six of them were put to death ; among whom, was Pericles, son of the great Pericles. He declared, that they had failed in no part of their duty, as they had given orders that the dead bodies should be taken up : that if any one were guilty, it was he, who, being charged with these orders, had neglect- ed to put them in execution ; but that he accused nobody, and that the tempest which came on unexpectedly, at the very in- stant, was an unanswerable apology, and entirely discharged the accused from all guilt. He demanded, that a whole day should be allowed them, to make their defence, a favour not denied to the most criminal, and that they should be tried separately. He represented, that they were not in the least obliged to precipitate a sentence, wherein the lives of the most illustrious of the citizens were concerned : that it was, in some measure, attacking the gods, to make men responsible for the winds and weather : that they conic* not, without the most flagrant ingratitude and injn? • .t OF GREECE. 155 put the conquerors to death, to whom they ought to decree crowns and honours, or give up the defenders of their coun- try to the rage of those who envied them : that if they did so, their unjust judgment would be followed by a sudden, but vain repentance, which would leave behind it the sharpest re- morse, and cover them with eternal shame and infamy. Among the number, was also Diomedon, a person equally eminent for his valour and his probity. As he was carried to execution, he demanded to be heard. " Athenians," said he, " I wish the sentence you have passed upon us, may not prove the misfortune of the republic : but I have one favour to ask of you, in behalf of my colleagues and myself, which is, to acquit us, before the gods, of the vows we made to them for you and ourselves, as we are not in a condition to dis- charge them : for it is to their protection, invoked before the battle, we acknowledge that we are indebted for the victory gained by us over the enemy." There was not a good citizen, that did not melt into tears at this discourse, so full of goodness and religion; and ad- mire, with surprise, the moderation of a person, who, seeing himself unjustly condemned, did not, however, vent the least resentment, or even complaint against his judges, but was solely intent (in favour of an ungrateful country which had doomed them to perish) upon what he owed to the gods, in common with them, for the victory they had lately obtained. This complication of injustice and ingratitude, seemed to give the finishing blow to the affairs of the Athenians. They struggled, for a while, after their defeat at Syracuse ; but from hence they were entirely sunk, though seemingly in the arms of victory. The enemy, after their last defeat, had once more recourse to Lysander, who had so often led them to conquest : on him Ihey placed their chief confidence, and ardently solicited his return. The Lacedaemonians, to gratify their allies, and yet to observe their laws, which forbade that honour being con- ferred twice on the same person, sent him, with an inferior title, but with the power of admiral. Thus appointed, Lysander sailed towards the Hellespont, laid siege to Lampsacus, carried the place by storm, and abandoned it to the mercy of the soldiers. The Athenians, who followed him close, upon the news of his success, steered forward towards Olestus ; and, from thence sailing along the coast, halted, over against the enemy, at -£gos Potamos, a place fatal to the Athenians. The Hellespont, in that place, is not ubove two thousand paces broad. The two armies seeing thrmscives so near eac^ r56 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 157 other, expected to rest only that day, and wei*e in hopes of coming to a battle, on the next. But Lysander had another desig^i in view : he commanded the seamen and pilots to go on uoard their galleys, as if they were, in reality, to fight the next morning at break of day ; to hold themselves in readi- ness, and to wait his orders, in profound silence ; and the land army, to draw up in order of battle upon the coast, and to wait the day without any noise. In the morning, as soon as ♦he sun had risen, the Athenians began to row towards them, with their whole fleet, in one line, and to bid them defiance. I-vsander, though his ships were ranged in order of battle, with their heads towards the enemy, lay still, without making any movement. In the evening, when the Athenians withdrew, he did not suffer his soldiers to go ashore, till two or three galleys, which he had sent out to observe them, had returned, with advice that they had seen the enemy land. The next day passed in the same manner ; as did the third and fourth. Such a con- duct, which argued reserve and apprehension, extremely aug^ mented the security and boldness of the Athenians, and in- spired them with a high contempt for an army, which fear prevented from showing themselves, or attempting any'thing. Whilst this passed, Alcibiades, who was near the fleet, rode up to the Athenian generals ; to whom, he represented, that they kept upon a very disadvantageous coast, where there were neither ports nor cities in the neighbourhood ; that. they were obliged to bring their provisions from Sestos, with great danger and difficulty; and that they were very much in the wrong, to suffer the soldiers and mariners of the fleet, as soon as they were ashore, to straggle and disperse themselves at their pleasure, whilst the enemy's fleet faced them in view, accustomed to execute the orders of their gene- ral with instant obedience, and upon the slightest signal. He offered, also, to attack the enemy, by land, with a strong body of Thracian troops, and to force them to a battle. The generals, especially Tydeus and Menander, jealous of their command, did not content themselves with refusing his offers, from the opinion, that, if the event proved unfortunate, the whole blame would fall upon them, and if favourable, that Alcibiades would engross the honour of it ; but rejected also, with insult, his wise and salutary counsel ; as if a man in dis- grace lost his sense and abilities with the favour of the com- monwealth. Alcibiades withdrew. The fifth day, the Athenians presented themselves ag^in, and ofl*ered bim battle ; retiring, in the evening, according to ruStom, with more insulting airs than before. Lysander, as i usual, del ached some galleys, to observe them, with orders to return with the utmost diligence, when they saw the Atheni- ans landed, and to put a brown buckler at each ship's head, as soon as they reached the middle of the channel. He him- self, in the mean time, ran through the whole line, in his gal- ley, exhorting the pilots and officers to hold the seamen and soldiers in readiness, to row and fight on the first signal. As soon as the bucklers were put up in the ships* heads, and the admiral's galley had given the signal by the sound of trumpet, the whole fleet set forward, in good order. The land army, at the same time, made all possible haste to the top of the promontory, to see the battle. The strait that separates the two continents, in this place, is about fifteen stadia, or three quarters of a league in breadth ; which space was presently cleared, through the activity and diligence of the rowers. Conon, the Athenian general, was the first who perceived, from short , the enemy's fleet advance in good order, to attack him ; upon which, he immediately cried out for the troops to embark. In thi /Alight of sorrow and perplexity, some he called to by their names, some he conjured, and others he forced to go on board their galleys : but all his endeavours and emotions were ineff*ectual, the soldiers being dispersed on all sides. They had no sooner gone on shore, than some ran to the sutlers ; some went to walk in the country ; some to sleep in their tents, and others to dress their suppers. This proceeded from the want of vigilance and experience in their generals; who, not suspecting the least danger, indulged them- selves in taking their repose, and gave their soldiers the same liberty. The enemy had already fallen on with loud cries, and a great noise of their oars, when Conon, disengaging himself with nine galleys, of which number was the sacred ship, stood away for Cyprus, where he took refuge with Evagoras. The Peloponnesians, falling upon the rest of the fleet, immediate ly took the galleys which were empty, and disabled and de- stroyed such as began to fill with men. The soldiers, who ran without order or arms to their relief, were either killed in the endeavour to get on board, or flying on shore, were cut to pieces by the enemy, who landed in pursuit of them. Lysander took three thousand prisoners, with all the gene- rals, and the whole fleet. After having plundered the camp, and fastened the enemies' galleys to the sterns of his own, he returned to Lampsacus, amidst the sounds of flutes and songs of triumph. It was his glory to have achieved one of the greatest military exploits recorded in history, with little or no loss; and to have terminated a war, in the small space of 158 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 159 an hour, which had already lasted twenty-seven years, ai.d which, perhaps, without him, had continued much lonj^er. Ly Sander immediately sent despatches, with this agreeable news, to Sparta. The three thousand prisoners taken in this battle, having been condemned to die, Lysander caused to be brought forth Philocles, one of the Athenian generals, who had caused aU the prisoners taken in two galleys, the one of Andros, the other of Corinth, to be thrown from the top of a precipice j and had formerly persuaded the people of Athens to make a decree for cutting off the thumb of the right hand of all the prisoners of war, in order to disable them from handling the pike ; and that they might be fit only to serve at the oar ; — and asked him what sentence he would pass upon himself, for having induced his city to make that cruel decree. Philocles^ without departing from his haughtiness in the least, notwith- standing the extreme danger he was in, made answer; "Ac- ruse not people of crimes, who have no judges; but, as you are victors, use your right, and do, by us, as we had done by you, if we had conquered." At the same instant, he went into a bath ; put on afterwards a magnificent robe, and marched foremost to the execution. All the prisoners were put to the sword, except Adamantus, who had opposed the decree. When the news of the entire defeat of the army, came to Athens, by a ship which arrived, in the night, at the Pyraeus, the city was in consternation. They naturally expected a siege ; and, in fact, Lysander was preparing to besiege them. Nothing was heard, but cries of sorrow and despair. They imagined the enemy already at their gates ; they represented to themselves the miseries of a long siege, a cruel famine, the ruin and burning of their city, the insolence of a proud victor, and the shameful slavery they were upon the point of experiencing, more afflicting and insupportable to them, than the most severe punishments, and death itself. The next day I he assembly was summoned, wherein it was resolved to shut up all the ports, one only excepted, to repair the breaches in Ihe walls, and mount guard, to prepare against the siege. Their fears were soon confirmed. Lysander, finding num- bers of Athenians dispersed in different cities, commanded them all, on the pahi of death, to take shelter in Athens This, he did, with a design so to crowd the city, as to be able soon to reduce it by famine. In effect, he soon afterwards ur.'ived at the port of Athens, with a hundred and fifty sail. While Agis and Pausanias, the two kings of Sparta, advauccd| with their army, to besiege it by land. The wretched Athenians, thus hemmed in on every side. I without provisions, ships, or hopes of relief, prepared to meet the last extremity, with patience ; in this manner, without speaking the least word of a capitulation, and dying in the streets by hundreds, they obstinately continued on the defen- sive ; but, at length, their corn and provisions being entirely consumed, they found themselves compelled to send deputies to Agis, with offers of abandoning all their possessions, their city and port, only, excepted. The haughty Lacedaemonian referred the deputies to the state itself, and when they had made known their commis- sions to the ephori, they were ordered to retire, and to come with other proposals, if they expected peace. At length, Theramenes, an Athenian, undertook to manage the treaty with Lysander ; and, after three months of close conference, he received full power to treat at Lacedaemon. When he, attended by nine others, arrived before the ephori, it was there strongly urged, by some of the confederates, that Athens should be totally destroyed, without hearkening to any further proposals. But the Lacedaemonians told them, they would not destroy a city, which had so eminently rescued Greece in the most critical juncture : that the long walls and the Pyracus should be demolished : that they should deliver up all their ships but twelve: that they should restore all their exiles: that they should make a league, offensive and defensive, with the Lacedaemonians, and serve them in all their expeditions, both by sea and land. Theramenes, having returned with the articles to Athens, was asked why he acted so contrary to the intentions of The- mistocles; and gave those walls into the hands of the Lacedx- monians, which he had built in defiance of them ? " I have my eye," says he, ** upon Themistocles' design ; he raised these walls for the preservation of the city, and I, for the very same reason, would have them destroyed. If walls, only, se- cure a city, Sparta, which has none, is in a very ill condition.** The Athenians, at another time, would not have thought this a satisfactory answer; but, being reduced to the last ex- tremity, it did not admit of a long debate, whether or not they should accept the treaty. At last, Lysander coming up to the Pyraeus, demolished the walls, with great solemnity, and all the insulting triumphs of music. Thus, a final period was put to this unhappy war, which had continued seven and twenty years; in which heaps of treasure and a deluge of blood were exhausted. 2 160 THE HISTORY » CHAPTER XI. From the Demolition of the Athenian Powery to the Death of Socrates. The victory of Lysander was so terrible a shock to Athens, that it survived only to be sensible of the loss of its own power : however, the conquerors were so generous, as not to extinguish the name. They said they would not be guilty of putting out one of the eyes of Greece ; but they imposed some farther marks of conquest on it : they obliged the people to demolish the democracy, and submit to the govern- ment of thirty men, who were commonly known by the name of the Thirty Tyrants. Though the Greeks were in the practice of giving that name to men of virtuous characters, these men, who were the creatures of Lysander, in every respect deserved the most opprobrious denomination : instead of compiling and publish- ing a more perfect body of laws, which was the pretence or their being chosen, they began to exert their power of life and death : and though they constituted senators and other magistrates, they made no farther use of them, than to con- firm their authority, and see their comniands executed. However, they at first acted cautiously, and condemned only the most detested and scandalous part of the citizens, such as lived by evidencing and informing: but this was only to give a colour to their proceedings : their design was to make themselves absolute ; and, knowing that was not to be done, without a foreign power, their next step was to desire that a guard might be sent them from Sparta, until such time as ^hey could clear the city of all disaffected persons, and thoroughly settle the government. Lysander accordingly procured them a guard, under th% command of Callibius, who, by bribes and artifices was brought over to their designs ; and then, they acted without control, filling the city with the blood of those, who, on account of their riches, interest, or good qualities, were most likely to make effectual opposition. One of the first acts of their cruelty, was in procuring the death of Alcibiades, who had taken refuge in the dominions of Persia. This unfortunate general, still mindful of the debt he owed his country, employed his utmost attention in giving it the earliest notices of what could affect its freedom or its safety. Cyrus, the prince of Persia, having resolved to de- throne his brother Artaxerxes, entered into a ti eaty with the Lacedaemonians, to assist him in his designs OF GKEECE. 161 Alcibiades did all that was in his power, to obstruct the scheme : but the Lacedaemonian partisans at Athens, that is to say, the thirty tyrants, apprehended the intrigues of so superior a genius as his ; and represented, to their masters, that they were inevitably ruined, if they did not find means to rid themselves of Alcibiades. The Lacedaemonians, thereupon, wrote to Pharnabazus, and with an abject meanness, not to be excused, and which showed how much Sparta had degenerated from her ancient manners, made pressing solicitations to him, to deliver them, at any cate, from so formidable an enemy. This satrap complied mih their wishes. Alcibiades was then in a small town of Phrygia, where he lived with his concubine Timandra. Those who were sent to kill him, not daring to enter his house, con tented themselves with surrounding and setting it on fire. Alcibiades having quitted it through the flames, sword-in hand, the barbarians were afraid to come to blows with him. but, flying and retreating as he advanced, they poured their darts and arrows upon him from a distance, and he fell dead upon the spot. Timandra took up his body, and, having adorned and covered it with her finest robes, she made as magnificent a funeral for it, as her present condition would admit. Such, was the end of Alcibiades, whose great virtues were stifled and suppressed by still greater vices. It is not easy to say, whether his good or his bad qualities were more per- nicious to his country ; for, with the one he deceived, and with the other he oppressed it. In him, distinguished valour was united with nobility of blood. His person was beautiful, and finely made : he was eloquent, of great ability in business, insinuating, and formed for charming all mankind. He loved glory, but without interfering with his inclination for plea- sure ; nor was he so fond of pleasure, as to neglect his glory he knew how to submit to, or oppose, the allurements of luxu ry, according to the situation of his affairs. Never was there ductility of genius, equal to his : he metamorphosed himself, with incredible facility, into the most contrary forms ; and supported them all with as much ease and grace, as if each nad been natural to him. In this manner, the thirty proceeded ; and, fearing to be opposed by the multitude, they invested three thpusand citi- zens with some part of their power, and, by their assistance, preserved the rest. But, thoroughly emboldened by such an accession to their party, they agreed to single out every one his man, to put him to death, and seize his estate for the maintenance of their garrison. Theramenes, one of their 162 THE HISTORIC OF GREECE. 163 1 number, was the only man that was struck with horror at their proceedings : wherefore, Critias, the principal author, thought it necessary to remove him, and accused him to the senate of endeavouring to subvert the state. Sentence of death was therefore passed upon him, and he was obliged to drink the juice of hemlock, the usual mode of execution then in Athens. Socrates, whose disciple he had been, was the only person of the senate, who ventured to ap« pear in his defence : he made an attempt to rescue him out of the hands of the officer of justice ; and, after his execu- tion, went about, as it were, in defiance of the thirty, exhort- ing and animating the senators and citizens against them. The tyrants, delivered from a colleague, whose presence alone was a continual reproach to them, no longer observed any measures. Nothing passed throughout the city, but im prisonments and murders. Every body trembled for them- selves or their friends. The general desolation had no reme* dy, nor was there any hope of regaining lost liberty. All the citizens, of any consideration, in Athens, and wh« retained a love of freedom, quitted a place, reduced to so hard and shameful a slavery, and sougJit elsewhere an asylum and retreat, where they might live in ridfety. The Lacedaemonians had the inhumanity to endeavour to deprive those unhappy fugitives of this last resource. They published an edict to prohibit the cities of Greece from giving them refuge : de- creed, that they should be delivered up to the thirty tyrants; and condemned all such as should contravene the execution of this edict, to pay a fine of five talents. Only two cities re- jected, with disdain, so unjust an ordinance — Megara and Thebes ; the latter of which made a decree, to punish all per sons, whatsoever, that should see an Athenian attacked by his enemies, without doing his utmost to assist him. Lysias an orator of Syracuse, who had been banished by the thirty^ raised five hundred soldiers, at his own expense, and sent them to the aid of the common country of eloquence. Thrasybulus, a man of admirable character, who" had long deplored the miseries of his country, was now the first to re- lieve it. At Thebes, he consulted with his fellow-citizens, and it was there resolved, that some vigorous effort, though it carried ever so much danger, ought to be made for the benefit of the public liberty. Accordingly, with a party of thirty men only, as Nepos says, but, as Xenophon, more probably, says, of nearly seventy, he seized upon Phyle, a strong castle on the frontiers of Attica. This enterprise gave the alarm to the tyrants, who imme- diately marched out of Athens, with their three thousand fol ^ lowers, and their Spartan guard, and attempted the recovery of the place ; but were repulsed with loss. Finding they could not carry it by a sudden assault, they resolved upon a siege ; but, not being sufficiently provided for that service, and a great snow falling that night, they were forced to retire, the next day, into the city, leaving only part of their guard, to prevent any further excursions into the country. Encouraged by this success, Thrasybulus no longer kept himself confined, but marched* out of Phyle, by night, and, at the head of a body of a thousand men, seized on the Pyraeus. The thirty flew thither with their troops, and a battle, suffi- ciently warm, ensued ; but, as the soldiers, on one side, fought with valour and vigour for their liberty, and on the other with indolence and neglect, for the power of their oppressors, the success was not doubtful, but followed the better cause. The tyrants were overthrown ; Critias was killed upon the spot; and, as the rest of the army were taking to flight, Thra- sybulus cried out, " Wherefore, do you fly from me, as from a victor, rather than assist me as an avenger of your liberty ? We are not enemies, but fellow-citizens ; nor have we de- clared war against the city, but against the thirty tyrants." He continued with bidding them remember, that they had the same origin, country, laws, and religion : he exhorted them to compassionate their exiled brethren ; to restore to them their country, and resume their liberty themselves. This discourse had suitable effects : the army, on their return to Athens, expelled the Thirty, and substituted ten persons, to govern, in their room ; but whose conduct proved no bet- ter than that of those whom they had succeeded. Though the government was thus altered, and the Thirty were deposed from power, they still had hopes of being re- instated in their former authority, and sent messengers to Lacedaemon, to demand aid. Lysander was for granting it, but Pausanius, who then reigned in Sparta, moved with com- passion at the deplorable condition of the Athenians, favoured the^n in secret, and obtained a peace for them. It was sealed with the blood of the tyrants ; who, having taken arms to re- instate themselves in the government, were put to the sword, and Athens was left in full possession of its liberty. Thrasybulus then proposed an amnesty, by which the citi- zens engaged, upon oath, that all past actions should be buried in oblivion ; and the government was re-established in its an- cient forms : their laws were restored to their past vigour . the magistrates elected with the usual ceremonies ; and de- mocracy was once more restored to this unfortunate people Xenophon observes, that this intestine fury had consumed a^ !' 