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A U T H O R • 
 
 TITLE: 
 
 LETTER TO THE LORD 
 JOHN RUSSELL... 
 
 PLA CE : 
 
 LONDON 
 
 DA TE : 
 
 1820 
 
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 24 
 
 Letter to Lord John Russell on French affairs. 
 London 1820. 0. 54p* 
 
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 LORD JOHN RUSSELL, 
 
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 FRENCH AFFAIRS. 
 
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 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 
 
 1820. 
 
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 IN the Letter your Lordship published last spring, 
 you truly stated, '' That after having been, for 
 twenty-five years, occupied with foreign politics, we 
 have entirely lost sight of the subject. The extra- 
 ordinary situation in which the government of France 
 is placed, and the violence of the conflicting parties, 
 have at length aroused the most apathetic, and the 
 people of this country begin to be aware that the 
 repose and security of Europe depend in no small 
 degree on the issue of the present contest. Much 
 credit is due to you for having turned the public 
 attention to the subject, and it is because our eyes ar^ 
 at length opening, that I take the liberty of address- 
 ing you this letter. I am also anxious to make 
 some observations upon your own pamphlet, as your 
 opinion, always respectable from your rank, charac- 
 
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 ter, and talents, derives in this instance additional 
 weight, from being (as it is believed), those of that 
 party to which, without a compliment, your Lord- 
 ship has added so much lustre. 
 
 Although much difference of opinion exists as to 
 the cause, none remains in the mind of any one, of 
 the extremely critical situation in which the Bour- 
 bons are placed. In acknowledging last year, that 
 " there was no aristocracy in France, or means of 
 forming one ;" in stating that " the love of equality 
 was the distinguishing political passion of a French- 
 man;" " that title and birth were actually nothiiig 
 in the eyes of the people ;" you seemed not to be 
 wholly blind to those dangers which have increased 
 with fearful rapidity ; for it would ill become me to 
 imagine that one of the House of Russell could con- 
 sider these points as favourable *' to the progress of 
 liberty." Still it was impossible to believe, that you 
 really felt much apprehension when you risked the 
 
 following prophecy. 
 
 " In the mean time it is very gratifying to observe 
 
 ** the progress which the cause of real liberty is 
 
 ** making in that kingdom. Under the present 
 
 " ministry we may expect that the laws still wanting 
 
 * " to form a free constitution will be passed. That 
 
 3 
 
 '* some metliod will be found of preventing the inde- 
 " finite and vexatious imprisonment which now takes 
 ** place before a prisoner is brought to trial. That a 
 '' man falsely imprisoned will be allowed an easy 
 " way of obtaining redress. That persons in autho- 
 " rity may be henceforward accused, without the 
 " permission of the council of state. That the 
 " freedom of the press will be granted to the daily 
 " papers, and trial by jury allowed in cases of libel. 
 " That juries themselves will be no longer chosen by 
 " the prefects. 
 
 These and other regulations are required to 
 ** complete a system of personal and political liberty. 
 ** But there is no reason to fear that they will be long 
 " delayed." 
 
 It is curious that the minister of which this was 
 foretold, should have left, as the last record of his 
 administration, the proposal of an establishment of 
 a censorship for five years, and what is equivalent 
 to the suspension of our Habeas Corpus act. I do 
 not deny these measures may be necessary ; I only 
 remark the circumstance, as a proof that the habit 
 acquired by your party of false prophecy has not been 
 confined to this country alone. 
 
 The career of that minister has been a singular 
 
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 one. He came into power by being the avowed sup- 
 porter of the law of elections, which his last act was 
 an attempt to change; his first charge against the 
 royalist government was that they had increased the 
 number of the deputies of that chamber, which his 
 last act was an attempt also to increase. He was 
 the child and the champion of that law which, to 
 use your Lordship's expression, " seemed framed 
 ** expressly to put power in the hands of those who 
 '* took part in the Revolution." His subsequent 
 actions were in unison; for, with equal zeal and 
 activity, he persevered in effecting, it is to be feared, 
 nearly a total change in all civil and military offices ; 
 in replacing those who were least favourable to the 
 Bourbons ; and in recalling, if not restoring to rank 
 and honours, all their most tried and inveterate ene- 
 mies*. 
 
 ,1' 
 
 ♦ If the late minister had wished that the just punishment of 
 Ney's treachery should deserve the name of judicial murder, 
 which the jacobinb all over Europe have chosen to atlix to it, 
 he could not have taken a belter mode than by advising his mis- 
 guided sovereign to recall and restore to favour those men who 
 had, in proportion to their means, shewed the same hostility to 
 him, and who emulated, if they could not rival, that illustrious 
 victim. Will any one be bold enough to assert that the Prince of 
 Moscow a, if alive, would not now be standing as a marshal ot 
 France in the presence of his sovereign ? 
 
 Alarmed at length at the formidable power and 
 menacing appearance of the machine he had put in 
 motion, and at the gigantic strides with which the 
 revolutionary spirit was spreading over France ; aware, 
 but too late, that the maintenance of that law of 
 elections, to which he owed his power, was wholly 
 incompatible with the existence of that monarchy, 
 of which, by his office, he was the supporter, and 
 that they were just verging to an uncontrolled de- 
 mocracy, he determined on making an effort to 
 remedy the evil of which he had been the artificer. 
 As his law was not carried into execution, it is not 
 necessary to enter into the details of his project, but 
 the most important part was, the preservation of 
 the chamber, without any partial dissolution, for five 
 years ; an increase of the number of deputies, and 
 some salutary alterations as to the patentes^ 
 
 It would be now equally superfluous to examine 
 whether the royalists * have acted wisely at such a cri- 
 tical momentji n refusing to support measures because 
 they could not place confidence in the man — but it may 
 
 * The more moderate royalists, under Villcte and Laine, 
 seemed willing to support him; but the violent ultras seemed to 
 forget their country in their hatred of the minister. 
 
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 be feared that the fury of parly hatred which now 
 guides the poUtics of France, will more than any 
 thing conduce to the overthrow of that government. 
 The minister felt that the fate was approaching 
 him, ofall those who, vacillating between conflicting 
 parties, partake of the violence and incur the hatred 
 of both, without gaining the confidence of either ; and 
 there is every reason to believe that nearly two months 
 ago he guarded against the disgrace attending the fall 
 of a favourite, by being privately made a duke, and by 
 being proposed as embassador to this country. He, 
 however, appears to have determined on bringing 
 forward the alteration of the law of election, which he 
 had at length discovered to be indispensable. In this 
 interval an atrocious murder is committed on the per- 
 son of that prince, whom (exclusive of some personal 
 failings) he and his party had contributed to render as 
 unpopular, as he had unfortunatly become. A public 
 and formal accusation of the most extraordinary nature 
 is brought forward against him. What is the con- 
 duct of this '* liberal" minister your Lordship eulogizes? 
 Did he adopt the measure which the ** anti-liberal" 
 government of this country has recourse to, of ex- 
 amining into the causes of that foul crime which had 
 plunged the Royal Family in mourning, and its friends 
 
 in consternation and in grief? Did he wait till he 
 could deliberately trace the extent of its connexion 
 with the revolutionary spirit, which he found at length 
 used daggers as well as spoke them ? Did he remain 
 even long enough to vindicate himself from public ac- 
 cusation, and to fall at least with dignity and honour? 
 convinced as he had become of the necessity of altering 
 the election law, did he seek out any conciliating 
 means to render it more palatable ? None of all 
 this ; pour dorer la inlule, he brought forward with 
 all the rash precipitation of fear, two measures, which 
 however necessary they may be, should never have 
 been proposed in such a hasty, imprudent, and un- 
 statesmanlike manner ; and then, leaving his sovereign 
 in a situation not to be viewed without equal pity and 
 alarm, he resigned the situation of a minister; but 
 not the power with which he had received it, for, by 
 the effect of his own acts it had passed away. 
 
 Happy would it be for Europe, if he could have re- 
 stored it with the civil and military organization in the 
 same state in which he had found it. It is difficult 
 to speculate on the future, or to say how far the Due 
 de Richelfeu possesses the nerve and decision neces- 
 sary to meet so critical a position of affairs, entangled 
 as he is by the toils which two years of unremitting 
 
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 activity has spread over every department ; vvitli those 
 whom he had banished standing, beside him in the 
 council-chamber of his sovereign ; * with an army and a 
 civil administration re- organized, and filled not with his 
 friends or the real supporters of the monarchy ; with a 
 chamber of peers the source of which has been polluted, 
 the power of which has been annihilated ; and with a le- 
 gislative body which by the influence of his predecessor 
 at first, and by the spirit of the times at last, is fast 
 approaching to a state which, to use the mildest com- 
 parison, would be more suited to thirty years ago, than 
 to be wished for at the present moment. 
 
 With respect to the death of that Prince which 
 has spread consternation through every loyal part of 
 France, it may, in one point of view, strengthen the 
 Bourbon cause, if it should serve to unite, which 
 earnestly is to be hoped, its different branches into 
 an active and cordial co-operation, for the support of 
 that ancient and illustrious throne, of which one is 
 the possessor and to which the other is the heir. I 
 wish to look a little more in detail into the internal 
 policy of the late government. 
 
 * Much may, however, be hoped from ihe character and 
 exertions of the present minister at war, the late ambassador here ; 
 but it is an Augean stable — wc heartily wish him success. 
 
 9 
 
 I am aware that this subject is equally difficult and 
 delicate, and I should not have ventured to submit 
 these hasty observations to the public, if I did not 
 feel it to be the imperative duty of every one, how- 
 ever humble his abilil:ies, to assist in the diffusion of 
 truth, on a subject which, from the undue influence 
 excited by the late French minister over the daily 
 press, has been so much misrepresented, — and in 
 which Europe, as well as this country, is vitally con- 
 cerned. 
 
 Let us then examine shortly what has been the 
 conduct of her Government, and let us see, whether the* 
 system pursued for two years, has been such as to justify 
 the encomiums which are lavished on it by your Lord- 
 ship, — and under which party the rational liberty of 
 France, and the repose of Europe are most likely to be 
 preserved. 
 
