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AUTHOR: 
 
 EBELING, HERMAN 
 LOUIS 
 
 TITLE: 
 
 STUDY IN THE SOURCES 
 OF THE MESSENIACA 
 
 PLACE: 
 
 BALTIMORE 
 
 DATE: 
 
 1892 
 
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 Ebeling, Herman Louisi 1857- 
 
 A study in the sources of the Messemaca of Pausanias 
 ... by Herman Louis Ebeling . . . Baltimore, J. Murphy & 
 CO., 1892. 
 
 3 p. U 5-78 p. 23*". 
 
 Thesis (ph. d.)— Johns Hopkins university, 1889. 
 Bibliography: p. 78. 
 
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 MflNUFflCTURED TO fillM STflNDflRDS 
 BY fiPPLIED IMflGEp INC. 
 
A STUDY 
 
 IN THE 
 
 SOURCES OF THE MESSENIACA 
 
 OF PAUSANIAS. 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 PRESENTED TO THE BOARD OF UNIVERSITY STUDIES OF 
 
 THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY FOR THE 
 
 DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY. 
 
 BY 
 
 HERMAN LOUIS EBELING, Ph. D., 
 
 f ■ » 
 
 . Professor of Greek in Miami University ^ Oxford^ Ohio. 
 
 BALTIMORE: 
 
 JOHN MURPHY & CO. 
 X892. 
 
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 CO 
 
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 TO 
 
 MY DEAR PARENTS, 
 
 CO 
 
 148783 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 A few obvious misprints are passed without notice. 
 Pages 51, 53, 56, 58, 78 —for Conat read Couat. 
 
 ige /5, 1. 1, 
 
 4, a 
 
 nd 13 — 
 
 " Comon " Ck)non. 
 
 " 13, 1. 3 from bottom— 
 
 " proof of. 
 
 " 23,1.16 
 
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 " p. 11 " p. 19. 
 
 " 35,1.17 
 
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 " that part of tKe first war read that part the first war. 
 
 " 58,1. 8 
 
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 " c. VII, by end read p. 64. 
 
 " 66,1. 2 
 
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CONTENTS. 
 
 Pagb. 
 PbEFACE, ---------. ...e 
 
 A Sketch of Messenian History, 7 
 
 Chronological Table, jq 
 
 I. Introduction, j, 
 
 n. Pausanias* Introduction taken from Myron, - - - 14-22 
 
 a. Comparison between Introduction and Account of First War, - 14 
 
 b. Teleclus, y, 
 
 c. Diodorus, ----------- ig 
 
 d. Polychares, -----•»---.. OQ 
 
 III. Pausanias' Sketch of the Close of the First War, - - - 22 
 
 IV. a. The Sources for Chapters XIV-XVII other than Myron, - 26 
 
 b. Ephorus and Tyrtaeus, £7 
 
 c. Sosibius, -----------29 
 
 d. Reasons why Ephorus' History not used more Extensively, - - 30 
 
 e. Rhianus, -----------31 
 
 V. Myron THE Chief Source FOR Chapters XIV-XVIPo, - - 32-45 
 
 a. Myron used Tradition pertaining to the Second War, - - - 32 
 
 b. Certain parts dealing with Aristomenes from Myron, - - - 36 
 
 c. The Allies, -- ---38 
 
 d. Tyrtaeus, - . - - . ^ 
 
 Review, ---------... ax 
 
 VI. Consideration of Possible Sources for the Account of the 
 
 Restoration, ----«..._. 45-51 
 
 a. It was not constructed by Pausanias from Fragments, - - - 46 
 
 b. The Story of the Restoration joined to an Account of the Previous 
 
 History, ---. ^ 
 
 c. Rhianus, -----------51 
 
 VII. Myron's History Probably Included an Account of the 
 
 Restoration, ------.-.. 54.58 
 
 a. Various Reasons Assigned to Prove Myron's Authorship, - - 54 
 
 b. The Part Played by Destiny Points to Myron, - - - - 67 
 
 c. Rhianus and Myron, ---------58 
 
 VIII. a. The Third Messenian War, ^5 
 
 b. Chapter XXV, - g^ 
 
 c. Chapter XXVI, - - - - 72 
 
 Conclusion, -« 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 It has long been recognized that the style of Pausanias' 3Iesse. 
 nmca is an improvement on that of the other books of his Deeenptio 
 Gmecme, and very justly this improvement has been referred to 
 the sources he had used. 
 
 Kohlmann, Quaediones Meimmacae, 1866, has shown that these 
 sources were to a large extent Myron of Priene, a rhetorician, and 
 the epic poet Rhianus of Bene. Hoping to prove Pausanias' 
 dependence upon Rhianus more in detail, I undertook to examine 
 the Messemam with a view to poetic style. I compared with it 
 the extant epigrams of Rhianus, but without success. A search for 
 poetical words revealed one here and there, but these may be found 
 in the other books as well. Moreover, that part of the fourth book 
 which has been attributed to Myron is not without poetical color 
 owing no doubt somewhat to the sources which Myron himself had 
 used. Myron also came in for a share of my attention. Kohlmann 
 among other things cited a number of passages containing moral re- 
 flections, which he referred to the rhetorician as their source. But 
 on further reading in Pausanias, moral reflections appeared verv 
 frequently in the other books, so that they offered no test of 
 authorship. 
 
 Hoping still to throw some light on the style of the fourth book 
 which would enable me to mark off the different parts of it I 
 examined the style of Pausanias more generally. This only proved 
 to me that Pausanias has a style of his own, such as it is, which 
 seems to be characterized nowhere so well as in Gurlitt Uber Pau 
 samas, 1890 p. 15sqq.. This view is suppoi-ted by the fact that 
 the multitude and variety of the sources which Pausanias used 
 made it necessary for him to resist at least a literal transfer. ' 
 
 5 
 
6 
 
 Preface, 
 
 C. Wernicke, De Fausaniae Periegetae Studiis Herodoteis (Ber- 
 olini, 1884), has shown in parallel columns how Pausanias adopted 
 matter from Herodotus. One may say of these passages that with- 
 out exception they have been changed in diction and in structure, 
 and Pausanias' desire to assimilate the material to his style can be 
 ^een most markedly in those passages where the borrowing is close. 
 The same may be said on comparing Pausanias VIII, 49-51, with 
 Plutarch's Pkilopoemen (see Nissen, Kritische Untersuchungen ub, 
 die Quellen des Livius, p. 287 sqq., Berlin, 1863). Besides Pausa- 
 nias shows considerable skill in extracting, condensing and com- 
 bining his material, to which he seems ever ready to make some 
 slight additions from memory. A certain amount of independence 
 may also be seen in the alterations which he makes. 
 
 This independence, then, and the mosaic-like character of his 
 work explains the difficulty of separating one part from the other 
 by detecting differences of style. I therefore determined to make 
 an attempt at defining the limits of the sources of the Messeniaca 
 from internal evidence before continuing my study of the style. 
 
 The result has been the following study of the sources of the 
 Messeniaca, in which it has been attempted to prove that Pausanias 
 made a larger use of Myron's work than is generally supposed. 
 
 A SKETCH OF MESSENIAN HISTORY. 
 
 As it might assist the reader in understanding the arguments of 
 the following discussion, I give below a short sketch of Messenian 
 history according to Pausanias, to which I append a chronological 
 table, giving some dates of important events in this history, as well 
 as of those ancient writers whose testimony we have to consider. 
 
 Long before the siege of Troy Polycaon came to the unoccupied 
 land that lay west of the Tay^etus range of mountains and took 
 possession of it. From his wife's name, Messene, the land was 
 called Messenia. The government under Polycaon and his succes- 
 sors was on the whole peaceful ; cities were founded and religious 
 institutions established. At the return of the Heraclidae the Dorian 
 Cresphontes drew lots for this fertile country with the sons of 
 Aristodemus, and through an understanding with Temenus, king 
 of Argos, to whom the lot drawing had been entrusted, Cresphontes 
 had Messenia assigned to himself. This brought Messenia under 
 Dorian rule, and although in an uprising Cresphontes was killed, 
 his son Aepytus was placed on the throne by the help of the Arca- 
 dian king Cypselus and the above mentioned sons of Aristodemus, 
 and so the family of Cresphontes ruled Messenia for many years' 
 until the race became extinct with the death of Euphaes, who was 
 killed in the first Messenian war. It was during the reign of 
 Phintas that the first occasion arose which caused a feeling of 
 enmity between the Lacedaemonians and Messenians. They had 
 been in the habit of worshipping together in the temple of Artemis 
 Limnas, which was situated on the border of Messenia and Lace- 
 daemonia. At one of -such religious festivals a disturbance arose 
 between the Messenians and Spartans, during which the Spartan 
 king Teleclus was killed. Later on a difficulty arose between a 
 
 7 
 
8 
 
 A Sketch of Messenian History, 
 
 Messenian named Polychares and a Spartan named Euaephnus. 
 All attempts to smooth the matter over proved unavailing, and the 
 war broke out by the Spartans' seizing the Messenian town Ampheia 
 743 B. C. 
 
 The war lasted twenty years, and was conducted bravely by the 
 Messenians against great odds ; at first under the leadership of their 
 king Euphaes, and then under that of Aristodemus, who was elected 
 in spite of the protests of the priests. For Aristodemus, in his 
 eagerness to serve his country, had attempted in obedience to the 
 oracle, to sacrifice his daughter, but owing to the opposition he 
 met with from the lover of the maiden, had in a fit of passion slain 
 her with his own hand. Shortly before this tragedy the Messe- 
 nians had retreated to the mountain fortress Ithome, where they 
 held out against the attacks of the Spartans for many years, but 
 finally a succession of unfavorable oracles and omens threw them 
 and their leader into despair. Aristodemus committed suicide on 
 the grave of his daughter, and ^\e months later, at the end of the 
 twentieth year, Ithome was surrendered. Some of the Messenians 
 went into exile, but the majority remained and were sorely oppressed 
 by Spartan rule. Thirty-nine years after the surrender of Ithome 
 the Messenians tried to throw off the Spartan yoke. They were 
 now led by Aristomenes, who performed many wonderful deeds of 
 bravery, and struck terror into the hearts of the Spartans. The 
 oracle advised them to ask the Athenians for a counsellor, who sent 
 them the lame school-master Tyrtaeus. He, however, succeeded in 
 reviving the courage of the Lacedaemonians with his war-songs. 
 At the battle of the Great Trench the Messenians suffered an over- 
 whelming defeat owing to the treachery of the Arcadian king 
 Aristocrates, who unexpectedly withdrew his troops from the field 
 of battle. The Messenians now retreated to the mountain Eira, 
 where they held out against a siege for eleven years, during which 
 time Aristomenes made repeated inroads upon Spartan territory 
 with a band of trusty followers. Finally, 668 B. C, the Messe- 
 nians were forced to capitulate, and sought refuge with their Arca- 
 dian neighbors. The treachery of the Arcadian king Aristocrates 
 was discovered, and he was put to death. Most of the Messenians 
 set sail for Sicily, where they had been called by Anaxilas, king of 
 Rhegium. They got possession of the town Zancle and changed its 
 
 A Sketch of Messenian History. 
 
 9 
 
 name to Messene. Aristomenes ended his days on the island of 
 ,Khodes, where he liad axjcompanied one of his daughters, who had 
 married the king of lalysus, a town on this island. 
 
 The third Messenian wax (464 B. C.) was occasioned by an 
 earthquake, which proved so disastrous to the Spartans that tliose 
 of the Helots who were descended from the Messenians thought 
 an opportunity had arrived to gain their liberty. They entrenched 
 themselves on Mt. Ithome, and succeeded in resisting all attacks 
 that were made upon them for a number of years. Finally, how- 
 ever, they were forced to capitulate, whereupon the Athenians turned 
 over to them the city Naupactus to inhabit. While here they cap- 
 tured a town, Oeniada«, in Acarnania, which was hostile to the 
 Athenians, but held it only for one year. 
 
 After the battle of Aegospotemi, 405 B. C, they were driven out 
 of Naupactus by the Spartans. Some of them went to their coun- 
 trymen in Sicily and to Ehegium, but most of them set sail for 
 Libya under the leadership of Comon, and settled in Eusperitae. 
 
 Thirty-five years later they were recalled by Epaminondas, who 
 organized a new Messenian state 370 B. C. Comon, who had been 
 apprised beforehand by a dream of their return to Greece led 
 them back. ' 
 
 Great preparations were now made for building on Mt. Ithome 
 a town which was to be called Messene. When everything was in 
 readiness all present offered sacrifices to their respective gods, and 
 thereupon, to the accompaniment of flutes, they began the construc- 
 tion of the walls of the new city. 
 
 Pausanias continues with an account of the later history of the 
 Messenians down to the year 183 B. C, but as this part has little 
 to do with our subject, it has been omitted. 
 
 It may perhaps not be superfluous to warn the reader against 
 confusing Aristodemus with Aristomenes. 
 
 Aristodemus was the king of the Messenians in the first war. 
 
 Aristomenes was the national hero of the Messenians, who per- 
 formed heroic deeds in the second war. 
 
k 
 
 j i 
 
 i 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF MESSENIAN HISTORY. 
 
 B. C. 
 
 1104. 
 
 Cresphontes. 
 
 826. 
 
 Teleclus. 
 
 743. 
 
 First Messenian War. 
 
 685. 
 
 Second Messenian War. 
 
 464. 
 
 Third Messenian War. 
 
 455. 
 
 Messenians settle in Naupactus. 
 
 405. 
 
 Messenians driven from Naupactus. 
 
 370. 
 
 Messenia restored by Epaminondas. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE SOURCES. 
 
 B. C. 
 
 685. 
 
 Tyrtaeus. 
 
 445. 
 
 Herodotus. 
 
 419. 
 
 Thucydides. 
 
 396 (446-355). 
 
 Xenophon. 
 
 369. 
 
 Isocrates. 
 
 338. 
 
 Kphorus. 
 
 251 (about). 
 
 Sosibius. 
 
 222. 
 
 Rhianus. 
 
 200. (?) 
 
 Myron of Priene. 
 
 146. 
 
 Polybius. 
 
 1st Cent. 
 
 Diodorus Siculus. 
 
 
 Strabo. 
 
 • 
 
 — 
 
 Trogus Pompeius (Epitome of his History by 
 
 
 Justinus, 400 A. D. (?) ' 
 
 A. D. 
 
 
 150. 
 
 Pausanias. 
 
 — 
 
 Polyaenus. 
 
 200. 
 
 Clemens Alexandrinus. 
 
 300. 
 
 Eusebius Caesariensis. 
 
 400. (?) 
 
 Justinus. 
 
 Note. — Keferenoes 
 
 are made to pages of thesis or to chapters. 
 
 10 
 
 
 A STUDY IN THE SOURCES OF THE MESSENIACA 
 
 OF PAUSANIAS. 
 
 I. Introduction. 
 
 Sober history knows but little in reference to the Messenian wars. 
 Busolt, G7HeGh. GescL, I, 134, considers the verses of Tyrtaeus to 
 be nearly our only reliable source of information concerning them. 
 They were probably the only source which the ancients themselves 
 possessed, whose collection of Tyrtaean verses containing historical 
 information was, as O. Muller, Dorier, 1844, p. 141, remarked, 
 liardly larger than that which we have at the present day. 
 
 But although there was little reliable information of these early 
 wars handed down, yet there was an abundance of tradition cher- 
 ished by the Messenians, which clustered chiefly about the deeds of 
 Aristomenes, who was looked upon as the national hero. Isocrates, 
 Archidamus, draws on Mytliology to establish the claim of the 
 Spartans to Messenia, and speaks also of oracles that had gone out 
 from Delphi in answer to the inquiries sent there both by the Mes- 
 senians and Lacedaemonians. When the Messenians were restored 
 to their country by Epaminondas, 370 B. C, it was but natural 
 that the interest in these early events should be largely increased, 
 and in consequence of this several writers undertook to work up 
 the existing material into a literary form. Of the Messmiaca by 
 -^schylus of Alexandria mentioned by Athenaeus, 13, 599, e, 
 nothing further is known. But from Pausanias we know that 
 Khianus of Bene seized upon this material to write an epic poem 
 in imitation of Homer's Iliad, in which Aristomenes was the cen- 
 tral figure; also that Myron, using to a large extent the same 
 material, wrote a history of the Messenians in prose, in which other 
 heroes played prominent roles along with Aristomenes. 
 
 11 
 
12 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 The following discussion deals chiefly with Myron's history^ 
 therefore a characterization of his work, as far as known, is neces- 
 sary. Unfortunately there are no fragments of his work extant, 
 if we except two short passages in Athenaeus, and we have to rely 
 chiefly on the account of the first Messenian war in Pausanias for 
 our information. 
 
 There is no doubt that Myron served Pausanias as a source for 
 writing the history of the first Messenian war. Pausanias' own 
 words in c. 6, besides Kohlmann's investigation alluded to above, 
 prove this. And, as it is also highly probable that Myron was the 
 only source for this part of the Measeniaca, I shall proceed in my 
 investigation on the assumption that all of the first Messenian war 
 reflects Myron's manner of treatment, although it seems that, as 
 usual, Pausanias manipulated his material and put it in his own 
 language. 
 
 We see in the Myron of Pausanias a rhetorician. Boeckh, Opusc.y 
 IV, 211, 4, and C. Miiller, Fragm. Hist. Gr., IV, 461, have iden- 
 tified him with the rhetorician of that name mentioned by Kutilius 
 Lupus, De figg. sentent., 1, 20; II, 1 ; and Kohlmann has sufficiently 
 pointed out the rhetorical character of the account of the first Mes- 
 senian war in Pausanias to support this view. An examination of 
 the account of the first war also shows that Myron was more bent 
 on furbishing up tradition than on writing history, and so Kohl- 
 mann justly calls him scriptor fabularum magis, quam historiarum, 
 Busolt (Neue Jahrb. /. Phil., 1 883, p. 814), has thrown considerable 
 light on the manner in which Myron composed his history. He 
 says: "Der Rahmen fiir die Geschichte des erstm messenischen 
 Krieges ist also aus Thukydides und Xenophon zusammengeflickt. 
 Zur Fiillung desselben wurden allerlei Details, Fabeln und Wun- 
 dergeschichten verwendet, die der Gewahrsmann des Pausanias 
 [Myron] nach Erzahlung der Messenier und dem Epos compo- 
 nierte.'^ This explains the air of unreality in so many passages of 
 Pausanias' Measeniaca, and in this light we are able to appreciate 
 the criticism that Pausanias himself, c. 6, passed on Myron : Mvpava 
 0€ iiri re aWoi^ Kajafiadelv eoircv ov irpoopcofievov el yftevSij re Kal 
 ov iridava B6^€c Xiyeiv, kol ovx riKiara iv rfhe Tjj Meaarjvla 
 avyypa(t>fj. 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias, 
 
 13 
 
 But we should not censure Myron for writing a fictitious account 
 of the Messenian wars ; for, as history has failed us here, we have 
 thus had preserved for us an interesting though imaginary picture 
 of these wars. It is true the partisan spirit displayed is very 
 marked, yet we are very willing to have our sympathies aroused 
 for the Messenians, who had to sufier so severe a punishment. 
 
 That Myron felt a bitterness for the Spartans can be seen from 
 Athenaeus, 14, 657, d : on Se tol<: KiXaxri v^picrnKm irdvv 
 iXpcovro AaKeSaifioviOL koX Mvpoiv 6 Upcrjvev^i IcrTopel iv Bevripoy 
 Mea-arjviaKcop ypd<f)(ov ovtox; 'roh 3' ^"iXcdai irav vfipcarcKOv epyov 
 eTnTaTTovac irpo^ irdcrav dyov drtp^iav k, t. \. 
 
 We have accordingly the following important characteristics of 
 Myron's style : animosity displayed towards the Spartans ; elements 
 of a rhetorical style shown, for instance, in the frequent speeches; 
 fictitious descriptions of battles ; frequent anachronisms ; and lastly 
 imitations of passages in Thucydides, in Xenophon, and to some 
 extent, I think, in Herodotus. 
 
 I shall undertake to prove, in the first place, that Pausanias is 
 indebted to Myron for the whole of his introduction, aside from 
 short paragraphs added by Pausanias, and for the sketch of the 
 close of the first war, in addition to the history of the first war 
 down to the death of Aristodemus, which is generally conceded to 
 Myron. 
 
 On both of these positions the words of Pausanias in c. 6, which 
 seem to deal with the limits of Myron's history, have an important 
 bearing. Although it will be shown below that Pausanias could 
 not have meant these words to be taken literally, yet they are stated 
 so positively that the reader is led to suppose that Myron failed to 
 write an introduction to his history, and that he brought the same 
 to a close with the death of Aristodemus, five months before the end 
 of the war. In respect to the latter point scholars have interpreted 
 this passage in the above literal manner, although in regard to the 
 former they grant that Myron may have written an introduction. 
 Yet the proof this which. Immerwahr, Lalconika, 140, finds in the 
 assumption that Myron was also used by Diodorus as a source, does 
 not seem to rest on a sure foundation (see II, c.) ; neither is it likely 
 
14 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 The Mesaeniaca of Fausanias, 
 
 15 
 
 I 
 
 that his view that the introduction in Pausanias was compiled from 
 different sources, is correct. 
 
 n. Pausaioas' Intboduction taken from Myron. 
 a). Comparison between Introductimi and Account of First War. 
 
 An examination of Pausanias' introduction to the Messenian wars 
 in the light of Myron's characteristics of style, as given above, 
 and a comparison of this introduction with the account of the first 
 war down to the death of Aristodemus (t. e., c. 5, 9 to c. 13. 5), will 
 make it probable that Pausanias was indebted to Myron for the 
 whole of his introduction. 
 
 It may be remarked at the outset that it seems incredible that 
 Myron's history, a prose work which seemed to take in all the cir- 
 cumstances that pertained to the first war, should have omitted to 
 write an introduction, but should have commenced with the taking 
 of Ampheia (c. 6). That the contrary is true may be seen in the 
 first place by comparing Pausanias' introduction with the account 
 which Ephorus gave of the causes that led to the Messenian wars, 
 btrabo, 279: "Ec^o/oo? 8' ouro) Xeyei repl r^? KTiaeo)^ iiroXifiovv 
 AaKeSacfMovcoc Meo-arjvioi^ airoKTeivaaL tov ^aa-uXea HrjXeKXov ek 
 M€(T(rjjv7)va(l)CK6fi€vov iirl Ova-lav, o^oaavre^ fMtj irpoTepov iiravrj^eiv 
 otKaSe irplv t) Meao-ijvrjv aveXelv rj irdvTa^ aTToSavelv. The sequel 
 to this oath is the story about the Partheniae (Strabo, 1. c), which 
 is not in Pausanias. According to Ephorus, we notice, the killing 
 of Teleclus was the immediate cause of the war, and the Spartans 
 swear in consequence to destroy Messene {M.ea<Trjvrjv aveXelv), 
 
 We find the same in Diod., XV, 66 : fiera Be ravra TrjXifcXov 
 TOV fiaa-cXio)^ t5)v AaKeSaLfiovlcov uTrodavovTO^ iv dywvt KaTeiroXe- 
 ^irjOrjaav viro AafceBaifiovlcov ol MeaarfviOL • tovtov Bi tov iroXefiov 
 €Cfco<ra€Trj ifxiau yeveadat, KaTOfioaa/jbivoov t&v KaKehatfiovimv firj 
 dvaKd^^|r€Lv ek ttjv l^irdpTijVy idv firj Meaarjvrjv eXaycri ; and in 
 Justinus, III, 4 : His igitur moribus Ua brevi civitas convaluit, ut, 
 cum Messeniis, propter stupratas virgines mas in solemni Messeni- 
 orum saenfkio (the occasion on which Teleclus was killed^ cf Pans., 
 c. 2), bdlum inialissent, gramssima se execratione obstrinxerint, non 
 prius quam Messenam expugnassent, revermros. 
 
 All of the above is supposed to go back to Ephorus, except that 
 Busolt does not believe that Ephorus knew anything about the 
 violation of the maidens, of which Justinus speaks. See Enmann, 
 UntersucL Fomp. Trog,, p. 125, and Busolt, Griech. GescL, I, p. 
 153, 1. We find all of the above in Pausanias, but with some 
 changes and many additions, such as we might expect to find in 
 such an historical romance as we know Myron's Messeniaca to 
 have been. 
 