164 THE HISTORY many in eight months, as the Peloponnesiau wax bad done ill ten years. Upon the re-establishment of affairs in Athens, the other states enjoyed the same tranquillity, or rather kept in a quiet subjection to Sparta, which now held the undoubted sove- reignty of Greece. But, it being a maxim with the Spartans, that this sovereignty was not to be maintained, but by a con stant course of action, they were still seeking fresh occasions for war ; and part of their forces, together with another body of Grecians, being at this time engaged in a quarrel between the Persian king and his brother, it will be necessary to pass over into Asia, and relate so much of the Persian affairs, as concerns the expedition of Cyrus, wherein those forces were employed ; especially, since it is attended with circumstances, which if duly considered, will easily make it pass for one of the greatest actions of antiquity. It has been already observed, that Cyrus, the son of Darius Nothus, saw, with pain, his elder brother, Artaxerxes, upon the throne ; and more than once attempted to remove him. Artaxerxes was not insensible to what he had to fear, from a brother of this enterprising and ambitious spirit : but could not refuse pardoning him, on the prayers and tears of hij mother Parysatis, who doated upon this youngest son. He removed him, therefore, into Asia, to his government; con- fiding in him, contrary to all the rules of policy, an absolute authority over the provinces left him by the will of the king, his father. • He was no sooner appointed in this manner, than he used all his arts with the barbarians and the Grecians, to procure power and popularity, in order to dethrone his brother. Clearchus retired to his court, after having been banished from Sparta, and was of great service to him, being an able, experienced, and valiant captain. At the same time, several cities in the provinces of Tissaphenies revolted from their obedience, in favour of Cyrus. This incident, which was not an effect of chance, but of the secret practices of that prince, gave birth to a war between the two brothers. The emissaries of Cyrus, at the court, were perpetually dispersing reports and opinions among the people, to prepare their minds for the intended change and revolt. They said that the state required a king of Cyrus's character; a king magnificent, liberal, who loved war, and snowered his favours upon those that served him ; and that it was necessary, for the grandeur of the empire, to have a prince upon the throne, fired with ambition and valour foi me support and augmentation of his glory. OF GREECE. 16S The troops of Cyrus, which were apparently levied for th^ business of the state, but in fact to overturn it, consisted of thirteen thousand Greeks, which were the flower and chief force of his army. Clearchus, the Lacedaemonian, who com- manded the Peloponnesian troops, was the only man of all the Greeks, intrusted with the Persian prince's design : he made it his sole application, to gain the affections of his peo- ple during their marches, by treating them with great hu- manity, conversing freely with them, and giving effectual or- ders that they should want for nothing. The Grecian troops knew neither the intent nor the occasion of the war : they at length set out for Sardis, and marched towards the upper provinces of Asia. When they had arrived at Tarsus, the Greeks refused to march any farther, rightly suspecting that they were intended against the king, and loudly exclaiming that they had not en- tered into the service upon that condition. Clearchus, who commanded them, had occasion for all his address and ability, to stifle this commotion, in its birth. At first, he made use of authority and force, but with very ill success, and desisted therefore from an open opposition to their sentiments : he even affected to enter into their views, and to support them with his approbation and credit. By this artful evasion, he appeased the tumult, and made them easy ; and they chose him and some other officers, foi their deputies. Cyrus, whom he had secretly apprised of every thing, made answer, that he was going to attack Abro comas, his enemy, at twelve days* march from thence, upor the Euphrates. When this answer was repeated to them though they plainly saw against whom they were going, thei resolved to proceed, and only demanded an augmentation of their pay. Cyrus, instead of one daric a month to each soldier, pro mised to give them one and a half. Still to ingratiate him self the more, being told that two officers had deserted fron the army, and being advised to pursue and put themjo death he declared publicly, that it should never be said he had de tained any one person in his service against his will ; and h« ordered their wives and children, who were left as hostagei in his army, to be sent after them. A conduct so wise, ant apparently generous, had a surprising effect, in conciliatini, the affections of the soldiery; and made even those his firnw adherents who were before inclined to retire. As Cyrus advanced by long marches, he was informed from all parties, that the king did not intend to come directly to a battle, but had resolved to wait, in the remotest partis oi il ^ ■ 166 THE HISTORY Persia, till all his forces were assembled ; and, that to stop his enemies, he had ordered an intrenchment to be thrown up, on the plains of Babylon, with a ditch of five fathoms broad, and three deep, extending the space of twelve para- sang^as or leagues, from the Euphrates to the wall of Media. Between the Euphrates and the ditch, a way had been left, of twenty feet in breadth, by which Cyrus passed, with his whole army, having viewed it the day before. The king had neglected to dispute this pass with him, and suffered him to continue his march towards Babylon. Cyrus still continued to proceed, giving Clearchus the com mand of the right Grecian wing, and Menon that of the left, still marching in order of battle, expecting every hour to en- gage : at length, he discovered his brother's army, consisting of twelve hundred thousand men, besides a select body of six thousand horse, approaching, and preparing to engage. The place where the battle was fought, was called Cunaxa, about twenty-five leagues from Babylon. Cyrus, getting on horseback, with his javelin in his hand, gave orders to the troops to stand to their arms, and to proceed in order of bat- tle. The enemy, in the mean time, advanced slowly, in good order. Artaxerxes led them on regularly, with a slow pace, without noise or confusion That good order and exact dis- cipline, extremely surprised the Greeks, who expected to see much luxury and tumult in so great a multitude; and to hear confused cries, as Cyrus had foretold them. The armies were not distant above four or five hundred paces, when the G'reeks began to sing the hymn of battle, and to march on softly at first, and with silence. When they came near the enemy, they set up great cries, striking their darts upon their shields, to frighten the horse ; and then, moving all together, they sprung forwards upon the barbarians, with all their force, who did not wait their charge, but all fled, ex- cept Tissaphernes, who stood his ground, with a small part of his troops. Cyrus saw, with pleasure, the enemy routed by the Greeks, and was proclaimed king, by those around him ; but he did not give himself up to a vain joy, nor as yet reckoned him- self victor. He perceived that Artaxerxes was wheeling his right, to attack him in flank ; and marched directly against him, with his six hundred horse. He killed Artaxerxes, who commanded the king's guard of six thousand horse, with his own hand, and put the whole body to flight. Discovering his brother, he cried out with his eyes sparkling with rage, " I see him;'' and spurred against him, followed only by his OF GREECE. 167 principal officers ; for his troops had quitted their ranks to follow the run-aways, which was an essential fault. The battle then became a single combat, in some measure between Artaxerxes and Cyrus ; and the two brothers were seen transported with rage and fury, endeavouring, like Eteo- cles, and Polynices, to plunge their swords into each other's hearts, and to assure themselves of the throne, by the death ot their rival. Cyrus, having opened his way through those who were drawn up m battle before Artaxerxes, joined him, and killed his horse, which fell with him to the ground : he rose, and was remounted upon another, when Cyrus attacked him again; gave him a second wound, and was preparing to give him a third, m hopes that it would prove his last. The king, like a lion wounded by the huntsman, was only the more furious froni the smart, and sprung forwards, impetuously pushing his horse against Cyrus, who, running headlong, and without regard to his person, threw himself into the midst of a flight ot darts, aimed at him from all sides ; and received a wound Irom the kmg's javelin, at the instant that all the rest dis- charged upon him. Cyrus fell dead ; some say by the wound given him by the king ; others aflirm that he was killed by a Carian soldier. 1 he greatest persons of his court, resolving not to survives© good a master, were all killed around his body ; a certain proof, says Xenophon, that he well knew how to choose nis triends, and that he was truly beloved by them. Arixus, who ought to have been the firmest of all his adherents, fled, with the left wing, as soon as he heard of his death. Artaxerxes, after having caused the head and right hand nt his brother to be cut off*, by the eunuch Nesabates, purs\ ed the enemy into their camp. Ariaeus had not stopped the re, but having passed through it, continued his retreat, to ' he place where the army had encaitfped the day before; wh ch was about four leagues distant. Tissaphernes, after the defeat of the greater part of < his lelt wing by the Greeks, led on the rest against them ; and, by the side of the river, passed through the light armed in- lantry of the Greeks ; who opened to give him a passage, and made their discharges upon him, as he passed, without losing R man. They were commanded by Episthenes, of Amj.hi- Dohs, who was esteemed an able captain. Tissaphernes kept on, without returning to the charge, be- cause he perceived he was too weak; and went forwani to Cyrus* camp, where he found the king who was plundering 163 THE HISTORY it, but had not been able to force the quarter defended by the ureeks, who saved their baggage. The Greeks, on their side, and Artaxerxes on his, who did not know what had passed elsewhere, believed, each of them, that they had gained the victory ; the first, because they had put the enemy to flight, and pursued them ; and the king, be- cause he had killed his brother, beat the troops he had fouUt, and plundered their camp. The event was soon cleared up on both sides. ^ Tissaphernes,on his arrival at the camp, informed the kinQ that the Greeks had defeated his left wing, and pursued i with great vigour ; and the Greeks, on their side, learnt, thi. the king, m pursuing Cyrus* left, had penetrated into thecami.. Upon this advice, the king rallied his troops, and marched L quest of the enemy; and Clearchus, having returned from pursuing the Persians, advanced to support the camp. The two armies were soon very near each other, when, by a movement made by the king, he seemed to intend to charge the Greeks on their left; who, fearing to be surrounded, wheeled about, and halted, with the river on their backs, to prevent their being taken in the rear. Upon seeing that, the king, also, changed his form of battle, drew up his army in Iront of them, and marched on to the attack. As soon as the t^reeks saw him approach, they began to sing the hymn of battle, and advanced against the enemy, even with more ar- dour than in the first action. The barbarians again began to fly, running farther than be- fore ; and were pursued to a village at the foot of a hill ; upon which, their horse halted. The king's standard was observed to be there, which was a golden eagle upon the top of a pike, having Its wings displayed. The Greeks, preparing to pur- sue them, they abandoned also the hill, fled precipitately with all their troops broken, and in the utmost disorder and con- iision. Clearchus, having drawn up the Greeks at the bot- t. m of the hill, ordered Lycius, the Syracusan, and another u go up It, and observe what passed in the plain. They re- ti rned with an account that the enemy fled on all sides, and th It their whole army was routed. Vs it was almost night, the Greeks laid down their arms, to -est themselves, much surprised that neither Cyrus, nor any one from him, appeared ; and imagining, that he was eith- r engaged in the pursuit of the enemy, or was making hast i to occupy some important place. They were still itjno- rant of his death, and the defeat of the rest of his army • they detei mined to return to their camp, and found the greater part ot the ba§fgage taken, with tdX the provisions, and four liun- OF GREECE. 169 dreJ wagons laden with corn and wine, wh^ch Cyrus had ex- pressly caused to be carried with the army, for the Greeks, in case of any pressing necessity. They passed the night in the camp, the greater part without any refreshment, conclud- ing that Cyrus was alive and victorious. Amidst the confusion in which the Grecians were, after tl^c battle they sent to Ariaeus, as conqueror and commander in chief, upon Cyrus* death, to offer him the Persian crown. In the mean time, the king, as conqueror, also on hi§ side, sent-, to them to surrender their arms, and implore his mercy ; re- presenting to them, at the same time, that, as they were in the heart of his dominions, surrounded with vast rivers, and numberless nations, it would be impossible for them to escape his vengeance, and therefore they had nothing to do but to submit to the present necessity. Upon debating among themselves what answer chey should return, Proxenes desired to know, of the herald, upon what terms he demanded their arms ; if as conqueror, it was in his power to take them ; if upon any other footing, what would he give them in return. He was seconded by Xenophon ; who said, that they had nothing left but their arms and their liber- ty, and that they could not preserve the one, without the other. Clearchus said to the same efiect; that if the king was dis- posed to be their friend, they should be in a better capacity of serving him, with arms, than without; if their enemy, they should have need of them for their defence. Some, indeed, spoke in terms more complying, that, as they nad served Cyrus faithfully, they Avould also serve Artaxerxes, if he would employ them, and provided he would, at the same time, put them in possession of Egypt. At last, it was agreed, they should remain in the place where they were ; and that if they advanced farther, or retreated back, it should be look- ed upon as a declaration of war ; so that, by the issue of the debate, it appeared to have been managed so as to avoid giv- ing a direct answer, but only to amuse the king, and gain time. Whilst this treaty was on foot, they received Ariaeus* an- swer, that there were too many powerful men in Persia, to let him possess the throne ; wherefore, he intended to set out early the next morning, on his return to Greece, and that if they had a mind to accompany him, they should join him that night in his camp ; which accordingly they all did, except Milthocytus, a Thracian, who went with a party of three hun- dred men and forty horse, to the king. The rest, in conjunc- tion with the forces of Ariaeus, decamped, by break of day, and continued their march until sunset, when they discover 170 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 171 cd, from the f ^jighbouring villages, that the king was in pur- suit of them. Clearchus, who now undertook to conduct the Greeks, or- dered his troops to halt, and prepared for an engagement The king of Persia, terrified by so bold an appearance, sent heralds, not to demand their surrender, but to propose terms of peace, and a treaty. When Clearchus was informed oi their arrival, he gave orders to bid them wait, and to tell then that he was not yet at leisure to hear them. He assumed purposely, an air of haughtiness and grandeur, to denote his intrepidity, and at the same time to show the fine appearance and good condition of his phalanx. When he advanced, with the most showy of his officers, expressly chosen for the occasion, and had heard what the heralds had to propose, he made answer, that they must begin with giving battle, because the army, being in want of pro- visions, had no time to lose. The heralds having carried back this answer to their master, returned immediately, which showed that the king, or whoever spoke in his name, was not far distant. They said, they had orders to conduct them to villages where they would find provisions in abundance ; and they conducted them thither accordingly. After three days* stay, Tissaphernes arrived from the king, and insinuated to them the good offices he had employed, foi their safety. Clearchus, in his own defence, urged, that they were engaged in this expedition without knowing the enemy against whom they were to contend ; that they were free from all engagements, and had no design against the Persian king, unless he opposed their return. Tissaphernes seemingly granted their desire, and promised that they should be fur- nished with all necessary provisions in their march ; and, to confirm their security, that he himself would be their com- panion on the way. ^ Accordingly, in a few days afterwards, they set out, under his conduct ; but, in their march, the barbarians, encamping at about a league's distance from the Grecians, created some little distrusts and jealousies, on both sides. In about fifty days, having reached the banks of the river Zabatus, Clear- chus, to prevent things coming to an open rupture, had a conference with Tissaphernes. The result of their discourse, was, that they had been misrepresented to each other, by some of Clearchus* officers, and that he should bring them all lo Tissaphernes, in order to detect those who were guilty. In consequence of this, it was agreed that there should be a general consultation of officers, in which those who had been remiss, or attempted to sow any dissension5 between Ihc two armies, should be exposed and punished. Menon, in particular, was suspected, on both sides, and he was appoint- ed among the number. In consequence of this fatal resolu- tion, the five principal generals attended, the succeeding day, at the Persian general's tent. Their names were Clearchus, Menon, Proxenes, Agias, and Socrates; (not the philosopher;) who, on a signal given, were immediately seized, their at- tendants put to the sword, and themselves, after being sent oound to the king, were beheaded, in his presence. Nothing could exceed the consternation of the Greeks, when they were informed of the massacre of their generals : they were now nearly two thousand miles from home, sur- rounded with great rivers, extensive deserts, and inimical na- tions, without any supplies of provisions. In this state of general dejection, they could think of taking neither nourish- ment nor repose: all turned their eyes on Xenophon, a young Athenian, who had bjen invited into Asia by Proxenes, and thitherto served as a volunteer in the army. This was that Xenophon, afterwards so famous as an his- torian, and his conduct seemed equal to his eloquence ; in which, he surpassed all the rest of mankind. This young general went to some of the Greek officers, in the middle of the night, and represented to them, that they had no time to lose ; that it was of the last importance to prevent the bad designs of the enemy ; that, however small their number, they would render themselves formidable, if they behaved with boldness and resolution ; that valour, and not multitudes, de- termines the success of arms; and that it was necessary above all things, to nominate generals immediately, because an army without commanders is like a body without a soul. A council was immediately held, at which a hundred offi- cers were present ; and Xenophon, being desired to speak, deduced the reasons, at large, which he had first but lightly touched upon, and, by his advice, commanders were appoint- ed. They were, Timasion, for Clearchus; Xanthicles, for Socrates; Cleanor, for Agias; Philesius, for Menon; and Xenophon, for Proxenes. Before the break of day, they assembled the army. The generals made speeches, to animate the troops, and Xeno- phon among the rest. " Fellow soldiers," said he, *' the loss of so many brave men, by vile treachery, and the being aban- doned by our friends, is very deplorable, but we must not sink under our misfortunes ; and if we cannot conquer, let us choose rather to perish gloriously, than to fall into the hands of barbarians, who would inflict upon ns the greatest mise- ries: let us call to mind the glorious battles of Plataea,Ther ^ P2 I7d THE HISTORT mopylae, Salaniis, and the many others, wherein oar ances- tors, though with a small number, have fought and defeated the innumerable armies of the Persians, and thereby rendered the name alone of Greeks for ever formidable. " It is to their invincible valour we owe the honourwe pos- sess, of acknowledging no masters, upon earth, but the gods, nor any happiness, but what consists with liberty. Those gods, the avengers of perjury, and witnesses of the enemy^s treason, will be favourable to us ; and, as they are attacked in the violation of treaties, and take pleasure in humbling the proud, and exalting the low, they will also follow us to battle, and combat for us. " For the rest, fellow-soldiers, as we have no refuge but ii victory, which must be our hope, and will make us ample amends for whatever it costs to attain it, I should believe, if it were your opinion, that, for the making a more ready and less difficult retreat, it would be very proper to rid ourselves of all the useless baggage, and to keep only what is absolute- ly necessary on our march." All the soldiers, that moment, lifted up their hands, to sig nify their approbation and consent, to all that had been said ; and, without loss of time, set fire to their tents and carriages; such of them as had too much equipage, giving it to others who had too little, and destroying the rest. Cherisophas, the Spartan general, led the van, and Xeno- phon,- with Timasion, brought up the rear. They bent their march towards the heads of the great rivers, in order to pasj them where they were fordable. But they had made little way, before they were followed by a party of the enemy's archers and sIingcrs,commanded by Mithridates, which galled their rear, and wounded several of them, who being heavy armed, and without cavalry, could make no resistance. To prevent a repetition of this, Xenophon furnished two hundred Rhodians with slings, and mounted fifty more of his men upon baggage horses ; so that, when Mithridates came up with them a second time, and with a much greater body, he repulsed them with loss, and made good his retreat, with this handful of men, until he arrived near the city of Larissa, on the banks of the Tigris. From thence, they marched to another desolate city, called Mepsile; and, about four leagues from that place, Tissaphernes overtook them, with his whole army, in order of battle; but, after se^craI skirmishes, was forced to retire. In a few days afterwards, he secured an eminence, over which the Grecians were obliged to make their way, which Xenophon perceiving, took a detachment of the army, and OF GHBECE. 