 There may exist a difference of opinion, whether the 
 French people are at this moment qualified to possess 
 a representative government; whether there exists 
 among them that knowledge of the principles on 
 which real liberty is founded, or that character of 
 moderation; judgment, and steady perseverance 
 which are necessary to the attainment of that great 
 work, a finished constitution. There are many who 
 
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10 
 
 know that couhtry well who are disposed to doubt it ; 
 and from the political character which is given them 
 by Madame de Stael, none more than that cele- 
 brated writer; There are many who have remarked, 
 in the whole course of their judicial proceedings, in 
 their debates, and their political writings, — the most 
 extraordinary ignorance of the most simple principles 
 of justice, of the most common rules of evidence, of 
 the most ordinary and acknowledged maxims of law : 
 w^ho have observed that the party in power only views 
 the representative system as the temporary means of 
 carrying through their own objects, and as the con- 
 venient instrument of their own power, instead of a 
 check upon the executive authority, or as a tribunal 
 to which they were responsible ; they have seen, in 
 numerous cases, whenever a point is to be carried, 
 the ministry never stop to inquire whether it may not 
 be in violation of their charter ; and the opposition 
 content themselves with complaining of the measure 
 as a grievance which affects themselves, but never op- 
 pose it on constitutional grounds or as an infraction of 
 great fundamental principles. Your Lordship, how- 
 ever, considers tliem in a more favourable point of 
 view. You represent them to be as '^ eager to possess a 
 free constitution as they were lately enthusiastic for 
 
 11 
 
 military glory and foreign dominion." You express 
 your gratification at the " progress that the cause of 
 real liberty is making through the kingdom ; and 
 confidently expect that, under the present ministers, 
 the laws still wanting to form a free constitution will 
 not long be delayed." You do not leave us in doubt 
 as to what sort of government you conceive is best 
 suited to France, and to which they are now ap- 
 proaching, for the amendments you anticipate are 
 among the most important safeguards of our own 
 liberties. As your views then for the future are for 
 a still nearer approximation to the English constitu- 
 tion, it is but fair to infer that '' the progress of real 
 liberty,'^ which you describe, has been founded on the 
 sound principles which guided the illustrious band of 
 old Whigs, and which, as it is asserted by them, con- 
 stitute the creed of the modern ones. 
 
 Your Lordship has divided France into two 
 parties, " those who love the Revolution, and those 
 " who hate it ; those who wish to improve the 
 " charter^ and those who wish it never had been 
 " granted." I am willing to adopt the first part of 
 this classification, and I wish to examine how far the 
 latter is confirmed by facts ; which of these two parties 
 
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 have pursued the most constitutional objects ; and 
 whether the alterations and improvements which tlie 
 late ministry (those who love the Revolution) have 
 made in their charter are precisely of that nature as 
 to entitle them to the approbation of the Whigs 
 of this, or the friends of rational liberty, of social 
 order, or of peace in any other country. 
 
 Among the principles which led to the establish- 
 ment of our liberties are — 
 
 That the king has no dispensing power. 
 
 That no act of any one branch of the legislature can 
 have the force of law; and that if any act was 
 passed, contrary to the most express stipulation of an 
 original charter, and destructive of all security of per- 
 and property, that the ministry who carried it through, 
 should be impeached. 
 
 What have ever been the objects of the Whigs ? A 
 diminution of the influence of the crown in elections, 
 and a fair representation of the people. These are 
 not principles adapted only to our own country, or 
 which can flourish only in our favoured clime, but 
 they constitute the very essence of a representative 
 government. The fitness of the French nation at tliis 
 moment to enjoy a free constitution may. I repeat. 
 
 13 
 
 be doubted; but if your Lordship is right, they must 
 be guided by these principles and no others. 
 Let us see what have been their acts — 
 
 1. A constant exercise of the dispensing power, 
 the annihilation of the constitutional power of one 
 branch of the legislature. 
 
 2. The creation of the means of influencing the re 
 presentation of the people. 
 
 3. The recall of the regicides, contrary to the ex- 
 press and repeated resolutions of the whole legislature. 
 
 4. The re\^al of the law of conscription, contrary 
 to the charter and the solemn promise of the King. 
 
 If we examine these aets in detail, we shall find 
 the violation of every principle on which liberty can 
 be founded, or the balance of a constitutional govern- 
 ment maintained- 
 
 The first was proved by the creation of the sixty 
 new peers. 
 
 By the original charter of 1814, the king was em- 
 powered to make peers for life. By an ordonnance of 
 the 19th of August, 1815, this was revoked, and the 
 peerage was made hereditary. By an ordonnance of 
 the 25th of August, 1817, this was confirmed, and 
 the formation of a majorat was directed to be esta- 
 blished. After the preamble has stated the import- 
 
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14 
 
 ance of keeping up the dignity of the members of the 
 first body in the state, the ordonnance states that no 
 one hereafter can be called to the peerage who has 
 not, previous to his nomination, obtained the royal 
 permission to establish their majorat, and if he is not 
 in possession of the same. 
 
 This ordonnance passed through the chamber of 
 deputies by a majority of 119 to 85, and the peers ; 
 and became a law as binding as the charter itself until 
 constitutionally repealed. Afterwards an ordonnance 
 was issued, unsanctioned by either hon$e, dispensing 
 with this law, and creating sixty new peers, of whom 
 none had established the required majorat, and few 
 of whom have the means of ever possessing it. This 
 act was unconstitutional and illegal in every way. 
 Several of these had forfeited their rank from their 
 conduct during the Cent jours, and the ordonnance 
 which dismissed them in July, 1815, was received 
 with the acclamations of both houses. I will not 
 enter into the past life, the private history, or the 
 characters of the individuals thus created, although, 
 if the opinion of Madame deStael is as true as I be- 
 lieve it to be, " that none of those who participated 
 in the crimes of tlie Revolution can be useful to 
 France," I should have reason to doubt the degree of 
 
 15 
 
 benefit that she will derive from this addition to her 
 peerage. The point I rest on is this, that the king 
 could not by a simple ordonnance repeal a law of the 
 whole legislature ; that in making peers who had no 
 majorats nor means of forming them, without which 
 they could not be made hereditary, he was, in fact, 
 making peers for life, from which by law he was pre- 
 cluded. 
 
 2. The law of elections. By the original charter 
 the number of deputies was fixed at 262. On the 
 king's return in 1815, an ordonnance was issued on 
 the 13th of July, in which, after recapitulating the 
 evils which had arisen from the imperfect representa- 
 tion, and the advantages which would result from one 
 " more numerous and less restrained in the conditions 
 of eligibility,*' the number was increased to S95, It 
 is clear that the very essence of a representative 
 government is, that neither the sovereign nor any one 
 branch can have the power of increasing or diminish- 
 ing the representation at pleasure : we see indeed these 
 principles recognised by the ordonnance itself*; and 
 
 * The words of the ordonnance that follow are these : — Mais 
 voulant cependant que dans aucun cas aucune modification de la 
 Charte ne puisse devinir definitive que d'apr^s les formes constitu- 
 
 
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 this act of the king can only be excused by the critical 
 situation in which he was placed at the tenninatiou ot 
 a second revolution. This measure which, like the 
 assemblincr of our convention in 1688, has necessity 
 for its excuse, should have received, as in our case, 
 the sanction of law by an act of the whole parlia- 
 ment. The supporters of this measure argued, that 
 sufficient power is vested in the king by the 14th arti- 
 cle of the charter to sanction it. Without enterins 
 into this question, it is clear that if it was illegal, the 
 acts of that chamber were illegal likewise. On the 
 5th of September that chamber was dissolved, the 
 
 * 
 
 ministry was changed, and the late government 
 came into power, for the favorite was the real mi- 
 nister. Were the acts of the former chamber 
 declared illegal? was the constitutional principle re- 
 cognised by the former ordonnance, acted upon by 
 these more enlightened legislators ? On the contrary ! 
 
 tionnellcs, les dispositions de la presente ordonnance seront Ic pre- 
 mier objet des deliberations des Cbambres. Le pouvoir Icgislatif 
 dans son ensemble statuera siulaloi des Elections, sur les changc- 
 mens a faire h. la Chaite, changemens dont nous ne prenons ici 
 j'iniliative que dans les points les plus indispensables et les plus ur- 
 gens, en mm imposant meme I'obHgation de nous rapprocher au- 
 ant que possible de la Charte, et des formes pr^cedemment e« 
 
 17 
 
 they immediately practised what they had blamed in 
 their predecessors, by altering the law of elections by 
 an ordonnance also. Your Lordship states, that those 
 who love the revolution (always meaning the late mi- 
 nistry) wish to improve the charter. Let us look at 
 the preamble of the first act of this reforming admi- 
 nistration ; of this act which, you say, saved France 
 from a civil war * :—' Depuis notre retour dans nos 
 ^tats chaque jour nous a d^monti*^ cette v^rite pro 
 clamee par nous dans nne occasion solemnelle, qu"^ 
 c6t6 de ravantage damtliorer est le danger d'innover, 
 et nous avons en cons(^quence juge necessaire de 
 
 usase. 
 
 * I must ask the noble lord, what appearance of civil war there 
 was at that moment, and whether the presence of 150,000 
 foreigners, who were supposed by their enemies to be waiting 
 anxiously for a pretext to interfere, was a propitious circumstance. 
 Under what grievance did one party labour, and what oppression 
 <lid the other exercise, which were removed or mitigated by that 
 order ? It declared that some articles of the charter should be revised 
 which, in the preceding year, their predecessors had submitted for 
 revision. The increase of the representation could hardly have been 
 a valid reason for a civil war, nor could the substitution of the 
 gravity of forty for the inexperience of twenty-five have conferred 
 such a blessing on the rising generation as to make them sheath their 
 half-drawn weapons. It is rather singular, however, that those who 
 love the revolution should have judged it expedient to select those 
 who had been born before that glorious aera as their legislators. 
 
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 i^duire la chambre des deputes au nonibre determine 
 par la Charte et de ny appeler que les hommes de 40 
 ans." 
 
 But Monsieur de Caze has argued that an ordon- 
 nance of the king is legal in reverting to the original 
 charter, though not in departing from it. It may 
 certainly be wise to revert to old institutions, when, 
 under their influence, social order, virtue, religion, 
 and tranquillity, have been maintained, but it is surely 
 a singular class of reform, and a strange act of policy, 
 to rebuild on the same plan and subject to the same 
 accidents, the mine which had just exploded. 
 