 The oath according to Ephorus is strictly adhered to ; not so in 
 Pausanias (cc. 7, 7 ; 5, 8), for although Myron, his source, had 
 recorded the oath, yet he evidently found it inconvenient to handle 
 the narrative of the Messenian war, with the Spartans constantly 
 on the scene. 
 
 Again we find that whereas, according to Ephorus the Spartans 
 wish to punish the Messenians for killing Teleclus, in Pausanias 
 this affair is allowed to pass unnoticed (c. 4, 3), and not until a 
 generation later does the affair with Polychares take place, which 
 becomes the immediate cause of the war. This permits a much 
 longer discussion of the causes, and so helps to put the Spartans in 
 a much worse light, which is in perfect accord with Myron's atti- 
 tude towards them. 
 
 The Spartans' aim is, according to Strabo, 279 : Meaaijvrjv ave- 
 Xelv j according to Diod., XV, 76: firj dvaKdfiyjreLv eh ttjv 
 ^'7rdpT7)Vy idv firj MeaaTjvrjv eXaxri ; according to Just., Ill, 4 : 
 non pitis qvxim Messenam expugnassent, revermros. In Pausanias, 
 c. 5, 8, on the other hand, we read this rhetorical statement: 
 TrpooixvvovaLV opKOv fjLtjTe tov iroXifiov fjurJKo^, rjv fir) Be oXlyov 
 fcpiOfij H'VT€ T^9 o-vfi<f>opd<;, el fueydXai iroXefiovaL yivoivTo, dwo- 
 Tpe-^euv a<f>d<i irplv ff KTr)(TaivT0 %o)/oai/ T7)v MeaaTjVLavBopLdXcoTOv • 
 TavTa TTpoofwaavTe^ e^oBov vvKTwp iiroiovvTo iirl *'AiLL(l>€cav, Now 
 the charge, that the Spartans wanted the Messenian land, is a con- 
 trolling idea in the discussion of the causes of the war, occurring 
 also in c. 4, 3, and c. 5, 3, the latter passage being a fierce outburst 
 against the Spartan greed of gain. And as it is also found in the 
 part which Pausanias, c. 6, expressly says was written by Myron, 
 namely in cc. 7, 9 ; 7, 10 ; 8, 2, being there expressed in the speeches 
 respectively of Theopompus, Euphaes and in the reproaches uttered 
 
16 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias, 
 
 17 
 
 m 
 
 by the Messenians on the battlefield, the close connection between 
 the introduction and the account of the first war is manifest. 
 
 Again a correspondence can be seen between these two parts, in 
 the charge brought against the Spartans that they were the aggres- 
 sors. As far back in the introduction as c. 4, 3, we read that the 
 Spartans had not demanded satisfaction for the killing of Teleclus 
 for the following reason : avveiUra^ co? ap^aiev ahcKia<;, and again 
 (c. 4, 4), KoX rjp^av ol AaKcBaL/jLovcot 7ro\€fiov, This same accusa- 
 tion is made in Myron's part, where we read (c. 6, 6) that Euphaes 
 encouraged the Messenians after the capture of the Ampheia with 
 the words xal to ev/LLevia-Tepov eaeaOac irapa t&v Oe&v dfivvovac 
 TTJ oLKeia Kol ovk ahiKia^ dp'x^ovcrcv. 
 
 We read in the account of the war, c. 8, 2, that the Messenians 
 consider the aggression of the Spartans all the greater as they were 
 both of the same race, as follows : ol 8e eKeivovf; tcG re iyx^Lprjp^ari. 
 avoaiov^iy iirel ifKeove^ia^ evexa xal iirl dvBpa^ avyy€V€i<; iwiaaCy 
 tc, T. \. A similar charge is brought iii the introduction, c. 5, 3 : 
 Kpola-o) T€ avToU So^pa aToa-reCKavTi yevecrdau i^ikov^ fiap0dpq> 
 TTpwTov^y a<^' ov ye tov^ re dWovf; tou^ iv rfj 'Aaia KareBovXay^ 
 aaro' EXX^i/a? Kal oaoi Acoptec^; iv rfj KapcKrj KaTOLKOvacv rjireipep. 
 That Myron was guilty of anachronisms has been mentioned 
 above. So we find in the account of the war c. 12, 2 : roU ^aai- 
 Xevac Kal to?9 e<\>6poLf;, and likewise in the introduction, c. 4, 8 : 
 (f>oir(i)v €9 TTjv AaKeSaLfiova toU paacXevacv ^v koL toI^ i(\>6pot<; Be 
 6x\ov ; cf. also introduction, c. 5, 4. These are the only passages 
 where Ephors are mentioned in the account of the first two Mes- 
 senian wars. Busolt, I, 147, 2, says: Aus Diod., VIII, 7, und 
 Pans., IV, 4, 5 (wahrscheinlich nach Myron von Priene), folgt 
 natiirlich nicht, dass schon beim Ausbruche des ersten messenischen 
 Krieges das Ephorat bestand. Id., I, 148. Noch zur Zeit des 
 zweiten messenischen Krieges lag, wie aus einem Tyrtaios-Fragment 
 erhellt, die Leitung des Staates wesentlich in den Handen des 
 Kdnigs und der Gerusia. (Cf also id., I, 149, 4.) 
 
 A correspondence between the introduction and the account of 
 the first war may also be seen in the references made to the well 
 known fraud of Cresphontes, which was not only told in its proper 
 connection in the recital of the early history in c. 3, 3-6, but was 
 also brought forward as one of the causes of the war in c. 5, 1, as 
 
 follows ; AaKeBatfiovioL fikv St) HoXvxdpov^ t€ evexa ovk iKBodi- 
 VTO<; o-(f>LO-c, Kal Bed rov TrjXeKXov ([>6vov, Kal irporepov ere vTroTrrco^ 
 €X0VT€^ Btd TO Kpea<f)6vT0V KaKOvpyirjp^a €9 tov KXrjpov, iroXe/jLTJaai, 
 Xiyova-cv, Reference is clearly made to this in the account of the 
 war in the oracle quoted, c. 12, 1 : 'AW diraTv H^v e^et yacav 
 ^ecro-rjviBa \ao9, k, t. \. 
 
 Let us now examine in succession the stories told in the intro- 
 duction about Teleclus and Polychares, in each of which we shall 
 find clear indications of Myron's style. A partisan spirit is quite 
 manifest. In the case of Teleclus, where there are two versions, 
 the Messenian one comes last, and is the longer ; likewise in the 
 summing up of the causes after the Polychares story (c. 5), the 
 Spartan view is simply stated in not quite four lines, whereupon 
 follows a fierce attack, made from the Messenian standpoint, occu- 
 pying fully a page. That Pausanias is following his source here is 
 evident (cf. especially c. 5, 5). Examine also III, 3, 1 ; IV, 4, 1 ; 
 4, 3 ; 5, 3, where he makes a show of impartiality. 
 
 . h), Teleclus, 
 
 Of the two versions that are given of the Teleclus aiFair, the 
 Spartan one, as Pausanias tells it (c. 4, 2), may be had by combining 
 Strabo, 279, with 362 and 257, which would include the same 
 description of the temple of Artemis Limnas as Pausanias gives in 
 c. 4, 2, and III, 2, 5. At the same time Pausanias' work as a 
 compiler can be seen in the genealogy of Teleclus, which he doubt- 
 less took from Sosibius (cf Immerwahr, op. cit., 7 sqq.) However 
 that may be, Pausanias is evidently following Myron in the Mes- 
 senian version. In fact it does not seem to be altogether unlikely 
 that Myron himself mentioned the Spartan version, and then con- 
 tinued with what he represented as the true story. 
 
 The Messenian versfon bears a striking resemblance to the story 
 told in Hdt., v. 20, so that when we consider that Myron wrote a 
 fictitious account, getting his suggestions from scraps of histor}^, it 
 seems possible that he followed Herodotus in composing this story. 
 A comparison of the two stories will show the likelihood of this 
 supposition : 
 
18 
 
 A Study in the Smirces of 
 
 ill 
 
 Pans., c. 4, 3 : Meaaijvioi Be 
 To?9 i\Oov<rt <r<l>aiv e? to hpov 
 irpODTevovo-Lv iv Mea-a-ijin; Kara 
 d^Lcofia, TovTOL^ <j>aalv iin^ov 
 \ev(7aL ^rfKGKKov, aircop Be elvat 
 Trj<; %ft)pa9 Tfj<; M€<T(T7)VLa<; ttjv 
 dp€T7]v, iiTL^ovXevovTa Be eirtXe- 
 ^ac z^irapTiaTcaVy ottogoi tto) 
 yiveca ov/c eZ^^oi/, tovtov<; Be 
 iarOrjTL koX KoafKp tc3 XotTrcG 
 (Tfcevaaavra o)? 7rapOevov<; dva- 
 Travofjiivoc; toI<; Me<T(TTjvLOc<; 
 eTreiaayayecVy Bovra e'y')(eLpiBLa 
 Koi TOv<; M.€a(rr}VLOv<; dfiwofie- 
 vov<s Tov^ T€ dyevelovf; veavia- 
 Kov<i KoX avTov diroKTeivac Tij- 
 \€k\op. 
 
 Hdt., v., 17 : Me7a/9afo9 ^e 
 • • • irefjuireL dyyeXov^ e? Ma/ce- 
 Bovirjv dvBpa<; eTrrd Jlepca?, ot 
 fi/er" avrov eKelvov Tjaav BoKifico- 
 Tarot iv toS oTpaTOTreBo), eire- 
 jjLirovTO Be ' " ' alTi]aovT€<; yfjv 
 re Kol vBcop; V, 20 : avro^ Be 6 
 AXe^avBpof; taov^ rija-c yvvac^l 
 dpiOfiov dvBpa^ Xeioyeveiov^i rf 
 Tcbv yvvaiK&v ea-Orjrc aKevdaa^ 
 Kai ey')(ecpiBca Bov^ waprjye ecroD 
 ' ' ' ' ol 8e, eVet re af^ewv ol 
 Uepaac y^avetv iTrecpeovro, Bcep- 
 yd^ovTo avTov<;, 
 
 c). Diodorus, 
 
 The Polychares episode involves the question whether Diodorus 
 also used Myron as a source ; for the fragments of Book VIII con- 
 tain the Polychares story, and have also other matter bearing more 
 or less resemblance to the account of the first war in Pausanias. 
 Enmann, op. cit., 123, who has been followed by Busolt, I, 135, 
 and Immerwahr, Lahmihiy 140, seems to have been the first to 
 assert that Myron was a source for Diod. YIII. Although this 
 view would throw welcome light upon the present investigation, 
 yet a closer examination makes the truth of this assertion rather 
 doubtful. 
 
 The passage in Diod., XV, Q^, reading as follows, evt,0L Be top 
 ApcoTOfievTjv yeyovevat if>aal KaTa top eUoa-aeTrj TroXefiov, has 
 been thought to refer to Myron, for Pausanias, c. 6, tells us that 
 Myron had made the mistake of associating Aristomenes with the 
 first war, and so the fragment in Diod., VIII, 10, which tells of a 
 dispute between Aristomenes and Kleonnis, one of the Messenian 
 leaders in the firet Messenian war, might seem to have been taken 
 from Myron, with whose history it seems to agree in style. But I 
 shall show below (c. V, a) that the tradition concerning the first 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 19 
 
 two Messenian wars had been frequently confused ; besides, the fol- 
 lowmg passages prove that such a confusion was widespread in the 
 case of Aristomenes.^ Plutarch, Agis, 21, says: Meaavvlcov Bk 
 /caL eeoTTOfiTTOv {jir' 'Apc<TTOfiipov<; ireaelv Xey6vTwv oH, <l>a<n Aa/ce- 
 Bat^iSvLOL, irXTjyrjvai Bk fi6pov. Two versions are implied in this 
 passage, according to which Aristomenes was a contemporary of 
 Theopompus, who took part in the first war. Again, in Clem 
 Alex., Froirept., Ill, 42, we read : 'ApcoTOfiiprj, yovp 6 Meaa'^PLo^ 
 Ta> ie<OfiifiTri Aa TptaKoaiov^ d'iri(r<f>a^ep, TO<Ta{jTm ofiov koX tol- 
 a{,Ta^ KaXXcepecp 6c6,m€po^ UaT6fjLfia^ ip oU icai %€6'irop.'rro^ ^p 6 
 AaKeBacfMOpi^p fiaacXei,^, lepetop eiyepi^;. This same passage 
 occurs m Euseb., Fraeparat. Evang,, IV, 16, i2. It is plain then 
 that others besides Myron could have presented to Diodorus the 
 confusion as to the period of Aristomenes. The reference then to 
 the view of those who said that Aristomenes had taken part in the 
 twenty years war, cited above from Diod., XV, Q% need not have 
 been aimed at Myron. In fact, as the sketeh of the Messenian 
 wars given in Diod., XV, m, was taken from Ephorus (Busolt 
 Gnech, Gesch., I, 134), it is probable that the above-mentioned 
 view was included, for no doubt Ephorus had himself to reckon 
 with the two opinions as to the period of Aristomenes (see c. IV, 6). 
 As to the Kleonnis- Aristomenes fragment in Diod., VIII it is 
 more than doubtful whether this ought to be credited to Diodorus, 
 for it would have been inconsistent on the part of Diodorus iL 
 represent in book VIII Aristomenes as taking part in the first war, 
 and then to associate him with the second war in XV, QQ, The 
 fact of his referring to the other view in the latter pas4ge argues 
 agamst the plea of an oversight. Such a discrepancy in Diodorus' 
 history would be especially remarkable if Eporus' history served 
 Diodorus as a source both for XV, m, and for book VIII (En- 
 mann, Fomp. Trog., 123 ff.). Fried. Jacobs, Verm. SchHf., 8*«' Bd., 
 Leipzig, 1844, thought it better to restore the Kleonnis-Aristomenes 
 fragment to the anonymous writer, under which title H. Stephanus 
 had edited it. Kohlmann, op. cit, 9, thought it was from Myron 
 himself, which view is worthy of consideration. 
 
 ^Busolt Gr. Gesch., I, 135, says: "Diese Geschichte [the stoiy that Aristo- 
 menes killed Theopompos, who lived in the first war] war freilich keine dem 
 Myron eigene Erfindung, soudem gehorte zu der Spateren messenischen tJber- 
 lieferung," etc. 
 
20 
 
 A Study^ in the Sources of 
 
 Diod., VIII, 6, corresponds with Paus., c. 9, 14, but only in so 
 far as Diodorus gives in prose the oracle which is quoted by Paus- 
 anias. Verbal agreement is therefore of no consequence, for these 
 oracles were without doubt widely known. Eusebius, Praep, 
 Eva7ig,, V, 27, 3, has the same oracle, although somewhat con- 
 densed, expressed in hexameters. A like correspondence exists 
 between Pans., c. 12, 1, and Diod., VIII, 13, as another oracle 
 quoted by Pausanias is also quoted by Diodorus ; but here, too, 
 Eusebius, op. ciL, V, 27, 1, has the same oracle, this time word for 
 word. For the frequency of these oracles, compare Strabo, 257, 
 where still another oracle concerning the downfall of Messenia is 
 mentioned, and also Isocrates, Archidam,, 31 : irejx'y^dvTayv aiK^oTe- 
 pcov eh Ae\<^ou9. 
 
 According to Diod., VIII, 6, the occasion for sending to the 
 oracle was partly owing to the howling of the dogs. In Paus., c. 
 13, 1, the howling of dogs is also mentioned, but in an entirely 
 different connection (see c. V, a). Moreover, the cavilling in this 
 passage of Diodorus at the efficiency of the seers does not harmonize 
 with the respect shown Epebolus, nor with the sending of Tisis to 
 Dolphi, who was also a seer, nor with the religious tone generally 
 in Pausanias' account. 
 
 There is one small fragment, i, e., Diod., VIII, 13, 2, whose 
 contents are to the effect that the Spartans do not require long 
 exhortations, and the Messenians trust to their valor, which, it is 
 true, would agree very well with Myron's account; but it is rather 
 general in its application, and could easily belong to another source. 
 
 The examination of the fragments so far shows that there is not 
 sufficient evidence in them to prove that Diodorus drew on Myron 
 for his account of the first Messenian war. The decision in the case 
 of the Polychares fragment must be made therefore upon the merits 
 of the latter alone. 
 
 d). Polychares, 
 
 We shall find on examining this fragment that on the one hand 
 the differences between the two versions are too great for Myron to 
 have been the source of both of them, and on the other hand that 
 Pausanias' version harmonizes with what is known of Myron's 
 style. 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias, 
 
 21 
 
 The Polychares story is only found in Pausanias and Diodorus, 
 and, as regards the essentials, is about the same in both of these 
 writers. But the mere telling of the same story is no proof of the 
 identity of the source, as the essentials could have been found in 
 different writers just as we find them now in Pausanias and in 
 Diodorus. Moreover, in comparing the two stories, differences in 
 detail can be observed, and it will also be evident that the one in 
 Pausanias is favorable to the Messenians, whereas the other has a 
 flavor of Spartan sympathy. 
 
 The differences in the two versions cannot be due to either Dio- 
 dorus or Pausanias, for the former tells his story in the ace. and 
 inf , and has evidently given a condensation ; and we know of the 
 latter that his literary activity consisted mainly in condensing and 
 compiling. Besides those parts wherein Pausanias differs from 
 Diodorus are mainly in the line of animosity shown towards the 
 Spartans. Accordingly the avariciousness of Euaephnus, which is 
 an intrinsic part of the story, is merely stated in Diodorus, but 
 sharply criticised in Pausanias (cf p. 19). 
 
 Both versions have by accident the same length, i, e,, 35 lines of 
 the Teubner text. This however is brought about by the expand- 
 ing of different parts of the story in the respective accounts. In 
 Diodorus the conviction of Euaephnus is the principal part ; in 
 Pausanias this part is not only meagrely treated, but different. So 
 we find that in Diodorus all the herdsmen escape and come back to 
 Polychares ; in Pausanias only one. In Diodorus, after they have 
 told their story they are concealed by Polychares, who sends for 
 Euaephnus, and while this one is telling a fabricated story, Poly- 
 chares confronts him with the escaped herdsmen. This marks a 
 climax in Diodorus' account, and has dramatic power. In Pausa- 
 nias the single herdsman who escaped finds Euaephnus already with 
 Polychares, which is tame. In Diodorus Polychares' son, who is 
 to be murdered, is only mentioned when he is sent with Euaephnus 
 to receive the money for the cattle. In Pausanias Euaephnus pleads 
 with the son as well as with the father to be forgiven, and then 
 asks that the son go with him in order to receive the money, which 
 makes the crime of Euaephnils in killing the young man appear all 
 the blacker. In fact, the murder of Polychares' son forms a climax 
 in Pausanias' account ; in Diodorus it is told without color. 
 2 
 
22 
 
 A Study in the Scmrces of 
 
 1 1 
 
 Finally, according to Diodorus, Polychares demands that the 
 culprit be delivered up to him ; but the Lacedaemonians send the 
 son of Euaephnus to him with a letter, asking him to come to 
 Sparta and lay his complaint before the Ephors and kings. Then 
 Polychares commits a crime in his turn, and murders the son of 
 Euaephnus, thus bringing destruction on his country. The story 
 in Diodorus is clearly intended to bring discredit on the Messe- 
 nians. According to Pausanias Polychares goes repeatedly to the 
 kings and Ephors, and complains bitterly of his wrongs, and only 
 after he finds that no attention is paid him does he become desperate 
 and then kills every Lacedaemonian that falls into his hands. 
 
 We have thus seen that Diodorus' version of the Polychares story 
 could not have been derived from Myron. At the same time the 
 strong Messenian bias in Pausanias' version, and the intimate con- 
 nection and harmony of this story with the rest of the discussion 
 concerning the causes of the war, make it highly probable that 
 Myron served Pausanias also as a source for this part of the 
 introduction. 
 
 We have found, on examining the introduction and comparing 
 it with the account of the war, that there are a number of striking 
 resemblances in these two parts. So we find, not to mention other 
 points, the same charges made against the Spartans in the introduc- 
 tion that are referred to in the account of the war : moreover, the 
 same partisanship, the same elaboration of detail, and the same style 
 of romancing. If we read continuously, we shall find that there is 
 no break at the place where the war begins, but all is closely linked 
 together. The conclusion, therefore, seems justified that, leaving 
 aside some minor additions, Pausanias did not compile his intro- 
 duction to the Messenian wars from different sources, but that he 
 depended entirely on Myron. 
 
 III. Pausanias' Sketch of the Close of the 
 
 First War. 
 
 Let us now turn our attention to the end of Myron's history of 
 the first war, which must have been strangely cut short, if we are 
 to trust to Pausanias, c. 6 : o fiev Tfj<: re ^AfKJyelaf; rrjv aXwavv teal 
 ret €^ef^9 aweOrjKeVy ov irpoao) rrjf; 'XpLOTohrffiov reXevrrj^;, These 
 
 The Meaaeniaca of Pausanias, 23 
 
 jords seem to have been taken literally by most scholars. So 
 Enmami, Trog P^p,^ 124, says : « Myron hatte den ersten Krieg 
 nur bis zum Tode des Aristodemus erzahlt (Pans, IV, 6, 2) In 
 Fo ge dessen lasst es Pausanias ganz im Unklaren, wie d^r Krieg 
 schhesshch geendet habe (Pans.. IV, 13, 6).» That PausaniJ 
 himself did not take his own words litemlly can be seen in c. 23, 6 
 W«'?-e he AXK^ha^iha, i^ Me<r«r,',^, i, 'p^-y«o. ,^k rhv 
 
 ™S \ ^f^f^^^^-^-^ and the fall of Ithome, elents sepa: 
 
 r^ II r"" ^^ *^' '"°'^*^' ^'•^ t'^ted as contempora- 
 neous If Myron had omitted to extend his history to the capture 
 ot Ithome, where could Pausanias have found an account of the 
 «nd of the war as he gives it; very much condensed it is true, vet 
 in perfect accord with the previous histo.7 ? For we must remem- 
 ber that Myron's account was to a large extent fictitious. 
 
 A detailed examination of the text of Pausanias will show the 
 close agreement with the previous history., c. 13, 5 : roh Bh 
 macr,v,.o., 6.-jrern>a>Kiva, rh -rrpd^^utra -rrapia^aro, &are ^al 
 ^PM<rav^ iKeacav e? roh AaKehaifwviov, A-rroariXKuv oCra, ,rd>6. 
 Spa ^are-^Xn^ev airoi,, ^ rov 'ApcaroS^f^v reXevr^ >cal rolro 
 l^v o Bvfw^ eireaxev a{,roi.<; ^i, ^ocijaac. The anger of the Mes- 
 ^mns IS a marked feature of Myron's account (see p. 19 and c. 
 yi a). (Jntmumg, we find in c. 13, 5 : avXXeyivre, S^ i, 
 .KjcX^a^av^aacXea p.kv oiUva, Aa^, Bk arparrr^hv ahro.pA-ropa 
 eao.ro. Th,s democratic feature of the assembly was also peculiar 
 to Myron, as the following passages will show : cc. 5, 6 ; 6, 6 ; 9, 1 • 
 », 3 ; 9, 4 ; 12, 5. The freedom of speech implied in the ak)ve' 
 passages gave of course to Myron, the rhetorician, the desired 
 opportunities to compose orations. There is no trace of the iKKXnaia 
 in the account of the s^nd war. Having called the assembly, c. 
 13, 5, they elect a leader as follows : fia<rcXia p^v oiBiua. aL„ 
 be arpaTvyop avroKpdropa e'CXovro ■ 6 Bi KXiovvLv re ainp kuI 
 <Pv\€a eXopsvo^ avvdpxovra<! k. r. X. Compare with this c. 10 6 
 where Anst«demus, on becoming king, shows marked attention to' 
 Kleonnis and Damis, who have been his rivals. It was then quite 
 natural that Damis should later follow the precedent set by the king 
 The text continues : [Aa;«,] -^apeaKevd^ero ^ ^al e« rZ 
 -rrapovr^v avva-^<ov ^XV ' i^vdyKa^e yhp f, re woX^pda koI 
 
24 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 ov^ TjKCOTa 6 \i/jl6^ teal [to] air^ avrov Seo9, fir) koX 7rpo6La<f>uapa>a'LV 
 inro ivBeiaf;, This fighting before the walls of the besieged Ithome 
 seems to have been a feature of Myron^s history. At no time did 
 the Spartans actually attack the walls of this stronghold ; but even 
 after retiring to Ithome all the fighting is done outside of the walls* 
 It was different at the siege of Eira, for there the walls were scaled 
 with ladders (c. 21, 1). 
 