173 with great diligence, gained the top of a mountain which commanded that eminence, from whence he easily dislodged the enemy, and opened a passage for the rest of his troops into the plain, where they found plenty of provisions. Tissa- phernes had done what he could, before, to bum and destroy the country. But still, they were under as great difficulties as ever, be- ing bounded, on the one hand, by the Tigris, and on the other by inaccessible'mountains, inhabited by the Carduchi, a fierce and warlike people ; and who, Xenophon says, had cut off an army of sixscore thousand Persians, to a man, by reason of the difficulty of the ways. However, having no boats to cross the river, and the passage through the mountains opening into the rich plains of Armenia, they resolved to pursue their march that way. These barbarians soon took the alarm, but not being pre- pared to meet the Greeks in a body, they posted themselves upon the tops of the rocks and mountains, and from thence annoyed them with darts and great stones, which they threw down into the defiles through which they passed, in which they were also attacked by several other parties ; and, though their loss was not considerable, yet, from storms and famine, besides seven tedious days* march, and being continually forced to fight their way, they underwent more fatigue and hardship, than they had suffiired from the Persians, during the whole expedition. They soon found themselves exposed to new dangers. Al- most at the foot of the mountains, they came to a river, two hundred feet in breadth, called Centrites, which stopped their march. They had to defend themselves against the enemy, who pursued them in the rear, and the Armenians, the sol- diers of the country, who defended the opposite side of the river. They attempted to pass it, in a place where the water came lip to their arm-pits, but were carried away by the rapidity of the current ; against which, the weight of their arms made them unable to resist. By good fortune, they discovered an- other place, not so deep, where some soldiers had seen the people of the country pass. It required the greatest address, diligence, and valour, to keep off the enemy, on both sides ol them. The army, however, at length passed the river, with out much loss. They marched forward with less interruption, passed the source of the Tigris, and arrived at the little river Teleboa, which is very beautiful, and has many villages on its banks. Jlere, began the western Armenia, which was governed by 174 THE HISTORY Tiribasus, a satrap much beloved by the king, and who had the honour to help him to mount on horseback, when at the court. He offered to let the army pass, and to suffer the sol- diers to take all they wanted, upon condition that they should commit no ravag^es in their march j which proposal was ac- cepted, and ratified on each side. Tiribasus kept always a flying camp at a small distance from the army. There fell a great quantity of snow, which gave the troops some inconvenience; and they learnt, from a prisoner, that Tiribasus designed to attack the Greeks at a pass on the mountains, in a defile through which they must necessarily march. They prevented him, by seizing that post, after having put the enemy to flight. After some days' march through the desert, they passed the Euphrates, near its source, not having the water above their middles. They suffered exceedingly, afterwards, from a north wind, which blew in their faces, and prevented respiration : so that it was thought necessary to sacrifice to the wind ; upon which, it seemed to abate. They marched on, in snow, five or six feet deep, which killed several servants and beasts of burthen, besides thirty soldiers. They made fires during the night, for they found plenty of wood. All the next day, they continued their march through the snow, when many of them, frorai the excess of hunger, follow- ed with languor, or fainting, continued lying on the ground, through weakness and want of spirits ; but, when something had been given them to eat, they found themselves relieved, and continued their march. In seven days more, they arrived at the river Araxes, called also the Phasus, which is about a hundred feet in breadth Two days afterwards, they discovered the Phasians, the Cha- lybes, and the Taochians, who kept the pass of the mountain, to prevent their descending into the plain. They saw it was impossible to avoid coming to a battle with them, and le* solved to engage the same day. Xenophon, who had observed that the enemy defended only the ordinary passage, and that the mountain was three leagues in extent, proposed the sending a detachment, to take posses- sion of the heights that commanded the enemy, which would not be difficult, as they might prevent all suspicion of their de- sign, by a march in the night, and by making a false attack, by the main road, to amuse the barbarians. This was accord- ingly executed, the enemy put to flight, and the pass cleared. Thus, after twelve or fifteen days' march, they arrived at a very high mountain, called Tecqua,from whence they descried the sea. The first who perceived it, raised great shouts of OF GREECE. 175 jny, for a considerable time, which made Xenophon imagine that the vanguard was attacked, and he went, in all haste, to support it. As he approached nearer, the cry of, " The sea I the sea!" was heard distinctly; and the alarm changed into joy and gaiety ; and, when they came to the top, nothing was heard but a confused noise of the whole army crying out to- gether, " The sea ! the sea !" whilst they could not refrain from tears, nor from embracing their generals and ofliccrs; and then, without waiting for orders, they heaped up a pile of stones, and erected a trophy, with broken bucklers and other arms. From thence, they advanced to the mountains of Colchis one of which was higher than the rest, and of thut the people of the country had taken possession. The Greeks drew up in battle, at the bottom of it, to ascend : for the access was not impracticable. Xenophon did not judge it proper to march in line of battle, but by defiles ; because the soldiers could not keep their ranks from the inequality of the ground, that in some places was easy, in others difficult to climb, which might discourage them. The heavy armed troops amounted to eighty files, each con- sisting of about one hundred men; with eighteen hundred light armed soldiers, divided into three bodies ; one of which was posted on the right, another on the left, and the third in the centre. After having encouraged his troops, by represent- ing to them, that this was the last obstacle they had to sur- mount, and implored the assistance of the gods, the army be- gan to ascend the hill. The enemy were not able to support their charge, and dispersed. They passed the mountain,and en- camped in villages, where they found provisions in abundance. A very strange accident happened there to the army, which put them in great consternation. The soldiers, finding abun- dance of bee-hives in that place, and eating the honey, were taken with violent vomiting and fluxes, attended with raving fits ; so that those who were least ill, seemed like drunken men, and the rest either furiously mad, or dying. The earth was strewed with their bodies, as after a defeat : however, none of them died : and the distemper ceased the next day, about the sanie hour it had commenced. The third or fourth day, the soldiers got up, but in the condition in which peo- ple are, after taking a violent medicine. Two days afterwards, the army arrived near Trebisond, a Greek colony of Sinopians, situated upon the Euxine or Black sea, in the province of Colchis. Here, they lay encamped for thirty days, and acquitted themselves of the vows they nad made to Jupiter, Hercules, and the other deities^ to ob ■■■'( I 176 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 177 tain a happy return into their own country: they also cele- brated the games of horse and foot races, wrestling, boxing, the pancratium ; the whole attended with the greatest joy and solemnity. Here, Xenophon formed a project of settling them in those parts, and founding a Grecian colony, which was approved of by some ; but his enemies representing it to the army, only as a more honourable way of abandoning them ; and, to th* inhabitants, as a design to. subdue and enslave the country, lie was forced to abandon that enterprise. However, the re- port of it had this good effect, that the natives did what they ould, in a friendly manner, to procure their departure, ad- vising them to go by sea, as the safest way, and, for that pur- pose, furnished them with a sufficient number of transports. Accordingly, they embarked, with a fair wind, and the next day got into the harbour of Sinope ; where Cherisophus met them, with some gallies : but, instead of the money they had also expected from him, he told them they should be paid their arrears, as soon as they got out of the Euxine sea. But this answer occasioned a great deal of murmuring and dis- content : so that they resolved to put themselves under one general, desiring Xenophon, in the most pressing and affec- tionate terms, to accept of that command, which he modestly declined, and procured the choice to fall upon Cherisophus. . But he enjoyed it not above six or seven days. No sooner had they arrived at Heraclea, than the army deposed him, for refusing to extort a sum of money from the inhabitants of that city; which beinp^ a Grecian colony, Xenophon likewise refused to concern himself in that affair ; so that the army, being disappointed in their hopes of plunder, fell into a mu- tiny, and divided into three bodies, after making a slight re- treat. When divided from their barbarian enemies, they were nappily reunited, and encamped at the port of Calpe, where they settled the command as before, substituting Neon in the room of Cherisophus, who died here, and making it death for any man henceforward to propose the dividing of the army. But, being straitened for provisions, they were forced to spread themselves in the vallies, where Pharnabazus' horse, being joined by the inhabitants, cut in pieces five hundred of them : the rest escaping to the hill, were rescued and brought )ff by Xenophon ; who, after this, led them through a large forest, where Pharnabazus had posted his troops to oppose theii passage; hut they entirely defeated him, and pursued their march to Chrysopolis of Chalcedon, having got a great Jeal of booty in their way ; and then to Byzantium. From thence, he Jed them to Salmydessa, to serve Seuthes^ prince of Thrace ; who had before solicited Xenophon, by hra envoys, to bring troops to his aid, in order to his re-establish ment in his father's dominions, of which his enemies had de- prived him. He had made Xenophon great promises, for himself and his troops : but, when he had done him the ser- vice he wanted, he was so far from keeping his word, that he did not give them the stipulated pay. Xenophon reproached him exceedingly, with this breach of faith ; imputing his perfidy to his minister Heraclides, who thought to make his court to his master by saving him a sum of money, at the expense of justice, faith and honesty ; quali- ties which ought to be dearer than all others to a prince, as they contribute the most to his reputation, as well as to the success of affairs, and the security of a state. But that treacherous minister, who looked upon honour, probity, and justice, as mere chimeras, and considered nothing as real, but the possession of much money, had no thoughts, in conse- quence, but of enriching himself, by any means whatsoever, and robbed his master first with impunity, and all his subjects besides. " However," continued Xenophon, " every wise man, es- pecially in authority and command, ought to regard justice, probity, and the faith of engagements, as the most precious treasure he can possess; and as an assured resource and in- fallible support, in all the events that can happen." Heraclides was the more in the wrong for acting in this manner with regard to the troops, as he was a native of Gr^eece, and not a Thracian ; but avarice had extinguished in him all sense of honour. Whilst the dispute between Seuthes and Xenophon was warmest, Carminus and Polynices arrived, as ambassadors from Lacedaemon, and brought advice, that the republic had declared war against Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus; that Thimbron had already embarked with the trosps, and pro- mised a daric a month to every soldier, two to each officer, and four to the colonels, who should engage in the service. Xenophon accepted the offer, and, having obtained from Seu- thes, by the mediation of the ambassadors, part of the pay due him, he went, by sea, to Lampsacus, with the army, which amounted, at that time, to almost six thousand men. From thence, he advanced to Pergamus, a city in the pro- vince of Troas. Having met near Parthenia, (where ended the expedition of the Greeks) a great nobleman returning intc Persia, he captured him, together with his wife and children •ind all his equipage; and, by that means, found himfielf in a condition to bestow great liberalities amongst the soldiers. * 178 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. ^!^ and to make them satisfactory amends for all the losses they had sustained. Thimbron at length having arrived, took upon him the command of the troops; and, having joined them with his own,marchcd against Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. Such, was the event of Cyrus* expedition. Xenophor, reckons, from the first setting out of that prince's army from the city of Ephesus, to their arrival where the battle was fought, five hundred and thirty parasangas, or leagues; and ninety-three days' march ; and, in their return, from the place of battle to Cotyora, a city upon the coast of the Euxine, or Black Sea, six hundred and twenty parasangas or leagues, and one hundred and twenty days' march ; and, adding both to- gether, he says the way, going and returning, was eleven hun- dred and fifty-five parasangas, or leagues, and two hundred and fifteen days' march ; and that the whole time the army took to perform that journey, including the days of rest, wat fifteen months. This retreat of the ten thousand Greeks, has always passed among judges of the art of war, -as a most extraordinary un- dertaking; and it, in some measure, inspired them, ever after, with a contempt for the power of the Persians : it taught them, that their dominions could be invaded without danger ; and, that marching into Persia was but pursuing an unresist- ing enemy, that only appeared to offer victory, rather than battle. In the mean time, while Greece was gaining fame in Pei*- sia, Athens was losing its honour at home ; though it had now some breathing time to recover from its late confusions, yet still there were the seeds of rancour remaining, and the citi- zens opposed each other, with unremitting malice. Socrates was the first object that fell a sacrifice to these popular dis- sensions. We have already seen this great man, who was the son of an obscure citizen at Athens, emerging from the mean ness of his birth, and giving examples of courage, moderation and wisdom ; we have seen him saving the life of Alcibiades, in battle ; refusing to concur in the edict which unjustly doom- ed the six Athenian generals to death ; withstanding the thirty tyrants, and spurning the bigotry and persecution of the times, with the most acute penetration, and the most caustic raille- ry. He possessed unexampled good nature, and a universal love of mankind : he was ready to pity vices in others, while he was in the greatest measure free from them himself; hoM'- ever, he haved with incredible valour, wherever the danger was greatest ; and, with his small troop, stopped the enemy, and opposed them on all sides. 204 THE HISTORY OF GREECE 205 if A young Spartan, named Isadas, distinguished himself par- ticularly in this action. He was very handsome in the face, perfectly well shaped, of an advantageous stature, and in the flower of his youth : he had neither armour nor clotlies upon his body, which shone with oil : he held a spear in one hand, and a sword in the other. In this condition, he quitted his house, with the utmost eagerness; and, breaking through the press of the Spartans, threw himself upon the enemy; gave mortal wounds at every blow, and laid all at his feet who oj)- posed him, without receiving any hurt himself. Whether the enemy were dismayed at so astonishing a sight, or, says Plutarch, the gods took pleasure in preserving him on account of his extraordinary valour; it is said, the ephori decreed him a crown, after the battle, in honour of his exploits; but afterwards fined him a thousand drachms, for having exposed himself to so great a danger, without arms. Epaminondas, thus failing in his designs, was resolved be- fore he laid down his command, which was near expiring, to give the Lacedaemonians and Athenians battle, as they follow- ed him close in the rear. The Greeks had never fought among themselves with more numerous armies. The Lace- daemonians consisted of more than twenty thousand foot, and two thousand horse : the Thebans of thirty thousand foot, and three thousand horse. Upon the right wing of the former, the Mantineans, Arca- dians, and Lacedaemonians, were posted in one line ; the Ele- ans and Achaeans, who were the weakest of their troops, had the centre; and the Athenians alone composed the left wing. In the other army, the Thebans and Arcadians, were on the left, the Argives on the right, and the other allies in the cen- tre. The cavalry, on each ^side, were disposed in the wings. The Theban general marched in order of battle, that he might not be obliged, when he came up with the enemy, to lose, in the disposition of his army, a time which cannot be recovered when lost in great enterprises. He did not march directly, and with his front to the enemy, but in a column upon the hills, with his left wing foremost; as if he did not intend to fight that day. When he was opposite to them, at a quarter of a league's distance, he made the troops halt, and lay down their arms, as if he designed to encamp. The ene- my were deceived by his stand ; and, reckoning no longer upon a oattle, they quitted their arms, dispersed themselves kbout the camp, and suffered that ardour to be extinguished which a near approach of battle is wont to kindle in th nearts of the soldiers. Epaminondas, howeve»', by suddenly wheehng his troop. y i changed his column into a line ; and, having drawn out the choice troops, whom he had expressly posted in front upon his march, lie made them double their files upon the front of his left wing, to add to its strength, and to put it into a con- dition to attack, in a point, t]ie Lacedaemonian phalanx, which, by the movement he had made, faced it directly. He order- ed the centre and right wing of his army to move very slow, and to halt before they came up with the enemy, that he might not hazard the event of the battle upon the troops, in which he had no great confidence. He expected to decide the vic- tory by that body of chosen troops, which he commanded in person, and which he had formed into a column, to attack the enemy in a wedge-like point. He assured himself, that, if he could penetrate the Lacedaemonian phalanx, in which the enemy's principal force consisted, he should not find it diffi- cult to rout the rest of the army, by charging upon the right and left, with his victorious troops. But, that he might prevent the Athenians, in the left wing, from coming to the support of their right, against his in- tended attack, he made a detachment of his horse and foot advance out of the line, and posted them upon a rising ground, in readiness to flank the Athenians, as well to cover his right, as to alarm them, and give them reason to apprehend being taken in flank and rear, themselves, if they advanced to sus- tain their right. After having disposed his whole army in this manner, he moved on to charge the enemy, with the whole weight of his column. They were strangely surprised, when they saw Epaminondas advance towards them, in this order; and resumed their arms, bridled their horses, and made all the haste they could to their ranks. Whilst Epaminondas marched against the enemy, the cavalry that covered his flank on the left, the best at that time in Greece, entirely composed of Thebans and Thessa- lians, had orders to attack the enemy's horse. The Theban general, whom nothing escaped, had artfully stationed bow- men, slingers, and dart-men, in the intervals of his horse, to begin the disorders of the enemy's cavalry, by a previous discharge of a shower of arrows, stones, and javelins. The other army had neglected to take the same precaution; and made another fault, not less considerable, in giving as much depth to the squadrons, as if they had been a phalanx. By this means, their horse were incapable of supporting, long, the charge of the Thebans. After having made seve- ral ineffectual attacks, with great loss, they were -bliged to retire behind their infantry. Ill the mean