 But it was not long before the new government did 
 innovate by the law of elections of the 5th of Fe- 
 bruary, 1819 ; and we wish to examine whether this 
 is precisely such an improvement as deserves the ap- 
 probation of such an understanding and such princi- 
 ples as your Lordship possesses. 
 
 It is perhaps impossible to define which maybe the 
 system best qualified to ensure a fair representation 
 of national opinion, but an exclusive one must be the 
 most unjust and the most mischievous of all. You 
 admit that this law seems to '' have been framed for 
 the express purpose of putting power into the hands 
 of those who took part in the revolution/' or you might 
 
 19 
 
 have said, '' those who shared in its plunder." It is 
 difficult, without more information than I possess, to 
 class accurately the difi'erent parties * in France ; but I 
 should say that the royalists, (we include in this term 
 not only those who are attached to the Bourbon 
 cause, but those who wish well to the monarchy as 
 fikely to afford them greater tranquillity,) constitute 
 the majority of the French people, but they are prin- 
 cipally agriculturists, dispersed over a vast extent of 
 country, and possessing neither the active talents, the 
 union, nor the turbulent qualities of the inhabitants 
 of the towns. Although you may not believe to the 
 extent I do, the number of the royalists in France, 
 you will not deny that in many departments there 
 exists no other feeling but the most devoted attach- 
 ment to the Bourbons, and there cannot be brought 
 a stronger proof of the little sympathy that now ex- 
 ists between the constituent and representative bodies. 
 
 * The present chamber is nearly composed thus :— About 
 50 old droite decided royalists, with Villelle at their head ; about 
 50oftheministerials, who shrink from the late minister's measures, 
 and might vote with the latter, headed by Lain6 ; about 70 of the 
 gauche, with democratic feelings ; about 40 called petite gauche, 
 with a tendency to the latter, and about 40 of the centre, which 
 may vote either way. 
 
 11 
 
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 •20 
 
 than in citing the organs of the political opinions of 
 the loyal La Vendee. Not only, liowever, does the 
 French law of elections professedly exclude a large 
 part of the community from any participation in its 
 privileges, but it is framed so as to a place a vast 
 and uncontrolled power in the hands of the govern- 
 ment, by the right of voting being extended to the 
 patentcs. 
 
 The right of voting in France, is confined to those 
 who pay 300 francs a-year in direct taxes. The 
 contribution-fonciere *, on which it is raised, is about 
 one-seventh of the income, you put it at one-fifth. 
 Now this measure of the people's ability to elect 
 cannot be founded on the sum which the government 
 receives, but upon the property on which it is the 
 tax and of which it is the index ; but it has been in- 
 
 * One of the best-informed Frenchmen in the state of his 
 own country and an ultra-liberal, Le Comte Lanjuinais, in his 
 book on the French Constitution, states, vol. i. p. '225. 
 
 " II y a des departemens oil il ne se trouve pas cent cinquante- 
 ni cent, ni mime dix eitoyens^ payant 300 francs de contributions 
 directes, et pas un seul, ou k peine un oudcux, qui paient 1,000 
 francs." When we consider that these few electors are princi- 
 pally acquereurs des biens nationaux, that this law excludes all 
 influence of property, and all the right of the small farmers arid 
 agricultural population, we shall be enabled to form a tolerably 
 correct opinion of the fairness of the present election laws. 
 
 21 
 
 terpreted to mean, by the supporters of the present 
 sj^stem, that any person who pays the 300 francs in 
 contributions directes, shall Be entitled to vote, whether 
 it is a tax on property or not. I really do not see, 
 by a parity of reasoning, why any person who paid 
 300 francs into the treasury, should not have a vote, 
 for it would be equally a contribution. By this in- 
 terpretation les patentes are included, and as this sub- 
 ject may not be generally understood in this country, 
 I must enter into a short explanation of it. One of 
 the most oppressive taxes in France is one imposed 
 by Buonaparte on trade and professions, which is 
 realizing in finance the fable of the goose and golden 
 eggs, in exacting a share of the profits before the 
 means are granted or time afl^brded, by which alone 
 they can be acquired. As the tax on patentes is 300 
 francs a year, the holders of them are entitled to vote, 
 and as there exists no obligation to follow a trade any 
 person may obtain them * These patentes are given 
 
 * This was denied by the ministry in one of the debates of last 
 year, when it was strenuously asserted by M. de Villelle. A M de 
 Guillelm (we believe a general) supported the government, but iri 
 his speech admitted that, not having a sufficient properly to vote 
 he had purchased a patente d^arpenteur, in right of which he actually 
 had voted in the last election. In the projected alterations of the 
 
 *i» 
 
 i' 
 
.'1 
 
 at the will of the government and tlieir prefets, who 
 in many cases have been held responsible for the re- 
 turn of particular individuals. In all cases the prefet 
 decides on the validity of votes, and I could cite 
 instances where, in departments supposed favourable, 
 considerable numbers have been added, and many 
 taken away from others where the royalist feeling was 
 supposed to be predominant. The rejected votes can 
 only establish their rights by an appeal to the Cours 
 Royales or the Conseil d'Etat, and it is easy to 
 imagine what chance of redress exists when their op- 
 ponents are both parties and judges. The royalists 
 affirm, and I believe with truth, though contradicted 
 -by the ministry, that not only the patentes give a 
 vote, but that a monthly instalment of twenty-five 
 francs has, in some instances, been deemed a qualifi- 
 cation. 
 
 Such however is the law of elections, and such are 
 the improvements in the charter of French liberty, 
 which, strange to say, have found an advocate in 
 one of the ornaments of the Whig aristocracy of this 
 country. 
 
 election, it was intended to confine these votes to those who had 
 bond fide exercised their profession or trade for some time. 
 
 S.3 
 
 3. The recall of the Regicides. 
 
 The petitions for the recall of the ♦ Bannis being 
 numerous, they were referred to a committee in the 
 Deputies, and a report was ordered to be made. The 
 committee consisted of nine, and five were a^rainst 
 their return. On M. Cotton, the reporter, bringing 
 the report into the house, M. Desserres, garde des 
 sceaux, made his celebrated speech, which ended 
 " pour les Regicides jamais." The question w^as 
 called for, and their exclusion confirmed again by an 
 immense majority. It is not necessary to enter into 
 the intrigues which attended this event, but in a few 
 days, in defiance of all law, four of the regicides and 
 five of the exiles were actually recalled ; and, with 
 difficulty, France was spared the unutterable shame 
 of seeing one of the former (L'Abbe Gregoire) setting 
 in the midst of her representative assembly. 
 
 But it may be said, that these remarks only apply 
 to the character of the French government, as relating 
 to their own internal situation, and are matters, 
 therefore, more of curious speculation than of im- 
 
 * The regicides were banished by a law of the King and the 
 two Chambers ; the exile, by an ordonnance alone. The King 
 could therefore recall the latter, but not the former, except by aii 
 *ct of the whole legislature. 
 
 i!' 
 
 il* 
 
■I 
 
 portatice lo us ; but we must now examine the other 
 acts of that party, not as citizens of the world, 
 but as Englishmen, whose interests are vitally affected. 
 There can be but one opinion that peace is essentially 
 necessary to the welfare of this country, and the re- 
 establishment of oip- finances ; and we must therefore 
 appreciate the conduct of other governmejits as con- 
 nected with ourselves, in proportion to the desire they 
 shew by their acts, as well as their language, of per- 
 petuating and securing it. Do the acts of the late 
 government, besides the revival of the conscription, 
 to whicli I shall presently advert, wear a very pacific 
 aspect? Dges the total exclusion of the Royalists 
 from every office, civil as well as military, and the 
 removal of those who were employed ; tlie appoint- 
 ment of the most zealous partisans of the system 
 formed by Buonaparte, to the commands of every 
 important fortress from the Rhine to the Pyrenees^ 
 and the re-organization of the army by the removal of 
 aU those (to use the words of your Lordship) " who 
 
 HAVE BEEN ALWAYS STEADY TO HIM, (the King) 
 AND WHO IN VAIN URGE THAT THEY ARE THE 
 ONLY MEN WHO HAVE NOT BETRAYED THEIR DUTY 
 AND VIOLATED THEIR OATHS ; AND THAT, WJHILB 
 TH^IR ADVERSARIES ARE LEA DING THEIR KING 
 
 25 
 
 TO HIS RUIN, THEY ARE THE ANCIENT FOLLOWERS 
 OF HIS HOUSE, AND HAVE LOST THEIR FORTUNES 
 AND SHED THEIR BLOOD TO MAINTAIN HIS 
 
 RIGHTS;" and now find those services registered 
 as records against them, whilst the consummation of 
 treachery and rebellion, exhibited on Mount St 
 Jean, constitutes the surest and most acknowledtred 
 claim to promotion, employment, and rewards. I 
 could fill a folio with instances of this feelin^: a 
 few will suffice. The facts are sufficiently known in 
 France without exposing the names of the individuals. 
 A sous-prefet of a department in the south of 
 France was last year removed, and he came to Paris to 
 complain. On waiting on one of the ministers, he was 
 asked, if his conscience did not tell him the cause. 
 His answer was, " No, that he had always done his 
 duty with loyalty, firmness, and moderation since les 
 cent jours."— '* But in les cent jours?'' said the mi- 
 nister. — ^' There you know my conduct was most 
 marked. It was I who cut the telegraphic communi- 
 cation from Paris, and so much assisted the Due 
 d'Angoul^me." The answer was nearly in these 
 words — " Mais c'est pr^cis^ment pour cela — vous 
 ^tes la cause que les Franfi^ois sWiuerent contre les 
 Franfois." 
 
 \ 
 
 w 
 
 
 i I 
 
 y 
 
26 
 
 There is another instance of a colonel who com- 
 manded a regiment, the officers of which held such 
 geditious language, that he was obliged to inform 
 them, that though he did not wish to interfere with 
 their political opinions, he should be obliged to put 
 them under arrest, if they permitted themselves such an 
 expression of them. They persisted, and he kept his 
 word. The deserving officer received a letter in conse- 
 quence from the minister at war, saying, that his severity 
 had produced so much harm, that he ought to have 
 been dismissed, but that, from the extreme indulgence 
 of the king, he was removed to another regiment. 
 
