THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, FROM THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDEE III, TO THE UNION. BY PATRICK FRASER TYTLER, F.R.S.E. AND F.A.S. NEW EDITION. IN TEN VOLUMES. VOL. I. EDINBURGH: WILLIAM P. NIMMO. 186 6. NOTE TO THE NEW EDITION. This New Edition has been carefully cor- rected ; the authorities have been re-examined ; the quotations and references compared and tested by the originals. 63398 PRETACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. I HAVE commenced the History of Scotland at the accession of Alexander the Third, because it is at this period that our national annals become particularly interesting to the general reader. During the reign of this monarch, Eng- land first beo'an to entertain serious thouQ-hts of the reduction of her sister country. The dark cloud of misfortune which gathered over Scot- land immediately after the death of Alexander, suggested to Edward the First his schemes of ambition and conquest ; and perhaps, in the history of Liberty, there is no more memorable war than that which took its rise under Wallace in 1297, and terminated in the final establish- ment of Scottish independence by Robert Bruce in 1328. In the composition of the present work, I have anxiously endeavoured to examine the most authentic sources of information, and to convey Viii PREFACE. to my reader a true picture of the times without prepossession or partiality. To have done so, partakes more of the nature of a grave duty than of a merit ; and even after this has been accomplished, there will remain ample room for many imperfections. If, in the execution of my plan, I have been obliged to differ on some points of importance from authors of established cele- brity, I have fully stated the grounds of my opinion in the Notes and Illustrations, which are printed at the end of each volume ; and I trust that I shall not be blamed for the freedom of my remarks, until the historical authorities upon which they are founded have been exa- mined and compared. Edinburgh, April 12, 1828. CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. CHAP. I. ALEXANDER THE THIRD. 1149-1292. • Page Memoir of the Author, . , . , . , , xvi^' Accession of Alexander III. 1 State of the Kingdom 2-5 Coronation 6-7 The King's Marriage 7-9 Jealousy of English Influence 10 Change of Councillors 12 Visit of Alexander and his Queen to England . . . 14 The English faction put down by the Comyns . . . 15 Unhappy State of the Country 17 Second Visit of Alexander and his Queen to the English Court 19 Birth of the Princess Margaret at Windsor ... 20 Jealousies between Alexander and Haco king of Norway . 21 Haco invades Scotland ....... 23 Details of the Norwegian Expedition 24-30 Distress of the Norwegian fleet 31 Battle of Largs 33-35 Defeat of the Norwegians 36 Death of King Haco in Orkney 38 Birth of a Scottish Prince ....... 39 Submission of Man and the Western Isles, and settlement of the quarrel with Norway 40 Demands of Fieschi the Papal Legate on the Scottish Clergy 41 Their spirited resistance . 42 Marriage of Robert de Bruce, father cf King Robert Bruce, to Marjory countess of Carrick 43 CONTENTS. Death of Henry III. of England Accession of Edward I Alexander III. and his Queen attend the Coronation of Ed- ward .......... Alexander deputes the Earl of Carrick to perform homage to Edward in his name, for the lands which he holds of him Marriage of Princess Margaret of Scotland to Eric king of Norway Marriage of the Prince Royal of Scotland Death of the Prince Royal, and his sister Margaret queen of Norway Settlement of the succession, and second marriage of Alex- ander III. Death of Alexander III. Reflections on his reign Accession of Margaret, the grand-daughter of Alexander III. and appointment of a Regency Precarious state of the kingdom Projects of Edward Convention of Bruce the Competitor, and his friends at Turn- berry .... Eric king of Norway sends Plenipotentiaries to treat with Ed- ward . . . , Conferences at Salisbury Meeting of the Scottish Estates at Brigham Articles of the Treaty of Brigham .... Edward's demand for the delivery of the Scottish castles It is refused Death of the Maiden of Norway Troubled state of the kingdom Edward's measures Conference at Norham Edward's claim as Lord Paramount The competitors for the Crown assemble at Norham Recognise Edward as Superior .... Proceedings at Norham Edward's progress through Scotland . He meets the Competitors at Berwick Arguments of Bruce — and Baliol Edward decides in favour of Baliol Baliol's Coronation He swears homage to Edward .... Page 43 44 ib. 46 47 48 ib. 49 50 50-53 54 55 ib. ib. 57 58-60 61-62 G3-65 66 ib. ib. 67 68 70 ib. 72 73 74-76 ib. 77 78-83 84 85 ib. CONTENTS. XI CHAP. II. JOHN BALIOL. 1292-1305. Edward treats Baliol with harshness . Baliol's subjection Summoned to England ..... His reply Parliament at Scone Baliol confined by the Scots, and a Regency appointed Treaty with France A war with England Edward invades Scotland Siege and sack of Berwick Baliol's renunciation of his homage Defence of Dunbar by Black Agnes Defeat of the Scots at Dunbar .... Edward's continued success .... Baliol's feudal penance He is sent with his son to the Tower . Page 88 89 90 92 93 95 ib. ib. 96 97-98 99 100 101 102 103 104 INTERREGNUM. Edward's progress through Scotland 105 Carries the stone of Scone, and the Scottish Regalia, to West- minster ib. Holds his Parliament at Berwick 106 Settlement of Scotland 106-107 Hatred against the English 108 Rise of William Wallace 109 His first exploits 110-111 He is joined by Sir William Douglas 112 Surprises and routs Ormesby, the English Justiciary . . ib. Wallace joined by the Steward of Scotland, and other barons 113 Inconsistent conduct of Bruce ib. Henry Percy invades Scotland 115 Convention at Irvine 116 Wallace's successes 117-118 Critical position of the English army .... 