 The text continues : dperr fiev Sr) koX To\/jL7]fjLaa-Lv ovSe rore 
 direBerjae rd t&v M.€a<r7]VL(ov direOavov Be oC re aTparrjtyoi (r<l>i<TLV 
 dwavref; koX t&v dWcov ol \6yov fidXidTa d^Loc, This heroism of 
 the Messenians is the same that is displayed in the previous chap- 
 ters. Finally we read : to Be diro tovtov pjrjva^ fiiv irov irivre 
 fidXiara dvTea")(pv . irepX he rov iviavrov Xr^yovTa e^ektirov ttjv 
 *10(Ofi7jv, 7ro\e/i77<rain-69 err) rd irdvra eiKoaiy KaOd Srj koX ^vpraim 
 7re7rocr]fi€va eariv, 
 
 et/cooToS B^oi fiev Kard iriova epya Xtirovre^ 
 (fievyov \6(Ofiai(tiv e/c fieydXeov opicov. 
 
 It is not simply stated here that they fought twenty years ; but the 
 time is measured out with care, so that we are made to see that the 
 Messenians left Ithome at the close of the twentieth year. This 
 seems to show that Pausanias followed Myron in writing the con- 
 clusion of the war ; but, as usual, found in Ephorus (see c. IV, b) 
 the verses of Tyrtaeus, which he quotes. And as Ephorus inter- 
 preted these verses to mean that the war lasted nineteen years (cf. 
 Strabo, 279 : Mea-ari^vr) Be edXo) iroXe/irjOelo-a evveaKaiBeKa errj 
 Kaddirep koI Tvpralo^ (fyrjacv " d/x,<^* avrrjv k, t. \.), this may be the 
 very reason why Pausanias, in adopting the usual number of twenty 
 years, as Myron no doubt had it (cf. c. 12, 7 : koX ydp cIkootov 
 ero? €717764 tc5 iroXefitp), laid some stress on this very point in oppo- 
 sition to Ephorus' nineteen years, and, curiously, chose the last two 
 verses from a quotation from Tyrtaeus, which Ephorus had (Strabo, 
 279) to prove this, although he quotes the other verses a few chap- 
 ters below (c. 15, 2), as follows : d^K^y avrrjv B'ifidxovr evvea koX 
 BeK errj, k. t. \. 
 
 The above discussion shows, I think, that Myron did continue 
 his history to the end of the war. The account Pausanias gives is 
 probably very much condensed, and no doubt also full of omissions, 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 25 
 
 just as we find the allusions Euphaes makes (c. 7, 10-11) to the 
 horrors suffered by the inhabitants of Ampheia at the hands of the 
 Lamiaemonians not fully justified by the account of its capture 
 (c. 5, 9). It would have been unaccountable if Myron had really 
 ended his history with the death of Aristodemus, in view of the 
 comparatively broad manner in which he has treats the first war 
 It IS however not so difficult to understand why Pausanias should 
 have mentioned the death of Aristodemus instead of the capture of 
 Ithome. For, as the narrative reaches its climax with the death of 
 Aristodemus, and the end was then so near that Pausanias consid- 
 ered the fall of Ithome as happening at the same time (see p 23) 
 It may be that Pausanias fixed the end of the war with the most 
 important event. But there may have been also the following 
 reasons : Myron did not represent the war he described as the first 
 war (see c. V, a), nor did his history end with the fall of Ithome 
 as will be shown below. Therefore Pausanias had to construct a 
 tr^sition from Myron's history to an account of the second war 
 and probably found it difficult to find a suitable point from which 
 to bridge over. For that reason he directed his attention to the 
 death of Aristodemus as the virtual conclusion of the first war and 
 condensed the final outcome so as hardly to mention the eiles 
 which probably made a transition to the second war easier. 
 
 That Myron also wrote of the banishment of the Messenians is 
 very probable, since I have shown that he extended his history to 
 the capture of Ithome. This probability is strengthened when we 
 observe that the exiles sought refuge with the Sicyonians, Argives 
 and Arcadians, who had been the allies of the Messenians, and we 
 consider that this alliance was probably the fiction of Myron (see 
 c. V, c). 
 
 But this departure of the Messenians from Ithome implies that 
 the Spartans allowed them to leave under a truce. Now we read 
 in Thucydides, 1, 103, that at the end of the third war the Messen- 
 lans were allowed to depart, which may easily have been the source 
 for the idea that at the end of the first and second wars (c. 14, 1 
 and c. 21, 12) the Messenians were allowed each time to depart. 
 The account of Ehianus cannot be considered historical, and there 
 
26 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 seems to be no other evidence outside of Pausanias that the Messen- 
 ians left their country at the end of th^ first war, although we see 
 in Strabo, 257, and Heracl. Pont.. Pol. (Miiller, Frag. Hist. Gr., 
 219), that there had been some Messenian ftigitives before the first 
 war. Accordingly, we read in the sketch of the Messenian wars 
 given by Diodorus, XV, 66, only of the banishment after the third 
 war. 
 
 It therefore appears likely that Pausanias had no other source 
 for the exile after the first war than Myron, who, as we* have seen 
 (p. 12), used Thucydides as a model. A sign of this dependence 
 may be seen in c. 14, 4, where it is stated that the Lacedaemonians 
 made the Messenians swear not to revolt, which seems a somewhat 
 useless exaction, and was probably an imitation of Thuc, I, 103, 
 according to which passage the Messenians are allowed to depart on 
 condition that they should never return to the Peloponnesus under 
 penalty of becoming the slave of whosoever might capture them. 
 
 IV. The Sources for Chapters XIV-XVII other 
 
 THAN Myron. 
 
 a). I next undertake to investigate the sources which Pausanias 
 used in writing the first half of the second Messenian war. We 
 have therefore to do with the chapters which lie between the close 
 of the first war, which Myron described, and the beginning of 
 Rhianus' epic (i. e., cc. 14-17, 10). According to c. 6, Pausanias 
 had neither Myron nor Rhianus to depend on for this part, as the 
 former had nothing to say about the second war, and Rhianus* 
 poem must have begun with the siege of Eira (c. 17, 11). 
 
 It is easy to see that Pausanias used no single source for filling 
 in these chapters. In the first place, with regard to the duration of 
 the war, there exists a discrepancy between the account in Pausa- 
 nias, according to which it lasted fourteen years, and the dates 
 given by him, according to which it lasted seventeen years. A sign 
 of Pausanias' greater activity in these chapters can be seen in the 
 more frequent employment of the first person (cf. ce. 14, 78 ; 15, 2; 
 15, 3 ; 16, 6 ; 16, 7). Then in c. 14, 2, he repeats, with some 
 slight changes, a passage which occurs in III, 18, 8. 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias, 27 
 
 The sources which Pausanias used in writing chapters cc. 14-17 
 10, seem to have been Ephorus, Sosibius, Rhianus, and more par' 
 ticularly, as I shall show in c. V, Myron. I shall take them up 
 in order. '^ 
 
 b). Ephorus and Tyrlaem. 
 
 Kohlmann (op. cit., 23), thought that Pausanias had dmwn on 
 Ephorus and Diodorus for these chapters, but that the quotations 
 were taken from Tyrtaeus at first hand. I think, however, that 
 Ephorus was used only to a slight extent, and that chiefly to get 
 the quotations from Tyrtaeus. 
 
 uJ^W^^'T'^ ""^ ^"^"^"^ ^^*^ ^^^ J^'stoiy of Ephorus, 
 ^though he does not mention his name, is a priori quite likely, ai 
 Ephorus history was widely read and largely excerpted by Lr 
 historians, owing no doubt in a great measure to convenient armnge- 
 ment. But there is also direct proof that Pausanias made exti^ts 
 from him m book III (cf. Immerwair, op. cit. 11 and 17), and, as 
 the frequent references show, this book was closely associated in 
 Pausanias mind with the one under consideration. Cf. Ill 1 1-6 . 
 
 26,%'2M:8'''"'' "''' ''''' '"'"' ''''"' ^''''' ^0'«'- 
 Now as Myron had included Aristomenes in his amount of the 
 first war, aad this same Aristomenes was the chief figure in Ehia- 
 nu8 poem, Pausanias had to decide which of these two to follow 
 He accordingly gives some reasons in c. 6 why he inlands to follow 
 Rhianus ; but as Rhianus d^t only with a part of the war, and 
 was himself untrustworthy, according to Pausanias' own statement 
 we must look elsewhere for some clear guide, who could map out 
 Oie first and second wars, and show from the proper position of 
 Aristomenes that Rhianus was the one to be followed. Ephorus 
 could have been that guide, for he gives a sketch of the two wars 
 (D d"*xV VT*^ *^^* Aristomenes took part in the second war 
 
 As to the quotations from lytaeus, these have been pretty gen- 
 erally looked upon as being at first hand. Yet we cannot taist 
 Pausanias m this respect, for, as Enmann {Jahrb.f. Phil., 129 p 
 
28 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 The Messeniaca of Paumnias, 
 
 29 
 
 I 
 
 619) says, we must expect Pausanias to have made use of the labors 
 of others, or else he would never have succeeded in collecting such 
 a great mass of learning. Besides, there are other quotations in 
 Pausanias which seem to be at first hand, although taken from an 
 
 intermediate source. 
 
 Thus in c. 1 there are quotations from Homer which are at 
 second hand, although they seem to have been made independently, 
 and although Pausanias would make us believe that he was especi- 
 ally well versed in Homer. In II, 21, 10, he says : irpoaKeLiiai 
 ryhp irXiov Ti ^ ol XocTTol Tjj 'OfiT^pov ^01^^61 ; and in 11,^ 4, 2 : 
 iyd) T€ 7r€L0ofUiL Koi otTTL^ T^ 'Ofi^pov ^ irdpepyov iireXi^aTO, 
 And yet, on comparing Pans., c. 1, with Strabo, 364, it is plam 
 that both passages go back ultimately to the same source, which 
 was probably Aristarchus (cf Sengebusch, Jahrbilcher f CL Phil., 
 1853, p. 615). Enmann and L. v. Sybel have shown the close 
 resemblance between Pausanias and Strabo generally in Homeric 
 geography, a resemblance due to their common source. 
 
 Now we know that Ephorus based his history on the verses of 
 Tyrtaeus (cf. O. Miiller, Dorier, I, 149, 3 ; Busolt, Gr, Gesch. I, 
 134 ; Enmann, Trog, Pomp., 126) ; and we find in Strabo, 279, 
 under Ephorus' name, the same verses from Tyrtaeus which are 
 quoted by Pausanias (c. 13, 6, and c. 15, 2). As regards the 
 former of these passages it must be observed that Pausanias sepa- 
 rated the verses from their proper connection in order to make his 
 own application of them (see p. 25). This he did Ukewise with the 
 verses of Homer mentioned above, whose application in Pausanias 
 is different from that in Strabo. Again, the verses of Tyrtaeus 
 quoted in c. 14, 5, which tell of the sufferings of the Messenians, 
 were no doubt also quoted by Ephorus, as they are indicated in 
 Justinus, III, 5 (cf. Enmann, Trog, Pomp.): Dein, camper annos 
 odoginta gravia servUtUis verbera, plerumque et vincula, cetei^aque 
 captivitatis mala perpessi essent, post longam poenarum patierUiam, 
 
 helium instaurant. 
 
 It seems also reasonable to suppose that the quotation (c. 6, 5) 
 
 from Tyrtaeus, 
 
 *'0i/ Bia Meaarivvv eiXofiev evpvxopov, 
 
 was taken from Ephorus. Pausanias cited them to demonstrate 
 that Theopompus had survived the first war, thus showing the 
 inaccuracy of Myron, axjcording to whom Theopompus had been 
 killed before the death of Aristodemus by Aristomenes (see c. II c) 
 But Ephorus had in all probability to deal with the same question 
 as to j;he period of Aristomenes, and so the statement in Diod., XV, 
 ^^ : hiOL hk rhv 'XpiaTOfiivnv r^er^ovkvai (fyacrl ^ark rhv eUoaaer^ 
 woXefMov, was in all likelihood taken from Ephorus with the rest 
 of that sketch. 
 
 ^ Again, when Pausanias in c. 15, 2-3, seems to reason out the 
 mterval between the first two wars on the basis of the verses of 
 Tyrtaeus, we shall be safe in attributing this use of these verses to 
 his imitation of Ephorus, who quotes the same verses (Strabo, 279), 
 and had to make a similar calculation. If Pausanias had to make 
 his quotations from Tyrtaeus independently we might expect to see 
 some feeling for the Spartans displayed, but there is none of this, 
 and Tyrtaeus himself is but a shadowy figure in the pages of 
 Pausanias. 
 
 c). Sosibius. 
 
 Pausanias did, however, not follow Ephorus in his chronology, 
 who placed the first war much earlier than 743 B. C. (Pans., c. 5 
 10; Busolt, Gr. Gesch., I., 151), and made the interval betw^n 
 the first and second war eighty years (cf. Enmann, op. cit, 126). 
 It IS the chronology of Sosibius which Pausanias follows. Kohl- 
 mann was the first to show this by pointing out that the dates for 
 the first war, which Pausanias gives, agree with the chronology of 
 Sosibius ; and Immerwahr, following up the work do-e by Weber,* 
 has shown that a work on genealogy by Sosibius had been exten- 
 sively used by Pausanias in book III, and probably to some extent 
 in book IV. He also makes it appear highly probable that the 
 chronology of Sosibius had been used for the second war. Yet 
 Immerwahr lays rather too much stress upon the use Pausanias 
 made of Sosibius in the Messeniac^. See Immerwahr, Lakonika, 
 138, sqq. . ' 
 
 ^ QuaestUmum La4xmicarum Capita Duo. Grottingae, 1887. 
 
i 
 
 
 ill 
 
 30 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 d). Reasons why Ephoru^ History not vsed more Extensively, 
 
 But why should Pausanias not use Ephorus' history more exten- 
 sively if he had it before him ? Simply because it was so widely 
 known, and the plan of Pausanias was to avoid telling over again 
 at length what other well known authors had described before him. 
 In VIII, 43, 4, he refrains from going into details ; for he says : 
 rdSe fi€v dWoc eypayjrav e? to aKpifieoTarov ; likewise in I, 23, 
 10 : ra hi €9 '^pfiokvKov tov 7rayKpaTLaaT7)v koI ^opfilayva tov 
 'A<7a)7rt%ou ypayjrdvT(ov erepcov irapirjp.i ; yet he is ever ready to 
 make additions to what is generally known, so he continues : e? Se 
 ^opfiLcova ToaovBe eyco irXeov ypdyfrat. In X, 17, we find three 
 and three-fourths pages on the island of Sardinia ; his reason for 
 this long digression being that this island was little known to the 
 Greeks, just as it has been comparatively little known in modern 
 times^ (cf also II, 30, 10 ; III, 17, 7 ; III, 18, 10). Now it was 
 the highly colored narrative of Myron and the epic of Rhianus 
 which Pausanias recognized as being less known, and which he 
 therefore was quite willing to draw upon. 
 
 But I must add another reason why Pausanias would prefer the 
 accounts of Myron and Rhianus, and that is because they were 
 written from the Messenian point of view. It was evidently part 
 of the plan of Pausanias to let each people of the different countries 
 which he described speak for themselves, even in the historical 
 introductions, which, as is generally accepted, were taken from 
 literary sources. As regards the use of verba dicendi where literary 
 sources are at hand, Gurlitt (op. cit., c. 1, N. 48) has shown that 
 this was a matter of style with Pausanias and not of deception. 
 Observe the following passages — I, 41, 4 : iyco Be ypat^euv fiev 
 iOiXo) yieyapevaLv ofjuoXoyovvTa, 41, 7 : ypd'slrco Be koI ra e? 
 avTTjv oTTola ^eyapelf; Xeyovatv. In the Corinthiaka he appeals 
 to the Corinthians, II, 1 : Ato? Be elvai K.6pLv0ov ovBeva olBa 
 elirovra irco airovBfj irXrjv l^opLv6i(ov t&v ttoXX&v; II, 4, 6 : 'H\tov 
 Be, 0)9 at Ko(f>iv6LOL (^aatv. Likewise he appeals to the Sicyonians 
 in II, 5, 6 : ^lkvodvlol Be, ovtoi yap ravTTj ^opLvOioLf; eia\v 6/jLopoc, 
 Trepl T7J<; x^P^^ '^V^ (n^erepa^ Xeyovacv. Having come to Argos 
 
 ^ Daniel, Lehrfmeh. d. Qeogr., 1882, p. 212. 
 
 Ths Messeniam of Pausanias. 3^ 
 
 he lets the Argives speak for themselves fll 21 « wy. k ^ , 
 
 ft. «™».. of i itTi'Xi Tn's Tt- ir " 
 
 accepts the storv fUi ih^ i? -^ • , ' ' ^"^' Pausanias 
 
 versL andTs Is ^P'^T' ""f *«" ^^^ ^J^ t^e M^nian 
 
 AevKi'rr^n., V » •'^^. we read. A^paivorj^ ydp'AaKXrjTnhv rm 
 
 accounte of mZb anTfihr^ u '^ °^° '^^'y- ^^^ ^^ 
 
 nim, nnJnf 7^ . . °"^ "^^ ^^ ^""^n from the Messe- 
 nian point of view, and hence were acw>nt«1 K^ Po • 
 ances of Messenia^. ^ ^ Pausanias as utter- 
 
 e). Rhianus, 
 
 J 
 
32 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. , 
 
 II 
 
 il* * 
 
 Rhianus had mentioned her in his fourth book (s. v. Acotlov), Yet 
 Pausanias has here only a fragmentary notice, as can be seen by 
 the matter that follows, which has been partly given in III, 10, 3. 
 Immerwahr suggests that Rhianus fiimished in c. 17, 1, the story 
 of the expedition to Aigila, where Aristomenes is captured by 
 women, and liberated by Archidameia, an old love of his (cf. 
 Polyden., II, 31, 2) ; but this may be doubted, because a romance 
 like that could very well have belonged to Myron's story. See 
 also c. VI, 6, for the significance of the fact that Demeter enters 
 into this anecdote. But no doubt there were other touches here 
 and there, introduced into these chapters from Rhianus, as viz., the 
 names of the seers Theoclus and Hecas. 
 
 10 
 
 V. Myron the Chief Source for Chapters XIV-XVIIJ 
 a), Myron used Tradition that pertained to the Second War. 
 
 To a much larger extent, however, was Myron's history used. 
 Before showing this in detail it will be necessary to explain how 
 this was possible ; for, as it is generally understood, Myron wrote 
 only the history of the first war. Above (p. 12) it was pointed 
 out that Myron wrote rather a romance than a history. To this 
 fact must be added another, viz., that Myron made use of the tradi- 
 tion relating to the second war as well as of that which pertained 
 to the first. 
 
 That Myron should have ignored the existence of the second 
 Messenian war, although the verses of Tyrtaeus clearly show that 
 there had been two early wars, is not at all unlikely, for there are 
 passages from other writers which likewise overlook the existence 
 of the second war. To understand this it must be observed that it 
 was only natural that the minds of men would revert to the war 
 through which the Messenians first lost their liberty. Thus Iso- 
 crates, Archidam,, 57, refers only to the first war. Likewise 
 Plutarch, De SuperstUiane, 8, in making a reference to the war in 
 which Aristodemus figured (i. e., the first war), makes no distinc- 
 tion between a first and a second war, but simply refers to " the 
 war with the Lacedaemonians." 
 
 33 
 
 Again we read in Plutarch, Be S. iV. F n 548 P - a 
 Me..,..V S^eXo, roc, .poa.a>peOe2.c r^. w!^^ ^' " '^^^ 
 
 q-j' "1* %^'- 5'*- ^x:'Ltz:z°;jz: 
 
 placed in the first Th^\Z ■'' •/' *^ ^^''^ ^"r, is 
 
 I this pas4' t riir r?:;'L:^: ""i '-'''-^ *^ 
 
 W and Aristocn^tes, aceonling to pll^tr^ S """*"" 
 ished soon after the capture of eL th^TlT ^ ^' ""'i P""' 
 betrayal. It .„st of L.e be Xitt tL tTn TpiT,''' 
 made to refer to the first war the larv^ JT ! Plutarch is 
 
 punishment of Aristocrar^^no T madeTuT C" '''T ^ 
 
 isee c. V, d). hmally, that others besidp^ M^^r. u i 
 
 appear i„ M,„.. ™J Kbwi:™.* 71172"''* 
 lanly merely show ,hM My™ ™de .„ dfa'taSn WH T." 
 
 Pausanias tells it (cf. c. 7, 1, s,. Td e S, 7 w t^c U f^' T 
 Nearly all the exploits of Aristomenes were Lform^ H' ^^i' 
 bodies of picked men. The Messenians a^e^Sxf T "t 
 first war fc 11 41 nlf !,„.,„;, ^u ■ ^oyaSa m the 
 
 A^in 1 fi A- uT ^'^ '" °^ '""°*'*'° of Aristomenes. 
 Agam, we find m both accounts menfmn «<• ^.i. j 
 
 the Messenians. This was natuiS r^rfrlltSr "' 
 
 o the known outoome of these wa. (cf.t. ^ ; 8 Wh c 2? 
 
 5). Likewise we have heroic sacrifice in both Icc^unr Jn fhe 
 
 V 
 
 « 
 
 4 
 
34 
 
 A SttJtdy in the Sources of 
 
 "^1 
 
 first war Tisis delivers his message and dies (e. 9, 4) ; Aristodemus 
 sacrifices his daughter (c. 9, 8) ; Eiiphaes dies a heroic death (c. 10, 
 3); Aristodemus commits suicide (c. 13, 4). In the second war 
 Theoelus rushes into the enemies' lines and is slain (c. 21, 10) ; 
 Euergetides with fifty volunteers allows himself to be cut to pieces 
 by the Spartans (c. 23, 2). In both wars seers are active. In the 
 first war (c. 10, 6), Epebolus and Ophioneus oppose the election of 
 Aristodemus ; in the second Theoelus and Hecas take a prominent 
 part. 
 
 In the account of Myron, as well as in that of Rhianus, the 
 contending parties look upon the Messenian territory as already 
 belonging to the Lacedaemonians (cf. c. 7, 1, with c. 18, 1). This 
 appears a little strange in Myron's account, because Messenia had 
 not yet been conquered, and such an event was at that time (c. 7, 
 1) remote. 
 
 Again, in both accounts the howling of dogs is associated with 
 the cloee of the respective wars (i. 6., c. 13, 1, and c. 21, 1). In 
 Plut. De SuperstUione^ 8, the howling of dogs is mentioned in a 
 pnaage which bears a strong resemblance to Pans., c. 13, 1 ; so 
 much so that Plutaixjh must have drawn either from Myron or, 
 what is more probable, from Myron's source. On the other hand, 
 in Diod., VIII, 6, the howling of dogs is also mentioned as taking 
 place in the first war, but in a different connection from that in 
 Pans., c. 13, 1, which illustrates very well the confused condition 
 of the tradition. 
 
 For the occurrence of Corinthians in both accounts see c. V, c, 
 end. 
 