 What has, on the contrary, been the conduct of 
 the reprobated royalists, whose influence I wish to 
 see restored, not from any belief that they would in 
 their hearts be friendly to England, or that they 
 would be devoid of ambitious intentions, but that their 
 own interest commands them at present to main- 
 tain peace, whilst the security of the others is 
 founded on the employment of those whom I must 
 call the artificers of all the evils which have deso- 
 lated Europe? The Royalists have steadily and 
 vehemently opposed the revival of the conscription, 
 yet they are termed sanguinary ; they have opposed 
 three violent infractions of the charter, the prostitution 
 
 27 
 
 of the aristocracy, the exclusive law of elections, the. 
 recall of the regicides; they have supported the 
 liberty of the press, they have attempted to diminish 
 the influence of the police, but still they are branded 
 by the noble Lord as possessing a general abhorrence 
 to the friends of liberty all over the world. In 
 saying this I do not mean to deny, that some of 
 the violent members of that party, called by their 
 enemies les Jacobins blancs, by imprudent lan- 
 guage in 1815 gave reason for France to suspect 
 their intentions ; but we must not form our opi- 
 nions by the language of some salons in the 
 Fauxbourg St. Germain, where there may exist a few 
 courtiers, who, blindly bigoted to their ancient insti-- 
 tutions would remount the torrent which overwhelmed 
 them, but on the public acts and the conduct which 
 I have described, and which stands recorded in 
 their journals. 
 
 Your Lordship compares the conduct of Louis 
 XVIII. with that of Henry IV. I cannot find in 
 the history of France after the conversion, (which, 
 for the honour of that great sovereign who was 
 " Royalistc par cceur'' as well as " par profession;^ 
 I believe to have been sincere, and although producing 
 great political advantages, not arising from political 
 
 
 V 
 
 Mi 
 
 
w 
 
 28 
 
 motives or worldly interests alone) I have yet to find 
 that Henry IV., at once discarded Sully from his 
 presence, that he formed his council from the Guises, 
 that he gave the command of his fortresses to the 
 chiefs of the League, that he appointed to his 
 army in preference those who fought against him 
 at Ivry, and that he removed his old and faithful 
 servants from every office and every command. 
 Sully says on .the contrary, * that his object Avas to 
 permit no faction to be able to say that they disposed 
 of his power, and that although he was reconciled with 
 his former enemies, he nevt:r diminished his aversion 
 for the spirit and principles which guided them.* — 
 Admitting that the present sovereign professes all the 
 good intentions of his great predecessor and the same 
 love for his people, I fear that his wishes of conci- 
 liating all parties have not been crowned with equal 
 success. Henry was surrounded by a high-spirited, 
 gallant, generous, and powerful nobility : the present 
 aristocracy of France has been humbled by the sove- 
 reign, and the influence of property, the defensive 
 principle of which, as Mr. Burke expresses it, be- 
 comes weakened by diffusion, has been annihilated by 
 laiv, — and he has aHenated from liim the ancient fol- 
 lowers of his house. It may be feared the anny will 
 
 if 
 -ii 
 
 ;'! 
 
 t' 
 * . 
 
 29 
 
 not forgive him as the punisher of treason, nor the 
 jacobins forget that he is the descendant of the Capets. 
 I now come to the most important feature of the 
 late minister's administration ; the revival of the law 
 of conscription, a law as incompatible with the security 
 of Europe as it is destructive of every principle of 
 personal security, without which, a charter is waste- 
 paper, and liberty a name. This however, was the 
 work of that minister under whose government your 
 Lordship says, ' it is very gratifying to observe the 
 progress which real liberty is making in that kingdom.' 
 Here I cannot refrain from expressing my astonishment 
 at the calmness with which those important changes 
 in France have been viewed by all parties in this 
 country ; a fact which I attribute, in no small degree, 
 to the influence possessed by certain of the French 
 ministry over those public papers which principally 
 direct the opinion of the public. The allied powers 
 seem to have been equally passive ; they had seen the 
 law of the 5th of September in direct violation of the 
 charter ; they had seen the partial law of election, the 
 revival and the enforcement of the conscription ; they 
 must have known of the increasing feeling of disaffec- 
 tion, and the prevalence of republican principles ; 
 that at Lyons twelve communes sounded the tocsin 
 
 I'' 
 
 .] 
 
 I 
 
lp-,.,» 
 
 i! 
 
 !l 
 
 30 
 
 €ind shouted * Vive TEiiipereur ;* they must have been 
 aware of the recall of the exiles, of the alterations in 
 the guard, of the care taken to jacobinize the army, 
 of the dismissal of Monsieur from the command of 
 the national guard, of the removal of every royalist 
 from the highest prefect to the lowest clerk in office ; 
 they must have heard of the persecution of the royalists 
 for a conspiracy, confessed afterwards by the ministry 
 themselves, never to have existed : but in spite of all 
 these momentous warnings they affix their signatures to 
 a declaration that the tranquillity of France is secured *. 
 
 * It is too late now to discuss the policy of that important 
 measure, which received the silent acquiescence of both Houses 
 of Parliament, the evacuation of the French territory. This mea- 
 sure is so intimately connected with the important changes 
 which have since taken place in France, and so powerfully 
 influences the great question of the durability of the present 
 peace, that it deserves more consideration than has generally been 
 attached to it, or at least than it has publicly received from the 
 statesmen of England. 
 
 If the army of occupation had been placed in France for the 
 sole purpose of maintaining on the throne of that country a dy- 
 nasty which was from interest pacific, and was bound by so many 
 ties to this country ; the wishes of that sovereign, and the opinion 
 of that people should have been justly considered as the rule of 
 our conduct; and although we might doubt the policy of the 
 measure, although we might deeply lament the decision, we 
 should have had no right to remonstrate or to complain. But it 
 was not, as the noble Lord assertf. to guarantee the permanency 
 
 31 
 
 At last, however, the dismissal of the Due de 
 Richelieu, before the ink of the treaties was well dry, 
 
 of the mternal institutions of France, nor to impose a dynasty 
 on France in case of another revolutionary struggle : it was 
 placed there, undoubtedly, as a temporary security to the sove- 
 reign until an army more faithful than the last could be organized 
 in his favour ; but its main object was the security of that'coun- 
 try which is the bulwark of Europe, and the key-stone of the 
 great arch of her security : it was placed there to interpose a 
 wall of steel against the ambition of France till a wall of stone 
 could be erected, and to allow time for those two nations so lately 
 united, «' like kindred drops to mingle into one." 
 
 Those, therefore, who approve of that measure, must fall under 
 one of these descriptions. They must believe that in 1815 there 
 existed no feelings in the French nation which could threaten the 
 peace and security of others, and that consequently the temporary 
 occupation was wholly unnecessary ; or they must conceive, that 
 since that period such a change has taken place as to confer that 
 security which did not previously exist; or they must be those 
 ^vho, believing that sufficient reasons did exist to render necessary 
 those previous precautions, and acknowledging that no sufficient 
 change has taken place to replace that security of which we are 
 now deprived, are nevertheless of opinion, that as it could not 
 be intended to maintain to perpetuity the occupation of her terri- 
 tory, it would be only increasing her irritation, aggravating her 
 sufferings, and animating her desire of vengeance ; that the small 
 remaining term of the occupation could not be expected to add 
 great solidity to the newly-connected powers, and that it was the 
 wisest policy in the Allies to enhance the boon by the manner of 
 conferring it. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to confute the first. The experience of 
 1814 was sufficient to convince every one of the necessity of 
 further securities, unless indeed those blind and narrow-minded 
 
 I , 
 
I] ' 
 
 i 
 
 32 
 
 and the violent measure of making sixty new peers, 
 opened the eyes of the most incredulous. Any one who 
 
 33 
 
 politicians who would renounce those magnanimous views of 
 policy, and that zeal and generous interest for the safety of Eu- 
 rope which have rescued both herself and us, which produced 
 the splendour of the late victories, and the consummation of the 
 present peace. As to the second, let us examine what change 
 has taken place sufficient to authorize the measure. When the 
 army was first placed in France, the fortresses were not begun, 
 and now they are not finished. Those few that are completed in 
 a builder's sense, want the * materier of war essential to their 
 defence. Besides, in measuring the force of a chain, we calcu- 
 late from the weakness of one link, not from the strength of 
 many. But what will be said of the strength of that chain 
 wheix? the main link is defective i" Such is the state of Mons, the 
 key of the Low Countries, which, from the diflicalties inseparable 
 from its size and construction, as it is built upon piles, at an 
 enormous expense, cannot be finished in less than two years from 
 the present time. 
 
 Some improvement perhaps has taken place in the internal state 
 of Beliiium and Holland ; and we might confidently have looked 
 forwaixl to the period when, connected as they are with the Prus- 
 sian acc^uisitions, they would have become sufficient to their own 
 <lefence, with the assistance which England could easily supply : 
 but the consolidation has not had time to become comi)lete, and 
 no one who has visited that country can affinn that that 
 auspicious period Itas yet arrived. Is then the required security 
 derived from any favourable change in the dispositions of the 
 French people, in their having ceased to be ambitious, in their 
 having reduced their establishments so low as to be unable 
 to become the aggressors ? Did we sec any thing in the intenial 
 state of that country, in the temper of her people, in the tone 
 of her society, in the language of her press, in the public 
 
 reasoned from causes to effects might long have anti- 
 cipated all that has since happened. I date the evil 
 
 acts of her government to authorize that belief? Much stress 
 has been laid on the pacific character and virtues of their 
 sovereign-much on the moderation of his councils, equally 
 removed from ultra-royal ism on the one hand, and republicanism 
 on the other; much on the general wish for tranquillity which 
 exists in the most numerous, but unfortunately the least active 
 or united class, her agricultural population ; much on the 
 public attention having been weaned from war and turned more 
 to commercial pursuits and the acquisition of money, than to 
 foreign aggression ; much on the dilapidated state of her finances 
 pressed down by so long a war, and the enormous sacrifices 
 she has of late years been called upon to make; but if all 
 THIS WAS TRUE, where is the security for Europe, whilst in 
 her heart exists a state, in which, contrary to the charter, in 
 violation of the express promise of the sovereign, in mockery 
 of every pacific principle, and in defiance of the feelings of 
 the people, that bloody law of conscription has been revived 
 and acted upon in a moment of the profoundest peace ; and in 
 which the peace establishment has been fixed at 240,000 men, a 
 much greater force than she possessed in the zenith of her glory, 
 and under the most ambitious of her legitimate sovereigns ; an 
 army not only formidable from its numerical strength, but tre- 
 mendous from the mode of its organization,— by which in a few 
 weeks 200,000 men might be added to its standards. Assuming, 
 therefore, for argument's sake, that there is a decided wish in the 
 French government and people to maintain peace, can we calcu- 
 late on their being able to resist the impulse of that powerful and 
 restless body the old army, which might well be termed the Praj- 
 torian bands of France ? At the same time that I wish to give 
 full credit to the pacific disposition and the virtues of their sove- 
 reign, is there no example in history, of the most peaceful mo- 
 