119-121 Battle of Stirling, and defeat of the English . . 122-124 xu CONTENTS. Surrender of Dundee to Wallace He occupies Berwick Wallace invades England ..... Lord Robert Clifford invades Annandale Wallace chosen Governor of Scotland . Edward's decided measures .... Earl of Surrey advances to Roxburgh . Edward invades Scotland DiflBculties of Wallace . . • . Edward advances to Templeliston, now Kirkliston Critical situation of the English army Treachery of the Earls of Dunbar and Angus Position of the two armies Defeat of the Scots at Falkirk .... Edward's Progress after the battle Retreats to Carlisle Wallace resigns the office of Governor A Regency appointed ..... The King of France's efforts to bring about peace Baliol retires to France Edward assembles an army .... The Scottish Regents become masters of Stirling Edward invades Scotland His difficulties ....... A truce The Pope claims Scotland as belonging to the Church Rome Edward's indignation Parliament at Lincoln Letter of the barons and community of England to the Edward invades Scotland The Scots deserted by the Pope and by Philip English defeated at Roslin Ungenerous conduct of Philip .... Distresses of the Scots Edward invades Scotland His desolating progress His success Submission of Comyn the Governor Wallace retreats into the mountains . Siege and reduction of Stirling castle . Edward's severity of Page 125 ib. 127-129 130 131 133 134 136 137 138 140 141-142 143-144 145-146 147 148 149 150 151 154 155 156 157 158 ib. Pope 159-161 162 163 164-165 166 167-168 170 171 172 173 174 175 177 178 179-182 183 CONTENTS. XIU Wallace betrayed by Sir John Menteith His trial and execution Settlement of Scotland by Edward Page 185 186 187 CHAP. III. ROBERT BRUCE. 1306-1314. Early character of Bruce 189 His great estates and connexions 190 Rivalry with the Comyns 193 Is in favour with Edward I. 194 Relative situation of Bruce and Comyn . . . . 195 Agreement between Bruce and Comyn . . . . 196 Comyn betrays the design ib. Comyn slain by Bruce and Kirkpatrick . . , . 198 Critical situation of Bruce 199 He openly asserts his right to the Crown .... 200 He is crowned at Scone 201 Measures taken by Edward 204 He proceeds to Carlisle 206 Bruce defeated at Methven ...... 207 Bruce and his friends driven into the mountains . . 208 Attacked by the Lord of Lorn 209 Sends his Queen to Kildrummie castle , . . . 210 Bruce takes refuge in Rachrin 212 Edward's severity ib. Cruel imprisonment of the Countess of Buchan . . . 213 Execution of Nigel Bruce and Christopher de Seton . 214-215 Execution of the Earl of Athole 216 Execution of Sir Simon Eraser 217 Bruce and his adherents excommunicated . . . . 218 Bruce in Arran 219 He passes over to Carrick and attacks Lord Percy . . ib. Sir James Douglas storms Douglas castle . . . . 221 Execution of Thomas and Alexander Bruce . . . 222 Bruce attacked by John of Lorn and Lord Pembroke . 223 Bruce defeats Pembroke at Loudon Hill . . . 228 He defeats the Earl of Gloucester 223 VOL. I. h XIV CONTENTS. Page Death of Edward 1 229 Bruce, and Edward Bruce, invade Galloway . . 230 Edward II. appoints the Earl of Richmond, Governor of Scotland .231 He attacks Bruce, who retreats to the north of Scotland . ib. Bruce's dangerous sickness 232 He defeats the Earl of Buchan at Inverury . . . 233 Continued success of Bruce 234 Indecision of Edward II ib. Edward Bruce reduces Galloway .... 235-237 Successes of Sir James Douglas 238 Randolph taken prisoner by Douglas ib. Interview between Randolph and Bruce .... ib. Bruce defeats the Lord of Lorn at Loch Awe . . 239-240 Fluctuating policy of Edward II 241-242 Meeting of the Scottish Estates at Dundee . . . 243 Its important proceedings in favour of Bruce ... ib. Edward II. invades Scotland 244 Bruce ravages the bishopric of Durham .... 246 He takes Perth 247 Bruce invades England 249 Unsuccessful assault of Carlisle 250 His successes in Scotland 251 Castle of Linlithgow taken by Binny 252 Roxburgh castle taken by Sir James Douglas . . . 253 Edinburgh castle taken by Randolph .... 254-256 Bruce reduces the Isle of Man 2f 6 Edward Bruce lays siege to Stirling castle .... ib. His imprudent treaty 257 Edward II. makes great preparations to relieve Stirling 258-259 Bruce assembles his army 260 Its numbers and position ib. The advance of the English 263 Conflict between Randolph and Clifford .... 264 Personal conflict between Bruce and Sir Henry de Boune . 265 Clifford defeated 266 Bruce addresses his troops 267 Circumstances before the battle 268-269 Battle of Bannockburn, and total defeat of the English 270-275 Edward flees to Dunbar 276 Courtesy of Bruce 277 Reflections upon the battle • 279 CONTENTS. xv CHAP. IV. ROBERT BRUCE. 