 Cretan archers figure as allies of the Lacedaemonians in Myron's 
 account as well as in that of Rhianus (cf. cc. 8, 3 ; 8, 12 ; 10, 1 ; 
 with cc. 19, 4; 20, 8). This must have been overlooked by O. 
 MfiUer, Dorier, I, 144, 6, who says: "Die Kretischen Bogen- 
 schutzen hat Rhianus aus seiner Heimat hinein gebracht ; es gab 
 gewiss da so fruh keine Soldlinge," which remark was adopted by 
 Meineke, Abhandlungeny Berlin, 1832, and Kohlmann, op. cit. 19. 
 For the fiact that Cretans also play a r6le in Myron's account seems 
 to imply that they figured in the tradition. And yet Cretans are 
 mentioned as hired troops in Thuc, VII, 57, 9, and as archers 
 t6fd., VI, 25, 2, and 43, which is significant for Myron since he 
 
 % 
 
 The Messeniaca of Patisanias. 35 
 
 worked out his history, as Busolt has shown, from a frame-work 
 which he derived from Thucydides and Xenophon (see p. 12) 
 
 In c. 6 Pausanias almost tells us that Myron had written of the 
 first two Messenian wars as if they had constituted but one We 
 can plainly see in this chapter, where Pausanias discusses the works 
 of Myron and Rhianus, the influence of both these write,^: that of 
 Rhianus in the reference to the Iliad (c. 6, 13) and the Trojan war 
 (c. 6, 1); that of Myron in the sentence (c. 6, 3): 'Api<rrouivvv. 
 
 yaye, rovrov rov duSpa ineca^yaye f^v 6 Upcnvei,, i, ri,v avyypa- 
 pv. The attribute np&ro, could have been applied by Pausanias 
 to Aristomenes only in case this one had figured in the first war 
 for otherwise Euphaes and Aristodemus would have preceded him' 
 Now It was in ray opinion, the influence of Myron which induced 
 Pausanias (c. 6) to speak of the two warn together as one war. 
 This he does very clearly (c. 6, 1), and it is easy to see him gradu- 
 ally making a distinction. After speaking several times of the 
 two wars together as one, he makes the statement (c. 6 2) that 
 Myron wrote only from the taking of Ampheia to the death of 
 Anstoderaus, and then calls that part of the first war. Such a 
 development would have been superfluous if Myron's history had 
 not contained so much tradition that pertained to the second war. 
 
 b). Certain parts dealing wUh Aristomenes from Myron. 
 
 Let us now see what parts of cc. 14-17, 10, can be referred to 
 Myron. Most of the passages will naturally contain matter 
 wncermng Aristomenes, for he was the hero of the second war 
 Pau.san.as (c. 6) tells us that Rhianus' poem began with the event^ 
 after the battle of the Great Trench (c. 17), and on the other hand 
 that Myron had included Aristomenes in his history, and adds • 
 o Tovvvv 'Apc.rro^vv<s B6fy ye ip.fi yiyovev i^rl rov iroUu^ov rod 
 v<rrepov Kal rh i, dvrbv, hre,S&v i, roiJro ,5 X6yo, d<l>UvTac. 
 TTjviKavTa eire^eifiL, 
 
 According to Diod., XV, 66, Aristomenes alone persuaded the 
 Messenians to revolt, which. agrees with the prominence Rhianus 
 assigns to him, and is justified by Polybius (IV, 33), who calls the 
 second one the « war of Aristomenes." But in Pausanias others 
 
 I 
 
34 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 first war Tisis delivers his message and dies (c. 9, 4) ; Aristodemus 
 sacrifices his daughter (c. 9, 8) ; Enphaes dies a heroic death (c. 10, 
 3) ; Aristodemus commits suicide (c. 13, 4). In the second war 
 Theoclus rushes into the enemies' lines and is slain (c. 21, 10) ; 
 Euergetides with fifty volunteers allows himself to be cut to pieces 
 by the Spartans (c. 23, 2). In both wars seers are active. In the 
 first war (c. 10, 6), Epebolus and Ophioneus oppose the election of 
 Aristodemus ; in the second Theoclus and Hecas take a prominent 
 part. 
 
 In the account of Myron, as well as in that of Rhianus, the 
 contending parties look upon the Messenian territory as already 
 belonging to the Lacedaemonians (cf. c. 7, 1, with c. 18, 1). This 
 appears a little strange in Myron's account, because Messenia had 
 not yet been conquered, and such an event was at that time (c. 7, 
 1) remote. 
 
 Again, in both accounts the howling of dogs is associated with 
 the close of the respective wars (^. e., c. 13, 1, and c. 21, 1). In 
 Plut. De Superditione, 8, the howling of dogs is mentioned in a 
 passage which bears a strong resemblance to Pans., c. 13, i ; so 
 much so that Plutarch must have drawn either from Myron or, 
 what is more probable, from Myron's source. On the other hand, 
 in Diod., VIII, 6, the howling of dogs is also mentioned as taking 
 place in the first war, but in a different connection from that in 
 Pans., c. 13, 1, which illustrates very well the confused condition 
 of the tradition. 
 
 For the occurrence of Corinthians in both accounts see c. V, c, 
 end. 
 
 Cretan archers figure as allies of the Lacedaemonians in Myron's 
 account as well as in that of Rhianus (cf. cc. 8, 3 ; 8, 12 ; 10, 1 ; 
 with cc. 19, 4 ; 20, 8). This must have been overlooked by O. 
 Muller, DorieVy I, 144, 6, who says : " Die Kretischen Bogen- 
 schutzen hat Rhianus aus seiner Heimat hinein gebracht ; es gab 
 gewiss da so fruh keine Soldlinge," which remark was adopted by 
 Meineke, Ahhandlungen, Berlin, 1832, and Kohlmann, op. cit. 19. 
 For the fact that Cretans also play a rdle in Myron's account seems 
 to imply that they figured in the tradition. And yet Cretans are 
 mentioned as hired troops in Thuc, VII, 57, 9, and as archers 
 ibid,, VI, 25, 2, and 43, which is significant for Myron since he 
 
 .^ 
 
 % 
 
 Th£ Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 36 
 
 worked out his history, as Busolt has shown, from a frame-work 
 which he derived from Thucydides and Xenophon (see p. 12). 
 
 In e. 6 Pausanias almost tells us that Myron had written of the 
 first two Messenian wars as if they had constituted but one. We 
 can plainly see in this chapter, where Pausanias discusses the works 
 of Myron and Rhianus, the influence of both these writers : that of 
 Rhianus in the reference to the Iliad (c. 6, 13) and the Trojan war 
 <c. 6, 1); that of Myron in the sentence (c. 6, 3): ' KpurTOfiimiv. 
 «9 Kal vp&TOi Kal ^Xicrra rh Meaa^vvs 8vo/ui i<, af/o)/«i wpo^'. 
 ryaye, rovrov rhv dvBpa iTreia^yaye p^v 6 Uptvveii^ e'? ri,v avyypa- 
 <hv. The attribute tt/jSto? could have been applied by Pausanias 
 to Aristomenes only in case this one had figured in the first war 
 for otherwise Euphaes and Aristodemus would have preceded him' 
 Now it was, in my opinion, the influence of Myron which induced 
 Pausanias (c. 6) to speak of the two wars together as one war 
 This he does very clearly (c. 6, 1), and it is easy to see him gradu- 
 ally makmg a distinction. After speaking several times of the 
 two wars together as one, he makes the statement (c. 6, 2) that 
 Myron wrote only from the taking of Ampheia to the death of 
 Aristodemus, and then calls that part of the first war. Such a 
 development would have been superfluous if Myron's history had 
 not contained so much tradition that pertained to the second war. 
 
 b). Certain parts dealing with Aristomenes from Myron. 
 
 Let us now see what parts of cc. 14-17, 10, can be referred to 
 Myron. Most of the passages will naturally contain matter 
 concerning Aristomenes, for he was the hero of the second war 
 Pausanias (c. 6) tells us that Rhianus' poem began with the event^ 
 after the battle of the Great Trench (c. 17), and on the other hand 
 that Myron had included Aristomenes in his history, and adds i 
 o roLvw ' Kpurropivr,^ Sdfj? 76 ip.y yiyovev eVl rot) iroUpMV roi 
 iaripov, Kal tA e'? dvrbv, iireiSiiv e'? tovto 6 XSyoi d^Uvrai. 
 TrjVLKavra iire^eifjuL, 
 
 According to Diod., XV, 66, Aristomenes alme persuaded the 
 Messenians to revolt, which. agrees with the prominence Rhianus 
 assigns to him, and is justified by Polybius (IV, 33), who calls the 
 second one the " war of Aristomenes." But in Pausanias others 
 
 I, 
 
36 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 besides Aristomenes urged the Messenians to revolt (c. 14, ^-S)y 
 which agrees with Myron's history, where the whole Messenian 
 people are promiDently brought out. Moreover, the words in c. 
 14, 6—7, ivrjyov Be ou^ r)Ki(TTa €9 tovto koX ol vecoTepoi, TroXe/iiov 
 fikv €TC cLTreLpco^ €')(pvTe^ , . . *^7reTpd(l)r} Be veorr}^ koI aXKa')(pv 
 Trj<; M.eaarjvla^, ol Be apvaroL koI apiOfjbov irXelaroi irepl ttjv 
 ^AvBavuav, remind one of Thuc, II, 8 : t6t€ Be xal peorrj^; iroWrf 
 fiev ovo'a ev rfj YieXoirovvrifKpf ttoWt] B^ev ralf; ^AO'qvac<; ovk 
 aKov<TLO<i VTTO aireLpiaf; rjirreTo • tov TroXi/nov fc, t. \., and it was 
 shown above that Myron depended on Thucydides. That Aris- 
 tomenes was not the only one of the youth of Andania who played 
 a prominent part can be seen in the story about Panormus and 
 Gonippus (cf. c. 27, 1). We also read that Aristomenes was 
 elected to be king, but refused the title, whereupon they made 
 him (TTpaT'r}yo<; avTOKpdrwp (c. 15, 4). This statement seems 
 strange in this place, when we consider that Aristomenes in the 
 second war, from first to last, directed the war, and there was no 
 king nor general to share his power. On the other hand, this title 
 would have been quite suitable in the first war, where there were 
 kings to wield the chief power, so that Aristomenes could have 
 carried on his guerilla warfare. Besides we have seen above that 
 the title oTparrj^o^ avroKpaTcop occurred in Myron's history (cf. 
 p. 23). 
 
 The passage (c. 16, 3) telling about Aristomenes and his picked 
 men at the battle of Capron Sema, was probably derived from 
 Myron. Pausanias says inc. 16, 3 : Kara Be avrbv ^Apco-rofievrjv 
 el'x^ev OUT© • \oydBe<; irepX avrov oyBorjKovra rjo-av M.€a-ar}vca)v, k, 
 T. \ ; but in the Rhianus part, c. 18, 1, we read : 'Apcarofievrj^ Bk 
 TOU9 irepl avTov XoydBaf; e? Tpiafcoo-Lcov dpL0fwv irpo'^yayev. Now 
 in Thuc, VI, 43, we find : ro^oraLf; Be toI<; irao'tv oyBotjKovra 
 teal TeTpaKoa-LOV^ (/cat tovtcov K.prJTe<; ol oyBoijfcovra rjaav), where 
 a select company of eighty is made conspicuous. We have seen 
 above (p. 34) that Myron had possibly introduced Cretans into his 
 account from Thucydides. 
 
 At the battle of the Great Trench, at which the Arcadian king 
 Aristocrates betrayed the Messenians, Aristomenes, according to 
 
 
 The Messmiaca of Pausanias. 37 
 
 Pausanias, led his countrymen. We have already seen the likeli- 
 
 war (p. 32). The following considemtions point clearly to Myron 
 as Pau^nia.' source for this battle. Almost the first words of this 
 ^unt seem noteworthy (c. 17, 2): ,al Me<r.r,vioc, 'Ap.dSa,. 
 fie0ov0v>cora,p a^o naa&v r&v ■rr6\ea,.. when compared with a 
 passage in the account of the fii^t war (c. 11, 1) : rol.B^ Ue.anvi- 
 
 tZZr, ^P;i'' jr'^P'^-^'^' for it seems very improbable that 
 the whole of Arcadia would have participated in these struggles, 
 and we may see, therefore, in this a bit of Myron's romanlg 
 Then upon the statement that the Lacedaemonians bribed the 
 Arcadian king Anstocrates, follows (c. 17, 3-5) a long tirade against 
 he Spartans, who are said to have been the fir^t to rLrt to bribery 
 
 Zloh h K '°'7'"^ '^''P^"^^ ^''' '^ -l"''^ "f ^ P'«* with that 
 which has been shown to have been so prominent a feature in 
 
 Myron s history. Besides it must be remembered that Pausania.' 
 
 own attitude was that of an impartial historian (see c. VI, a end) 
 
 The threat of retribution made in c. 17, 6, also agrees with My on^ 
 
 aTLIT ^- 7"'J,^- '° *'• ''' '' ''^'^ ^- indications Z 
 Anstocrat^ delivered a speech. In c. 17, 7, the Eleans, Argives 
 
 and Sicyonians are mentioned, which allies (as will be shown below) 
 were very probably spoken of on/y in Myron's account. '' 
 
 In c. 17, 8, follows a detail which, by its very strangeness re 
 minds one of c. 7, where the Messenians, who ar^ statiofSTe'fo^ 
 an t^passabk trench, made a rampart of stakes, not only on the^ 
 flanks and on their rear, but also on their>o«^. Here we are told 
 that the Arcadians, who occupied the left wing and centre, when 
 treacherous y made to retreat by Aristocrates, are furthermore led 
 throyh the ines of the Messenians, B^ y,, M^.W iJZ l^ 
 4'vyvi'. and this was done while the Spartans were advancing. Thl 
 then would appear to be some of Myron's unmilitary romancing.' 
 
 kH J'AT r r' **''**"^^ ^^^ "°^^ ''f *»>« Messenians, the 
 latter ch.de them for their treachery, as follows : ol 8^ .al Xo.SopCa.l 
 e, avrov, a>, e, avSpa, ^poSira, koX oi ScKalov, i^&^o, which 
 remmds the reader of the passage in the first war, wire the «^n- 
 tendmg armies indulge in mutual abuse (c. 8, 2) : I, re XocSopia, 
 ■^Povyovro K. r.X. The great expectations of the Messenians were 
 thus dashed to the ground by one blow. Aa«eSa.;.o..W W Ja' 
 
 A 
 
38 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 avTL Bov\a)v eaeaOac vofil^ovra^. It was not owing to the fact 
 that the Messenians had already been slaves that avrl BovXcov is 
 used for as already mentioned, these accounts of the early Messe- 
 nian wars were written from the point of view of later times ; and 
 moreover, in the account of the first war (c. 8, 2), the Lacedaemo- 
 nians are made to say : ol /ih olKera^ avr&v rfBrj tou9 Mea-arjvLovf; 
 KoX ovhev ikevOepmrepov^ airoKoXovvre^ twv YilXcoTcov, As far as 
 the accounts in Pausanias go, the Messenians had a far better right 
 to expect to become the masters of the Spartans in the early part 
 of the first war than at any period of the second. 
 
 Now the account of this battle would fill a palpable gap in Pau- 
 sanias (c. 9, 1). We read in c. 8 of such a gallant struggle being 
 made by the Messenians that they seemed in a fair way to come 
 out of the war victorious. Notwithstanding all this, in the fol- 
 lowing chapter everything suddenly takes an evil turn, for which 
 no adequate explanation is offered. The principal reason alleged 
 for this unfortunate turn of affairs is that the Messenians had to 
 spend large sums in guarding the different towns ; and yet in c. 7, 
 2, we are told that the Lacedaemonians, having found them well 
 fortified, had given up their attacks upon them. The story of the 
 treachery of Aristocrates would give a sufficient explanation of this 
 sudden change of fortune. 
 
 Finally the passage in the account of the second war which tells 
 of the retreat of the Messenians to Mt. Eira, bears a striking 
 resemblance to the one in the account of the first war, that tells of 
 the retreat to Mt. Ithome (c. 17, 10) : 'Apiarofiivrj^ Be fiera ttjv 
 fuiyvv T0U9 Bia7r€(j)€vy6Ta<; t&v MeaarjVLoyv (rvvrj6poc^€y koI ^AvBa- 
 viav fiev koX et n dXKo iv fiecroyala iroXiafia eirecae ra ttoW^ 
 eKXeiiretv, e? Be ttjv Wipav to 6po<; avocKL^eaOai ; with this com- 
 pare c. 9, 1 : fiovXevofiivoi^ Be Trpo? ra wapovra eBoKet ra fiev 
 iroWa TToXiafuiTa ra e? fieaoyaiav iravra ifcXeLTrecv, €9 Be to opo^ 
 avoc/CL^eaOai Tr)v ^I6a)fir]v, 
 
 c). I'he Allies. 
 
 Let us now examine the allies who are mentioned by Pausanias. 
 If we should follow the statement in Strabo, 362 (of which passage 
 O. MuUer, Darier, I, 149, 3, says : " Es ist deutlich dass dieses 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 39 
 
 ? 
 
 alles aus Tyrtaeus ist-), we should conclude that in the first war 
 the Messenians had no allies, but in the second were assisted by 
 the Argives, Eleans, Pisatans and Arcadians. How ig it then that 
 m Pausanias account such an important part is played by the allies 
 m the first war? The reason is, in my opinion, that Myron, in 
 the case of the allies too, combined the traditions concerning the 
 second war with those of the first. But if the names that Strabo 
 gives of the allies are the traditional ones, we might expect Myron 
 to have the same. Yet an exact correspondence with Strabo need 
 not be looked for here, and we notice in Pausa^iias that Sicyonians 
 take he place of the Pisatans. At the same time it must be 
 remarked that the names mentioned by Strabo are not altogether 
 
 iTs) ' ^"' ^"""^" ^' ^^^' ^ ' ^- ^^^^''' ^'^'> ^> 
 
 - The handiwork of Myron may be recognized in the amount of 
 detail given concerning the allies in the first war, which stands in 
 sharp contrast with the scanty notice of allies in Stmbo, and with 
 the fact that Thucydides, I, 15, knows of no wars in early times 
 m which there was a general participation of different states. 
 
 If now we turn to the second war we find nearly the same allies 
 taking part as m the first. This is not because Pausanias depended 
 m this part on Ephorus or some other source, but because Pausa- 
 nias, in reconstructing the gap, introduced the same allies that he 
 found m Myron's history. Busolt, Gr. Gesek, 1, 165, 1, seems to 
 recognize this when he says : - Was Pausanias, IV, 15, 7, iiber die 
 beiderseitigenBundesgenossensagt, hat keinen Wert.'' Vffl Busolt 
 Lakedairn I, 101, 48. "Es ist eine freie Komposition *der die 
 politische Gruppierung im Jahre 41 8 zum Vorbilde diente." This 
 remark according to the generally accepted notion of the extent of 
 Myron s history, ought to have been applied only to the allies 
 mention^ m the first war (cf. p. 13). No doubt Pausanias knew 
 from Ephorus that some of these allies had assisted the Messenians 
 in the second war, but from lack of detail he was obliged to have 
 recourse to Myron, in which he seemed justified, as Myron had 
 evidently taken other features of the second war along with the 
 stories about Aristomenes into his account. 
 
 A close examination will show that the allies are more intimately 
 interwoven with the events of the first war than with those of the 
 
 v^ 
 
40 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 second, and that the passages in which they are cited in the second 
 war were all, or nearly so, merely imitations of those in the first. 
 This demon^rates again that Pausanias was not following here a 
 connected account, but was piecing together parts from different 
 sources. I shall content myself with merely mentioning the pas- 
 sages where allies are referred to in the first war (i, e», cc. 8, 3 ; 10^ 
 1; 10,6; 10,7; 11, 1; 11,2; 11,7; 11,8; 12,3; 14, 1.) 
 
 The passages where they are spoken of in the account of the 
 second war are : cc. 14, 8 ; 15,1; 15,4; 15,7; 15,8; 16,2; 17, 
 9 ; 19, 1 ; 23, 5. In the first of these (c. 14, 8) we are told that 
 Aristomenes sent secretly to Argos and Arcadia to ask whether they 
 would assist the Messenians as readily as they had done in the first 
 war. This cannot be from Rhianus, who probably had nothing or 
 next to nothing about allies, and no one besides Pausanias and 
 Myron could have known of any such help being given the Messe- 
 nians in the first war. Now we read in the account of the first war 
 (c. 12, 3) that, when the Lacedaemonians had sent embassies to 
 these very Arcadians and Argives in order to win them from their 
 alliance with the Messenians, Aristodemus sent an embassy not to 
 these states to counteract the influence of the Spartans, but to the 
 oracle — Pausanias' words being : TrifjuTrec koX avro^ ipijo-ofiivov^ 
 TOP deovj which is an indication of an omission at this point, as the 
 sending to the oracle has clearly nothing to do witli the attempt of 
 the Spartans to break up the alliance, and it is to be noted that 
 there is no further reference made to this embassy. Bearing in 
 mind that Aristomenes had been omitted from Myron's history, it 
 seems likely that his sending secretly to Argos and Arcadia (c. 14^ 
 8) was transferred by Pausanias from its original connection in 
 c. 12, 3. The only change necessary to make c. 14, 8 fit in here 
 is that of eTrl rod iroXifMOv tov irporepov to eirl t^9 M^XV^ "^V^ 
 irporepa^ {i. e., the battle described in c. 11). 
 
 Again, in c. 15, 1 we are told that the allies were more eager for 
 war than had been expected, and that the hate of the Argives and 
 Arcadians was intense. This seems however to be an idle asser- 
 tion, for the allies do not come until nearly two years later. So 
 again, in c. 15, 4, they are mentioned, but only to say that they 
 were not present at the battle of Derae. The mention of the hatred 
 of the Argives and Arcadians in the above passage (c. 15, 1) 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 remmds us of the passage (c. 10, 7) in the account of the first war, 
 where the hostile acte of the Arcadians and the enmity of the 
 Argives are spoken of. Likewise the absence of the allL men- 
 tioned in c. 15, 4, may be compared with a similar absence spoken 
 I ?.u n^ /^ '' noteworthy that in the second war, as in the ' 
 trst, the allies do not participate until the war has made some pro- 
 gress ; but notice is taken of them in both accounts more than once 
 before the descriptions are given of the two battles in which they 
 figure These battles then seem to be of corresponding magnitude. 
 Before describing these battles the allies on both sides are enumer- 
 ated, which passages in the two accounts (c. 11 and c. 15, 7-8) bear 
 a striking resemblance to each other. A comparison, however, 
 will show that in the first war the allies form an integral part of 
 the army ; in the second their position in the line of battle is not 
 even mentioned, and the talk about the allies seems to be only a 
 rough setting for the recital of Aristomenes' deeds of valor 
 
 It IS curious to see in c. 15, 7, how the catalogue of allies wa^ 
 made to sWell. In the first place thei^ came to the assistance of 
 the Messenians the Eleans, Arcadians, Argives and Sicyonians. Of 
 these the Eleans befriended the Messenians at the end of the second 
 war(c. 23 5), which Pausanias knew from Khianus (cf. also c. 17 
 7, and c V, 0, end); but the Arcadians, Argives and Sicyonians 
 are mentioned together in cc. 10, 6, 11, 1, and 11, 2, each time in 
 this order, and once in c. 14, 1, in the opposite order. In the latter 
 place we earn that the fugitive Messenians seek refuge with them 
 It IS also worth noticing that it is stated in the account of the 
 second war (c. 14, 8) that Aristomenes sent only to Argos and 
 Arcadia for assistance, and yet the Sicyonians also come, which 
 remmds one of the passage (c. 10, 6) in the account of the first 
 war, where we learn that Aristodemus had sent presents to aU three 
 states All of which shows that Pausanias drew on Myron in his 
 efforts to construct the first part of the second Messenian war. 
 11 %^^ V^^ Corinthians and Lepreates are mentioned as the 
 allies of the Spartans. It is safe to say that the connection that 
 these stetes are represented as having had with the early Messenian 
 wars also lacks all historical basis. O. MuUer, Dorier 1 144 6 
 commenting on the unhistorical nature of some of the 'statements 
 made m Pausanias concerning these wars, says : '^ Wie kamen 
 
42 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 Korinther nach Lakonien, ohne durch feindliches Gebiet zu gehen, 
 und wer hatte sie durchgelassen ^^ (cf. Paus., c. 11, 8). Now the 
 Corinthians are mentioned several times as allies of the Spartans in 
 the account of the first war (i. e., c. 11, 1, 6is, and c. 11, 8), and it 
 is easy to see that those passages are ftiore closely connected with 
 the narrative than the one under discussion (i. 6., c. 15, 8). A place 
 in the line of battle is assigned to them (c. 11, 1), and the difficulty 
 of their return home after the defeat is commented on. Whereas, 
 in c. 15, 8 their presence is simply mentioned, and nothing is said of 
 their position in the line of battle, nor is any concern expressed about 
 their returning home safely, although the Spartans were defeated 
 at the battle of Capron Sema, just as they had been before Tthome, 
 and the Corinthians were therefore in the same situation here as there. 
 