 C 
 
 it 
 
fJT 
 
 35 
 
 r^ 
 
 h 
 
 much earlier, and, as I have said before, from the 
 moment that the allied i)Owers |)ermitted the conscrip- 
 tion to be re-established and consents! to tlie reduction 
 ofone third of the army of observation, the rest fol- 
 
 narchs, when they saw a btuiin brewing at home, seeking to direct 
 its fury to a foreign war; or, in the words of our Henry IV., 
 • to busy giddy minds with foreign quarrels, that action thence 
 borne out, may waste the nu mory of the former days/ Wouhl 
 not the re-annexation of Belgium be a i>€ace-otTering to France for 
 all she had suffered, and would it not make every Frenchman 
 rally round the throne to support the aggression ? The character, 
 however, of her people is not altered,— whatever temporary ex- 
 haustion or lassitude may restrain them, the main national princi- 
 ple, whether under a Buonaparte or a Bourbon, is military glory 
 and an extension of the empire. Is it probable that these feelings 
 arc weakened by their losses, and their late humiliations—are 
 they not, on the contrary, more likely to be inflamed by wounded 
 pride and animated by revenge ? Where then is the security, that 
 this very year Belgium does not again fall into the hands of France ? 
 1 will not prophesy that this will happen, but I maintain that we 
 had no right to lay such a tempting bait within her reach ; we were 
 not justified in trying so hazardous an experiment as the power of 
 her self-denial ; for to place a kingdom within the grasp of dormant 
 ambition is like putting a penitent drunkard in your wine-cellar, 
 or a domesticated fox in your poultry-yard. I do not say this m 
 hostility to France. I wish to sec her employed in cultivating her 
 own goodly fields instead of ravaging the harvests of others,-! 
 wish to see her reforming the morals, and ameliorating the situa- 
 tion of her own people, instead of spreading principles more 
 pernicious than her sword into the heart of her neighbours ; and if 
 I could believe that the evacuation of France was consistent with 
 the security of Europe, I should rejoice in it for her sake. 
 
 lowed of course. Europe had a right then to have in- 
 terfered, and she had the means of clieckinir the evil 
 in its bud. I trust that she will not have bitter 
 cause to lament that the opportunity has passed away; 
 and that she may not be compelled with all the efforts 
 of her strength to eradicate the evil she might have 
 remedied by a word. 
 
 If such is the state to which France has been 
 brought, by a series of measures which have lona 
 spread alarm in the minds of those who have watched 
 the career of the French Government, it becomes 
 necessary to say a few words on the question of 
 interference ; for your Lordship states, '' that we are 
 bound to interfere in the internal concerns of every 
 state of Europe ; that meetings of the sovereigns are 
 to be held at intervals, in order to watch over the 
 security of those transactions upon which the peace 
 is founded and consolidated ; and that, should anv 
 of the provinces which have fallen under the sway of 
 legitimate monarchs attempt * to improve the form of 
 
 The noble Lord admits the spirit of the times is such, 
 that no war could be carried on in Europe without becoming 
 revolutionary. Has there ever existed any conspiracy, from Wat 
 Tyler to the murder of our ministers, which was not declared to 
 be a revolt against the abuses of power? And if we were to be 
 
 c 2 
 
 s 
 
 <i 
 
 I ! 
 
I 
 
 If 
 
 l\ 
 
 
 'i 
 
 30 
 
 iheir government or revolt against the abuses of 
 power, there can be no doubt that the amphictyonic 
 council of sovereigns would take cognizance of the 
 
 offence." 
 
 I distinctly deny that we are bound to interfere in 
 the internal government of any state, or that we have 
 ever interfered, except when changes have taken place 
 inconsistent with the maintenance of our own security, 
 or incompatible with the preservation of peace. If 
 there is a principle of the law of nations more dis- 
 tinctly laid down than any other, and at the same 
 time more in unison with the practice of social life 
 and the decisions of law, it is the right of interfer- 
 ence. Vattel, having first established the principle 
 that every nation has a right to govern itself in its 
 own way, as long as it is not endangering its neigh- 
 bours, without which there can exist no national 
 independence, proceeds to state that * if there is any 
 where a nation of a restless and mischievous disposi- 
 
 llli 
 
 precluded from adverting to any violence which wore the mask 
 and assumed the title of reform, there is no revolution which 
 mit'ht not take place with impunity— there is no crime which 
 would not shelter itself from the sword of the law under the garb 
 of some Roman virtue, till anarchy would revel over the ruins ot 
 monarchy, religion, and liberty. 
 
 37 
 
 tion, always ready to injure others, to traverse their 
 designs or to raise domestic troubles, it is not to be 
 doubted that all have a right to join, in order to re- 
 press, chastise, and put it ever after out of its power to 
 injure them,' The law of nations in this case is the 
 same as the private right of any individual, who is 
 empowered to enforce the abolition or removal of any 
 general nuisance by which his health, safety, or pro- 
 perty are endangered ; but the law does not permit 
 him to scrutinize into the domestic life of his 
 neighbours, to inquire whether they are good hus- 
 bands, kind masters, or affectionate parents, or to 
 sally forth in the world as the quixotic redresser of 
 the wrongs of others. It was by the sanction of this 
 first and paramount law of nations and individuals, 
 and by a just regard to our own safety, tliat we were 
 authorized in declaring that the existence of Buona- 
 parte as sovereign of France could not be permitted ; 
 and that as long as he persevered in holding a station 
 incompatible with the security of Europe, he was out 
 of the pale of nations. There has since occurred an 
 event which afforded us an equal right to have inter- 
 fered — there-establishment of the conscription in that 
 country, in the middle of the profoundest peace. I 
 will say more ; I do not comprehend on what prin- 
 
 a 
 
l1 
 
 il 
 
 f; 
 
 ciple the Allies coukl have iiitcrtercd in the one case, 
 a, *d have permitted so flagrant a departure from all 
 the principles of peace to pass unnoticed in the other. 
 By the argument which your Lordship has made 
 use of, the Allies have heen addidonally criminal in 
 havin*^ looked on in silence at the adoption of that 
 fearful measure to the repose of Europe, for they 
 have abandoned the line of conduct pointed out by 
 their own treaties. You explain the word * transac- 
 tions to mean the * possession by the Bourbons of 
 the throne of France, and the maintenance of the 
 charter.' The leading article in that charter is the 
 abolition for ever of this tyrannical and bloody law. 
 At the same time, therefore, that you declare that 
 the Allied Sovereigns ^rebound by treaty to interfere, 
 and express your belief that * they would take cog- 
 nisance of the offence, you proceed to prove that al- 
 though the most important changes have taken place 
 in France; aUliough events have occurred in positive 
 violation of those treaties (as you explain them), and 
 which are rapidly restoring the character, materials, and 
 conduct of Revolutionary France, that still Europe 
 has not interfered. It seems to us, that if you 
 had wished to confute your own arguments hy that 
 in'^enious mode of the deduction ad absurdum, you 
 
 .TO 
 
 could not have adopted a more satisfactory mode. 
 In this, however, you have only imitated die con- 
 sistency of your party on the subject of inter- 
 ference. 
 
 I have never been able to account for the wonder- 
 ful popularity of Buonaparte among a certain class of 
 pliticians in this country, (it is to be hoped, ^ov the 
 honour of England, conlined to a few,) how a ujiHtaiy 
 despot, who despised the voice of the people, who 
 abhorred the very name of liberty, and whose whole 
 career was in direct violation of all the avowed prin- 
 ciples of the Whigs, should find advocates anions 
 them; unless, indeed, as Mr. Burke exf)resses it, 
 that ' our ideas of justice appear to he fairly con- 
 quered and overpowered by guilt when it is grown 
 gigandc. When this meek and pious prince wielded 
 his pacific sceptre, then with one voice the Whiffs de- 
 clared against any unjust and odious interference, — 
 although the salvation of Europe depended on the 
 decision of the British Parliament. Your Lordship 
 admits that the conquests of Buonaparte have scatter- 
 ed in every country the seeds of revolution ; and when 
 the period is now arrived wiien these seeds are 
 stretching forth the withering and poisonous tendrils of 
 their rank luxuriance, when the most atrocious crimes, 
 the legidmateofls|)ring of these principles, are spread- 
 
 
 
 rifc wiiiirniiiT"' — ■-^■■^*-fciMattaafcjaMMiiMMiiitariM6iMMM«aMli 
 
] 
 
 M 
 
 10 
 
 itjg consternation thiougliout Europe; bhouki this 
 lead to a revolutionary struggle which left us no alter- 
 native but resistance ; should then the intelligent, 
 moderate, and loyal of this country unite their voices 
 with the opinion of the legislature, and the duty of 
 the government, to protect us from such perilous con- 
 tact, we should then hear of nothing but the wicked- 
 ness of interference. 
 
 But if there existed a sanguinary war between Spain 
 and her colonies ; if there were found, to the disgrace 
 of human nature, a sovereign who rewarded his 
 most faithful servants, and his most enlightened 
 subjects with degradation and imprisonment, the cry 
 was then. Why do not you interfere ? although it would 
 have been be as contrary to the law of nations in 
 that case as it is sanctioned by it in the former 
 instance. We are bound to interpose our mediation 
 for the first, — it is our duty to employ our good offices 
 and all the pacific weight of our influence, to balance 
 the conflicting interests in Spain* ; but we cannot, con- 
 
 * The late change in that country, would require a volume in- 
 stead of a note. It is to be hoped that the influence of property^ 
 which was rendered null by the occupation of Spain by the French, 
 will re-assume its due weight in the next Cortes, and that the con- 
 stitution will receive these necessary alterations ; without which, in- 
 stead of a limited monarchy, it will be a republic, with the effigy 
 
 of a king. 
 