1314-1329. Douglas and Edward Bruce invade England « Unsuccessful negotiations for peace .... Famine in England and Scotland . . A Scottish force ravages Northumberland . . . Acts regarding the succession to the Crown Marriage of Marjory Bruce to "Walter the High Steward Invasion of Ireland by Edward Bruce He is crowned King of Ireland Defeated and slain . . . . Expedition of Bruce against the Western Isles . Imprisonment of John of Lorn Birth of Robert II Death of the Princess Marjory The Scots attack Wales Bruce invades Yorkshire Exploit of Sir James Douglas . . . . . The Bishop of Dunkeld repulses the English at Dunybristle Interference of the Pope Mission of the Papal Nuncios into Scotland Their interview with Bruce .... Mission of Adam Newton into Scotland Bruce refuses to receive him or his letters . Siege of Berwick The town and castle taken by Bruce . Walter the High Steward made Governor of Berwick Bruce excommunicated by the Cardinal Legates . Parliament at Scone Measures regarding the succession Other enactments Berwick besieged by Edward II. He is defeated and repulsed English defeated at Mitton A truce for two years Letter from the Scottish nobles to the Pope Conspiracy against Bruce • . Page 281 283 284 285 286 ib. 287 ib. 289 290 291 292 ib. ib. 293 294 296 ib. 298 299 301 302 303 304 305 306 ib. 307 308 309 313 315 318 319-321 32a XYl CONTENTS. Edward II. invades Scotland Judicious policy of Bruce Retreat and loss of the English . Defeat of Edward 11. at Biland Abbey Truce of thirteen years Bruce ratifies it as King of Scotland — to which Edward con- sents Mission of Randolph to the Papal court A son, afterwards David II., born to Bruce Abortive negotiations for peace with England Treaty of alliance with France .... Accession of Edward III. to the throne of England His great preparations against Scotland Bruce attacked by sickness . . Randolph and Douglas invade England Edward advances against them to Durham Particulars of this expedition Distress of the English army Superior skill and tactics of the Scottish leaders Exploit of Sir James Douglas Strong position of the Scots on the Wear Their skilful retreat Distress of the English army Anxiety of the English government for peace Bruce invades England in person Arrival of English commissioners in his camp Negotiations for peace .... Edward agrees to acknowledge Bruce as King, and to re nounce all claim of superiority over Scotland Peace of Northampton Particulars of the treaty Reflections Marriage of the Princess Joanna of England, to the Prince Royal of Scotland Death of Robert Bruce His last advice and counsel Reflections on his character Discovery of his body .... Tago 326 ib. 327 328-329 331 Notes and Illustrations . 3G7 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 07 PATRICK FRASER TYTLER. The lives of literary men do not ordinarily present to us the stirring events by which those of eminent statesmen and warriors are distinguished. Their biographies consist generally of little more than an account of their works ; still, the importance attri- buted by posterity to their labours adds an interest to the circumstances in which it may have been their lot to be cast. Amongst the many eminent men to whom Scot- land is indebted for the honourable place which she holds in the literature of Europe, there are few to whom she owes more than to the Tytlers of Wood- houselee. This family, long settled in the neighbour- hood of Edinburgh, produced in succession William Tytler, Alexander Eraser Tytler, afterwards Lord Woodhouselee, and Patrick Eraser Tytler, who, by XVlll BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP the interest and value of their writings — extending over nearly a century — have done honour to them- selves, and have contributed in no small degree to elucidate the history of their country. The first of the family distinguished by his devo- tion to literature was AVilliam Tytler, (the grand- father of the subject of this Memoir,) who was born in Edinburgh on the 12th of October 1711. He was the son of Alexander Tytler, a Writer to the Signet in that city, who enjoyed the highest reputation for the probity and excellence of his private charac- ter. Like his father, AVilliam Tytler studied law, and became a Writer to the Signet in 1744. But although carrying on a legal business of considerable extent, he found leisure to indulge his taste for lite- rary composition, and obtained considerable fame by publishing, in 1759, his well-known vindication of Mary Queen of Scots. This work, entitled ''An Inquiry, Historical and Critical, into the Evidence against Mary Queen of Scots, and an Examination of the Histories of Dr Eobertson and Mr Hume with respect to that Evidence," was so favourably received by the public as to pass through four editions. In it Tytler sought to vindicate the memory of the un- fortunate Queen, by bringing forward many circum- stantial proofs that she was innocent of a complicity in the death of her husband Darnley, and attempting to show that the letters alleged to have been written by her to the Earl of Bothwell were spurious. This Vindication received the commendations of PATRICK FEASEK TYTLEE. xix Samuel Jolinson, Smollett, and other eminent literary- men, who acknowledged the author's ingenuity, although they did not agree with the conclusion at which he arrived. In addition to this remarkable publication, Tytler made several other interesting contributions to Scottish literature, among which may be noticed, " The Poetical Eemains of James I.