 The Corinthians are also mentioned once as the allies of the 
 Spartans in the Khianus part (c. 19, 1); but evidently they form 
 no vital part of Rhianus' epic, as he describes a siege, and it does 
 not appear anywhere that the Spartans found any difficulty in sus- 
 taining it. Moreover, the Corinthians do not appear to form a 
 necessary part of this exploit of Aristomenes, because Polyaeuus in 
 II, 31, tells the same story essentially without the Corinthians. 
 Besides Pausanias (c. 18, 5) was acquainted with two versions of 
 this story (cf. Immerwahr, Lakonika, 171), and it is to be expected 
 that Myron had also told this story. If so, we recognize the source 
 for the general remark inc. 18,4: e? top KedBav • ifM^dWova-c Se 
 ivravOa ov^ av iirl fi€yLcrToi<i TtficopcjvTaCy for in Thuc, 1, 134, 4, we 
 read : fcal avrov ifiiWrjaav jnev e? rov KaidSav ovirep rovf; KaKov- 
 P70U9 i/jL^dWecv, Polyaenus does not mention the place at all. 
 
 Of the Lepreates no mention is made in the account of the first 
 war. It is stated there (c. 11, 1) that the Corinthians were the 
 only ones of the Peloponnesians who came to the assistance of the 
 Spartans. But it also appears that the assistance the Lepreates are 
 said to render the Spartans in the second war is in conflict with 
 c. 24, 1 ; for there we are told that Aristomenes gave one of his 
 daughters in marriage to a Lepreat (cf. O. Miiller, Dorier, I, 151, 
 4). Now we read in III, 8, 3-6, that the Lacedaemonians took 
 the part of the Lepreates against the Eleans, of which the words 
 (c. 15, 8), Kol AeirpeaT&v rive^ Kara e^^09 to ^HXclcov are evi- 
 dently a reminiscence. It therefore seems likely that Pausanias, 
 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 43 
 
 on his own authority, thought it proper to introduce them here as 
 allies of the Spartans. 
 
 The enumeration of the allies who came to the battle of Capron 
 Sema (c. 15, 7) includes also the descendants of the Messenian king 
 Androcles. These are mentioned again in c. 16, 2 and c. 17, 9). 
 It is not clear on what source Pausanias relied in this instance,' but 
 it is possible that the notice of them was taken with other matter 
 from Myron. At any rate they seem to have figured in Myron's 
 account to some extent (cf. cc. 4, 4 ; 5, 6 ; 14, 3). 
 
 Very noticeable is the close correspondence between the passages 
 c. 14, 1 and c. 15, 7— the former telling of the exile of the Messe- 
 nians at the end of the first war, the latter of the return of the exiles, 
 as follows (c. 14, 1) : M€<r<rvvlayv 8k Saoc^ fih Irvxov eV l.iicv5yvi 
 ol,aai^ icaX iv "KpyeL irpo^eviat koX irapb, r&v 'AptcdBcop rcalv, ohrov 
 fih €9 ravra^ t^^ iroXec^ direxd^pwav, e9 '^Xevalva Se ol rov 
 yevovj T&v lepicov Kal ©€0^9 ral^ fieydXac^; T€\ovvt€<; t^ Spyia. 
 6 Sk 0^X09 o 7ro\if<; Kara Ta9 TrarptSa^ efcatrrot ra^ dpxaia^ iaxe- 
 SdaOrjaav, and 15, 7: rfKovrfov dfi(f)OT€poc^ koI twv avfifidxcov, 
 ... MeaarjvLOc^ fikv o^v 'BXeloi koL "KpKdhe^, en Be ef "Apyov^; 
 d(^LK€TO fcal XcKvatpo^ ffoijOeLa, waprjaav Be fcal oaoc irporepov 
 T&p MeacTovLCDv e<f>evyov eKovaim. ef 'Ekevalvo^ re 0^9 irdTpLov 
 Bpav rd opyca rSyv fieydXoyv ©ewz/, k. t. \, Not only is the 
 correspondence between these two passages noteworthy, but this 
 attempt to join the second war to the first seems hasty, for who 
 would believe that the same men participated in two wars that 
 were separated by an interval of thirty-nine years, especially as 
 the first one had lasted twenty years ! Concerning the flight of the 
 priests to Eleusis, O. Miiller, Dorier, 1, 144, 6, says : " Die Flucht 
 der Eingeweihten nach Eleusis ist ganz ungeschichtlich gedacht ; 
 noch mehr dass sie im zweiten Kriege ruhig zusehen. Kampften 
 doch in Athen selbst Daduchen in Reih und Glied." This bit of 
 improbability agrees with Myron's style of romancing. 
 
 d), Tyrtaeus, 
 
 From whom did Pausanias take his information about Tyr- 
 taeus? Duncker, VI, 106, says that the story about the lame 
 school-master whom the Athenians sent to the Spartans in de- 
 
44 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 rision, which is most completely developed in Pausanias, is of 
 very late origin. Tyrtaeus is mentioned four times as an active 
 participant in the second Messenian war (cf. cc. 15, 6; 16, 2 ; 16, 6 ; 
 18, 3) : three times in that part which was made up by Pausanias, 
 and once (c. 18, 3) in the part where Rhianus was his chief source. 
 But even here I have no doubt that it was inserted, since, as in 
 the previous passages, Tyrtaeus is barely mentioned, and only 
 enough to bring in some bit of well-known tradition. It is my 
 opinion that Tyrtaeus was included in Myron's history just as 
 Aristomenes was. 
 
 That late tradition did actually place Tyrtaeus in the first war 
 we learn from Suidas (s. v. Tyrtaeus) : TvpTaca on KaKehai^ovLOi 
 (o/jLoaav ri M.€<T(TrjV7)v alprjaeuv rj avrol Tedvri^eaOaL . ;^?;o-ai/T09 Se 
 Tov Oeov (TTpaTTjyov irapa AOrjvalcov Xafiecv, \a/jL/3dvova-L Tvpralov 
 TOP TTOtTjTijvy 'Xjaykov dvBpa • 09 eV dp€Tr)v avrov^ irapaKoXwv etke 
 Tw K €Tei T7JV yieaarjvrjVy /c, r. X. The oath as well as the numeral 
 show that the first war is meant. Now in Pans., c. 15, 6, where 
 we learn that the Lacedaemonians, in obedience to the oracle 
 applied to the Athenians for a leader, we read the following: 
 KOrjvaloL he ovBirepa OeKovre^y ovre AaKehaifioviov^ dvev fieydXcov 
 Kivovvcov irpo&Xa^etv fiolpav t(ov iv TieKoTrovvrja'ai ttjv dpiarrjv, 
 ovre K. T. X. I have shown above that Myron brought out very 
 prominently the desire of the Spartans to get the Messenian land, 
 with which irpoaXa^elv fiolpav above agrees. Besides, this would 
 have been suitably said in the first war, before the Lacedaemonians 
 had got possession of Messenia, but not after they had held it for 
 thirty-nine years. 
 
 Again, one of the measures that Tyrtaeus proposed in order to 
 strengthen the Spartan cause was to take Helots into the army (cf 
 Pans., c. 16, 6 ; Justin., Ill, 5) ; but we find these assisting already 
 in the first war (c. 11, 1), and there a marked progress may be 
 observed, for whereas, in c. 8, 3 we read only of Perioeci assisting 
 the Lacedaemonians, in c. 11, 1 we find Perioeci and Helots. 
 
 It appears from the foregoing discussion concerning the chapters 
 14-17 (which constitute the beginning of the account of the second 
 war) that, as Myron's history ostensibly dealt only with the first 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 45 
 
 war, and Rhianus' epic with the latter part of the second, Pausanias 
 had to turn elsewhere for material. An outline he may have found 
 in Ephorus and Sosibius ; but this was probably too bare to be in 
 keeping with the preceding story of the first war, and the part of 
 the second war which Rhianus treated. Now as Pausanias knew 
 that Myron had included in his history not only the stories about 
 Aristomenes, but also other matter, he decided to utilize this mate- 
 rial. The various considerations that have been advanced, and the 
 close relationship which appears to exist between the part under 
 discussion and the account of the first war, make this hypothesis 
 very probable. 
 
 Let us pause for a moment to review the investigation into 
 Pausanias' indebtedness to Myron's history, as far as it has been 
 made. I began with the generally accepted view that Myron had 
 written the history of the first war from the taking of Ampheia 
 down to the death of Aristodemus. Starting from this point, it 
 was shown that his history had begun with an introduction ; that 
 it had not only related the events of the war to its close, but had 
 told of the exile of the Messenians, and finally that Myron's history 
 had virtually extended into the territory of the second war, inas- 
 much as tradition that pertained to the second war had been 
 included. So far, then, the investigation has considered Myron's 
 history as simply dealing with the first war, although in a larger 
 sense than is generally supposed. Now the attempt will be made 
 to prove that Myron had not stopped here, but had continued with 
 the recital of the later doings of the Messenians, and especially 
 had shown how they had been finally restored to their country by 
 Epaminondas. 
 
 VL Consideration of Possible Sources for the Account 
 
 OF the Restoration. 
 
 a). It was not constructed by Pausanias from Fragments. 
 
 It must be evident from the foregoing discussion that Myron 
 and Rhianus were the principal sources that Pausanias used when 
 writing the history of the first two Messenian wars. The question 
 now arises, where did Pausanias get his material for the subsequent 
 
46 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 history ? We must accept one of three propositions : Firstly, Pau- 
 sanias worked up the account of the restoration from fragments of 
 tradition ; secondly, he adapted an account of the restoration which 
 was complete in itself; thirdly, he had access to some history of 
 the Messenian wars which included the story of the restoration. 
 
 The objection to the first proposition is, that Pausanias would 
 never have produced an harmonious narrative, such as we now 
 find, from raw material handed down by tradition. This can be 
 seen by examining the last two chapters of the historical part of 
 the Messeniaca (i. e., cc. 28 and 29). These two chapters, which 
 sketch the history of the Messenians subsequent to the restoration, 
 i. e., from 370 B. C. to 183 B. C, bear unmistakable signs of 
 having been composed by Pausanias himself. He refers to his 
 Attica in c. 28, 3 ; to his Sicyonia in c. 29, 1 ; and if we compare 
 these chapters with I, 13, 6; II, 9, 2; VII, 7, 4; VIII, 49, 4; 
 60, 2 ; 50, 5, it will be easy to see that they were not originally 
 written by Pausanias to be Messenian history ; in fact, the part 
 from c. 29, 6 to c. 29, 13 is largely a condensation of that part of 
 his Arcadian history in which Philopoemen figures. 
 
 There is no doubt then that Pausanias himself is responsible for 
 the composition of these two chapters. But how different they are 
 from the part that precedes ! As the reader turns to these chapters 
 he finds the Messenians fade, as it were, into the distance. Twice 
 they draw near again — once when an expedition is made by 
 them against Elis (c. 28), and again when they are attacked by 
 Demetrius (c. 29). But as these anecdotes, which are evidently 
 taken from some Messenian source, are not brought into organic 
 unity with the rest, it becomes evident that Pausanias could not 
 have produced an harmonious account of the restoration if he had 
 depended on fragments of tradition. Myron and Rhianus wove 
 their fragments together by drawing on their imagination. Pausa- 
 nias, in his capacity as compiler, turned to his sources, and hence 
 could not be expected to attain the same unity of composition. 
 
 Besides this it is very noticeable that the intense Messenian bias 
 so prominent in the previous part of the history is lacking in the 
 above named chapters. Pausanias himself evidently favored the 
 Lacedaemonians as much as the Messenians, for he not only de- 
 voted a book to Laconia, in which there is no evidence of a feeling 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias, 
 
 47 
 
 against them, but he shows a special interest in Theopompus, the 
 Spartan king who reigned at the time of the first Messenian war 
 (cf. Immerwahr, Lakonika, 20, and Pans., Ill, 3, 2), and speaks 
 of the merits of Polydorus, the other king, in III, 3, 2-3. More- 
 over, as already mentioned, he assumes an impartial attitude, which 
 is in striking contrast with the one-sided Messenian version (cf. 
 Ill, 3, 2 ; IV, 4, 3 ; 5, 5). If, on the other hand, Pausanias had 
 acquired a strong Messenian sympathy from his Messenian sources, 
 we should expect him to continue in this frame of mind to the end 
 of this history ; but such is not the case. If it were not for the 
 expedition against Elis in c. 28 and the attack of Demetrius in c. 
 29, in both of which chapters the Messenians are represented as 
 endowed with their former valor, our feelings would be turned 
 against them. This darker picture of the Messenian character is 
 no doubt truer to history, and agrees with the estimate put upon it 
 by Polybius (IV, 32). Accordingly, in c. 28, 2, we read that they 
 became the allies of Philip, the son of Amyntas, for which reason 
 they took no part in the battle of Chaeroneia. But such an alliance 
 ought to have appeared especially reprehensible to Pausanias, who 
 censures Philip severely in I, 25, 3, and in VIII, 7, 5, and soon 
 after mentioning the alliance, says (c. 28, 4) : ^Ckiinrov he rov 
 AfivvTov rd T€ dWa oiroa-a ecprfrat KaKOvpyija-avTO^ rrjv 'EWdBa, 
 Kai nXeimv tov^ BvvaTov<; Bia<j>^€LpavTo<i XPVH^^^' I^ was just 
 such a charge that the Messenians had brought against the Lace- 
 daemonians in c. 5, 3 : Kpocao) re auro?? Soypa diroo-reiKavrL yevi- 
 Oo-ac <i>i\ov^ fiapfidpo) irpcorov^y k, t. \. (see also p. 1 5). For the 
 alliance with Philip Pausanias makes no excuse, unless we may 
 consider as an excuse his explanation of the non-appearance of the 
 Messenians at Chaeroneia, with the words (c. 28, 3) : ov firfv ovBe 
 ToWEW'qcrLv ivavrla OecrOat rd oirXa rjOeXrjaav, Again, in the 
 case of Philopoemen, for whom Pausanias must have felt an interest, 
 to judge from the account of his life in VIII, to which he refers, 
 there is the same failure to appreciate the discredit that the Messe- 
 nians had brought upon themselves. He simply says (c. 29, 12) : 
 M€(7ar}ViQ)v Be oi re ^LkoiroifievL atrioi tyj^ Tekevrrj^; eSoaav BUa^;, 
 fcal rj Mea-arjvrj awerekea-ev avOt<; e? to 'Axacfcov. The lack of 
 sympathy for the Messenians that is apparent in these chapters, 
 which were undoubtedly constructed by Pausanias, and the want 
 
48 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 of unity of composition, show that the previous chapters must 
 have been derived from some complete account. This opinion is 
 strengthened by the evidence given above, which proves that some 
 particular source of Pausanias must have ceased suddenly to flow 
 when the story of the restoration had been told. 
 
 b). The Story of the Restoration joined to an Account of the 
 
 Previous History, 
 
 According to the second proposition Pausanias would have used 
 as a source some complete account of the restoration, but one inde- 
 pendent of the earlier history. But surely if anyone had written 
 of the restoration he would not have neglected to bring it into 
 connection with the wars which had effected the banishment. In 
 fact, it may be urged against both the foregoing propositions that 
 It would be highly improbable for no one before Pausanias' time 
 to have brought the story of the restoration into connection with 
 tiie early wars. At the period of the restoration, or, at least, at a 
 time not so far remote as that of Pausanias, who lived in the 
 second century A. D., would it be natural to look for an unusual 
 interest to manifest itself in the fortunes of the Messenians, an 
 mterest such as produced the works of Myron, Rhianus and Aes- 
 chylus of Alexandria. 
 
 Now there is clear evidence that the restoration had been joined 
 to the earlier history in the source which Pausanias used. For 
 chapter 25, which is totally the work of the imagination, was un- 
 doubtedly written for the purpose of bridging over the gap between 
 the history of the wars and the account of the restoration, and we 
 can also see a close relation existing between the beginning of the 
 Messeniaca and the account of the restoration. For evidence in 
 regard to c. 25, see c. VIII, 6. As to the latter proposition, the 
 following comparison between the above-named parts of the Messe- 
 niaca will show that it is true. 
 
 Especial prominence is given in the Messeniaca to the rites per- 
 formed in honor of the Great Goddesses. Pausanias (c. 33, 4) says 
 he considers them, performed at Camasium, only next in majesty 
 to the Eleusinian mysteries. Soon after the occupation of Messenia 
 by Polycaon the rites of the Great Goddesses, as we are told, were 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias, 
 
 49 
 
 brought from Eleusis to Andania by Caucon and revealed there to 
 Messene, the wife of Polycaon. Many years later these rites were 
 raised to greater honor by Lycus, the son of Pandion. These 
 matters are spoken of as important events, and are discussed in ^yq 
 consecutive paragraphs. The presence of these religious ceremonies 
 gave to Andania a special importance. Next to Andania the town 
 Oichalia, known later by the name Carnasium, is spoken of as a 
 place, famous for its worship of the Great Goddesses. Besides 
 Caucon, Lycus and Messene, the names of Eurytus, Apharaeus 
 and his sons are mentioned in connection with these rites. It was 
 to Aphareus, the son of Perieres, and his children, that Lycus 
 revealed the rites at Andania. 
 
 Now in the account of the restoration the same degree of import- 
 ance is attached both to the rites of the Great Goddesses and to the 
 places and heroes that are associated with them in the introduction. 
 So it is stated in c. 26, 6, that when Eparainondas wanted to build 
 a town for the Messenians, they positively refused to rebuild either 
 Andania or Oichalia, as their calamities had come upon them while 
 living there. The joining of the name Oichalia with Andania was 
 evidently made on account of the fact that the celebration of the 
 mysteries was also connected with this place ; for otherwise Arene 
 Pylus or Stenyclarus should have been mentioned instead, as they 
 had been in the early times successively the seats of government 
 aft;er Andania. While Epaminondas was in doubt, in consequence 
 of the above-mentioned refusal, where to build the city, a vision of 
 the priest Caucon appeared to him, commanding him to restore to 
 the Messenians their land. The same vision appeared also to 
 Epiteles, who commanded the Argive contingent of forces, telling 
 him to dig at a certain place on Mt. Ithome. He obeyed, and 
 found a roll of tin finely wrought, on which were inscribed the 
 rites of the Great Goddesses. In consequence of these events 
 Epaminondas decided to found a city on Mt. Ithome, and the 
 priests inscribed in books the rites that had been discovered. 
 
 Then, before beginning work on the city, sacrifices were offered 
 by all the parties engaged, but especially by the Messenians, who, 
 together with their priests, offered sacrifices to Zeus Ithomatas, the 
 Dioscuri, the Great Goddesses, Caucon, Messene, Eurytus, Aphareus 
 and his sons, Cresphontes Aipytus and Aristomenes. Here it 
 
50 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 should be noted that not only are the Great Goddesses and the 
 names that are associated with their rites mentioned, but also that 
 the other divinities and heroes to whom sacrifices are offered play 
 an important role in the introduction, as well as in the account of 
 the wars. A connection with the body of the history is also 
 observable. The priests of the Great Goddesses are mentioned in 
 cc. 14, 1 and 15, 7, and their rites in c. 20 (see c. VI, c, end). For 
 the frequent mention of Zeus Ithomatas see c. VII, a, ff., and of 
 the Dioscuri c. VII, 6, ff. Aristomenes, of course, plays an im- 
 portant role in the second war, and it may be remarked that in c. 
 17, 1 he owes his life to a priestess of Demeter. There can be no 
 doubt then that Pausauias made use of some source in which the 
 restoration was already in organic unity with the earlier as well as 
 the later history. 
 
 Further evidence can be seen in a passage that was pointed out 
 by Kohlmann, op. cit., 21. We have already seen how Pausanias, 
 after telling of the restoration of the Messenians to their country, 
 proceeds in cc. 28 and 29 to give a sketch of the later history, 
 down to the year 183 B. C. He then concludes the historical part 
 of the Messeniaca with these words (c. 29, 13) : ''Axpt> fih Sr) rovBe 
 o \0709 eirrfKde fiat MeaaTjvLcov ra TroXXa TraOrj/jLara, koX ax; 6 
 Sal/JLCOV cr<l>d<; iiri re 7^9 ra eo-^dTa kol iirl ra TroppcoTara IleXo- 
 irovvqaov aKchdaa^ vaTepov %poi/6) koX €9 rrjv olKeiav aveawae • 
 TO 8e airo tovtov t7J<; %(opa9 Kal iroXeoiV TpaircofxeOa i<; a(f>ri^7jaLV, 
 This passage clearly indicates that some source that Pausanias used 
 ended with the account of the restoration, for if Pausanias had 
 been responsible for the construction of all the later history, he 
 would not have overlooked what he had related in cc. 28 and 29. 
 If the reasoning so far has been correct, it follows that either 
 Rhianus or Myron furnished Pausanias with material for writing 
 the account of the restoration. A third source might of course be 
 thought of; but as it has been shown that the account of the resto- 
 ration must have been attached to a history of the ware, such a 
 third source would have been more important to Pausanias than 
 either Myron or Rhianus. Yet Pausanias (c. 6), when discussing 
 the relative trustworthiness of Myron and Rhianus, has nothing to 
 say of a third source. Furthermore, it has been well substantiated 
 that Myron and Rhianus were the chief sources for the history of 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias, 
 
 51 
 
 the wars, and it is therefore more natural to look to them for an 
 account of the restoration than to assume some unknown source. 
 This view is supported by the fact that so many points in the 
 account of the restoration are closely connected with those parts 
 which have recognizedly been taken from Myron and Rhianus. 
 One of the best examples of this is the story of the roll of tin on 
 which the rites of the Great Goddesses had been inscribed, which 
 Epiteles found on Mt. Ithome, and which had been deposited there 
 by Aristomenes. The circumstances concerning this deposit, told 
 in c. 20, and again in c. 26, stand in such intimate relation that it 
 is impossible that Pausanias could have obtained them from two 
 distinct sources. But c. 20 belongs to that part of the account of 
 the second war which presumably was taken from Rhianus. If 
 then this circumstance owes its origin to Rhianus, it follows that 
 he was also the author of the account of the restoration. But 
 weighty reasons show that this cannot be true. 
 
 c). Rhianus, 
 
 Kohlmann, op. cit., tried to prove by pointing out correspond- 
 ences between the account of the restoration and the history of the 
 second war, that Rhianus had not closed his epic with the death of 
 Aristodemus, as was generally supposed (cf. O. Miiller, Dmner, I, 
 152,3; Meineke, Anahcta Alexandrina, 197), but had extended 
 his poem so as to include the story of the restoration of the Messe- 
 nians to their country by Epaminondas. Busolt, Gr, Gesch,, I, 
 136, 5, says that Conat, Les Messiniennes de Rhianus, Annales de 
 la faculty de Lettres de Bordeaux, II (1880), 377 sqq.,^ has at least 
 severely shaken this hypothesis. Conat, Po^sie Alex,, 338, in giv- 
 ing his reasons against Kohlmann's hypothesis, closes with the 
 objection that an account of the restoration would be a natural 
 termination of a detailed account of the two wars : not of a poem 
 devoted to the glorification of a single man like Aristomenes, and 
 practically confined to the siege of Eira. 
 
 The almost exclusive attention that is paid to Aristomenes in 
 the account of the second war is very striking. Nearly all the 
 
 * Unfortunately I have been unable to see this article. 
 
52 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 fighting consists in personal encounters between Aristomenes and 
 the Spartans. The oracle predicting the fall of Eira is known only 
 to Aristomenes and to the priest Theoclus, who keep the informa- 
 tion to themselves (cf cc. 20, 3; 21, 3). In the first war, on the 
 contrary, all the Messenians are represented as taking part in the 
 fighting and are familiar with the oracles. 
 
 The national hatred between Messenians and Spartans was intense 
 
 in the first war, as can he seen by examining the following passages : 
 
 cc.4,4; 7,3; 7,5; 8,1; 8,7; 11,5; 11,6; 13,5; which har-^ 
 
 monize in sentiment with cc. 5, 3-5; 8, 2; 17, 3-6. This last 
 
 passage belonged to Myron, as was shown p. 37. On the other 
 
 hand, we are informed in the account of the second war only of the 
 
 feelings of Aristomenes and of the priest Theoclus (cf 16, 5; 22, 
 
 3 ; 21,11; 23, 2). The passage (c. 15, 1) where the hatred of the 
 
 Argives and Arcadians is mentioned, has been shown above (p. 40) 
 
 to be due to Pausanias. Still there is one passage (i. e., c. 23, 5) 
 
 at the close of the story of the second war, where the hatred of the 
 
 Messenian people is mentioned. It must be observed, however, 
 
 that this is done in a relenting spirit, with which compare c. 21, 12, 
 
 where the Spartans seem to relent. 
 