time, Epaminondas, with his body of foot, had 306 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 207 "» I II charged the Lacedaemonian phalanx. The troops fought, on both sides, with incredible ardour, both the Thebans and Lacedaemonians having resolved to perish, rather than yield the glory of arms to their rivals. They began with fighting with the spear ; and those first arms being soon broken in the fury of the combat, they charged each other sword-in-hand. The resistance was equally obstinate ; and the slaughter very great, on both sides. The troops, despising danger, and desiring only to distin ^uish themselves by the greatness of their actions, chose rather to die in their ranks, than to lose a step of their ground. The furious slaughter on both sides, having continued a great while, without a victory inclining to either, Epaminondas, to force it to declare for him, thought it his duty to make an extraordinary effort in person, without regard to the danger of his own life. He formed, therefore, a troop of the bravest and most de- termined about him, and putting himself at their head, made a vigorous charge, where the battle was most warm, and wounded the general of the Lacedaemonians, with the first javehn. This troop, by his example, having wounded or killed all that stood in their way, broke and penetrated the phalanx. The Lacedaemonians, dismayed by the presence of Epaminondas, and overpowered by the weight of that in- trepid party, were compelled to give ground. The main body of the Theban troops, animated by their general's example and success, drove back the enemy upon their right and left, and made great slaughter. But some troops of the Spartans, perceiving that Epaminondas aban- doned himself too much to his ardour, suddenly rallied and returmng to the fight, charged him with a shower of javelins Whilst he kept off part of those darts, shunned some of them, fenced off others, and was fighting with the most heroic valour, a Spartan, named Callicrates gave him a mortal wound, with a javelin, in the breast, across his cuirass. The wood of the javelin being broken off, the iron nead continuing in the wound, the torment was insupportable, and he fdl immediately. The battle began around him with new lury, the one side using their utmost endeavours to take him alive, and the other to save him. The Thebans at last gain- ed their point, and carried him off, after having put the ene- my to flight. ^ ^ After several different movements, and alternate losses and advantages, the troops, on both sides, stood still, and rested upon their arms ; and the trumpets of the two armies, as if by consent, soAinded the ^et^ea^ at the same time. Each f t party pretended to the victory, and erected a trophy; the Thebans, because they had defeated the right wing, and re mained masters of the field of battle ; the Athenians, because they had cut the detachment in pieces. From this point of honour, both sides refused, at first, to ask leave to bury their dead, which, with the ancients, was confessing their defeat. The Lacedxmonians, however sent first to demand that per- mission, after which, the rest had no thoughts but of paying che last duties to the slain. In the mean time, Epaminondas had been carried into the camp. The surgeons, after having examined the wound, de- clared that he would expire, as soon as the head of the dart was drawn out of it. Those words gave all that were pre- sent the utmost sorrow and affliction : they were inconsola- ble, on seeing so great a man on the point of expiring. The only concern expressed by himself, was about his arms, and the success of the battle When they showed him his shield, and assured him that the Thebans had gained the victory, turning towards his friends, with a calm and serene air, " all then is well," said he, and soon after, upon drawing the head of the javelin out of his body, he expired, in the arms of victory. As the glory of Thebes rose with Epaminondas, so it fell with him ; and he is perhaps the only instance of one man's being able to inspire his country with military glory, and lead It on to conquest, without having had a predecessor, or leav- ing an imitator of his example. The battle of Mantinea, was the greatest that ever was fought by Grecians against Grecians; the whole stren-gth of the country having been drawn out, and ranged according to their different interests ; and it was fought with an obstinacy equal to its importance, which was the fixing the empire of (ireece. This must, of course, have been transferred to the Thebans, upon their victory, if they had not lost the fruits oi it by the death of their general, who was the soul of all their counsels and designs. This blasted all their hopes, and extinguished their sudden blaze of power, almost as soon as it was kindled. However, they did not presently give up their pretensions ; they were still ranked among the leading states, and made several furthe-* struggles ; but they were faint and ineffectual, and such as were rather for life and being, than for superiority and do- minion. A peace therefore was proposed, which was ratified by all the states of Greece, except Sparta; the conditions of which were, that every state should retain what it possessedy and hold it independent of any other power. 4 '•'I I eos THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 209 A state of repose followed this peace, in which the Grecian powers seemed to slacken from their former animosities ; and, if we except an expedition under Agesilaus, into Egypt, whither he went to assist Tachos, who had usurped that king- dom, and in which he died, there was little done for several years following. The Athenians, more particularly, when they found themselves delivered from him who kept up their emulation, grew insolent and remiss ; and abandoned them- selves to their ease and pleasure, being wholly taken up with shows, sports, and festivals. They were naturally too much addicted to these amuse- mcntr*, and they had formerly been encouraged in them by Pericles, who knew how to lead them by their inclinations, and took this method to ingratiate himself, and to divert them from inspecting too narrowly into his administration. But they now carried their diversions to a much higher pitch of extravagance. They had such a passion for the stage, that it stifled all other thoughts, either of business or of glory. In short, the decorations and other charges attending the theatre, were so excessive, that Plutarch says," It cost more to repre- sent some of the famous pieces of Sophocles and Euripedes, than it had done to carry on the war against the barbarians." In order to support this charge, they seized upon the fund which had been set apart for the war, with a prohibition, upon pain of death, ever to advise the applying of it to any other purpose. They not only reversed this decree, but went as far the other way, making it death to propose the restoring the fund to the uses to which it had before been appropriated, under the same penalties. By diverting the course of the supplies, in so extraordinary a manner, and entertaining the idle citizen at the expense of the soldier and mariner, they seemed to have no remains of that spirit and vigour, which they had exerted in the Persian wars, when they demolished their houses to furnish out a navy, and when the women stoned a man to death, who pro- posed to appease the Great King (as he was called) by paying tribute, and doing homage. In this general remissness, it was not to be supposed that their allies would treat them with the respect they demanded. A T ry Most of the states, that had hitherto been in alli- ' ance with them, and had found security under their CJ ^ Q ' • protection, now took up arms against them. In reducing these, Chabrias, Iphicratcs, and Timotheus, gained great reputation ; and are supposed to have been consummate generals ; but their successes are too minute, to rank them among the class of eminent commanders; and whatever their skill might have been, there wantc;4 a great occasion for its display. This war opened with the siege of Chio, in which the Athe- nians were repulsed ; and Chabrias, unwilling to abandon his vessel, preferred death to flight. The siege of Byzantium followed ; before which, the fleet of the contending powers was dispersed by a storm, in consequence of which the Athe- nian generals were recalled. Timotheus was fined a great sum ; but, being too poor to pay, he went into voluntary ban- ishment. Iphicrates was also obliged to answer for himself, but he got off by his eloquence ; and, in the mean time, the affairs of Athens succeeded but ill under the guidance of Charis, who was left sole commander. A peace was concluded, whereby every city and people were left to the full enjoyment of their liberty; and thus the war of the allies ended, after having continued three years. During these transactions, a power was growing up in Greece, hitherto unobserved, but now too conspicuous and formidable, to be overlooked in the general picture — this was that of the Macedonians, a people hitherto obscure, and in a manner barbarous, and who, though warlike and hardy, had never yet presumed to intermeddle in the affairs of Greece : but several circumstances now concurred to raise them from obscurity, and to involve them in measures, which, by degrees, wrought a thorough change in the state of Greece. It will be necessary, therefore, to begin with a short account of their origin and power, before we enter into a detail of that con- spicuous part, which they afterwards performed on the thea- tre of the world. CHAPTER XIII. From the Birth, to the Death of Philip, King of Macedon, The people of Macedon were hitherto considered as making no part of the Grecian confederacy: they were looked upon as borderers, as men, in a measure semi-barbarians ; who boasted, indeed, of taking their origin from the Greeks, but who hitherto neither possessed their politeness, nor enjoyed their freedom : they had little or no intercourse with their mother country ; they had contracted the habits and manne\-^ of the natives where they were settled, and, from thence, they were treated with similar disrespect. The first king who is mentioned, with any degive of cer- tainty, to have reigned in Macedonia, was Caranus, by bir-b 1 '1 ■f i £10 THE HISTORT OF GREECE. 211 an Arrive, and said to be the sixteenth in descent from Her- cules. It was upon this foundation, that Philip afterwards grounded his pretensions to be of the race of Hercules, and assumed to himself divine honours. Caranus, therefore, is commonly reputed to have led forth a body of his countrymen, by the advice of the oracle, into these parts, where he settled, and made himself king. Caranus, having, according to the general account, reigned twenty-eight years, the succession was continued after him, to the times of which we are now treating. But there is ver) little worth notice recorded of these kings, they being chiefly employed in defending themselves against the incursions of their neighbours ; and, as to their domestic affairs, they were remarkable only for the frequent murders and usurpations which happened in the royal family. Amyntas, father of Philip, began to reign the third year of the ninety-sixth Olympiad. Having, the very year after, been warmly attacked by the Illyrians, and dispossessed of a great part of his kingdom, which he thought it scarcely possible for him ever to recover, he addressed himself to the Olyn- thians ; to whom, in order to engage them the more firmly in his interest, he had given up a considerable tract of land in the neighbourhood of their city. He was restored to the throne by the Thessalians ; upon which, he was desirous of resuming the possession of the lands, which nothing but the ill situation of his affairs had obliged him to resign to the Olynthians. This occasioned a war; but Amyntas, not being strong enough to make head, singly, against so powerful a people, the Greeks, and the Athenians in particular, sent him succours; and enabled him to weaken the power of the Olynthians, who threatened him with a total ruin. Amyntas died, after having reigned twenty-four years. He left three legitimate children ; — Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip. Alexander, the eldest son, reigned only one year. Per- diccas, the second brother, was opposed by Pausanias, who began by seizing some fortresses: but, by the assistance of Iphicrates, the Athenian general, the usurper was expelled, and Perdiccas, the lawful sovereign, confirmed on the throne. He did not, however, long continue in tranquillity. Ptol- emy, a natural son of Amyntas, laid claim to the crown, and disputed his title ; which, by mutual consent, was referred to Pelopidas, the Theban, a man more revered for his probity, than his valour. Pelopidas determined in favour of Perdiccas ; and, having judged it necessary to take pledges on both sides, in order to oblige the two competitors to observe the articles of the treaty accepted by them, among other hostages, he car- ried Philip with him to Thebes, where he resided several years. He was then ten years of age. Euridice, when parting from this much loved son, earnestly besought Pelopidas to procure him an education worthy of his birth, and of the city; to which he was going as a hostage. Pelopidas placed him with Epaminondas, who had a cele- brated Pythagorean philosopher in his house, for the educa tion of his son. Philip improt^ed greatly, by the instructions of his precep- tor ; and much more by those of Epaminondas ; under whom, fie undoubtedly made some campaigns, though no mention is made of this. He could not have had a more excellent mas- ter, whether for war, or the conduct of life ; for this illustri- ous Theban was, at the same time, a great philosopher : that IS to say, a wise and virtuous man, and a great commander, as well as a great statesman. Philip was very proud of being his pupil, and proposed him as a model to himself; most happy could he have copied him perfectly ! Perhaps, he borrowed from Epaminondas his activity in war, and his promptitude in improving occasions ; which, however, formed but a very inconsiderable part of the merit of that illustrious personage. But, with regard to his temperance, his justice, his disinterestedness, his sincerity, his magnanimity, his clemency, which rendered him truly great, these were virtues which Philip did not acquire by imitation. The Thebans did not know that they were then forming and educating the most dangerous enemy of Greece. After Philip had spent nine or ten years in their city, the news of a revolution in Macedon, made him resolve to leave Thebes clandestinely. Accordingly, he stole away, made the utmost expedition, and found the Macedonians greatly surprised at having lost their king Perdiccas, who had been killed, in a great battle, by the Illyrians ; but much more so, to find they had as many enemies, as neighbours. The Illyrians were on the point of returning into the king- dom, with a much greater force ; the Paeonians infested it with perpetual incursions; the Thracians were determined to place Pausanias on the throne, who had not abandoned his pretensions ; and the Athenians were bringing Argseus, whom Mantios, their general, was ordered to support with a strong fleet and a considerable body of troops. Macedonia, at that time, wanted a prince of years to gov- ern, and had only a child ; Amyntas, the son of Perdiccas, and lawful heir to the crown. Philip governed the kingdom, V12 THE HISTORY or GREECF. 2l'j for some time, by the titie of guardian lo the prince; but the subjects, justly alarmed, deposed the nephew, in favour of the uncle ; aiid, instead of the heir, set him upon the throne, whom the present conjuncture of affairs required ; persuaded that the Jaws of necessity a^e superior to all others. Accordingly, Philip, at twenty-four years of age, ascended the throne, the first year of the 105th Olyu.piad. Never did the present condition of the Macedonians require a man of more prudence and activity. The lUyrians, flushed with their late victory, were preparing to march against them, with a great army. The Pseonians were making daily incur- sions upon them ; and, at the same time, the title to the crown was contested, by Pausanias and Argaeus; the former of whom was supported by the Thracians ; and the latter by the Athe- nians; who, for that purpose, had sent out a good fleet, and three thousand landmen. Under these circumstances, with so many enemies againsi him, at once; and that before he was settled on his thron**^ his first care was to make sure of his own people, to ^ain their affections, and to raise their spirits ; for they were very much disheartened, having lost above four thousand men, in the late action with the Illyrians. He succeeded in these points by the artfulness of his address, and the force of his eloquence, of which he was a gi*eat master. His next step was to train and exercise them, and reform their discipline ; and it was at this time that he instituted the famous Macedonian Phalanx, which did so much execution. It was an improvement upon the ancient manner of fighting among the Grecians, who generally drew up their foot so close, as to stand the shock of the enemy without being broken. The complete phalanx was thought to contain above sixteen thousand men ; though it was also taken in general for any company or party of soldiers, and frequently for the whole body of foot. But this, of Philip's invention, is described, by Polybius, to be a long square, consisting of eight thousand pike-men, sixteen deep, and five hundred in front; the men standing so close together, that the pikes of the fifth rank were extended three feet beyond the line of the front. The rest, whose distance from the front made their pikes useless, rested them upon the shoulders of those who stood before them ; and, so locking them together in file, pressed forward to support and push on the foremost ranks, whereby the assault was rendered more violent and irresistible. Wnen Philip had made some proper regulation of his af fairs at home, he began to look abroad, in order to divert the iBorms which threatened him from all quarters. By money Mid promises, he made up matters for the present with such of his enemies as lay nearest him ; and then turned his forces against the Athenians, who had marched up to Methone in Macedonia, to assist Argaeus. He gave them battle, and' de- feated them : and the death of Argaeus, who was killed in the action, put an end to that dispute ; for he permitted the Athe- nians, when they were in his power, to return home. This instance of his moderation, gained so far upon them, that they soon afterwards concluded a peace with him : which he ob- served no longer than it served his design of securing the other part of his dominions. Accordingly, he marched northward, where he declared war against the Paeonians, and subdued them ; then fell upon the Illyrians, and having killed above seven thousand of them in a pitched battle, obliged them to restore all their conquests in Macedonia. He had also obstructed the passage of the Thracians ; but yet did not think his object sufficientlv se- cured, without making himself master of Amphipolis, which was very commodiously situated on the river Strymon, and was the key of that side of his dominions. He knew its im- portance, therefore he seized it, in the beginning of his reign. This was the ground of his quarrel with the Athenians, who claimed it as one of their colonies ; and made such a point of it, that their setting up Argaeus against him, was not so much for his own sake, and for the credit of imposing a king upon the Macedonians, as with a view to get the city rest/)red to them by his means, in case he should have suc- ceeded in his intentions. Philip was sensible of their drift; and, finding it necessary at that time to keep some measures with them, would neither hold the place himself, nor let them have it, but took t middle course, and declared it a free city; thereby, leaving the inhabitants to throw off their dependence upon their old masters, and making it appear to be their own act. But the city continued no longer in this state, than until he found himself at liberty to make a more thorough conquest of it ; which, at this time, he easily effected, through the re- missness of the Athenians, who refused to send any relief to it; alleging, in their excuse, that it would be a breach of the peace which they had concluded with Philip, the year before. But the truth is, he tricked them out of it, by a promise of delivering it up to them. But, instead of keeping his word, ne made further en croachments, by seizing on Pydna and Potidaea, the latter of which being garriso-ied by Athenians, he drew them out, and sent them home; but dismissed them with such marks of I 214 . THE HISTORY ;iuv ^^ showed that he avoided coming to an open rupture ciyiUty, as sj^^j^^ ^^^^^ -i 1-3 designs were more ripe ; with that state, at least unui ^ weaken the territory belonging to it, he gave up lu i c , who were his father's '"^f "f «. ^"^"f to revive the quarrel HU hands were too lull, at this time, lo rcvivn mv. i ag"nst':: rich and power'ful a city, which ^or^^H^^^^ either, had witl.tood ^^^^^^^ ^^:^ ^^. don.a; he, therefore, chose jo o y ^ j^. ^^„„ ^^^ nresciit. and to amuse them by ine acuvci j u „,,'pt Kd done the Athenians by the ?«-«' 7"' ^,%^°";'',et£ them at more advantage. In this ^^'.f'f ' ^^„ ° „^i- S - ''' ^V'X"oi;i^°irnrin" ;tr: iXinTherCting in thoL°L iowhrchs"de soever the Olynthians inclined, h:;w'ere Strong enough to turn the balance ;jdj^^^^^^^^^^^^ the gaining them became a matter of great contention between lippi, irom n produced a hundred and forty- ^old mme, which every y^*^ P'^. . . • j^ .^^s an immense four thousand pounds sterling. 1 his, wi}icn wdb a sum for that age, was much more serviceable than ^eets or sum lor mat d-b ) u^^i\QS' and he seldom failed using it Delphos, concerning uie ,, ^,j^ • j^ s^^^r spears, he was answered by ,\^^. P"f ,f ^^'.^ ' V ^^^ advice of the he should conquer all thmgs. He ^o^*^/^^^";;' .^0x11 : ^VuTa larger field was now opening to his ambition. The mutual divisions of the states of Greece, were, at no tun , whoHv cemented; and they broke out now upon a very pai- dS occasion. The first' cause of the -Pture, (which was afterwards called the Sacred War) arose from t^e Phocians havine ploughed up a piece of ground belongmg to the tem p'eof Apollo, at Delphos. Against this, all the -eigbbouring sates exclaimed, as a sacrilege: they were cited before the ^o^citof Amphictyons, whoVrticularly t-k cogm^^^^^^^ sacred mattci- the Phocians were cast, and a heavy fine im- 'K,scd upon them. This, the Phocians were unable to pay. or GREECE. 