^ King of Scot- land, with a Dissertation on the Life and Writings of that Monarch." After spending a long life in the tranquil enjoy- ment of literary ease, Tytler died at the family seat of Woodliouselee on September 12, 1792, in the eighty- first year of his age. A high sense of honour, an uncorrupted integrity, a manly opposition to every kind of depravity or vice, were the distinguishing features of his character ; and he died without leav- ing an enemy or detractor in the world. Alexander Eraser Tytler, his eldest, son,, better known, perhaps, by his judicial title of Lord Wood- houselee, was born at Edinburgh on the 4th October 1747. He was educated first at the High School of that city, and afterwards at a private school in the neighbourhood of London. When he had reached the age of seventeen he entered the University of Edinburgh, and, having passed through the course of education preparatory to a legal life, was called to the bar in the year 1770, when he was in his twenty- third year. He married, in 1776, Anne Eraser, eldest daughter of Mr William Eraser of Belnain, Writer to XX BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF the Signet, by whom he had a family of eight chil- dren, of whom Patrick, the future historian of Scot- land, 'was thL youngest. In 1780 he was appointed Professor of Universal History in the University of Edinburgh, and dis- charged the duties of the chair with great ability and success. As Professor of History he published, in 1 782, his well-known " Elements of General His- tory," — a work the merits of which have been generally recognised, and which is still a standard class-book on the subject. He published anonymously, in 1790, an "Essay on the Principles of Translation." This treatise speedily obtained a great reputation, and deserves to be re- garded as one of the best introductions to criticism in the Ensjlish lan^mai^e. In the same year he was appointed, through the interest of Lord Melville, Judge- Advocate of Scot- land ; and about nine years afterwards was raised to the Bench under the title of Lord Woodhouselee. Besides the works already mentioned, and several smaller productions. Lord Woodhouselee pubKshed an elegantly written memoir of Henry Home, Lord Kames, which contains notices of many of the literary Scotsmen of the last century. He died on the 5th January 1813, in the sixty-sixth year of his age. Patrick Eraser Tytler, the fourth son and youngest child of Lord Woodhouselee, was bom at Edinburgh on the 30th of August 1791. He was educated at the High School there, under Mr (after- PATRICK FRASER TYTLER. xxi wards Professor) Christison and Dr Adam of that seminary. These gentlemen were distinguished for their success as teachers, and under their care a large number of pupils, who afterwards filled eminent posi- tions in life, received the elements of a liberal educa- tion. As a boy, Tytler gave little promise of that devotion to literary pursuits by which he was to be afterwards distinguished. He was, however, beloved by his schoolfellows for the generous nature of his disposition, and for his spirited and manly character. His father early remarked the ability which lay under his apparent carelessness and inattention. "You do not understand the boy," he would say. "I tell you he is a wonderful boy. Look at the eager expression of his countenance when listening to conversation far above his years ; he is drinking in every word. You tell me he never opens an im- proving book; that it must always be an amusing story for him. I am much mistaken if he does not read grave enough books by and by." Tytler was fortunate in having as his tutor a young man who afterwards earned some reputation by his writings — the Eev. John Black, minister of the parish of Coylton, in Ayrshire, and author of an elegant "Life of Tasso." Under the care of this accom- plished guide Tytler made rapid progress, and ac- quired that taste for reading which he after^vards turned to so good an account. At a somewhat later period he enjoyed the assistance in his studies of another gentleman afterwards highly distinguished xxli BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF — the Eev. John Lee — who, after filling several important academical offices, died Principal of the University of Edinburgh. In his youth Tytler had also the great advantage of participating in the literary society which his father gathered around him. He may, indeed, be said to have breathed a literary atmosphere from his boyhood. Henry Mackenzie, (the "Man of Feel- ing,") Scott, Sidney Smith, Mackintosh, and Jeffrey, were his father's frequent guests ; and young Tytler had the privilege of listening to the brilliant conver- sation of these eminent mem Intending that his son should enter the profession of the law. Lord Woodhouselee resolved that, before beginning his legal studies, he should spend a year at an academical institution in England. Accord- ingly, Tytler was sent to Chobham House School, and placed under the care of the Rev. Charles Jerram, a gentleman of great worth. Under this excellent master he made much progress, particularly in the art of writing Latin verses, and in the study of the Greek poets. At the same time he did not neglect his general reading ; and when he returned to Edin- burgh, he brought with him an increased taste for that polite literature which was the delight of his future life. The following extract of a letter, which he wrote after his return from Chobham to his brother Alex- ander, is interesting as showing the early period at which his love for the study of history developed PATRICK FRASEE TYTLER. xxiii itself. It is dated June 14,1810: — "I now come to give you some idea of my studies. When I first went to England, from having always lived in a literary family, where Mr Black and papa were con- tinually talking upon learned subjects, as well as having read a few books, I had picked up more general knowledge than is commonly to be found amongst the boys at an English school. This made me in some degree looked up to, and balanced my deficiency in classical knowledge. To this