 41 
 
 sistently with the faith of treaties, oi' the law of nations, 
 pass those limits. The acts which were passed the ses- 
 sion before last to support and perfect our neutrality, by 
 placing the Spanish colonies in the same situation as 
 Spain, and by precluding both equally from drawing 
 from our bosom the food of their m^^rciless conflict, 
 and from making our gallant army the partakers of 
 its atrocity, its imitators, or its victims, have been 
 loudly censured by the enemies of interference. 
 
 Your Lordship further remarks, on this subject, 
 " tliat in old times the great object of the whole 
 balance was to preserve the weaker states in the full 
 and free enjoyment of their civil and political rights 
 against external attack— internal institutions never 
 entered into its composition— so far otherwise, the 
 greatest internal changes were continually going on 
 during its formation and growth into system, without 
 any endeavour on the part of the sovereigns as such 
 to oppose them." If you will refer to the treaty of 
 the Triple Alliance, signed at the Hague in 1717, 
 between France, England and Holland, you will find 
 an express stipulation, " that if the kingdom or pro- 
 vinces of the contracting powers are disturbed by 
 intestine quarrels, or by rebellion on account of the 
 mid successions, or under any other pretext whatever. 
 

 11 
 
 V2 
 
 the ally thus in trouble shall have the right to demand 
 o his allies the succours specified in another article, 
 viz. 10,000 men, from either of the two former, and 
 5,000 from the latter state." 
 
 The right of interference must be founded on gene- 
 ral principles, and must be equally applicable to all 
 times and to all circumstances, but can never depend 
 on the abstract question of the merits of the govern- 
 ment of another country ; for who is to be judge 
 between independent nations ? The broad principle 
 I lay down has already been stated, that self- 
 defence, general security and tranquillity are the only 
 just grounds of interference, and the Triple Alliance is 
 sanctioned by this. Let us see what must have been 
 the language of any statesmen of those days, who 
 had adopted, relative to that treaty, the arguments of 
 the present opposition. Those in France would have 
 said that they had, from the best information, the 
 important fact, that the mass of the common people 
 was for the old family, that the great men who 
 guided our revolution were* " an oligarchy on which 
 
 * Is the noble Lord aware tliat he has adopted precisely the 
 terms by which the followers of the " Creed of Philosophy," 
 the Radical Reformers of Cato Street, designate the ohl aristocracy 
 of England ? Mutato nomine de te fabula narratur. 
 
 43 
 
 the a(hninistration was dependent, who l)y their Wgli 
 birth, numerous connexions, and artful cabals, had, 
 rendered themselves masters of the throne and of 
 tlie mooarch ;" that they were informed the greatest 
 tlifference of ojjinion existed among themselves, and 
 that the most important points had been carried by 
 the smallest majorities,— and they would have stig- 
 matized an armed interference as a wicked and 
 unconstitutional attempt " to enforce a new dynastjj 
 on the people." 
 
 If the present opposition had then existed in Eng- 
 land, they would have recapitulated all the cruelties and 
 atrocities of the reign of Louis XIV.; would have givep 
 the most moving examples, of the misery, hunger, and 
 disaffection of the lower classes, of the despotism of the 
 M hole system, of the vices, and shameless profligacy of 
 the Duke of Orleans ; they would have proved that a 
 people, so oppressed, " must revolt against the abuses 
 of power, and attempt to improve their form of 
 government;" and they would have held up the Whig 
 treaty as an infamous conspiracy against the liberties 
 of the French people — they would have said tjiat 
 England '' had become the tool and follower of the 
 continental monarchs, instead of being the friend of 
 right, and patron of liberal constitutions." 
 

 III 
 
 \i 
 
 
 it 
 
 But if your Lordship has formed a most erroneous 
 opinion of the constitutional merits of the French 
 ministry, you seem to me to have still more tho- 
 roughly mistaken the character of the nation. You 
 state " that the love of equality is the distinguishing 
 political passion of a Frenchman ; that this feeling 
 enters into the details of common life, and gives a 
 roughness to their character which seems to mark 
 them for Republicans." 
 
 Let us see what were the opinions of that dis- 
 tinguished foreigner, Madame de Stael, whom your 
 Lordship praises with much truth and justice ; and I 
 will content myself with quoting her words — She is 
 speaking of the present state of society, without refer- 
 ence to any party. 
 
 " En Angleterre le parti de I'opposition est souvent 
 mieux res^u en society que celui de la cour — en 
 France on s'informe, pour inviter quelqu'un c\ diner 
 s'il est en faveur aupres des ministres, et dans un temps 
 de famine on pourrait bien refuser du pain aux 
 
 hommes en disgrace." 
 
 " Les hommes formes par Buonaparte" (the mass 
 of the nation) " ont toutes les passions de la revolu- 
 tion, et toutes les vanites de Tancien regime." 
 
 *' Le premier article des droits de I'homme en 
 
 45 
 
 France c'est la nkessite pour tout Fra7ifois d'exercer 
 un emploi public," 
 
 " Se publie un livre sur la politique ? avez vous de 
 la peine a le comprendre ? traduisez-le par ces paroles : 
 je veux etre ministre, et toutes les obscurites vous 
 seront expliquees." 
 
 " Le lendemain de la chAte de Buonaparte' (the 
 first dawn of constitutional liberty) '^ il tiy avoit 
 rf' actif en France que Paris et k Paris que quelque 
 milliers de solliciteurs demandant de Vargent et des 
 places au gouvernement, quel quHlput etre:' 
 
 Nothing can add to the strength of this picture, 
 though the same opinions are expressed in a hundred 
 other places in her works, and it would be easy to cite 
 ample proofs that it is not the love of equality, but 
 the love of effect, which is the distinguishing political 
 passion of a Frenchman. 
 
 I do not apprehend that your Lordship is more 
 correct in your views of the benefits of the revolution. 
 You say, '' Before the revolution the finances were in 
 the most dilapidated state, and the taxes paid by the 
 people such as to reduce them to the lowest state of 
 wretchedness." * * * ^* at present a rich and happy 
 population lives upon estates which formerly produced 
 

 ^^ 
 
 n 
 
 ouly beggars ♦ * ♦ * the corvee, tlie taille, the gabcllc, 
 and the tithes have disappeared, &c. 
 
 The population of France, before the Revolution, 
 was estimated by M. Necker, at 26,000,000, and the 
 taxes raised on them at about 600,000,000. The 
 present population is not estimated at above 
 38,000,000, and the public burthens, since the with- 
 drawal of the allied troops and exclusive of tem- 
 porary charges, amount to 900,000,000 or one half 
 more. By the late expose of the French ministry, it 
 is not pretended that their trade has increased ; they 
 have lost St. Domingo, which produced above one half 
 of their total imports, and consumed nearly the same 
 proportion of their exports. It must be, therefore, 
 on the land and the agriculturist that this increased 
 pressure has fallen. I will not enter at length into 
 agricultural details, or on the acknowledged advantage 
 ©f capital. It must be apparent to everyone, that if 
 the whole land of a country was equally divided by 
 an agrarian law among its population, that universal 
 distress, ruin and famine would be the consequence. 
 The nearer that state a country approaches- by the 
 constant subdivision of property equally among the 
 children, the more hard will be the condition of its 
 
 m- 
 
 ■3 
 
 I 
 
 
 47 
 
 j)easantry. I do not mean to assert that France has 
 yet attained this situation, but the evils of the present 
 system must increase in such accelerated ratio, that 
 unless remedied by legislative interference, in less 
 than two generations, it will produce universal mi- 
 sery; as it is, the general fertility and cultivation of 
 tliat country, and that vast expanse of corn which 
 strikes the traveller, are not proofs of a rich or happy 
 population. The small independent proprietors, 
 frequently without capital enough to employ a plough 
 to prepare their field, or a waggon to remove their 
 produce, are scarcely enabled by the labour of them- 
 selves and their families to raise adequate subsistence 
 in an average season ; but when a bad harvest occurs 
 they have no resource, they have no means of ob- 
 taining parochial relief; the great proprietors can no 
 longer open their castle-gates to relieve them, for the 
 Revolution has laid them prostrate, and the accumula- 
 tion of property is prevented by law ; the clergy who 
 were once " in possession of great estates and im- 
 mense convent lands," can no longer practise the 
 charity they preach, for they are little better than 
 paupers themselves. In the towns the poor may 
 gain an eleemosynary subsistence, but in the coun- 
 try they have no resource but the precarious houuiy 
 
 A 
 

 ■ I 
 
 ' 
 
 48 
 
 of travellers. In the bad vear of 1816, it is well 
 known that in many of the departments persons pe- 
 rished of hunger, and many were driven to glean their 
 scanty sustenance from the herbs ofthe fields. It is not 
 the Emperor Alexander only who, in visiting this coun- 
 try, has been so struck with the general air of comfort 
 and care, as to ask * ou done sont vos pauvres ? There 
 is no traveller, who, in passing through the departments 
 of France, does not feel himself tempted to ask ' ou 
 done sont vos riches ? But it is said the odious imposts 
 of the ancien regime have ceased. Their names, it 
 is true, are changed, but in the contribution fonci^re 
 we shall find la taille and 20""* united, but more heavy, 
 it being now nearly one-fifth of the income. La ga- 
 belle is to be found in the present salt duties, as oner- 
 ous in fact, and as vexatious in collection. There are 
 besides les droits reunis, or a combination of the ex- 
 cise and assessed taxes, and wliich presses particularly 
 on the lower classes in tobacco and other necessaries ; 
 les droits despatentes, les octrois municipaux, or duties 
 of entry and sortie in every town, applicable to the 
 same purposes as our county rates, and which press 
 severely on the farmers, who, if they fail in getting 
 their price for their cattle or flocks, are exposed to its 
 repeated payment, on every market-day ; and, though 
 
 49 
 
 last not least, that heavy tax on labour, the Conscrip- 
 tion, the weight of which can be best estimated by the 
 fact, that within a few months as much as 1,500 francs 
 have been paid for a substitute,— all these are omitted 
 in your Lordship's calculation. I confess it was 
 not without surprise that I saw the abolition of tithes 
 included among the blessings of the Revolution. If 
 your Lordship had witnessed personally the lamentable 
 poverty of that respectable class, the parochial clergy 
 of France, the little respectability they are in conse- 
 quence enabled to keep up, and the unavoidable bad 
 consequences to the interests of religion and morality, 
 I think you would have formed a different opinion ; 
 but at any rate I must express a hope that it is one of 
 those improvements only fitted for our more virtuous 
 neighbours, and that your Lordship, in your legislative 
 capacity will not attempt to confer it on your own 
 country. 
 