215 they refused to submit to the decree, alleging, that the care and patronage of the temple anciently belonged to them ; and to vindicate this, they quoted a precedent from Homer. ' Philomelas, one of their chief citizens, was principally in- strumental in encouraging them to arms; he raised their ardour, and was appointed their general. He firs'! applied himself to the Spartans ; who had likewise been fined by the Amphictyons, at the instance of the Thebans, after the battle of Leuctra, for having seized the Cadmea. For this reason, Ihey were very well disposed to join with him ; but did not yet think it proper to declare themselves. However, they en- couraged his design, and supplied him, underhand, with money, by which means he raised troops ; and, without much difficulty got possession of the temple. The chief resistance he met with in the neighbourhood, was from the Locrians ; but, having worsted them, he erased the decree of the Amphictyons, which was inscribed on the pillars of the temple. However, to strengthen his authority, and give a colour to his proceedings, he thought it convenient to con- sult the oracle, and to procure an answer in his favour. But when he applied to the priestess for that purpose, she refused to officiate, until, being intimidated by his threats, she told him, " the god left him at liberty to act as he pleased ;'* which he looked upon as a good answer, and, as such, took care to divulge it. The Amphictyons, meeting a second time, a resolution was formed to declare war against the Phocians. Most of the Grecian nations engaged in this quarrel, and sided with the one or the other party. The Boeotians, the Locrians, Thes- salians, and several other neighbouring people, declared in favour of the god ; whilst Sparta, Athens, and some other cities of Peloponnesus, joined with the Phocians. Philome- las had not yet touched the treasures of the temple ; but, be- ing afterwards not so scrupulous, he believed that the riches of the god could not be better employed, than in the deitv's defence ; for he gave this specious name to this sacrilegious Attempt; and being enabled, by this fresh supply, to double ihe pay of his soldiers, he raised a very considerable body of troops. Several battles were fought, and the success, for some time, seemed doubtful. Every one knows how much religious wars are to be dreaded ; and the pr ligious lengths which a false zeal, when veiled with so vene able a name, is apt to go. The Thebans, having, in a rencounter, taken several prison- ers, condemned them all to die, as sacrilegious wretches who T fib THE HISTORY OI GREECE 217 were excommunicated ; the Phocians did the same, by way of reprisal. , u • These had, at first, gained several advantages; but, having been defeated in a great battle, Philomelas, their leader, being closely attacked on an eminence, from which there was no retreating, defended himself, for a long time, Avith mvincible bravery ; which, however, not availing, he threw himsell from a rock, in order to avoid the torments he must undoubt- edly have undergone, had he fallen alive into the hands of his enemies. Oenomarchus was his successor, and took upon him the command of the forces. Philip thought it most consistent with his mtercst, to re- main neuter, in this general movement of the Greeks, m ia- vour neither of the Phocians or the Thebans. It was con- sistent with the policy of this ambitious prince, who had lit- tle regard for religion, or the interests of Apollo, but was al ways intent upon his own, not to engage in a war, by which he could not reap the least benefit ; and to take advantage of a juncture, in which all Greece, employed and divided oy a great contest, gave him an opportunity to push his conquests, and extend his fmntiers, without any apprehension of oppo- sition. He was also well pleased to see both parties weaken and consume each other ; as he should thereby be enabled to fall upon them, afterwards, to greater advantage. Being desirous of subjecting Thrace, and of securing the conquests he had alreadv made there, he determined to pos- sess himself of Methone, a small city, incapable of support- ing itself by its own strength, but which gave him disquiet and obstructed his desigiiS, whenever it was in the hands of his enemies. Accordingly, he besieged that city, made him- self master of it, and razed it. Aster of Amphipolis had offered his services to Philip, as so excellent a marksman, that he could bring down birds in their most rapid flight. The monarch made this answer— " Well, I will take you into my service, when I make war upon starlings:" which answer stung the archer to the quick. A repartee proves often of fatal consequence to him who makes it. After having thrown himself down into the city, he let fly an arrow, on which was written, " To Philip*s right eye." This carried a most cruel proof that he was a good marks- man, for he hit him in the right eye ; and Philip sent him back the same arrow, wi 'h this inscription : " If Philip takes the city, he will hang ui> \s1er:" and accordingly he was as good as his word. A sk.iful surgeon drew the arrow out ol Philip's eye. with so muf h art and dexterity, that not the least scar remained ; and, though he could not save his sight, he yet took away the blemish. After taking tie city, Philip, ever studious either to weak- en his enemies by new conquests, or gain more friends by doing them some important service, marched into Thessaly, which had implored his assistance against its tyrants. Th^ liberty of that country seemed now secure, since Alexander of Pherae was no more. Nevertheless, his brothers, who in concert with his wife Theba, had murdered him, grown weary of having some time acted the part of deliverers, revived his tyranny, and oppressed the Thessalians with a new yoke. Lycophron, the eldest of the three brothers, who succeed- ed Alexander, had strengthened himself, by the protection of the Phocians. Oenomarchus, their leader, brought him a numerous body of forces; and at first gained a considerable advantage over Philip ; but, engaging him a second time, he was entii^ely defeated, and his army routed. The flying troops were pursued to the sea shore : upwards of six thousand men were killed on the spot, among whom was Oenomarchus, whose body was hung upon a gallows ; and three thousand, who were taken prisoners, were thrown into the sea, by Philip's order, as so many sacrilegious wretches, the profess- ed enemies of religion. Philip, after having freed the Thessalians, resolved to car- ry his arms into Phocis. This was his first attempt to gain a footing in Greece, and to have a share in the general af- fairs of the Greeks, from which the kings of Macedon had always been excluded, as foreigners. In this view, upon pre- tence of going over into Phocis, in order to punish the sacri- legious Phocians, he marched towards Thermopylae, to take possession of a pass, which gave him a free entrance into Greece, and especially into Attica. An admission of foreigners into Greece, was a measure that was always formidable to those who called themselves Grecians. The Athenians, hearing of a march, which might prove of the utmost consequence, hastened to Thermopylae, and occupied this important pass, which Philip did not at- tempt to force. The Athenians were roused from their lethar- gy of pleasure, to make use of this precaution, by the per- suasions of Demosthenes, the celebrated orator; who, from" the beginning, saw the ambition of Philip, and the power which he possessed to carry him through his designs. This illustrious orator and statesman, whom we shall here after find acting so considerable a part in the course of this history, was born in the last year of the ninety-ninth Olym- piad, according to Dionysius ; who, in his epistle to Laniacub, i i : [i\ r . : If- <18 THE HISTORY has accurately distinguished the different periods of his life, and the times in which his several orations were delivered. He was the son, not of a mean and obscure mechanic, as the Roman satirists have represented him, but of an eminent Athenian citizen, who raised a considerable fortune by the manufacture of arms. At the age of seven years, he lost his father ; and, to add to his misfortune, the guardians to whom he was intrusted, wasted and embezzled a considerable par of his inheritance. Thus, oppressed by fraud, and discouraged by a weak and effeminate habit of body, he yet discovered an early ambition to distinguish himself as a popular speaker. The applause bestowed on a public orator, who had defended his country's right to the city of Oropus, in an elaborate harangue, inflamed his youthful mind with an eager desire of meriting the like honour. Isocrates and Isaeus were then the two most emi- nent professors of eloquence at Athens. The soft and florid manner of the former, did by no means suit the genius of Demosthenes : Isaeus was more vigorous and energetic, and his style better suited to public business. To him, therefore, he applied ; and, under his direction, pursued those studies which might accomplish him for the character to which he aspired. His first essay was made against his guardian, by whom he had been most injuriously treated ; but the good- ness of his cause was here of more service, than the abilities of the young orator ; for his early attempts were unpromis- ing, and soon convinced him of the necessity of a graceful and manly pronunciation. His close and severe application, and the extraordinary diligence with which he laboured to conquer his defects and natural infirmities, are well known : and have been too frequently the subjects of historians and critics, ancient and modern, to need a minute recital. His character as a statesman will be best recollected, from the history of his conduct in the present transactions. As an orator, the reader perhaps is not to be informed of his qualifications. Indeed, the study of oratory was, at that time, the readiest, and almost the only means, of rising in the state. His first essay at the bar, was two years after this incident, when he called his guardians to account for embezzling his patrimony, and recovered some part of it. This encouraged him, some time afterwards, to harangue before the people, in their public assembly, but he acquitted himself so ill, that they hissed him. However, he ventured a second time, but with no better success than before ; so that he went away ashamed, confounded, and quite in despair. It was upon this occasion^ that Satyrus the player accosted him^ and^ in a OF GREECE. 219 friendly way, encouraged him to proceed. With this view, he asked him to repeat to him some verses of Sophocles, Or Euripides, which he accordingly did : the other repeated them after him, but with such a different spirit and cadence, as made him sensible that he knew very little of elocution. But, by his instructions, and his own perseverance, at length he made himself master of it ; and, by the methods before men- tioned, corrected the imperfections which were born with him, as well as the ill habits which he had contracted. It is not very clear whether this passage be rightly ascribed to Satyrus, who seems to be confounded with Neoptolemus and Andronicus, who were likewise famous comedians ; and De- mosthenes is said to have been instructed by all the three. With these advantages and improvements, he appeared again in public, and succeeded so well, that people flocked from all parts of Greece, to hear him. From that time, he was looked upon as the standard of true eloquence: inso- much that none of his countrymen have been put in compari- son with him ; nor even among the Romans, aiiy but Cicero ; and, though it has been made a question, by the ancient writers, to which of the two they should give the preference, they have not ventured to decide, but have contented them- selves with describing their different beauties, and showing, that they were both perfect in their kind. His eloquence was grave and austere, like his temper i masculine and sublime, bold, forcible, and impetuous, abound- ing with metaphors, apostrophes, and interrogations ; which, with his solemn way of invoking and appealing to the gods, the planets, elements, and the manes of those who fell at Sa- lamis and Marathon, had such a wonderfUl effect upon his hearers, that they thought him inspired. If he had not so much softness and insinuation, as is often requisite in an orator, it was not that he wanted art and deli- cacy, when the case required it : he knew how to sound the inclinations of the people, and lo lead them to the point he aimed at ; and sometimes, by seeming to propose that which was directly the contrary. But his chief characteristic was vehemence, both in action and expression : and, indeed, that was the qualification, of all others, most wanted, at this time. The people were grown so insolent and imperious, so factious and divided, so jealous of the power of the democracy, and, so sunk into a state of pleasure and indolence, that no arts of persuasion would have been so effectual, as that spirit and resolution, that force and energy of Demosthenes, to humble them, and to rouse them into a sense of their common danger T 2 i20 THE HISTORY But neither could Demosthenes himself have made such impressions on them, if his talent of speaking had not been supported by their opinion of his integrity. It was that, which added weight and emphasis to every thing he said, and animated the whole. It was that, which chiefly engaged their attention, and determined their counsels, when they were convinced that he spoke from his heart, and had no interest to manage, but that of the community ; and of this, he gavt; the strongest proofs, in his zeal against Philip, who said, he was of more weight against him, than all the fleets and armies of Athens, and that he had no enemy, but Demosthenes. He was not wanting in his endeavours to corrupt him, as well as most of the leading men in Greece : but this great orator withstood all his offers; and, as it was observed, all the gold in Macedon could not bribe him. When Philip found himself shut out of Greece by the Athenians, he turned his arms against those remote placei which depended on them, either as colonies or as conquests ; and particularly against the Olynthians, whom he had Jong looked upon with an evil eye; but had courted and cajoled, whilst he was otherwise employed. But he came now re- solved entirely to reduce them ; and, advancing towards the city, only sent them a short message, to let them know, that one of these two points was become necessary : either that they must quit Olynthus, or he Macedonia. Whereupon, they sent immediately to Athens, for relief. The subject was debated there, with great solemnity ; and Demosthenes was very earnest in sending them succours. He was opposed by Demades and Hyperides. The opinion, however, of Demosthenes prevailed : the people of Athens resolved to unite against Philip ; but the great difficulty lay in flemishing the supplies : their principal fund, which had formerly served the purposes of war, had long been converted to the use of the stage. The money arising from this fund, was computed at a thousand talents a-year; and a certain proportion of it was allotted to the citizens, to defray the charge of their admit- tance into the theatre. This distribution having been con tinued to them from the time of Pericles, they claimed it, now, as their right ; especially, since they had lately obtain- ed a law, which made it capital to propose the restoring the fund to the uses for which it was originally granted. Hence, it was, that, upon any pressing emergency, extraordinary taxes were to be raised ; and they were laid so unequally, and collected with so much difficulty, that they seldom an* swered the service for which they had been intended. OF GREECE. *j2\ Demosthenes treated this subject with the utmost ar t and circumspection. After showing that the Athenians were in- dispensab y obliged to raise an army, in order to stop the en- terprise ol their aspiring enemy, he asserted, that the theatri- cal lund was the only probable means of supply. These re- monstrances had some weight, but were not attended with deserved success. The Athenians sent a reinforcement to Olynthus; but Philip, who had corrupted the principal men m the town, entered, plundered it, and sold the inhabitants imong the rest of the spoil. Here, he found much treasure, which served to assist him in his further encroachments In the mean time, the Thebans, being unable alone to ter- minate the war, whijh they had so long carried on ai>ainst the Phocians, addressed Philip. Hitherto, as we before men- tioned, he had observed a kind of neutrality with respect to the Sacred War, and he seemed to wait for an opportunity of declaring himself; that is, till both parties should have weak- ^ru i!;^^"^s^'^f by a long war, which equally exhausted both ihe Ihebans had now very much abated from that haui^hti- ness and those ambitious views, with which the victories of iipamiiiondas had inspired them. The instant, therefore, they requested tbr alliance of Philip he resolved to espouse the interest of that republic, in oddo- sition to the Phocians. He had not lost sight of the project he had lormed of obtaining an entrance into Greece; in or- der to niake himself master of it. To give success to his design, It was proper for him to declare in favour of one of the two parties, which at that time divided all Greece; that IS cither for the Thebans, or the Athenians and Spartans. lie was not so void of sense, as to imagine, that the latter party would assist his design of carrying his arms into Greece. He therefore had no more to do, but to join the Thebans, who offered themselves voluntarily to him, and who stood in need ol Philip's power, to support themselves in their de- clining condition : he therefore declared at once in their fa- vour. But, to give a specious colour to his arms, besides the gratitude he affected to feel, at the heart, for Thebes, in which he had been educated, he also pretended to make an honour ol the zeal with which he was fired, with regard to the vio- lated god : and was very glad to pass for a religious prince, who warmly espoused the cause of the god, and of the terfi- ple of Delphos, m order to conciliate, by that means, the es- teem and friendship of the Greeks. There was nothing Philip had more at heart, than to seize 1 hermopylae, as it opened him a passage into Greece; to ap- propriate all the honour of the Sacred War to himself, as if 5l 1 !•■■ 222 ■ THE HISTORY he had been piincipal in that affair; and to Pr^^^^;; j^v!? Pvthkn games. He was therefore desirous of aiding the The. bans and, by their means, to obtain possession of Phoci.. BuT in order to put his double design in e^^cution, it was necesTai V for him to keep it secret from the Athenians, who - rad\a:Lly dedared war'against Thebes : and who J>i^man^^ years, had been in alliance with the Phocians. His business, Mierefere, was to make them change their measures, by placing oJher obi;cts in their views ; and, on this occasion, the politics of PhiliD, in a wonderful manner, succeeded. The A henians, who began to grow tired of a war, which was very burthen'some, and of little benefit to them had com- mtsslone'd Ctesiphon and Phyrnon,to sound the intenuo- of Philip, and, in what manner, he stood disposed, m regard to neace These related, that Philip did not appear averse to ftrand that he even expressed a great affection for the com- '"^ Upon \t^ the Athenians resolved to send a solemn embasr sy to^nquire more strictly into the truth of thmgs, and to nrocure the last explanations, previously necessary to so im- Sonant a negotiation. ^sclLes and Demosthenes were ^mong the te'n ambassadors, who brought back Uiree from Philin— \ntipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus. All the ten Txet^ed their^ommission v'ery faithfully, and gave a very good account of it. Upon this they were ™df d^^^^^^^^^ back, with full powers to conclude a peace, and to ratity it ^^t was then, that Demosthenes, who, m his first embassy had met some Athenian captives in Macedonia, and had p?om"ed to return and ransom them at his own expense en- . deavoured to enable himself to keep his word : and, m the mean time, advised his colleagues to embark with the utmos eypedicjon as the republic had commanded; and to^^it, as uon as po'ssible, upon Philip, in what P^^^^^^^^'^ .^^^"^ j^,^^ be However, inslead of making a speedy despatch, as they had been desired, they went like ambassadors ; proceeded to MaceZia" lai'^d ; Itaid three months in that -n^^^^^^^^^^^ ^uve Philip time to gain possession of several othei stiong nlaces beloneinc to the Athenians, in 1 hrace. ^ A last, mc^eting with the king of Macedonia, t^ey agreed wifh him'upon artides of peace: but he, ^^^^''^^rre^^^^^ asleep, with the specious pretence of a treaty, deferred the ratification of it, from day to day. In the mean time he ?o^nd means to corrupt the ambassadors, one after another by presents, Demosthenes excepted ; who, bemg but one, op- posed his colleagues in vain. OF GREECE. 