last I applied tooth and nail ; reading by myself, and often getting up in the winter mornings to study by candle- light. At last I began to understand and like Greek, and to make some progress in Latin versification. My vein improved amazingly at Chobham. The study of Virgil and Horace, of Milton and Thomson, was to me truly delightful. I often gave exercises in English verse; and Mr Jerram was sometimes pleased to express his approbation, and to ask for a copy of them. But I acquired a high relish for another noble branch of literature, and which I am at present pursuing with the greatest pleasure. I mean history. I there read Eobertson's admirable History of Charles V., and wrote short notes upon it. Since that I have been reading Machiavel's History of Florence, Watson's Philip II., Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Clarendon's noble work on the Eebellion, Sully's Memoirs, Clarendon's Life, Voltaire's Charles XII., Papa's Elements, Chevalier Eamsay's Life of Turenne, Junius's Letters, the Life of Lord Chatham ; XXiv BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF and I am now engaged with Hume, and Eapin's Acta Eegia. What do you think of history, my dear Sandie? To me it seems the noblest of all studies. To say that it is entertaining is its least praise. It is the school of statesmen and warriors ; and the plea- sure, next to living in the times, and being a witness to the actions of these, is that of reading their lives and actions.''* About the close of the year 1809 Tytler entered the University of Edinburgh, and began with enthu- siasm the study of law. But while he was working hard, along with his young friend Archibald (now Sir Archibald) Alison, at the Institutes of Heineccius, his favourite studies were not forgotten. At the request of his father, he wrote, in 1810, a poem, which he entitled " The Woodhouselee Masque, " and which was allowed by competent judges to be a most graceful performance. This, and other unpub- lished poems, and also the elegant poetical trans- lations which exist in some of his minor works, dis- play a genius for poetry which, had it been cultivated, would have entitled him to rank amongst the poets of his country. Tytler was called to the Scottish Bar on the 3d of July 1813; shortly after which he had to mourn the loss of his excellent father. Lord Woodhouselee, who had long suffered from a painful disease. In the beginning of 1814, Tytler embraced the opportunity, which the peace of that year afforded, * Burgon's Memoir, p. 65. PATRICK FEASER TYTLER. XXV to visit France, in company with William and Archi- bald Alison, and Mr D. Anderson of Moredun. This tour lasted from April to June, and afforded the most lively gratification to the young tourists. They had the honour of being presented, while in Paris, to many distinguished men, including the great Platoff, and enjoyed the sight of innumerable celebrities. A record of this tour is preserved in an anonymous work, in two volumes, entitled " Travels in France during the Years 1814-15, comprising a Eesidence at Paris during the stay of the Allied Armies, and at Aix at the period of the Landing of Bonaparte." It was understood to be the production of Mr Archibald Alison, and contained certain chapters which Tytler contributed. Through the influence of Alexander Maconochie, Esq., afterwards Lord Meadowbank, then Lord-Advo- cate, Tytler was appointed, when he had only been three years at the bar, a Junior Crown Counsel in Exchequer — an office worth £150 per annum. He also made some progress as a pleader at the bar. But literature and historical inquiry, although not engrossing all his attention, still occupied his leisure hours, and induced him to contribute various papers to literary journals. During the years 1817 and 1818, he wrote several articles for Blackwood's Magazine, then in its infancy. These were, ''Eemarks on Lacunar Strevilinense ; " an address ''To my Dog;" and a fanciful fragment, under the title of "A Literary Eomance." The fatigues of his professional and other duties XXVI BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF rendered him desirous of making a fresh tour for the benefit of his health; and he visited Norway in 1818, in company with Mr D. Anderson of Moredun. While on their tour they happened to be at Dron- theim, when Bernadotte, after being crowned King of Sweden, made his entry, with his son Prince Oscar, into that city. The young Scotsmen had the honour of being presented to the king, by whom they were graciously received, and invited to dine with his Majesty. The first separate work which Tytler published was his "Life of James Crichton of Cluny, commonly called the Admirable Crichton." It appeared in 1819, and was dedicated to the memory of his father, Lord Woodhouselee. In this interesting memoir Tytler brought together the various materials bearing on the life and exploits of this extraordinary personage, whose remarkable attainments made Scotland celebrated throughout Europe in the sixteenth century. By a careful ex- amination of the contemporary literature of the period in which Crichton flourished, Tytler successfully refuted the attempts which had been made by several authors to discredit the evidence on which his fame had so long rested. Tytler's fondness for antiquarian research is nowhere more apparent than in this biography, which may be said to have left little to be gleaned by subse- quent inquirers. The work was well received by the public ; and a second edition was called for in 1823. PATEICK FRASER TYTLER. xxvil In 