 We seem to be reading there the final act concerning the fortunes 
 of the Messenians as Rhianus had related them. At other times 
 the Messenian exiles scattered themselves in different directions. 
 So it was at the end of the first war, and after they were driven 
 from Naupactus, 405 B. C. ; but after the second war, we are told, 
 there was one grand exodus (c. 23, 3) : koI fiereaxov airavre^, 
 irXrjv el yrjpdf; nva airelpyev rj firjhe eviropSyv ervx^v e? ttjv airo- 
 BrjfXLav. It was, then, in accordance with this final act that Man- 
 ticlus is made to tell the Messenians to forget Messene and their 
 hatred of the Lacedaemonians (c. 23, 5). 
 
 Then we are treated to a fictitious account of how, on the invita- 
 tion of Anaxilas, whom we know to have lived in the fifth century 
 B. C. (cf Bently, Dissertat, upon Phal,, 1 90 sqq.), they attack 
 Zancle and with his help take possession of it ; whereupon they 
 show clemency to the conquered and make a treaty with them, and 
 change the name of the town to Messene (c. 23, 9). This seems a 
 fitting close to the history of the unfortunate Messenians, who 
 have now found a final resting-place, which is marked by the last 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 53 
 
 words of the chapter (c. 23, 10) : Meaavv[oc, f^h o^ roc, cAeiJ- 
 yovo-LP eyeyovei, irepa<; Trj(; aX,?;?. 
 
 Having thus closed his account of the Messenians, Rhianus re- 
 turns to Aristomenes to tell of his last days-how the hero gives 
 his daughters and a sister in marriage and goes to live with a 
 third daughter who married Damagetus, a king on the island of 
 Rhodus, where he ends his days. Pausanias closes his account of 
 him with the words (c. 24, 3) : o{, yhp ^8ec .vf.cl>opkp oiSealau 
 AaK€Sacf,ovLoc^ he i^ ' Apcaro^ivov, yevUBai, which words as 
 Conat has pointed out, show that Rhianus had now come to 'the 
 end of his story. It must be evident that, as Rhianus' interest was 
 centered in Aristomenes (cf c. 6, 3 : 'Viavc^ B^ iv roc, ^^reacv omv 
 Apic-To,Mivrj, iarlv a<j>aviaTepo, ^ 'Axc\\e6, iv 'IXcdBc 'Oar^pco) 
 he should have had no motive to tell of the later fortunes of the 
 Messenian people after the death of his hero. As the account 
 stands in Pausanias it looks very much like the close of a story 
 
 The above considerations show that Rhianus did not write of 
 the restoration. How, then, could he have written (c. 20) about 
 the deposit on Mt. Ithome of the roll containing the sacred rites 
 which IS closely connected with the same? A negative answer is 
 supported by the following considerations : If Rhianus had told 
 this story. It would have been strange that Ithome and not Eira 
 should have been the spot chosen where to bury the roll for Eira 
 and not Ithome was the stronghold of the Messenians in the second 
 war Besidas, as Eira was closely besieged, the future of Messenia 
 wouM have been jeoparded by attempting to pass through the lines, 
 a difficulty which is not adverted to. Again, the close intimacy 
 existing between Theoclus and Aristomenes, who share the knowl- 
 edge of the oracle which prophesied the coming destruction and 
 who are elsewhere brought into close relation with each other and 
 the fact that Theoclus is priest, ought to have made him participate 
 in that religious act of Aristomenes ; but no one besides Aristo- 
 menes knows anything about it. Moreover, the fact that the rites 
 of the Great Goddesses are in question ; that Lykus, the son of 
 Pandion, is mentioned, and that Aristomenes prays to Zeus Itho- 
 matas, indicates that this episode is connected with the mythologi- 
 
S4 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 I 
 
 cal period of the Messenian history, and at the same time with the 
 restoration, thus reaching far beyond the limits of Rhianus' epic. 
 On the other hand, we know that Myron had included the deeds 
 of Aristomenes in his history, and that Ithome was the place where 
 the Messenians resisted the attacks of the Spartans in the first war; 
 and it would, therefore, have been easy and natural, according to 
 Myron's account, for Aristomenes to bury the roll of tin there. But 
 if the passage under discussion was included in Myron's history, it 
 furnishes a clear proof that Myron had also written of the restoration. 
 
 VII. Myron's History Probably Included an Account 
 
 OF THE Restoration. 
 
 a). Various Reasons Assigned to Prove Myron^s Authorship, 
 
 The reason that Myron has not been proposed as a source for . 
 the account of the restoration seems to be the words of Pausanias 
 in c. 6, which apparently limit Myron's history to the first war : 
 avvcyjut}^; fiev Srj to, iravra ef ap')(ri<i e? tov iroXifjLOV rrjv reXevTrjv 
 ovBereptp SiijpvaTaij fiepo^ Be c5 iKarepo^ ^peaKCTo, 6 fxev t?}? re 
 *AfKf>€ia<; Tr)v a\(D(rtv teal Ta €<f>€^rj<; o-vveOrficev, ov Trpoaoa t^9 
 ^\pi(rroBi]fiov TeX€in-^9, *Viavo<i Bk rovBe fiev tov Trpcorov rwv iroXe- 
 l»Mv ovBe ip^aTO apyrjVi oirdaa Be yjpovw crvve^r) toI^ M.eo'aTjvLOif; 
 awoiTTaaiv airo Aa/ceBaifiovlcov, 6 Be Kal ravra fiev ov ra iravra 
 €*ypa'^€y T^9 fiaxv^ ^^ "^^ varepa riv €/jLa')(^eaavTO iirl rfj Td<\>p(p rfj 
 tcaXoufievr) fieydXj). But we must take into account that Pausa- 
 nias had to decide whether to follow Myron's history, which 
 embraced in its story of one great war nearly all the early tradi- 
 tion, including the tales about Aristomenes, or to tell of two wars 
 and relegate Aristomenes and some other matter that Myron's 
 biiitoiy contained to the account of the second war. The words 
 aw€')(Si<i — BiijvvoTai quoted above show us that Pausanias had in 
 mind only what {pertained to these first two wars. This exclusive 
 reference to those wars, therefore, does not signify a denial on the 
 part of Pausanias that Myron had also written of other portions of 
 Messenian histor}\ We have seen above that these words are not 
 to be taken literally, as Myron had written likewise of the causes 
 Ikat led up to the wars and had told of the capture of Ithome. 
 
 Th£ Messeniaca of Pausanias, 55 
 
 Jorli^f;^ tl^e likelihood of Myron having written also of the 
 restoration of the Messen.ans becomes at once very strong for his 
 
 displays for the Messenians would natumlly prompt him to tell 
 how they were finally restored to their rights, and how thd 
 b^ter^enemies, the Spartans, i^ived the puUment whfch w!! 
 
 The exclusive mention of the Messenians in the account of the 
 
 noSas dS n r T "' T ^""^ "'"°"^ ^""'••^^ *hat Epami- 
 aZe bt «. tr^t *^' "'" '''^ ^''''"' ^'^h Messenians 
 
 ArM., 28 ; yet .n Pausanias v.e read only of the restoration of 
 the Messenians, and the vision that appeal, to Epaminondas, c 
 26, 6, says : .^ BeMe..r>.U, ^. re ^arplBa .al Uu, d.dC 
 
 ^iS tTtk"; ^'^^^'^tf ^'^ «f '^^ '^-^ -r only Messenians a^ 
 sa.d to take part which ,s contrary to Thucydides and Ephorus 
 
 p yC) ^''"'^ ^"' ''""'^ (^" ^- ^^"'«'- «f- "711; 
 
 The poetical eleraente in cc. 2(5 and 27, which consist chiefly of 
 dreams and apparitions, were cited by Kohlmann to show their 
 
 ^t'ftrM ''"^""'^.''^""^ *'"'"''*^»"S'^ Pausanias te 
 
 Z to the . 7T "'■°*' ^'' ^'''''' '" P^°^' '"^^'^ i« -o doubt 
 2 to the poetical character of his narrative, which was probably 
 
 due to a large extent, to the sources which he used. L Spengel 
 {Abhandlungen d. Munch^ Akad. Classe, I, Bd. X) said • "Man 
 mochte auch den Myron gleich Rhianus fur einen Dichte; halten 
 dieselbe b^bsichtigte Concinnitat, bis ins Tragische gestal f." 
 and when Kohlmann (op. cit., 24) puts this aside with fhe wonls • 
 •!k .f Z T "'^ '^''■^ rmnifedum est, he did so probably 
 with he thought that, what Spengel considers! poetical touches 
 were but rhetorical embellishments. Yet rhetorical style alone 
 could not account for the character of Myron's narrative, and 
 Manso Sparta, I p. 268, sqq., is possibly right in attributing the 
 poetical elements m the Messctiam to epic lays, althou<.h it ^ems 
 far more probable that Myron and Rhianus sh'odd have^us^Xm 
 
 wirtSteTp. '''""" '""" '"' ""'^'^'^ ''"^ '^^"'^ 
 
54 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 cal period of the Messenian history, and at the same time with the 
 restoration, thus reaching far beyond the limits of Rhianus' epic. 
 On the other hand, we know that Myron had included the deeds 
 of Aristomenes in his history, and that Ithome was the place where 
 the Messenians resisted the attacks of the Spartans in the first war; 
 and it would, therefore, have been easy and natural, according to 
 Myron's account, for Aristomenes to bury the roll of tin there. But 
 if the passage under discussion was included in Myron's history, it 
 furnishes a clear proof that Myron had also written of the restoration. 
 
 
 VII. Myron's History Probably Included an Account 
 
 OF THE Restoration. 
 
 a). VaricMS Reasons Assigned to Prove Myron's Authorship, 
 
 The reason that Myron has not been proposed as a source for . 
 the account of the restoration seems to be the words of Pausanias 
 in c. 6, which apparently limit Myron's history to the first war : 
 avvex^^ H'^v hrj ra iravra ef apxv^ ^9 rod TroXefiov rrjv TeXevrr^v 
 ovherepw BirivvcrTaL, fiepo^ Se w eKCLTepo^ rjpeaKerOj 6 pAv Trj<; re 
 'A/i,</>€ta9 rrjv aXcoacv koX tcl €<f)€^rj^ o-vveOrjKev, ov Trpoaw r?)? 
 ^ApL<TToBrjp,ov T€\€UTr)9, 'P^ai^o? Se TovBe p^ev rod Trpdorov t5)V iroXe- 
 p,(OV ovhe ipfraro apxn^y oiroaa he xpor^ a-vve^r) rol^ Meo-a-rjviOLf; 
 aTToaraaLV airo AaKeBaip^ovlcov, 6 Se koX ravra p^v ov ra iravra 
 eypayfre, rfj^ P'^XV^ ^^ '^^ varepa fjv ipuax^o-avro eVl ttj Tac^pci) rfj 
 Ka\ovpL€VTj p,€yd\7j. But we must take into account that Pausa- 
 nias had to decide whether to follow Myron's history, which 
 embraced in its story of one great war nearly all the early tradi- 
 tion, including the tales about Aristomenes, or to tell of two wars 
 and relegate Aristomenes and some other matter that Myron's 
 history contained to the account of the second war. The words 
 avvexSi^ — h'qvvaraL quoted above show us that Pausanias had in 
 mind only what pertained to these first two wars. This exclusive 
 reference to those wars, therefore, does not signify a denial on the 
 part of Pausanias that Myron had also written of other portions of 
 Messenian history. We have seen above that these words are not 
 to be taken literally, as Myron had written likewise of the causes 
 that led up to the wars and had told of the capture of Ithome. 
 
 Th^ Messeniaca of Pausanias. 55 
 
 restoration of the Messenmns becomes at once very strong for his 
 
 J.spla>s for the Messenians would natumlly prompt him to tell 
 how they were finally restored to their rights, and how thS 
 bitter^euemies, the Spartans, i^ived the pu'nishment w^ch ts 
 
 The exclusive mention of the Messenians in the account of the 
 
 aZe bt «. "-In *' "'^' '''^ ^^^«"« ^•^J' Messenians 
 t2dm r'.'^^*^^'^. («f- ^'^■> XV, 66, and Isoci^tes, 
 
 ttMl • ' ^ '.° ^'"'*°"^ "' "'^ °"'^ ^^ '^' -««toration of 
 the Messenians, and the vision that appea.^ to Epaminondas, c. 
 
 idotke f f t.t*^'^ '' '^^ third war only Messenians a^ 
 sa.d to take part, which ,s contrary to Thucydides and Ephorus 
 who^speak of Helots and othe. (see c. VIII, a, cf BuToltrn,' 
 
 The poetical elements in cc. 26 and 27, which consist chiefly of 
 dreams and apparitions, were cited by Kohl-nann to show thel 
 
 us c. 6; that Myron wrote his history in prose, there is no doubt 
 a^^ to the poetical character of his narrative, which was probably 
 due to a large extent, to the sources which he used. L Spengel 
 (Abhandlungen d. Muneh^ Akad. Cla^, I, Bd. X) said : "M^n 
 mochte auch den Myron gleich Rhianus fur einen Dichter halten 
 dieselbe b^bsichtigte Concinni^t, bis ins Tragische gestah f- " 
 and when Kohlmann (op. cit., 24) puts this aside with L worfs • 
 QuodUa rede sese non Jwhere rmnifedun est, he did so probably 
 with he thought that, what Spengel considered poetical touches 
 wei. but rhetorical embellishments. Yet rhetorical style alone 
 could not account for the chaiacter of Myron's narratie, and 
 Manso^^a.te I, p. 268, sqq., is possibly right in attributing the 
 poetical elemente m the Mesmua^ to epic lays, although it Lms 
 far more probable that Myron and Rhianus should have used them 
 as source than that Pausanias should have constructed his history 
 With their help. « ^ 
 
 y 
 
56 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 •| !l| 
 
 lU 
 
 Myron often lets the Messenians and Lacedaemonians fight in 
 heroic style outside of the line of battle (cf. cc. 8, 4; 10, 2). The 
 passage where Theopompus rushes forward to kill Euphaes, and 
 Euphaes likens his adversary to Polynices (c. 8, 8), is regarded 
 by Kohlmann as rhetorical, yet it may be due to a poetical source, 
 as Manso thought (Sparta, I, p. 268). Conat [Foesie Alex,, p. 352) 
 compares the story (c. 18,4) in the Rhianus part, where Aristo- 
 menes is struck senseless by a stone and so falls into the hands of 
 the Spartans, with Iliad, XIV, 409, ff., where Ajax strikes Hector 
 with a stone, and as the Achaeans rush forward to get possession 
 of the body of the fallen hero, is defended by the Trojans, who 
 rescue him from the fight. A parallel, which is perhaps better, 
 may be found in c. 10, 3, where Euphaes falls senseless in the thick 
 of the fight, although not struck by a stone ; but here, just as in 
 the case of Hector, his friends rush to his rescue and succeed in 
 bearing him off. There can be no doubt, then, of the poetical 
 character of Myron's history. 
 
 We need, however, not be satisfied with a general correspondence 
 in poetic style, but can find a closer relationship between the dreams 
 related in the account of the restoration and Myron's history. Thus 
 the vision of Comon's mother (c. 26) was a sign of the coming 
 restoration, and so resembles the vision that Aristoraenes had in 
 the first war (c. 13, 2), which was a sign of the coming destruction. 
 This correspondence is strengthened by the peculiar hideousness of 
 these two dreams. On the other hand, the visions that are said to 
 have occurred in the second war pertain neither to the destruction 
 to be visited upon Messenia nor to the restoration. Besides, it was 
 shown above that chapters 14-17 were derived, to a large extent, 
 from Myron ; so, possibly, the vision of the Dioscuri at the battle 
 of Stenyclarus was taken from his history. The vision of Caucon, 
 which appears to Epaminondas and Epiteles, is clearly connected 
 with the earliest mythological period, as well as with the period 
 of the wars, and, as shown (c. VI, 6), probably belongs to Myron's 
 history. In c. 26, 3 we are told that the priest in Messene, the 
 colony in Sicily, had a dream in which it appeared that the god 
 Heracles Manticlus was invited by Zeus to partake of a feast on 
 Mt. Ithome. The fact that in Myron the Messenians retreat to 
 Mt. Ithome and defend themselves there makes it likely that refer- 
 
 The Measeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 57 
 
 ences to Ithome and Zeus Ithomatas were due to him. The fre- 
 quent references to Zeus Ithomatas in the Messenmca strengthen 
 this view, for they make it probable that the mention of him was 
 not merely due to fragments of tradition, but also to the design of 
 the author of the first Messenian war, in which Ithome plays such 
 a prominent role. In c. 3, 9 we are told that Glaucus instituted 
 the worship of Zeus on the top of Mt. Ithome; in c. 12, 7 (cf. also 
 c. 12, 8-10) the oracle says the divinity gives the Messenian land 
 U> those who first shall place a hundred tripods around the altar of 
 Zeus Ithomatas ; in c. 13, 1 Aristodemus sa^irifices to him ; in c. 
 19, 3 Aristomenes offers him the sacrifice of the Hecatomphonm ; 
 and m 20, 4 he prays to Zeus, who protects Ithome, to guard the 
 deposit he had made there. These two latter passages are found in 
 the Ehianus part ; but c. 20, 4 has been shown (p. 53, sqq.) to 
 have belonged to Myron's history, and c. 19, 3 deals with Aristo- 
 menes, thus making it possible that Myron was a source. More- 
 over, the mention of Zeus Ithomatas that is made in c. 19 3 is 
 omitted by Polyaenus, II, 31, 1, who speaks of the same sacrifice 
 as being offered by Aristomenes ; and, although Clem. Alex, (see 
 p. 19) mentions Zeus Ithomatas in this connection, there is still 
 some likelihood that Myron is responsible for the mention of Zeus 
 m the passage under discussion. 
 
 Finally, in c. 27, 6 Zeus Ithomatas heads the list of divinities to 
 whom the Messenians offer sacrifices, which fact, together with the 
 circumstances concerning this divinity mentioned above, show that 
 he played an important role in the history of the Messenians along 
 with the Dioscuri and the Great Goddesses. 
 
 b). The Part Played by Destiny Points to Myron. 
 
 Further proof of the thesis that Myron had included an account 
 of the restoration in his history will be found in looking into the 
 fundamental plan of the Messmi<im, according to which the affairs 
 of the Messenians, as well as of the Spai-tans, were controlled by 
 destiny. "^ 
 
 _ Not only does the history itself reveal this plan, but the words 
 m cc. 29, 13 and 6, 1 clearly refer to the same. Myron's history 
 of the first war corresponds with this conception, and Busolt, Gr. 
 
y •■• 
 
 
 \^'l 
 
 !l 
 
 il 
 
 ■I 
 
 I 
 
 M 
 
 -4 Stvdy in the Sources of 
 
 GescL, I, 135, 6, says : "Die Messenier unterliegen nicht durch 
 die Waffengewalt der Spartaner, sondern durch gottlichen Eatsch- 
 luss und Ldst." 
 
 c). Rhianus and Myron, 
 
 But so did, in a measure, Rhianus' epic, and Conat thought that 
 destiny was even more fully represented in this poem than in 
 Myron's history. The matter is complicated, both by the fact that 
 the work of destiny was recognized in the sources which were 
 accessible to Rhianus and Myron, and by the fact that, in writing 
 the history of the second war, Pausanias used some of the material 
 that Myron's history contained. But, although both accounts 
 represent the Messenian defeat as decreed by fate, it is Myron's 
 history which reaches back to an earlier time, when the Messenians 
 brought upon themselves the wrath of the gods, and then again 
 clearly looks forward into the future to a time of retribution. 
 
 It is true the following three passages, cc. 17, 6, 20, 4, 21, 10, in 
 the account of the second war refer to a retribution, but the first 
 two have been shown to have been derived from Myron (p. 36, ff., 
 and p. 53, ff.), and therefore the third passage, c. 21, 10, which 
 records the last words of Theoclus, becomes insignificant when 
 compared with the references that are made to a retribution in 
 Myron's history. This is true even though we leave out of account 
 the above named passages (cc. 17, 6 and 20, 4), and compare c. 12, 
 7 with c. 21, 10. That the thought of retribution should occur in 
 Rhianus' poem is but another example of the fact thai both 
 Rhianus and Myron had access to the same or similar tradition. 
 Now it is a significant fact that in the account of the restoration 
 no notice is taken of the words of Theoclus (c. 21, 10), whose utter- 
 ance stood nearer in point of time ; but, instead, the words of the 
 oracle cited in the account of the first war are quoted (cf c. VII, 
 6, end). There are some other passages (cc. 18, 7 ; 20, 1 ; 21, 7 ; 
 etc.) in the account of the second war in which reference is made 
 to supernatural power, but they either have nothing to do with 
 destiny or have reference only to the second war. 
 
 The following considerations show that the idea of destiny was 
 worked out in Myron's history more fully than in Rhianus' epic : 
 Whereas a succession of oracles and omens in the first war settle 
 
 The Messeniaaa of Pausanias. 
 
 59 
 
 the fate of the Messenians ; the fall of Eira, on the other hand, 
 was really brought about by natural causes : the betrayal of the 
 Messenian woman, the inclement weather, and the wounding of 
 Aristomenes. Destiny reveals itself through oracles and omens 
 (cf. Moulton, The Aneieni Classical Drama, 93, sqq.) ; but, whereas 
 we find one oracle of two lines in the account of the second war, 
 there are quoted in the account of the first war four oracles, con- 
 sisting respectively of five, three, seven and six lines ; and what 
 gives this fact more importance is that the course of events in the 
 first war is guided, to a large extent, by these oracles. Again, 
 there are almost no omens worth mentioning in the account of the 
 second war in comparison with those that are enumerated in c. 13. 
 In the poem of Rhianus there seems neither to have been a 
 reference to the guilt of the Messenians, so as to explain why they 
 were punished, nor were the wrong doings of the Spartans set 
 forth, so as to justify the retribution. (Note that c. 17 belonged 
 to Myron's account, and that c. 14 is a paraphrase of a Tyrtaean 
 verse.) Accordingly the idea of retribution is only touched upon 
 in Rhianus (c. 21, 10), whereas in Myron it stands in close connec- 
 tion both with the earlier Messenian history and the restoration. 
 
 If we turn our attention more particularly to Myron's history 
 we shall find that destiny played an important role there. But let 
 us first examine some reasons that show us that Myron's introduc- 
 tion must have included a sketch of the earliest history of Messenia. 
 
 This account of the earliest history shows us that the Messenians 
 had a right to their land, and that this was recognized by the 
 Spartans. It also shows that the population of Messenia contained 
 a Spartan element, which makes intelligible the charge that the 
 Spartans were making war on their own kinsmen, and so were 
 guilty of sacrilege against Heracles, their common ancestor. These 
 early chapters also explain the friendship which bound the Messen- 
 ians to the Argives and Arcadians, for Polycarn had married 
 Messene from Argos, and Cresphontes had married Merope, the 
 daughter of the Arcadian Cypselus. 
 
 Furthermore, it is noteworthy that there is no break in the line 
 of succession of Messenian kings from Cresphontes, the first Dorian 
 
60 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 king in Messenia, down to Euphaes, which is an indication that 
 this early part is of one piece with the introduction, especially as 
 the narrative appears to be closely knit together. 
 
 The story of Aipytus, the son of Cresphontes, is told in c. 3, 8 ; 
 then follow in quick succession characterizations of the descendants 
 who are his successors, viz,, Glaucus, Isthmius, Dotadas, Sybotas 
 and Phintas. Then we are told that in the reign of Phintas the 
 first difference arose between the Messenians and Spartans. It was 
 the occasion on which the Spartan king Teleclus met his death. 
 The successors of Phintas were his two sons, Antiochus and An- 
 drocles. During their reign the Polychares episode took place, 
 which was the immediate cause of the war. Euphaes, finally, the 
 son of Antiochus, was the king during whose reign the war broke 
 out. Evidently there is a close connection between the recital of 
 the early mythology and the story of the causes that led up to the 
 Messenian wars. Seeing, then, that Myron wrote the story of the 
 first war and included an account of the causes that led to it, and 
 that there is a close connection between the earliest history and 
 the later parts, it is probable that Myron's history included a 
 sketch of the earliest Messenian history. 
 