22J Philip, being suffered quietly to pursue his march into Phocis, gained the straits of Thermopylae ; but did not im- mediately discover what use he intended to make of his en- trance into Greece : but went on, according to his agreemeni with the Thebans, to put an end to the Phocian war, which he easily effected. His name and appearance struck such a terror among the Phocians, that, though they had lately re- ceived a reinforcement of a thousand heavy mmeu S]»artan.s under the command of their king Archidamub, they declined giving him battle; and sent to treat wuh lum, or rather to submit themselves to any terms that he would give them. He allowed Phalicus to retire, with eight thousand men, oeing mercenaries, into Peloponnesus ; but the rest, who were the inhabitants of Phocis, were left at his mercy. As the disposing of them was a matter wherein Greece in general w^s concerned, he did not think fit to act in it, by his own private authority ; but referred it to ihe Amphictyons, M'howk he caused to be assembled for that purpose. But they were so much under his influence, that they served only to give a sanction to his determinations. They decreed, that all the cities of Phocis should be de- molished ; that those persons who had fled, as being princi- pally concerned in sacrilege, should be stigmatised as ac- cursed, and proscribed as outlaws : that those who remained as inhabitants, should be dispersed in the villages, and obliged to pay, out of their lands, a yearly tribute of sixty talents, until the whole of what had been taken out of the temple, should be restored : they were likewise adjudged to lose their seat in the council of the Amphictyons, wherein they had a double voice. This, Philip got transferred to himself, which was a very material point: and may be looked upon as the principal step towards his gaining that authority, which he afterwards exercised, in the affairs of Greece. At the same tinie, he acquired, in conjunction with the Thebans and Thes- salians, the superintendency of the Pythian games, which the Coriiithians had forfeited, for having taken part with the Phocians. Philip, having, by these plausible methods, succeeded in this expedition, did not think it advisable, by attempting any thing further, at present, to sully the glory he had acquired by it, or to incense the body of the Grecians against him;, wherefore, he returned, in a triumphant manner, to his do- minions. After settling his conquests, at home, he marched into Thessaly ; and, having extirpated the remains of tyranny in the several cities there, he not only confirmea the Thessa- Hans in his interest, but gained over many of their neighbours 224 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 225 It was u^-ion this occasion, that Philip is remarked for an act of private justice, which far outweighs his public celebrity. A soldier, in the Macedonian army, had, in many instances, distinguished himself by extraordinary acts of valour, and had received knany marks of Philip's favour and approbation. On some occat^ion, he embarked on board a vessel which was wrecked by a violent storm, and he himself was cast on the shore, nelpleab and naked, and scarcely with the appearance of life. A Macedonian, whose lands were contiguous to the sea, came opportunely to be witness of his distress ; and, with all humane and charitable tenderness, flew to the relief of the unhappy stranger. He bore him to his house, laid him in his own bea, revived, cherished, comforted, and, for forty days, supplied nim freely with all the necessaries and conveniences which his languishing condition could require. The soldier, thus happily rescued from death, was incessant in the warmest expressions of gratitude to his benefactor, assured him of his interest with the king, and of his power and resolution of ob- taining for him from the royal bounty, the noble returns which such extraordinary benevolence had merited. He was now completely recovered, and his kind host supplied him with money, to pursue his journey. Some time afterwards, he presented himself before the king: he recounted his misfortunes; magnified his services; and this inhuman wretch, who had looked with an eye of envy on the possessions of the man who had preserved his life, was now so abandoned to all sense of gratitude, as to request the king would bestow upon him the house and lands, where he had been so tenderly and kindly entertained. Unhappily, Philip, without examination, inconsiderately and precipitately granted his infamous request; and this soldier, now returned to his preserver, repaid his goodness, by driving him from his settlement, and taking immediate possession of all the fruits of his honest industry. The poor man, stung with this instance of unparalleled ingratitude and insensibility, boldly determined, instead of submitting to his wrongs, to seek relief, and, in a letter ad- dressed to Philip, represented his own, and the soldier's con- duct, in a lively and affecting manner. The king was fired with indignation : he ordered that justice should be done, wiihout delay ; that the possessions should be immediately restored to the man whose charitable offices had been thus horribly repaid; and, having seized this soldier, caused these words to be branded on his forehead — The Ungrateful Guest ; a character, infamous in every age, and among all nations, but (>articularly among the Greeks ; who, from the earliest times were most scrupulously observant of the laws of hospitality. Having strengthened himself, in these parts, he went, the next year, into Thrace ; where he had formed a design against the Chersonese. This peninsula had, with some little interrup- tion, been, for many years, in the hands of the Athenians ; but Cotys, as being king of the country, had lately wrested it from them, and left it in succession to his son Chersobleptes. Not '>eing able to defend himself against Philip, the latter gave it back to the Athenians, reserving to himself only Cardia, the capital city. But Philip having, soon afterwards, spoiled him of the rest of his dominions, the Cardians, for fear of falling again under the power of the Athenians, threw themselves under his protection. Diophites, the chief of the Athenian colony, lately sent t6 the Chersonese, considered this proceeding of Philip, in sup- porting the Cardians, as an act of hostility ag^i'nst Athens; whereupon, he invaded the maritime parts of Thrace, and carried away a great deal of booty. Philip, being, at this time, in the upper part of the country, was not in a condition to do himself justice; but he wrote to complain of it at Athens, as an infraction of the peace ; and his creatures there were not wanting, on their part, to aggravate the charge against Diopithes, as having acted without orders, and taking it upon himself to renew the war : they likewise accused him of committing acts of piracy, and of laying their allies under contribution. But, whatever grounds there were for this part of the accu- sation, the government t»f Athens was principally to blame. Having no proper fund for the wars, they sent out their gene- rals without money or provisions, and left, them to maintain themselves, and yet made them responsible for any miscar- riages that should happen, for want of their being better supplied. This was a great discouragement to the service, and put those who were employed in it upon pillaging and plundering, in such a manner as they would otherwise have been ashamed of. Demosthenes, in an harangue made upon the state of the Chersonese, undertook the defence of Diopithes. Philip, however, was no way intimidated at the wordy re- sistance of his eloquent antagonist : he went on, with artful industry, quelling those, by his power, who were unable to resist, and those, by his presents, whom he was unable to oppose. The divisions then subsisting in Peloponnesus, gave him a pretext for intermeddling in the affairs of the Greek confederacy. These divisions were chiefly owing to ihe Spar- tans, who, having had little share in the late foreign transac- m I 226 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. tions, were recovering their strength at home; and, according: to their usual practice, as they increased in power, made use of it to insult and oppress their neighbours. The Argives and Messenians being, at this time, persecuted by them, put themselves under the protection of Philip : and the Thebans joining with them, they altogether formed a powerful confederacy. The natural balance against it, was a union between Athens and Sparta ; which the Spartans pressed with great earnestness, as the only means for their common security ; and Philip and the Thebans did all in their power, to prevent it. But Demosthenes, exerting himself upon this occasion, roused up the Athenians, and put them so far upon tlieir guard, that, without coming to an open rupture with Philip, they obliged him to desist. Philip, however, did not, upon this disappointment, con- tinue idle. Ever restless and enterprising, he turned his views another way. He had long considered the island of Euboea as proper, from its situation, to favour his designs against Greece ; and, in the very beginning of his reign, had attempted to gain possession of it. He set every engine to work, in order to seize upon that island, which he called the shackles of Greece. But it nearly concerned the Athenians, on the other side, not to suffer it to fall into the hands of an enemy, especially, as it might be joined to the continent of Attica, by a bridge ; however, that people, according to their usual custom, re- mained indolent, whilst Philip pursi ed his conquests. The latter, who was continually attentive and vigilant, endeavoured to open a communication with the island, and, by dint of pres- ents, bribed those who had the greatest authority in it. At the request of certain of the inhabitants, he sent some troops privately thither, seized several strong places, dismantled Portmos, a very important fortress in Euboea, and established three tyrants or kings over the country. The Athenians were conjured, in this distressing juncture, by one Plutarch, who was, at that time, upon the island, to come and deliver the inhabitants from the yoke, which Philip was going to impose upon them. Upon this, they despatched a few troops thither, under the command of Phocion, a gene- ral of whom great expectations were formed, and whose conduct well deserved the favourable opinion of the public. This man would have done honour to the early and least corrupted times of the Athenian state. His manners were formed in the academy, upon the models of the most exact and rigid virtue. It was said, that no Athenian ever saw him laugh or we«p, or deviate, in any instance, from the mosf 227 rndlr A K -^ ^"'^ composure. He leamed the art of war under Chabrias, and frequently moderated the excesses, and corrected the errors, of that general ; his humanity he admired and imitated, and taught him to exert it in a mo^re exten ve and liberal manner. When he had received his directions to sail with twenty ll?"' 'u wk"''' .'^'' .contributions of the allies and dependent le^'L. ^^•' ^*^?^^«•:^?" «^iJ Phocion; "if I am t^o mee .hem as enemies, it is insufficient : if I am sent to friends and allies, a single vessel will serve." He bore the severities of a miluary ife, with so much ease, that, if he ever appeared warmly clothed, the soldiers at once pronounced itthe^si^o a remarkably bad season. His outward appearance was for- bidding, but his conversation easy and obliging; and all his words and actions expressed the utmost affection and benevo- In popular assemblies, his lively, close, and natural manner ol .speaking seemed the echo of the simplicity and integrity of his mmd, and had frequently a greater effect, than even the dignity and energy of Demosthenes ; who called him the pruner of his periods. He studied only good sense and plain reasoning, and despised every adventitious ornament. In an assenibly, when he was to address the people, he was sur- prised by a friend wrapped up in thought : " I am consider- mg, said he, whether I cannot retrench some part of my intended address." ^ He was sensible of the ill conduct of his countrymen, and ever treated them with the greatest severity. He desired their censures; and, so far did he affect to despise their applause, that, av a time when his sentiments exto/ted their approbation, he turned about in surprise, and asked a friend, " If any thine weak or impertinent had escaped him?" His sense of the degeneracy of Athens, made him fond of pacific measures. He saw the designs of Philip, but imagined that the state was too corrupted, to give him any effectual op- position ; so that he was of the number of those men, who, accordmg to Demosthenes, in his third Philippic oration abandoned the interests of the state, not corruptly or ignorant- ly, but from a desperate purpose of yielding to the fate of a consutution, thought to be irrecoverably lost. He was, consequently, always of the party opposite to De- mosthenes ; and, having been taught, by experience, to sus- , pcct the popular leaders, considered his earnestness to rouse the Athenians to arms, as an artiEce to embroil the state, and, by th^t means to gain an influence in the assembly. " Pho- cion," said Demosthenes, " the people, in some mad fit, will ! «2S THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 22B certainly sacrifice thee to their fury." « Yes," replied he, " and you will be their victim, if ever they have an interval of reason." . , . . , Yet they often prevailed on him to act against his judy;ment, though never to speak against his conscience. He never re- fused or declined the command, whatever might be his opin- ion of the expedition. Forty-five times, was he chosen to lead their armies; generally in his absence, and always with- out the least application. They knew his merit, and, in the hour of danger, forgot that severity with which he usually treated their inclinations and opinions. It was to him, the Athenians gave the command of the for-es sent to the aid of Plutarch of Eretria. But this traitor repaid his benefactors with ingratitude : he set up the stand- ard against them, and endeavoured openly to repulse the very army which he had requested. However, Phocion was not at a loss how to act, upon this unforeseen perfidy : he pursued his enterprise, won a battle, and drove Plutarch from Eretria. These disappointments, however, no way intimidated Philip, or rendered him the least remiss in prosecuting his original design. He changed the method ot his attack, and sought an opportunity of distressing Athens another way. He knew, that this city, from the barrenness of Attica, stood in great- er want of foreign corn, than any other. To dispose at dis- cretion, of their transports, and, by that means, starve the Athenians, he marched towards Thrace, from whence that city imported the greater part of its provisions, with an in- tention to besiege Perinthus and Byzantium. To keep his kingdom in obedience, during his absence, he left his son Alexander behind, wivh sovereign authority, though ^e was only fifteen years old. This young prince gave, even at that time, some proofs of his courage ; having defeated certain neighbouring states, sub- ject to Macedonia, who had considered the king's absence as a proper time for executing the design they had formed of revolting. This happy success of Alexander's first expedi- tions, was highly agreeable to his father, and, at the same time, an earnest of what mig«ht be expected from him. But, fearing, lest, allured by this dangerous bait, he should aban- don himself inconsiderately to his vivacity and fire, he^ sent for him, in order to become his master, and form him, in person, for the trade of war. ' In the mean time, Philip opened the campaign with the siege f)f Perinthus, a considerable city of Thrace, and firmly attached to the Athenians. It was assisted from Byzantium; a neighbouring city, which threw in succours, as occasion re- quired. Philip, therefore, resolved to besiege both, at the same time. Still, however, he was desirous to appear cau- tious and tender of displeasing the Athenians ; whom he en deavoured to amuse with the most profound respect, mixed with well-timed abuses, and the most flattering submission. Upon this occasion, he wrote them a letter, reproaching them, in the strongest terms, for their infraction of treaties, and his own religious observance of them. " In the times ol great enmity," says he, " the most you did was to fit out ships of war against me, and to seize and sell the merchants that came to trade in my dominions ; but now, you carry your hatred and injustice to such prodigious lengths, as even to send ambassadors to the king of Persia, to make him declare against me." This letter gave the orators, who undertook Philip's de- fence, a fine opportunity of justifying him to the people. De- mosthenes alone stood firm ; and still continued to expose his artful designs, and to break down all those laboured schemes, which were undertaken to deceive the people. Sensible, on this occasion, how necessary it was to remove the first im- pressions which the perusal of this letter might make, he im- mediately ascended the tribune, and harangued the people, with all the thunder of his eloquence. He told them, that the letter was written in a style no: suitable to the people of Athens; that it was a plain decla ration of war ; that Philip had long since made the same de claration, by his actions ; and, that, by the peace he had con eluded with them, he meant nothing further than a bare ces- sation of arms, in order to gain time, and to take them more unprepared. He then proceeded to his usual topic of re- proving them for their sloth, for suffering themselves to be deluded by their orators who were in Philip's pay. " Convinced by these truths," continued he, " O Athenians ! and strongly persuaded that we ran no longer be allowed to affirm that we enjoy peace, (for Philip has now declared war against us, by his letter, and has done the same by his con- duct) you ought not to spare either the public treasure, or the possessions of private persons ; but, when occasion shall require, haste to your respective standards, and set abler gen- erals at your head, than those you have hitherto employed ; for no one among you ought to imagine that the same men who have ruined your affairs, will have abilities to restore ^hem to their former happy situation. "Think how infamous it is, that a man from Maccdon should contemn dangt^ rs, to such a degree, that, merely to ag^ grandise his empire, he should rush into the midst of com- $30 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 231 bats, and return from battle covered with wounds ; and that the Athenians, whose hereditary right is to obey no man, but to impose law on others, sword in hand ; that Athenians, I say, merely through dejection of spirit and indolence, should degenerate from the glory of their ancestors, and abandon the interest of their country !" To this expostulation, Phocion readily offered his voice and opinion. He urged the incapacity of the generals al- ready chosen ; and, in consequence of his advice, he himself was appointed general of the army that was to be sent against Philip, who was still besieging Byzantium. Phocion having led his troops to the succour of the Byzan- tians, the inhabitants, on his arrival, opened their gates to him v/ith joy, and lodged his soldiers in their houses, as their own brothers and children. The Athenian officers and sol- diers, struck with the confidence reposed in them, behaved with the utmos: prudence and modesty, and were entirely ir- reproachable in their conduct : nor were they less admired for their courage ; and, in all the attacks they sustained, dis- covered the utmost intrepidity, which danger seemed only to increase. Phocion's j)rudence, seconded by the bravery of his troops, soon forced Philip to abandon his design upon Byzantium and Perinthus. He was beaten out of the Hellespont, which very much diminished his fame and glory ; for hitherto he had been ^bought invincible, and nothing had been able to oppose him. Phocion took some of his ships ; recovered many fortresses which l.e had garrisoned ; and, having made seve- ral descents upon different parts of his territories, he plun- dered all the open country, till a body of forces assembling to check his progress, he was obliged to retire. Philip, after having been forced to raise the siege of By- zantium, marched against Atheas, king of Scythia, from whom he had received some personal cause of discontent, and took his son with him in this expedition. Though the Scythians had a very numerous army, he defeated them, with- out any difficulty; he got a very great booty, which consist- ed, not in gold and silver, the use and value of which the Sc7thians were not as yet so unhappy as to know, but in cat- tlei horses, and a great number of women and children. /.this return from Scythia, the Triballi, a people of Moesia, disputed the pass with him, laying claim to pait of the plun- der which he was carrying off. Philip was forced to come to a battle ; and a very bloody one was fought, in which great numbers, on each side, were killed : the king himself was wounded in the thigh, and with the same thrust had his hori^e killed under him. Alexander flew to his father's aid, and, covering him with his shield, killed or put to flight all who attacked him. The Athenians had considered the siege of Byzantium as an absolute rupture, and an open declaration of war. The king of Macedon, who was apprehensive of the consequen- ces of it, and dreaded very much the power of the Athenians, whose hatred he had brought upon himself, made overtures of peace, in order to soften their resentment. Phocion, lit- tle suspicious, and apprehensive of the uncertainty of milita- ry wants, was of opinion that the Athenians should accept his offers : but Demosthenes, who had studied, more than Phocion, the genius and character of Philip, being persuaded, that, according to his usual custom, his only view was to im- pose upon the Athenians, prevented their listening to his pa- cific proposals. When Philip found the Athenians would not treat with him, and that they were acting offensively agamst him, espe- cially at sea, where they blocked up his ports, and put an en- tire stop to his commerce, he began to form new alliances against them, particularly with the Thebans and Thessalians; without whom, he knew he could not keep open the passage into Greece. At the same time, he was sensible, that his engaging these powers to act directly against Athens, and in his own personal quarrel, would have so bad an aspect, that they would not easily accede to it. For which reason, he endeavoured, secretly, to create new disturbances in Greece, that he might take such a part in them a'fe would best answer his views ; and when the flame was kindled, his point was to appear rather to be called in as an assistant, than to act as a principal. By the result of his machinations, he soon found an op- portunity of raising divisions between the Locrians of Am- phissa, and their capital city. They were accused of having profaned a spot of sacred ground (which lay very near the temple of Delphos) by ploughing it, as the Phocianshad done, upon a former occasion. In order to produce and widen this breach, Philip employed ^Eschines, the orator, who, by bribes, was entirely devoted to him, to harangue, at the assembly of the Amphictyons, against this outrage upon the religion of their country. -lEschines was a man of great abilities, and second in elo- quence only to Demosthenes. He had now a fair opportuni- ty of raising commotions, by appearing interested only for his country, and zealous for the glory and defence of Athens. With a passionate warmth, which is frequently the effect of U2 '' 932 THE HISTORY artifice, as well as of real patriotism, and which is most like- ly to deceive, and more particularly in popular assemblies, by being considered as the indication of sincerity, and the overflowing of a heart honestly affected, he boldly delivered his opinions. , , « .v. Plis sentiments were echoed through the assembly, l)y the friends of Philip; the tumult was kept up, to destroy all remonstrances of caution and policy, and a resolution was passed, that a deputation should be sent to Philip, king of Macedon, inviting him to assist Apollo and the Amphictyons, and to repel the outrages of the impious Amphissceans ; and "i.r»hpr to dpxlare. that he was constituted, by all the Greeks, A mcmoer oi vac couiicn ot Amphictyons, and general ?nd commander of their forces, with full and unlimited powers. This welcome invitation and commission, the fruit of all his secret practices, Philip received in Thrace, while he was yet on his return to Macedon. He bowed, with an affectionate reverence, to the venerable council, and declared his readiness to execute their orders. The inferior states of Greece, and all those whose simplicity and weakness rendered them in- sensible to the designs now forming by Philip, entirely ap-' proved of the act of the Amphictyons ; and of the nomination of a orince to the command of their forces, so eminent and illustrious for his piety, and so capable of executing the ven- geance of Heaven. At Sparta, and at Athens, this event was considered m a different manner. Sparta, though possessed only of a small part of her ancient greatness, yet still retained her pride, and seemed to have looked with a sullen indignation at the honours paid to Macedon : Athens had been long taught to dread the policy of Philip ; and now, her great popular leader repeatedly urged the necessity of suspicion ; and represented all the late transactions in the Amphictyonic council, as the effects of Philip's intrigues, and a design against Greece in general, but more particularly against the welfare and liberty of Athens. To counteract the zeal of Demosthenes, and to prevent the effects of his incessant remonstrances, the minds of the people >vere alarmed with oracles and predictions, uttered with all solemnity, from the sacred tripod, and reported to the Athe- nians with all the veneration due to the dictates of Apollo. Vengeance was pronounced against all those who should pre- sume to oppose the king of Macedon, the destined instrument of divine justice; and the people were exhorted not to suffer artful and designing orators, and popular leaders, to seduce them to their ruin. In the mean time, Philip immediately got his troops lo- OF GREECE. 