 I cannot conclude these few remarks, without ad- 
 verting to the sweeping passage with which your 
 Lordship concluded your Letter. 
 
 " He who has read the foregoing pages cannot be 
 at a loss to discover the causes of the unpopu- 
 larity of England on the Continent. It was supposed 
 that she was the friend of right and the patron of 
 
 J) 
 
 % 
 
I 
 
 
 u 
 
 50 
 
 that liberal conslilulion which has been the foiuuli- 
 tion of her own glory. Instead of this she has been 
 the follower and the tool of the great continental 
 monarchs, assisting their spoliations and confirming 
 their destruction of free governments ; violating pro- 
 mises solemnly given, and conditions offered in the 
 full plenitude of success ; pursuing her course totally 
 regardless of the cries and supplications of the peo- 
 ple of Europe ; and after this she has joined the same 
 monarchs in their profanation of the names' of reli- 
 gion and morality, whose precepts they have never 
 consulted/'— (Does the Noble Lord mean the holy 
 alliance, to which we are not a party, or what else 
 can he mean?)—" It will be said,- perhaps, that 
 England was not able, by herself, to protect the 
 rights and independence of nations ; but if so, in 
 God's name why did she interfere, why is the name 
 of the English minister to be affixed to every act of 
 injustice and tyranny which is performed in Europe— 
 what deadly enemy to England's honourable reputa- 
 tion persuaded Lord Ca^tlereagh that the repose of 
 the world depended on the slavery of Saxony and 
 
 Genoa?" 
 
 Should all this bill of complaint against the Eu- 
 ropean powers be true, I should answer your Lordship 
 
 51 
 
 by asking you your own question— WJiy is the name of 
 the English minister to be affixed to all this? what 
 deadly, enemies to the reputation of their own country 
 have been attempting to persuade Europe, that the 
 slavery of Saxony and Genoa depended upon Lord 
 Castlereagh ? 
 
 But it is not by the conduct we have pursued 
 that England has merited such opprobrious epithets, 
 but it would have been by the line which the friends 
 of your Lordship recommended. If after we had 
 given our right hand and pledged our faith to Spain, 
 we had '* abandoned the conditions offered in the 
 plenitude of success ;" if when Prussia was heaving 
 in agony under the load of Buonaparte's oppression ; 
 if when Austria was panting for an opportunity to 
 draw the sword she had unwillingly sheatlied ; if we 
 had then believed the gloomy prophecies and followed 
 the narrow-minded selfish policy recommended by the 
 Opposition, we should then indeed have verified your 
 words, and have pursued a course equally ruinous 
 and dishonourable ; '' totally regardless of the cries 
 and supplications of Europe," we should then, by our 
 criminal indifference, have become " the tool of the 
 most dangerous of the European powers;" we should 
 then, indeed, have tacitly '' assisted in his spoliation:^ 
 
 J) C 
 
 ! ■ 
 
 ■ i i 
 
\ 
 
 ii 
 
 52 
 
 and confirmed the destruction which he meditated of 
 the freedom of the world/' 
 
 The unpopularity of England on the continent 
 cannot be denied ; but it may be considered as an 
 involuntary, and, perhaps, the most sincere tribute 
 to our superiority, our success, our power, our wealth, 
 our information, our character, and our virtues ; but 
 among its causes, we are sorry to include the language 
 which has been used, and the tone which has been 
 adopted by a party in this country, who, if they 
 were desirous of renewing the contest, could not 
 adopt a more effectual mode than the line of conduct 
 which they have pursued. Their speeches are widely 
 circulated and greedily read by the haters of this 
 country ; and those repeated assertions of our ruin, 
 that England's arm is palsied, and her heart no longer 
 the same, — that we are in such internal distress as to 
 be unable to make any further effort to defertd the 
 high pre-eminence which, under Providence, we have 
 attained, are in fact so many baits to invite attack, 
 and offer a sort of premium to insult. The memories 
 of these gentlemen are not to be envied. Its plea- 
 sures are to them unknown.— If there is a possibility 
 of referring to former disasters and unavoidable mis- 
 fortunes, there is nothing so correct as their rccollcc- 
 
 53 
 
 tions ; if there is an anMogy to be dmwn between a 
 dismal portrait of former years and tbfe aspect of the 
 present, it is never omitted; but thfei^ is another 
 sort of retrospect on which they never dwell, but 
 from which they might derive imte consolation and 
 advantage— the retrospect of otir glorious career ; in 
 that may be discovered, under difficulties much more 
 imminent than any which now threaten us, the most 
 ample sources of comfort,— how the ruin which was 
 predicted by our prophets of evil was prevented by 
 loyalty and perseverance, ahd how tl^ dangers, so 
 often declared to be fatal, were surmounted by the 
 spirit of the nation which even their dismal prophe- 
 cies could never quench.— This is the real use of 
 memory, not to cloud the future path, but to cheer 
 it with the light of former eixamples ; not to untterve 
 our arms and chill our hearts, but to strengthen and 
 animate them by the remembrance of our triumphs. 
 
 That the political horitbri of Europe is hot serene 
 I allow, that the events which have occurred in 
 France are menacing I admit,— but there is no reason 
 to despair of the preservation of peace or the security 
 of Europe, if that firm union and cordial co-operation 
 among the Allies are maintained which rescued her 
 before. But for that to exist, England must not be 
 
1 
 
 5* 
 
 wanting to herself— for to inspire confidencehi others, 
 we must feel it first. It is. our duty to remain in an 
 attitude of preparation, on the principles of real and 
 ultimate economy, as well as for our safety. In poli- 
 tics as well as mechanics, a small force will keep a 
 body in motion when no power we possess could move 
 it frpm its base. A system of just rational economy 
 is demanded by all, but let us guard against visionary 
 and. false retrenchments which keep the promise to 
 our ear and break it to our hopes ; which, whilst it 
 appears to be pruning the luxuriance of our suckers, 
 is cutting the vital sinews of our strength, and wiiicli 
 is at the end the most pernicious prodigality ; and the 
 true friends of peace earnestly hope that those minis- 
 ters under whose guidance this country has preserved 
 herself and liberated Europe, will not allow any cry 
 of the moment, or the influence of party, to prevent 
 England from retaining a situation in which her voice 
 may command respect, and her interference, if again 
 unhappily required, may be as effectual.as before. . 
 
 I have the honour to remain, 
 Your Lordship's tnost obedient humbld servant, 
 
 The Author. 
 
 ALBEMARLE-STREET. LONDON. 
 April 180(^, 
 
 Mr. MURRAY 
 
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 The POETICAL WORKS of Sir WALTER SCOTT, Bart. Now 
 first collected. Printed tiniformly and handsomely, with a Portrait of 
 Ww Xutlior, in 12 Vols, foolscap 8vo. 3/. 12*. 
 
 
 
 +• 
 % 
 
 ALBEMARLE-STREET, LONDON, 
 
 April, 1820. 
 
 Mr. MURRAY 
 
 HAS THE FOLLOWING WORKS IN THE PRESS. 
 
 The PERSONAL HISTORY of KING GEORGE the THIRD, 
 undertaken with the assistance of, and in communication with, Persons 
 officially connected with the late King, and Dedicated, by express 
 Permission, to His present Majesty. By Edward Hawke Locker, 
 Esq. F.R.S. With Portraits, facsimiles, and other Engravings. In one 
 handsome volume 4to. 
 
 RICCIARDA, Tragedia, di Uco Foscolo. Svo. 
 
 NARRATIVE of the OPERATIONS and RECENT DISCO- 
 VERIES within the PYRAMIDS, TEMPLES, TOMBS, and EXCA- 
 VATIONS, in EGYPT and NUBIA ; and of a Journey to the Coast of 
 the Red Sea, in search of the ancient Berenice, and another to the 
 Oasis of Jupiter Ammon. By G, Belzoni. Accompanied by Plates, 
 Plans, Views, ^c, of the newly discovered Places, ^c. 4to. 
 
 ADVICE to JULIA, ^c. fc. Svo. 
 
 J'ai vu les moeurs de mon tems ; et j'ai 6crit cette lettre. 
 
 TRAVELS through HOLLAND, GERMANY, and Part of 
 
 FRANCE, in 1819, with particular reference to their STATISTICS, 
 AGRICULTURE, and MANUFACTURES. By W. Jacob, Esq! 
 F.R.S. 4to. 
 
 JOURNALS of TWO EXPEDITIONS behind the BLUE 
 MOUNTAINS, and into the interior of NEW SOUTH WALES, 
 undertaken by order of the British Government in the Year* 1817-18. 
 By J(»HN Oxley, Esq., Surveyor-General of the Territory and Lieu- 
 tenant of the Royal Navy. With Maps and Views of the Interior, or 
 newly -discovered Country. 4to. 
 
 TRAVELS, in 1816 and 1817, through NUBIA, PALESTINE, 
 and SYRIA, in a Series of familiar Letters to his Relations, written on 
 the Spot, by Capt. Mangles, R.N. 2 vols. Svo. 
 
 The TOPOGRAPHY of ATHENS, with some Remarks on its 
 Antiquities. By Lieut.-Col. Leake, 8vo. 
 
 The PLAYS and POEMS of JAMES SHIRLEY, now first 
 
 collected and chronologically arranged, and the Text carefully collated 
 and restored. With occasional Notes, and a Biographical and Critical 
 F^say. By William Gifford, Esq., uniformly with Massincer and 
 Ben Jonson. G vols. 8vo. 
 
 Out- hundred copies are printing in royal Svo. 
 
^ggMajMB^j^WB 
 
 ! fc i t ilW i l liitfr "'■'*'«' ■*-J''"""='*'«" 
 
 \\^ 
 
 u 
 
 W o K K s preparhtg for Publication, 
 
 The TOPOGRAPHY of ATHENS, with some Remarks on its 
 Antiquities. By Lieut.-Col. Lhake, 8vo. 
 
 On the ADMINISTRATION of CIUJVTTNAL JUSTICE in 
 ENGLAND, and on the SPIRIT of the BRITISH CONSTITLTION, 
 
 By M. CoTTiJ, one of tlie Judges of the Royal Court of Paris, 8vo. 
 