 Now to recur to the question of the role that destiny played 
 in Myron's history : there is no doubt that Myron recognized 
 that the Messenians had incurred the wrath of the gods, for 
 in c. 12, 1 this oracle is quoted : aW airdrr) fiev exec yaiav 
 ^eao-TjvlBa \ao9, Ta2<i S' avralf; reyyaio-Lv dXcoaeTai alairep 
 vTTTJp^ev, which clearly points to the fraudulent manner in which 
 Cresphontes had obtained Messenia, and indicates that the Messe- 
 nians are going to suffer for it. It is also more than probable that 
 the story which relates how Cresphontes had Messenia allotted to 
 himself, which is related in c. 3, 4-5, must have been told by 
 Myron, because otherwise neither the above reference to it nor the 
 allusion in the enumeration of the charges made by the Messenians 
 against the Spartans (c. 5, 1) would be intelligible. Myron's his- 
 tory, then, not only took cognizance of Cresphontes' fraud in the 
 oracle quoted (c. 12, 1), but made this episode a distinct feature of 
 bis history, by which the origin of the guilt that rested on the 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 61 
 
 Messenian people was explained. That some guilt rested on the 
 Messenians is referred to by Manilius, Astrrni., Ill, 14: Non 
 _ unnosa canam Messenae bella nocentis. 
 
 The fraud of Cresphontes was sufficient cause, according to the 
 oracle (c. 12, 1), to turn the force of destiny against the Messe- 
 nians; but the wrath of the Dioscuri, in a certain sense the national 
 divinities of the Lacedaemonians, whom, however, the Messenians 
 also claimed as their own (Pans., Ill, 26, 3, and c. 31, 9), must be 
 accounted for. 
 
 The role that the Dioscuri play and their connection with parts 
 which have been shown above to have probably belonged to 
 Myron's history, makes it likely that Myron's history had dealt 
 with them also. 
 
 Their wrath is spoken of in c. 26, 6, where Caucon appears to 
 Epaminondas in a dream and says : o-i, 8k Mecravvloc^; yPfv re 
 warpiha Kal 7r(5\e^9 a7ro8o9, iiret^ koX rh fnffvitia ^Bv (r<l>CaL 
 TreTravraL to ALoa/covpcov. Pausanias tells, in c. 27, what he 
 thought had been the reason of the displeasure of the Dioscuri— 
 an event which happened before the battle of Stenyclarus. It was 
 the exploit of two youths from Andania, Panormus and Gonippus, 
 who, dressing so as to represent the two Dioscuri, come upon the 
 Lacedaemonians while celebrating a feast, and, being welcomed by 
 the people as the twin gods, succeed in killing a large number of 
 them. Kohlmann thought Pausanias had taken this story from 
 an earlier part of Rhianus' poem. But Ehianus described the 
 siege of Eira, and this happened before that; and it was shown 
 above that, although certain features in cc. 14-17 were taken from 
 Rhianus, the bulk of the material was drawn from Myron. Be- 
 sides, this exploit is told of two young Messenians called Panormus 
 and Gonippus, and not of Aristomenes, as we should expect of 
 Rhianus, which fact becomes all the more significant when we see 
 that Polyaenus, II, 31, 31, who tells the same story, lets Aristo- 
 menes and a companion perform the deed. Again, Pausanias' 
 conjecture, which lets the deed occur in the second war, does not 
 explain the importance of the wrath of the Dioscuri which the 
 words of Caucon indicate. According to Pausanias their wrath is 
 only an incident of the second war, whereas Caucon's words to 
 Epaminondas, " Give back to the Messenians their land, as the 
 
:;| 
 
 
 62 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 wrath of the Dioscuri has ceased," seem to imply that the misfor- 
 tunes of the Messenians were largely due to the anger of these 
 divinities. 
 
 The fact that they are not spoken of in the first war, but in the 
 second, is because they are mentioned in connection with tales 
 about Aristomenes which we know were eliminated from the 
 account of the first war by Pausanias. In c. 16, 9 Aristomenes is 
 turned aside from a night attack on Sparta by a vision of Helen 
 and the Dioscuri, and in c. 16, 5 the twin gods are represented as 
 sitting on a ^g tree during the battle of Stenyclarus, and when 
 Aristomenes tries to pass this against the warning of the priest 
 Theoclus, he loses his shield, and so the Lacedaemonians are able 
 to escape. It has been shown that Myron was the main source for 
 this part, and, as Myron had included Aristomenes in his account, 
 these stories were probably taken from him. The name of the 
 priest would, of course, have to be changed to Theoclus. More- 
 over, it must be observed that Aristomenes goes to Boeotia in 
 order to get his shield back. This would have caused a long 
 absence on his part ; but, as everything seemed to depend on him 
 in the second war, such an absence, before the Messenians had 
 sought refuge in Eira, would have been fraught with danger to 
 the Messenians, whereas in the first war there were other heroes 
 besides Aristomenes to lead their forces to victory. 
 
 But, even if we suppose these events to have taken place during 
 the first war, there is still lacking an explanation of the original 
 cause of the wrath of the Dioscuri. That such a cause must have 
 been at the root of the Messenian troubles was indicated, as already 
 said, by the words of Caucon, and is further substantiated by the 
 statement in c. 26, 6, that the Messenians refused to rebuild either 
 Andania or Oichalia, because, as they said, their troubles had come 
 to them while living there. These events must have occurred long 
 before the time of Cresphontes, who made Stenyclarus his residence 
 after the return of the Heraclidae. But before the Trojan war the 
 kings had inhabited successively Andania, Arene and Pylus, and, 
 as the successive changes of the residence of the kings are carefully 
 noted, so Andania, which was the place where the kings resided 
 from the earliest period down to the time of Aphareus, the father 
 of Idas and Lynceus, was synonymous with the earliest period of 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 63 
 
 Messenian history. There seems to be good reason, then, to con- 
 sider the combat of Idas and Lynceus (c. 3, 1) with the Dioscuri 
 as the calamity referred to in c. 26, 6. It is true Arene was the 
 residence of the king at this time, but the reference is approximate. 
 This contest, in which the sons of Aphareus were killed, seems to 
 be typical of the overthrow of the Messenian power by the Spar- 
 tans (cf Preller, Gr. Myth., I, 95), and was well adapted to head 
 the story of the calamities that came upon the Messenians. 
 
 Bearing in mind this affront to the Dioscuri, and the subsequent 
 fraud of Cresphontes, we can understand the decree of fate that the 
 Messenians were to be driven from their land. We see in the 
 account of the first war how vain was the gallant defence of the 
 Messenians and how fruitless the heroic efforts of Aristodemus, 
 who, in trying to obey the oracle, even sacrificed his own daughter. 
 Seemingly a contest with a rival nation, it was really a battle with 
 destiny. We are made to feel the gloom of an adverse destiny, 
 which had settled on the Messenians in the first war, in touches 
 like the following : 
 
 Euphaes said, when he saw Theopompus, the Spartan leader, 
 advancing, that the ease of the latter was like that of his ancestor 
 Polynices ; for Polynices had brought an army from Argos against 
 his country, and had killed his brother with his own hand and had 
 been killed in turn, and now Theopompus desired to bring upon 
 the race of Heracles the same guilt as rested on the descendants of 
 Laius and Oedipus. Again, when Aristodemus had rather mur- 
 dered than sacrificed his daughter, the priests refused to look upon 
 the death of the latter as the sacrifice which the oracle demanded, 
 and subsequently opposed, though in vain, the election of Aris- 
 todemus as king, since he was polluted by the murder of his 
 daughter. One adverse oracle after the other disheartened the 
 people, and when a series of evil omens finally threw Aristodemus 
 into despair, he slew himself on the grave of his daughter. He 
 had thought that he was to be the saviour of the Messenians, but 
 Tvxv had rendered all his plans and deeds fruitless (c. 13, 4).^ 
 
 ^The idea that the Lacedaemonians conquered by r^xVy and not through their 
 own prowess, is mentioned again in c. 25, 6. 
 
 : ? 
 
64 
 
 >(» 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 In this manner the Lacedaemonians triumphed over the Messe- 
 nians. But, at the same time that the oracle at Delphi was sending 
 answers that showed that destiny was in favor of the Spartans, it 
 intimated a future overthrow of the Lacedaemonian power. It is 
 interesting to observe that the specific charge that is brought against 
 the Messenians is deceit (c. 12, 1). 
 
 a)OC airdrri fiev e^^c yalav Mea-a-TjviSa \ao9, 
 
 Tai<: ^ avTolf; Te')(yaL(TLV aXaxrerac al<nrep virrjp^ev. 
 
 But in this very oracle in which reference is made to Messenian 
 deceit {i. e., Cresphontes' fraud) as the ground of their downfall, it 
 points to the deceit of the Spartans, by which they are going to 
 conquer. This is referred to again in c. 12, 4, where the Messe- 
 nians are warned against Spartan wiles. But, by the employment 
 of the means of deceit, the Spartans seem to bring guilt upon them- 
 selves. At least, the oracle is reminded of such acts of the Spartans 
 as the night attack upon Arapheia, before war had been proclaimed, 
 or their bribing of Aristocrates to betray the Messenians. So we 
 are informed, in c. 12, 7, by an oracle which, though it is seemingly 
 intended for the Messenians, is really addressed to the Spartans, 
 
 Zet9 yap eveva ovtq)<; • airdrrj he ae rpoaOe tlOtjo-cVj 
 r) S^OTTLao) TLai'; icrTi, /cat ov Oeov i^a7raTM7j<;. 
 epS* OTTTrrj to ^(peo^v • aTt] h^aXKoL(Ti irpo dWcov, 
 
 " Deceit now places the Spartans ahead ; but their punishment 
 will follow." It is to this oracle that reference is made in the 
 account of the restoration, c. 26, 4 : 'Eyei/ero re ov fiera irdXv iv 
 AevKTpotf; AaKeSat/jLOvloyv to uTvxVH'a 6<l>€tX6fi€vov ex iraXatov • 
 Api(TToBrj/jL(p yap tw ^aaCkevaavTi Mea-o-rjvlcov eVl TeXevTj tov 
 hoOevTo<i iaTLV. 
 
 €pK OTTTrr) TO %p6G)i/ ' UTT) B'd\\oc(rL irpo dXKoiv, 
 Myron's history makes the future punishment of the Spartans 
 appear deserved ; for, not to speak of the many acts of injustice 
 against other nations which are charged against the Lacedaemonians 
 in c. 5, they are represented in this instance as waging an unjust 
 war, and that against their own kinsmen, and, though the Mes- 
 senians had been willing to leave their dispute to arbitration, the 
 
 The Messeniaca of Fausanias. 
 
 65 
 
 Spartans rejected all overtures to peace, and without even giving 
 warning, fell upon Ampheia and captured it in a night attack. 
 They are charged by the Messenians with having provoked the 
 war, and that through greed, as they desired the Messenian land. 
 Euphaes consoles the Messenians with the words (c. 6, 6) : Kal to 
 €{,p^iaT€pop ^aeaOai irapd Ttov Setov dp.{jvov(Ti t^ oUeia koI o^k 
 dhcKia^ dpxovcri. The last words bring to mind Medea's words 
 (Eurip. Medea, 165): or y if^ ,rp6a0ev To\f,a>a' dSc^ecv. which 
 recognize the wrong of those who are first in doing injury. 
 
 It must be evident that Myron's history would have been in- 
 complete without an account of the manner in which, in later 
 years, retribution had been meted out to the Spartans, and of the 
 way m which the Messenians had been restored to their country. 
 
 I have nearly come to the close of my argument. There remains 
 only to be added an investigation of the sketch of the third Messe- 
 nian war, of chapter 25, and of a few points in chapter 26. 
 
 VIIL 
 
 a). The Third Messenian War. 
 
 It is generally supposed that Pausanias got his account of the 
 third Messenian war from Thucydides. Unger, FhiloL, 41, 119, 
 says : " Pausanias, welcher die zwei ersten messenischen Kriege 
 so ausfuhrlich erzahlt, weiss von dem letzten auffallend wenig zu 
 berichten : was er angibt, . . . ist zum grosstm Theil, oil wortlich 
 aus Thuc, I, 101, 102 und 128 entlehnt. Weder die Dauer des 
 Kriegs und das Datum seiner Beendigung noch den Verlauf des- 
 selben weiss er anzugeben." Likewise, Busolt says, Gr. Gesch II 
 439, 1 : " Der Bericht bei Pans., IV, 24, 5, und I, 29, 8 geht,' 
 abgesehen von der Zeitangabe, der Hauptsache nach auf Thuc I 
 128 und I, 101 zuruck." *' ' 
 
 We find in Pausanias three paragraphs devoted to the third war, 
 which is, as Unger remarks, exceedingly little when we contrast 
 therewith the detailed accounts about the first and second war. We 
 might seek in this a confirmation of the view expressed above (p. 
 30), that it was Pausanias' aim to avoid telling over again what 
 had been already told by some well .known writer. But this ex- 
 planation is not satisfactory, if we believe, with the above named 
 
66 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias, 
 
 67 
 
 authorities, that Pausanias constructed his account from different 
 sources. His date he got from some Althis, according to linger, 
 and possibly his confounding the date of the outbreak of the Helot 
 revolt with that of Cimon's expedition is to be traced to the same 
 source, according to Busolt, Gr, GescLy II, 454, n. And of the 
 remainder of these three paragraphs it is only affirmed that most 
 of it, not all, was taken from Thucydides, and even here Thuc, I, 
 128 had to be combined with Thuc, 1, 101, sqq. We should have 
 to admit, then, that Pausanias was not bent on condensing, but on 
 constructing independently an account of the third war, which view 
 does not harmonize with the meagre account that confronts us, 
 many things having been omitted that might very well have been 
 taken from Thucydides. 
 
 Busolt connects Pans., c. 24, 5 with I, 29, 8, and thinks that 
 both passages have been taken from Thucydides ; but on compari- 
 son we see a marked difference. In I, 29, 8 Helots alone are 
 mentioned as revolting, whereas in c. 24, 6 it is that part of the 
 Helots which had been Messenians (cf. c. 24, 6 ; III, 11,8). That 
 the sources for books I and IV should have been different is quite 
 natural, as book I was written much earlier, and had even been 
 published separately (cf Gurlitt, op. cit., 3). Now Pans., c. 24, 5 
 cannot be from Thucydides, for Pausanias, as we have seen, says that 
 only the Measenian portion of the Helots revolted ; but Thucydides, 
 Gr, Gesch., 1, 101, says : ol E^Xwre? avroL<; koI tcov TrepLoiKcav 0ou- 
 pidrai T€ fcal Aldacrj<; €<? ^ld(o/jL7jv airearr^crav, ifkeiaToi he t&v 
 EiXtoTO)!/ iyevovTo ol twv 7ra\ai(ov MecraTjvLeov t6t€ SovXcoOivTcov 
 dTToyovoi, • ^ Kal M.ea-o-rjvcoi iKXtjOrjaav ol 7rdvT€<;. Thucydides is 
 quite explicit about the matter, and, as Pausanias is equally explicit 
 in III, 11, 8, I cannot think that he owes this part to Thucydides. 
 
 A detailed comparison of the two accounts ^vill show that Pau- 
 sanias did not necessarily derive his account from Thucydides. 
 
 Paus.,c. 24,5: AaKeBaifjLovlayv 
 dvBp€<; dirodavelv iirl iyKkrjfiaTc 
 OTO) Bt) KarayvoiaOevre^ iKerai 
 KaTaxf>€V'yova'cv e? Talvapov • iv- 
 revOev Be rj dp^r) tcov €<f)6pcov 
 diro Tov fiay/jLOv <T(l>d<; dirotrird- 
 aaaa direKreLve. 
 
 Thuc, I, 128 : ol yap Aa/ce- 
 BaifjLovcoi dvaarrjO'avTe'i irore ifc 
 TOV lepoif TOV YioaeLhoyvo^ diro 
 Tacvdpov Twv FilXcoTcov Ikctu^ 
 dirayayovTe^ Bc€<f>0€ipav, 
 
 Thucydides says the suppliants were Helots; Pausanias says 
 Lacedaemonians; on the other hand, Thucydides says Lacedae- 
 monians punished them ; Pausanias says the Ephors did so. We 
 have seen above that Myron had granted unusual powers to the 
 Ephors in the first war (p. 13). They are mentioned in cc 4, 8, 
 5, 4 and 1 2, 2. In c. 5, 4 the phrase t&v re i<l>6pa>v ttjv dpxnv 
 occurs just as in c 24, 5. It is also worth noticing that Pausanias' 
 version is particularized, which is also the case in the following : 
 
 Pans. : XirapTLaTatf; Be ev ov- 
 cevl Xoyo) 6e/jL€Voc<; tou9 l/ceTa^; 
 dinjvTTjaev €k UoaeiBcovof; firj- 
 PCfia, 
 
 Thuc : Bl o Br}. Kal a<f)i<Tiv 
 avTOL<; vofiL^ovat tov jjueyav crei- 
 (TfjLov yeveaOac ev ^irdpTrj, 
 
 Not only does Pausanias put in stronger relief the connection 
 between the execution of the suppliants and the earthquake, but 
 also between this and the revolt. He begins by saying : dirldTr)- 
 a-av Be Katpov TocovBe evpovTe^, and ends with ewl Be ttj <rvfi<t>opd 
 TavTTj (cf Thuc, I, 101, 2). More serious is the following differ- 
 ence : Thucydides says nothing of the effect of the earthquake, 
 whereas Pausanias says : Kal, a(f>iaiv e? €Ba(f)o<; ttjv ttoXcv irdaav 
 KaTeXa^ev 6 6e6^. This, however, has been very fully treated by 
 Ephorus (cf Diod., XI, 63 ; Plut., Cimon, XVI, 6). But Ephorus 
 could not have been used as a source here, for it seems highly im- 
 probable that Pausanias should have condensed a long description 
 of the earthquake into a bald statement of the effect in order to in- 
 sert that in matter that he had derived from another source. Be- 
 sides, Ephorus spoke of Messenians and Helots as revolting (cf. 
 Diod., XI, 63, 84, 7 ; Pint., Clmon, XVI, 6 ; XVII, 4), which 
 argues, as we have seen, against the employment of his account as 
 a source. 
 
 Pausanias continues: Aa/ce- 
 Batfiovioi Be dXXa re fieTCTre- 
 fLTTOVTO avfifjLa')(^iKd eir avTov<; 
 Kal KlfKDva TOV McXTidBov 
 TTpo^evov acjiiaiv ovTa Kal ^AOrj- 
 valcov Bvvaficv. 
 
 Thuc, 1, 102 : AaKeBaifiovcoc 
 Bky G)9 avTot^ Trpcx; toi»9 ev 'lOco- 
 firj ifjurjKvveTO 6 iroXefio^, dXXov^ 
 re eireKoXeaavTO ^vfjL/iid'^ov<; Kal 
 ^AOrjvalovfi • ol B' ^XOov Kl/jlco- 
 vo<; o-TpaTTjyovvTo^ TrXrjOec ovk 
 oXiycp. 
 
68 
 
 I. 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 The phrase aXXa re — kol is so common in Pausanias that a verbal 
 correspondence need by no means to be thought of (cf. cc. 1, 2 ; 1, 7 ; 
 1,9; 2,3; 2,5; 3,1; 3,6; 3,10; 4,5; 4,6; 4,7; 5,3; 5,4; 
 6, 6; 6,4; 6, 6; 7,1; 7,3; 7,4; 8, 2; 9,6; 10,1; 10,5; 10, 
 6 ; 11,4; 11, 8 ; 12, 9 ; 12, 10 ; etc.). Moreover, allowance must 
 be made for the possibility that Thucydides was the ultimate source 
 for Pausanias' statements, which could come to him through Myron, 
 who, as we have seen, drew from Thucydides (see also p. 12). 
 
 Paus. : d<j)L/co/jL€vov^ 8e tov<; 
 ^A0rjvaLOv<; vTroirrevo'ac Sokov- 
 <TLV <B9 Tay^^a vecoTeplaovTaf;, Koi 
 VTTO T^9 v7royjria<; dTroTrifiyjra- 
 adav fj,€T ov TToXif ef 'I^cw/x,?;?. 
 
 Thuc, I, 102 : at yhp Aaxe- 
 SaifiovLot, iTreiBr) to ')((M)piov ffla 
 ^^X ^^^o"'ceTO, heiaavTe^ twv 
 ^ Kdrjvaia>v to To\fir)p6v Kal ttjv 
 vewTepoirodaVy koX aWo^uXou? 
 afxa '^yria'dfjL€voi, firj tl, fjv irapa- 
 
 fieivQXTLVy VTTO T&V iv ^16(0 firj 
 
 TreccrOevTef; veeoTeplaeoo'Ly jjlovov^ 
 T&v ^vfiiJbd')((ov direTrefiylrav, 
 K, T. \. 
 
 Here the word veayTeplaovTaf; seems to come from vecnTepoirouav 
 and vecoTeplo-coai. But this could very well have been preserved 
 in the source which Pausanias used, just as we find it in Plut., 
 Cimon, 17,4: direirefi^^avTo fi6vov<; tcov av/jufjud'^cov co? v€C0T€pt- 
 oTa?, which is still closer to the form of expression used by 
 Thucydides. 
 
 Paus. : ^KdrjvaloL he ttjv e? 
 avToiff; T(bv AaKeSaifiovLoyv vtto- 
 voiav arvv€VT€<; ^Apyeuot^ re <^t- 
 \oL Bl avTo iyivovTO, 
 
 Paus. : KOL M.€aarjvia)v toI<; 
 iv lOcofiT) 7ro\iopKov/jL€voc<i ix- 
 wecrovaLv v7roa7rovBoL<i eBoaav 
 ^ainraKTov, d<f>e\6^evoL Aok- 
 
 Thucy., 1, 102, 4 : ol^'AOrj. 
 valoL eyvcoa-av ovk iirl tc3 0€\tI- 
 ovL Xoyo) diroTrefiTrofievoCy dWd 
 
 TCVO<; VirOTTTOV y€VO/JL€VOV, Kal 
 
 Seipov TTOLrjadfievoL . . . ^Apyei- 
 01^ To?9 eKeivwv TroXefilocf; fu- 
 fjLfjLa')(pi iyevovTo, 
 
 Thucy., I, 103, 3 : i^rjXOop 
 0€ avTol Kal 7ra?8e9 Kal yvvac- 
 K€<;, Kal avT0v<; ^AOyvaioi Se^d- 
 fievoi KaT €')(6o^ riBri to Aa/ce- 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 69 
 
 pou9 Tot'9 7r/oo9 AItcdXicl koXov- 
 fievov^ 'OfoXa9. 
 
 BacfjLOVLcov €9 ^aviraKTov KaTw- 
 KLaaVy ffv €TV')(pv TjprfKOTef; vea>- 
 (ttI AoKp(ov Ta>v ^O^oXwv ixov- 
 
 TCOV, 
 
 There is no verbal correspondence noticeable here. Pausanias 
 continues ; toi<; Be M.eaa7}VLOcq 'Trapea')(ev direXOelv ef ^IOco/jlt)^ tov 
 re x^P^ov to exvpov. This is not in Thucydides ; but in Paus., 
 c. 9, 3, we read : 971; Be to xj^piov Kal aXXw^ e^ypov • 97 yap ^lOcofirf 
 IxeyeOei t€ ovBevof; diroBel to)v opeov oiroaa evTo^ iaTiv 'laOfiovy Kal 
 Bva-jBaTO^ KaTCL tovto fxdXicrTa rjv. 
 
 Paus. : Kal dfjLa AaKeBaifjLOvl- 
 0^9 Trpoelirev rj YivOia rj /jltjv 
 etvai acfycat Blktjv dfiapTOvaov 
 
 €9 TOV At09 TOV ^WwfldTa TOV 
 
 lK€Tr}v. viroaiTOvBoi jnev eK Ile- 
 Xo7rovvrj<Tov tovtwv eveKa d<^ei- 
 Or)aav, 
 
 Thuc, I, 103, 2: ^v Be ti 
 Kal xpV^'^Vpi'Ov Toiq AaKeBac- 
 /jlovloc(; UvOlkov irpo tov, tov 
 
 UeTTjV TOV At09 TOV ^WcOfJLTJTa 
 
 d(f>ievai. 
 