1822 was founded the Bannatyne Club, of which Tytler was one of the original members. This literary society, founded on the model of the Eoxburghe Club, was formed by Sir W. Scott, Thomas Thomson, David Laing, and some other enthusiastic Scottish antiquaries. It existed until 1860; and, during that long period, issued to its members a series of works which have been described as forming the greatest, the most important, and the most splendid dis- closures that have been made of the latent historical treasures of Scotland. Following the example of the Eoxburghe Club, the members of the Bannatyne celebrated the anniversary of their institution by an elegant symposium. At these banquets original compositions were sung by such of the members as were of a poetical tempera- ment. Their songs, or "garlands," as they were termed, were afterwards printed in a sumptuous style for the use of the members. Sir W. Scott produced the first, "Quhairin the President speaketh," and was followed by Tytler, who contributed three songs, which were quaintly described as having been ''Brevit be ane lernit Councillar in the Kingis Chekar," and which displayed a considerable amount of humour and poetical ability. In addition to the volumes printed at the expense of the Club generally, it was, if not a condition of membership, at least expected that a volume should be printed by each of the members, and presented to XXVlil BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP the rest. Tytler, accordingly, in conjunction with his friends Mr Hog of Newliston and ]\Ir Adam Urquhart, contributed a volume of ''Memoirs of the Wars carried on in Scotland and Ireland, 1689-91, by Major-General Hugh Mackay." This curious volume was printed in 1833. Tytler's attention was at this time nearly equally divided between law and literature, and, as it has commonly been supposed that a literary man could not be a good lawyer, it seemed necessary that he shouj/d make his election between them, for success in his future career. But a compromise suited him better, and so he published, in 1823, "An Account of the Life and Works of Sir T. Craig of Pdccarton," the author of a celebrated treatise on the Feudal Law of Scotland. Craig had been a man of studious and retired habits, and mixed but little in the factions and intrigues of his time. Tytler, while recording the facts in the uneventful life of the great lawyer, gave an interest to the work by incorporating many notices of the eminent statesmen who were his con- temporaries during the period between 1538 and 1608. This work was well received by the members of the legal faculty j but, while it served to maintain its author's literary reputation, it failed to increase his practice at the bar. Tyiler's agreeable manners and joyous tempera- ment made him a prominent member of the Midlothian troop of Yeomanry Cavalry, which numbered then, as it does still, many young men of rank connected with PATKICK FEASER TYTLER. ' xxix the Scottish metropolis. An incident which oc- curred in 1824 was the cause of much merriment amongst the troop, and called forth several of those amusing lyrical effusions in which Tytler so much excelled. " He had planned a quiet afternoon with his brother, under the paternal roof of Woodhouselee, and, with that view, had stolen away from his com- panions and the prospect of duty on the Portobello sands. But he was quickly missed at head-quarters; his intended line of march anticipated; and a cor- poraFs troop, with a led horse, and a mock warrant for seizure, were despatched to apprehend and bring back the deserter. Tytler, the instant he espied the approach of this band, escaped by a back door, and took shelter in the glen above Woodhouselee. He remained there until he thought the danger must be over, and then ventured to return to the house ; but ill had he calculated on the sharpness of the lawyer- soldiers of the Lothian Yeomanry. He was captured at the very threshold by the ambush which awaited his return, deprived of his arms, mounted on the led horse, and carried off in triumph to the military en- campment at Musselburgh. The entire pantomime so touched his fancy, that he turned the incident into a song that same evening, and sang it the next day, (to the air of ' The Groves of Blarney,') at the mess, table, amid the applause and laughter of his delighted companions. He confessed how ' Private Tytler, for- getting quite, sir,' the heinousness of desertion, — and in defiance of VOL. L A XXX BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP * That truth, the soul of discipline, — Most undutifully, in the month of July, Set out for Woodhouselee to dine.' Tlie enemy's approach, and his own retreat to the glen, he graphically described, as well as the exceeding dis- comfort to which he had been subjected as he * Shrouded sat beneath the pine.' " * This song, called "The Deserter," and several others, were privately printed, in 1825, as "The Songs of the Edinburgh Troop." Tytler and his yeomanry troop did good service on occasion of a great fire which happened in Edinburgh at that time. They were on duty for the purpose of guarding the effects which the inhabitants were en- deavouring to save from the conflagration. And to a happy suggestion of Tytler the preservation of the Advocates' Library from the flames may be said to be due. He suggested that the roof of the building in which the books were contained should be covered with wet blankets, and personally assisted in having this work done. Tlie expedient was fortunately effec- tual, and that noble collection of books was saved. From his intimacy with Sir Walter Scott, whose antiquarian tastes and literary labours led him to in- quire minutely into almost every circumstance con- nected with Scottish history, Tytler derived much advantage. It was the advice of this great man that he should, concentrate his energies on a historical work, which would supply a desideratum in Scottish *Burgon's Memoir, p. 166. PATEICK FEASER TYTLEE. xxxi literature. Scott possessed, in an eminent degree, the talent for imbuing his circle of friends with the same enthusiasm for literary enterprises which was charac- teristic of his own nature. He found in Tytler one of congenial sjonpathies ; and while his friend was on a visit to Abbotsford, in 1823, he had seriously urged him to undertake the task of writing a history of Scotland. 