 M. Cottu was directed by the government of France to make himself acquainted with the 
 criminal jurisprudence of England, and more espe.cially with all that relates to the Irial by 
 Jury. He was fortunate in bringins; ktlers of intfoductiou to some of our eminent counsel, 
 and particularly to Mr. Scarlett, whom he- accon)panie<l on the northern orcmt ; and who, 
 with Mr. Grey, looked over his work bifore it went to press; and that Mr. Jscablett, 
 in particular, hid withdrawn a short time from his num«rou9 avocations, to correct the 
 errors into which M. Cottu had fallen ; and even to supply him with some notes of hi» 
 own on the spirit of the British CDnstitiilion. The general observations of M. Cottu will 
 be found original and interesting; and his comparative views of the administration of tne 
 law in England and France, are worth the attention of both nations. 
 
 A New Series, consisting; of Twenty-one Plates to illustrate 
 LORD BYRON'S WORKS. Eii^^raved by Charles Hfath, from 
 Drawings by R. Westali., R. A. With a Portrait, engjraved by Arm- 
 strong, from the original Picture, by T. Phillips, R.A. In 4to., 8to., 
 and fc. 8vo. 
 
 JOURNAL of a TOUR in GREECE, EGYPT, and the HOLY 
 LAND ; with Excursions to the River Jordan, and' ah)ng the Banks 
 of the Red Sea to Mount Sinai. By William Tijrner, Esq., Foreiga 
 Office, a vols. 8vo. 
 
 HISTORY of the MODES of BELIEF, usually termed The 
 Superstitions of the Middle Aces. With curious Plates. 4to. 
 
 The CENTURY of INVENTIONS of the MARQUIS of WOR- 
 CESTER, from the original MSS. with Historical and Explanatory 
 Notes, a Biographical Memoir, and an original Portrait, 8vo. 
 
 " Here it may not be amiss to recommend to the attention of every mechanic, the little 
 work entitled a Century of Inventions, by the Marquis of Worcester, vkhich, on account 
 of the seeinin2 improbability of discovering many tliinss mentioned therein, has been too 
 much neglected; but when it is considered that some uf the contrivances, apparently not 
 ihe least abstruse, have, by closi' application, been found to answer all the Marquis says of 
 them, and that the first hint of that most powerful machine the steam engine is given in 
 that work, it is unnecessary to enlarge on the ntility of H."— Trans, of the Society of Arts, 
 TOl. iii. p. 6. 
 
 A SYSTEM of MECHANICAL PHILOSOPHY, by the late 
 John Robison,LL.D., Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University 
 and Secretary to the Royal Society of Edinl)urgh. With Notes and 
 Dlustrations, comprising; the most recent Discoveries in the Physical 
 Sciences. By David Brewster, LL.D. F.R.S.E. In 4 vols. 8yo. 
 ■with numerous Plates. 
 
 A MANUAL of CHEMISTRY ; containing the principal Facts 
 of the Science, arranged in the Order in which they are discussed and 
 illustrated in the Lectures at the Royal Institution. With a Prefatory 
 History of the Science. By W. T. Brande, F. R. S. Secretary to the 
 Royal Society of London. With more than 100 Wood-cuts,, Diagrams, 
 Plates, &c. A New Edition, in 2 Vols. 8vo. 
 
 'Sjj'^ 
 
 bi/ Mr. Murray, Albemarie-Street. 
 
 A GREEK GRAMMAR. By Auglstus MatthivE, Doctor in 
 Philosophy, Director of tlie Gymnasium, and Librarian of the Ducal 
 Library at Altenburo:, Honorary Member of the Academy of Sciences 
 at Erfurt, of the Latin Society at Jena, and of the Society of Sciences 
 and Arts at Mentz. Translated by the late Rev. E. V. Blomfield, M.A. 
 Fellow of Emanuel College, Cambridge. A New Edition, in 2 Vol's. 8vo. 
 
 An ABRIDGMENT of MATTHIiE's GREEK GRAMMAR. 
 
 For the use of Schools. 12mo. 
 
 TRAVELS in SYRIA and MOUNT SINAI, viz. LA Journey 
 from Aleppo to Damascus.— 2. A Tour in the District of Mount 
 Libanus and Antilibanus.— 3. A Tour in the Hauran.— 4. A Second 
 Tour in the Hauran.-^. A Journey from Damascus, through Arabia- 
 Petraea, and the Desert El Ty, toCairo.-G. A Tour in the Peninsula 
 of Mount Sinai. By the late John Lewis Burckhahdt. With 
 Maps, &c. 4to. 
 
 TheLIFE of the Right Honourable R. B. SHERIDAN. By 
 Thomas Moore, Esq. With a Portrait. 4to. 
 
 The WORKS of the Right Honourable R. B. SHERIDAN, now 
 first collected and edited by Thomas Moore, Esq. 2 vols. 8to. 
 
 HISTORY of the several ITALIAN SCHOOLS of PAINTING, 
 with Observations on the present State of the Art. By J. T. James, 
 M. A., Author of Travels in Germany. 8vo. 
 
 NARRATIVE of the Late POLITICAL and MILITARY 
 EVENTS in BRITISH INDIA, under the Administration of the Mar- 
 quess of Hastings. By Henry T. Princep, Esq., of the Honourable 
 East India Company's Civil Service, Bengal. With Maps, Plans, and 
 Views, 4to. 
 
 The HISTORY of the LATE WAR in SPAIN. By Robert 
 SouTHEVjEsq. 3 vols. 4to. 
 
 A GEOGRAPHICAL, STATISTICAL, and HISTORICAL 
 DESCRU^TION of HINDUSTAN, and the adjacent country, com- 
 posed from tiie most authentic printed documents, and from the manu- 
 script records deposited at the Board of Controul ; consisting of the 
 official reports, and public correspondence of nearly all the most 
 eminent Civil Servants at the three Presidencies, and also of many of 
 the most distinguished Military and Medical Officers. By Walter 
 Hamilton, Esq. With Maps, 2 vols. 4to. 
 
 ITALY and its INHABITANTS, in the Years 1816 and 1817. 
 With a View of the Manners, Customs, Tiieatres, Literature, and the 
 Fine Art-, with somejiotitx' cf its various !')ialor(fi. Bv James A.Ci.A- 
 
 MITK. of G'-n#»va. 2vo]-."A . 
 
^Il 
 
 Works preporwi^/or Publication. 
 
 An ACCOUNT of the ABIPONES, an Equestrian People in the 
 
 INTERIOR of SOUTH AMERICA, '^^f ^^' /^itI tT^d 
 Latin of Martin Dobrizhoffer, one of the Ex-Jesuits, two ana 
 twenty years a Missionary in Paraguay. 2Vol3.8vo. 
 " ZxlLs have he^n in one thin, fonunat-bove gl other -ages^.^or^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 of their manners and fortunes by MarUn I^obmhf^^f. « ^«;"^*°^^^, ^^^ extinction of hi. 
 
 prime of his years to the task of converting them and in oui ag*-' a^^« painfully acquired. 
 
 order, found consolation in recording the know ledgej^hich he had so pam^y q ^ 
 
 and tlie labourn which had so miserably ^*^««/;;f "j'^f^S «* ^**'<'^» 
 
 life, the most carious and, in every respect, the most interesting ouui , 
 
 of the Brazils. 
 
 NARRATIVE of a CHINESE EMBASSY from the Emperor 
 
 of China, Kan, Hy^o the 1^»^- «[ J^^^"^ U ^TtLTh^lesT^^^^^ 
 banks of the Volga, in the years 1712, 13, and 14. By the Chmese Am- 
 bassador, and published by the Emperor's authority, at Pekin. Trans- 
 lated from the original Chinese, and accompanied by an Appendix of 
 Miscellaneous Translations from the same ^^f "^f ' *^??7'^*^^^^ 
 tracts from the Pekin Gazette, an Abstract of a Chinese Novel, 
 Argument of a Chinese Play, Sfc, By Sir George Thomas Staunton, 
 Bart., LL.D., F.R.S. 8yo. 
 
 On the First of April was Published with Plates, Sro. 
 
 No. XVII. of 
 The JOURNAL of SCIENCE and the ARTS. Edited 
 at the Royal Institution of Great Britain. Among the 
 Contents will be found- 
 Original Journal of an Excursion from St Thome deAng^stur^^ 
 
 G uay ana, to the Capuchin Missions of the Carom. With a i\ldp oi .me 
 
 Remtt o^^^^^^^^^^^ latest computation of the Density and Figure of 
 
 Oeolo^c^aritscription of the Hills which P^""«/^p\^«XiftiS^T^^^^^^ 
 
 from Ross to Chepstow, with Remarks upon the Ch^actenstics oi me 
 
 HrefordshireFc!rmati;,n,ir.. By John Fosbrooke, E^q. 
 On the Silures, or Catfishes, of the River Ohio By C S R^^^^^ 
 
 Professor of Botany and Natural History in the Transylvanian urn 
 
 versity of Lexington, in Kentucky . 
 On Fluidity ; and an Hypothesis concerning the Structure of the Earth. 
 iLtter from Captain VVillL^ Spencer Webb, containing an Account of Ins 
 
 JourTyin^rhibet, and Pilgrimage to the Temple of Kedar Nath. 
 
 Communicated by H.T.Colebrooke Esq. 
 On the Manufacture of British Opium By the Rev. G- Swayne _ 
 On the Variation of the Compass observed in the late \oyage ol liis 
 ^ covery to the North Pole,^By Geo. Fisher, Esq. 
 Account of the exhumation and re-interment ^^ ^"f^ f^^^^^^^^f;,"/ f 
 Observations on the Theory which ascribes Secretion to the Agency 
 
 Nerves By W. P. Alison, M.U., t.H.o.tj., ofc. , a r 
 
 Reports of the Commissioners appointed for inquiring into the mode ol 
 
 preventing the Forgery of Bank Notes. 
 Astronomical and Nautical CollecUons, No. I. Perkins Esq: 
 
 On the New Mode of Engraving on Steel, with a Plat^ ^.^ ",,f Snce-- 
 Miscellaneous Intelli^ence-in Chemical Science-Mechanical Science 
 
 Natural History-General Literature, Sfc. 
 MeteoJlgical Journal, for December, 1819, January and February 1820. 
 
 Select List of New Publications, ifc. 
 
 LONDON 
 
 Pitiited by W. Clowbs, Northumberland-court. 
 
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