 Thucydides simply mentions the fact that there had been an 
 oracle commanding the Lacedaemonians to release the suppliant 
 of Zeus Ithomatas. Pausanias says Pythia told them that ])unish- 
 ment was due them for having sinned against the suppliant of 
 Zeus Ithomatas. Here is evidently a reference to the first Messe- 
 nian war. 
 
 The above discussion, I think, makes it plausible that Pausa- 
 nias did not obtain his sketch of the third war from Thucydides, 
 but from some other source, probably Myron. 
 
 6). Chapter XXV. 
 
 To show that the following chapter (25) was taken from Myron 
 I shall first demonstrate its unreality. The third Messenian war 
 ended 462-1 B. C. (Busolt, Gr. Gesch,, II, 475), after which the 
 Athenians settled the Messenians in Naupactus (Thuc, I, 103, 3), 
 and they were known thereafter as M.eaar)VLot ol iv NavwdKT^ 
 (Thuc, II, 9, 4). These Messenians, according to Pausanias, 
 wishing to distinguish themselves, made an expedition against the 
 
70 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 ill 
 
 i i 
 
 town Oeniadae. This town was so well fortified and so isolated 
 from the rest of Acarnania that it stood nearly always in a hostile 
 relation towards the rest of Acarnania (Bursian, 1, 122), and so we 
 find it on the side of the Lacedaemonians, although the rest of 
 Acarnania was friendly to the Athenians (Thuc, II, 82). 
 
 Pericles made an unsuccessful attack upon it in 454 B. C. (Thuc, 
 I, 111, 2), and in 429 B. C. the Athenians, under Phormion, to- 
 gether with four hundred Messenians, made an expedition into 
 Acarnania, but did not attack Oeniadae for the reason that, being 
 winter, its situation made it impossible to do so (Thuc, II, 102). 
 In the following year Asopus, the son of Phormion, made an 
 attack on Oeniadae in the summer, hoping thus to succeed where 
 his father had failed (Thuc, III, 7, 4-5). But, though he made 
 his attack by land and sea, he was also unsuccessful. Finally, in 
 the year 424 B. C, the Acarnanians force tlie Oeniadans to join 
 the Athenian alliance (Thuc, IV, 77). 
 
 Now we read in Pausanias that the Messenians captured this 
 town, held it for a year, and were then driven out by the Acarna- 
 nians. This account fairly bristles with impossibilities and im- 
 probabilities. They must have taken it between 462 and 424 B. C. 
 During this time the Athenians were fully alive to its importance, 
 and, as we have seen, tried hard to get possession of it. Yet after 
 the Messenians had captured it, without assistance and without 
 ships, they are allowed to remain there a year without any atten- 
 tion being paid them, not even by the inhabitants of Naupactus ; 
 and, what is just as strange, the Messenians themselves do not 
 herald their success. At the end of this time the Acarnanians, 
 who are friendly to the Athenians, seem to ignore the fact that the 
 Messenians are allies, attack them, and after eight months the 
 Oeniadans are brought into such straits that they make a sally, 
 and so succeed in fighting their way back to Naupactus. 
 
 I think this account is an invention of Myron, who wrote it to 
 fill out the period of exile. A careful historian could have found 
 other material in Thucydides which would have served the same 
 purpose. But, as the author of c 25 evidently desired to glorify 
 the Messenians, he preferred to draw on his imagination. 
 
 A detailed examination will give support to this hypothesis. 
 Pausanias, c 25, 1, says : 'Evrel Be ea'xpv ttjv NaviraKToVy ovk 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias, 
 
 71 
 
 dirixRV ttoXlv re avrol^ Kal xcopav etXTjcj^ipac irap 'KBr^vaioyv, akX^ 
 (r<t>d^ iroOo^ elxev iarxvpo^ ^^/jo-l tol^ avr&v ^avijvac Xoyov ri 
 K€KTr)^hov^ d^iov. It seems that immediately on occupying Nau- 
 pactus they are bent on doing something great. So in the follow- 
 ing sentence, c. 25, 1 : 6Vt€9 Sk apcefiai fih o{, irXeLov^, dperf 8k 
 Kal TToXv cLfieivove^ 6vt€<; rfj a^erepa vlkSxtl, koX iiroXiopKOvv 
 KaraKeKXeifievov^ e? to relxo^, k, t. X. Compare with this c 11, 4 : 
 ApcOfiM fiev Brj T(ov ivavTicov aTreXeiirovTO, XoydBe^ Be 6vTe<; ifid- 
 XOVTO 7rpo9 Srjfiov Kal ovx 6p.oim irph fcpeirTov<;, k. t. X. We 
 must be surprised to see such prowess in a conquered race. It is 
 plain that what is said of the occupation of the town is pure fiction. 
 Pans., c 25, 3 : Kal evLavrov fiev fjudXio-ra at MeaGrjVLOL Kareaxov 
 TTJV iroXcv Kal evefiovro rrjv %ft>pai/. They took no pains to make 
 known their remarkable success. Paus.,' c 25, 3 : tc5 Se erec rw 
 vo-ripo) BvvafXLV ol 'AKapvave^ diro iraaoyv (TvXXe^avre^ rcov irL 
 Xewv €/3ovXevovTO eirl rrjv NaviraKTOv (TTparevecv, But both 
 parties were allied with the Athenians ! The phrase ol 'AKapvave<; 
 uiro iraawv avXXe^avTe^ t(ov iroXecov reminds one strongly of 
 Pans., c 17, 2 : "ApKdScov ^ejSorjeijKorcov diro iraawv twv TroXeaop, 
 and c 11, 1 : ol re 'ApKdBe<; Travo-Tparia, both of which are from 
 Myron (see p. 37). The Acarnanians \hen change their minds 
 and attack the Messenians in Oeniadae, notwithstanding the fact 
 that the Messenians were friendly to the Athenians, and that it 
 was these very Acarnanians who finally brought Oeniadae into the 
 Athenian alliance. They did not think that the Messenians (c 
 25, 4) e? ToaovTov dirovoia^ rj^etv as to resist the whole Acarnanian 
 force. Here we have the thought of desperation again, which was 
 so marked in the first two wars, especially in the first. Neverthe- 
 less the Messenians determine to resist, and at first before the walls 
 of their town, just as they fought before the walls of Ithome in the 
 first war (see p. 24). Pans., c 25, 5 : p.r^Be 6vTa<; Meaavvlov^, ot 
 ^V^e AaKeSat/MOVLcov dvBpia tvxv ^^ rjXarTioOrjarav, KaTaireirXri' 
 xOau Tov rjKovTa oxXov e^ 'AKapvavia^. It was in the first war 
 especially that tvxv was opposed to the Messenians (see p. 63). 
 
 In the battle that follows the Acarnanians try to surround the 
 Messenians, but these keep the city at their backs (c 25, 6) : ai 
 irvXaL Te direlpyov KaTa vcotov to69 Meo-a-rjviOL*; ycvofievoc ; in the 
 same manner c 11, 2: ['Api(7T6Bvfio'^'\ irpoelBeTo Be Kal 07r©9 
 
I 
 
 II 
 
 ■i 
 
 \ 
 
 11 
 
 72 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 T€TayfjL€Voi<; <T<f>i(TL TO 6po<; t} ^Way/nf) Kara vcotov ylvocTO. The 
 Messenians succeeded in holding the entire force of the Acarna- 
 nians at bay till nightfall. Then, however, the Acarnanians receive 
 reenforcements ! They had far outnumbered the Messenians before 
 this. The Messenians now hold out against a siege for eight 
 months, and finally succeed in escaping, as stated above. The 
 purpose of chapter 25 was evidently to describe the period of exile, 
 and so lead over to the restoration. Hence it is closely connected 
 with the third war, which preceded, and also with the restoration, 
 which is related in the next chapter. 
 
 c). Chapter XX VL 
 
 Chapter 26 begins as follows : to Se airo tovtov top re dWov 
 ypovov iveKeiTO o-(f>co-i> to e? AaKeBaifjLovuovf; fuaof;, /cal Tr)v e')(6pav 
 69 avTOv^ fiaXLaTa iirehei^avTO eirl tov yevofievov HeXoTrovvrjo-uoL^ 
 TTpo? ^AOrjvaLOV^ iroXifiov • T'^v t€ yap NavTraKTOv op/jbrjTrjpcov iirl 
 rfi HekoirovvrjCKp irapeixovTo, The prominence given here to the 
 hatred which the Messenians bore the Spartans shows, I think, 
 the same spirit which has been so often noted above in Myron's 
 history. We find it expressed again in c. 26, 5 : ol he Oaacrov y 
 0)9 av T49 rfXTnae <TVve\e')(67)aav 77)9 re t^9 iraTpihof; irodto Kal Bc^ 
 TO 69 AaKeSac/jLOVLOvi fuao<i irapa^elvav del cr<^LaLV. No doubt 
 this hatred for the Spartans, just as their friendship for the Arca- 
 dians, was frequently spoken of (cf. Polyb., IV, 32), and so we 
 find it mentioned again in c. 29, 3, which lies outside of Myron's 
 sphere. The remark concerning hate in c. 29, 6 is made by Pau- 
 sanias himself. Nevertheless the prominence which is given to 
 hatred in the passages quoted above (c. 26, 1-5) makes this 
 resemble the fury which animated the contending parties in the 
 first war. Very different is c. 23, 5 in the Rhianus part, where 
 Manticlus tells the Messenians to forget their hatred of the 
 Spartans. 
 
 Pausanias, c. 26, 1, continues : Kal Tot»9 ev ttj X^aKTrjpCa 27ra- 
 pTLaT&v diro\r]<^6evTa^ M.€o-ar)VL(ov a<f)€v8ovr]Tac tcov ck ^aviraK- 
 Tov (Tvve^eVKov, The help that the Messenians afford at Sphakteria 
 is told by Thucydides, IVJ 36, 1, sqq. ; but he speaks of archers. 
 On the other hand, stingers are mentioned in the account of the 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias. 
 
 73 
 
 first war (c. 11, 3). Pans., c. 26, 2, continues ; iirei Be to iralafia 
 iyivcTO TO 'Mrjvaicov iv Alyb^ iroTafiOL^;, ovtod Kal ck ^aviraKTov 
 T0U9 M€(To-7jviov<; eK/SdWovo-LV ol AaKeBacfjLOvcoL vavalv iircKpa- 
 TOvvT€<;, ot €9 XcKeXuav re irapd tov<; avyy€V€c<; Kal 69 *VrjyLov 
 ia-TdXija-av, Rhianus had told only of the colony that went to 
 Zancle at the invitation of Anaxilas. Myron's account of the 
 exiles was very much condensed, and yet we read in c. 23, 6 : 
 fieTa)K7](Te Be ' A\KiBa/jLlBa<; €k Meo-arjvijf; €9 'Vrjycov fieTa ttjv 
 'AptaToBjjfMOV TOV ^ao-iXem TeXevTtjv Kal 'lOcofiTjf; ttjv dXoyo-iv, 
 which shows that he had said more of exiles than Pausanias lets 
 us see. 
 
 The third place to which the Messenians now fled, according to 
 Pausanias, was Africa. This account would be a puzzle, unless we 
 recognize the constructive genius of Myron to have been at work. 
 It seems to be a combination of what Diodorus, XIV, 34, 2, sqq., 
 tells of the dispersion of the Messenians after they were driven out 
 of Naupactus, and of some statements in Thucydides which have 
 nothing to do with the Messenians; but this material has been 
 much changed and additions made to it. Pausanias (c. 26, 2) says : 
 TO irXela-Tov Be avTcov e9 re Ai^vrjv d<f)LK€TO Kal Acfivr)<; €9 Eueo-Tre- 
 pLTaf; ' ol yap EveaTrepiTac iroXifjia) KaK(o0€VT€<; virb /Sapfidpcov 
 TTpoaoLKcov iravTa Tcvd "^XXrjva eireKoXovvTO avpotKov. €9 TovTovt; 
 TCOV MeacrrjvLCDp to ttoXv direxcoprjo-^v. Diodorus, XIV, 34, 2, 
 sqq., tells us that the Messenians went to different countries and 
 took part in the wars there ; with this the account in Pausanias 
 would harmonize fairly well ; also when Diodorus says : et9 Kvprj- 
 V7]v ewXevcrav irepl TpicrxCXiov^y which might justify the statement 
 in Pausanias : to irXelaTov Be avTcov h re Al^vtjv dtftUeTo. Yet. 
 Diodorus says that they went to Cyrene, whereas Pausanias says 
 to Euesperides, a town lying west of Cyrene. This discrepancy 
 cannot be an accident, for the names Cyrene and Euesperitae recur 
 in both accounts. 
 
 If now we bear in mind the free manner in which Myron used 
 suggestions he found in the history of Thucydides, it will be easy 
 to see a close correspondence in this case. Thuc, VII, 19, 3, says : 
 OL B'iv TTJ UeXoTTovvrjao) direaTeXXov irepl tov avTov 'xpovov Tal<i 
 oXKddL Toiff; 07rXiTa9 69 ttjv ^LKcXtaVy AaKeBaifiovioc fiev tS)v re 
 ^IXtoTwv eircXe^dfievoc tov<; ySeXrtcTTou? Kal to)v v€oBafjiQ)B&v, 
 
74 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 
 I 
 
 ^vva/jL(})OT€pQ)v 69 €^aKO(Tiov<i oTrXtra?, k. t. \. This expedition is 
 referred to again in Thucy., VII, 50, 2 : tov<; ix rrj^; HeXoTrovvi]' 
 aov Tov Tjpo^ iv ral^ oKkclo'lv OTrXtra? airoaTaXevrafii d<f)CKO/jL€VOV^ 
 dirb rrjf; Acfiv7}<; e? ^eXiVovvTa. direve'xPevTe'^ yap e? Ac^vrjv, Kot 
 B6vT(ov K.vp7jvaLcov Tpi^p€L^ Svo KoX TOV ifKov rjyefiova^;, Kac iv rw 
 TrapdirXo) FtveaTrepLraL^ 7ro\copKovfi€Vot<i viro Acfivcov ^vfjufjuaxV' 
 aavT€<; koX viKrjaavre^. rov^ AtySu9, koX avroOev TrapairKeva-avTe^ 
 69 ^eav TToXcVy k.t,\. Although there were no Messenians in 
 this expedition, yet there were Helots, and one familiar with 
 Thucydides, as Myron must have been, could easily have remem- 
 bered some of the circumstances, especially as the Euesperitans are 
 only mentioned here. Besides, this expedition met with success in 
 Africa, as in Pausanias' account, whereas Diodorus says of the 
 Messenians : ol Be M€acr7]VL0L a^^Bov diravre^; dvypiOrjaav, of 
 which disaster there is not a hint in Pausanias. 
 
 Moreover, the name of the Messenian leader which Pausanias 
 (c. 26, 2) gives must be considered ; he says : 69 rovrovf; rcov 
 M.€<r(r7jvi(i)v to iroXif dire'X^coprjaev • rfyepAov Be cn^Lcnv rjv KofKOVy 09 
 Kal irepl Tr)v ^<l>aicT7jpiav eaTpaTrjyrjae avTol^, Neither Thucy- 
 dides nor anybody else knows anything about this Comon. He is 
 represented as the leader who had conducted the Messenians from 
 Naupactus to Africa, and now in his old age is permitted to ex- 
 perience the joy of the restoration. He is also one of the first to 
 be apprised of this fact, as follows (c. 26, 3) : ^vuavTm Bk irpoTepov 
 rj KaTopOwaai Srj^alovf; tcl iv AevKTpot^y irpoaearjfjiaLvev 6 BaijjLWV 
 M.€<fo-rjVLOi<; TTjv 69 UeXoTTOVVTjo-ov kclOoBov . . . TOVTO Be iv Eu60-7r6- 
 piTai^ Koficov (Tvyyevea-dac veKpa Tjj fi7)Tp\ iBoKCCy avyy evofievov 
 Be, av6i<; ol ttjv firjTepa dva/3ca)vaL (cf. this dream with that of 
 Aristodemus, pp. 56, 57). koI 6 fiev iirriXTn^ev 'Adrjvaioyv Bvvrj- 
 OevTwv vavTLKM kclOoBov eaeaOai a^tacv 69 NauTra/croz/ * to Be dpa 
 iBr/Xov TO oveupov dvaacoaeaOai MeacrrjvTjv, '^yeveTO t€ ov fieTa 
 TToXif iv AevKTpoL^ AaKeBai/jLOvlcov to dTvxVM'^ ocfyecXofievov iic 
 iraXaiov. Very noteworthy is the artistic feature that this gray- 
 haired Messenian interprets the dream to mean only that he is to 
 return to Naupactus; but the much greater happiness of being 
 restored to his country is reserved to heighten his joy. Now this 
 is what happens: Comon leads the Messenians back to their 
 country, and they there build the walls of their city Messene. In 
 
 The Messeniaca of Pausanias, 
 
 75 
 
 the same manner Comon returned to Athens and rebuilt the walls 
 there (Xen., HdL, IV, 8, 10). Besides, in Thuc, VII, 31, 4, we 
 read : d<f)iKV€iTac Be Kal Kovmv irap avTov^, 09 r^p'xe NavwdKTov, 
 K, T. \. ; that is, Comon was also a commander of Naupactus. 
 What an easy change to imagine a Comon to be also a leader of 
 the Naupactian Messenians, who is destined to lead them back to 
 their country ! We must bear in mind while examining Pausanias' 
 account of the restoration that Xenophon omitted to say anything 
 about it, and we have to thank Pausanias for most of what we 
 know (Grote, Gh Hist, IX, 449). Here was, then, an excellent 
 opportunity for Myron to reconstruct the history of the restoration 
 of the Messenians to their country. And, as I have pointed out 
 above that Comon's restoration of the walls of Athens was sugges- 
 tive to him, so I find also in the same connection in Xen., IV, 8, 
 10 : 6 Be d<f>LK6p.evo^ ttoXv tov Teixov^ ojpOcoae . , , Kal tcktoo-i 
 Kal Xi6oX6yoL(; fnaOov BiBoik;, Kal dXXo et tl dvayKolov tjv, Baira- 
 vQ)v. A similar detail is mentioned in Pans., c. 27, 5 : Xldovf; re 
 dyeaOai KeXevcov Kal dvBpa^ fieTaTrefiirofjuevo^y oh Texvrj (TTevmirov^ 
 KaTaTCfiveadao Kal oUia^ Kal lepd oUoBofieio-Oai Kal t€lxv 'rrept- 
 ^dXXeaOai, The following sentence in Pausanias, 0)9 Be iyeyovec 
 Ta irdvTa iv eToifio), to ivTevOev . . . edvovy intimates that Epami- 
 nondas remained on the spot until all of these extensive preparations 
 for building were complete. This seems very improbable, when 
 we remember that Epaminondas had many other things to attend 
 to during his stay in the Peloponnesus, and while there overstayed 
 his time at the risk of being punished with death by the home 
 authorities (Pans., IX, 14, 5). 
 
 The importance of this restoration was well known. Pausanias, 
 IX, 15, 6, mentions a statue of Epaminondas with this inscription : 
 Kal iXeyela eireo-Ttv dXXa tc 69 avTov XeyovTa, Kal otl Meaarjvr)^ 
 yevoLTo olKcaTT}^ Kal toU ''EXXrjacv virdp^eiev iXevOepla Bl avTov, 
 Therefore it seemed very appropriate that the extraordinary sacri- 
 fices which Pausanias (c. 27, 7) mentions should take place, and to 
 further celebrate the occasion eipyd^ovTo Be Kal virb fiovacKrj<; 
 dXXT)<; fiev ovBaficd^y avX&v Be BotcoTicov Kal 'Apyeloyv, This finds 
 a parallel in Xen., HelL.ll, 2, 23, where Xenophon describes how 
 the walls of Athens were torn down. This was also considered 
 the beginning of liberty, and was also .celebrated with the music of 
 
m 
 
 76 
 
 A Study in the Sources of 
 
 The Messeniaca of Fausanias. 
 
 77 
 
 flutes : Kol ra 7€lxv fcareaKaTrrov vir avXr^Tpihcov iroWfj irpoOv- 
 fiia, vofil^ovTe^ iKelvrjv rrjv rj/jbipav ttj 'EXXaS* ap')(eLV ttj^ ikev- 
 Oepiaf^, 
 
 I add a few words in conclusion in order to sum up the results 
 that have been attained. 
 
 The pith of the Messenian history lies in a few facts. In very 
 early times the Messenian people were conquered by the Spartans, 
 and, while a part of them may have gone into exile, the majority 
 were reduced to the state of the Helot class. Then, after about 
 300 years, Epaminondas reorganized the Messenian state, and thus 
 put an everlasting check on Spartan power. 
 
 Almost nothing is known about these events, and Pausanias' 
 account owes its origin to the brains of patriotic Messenians, who 
 invented tales whose aim was to glorify the Messenian nation at 
 the expense of their perennial foes, the Spartans. To weave a 
 connected account out of this material required the imaginative 
 brains of such men as the poet Rhianus and the rhetorician Myron. 
 We have seen the limits of Rhianus' poem. In regard to Myron, 
 however, the investigation has shown, step by step, that his Messe- 
 nian history must have had a wider scope than is generally 
 supposed. 
 
 I began with the generally conceded assumption that his account 
 told of the capture of Ampheia and extended as far as the death 
 of Aristodemus. It was shown, however, that this assumption 
 narrowed the limits of Myron's history unduly, as it was based on 
 a fals^ interpretation of c. 6. Others had supposed that Myron's 
 history may have had an introduction, and pointed viz, to the 
 Polychares episode as coming from Myron. I showed, by an 
 extended examination of the introduction, that this was so closely 
 related to the account of the first war that the conclusion that it 
 had been written by Myron seems inevitable. Next it was shown 
 that Myron's history had extended to the close of the first war, and 
 had even related how the Messenians had been exiled. Now 
 already the scope of Myron's history appeared such that it would 
 have seemed strange if Myron would have been satisfied to stop at 
 the first war. But another chapter, which dealt with cc. 14-17, 
 showed that Myron had not undertaken to write distinctly of the 
 first war ; but, as he had included the stories about Aristomenes, 
 
 besides other matter which pertained to the second war, he had 
 possibly had a larger aim in view, which was to tell all about the 
 way in which the Messenians had been subjugated by the Spartans. 
 In doing this he used all the tradition available, in order to tell of 
 one great war. From this conception of Myron's history it was 
 but a step to another conclusion, namely, that Myron had also 
 related how the Messenians had been restored to their country by 
 Epaminondas. An examination of the account of the restoration 
 has made it clear that this had actually been the case. Accord- 
 ingly, we see that Myron's history had extended from the earliest 
 mythological period down to 370 B. C, which limits would natu- 
 rally present themselves to one who wished, as Myron did, to 
 glorify the Messenian nation. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 A. BoECKH. Opuscula Academica Berolinensia. Lepsiae, 1874. 
 
 C. BuRSiAN. Geographic von Griechenland. Leipzig, 1862. 
 
 BusoiiT. Griechische Geschichte. Gotha, 1885-1888. 
 
 BusoLT. Zu den Quellen der Messeniaka des Pausanias. (Neue Jahrbiicher f. 
 
 Philologie, 1883, p. 814.) 
 A. Con AT. Po^sie Alexandrine. Paris, 1882. 
 
 M. DuNCKER. Geschichte des Alterthums. VI, 106. Leipzig, 1882. 
 A. Enmann. Die Quellen des Pompeius Trogus. Dorpat, 1880. 
 GuKLiTT. Uber Pausanias. 1890. 
 Grote. History of Greece. London, 1869. 
 W. Immerwahr. Die Lakonika des Pausanias. Berlin, 1889. 
 Fr. Jacobs. Vermischte Schriften. 8**' B*. Leipzig, 1844. 
 A. Kalkmann. Pausanias der Perieget. Berlin, 1886. 
 Ph. Kohlmann. Quaestiones Messeniacae. Bonnae, 1866. 
 Meineke. Abhandlungen. Berlin, 1832. 
 Meineke. Analecta Alexandrina. 
 O. MtiLLER. Die Dorier. Breslau, 1844. 
 
 C. MiJLLER. Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum. Paris, 1848. 
 H. NissEN. Kritische Untersuchungen ub. die Quellen der vierten u. fiinften 
 
 Decade des Livius. Berlin, 1863. 
 C. Wernicke. De Pausaniae Periegetae Studiis Herodoteis. Berolini, 1884. 
 
 78 
 
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