'No one would have been so competent for such an enterprise as Sir Walter himseK ; but the multifarious nature of his other literary pursuits deprived him of the leisure necessary for the great amount of pre- liminary research which such a work involves. The subject was one, however, in which he was deeply interested ; and as he at one time cherished the hope that an opportunity might occur when he might be enabled to devote his own energies to its treatment, he had collected various anecdotes from Scottish history for the purpose. These he afterwards pub- lished as the " Tales of a Grandfather," one of his most popular works. The following interesting account of the circum- stances to which we owe Tytler's invaluable work, is given in a letter written by Mr Pringle of Whytbank to Mr James Tytler in 1854. The historian had been on a visit to Mr Pringle at Yair, and, accompanied by that gentleman, had spent a most agreeable day at Abbotsford : — " While we were riding home at night," continues Mr Pringle, — " I remember the place ; it was just after we had forded the Tweed, at Birdside xxxii BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP — your brother told me, that in the course of that evening Sir Walter Scott had taken him aside, and suggested to him the scheme of writing a history of Scotland. Sir Walter stated that, some years before, tlie booksellers had urged him to undertake such a work, and that he had at one time seriously contem- plated it. The subject was very congenial to his tastes; and he thought that by interspersing the narrative with romantic anecdotes illustrative of the manners of his countrymen, he could render such a work popular. But he soon found, while engaged in preparing his materials, that something more was wanted than a popular romance, — that a right his- tory of Scotland was yet to be written ; but that there were ample materials for it in the national records, in collections of documents both private and public, and in Scottish authors whose works had become rare or were seldom perused. The research, however, which would be required for bringing to light, and arranging and digesting these materials, he soon saw would be far more than he had it in his power to give to the subject; and it would be a work of tedious and patient labour, which must be pursued not in Scotland only, but amongst the national col- lections of records in London, and wherever else such documents may have been preserved. But such a labour his official duties and other avocations would not allow him to bestow upon it. He had, therefore, ended in a resolution to confine his undertaking to a collection of historical anecdotes for the amusement PATRICK FEASEK TYTLEE. XXxiii of the rising generation, calculated to impress upon their memories the worthy deeds of Scottish heroes, and inspire them with sentiments of nationality. He also mentioned that the article on the CuUoden Papers, published in the Quarterly Review for 1816, which I have always considered as one of the most attractive as well as characteristic of all his writ- ings, had been originally conceived in the form of a portion of an introductory essay to the contem- plated historical work, which was now likely to go no further. " He then proposed to your brother to enter on the undertaking, and remarked to him, that he knew his tastes and favourite pursuits lay so strongly m the line of history, and the history of his native country must have such peculiar interest for him, that the labour could not fail to be congenial to him; that though the requisite researches would consume a great deal of time and thought, he had the advantage of youth on his side, and might live to complete tlie work, which, if executed under a deep sense of the importance of historical truth, would confer a lasting benefit on his country; and he ended with offering all the aid in his power for obtaining access to the repositories of information, as well as advice in pur- suing the necessary investigations. " I asked my friend if the suggestion pleased him ? He replied, that the undertaking appeared very for- midable ; that I knew he had always been fond of historical pursuits, and though he confessed he had XXXIV BIOGEAPHICAL SKETCH OF frequently chcrislied an ambition for becoming an historical author, yet it had never entered into his mind to attempt a history of his own country, as he knew too well the difficulties which he would have to encounter, especially those of attaining accuracy, and realising his own conception of what a history of Scotland ought to be ; but that the suggestion, com- ing from such a quarter, as well as the offered assist- ance, was not to be disregarded. You may be sure that I encouraged him