233 gethnr ; and, with all the show of religious veneration, began to march, in order to chastise the irreverent Locrians. But he had far different aims : and, instead of proceeding upon so ridiculous a commission, made a sudden turn, and seized upon Elatea, a capital city of Phocis, which was very well situated for awing the Thebans, of whom he began to grow jealous, and for preparing his way to Athens. But, by so ex- traordinary a step as this, he fairly threw off the-mask, and bade defiance to the whole body of Grecians. Thus, was this enterprising prince, suddenly master of a port of the utmost consequence ; at the head of an army, ca- pable of striking terror into his opposers ; at the distance of but two days march from Attica ; absolute commander, as it were, of the citadel and fortress, both of Thebes and Athens; conveniently situated for receiving succours from Thessaly md Macedon ; and entirely at liberty, either to give battle to ihosc who might presume to appear in arms against him, or to protract the war, to any length that might be found con- irenient. The news of Philip's recent transaction, was quickly spread through the adjacent countries; and received with all the stupid and helpless astonishment of men roused from a long lethargy, and awakened to a dreadful sense of their danger, and of the real designs of their enemy. It was late in the even- ing, when a courier, arriving at Athens, appeared before the Prytanes, and pronounced the dreadful tidings, that the king of Macedon had taken possession of Elatea. These magistrates, and all the other citizens, were now at supper, indulging themselves in the pleasures and gayeties of the table, when the news, which in an instant rung through all the city, roused them from their state of ease, and put an end to all their festivity. The streets and public places were instantly filled with a distracted concourse ; every man, with terror and confusion in his countenance ; and every man so- licitous for an intermediate consultation, on an emergency so important and alarming. At the dawn of the succeeding day, the assembly met, im- pressed with that consternation, which urgent danger natu- rally inspires. The whole body of the people flocked to the sen ate- house, seized their places, and waited, with the utmost anxiety, for so important a deliberation. The herald, as was the custom at Athens, arose, and cried out, with a loud voice, ** Wno, among you, will ascend the tribunal ?" All however was silence, terror, and dismay: he again repeated the invita- tion; but still no one rose up, though all the generals and orators were present. At length Demosthenes, animated with •<234 THE HISTORlt Si J the greatness of the approaching danger, arose, undaunted and unmoved in this scene of horror. With a countenance of serenity, the firm composure of a patriot, and the sage discernment of a complete statesman, he addressed himself to the assembly, in the following man- ner: "Athenians! permit me to explain the circumstances of that state, which Philip has now seized. That portion of its citizens, whom his gold could corrupt, or his artifice deceive, arc all at his devotion. What, then, is his design ? By draw- Nng up his forces, and displaying his powers on the borders of Thebes, he hopes to inspire his adherents with confidence and elevation, and to terrify and control his adversaries, that fear or force may drive them into those measures, which we have hitherto opposed. " If, then, we are resolved in this conjuncture, to cherish the remembrance of every act of unkindness, which the The- bans have done to Athens ; if we regard them with suspicion, as men who have ranged themselves on the side of our enemy ; in the first place, we shall act agreeably to Philip's warmest wishes ; and then I am apprehensive, that the party who now oppose him, may be brought over to his interest; the whole city submit unanimously to his direction; and Thebes and Macedon, fall, with their united force, on Attica. "Grant due attention to what I shall now propose; let it be calmly weighed, without dispute or cavil, and I doubt not that my counsels may direct you to the best and most salutary measures, and dispel the dangers now impending over the state. What, then, do I recommend ? First, shake off that terror which has possessed your minds; and, instead of fear- ing for yourselves, let the Thebans be tne objects of your ap-. prehensions ; they are more immediately affected ; they are the first to feel the dangers. " In the next place, all those of the age for military ser- vice, both infantry and cavalry, should march instantly to Eleusis, that Greece may see that you are also assembled in arms; and your friends in Thebes be emboldened to assert their rights, when they are assured, that, as those who have sold their country to the Macedonians, have a force at Elatea to support them, so you are ready to assist' the men who bravely contend for liberty. " In the first place, I recommend to you to nominate ten ambassadors ; who, with the generals, may have full authority to determine the time, and all other circumstances, of theii march. When these ambassadors arrive at Thebes, how are they to conduct this great affair ? This is a point worthy of vour most serious attention. Make no demands of the The OF GREECE. 235 bans : at this conjuncture, it would be dishonourable : assure them that your assistance is ready for their acceptance, as you are justly affected by their danger, and have been so happy as to foresee and to guard against it. "If they approve of your sentiments, and embrace your overtures, we shall effect our great purpose, and act with a dignity worthy of our state. But, should it happen that we are not so successful, whatever misfortunes they may suffer, to themselves shall they be imputed ; while your conduct shall appear, in no one instance, inconsistent with the honour and renown of Athens." • This oration, delivered with ease and resolution, did not want its due effect ; it was received with universal applause, and Demosthenes himself was instantly chosen to head the embassy, which he had now proposed. A decree, in pursuance of his advice, was drawn up, in form ; with an additional clause, that a fleet of two hundred sail should be fitted out, to cruise near Thermopylae. In consequence of this, Demosthenes set out for Thebes, making the more haste, as he was sensible that Philip might overrun Attica in two days. Philip, on the other hand, in order to oppose the eloquence of Demosthenes, sent ambassadors to Thebes; among whom, was Python, who particularly distin- guished himself, by the liveliness of his orations. But his per- suasive powers were far inferior to those of Demosthenes, who overcame all opposition. The masculine eloquence of Demosthenes, was irresistible ; and kindled in the souls of the Thebans, so warm a zeal for their country, and so 'strong a passion for freedom, that they were no longer masters of them- selves ; laying aside all fear and gratitude, and all prudential considerations. ^ That which animated Demosthenes, next to his public safety, was his having to do with a man of Python's abilities; and he some time afterwards took occasion to value himself upon the victory he had obtained over him. " I did not give way," said he, " to the boasting Python, when he would have borne me down with a torrent of words." — He gloried more in the success of this negociation, than of any other in which he had been employed, and spoke of it as his masterpiece in politics. Philip, quite disconcerted by the union of these two na- tions, sent ambassadors to the Athenians, to request them not to levy an armed force, but to live in harmony with him. However, they were too justly alarmed and exasperated, to listen to any accommodation; and would no longer depend on the word of a prince, whose whole aim was to deceive. t 236 THE HISTORY P; M ( ! In consequence, preparations for war M-ere made, with the utmost diligence, and the soldiery discovered incredible ardour. However, many evil disposed persons endeavoureJ to ex- tinguish or damp it, by relating fatal omens, and terrible pre- dictions, which the priestess of Delphos was said to have uttered. But Demosthenes, confiding firmly in the arms of Greece, and encouraged wonderfully by the number and bravery of the troops, who desired only to march against the enemy, would not suffer them to be amused with these ora- cles and frivolous*predictions. It was on this occasion, he said, the priestess Philippised , meaning that it was Philip's money that inspired the priestess, opened her mouth, and made the god speak whatever she thought proper. He bade the Thebans remember their Epaminondas, and the Athenians their Pericles ; who consid- ered these oracles and predictions as idle scarecrows, and consulted only their reason. The Athenian army set out im- mediately, and marched to Eleusis ; and the Thebans, sur prised at the diligence of their confederates, joined them, and waited the approach of the enemy. Philip, on his part, well knowing that the bravery and spirit of his enemies wanted that direction which might enable them to improve their advantages, and conscious also of his own abilities, and the weakness of those generals who commanded the Greeks, determined to bring on a general engagement, where his superior skill must appear of the greatest moment. For this purpose, he took a favourable opportunity of decamp- ing, and led his army to the plain of Chaeronea ; a name ren- dered famous by the event of this important contest. Here, he chose his station, in view of a temple dedicated to Hercules, the author of his race; as if resolved to fight in his presence ; to make him witness of the actions of hi« descendants, and to commit his forces and his cause to the immediate protection of this hero. Some ancient oracles were preserved, which seemed to point out the spot on which he now encamped, as the scene of some dreadful calamity to Greece. His army was formed of thirty-two thousand men, warlike, disciplined, and long inured to the toils and dangers of the field ; but this body was composed of different nations and countries, who had each their distinct and separate views ana interests. The army of the confederates did not amount to thirty thousand ; of which, the greater part was furnished by the Athenians and Thebans ; the rest by the Corinthians and PelopoDnesians. They were influenced and animated b) vW OF GREECE. 237 same motives, and the same zeal. All were equally affected oy the event ; and all equally resolved to conquer or die in defence of liberty. On the eve of the decisive day, Diogenes, the famous cynic, who had long looked with equal contempt on both parties, was led, by curiosity, to visit the camps, as an unconcerned spectator. In the Macedonian camp, where his character and person were not known, he was stopped by the guards, and conducted to Philip's tent. The king expressed surprise at a stranger's presuming to approach his camp; and asked, with severity, whether he came as a spy ? " Yes," said Dio- genes, " I am come as a spy upon your vanity and ambition, who thus wantonly set your life and kingdom to the hazard of an hour." And now, the fatal morning appeared, which was for ever to decide the cause of liberty, and the empire of Greece. Be- fore the rising of the sun, both armies were ranged in order of battle. The Thebans, commanded by Theogenes, a man of but moderate abiliues in war, and suspected of corruption, obtained the post of honour on the right wing of the confede- rated Greeks, with that famous body in the front, called the Sacred Band, formed of generous and warlike youths, con- nected and endeared to each other by all the noble enthusnasm of love and friendship. The centre was formed of the Co- rinthians and Peloponnesians ; and the Athenians composed the left wing, led by their generals, Lysicles and Chares. On the left of the Macedonian army, stood Alexander, at the head of a chosen body of noble Macedonians, supported by the famous cavalry of Thessaly. As this prince was then but nineteen years old, his father was careful to curb his youthful impetuosity, and to direct his valour; and, for this ourpose, surrounded him with a number of experienced offi- cers. In the centre, were placed those Greeks who had united with Philip, and on whose courage he had the least depend- ence; while the king himself commanded on the right wing where his renowned phalanx stood, to oppose the impetuosity with which the Athenians were well known to begin theii onset. The charge began, on each side, with all the courage and violence, which ambilion, revenge, the love of glory, and the love of liberty, could excite, in the several combatants. Alex- ander, at the head of the Macedonian nobles, first fell, with all the fury oi youthful courage, on the Sacred Band of Thebes ; which sustained his attack with a bravery and vigour worthy of its former fame. The gallant youths who composed this body, not being '. 238 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 239 A ^f timely, or not duly supported, by their countrymen, bore up, for a while, against the torrent of the enemy; till at length, oppressed and overpowered by superior numbers, without yielding or turnmg their backs on their assailants, they sunk down, on that ground where they had been originally sta- tioned, each by the side of his darling friend, raising up a bulwark, by their bodies, against the progress of the army. But the young prince and his forces, in all the enthusiastic ardour of valour, animated by success, pushed on through all the carnage, and over all the heaps of slain, and fell furiously on the main body of the Thebans, where they were opposed with obstinate and deliberate courage, and the contest was for some time supported with mutual violence. The Athenians, at the same time, on the right wing, fought with a spirit and intrepidity worthy of the character by which they were animated. Many brave efforts were exerted on each side, and success was for some time doubtful ; till, at length, part of the centre, and the left wing of the Macedonians, (ex- cept the phalanx,) yielded to the impetuous attack of the Athenians, and fled, with some precipitation. Happy, had it been, on that day, for Greece, if the conduct and abilities of the Athenian generals had been equal to the valour of their soldiers I But those brave champions of liberty were led od by the despicable creatures of intrigue and cabal. Transported by the advantage now obtained, the presump- tuous Ly sides cried out, " Come on, my gallant countrymen , the victory is ours; let us pursue these cowards, and drive them to Macedon ;" and thus, instead of improving their happy opportunity, by charging the phalanx in flank, and so breaking this formidable body, the Athenians wildly and precipitately pressed forward, in pursuit of the flying enemy . themselves in all the tumult and disorder of a rout. Philip saw this fatal error, with the contempt of a skilful general, and the secret exultation arising from the assurance of ap- proaching victory. He coolly observed, to those officers that stood around him, « That the Athenians knew not how to conquer ;" and ordered his phalanx to change its position, and, by a sudden evolution, to gain possession of an adjacent eminence. From thence, they marched deliberately down, firm and collected, and fell, with their united force, on the Athenians, now confident ot success, and blind to their danger. The shock was irresistible : they were at once overwhelm- ed ; many of them lay crushed by the weight of the enemy, and expiring by their wounds; while the rest escaped from the dreadful slaughter, by a shameful and precipitate flight; bearing down, and hurrying away with them, those troops which had been stationed for their support; and here, the renowned orator and stat»^sman, whose noble sentiments and spirited harangues had raised the courage on this day so eminently exerted, betrayed that weakness, which has sullied his great character. He alone, of all his countrymen, advanced to the charge, cold and dismayed ; and, at the very first ap- pearance of a reverse of fortune, in an agony of terror, turned his back, cast away that shield which he had adorned with this inscription, in golden characters — To Good Fortune ; and appeared the foremost in the general rout. The ridicule and malice of his enemies, related, or perhaps invented another shameful circumstance; that, being impeded in his flight by some brambles, his imagination was so possessed with the presence of an enemy, that he loudly cried out for quarter. While Philip was thus triumphant on his side, Alexander continued the conflict on the other wing ; and at length broke the Thebans, in spite of all their acts of valour, who now fled from the field, and were pursued, with great carnage. The centre of the confederates, was thus totally abandoned to the fury of a victorious enemy. But, enough of slaughter had been already made; more than one thousand of the Athenians lay dead on the field of battle, two thousand were made pris- oners, and the loss of the Thebans was not inferior. Philip therefore determined to conclude his important vic-^ tory, by an act of apparent clemency, but really dictated by policy and ambition. He gave orders, that the Greeks should be spared ; conscious o( his own designs, and still expecting to appear in the field the head and leader of that body which he had now completely subdued- Philip was transported with this victory, beyond measure, and having drunk to excess, at an entertainment which he gave upon that occasion, went into the field of battle, where he offered insult to the slain, and upbraided the prisoners with their misfortunes- He leaped and danced about, in a frantic manner, and, with an air of burlesque merriment, sung the beginning of the decree, which Demosthenes had drawn up as a declaration of war against him. Demades, who was one of the prisoners, had the courage to reproach him with this ungenerous behaviour; telling him, " That fortune had given him the part of Agamemnon, but that he was acting that of Thersites." He was so struck with the justness of this reproof, that it wrought in him a thorough change ; and he was so far from being ofiended at Demades that he immediately gave him his liberty, and showed hiio afterwards great marks of honour and friendship. X «'JC iiifi iiiaiUJKi He likewise released all the Athenian captives, without ransom ; and, when they found him so generously disposed towards them, they made a demai:d of their bajjgage, with every thing else that had been taken from them ; but, to that Philip replied, " Surely, they think I have not beaten them." This discharge of the prisoners, was ascribed, in a great mea- sure, to Demades ; who is said to have new-modelled Philip, and to have softened his temper with the Attic graces, as Diodorus expresses it : indeed, Philip himself acknowledged, upon another occasion, that his frequent conversation with the Athenian orators, had been of great use to him, in cor- recting his morals. Justin represents his deportment after the battle, in a very different light ; alleging, that he took great pains to dissem- ble his joy : that he affected great modesty and compassion, and WHS not seen to laugh ; and that he would have no sacri- fice, no crowns nor perfumes; that he forbade all kinds of sports ; and did nothing that might make him appear to the conquerors to be elated, nor to the conquered to be insolent. But this account seems to have been confounded with others given of him, after his reformation by Demades. It is cer- tain, that, after his first tratisport was over, and that he began to recollect himself, he showed great humanity to the Athe- nians ; and, that, in order still to keep measures with them, he renewed the peace. But the Thebans, who had renounced their alliance with him, he treated in another manner. He, who affected to be as much master of his allies, as of his subjects, could not easily pardon those who had deserted him in so critical a conjuncture. Wherefore, he not only took ransom for their prisoners, but made them pay for leave to bury their dead. After these severities, and after having placed a strong gar- rison over them, he granted them a peace. W e are told, that Isocrates, the most celebrated rhetorician of that age, who loved his country with the utmost tender- ness, could not survive the loss and ignominy with which it was covered, by the loss of the battle of Chaeronea. The in- stani he received the news of its being uncertain what use Philip would make of his \ictory, determined to die a free man, he hastened his end, by abstaining from food ; being ninety-eight years of age. This defeat was attributed chiefly to the ill conduct of the generals Lysicles and Chares ; the former of whom the Athe- nians put to death, at the instance of Lycurgus, who bad great credit art* influence with the people, but was a severe judg«, ana a most bitter accuser. " You, Lysicles," said he, " were OF GREECE. 241 general of the army ; a thousand citizens were slain, two thousand taken prisoners ; a trophy has been erected to the dishonour of this city, and all Greece is enslaved. You had the command, when all these things happened ; and yet you dare to live, and view the light of the sun, and blush not to appear publicly in the forum ; you, Lysicles, who arc born the monument of your country's shame !" This Lycurgus was an orator of the first rank, and free from the general corruption which then reigned among thc^ii. He managed the public treasures, for twelve years, with great uprightness, and had, all his life, the reputation of a man of honour and virtue. He increased the shipping, supplied the arsenal, drove the bad men out of the city, and framed seve- ral good laws. He kept an exact register of every thing he did during his administration ; and when that was expired, he caused it to be fixed to a pillar, that every body might be at liberty to inspect it, and to censure his conduct. He car- ried this point so far, that, in his last sickness, he ordered himself to be carried to the senate-house, to give a public ac- count of all his actions; and, after he had refuted one who accused him there, he went home and died. Notwithstanding the austerity of his temper, he was a great encourager of the stage ; which, though it had been carried to an excess manifestly hurtful to the public, he still looked upon it as the best school to instruct and polish the minds of the people. To this end, he kept up a spirit of emulation among the writers of tragedy, and erected the statues of iEschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. He left three sons, who were unworthy of him, and behaved so ill, that they were all put in prison ; but Demosthenes, out of regard to the memory of their father, got them discharged. It does not appear that Chares underwent any prosecution, for his share of this action ; though, according to the general character, he deserved it as much, or more, than his colleague. He had no talent for command, and was very little diff*erent from a common soldier. Timotheus said to him, •* That, in- stead of being a general, he was fitter to carry the general's baggage." His person, indeed, was of that robust kind of make: and it was that which served, in some measure, to reconftnend him to the people. But he was more a man of. pleasure, than fatigue. In his military expeditions, he usually carried with him a band of music ; and defrayed the expense out of the soldiers' pay. Notwithstanding his want of abilities, he had a high opinion of him.self. He was vain and positive, bold and boisterous, a great undertaker, and always ready to warrant I t ■ m OF GREECE. 243 843 THE HISTORY success ; but his performances seldom answered ; and hence It was, that the promises of Chares became a proverb. Yet, as little a-s he was to be depended on, he had his partisans among the people, and among the orators ; by whose means he got himself frequently employed, and others excluded who were more capable. But it was Demosthenes who seemed to have been the prin cipal cause of the terrible shock which Athens received at this time, and which gave its power such a wound, as it never recovered. However, at the very instant the Athenians heard of this bloody overthrow, which affected so great a number of families, when it would have been no wonder, had the mul- titude, seized with terror and alarms, given way to an emo- tion of blind zeal, against the man whom they might have considered, in some measure, as the author of this dreadful calamity ; even, at this very instant, the people submitted en urely to the counsels of Demosthenes. The precautions taken to post guards, to raise the -walls ^nd to repair the ditches, were all inconsequence of his ad- vice. He himself was appointed to supply the city with pro- visiofi, and to repair the walls ; which latter commission he executed with so much generosity, that it acquired hini the greatest honour ; and for which, at the request of Ctesi- ijiion, a crown of gold was decreed him, as a reward for his having presented the commonwealth with a sum of money, out of his own estate, sufficient to supply what was wanting of the sums for repairing the walls. On the present occasion, that is, after the battle of Chaero- nea, such orators as opposed Demosthenes, having all risen up in concert against him, and having cited him to take his trial according to law, the people not only declared him in- nocent of the several accusations laid to his charge, but con- f*irred more honours upon him, than he had enjoyed before ; •so strong did their veneration for his zeal and fidelity, over- balance the efforts of calumny and malice. But the people did not stop here. The bones of such af had been killed in the battle of Chaeronea, having been brought to Athens, to be interred, they appointed Demosthenes to compose the eulogium of those brave men : a manifest proof that they did not ascribe to him the ill success of the bat- tle, but to Providence only, who disposes of human events at pleasure. It was in this year, that -£schines drew up an accusation against Ctesiphon, or rather against Demosthenes ; which was the most remarkable that ever ap»>3J*red before any tribunal , not so much for the object of ihe c^uiest, as for the g.^en*. ness and ability of the speakers. Ctesiphon, a partisan and friend of Demosthenes, brought a cause before the assembly ot the people, in which he urged that a decree should be passed, giving a gold crown to Demosthenes. This decree was strongly opposed by .Eschines, the rival of Demosthenes as well m eloquence as ambition. No cause ever excited so much curiosity, nor was pleaded with so much pomp. Peo- ple flocked to it fpom all parts ; and they had great reason for so doing. What sight could be nobler, than a conflict be- tween two orators, each excellent in his way; both formed by nature, improved by art, and animated by perpetual dis- seii^ions, and an implacable animosity against each other ? I he juncture seemed very much to favour iEschines; for the Macedonian party, whom he always befriended, was very powerful m Athens, especially after the ruin of Thebes Nevertheless, ^schines lost his cause, and was justly sen- tenced to banishment, for his rash accusation. He there- upon went and settled himself in Rhodes ; where he open- ed a school of eloquence, the fame and glory of which con- tinned tor many ages. He began his lectures with the two orations which had oc- casioned his banishment. Great encomiums were given to that of JEschmes ; but when they heard that of Demosthenes the plaudits and acclamations were redoubled. It was then' that h^ spoke these words, so greatly laudable in the mouth of an enemy and a rival .— « Alas ! what applauses would you hi'msdf " ^^^'''^''^' ^^"^ y*'"' ^'^^^^ Demosthenes speak it Demosthenes, thus become victor, made a good use of his conquest The instant iEschines left Athens, in order to em- bark for Rhodes, Demosthenes ran after him, and forced him to accept of a purse of money. On this occasion, .Eschines cried out, « How will it be possible for me not to regret a country, m which I leave an enemy, more generous, than 1 can hope to find friends, in any part of the world " In the mean time, Philip had his ambition gratified, but not satisfied by his last victory : he had only one object Ion? m view, and of that he never lost sight: the present was, to get himsell appomted in the assembly of the Greeks, their chief general, against the Persians. It h^ long been the object, not only of the confederate states, but also of the neighbouring Greek nations, to revenge, upon the kingdom ot Fersia, the injuries sustained from it ; and to work the total destruction of that empire. This was an object, which had early inflamed the mind of Philip, and, to the accom- plishment of which his late victory paved the way. He 244 THL lIlSTOKlf OF GREECE. 245 therefore got himself declared generaligsim >. .m* iLe ^'iierk forccf, and made preparations to invade that mighty empire. But, whilst Philip was thus successful in politics and war, the domestic divisions that reigned in his family, embittered his hap- piness, and at last caused his destruction. He had married Olym* pias, the daughter of the king of Epirus, and the early part of their union was crowned with happiness ; but her ill temper soon clouded that dawn, which promised so much felicity : she was naturally jealous, vindictive, and piissionate, and their dis- sensions were carried to such a degree, that Philip was ofleo heard to wish for death. But his passion for Cleopatra, niece to Attains, his general, completed their separation. As Cleopatra was no less amiable in her temper and accomplishments, than in the extraordinary graces of her person, Philip conceived that he should consult his own happiness most efTectually, by forming an inviolable and perpetual union with this lady ; and, without the least hesitation, resolved to separate himself, for ever, from the princess who had long appeared so great an enemy to his tranquillity. In vain, did Alexander, his son, remonstrate th.at, by divorcing Olympias, and engaging inii second marriage, he exposed him to the danger of contending with a number of competitors for the crown, and rendered his succession precarious. " My son," said the king, ** if 1 create you a number of competitors, you will have thetclorious opportunity of exerting yourself to surpass them in merit. Thus, shall their rivalship by no means aflcct your title." His marriage with Cleopatra was now declared in form, and celebrated with all the grandeur and solemnity which the great occasion demanded. The voung prince, however dissatisfied, was yet obliged to attend on these solemnities ; and sat, in silent indignation, at that feKst which proclaimed the disgrace of his mother. In such cir- cumstances, liis youthful and impetuous mind coold not but be susceptible of the slightest irritation. Attains, the uncle of the new queen, forgetting that just caution which should have taught him to be scrupulously observant to avoid offending the prince, intoxicated by the honours paid to his kinswoman, as well as by the present festivity, was rash enough to call publicly on the Ma cedonian nobles, to pour out their libations to the gods, that they might grant the king the happy fruits of the present nuptials, and legitimate heirs to his throne. ^V retch I cried Alexander, with his eyes sparkling with that fury and vexation which he had till now suppressed, dost thoa tlien call me bastard ? and instantly darted his goblet at Attains, who returned the outrage with double violence. Clamour and confusion arose, and the king, in a sudden fit of ra^p, snatched his sword, and flew directly towards his son His piecipitation, his lameness, and the quantity of wine in which he had, by this time, indulged, happily tlisappointed his rash purpose ; he stum- bled, and fell on the floor, while Alexander, with an unpardonable insolence, cried out, " Behold, ye Macedonians ! this is the king who is preparing to lead you into Asia : see, where, in passing from one table to another, he is fallen to the ground." Philip, however, did not lose sight of the conquest of Asia Full of the mighty project he revolved, he consulted the gods, to know what would be the event ; and the priestess replied,* The victim is already crowned, his end draws nigh, and he will soon be sacrijiced, Philip, hearing this, did not hesitate a moment, bui interpreted the oracle in his own favouf ; the ambiguity of which ought, at least, to have kept him in some suspense. In order, therefore, that he might be in a condition to apply entirely to his expedition against the Persians, and elevate himself solely to the conquest of Asia, he despatched, with all possible diligence, his domestic aff'airs. After this, he offered up a solemn sacrifice to the gods ; and prepared to celebrate, with incredible magnificence, in Egae, a city of Macedonia, the nuptials of Cleopatra, his daughter, whom he gave in marriage to Alexander, king of Epirus, and brother to Olympias, his queen. He had invited to it the most considerable persons of Greece, and heaped upon them friendship and honours of every kind, by way of gratitude for electing him generalissimo of the Greeks. The cities made their court to him, in emulation of each other by sending him gold crowns ; and Athens distinguished its zeal above all the rest. Neoptolemus, the poet, had written purposely for that festival, a tragedy, entitled Cinyras ; in which, under bor- rowed names, he represented his prince as already victor over Darius, and master of Asia. Philip listened to these happy pre- sages, with joy ; and, comparing them with the answer of the oracle, assured himself of conquest. The day after the nuptials, games and shows were solemnised. As these formed part of the religious worship, there were carried in it, with great pomp and ceremony, twelve statues of the gods, carved with inimitable art : a thirteenth, which surpassed them all in magnificence, represented Philip as a god. The hour of his leaving the palace arrived ; he went forth, in a white robe ; and advanced, with an air of majesty, in the midst of acclamations, towards the theatre, where an infinite multitude of Macedonians, as well as foreigners, waited his arrival, with impatience. But this magnificence served only to make the catastropne more remarkable, and to add splendour to ruin. Some time be • fore, Attalus, inflamed with wine at an entertainment, had insulted. 246 THE HISTORY in the most shocking manner, Pausanias, a young MacedoniaD no- bleman. The latter had long endeavoured to revenge the cruel af front, and was perpetually imploring the king^s justice. But Phil ip, unwilling to disgust Attalus, uncle to Cleopatra, whom, as was biifore observed, he had married after his divorcing Olympias, his first queen, would never listen to the complaints of Pausanias However, to console him, in some measure, and to express his high esteem for him, and the great confidence he reposed in him, he made him one of the chief officers of his life guard. But this was not what the young Macedonian required ; whose anger now swell- ing to fury against his judge, he formed the design of wiping out his shame, by imbruing his hands in the blood of his sovereign. While this unhappy youth continued brooding over those ma- lignant passions which distracted and corroded his mind, he hap- pened to go into the school of one Hermocrates, who professed to teach philosophy ; to whom, he proposed the following question • ** What shall that man do, who wishes to transmit his name with lustre to posterity ?" Hermocrates, either artfully and from de- sign, ur the natural malignity of his temper, replied, " He must kill him who has achieved the greatest actions : thus, shall the memory of the hero be joined with his who slew him, and both descend together to posterity." This was a maxim highly agreeable to Pausanias, in the present disposition of his mind ; and thus, various accidents and circum- stances concurred, to inflame those dangerous passions which now possessed him, and to prompt him to the dreadful purpose of satiating his revenge. The present solemnity was that which Pausanias chose, to put his dreadful design into execution. Philip, clothed in a white flowing robe, waving in soft and graceful folds, the habiliments in which the Grecian deities were usually repre- sented, moved forward, with a heart filled with triumph and ex- ultation, while the admiring crowds shouted forth their flattering applause. His guards had orders to keep at a considerable distance from his person, to show that the king confided in the affections of the people, and had not the least apprehensions of danger, amidst all this mixed concourse of diff*erent states and nations. Unhappily, the danger was too near him. The injured Pausanias had not yet forgot his wrongs, but still retained those terrible impressions, which the sense of the indignity he had received, and the artful and interested representations of others, fixed deeply in his mind. He chose this fatal morning for the execution of his revenge, on the prince who had denied reparation to his injured honour. His design had been, for some time, premeditated, and now waa the dreadful moment of effecting it. As Philip marched on, in all his pride und pomp, this young Macedonian slipped through the OF GREECE. 247 crowd, and with a desperate and malignant resolution, waited his approach, in a narrow passage, just at the entrance into the thea- tre. The king advanced towards him, Pausanias drew his pon- iard, plunged it into his heart, and the conqueror of Greece, and terror of Asia, fell prostrate to the ground, and instantly expired. The murderer flew towards the gates of the city, where there stood horses ready to favour his escape, which Olympias herself IS said to have prepared. The tumult and confusion was such as might be expected from so fatal an event : some of the Macedo- nians crowded round the fallen king, with ofticious and ineff*ectual care, while others pursued Pausanias. Among these, were Per- diccas, Attalus, and Leonatus. The first, who excelled in swiftness came up to the assassin, where he was just preparing to mount his horse ; but being, by his precipitation, entangled in some vines, a violent effort to extricate the foot brought him suddenly to the ground. As he prepared to rise, Perdiccas was upon him, and, with his companions, soon despatched him, by the repeated wounds which their fury inflicted. His body was immediately hung on a gibbet ; but, in the morning, it appeared crowned with a golden diadem ; the only means by which Olympias could now ex- press her implacable resentment. In a few days, indeed, she took a further occasion of publishing her triumph and exultation in her husband's fall, by paying the same funeral honours to Pausanias, which were prepared for Philip ; both bodies were burnt on the same pile, and the ashes of both deposited in the same tomb. She is even said to have prevailed on the Macedonians to pay annual honours to Pausanias ; as if she feared that the share she had taken in the death of Philip, should not be sufficiently known to the world. She consecrated to Apollo the dagger which had been the instrument of the fatal deed, inscribed with the name Myrtalis ; the name she had borne when their loves first began. Thus, died Philip, whose virtues and vices were directed and proportioned to his ambition. His most shining and exalted quali- ties, were influenced, in a great measure, by his love of power ; and even the most exceptionable parts of his conduct, were prin- cipally determined by their conveniency and expedience. If he WAS unjust, he was, like Caesar, unjust for the sake of empire. If he gloried in the success acquired by his virtues and his intel- lectual accomplishments, rather than in that gained by the force of arms, the reason which he himself assigned, points out his true principle — " In the former case," said he, ** the glory is entirely mine ; in the other, my generals and soldiers have their share." The news of Philip's death was a joyful surprise in Greece, and particularly in Athens ; where the people crowned them- selves with garlands^and decreed a crown to Pausanias. They iacrificed to the gods, for their delirerance, and sung songs of tri- 1248 THE HISTORY OF GRilECE. umph, as if Philip had been slain by them in battle. But this ex cess of joy did ill become them. It was looked upon as an ungenerous and unmanly insult upon the ashes of a niurdered prince, and of one whom they had just before revered and crouched to, in the most abject manner. These immoderate transports were raised in them by Demos- henes ; who, having the first intelligence of PhiJip*s death, went into the assembly unusually gay and cheerful, with a chaplet on his head, and in a rich habit, though it was then but the seventh day after the death of his daughter. From this circumstance, Plutarch, at the same time that he condemns the behaviour of the Athenians in general upon this occasion, takes an opportuni- ty to justify Demosthenes ; and extols him as a patriot, for not suffering his domestic aflflictions to interfere with the good for- tune of the commonwealth. But he certainly might have acted the part of a good citizen with more decency, and not have giv en up to insult, what was due to good manners. 249 CHAPTER XIV. From the Birth of Alexander y to the death of Dartui, Alexander, the son of Philip, ascended the . ^ ^« .^ throne upon the death of his father, and took ^' ^' p iL possession of a kingJom rendered flourishing *"*" * ^' ^^^ and powerful by the policy of the preceding reign. He came into the world, the very day the celebrated temple of Diana, at Ephesus, was burned ; upon which occasion, it m reported, that Hegasius, the historian, was heard to say, " That It was no wonder the temple was burnt, as Diana was that day employed facilitating the biith of Alexander." The passion which prevailed most in Alexander, even from his tender years, was ambition, and an ardent desire of glory, but not for every species of glory. Philip, like a sophist, valued himself upon his eloquence, and the beauty of his style, and had the vanity to have engraved on his coins, the several victories he had won at the Olympic games, in the chariot race. But it was not after such empty honours that his son aspired. His friends asked him one day, whether he would not be present at the games above mentioned, in order to dispute the prize be •towed on that occasion ? for he was very swift of foot. He answered, that he would contend in them, provided kings were to be his antagonists. Every time news was brought him that his father had taken Rome city, or gained some great battle, Alexander, so far from fharing in the general joy, used to say, in a plaintive tone of yoice, to the young persons that were brought up with him, « Friends my father will take possession of every thing, and leave nothiuE for me to do.'* * One day, some ambassadors from the king of Persia havmg ar- rived at court, during Philip's absence, Alexander gave them so kmd and so polite a reception, and regaled them in so noble and generous a manner, as charmed them all ; but, that which most surprised them, was, the good sense and judgment he discovered, in conversation. He did not propose to them any thing that was trifling, and like one of his age ; such, for instance, as inquiring about the so much boasted gardens suspended in the air ; thte riches and magnificence of the palace and court of the king of Persia, which excited the admiration of the whole world ; the fanious golden plaintain-tree ; and that golden vine, the grapes of which were of emeralds, carbuncles, rubies, and all sorts of precious stones, under which the Persian monarch was said fre- quently to give audience. Alexander asked them questions of a quite different nature ; inquiring which was the road to Upper * Asia ; the distance of the several places ; in which, the strength and power of the king of Persia consisted ; in what part of the battle, he fought ; how he behaved towards his enemies, and in what manner he governed his subjects. These ambassadors ad- mired him all the while ; and perceiving, even at that time, how great he might one day become, they observed, in a few words, the difference they found between Alexander and Artaxerxes, by saying, one to another, « This young prince is great, and ours is rich :" that man must be vastly insignificant, who has no othei merit than his riches. So ripe a judgment in this young prince, was owing entirely to his good education. Several preceptors had been appointed, to teach him all such arts and sciences as are generally bestowed on the heir to a great kingdom; and the chief of these was Leonidas, a person of the most severe morals, and a relation of the queen. This Leonidas, in their joumies together, used fre- quently to look into the trunks where his bed and clothes were laid, m order to see if Olympias, his mother, had not put some- thing superfluous into them, which might administer to delicacy and luxury. But the greatest service Philip did his son, was appointing Aristotle his preceptor, the most famous and the most learned philosopher of his age, whom he entrusted with the whole care of his education. One of the reasons which prompted Philip to choose him a master of so conspicuous reputation and merit, was, as he himself tells us, that his son might avoid committin