to the best of my power ; for though I knew how much it was likely to withdraw his attention from his professional avocations, yet I also knew how much more congenial a pursuit it would prove, and how much more he was likely to attain to excellence, and establish his reputation in this channel. It was, therefore, with much satis- faction that I soon afterwards learned from him that he had entered seriously on the undertaking." * Before the first two volumes of the " History of Scotland" made their appearance, Tytler communi- cated an elegant paper to the Eoyal Society of Edin- burgh, which was published in its Transactions in 1826. It is entitled, "An Historical and Critical Introduction to an Inquiry into the Eevival of the Greek Literature in Italy after the Dark Ages." In March 1826 Tytler was married to Eachel, daughter of Thomas Hog, Esq., of Newliston, — a lady to whom he had been long attached. This union afforded him unmixed happiness, which was *Burgon's Memoir, p. 175. PATRICK FEASEE TYTLEE. XXXV only terminated by the early death of his wife in 1835. After his marriage, Tytler established him- self in 36 Melville Street, Edinburgh, where he began the preparation of his History, He also pub- lished, anonymously, at this time, a life of John "VVycliff, the precursor of the English Eeformation. After his marriage, Tytler entered upon his histori- cal labours with the utmost enthusiasm. As the result of two years of unremitting exertion, the first volume appeared in March 1828, and was followed by the second in 1829. These volumes were favourably received, and were reviewed by Sir Walter Scott in an able article m the Quarterly for 1829. Sir Walter concluded his characteristic paper by referring to the laborious task thus begun, and wishing the author God speed — " For long, though pleasing, is the way, And life, alas ! allows but an ill winter's day." He also expressed the hope that Tytler, young, ardent, and competent to the task, would not delay to pro- secute it with the same spirit which he had already displayed. Tytler appears at first to have had some difficulty in obtaining a suitable publisher for his History, and had calculated on but a moderate success for this first instalment of his great work. He was agree- ably disappointed when the sale of the first edition of these two volumes exceeded one thousand copies. A fair success attended the publication of the other XXXVl BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP volumes, whicli appeared successively in 1831, 1834, 1837, 1840, 1842, and 1843. In the further prosecution of his labours, Tytler visited London in 1830, to consult the manuscripts in the State Paper Office and in the British Museum. While in London he endeavoured to secure the suc- cession to the office of Historiographer for Scotland, when it should become vacant. This appointment was then held by the venerable Dr Gillies, who was in the eighty-third year of his age. Tytler was warmly received by man]^ of the first literary men of the metropolis, and was engaged by Mr Murray to write a collection of biographies of illustrious Scots- men, for a series of popular works then projected by that eminent publisher. This very interesting work accordingly appeared as "Lives of Scottish Worthies" in 1831-33. It con- tained notices of the following twelve Scottish celeb- rities : — Alexander III., Michael Scott the wizard of Scotland, Wallace, Bruce, Barbour, Wyntoun, Fordun, James L, Henryson, Dunbar, Gawin Douglas, and Sir David Lyndsay. In consequence of a change of ministry, Tytler lost his Exchequer appointment in 1830, which rendered him more dependent on his literary exertions. The failing health of his wife shortly afterwards induced him, as he was no longer neces- sitated to reside in Edinburgh, to try the effect of a change to a southern climate. He removed his family accordingly to Torquay, where they resided PATRICK FEASEE TYTLEE. XXXvii for a year. He also spent some time at Eothesay in Bute. ^N'otwithstanding the interruptions caused "by his changes of residence about this time, occasioned by the most ardent attachment to his amiable and ac- complished wife, Tytler found leisure to write a "Life of Sir Walter Ealeigh," and a " Historical View of the Progress of Discovery in America." These works formed part of a series issued by Messrs Oliver and Boyd, under the title of "The Edinburgh Cabinet Library," and were very popular. Of his Life of Ealeigh new editions were called for in 1840, 1844, 1846, and 1847. From his fondness for research among the national archives, and his familiarity with the contents of the State Paper Offiice in London, Tytler was, in 1834, desirous of obtaining a permanent appointment of a congenial nature. As the keepership of the records in the Chapter House of Westminster (to which a salary of £400 a year was attached) was then vacant, Tytler became a candidate for that appointment. He was, however, unsuccessful, and the office was bestowed on Sir Francis Palgrave. In the following year, he suffered a severe blow to his domestic happiness through the death of his wife, which he bore with Christian resignation. By religious meditation, and by attention to the educa- tion of his youthful family, he strove to comfort him- self under this painful bereavement. He was destined to experience a great disappoint- XXXVni BIOGEArHICAL SKETCH OP ment in 1836. On the death of Dr Gillies, who sur- vived till he was in his eighty-ninth year, Tytler fully expected the appointment of Historiographer for Scotland. A promise had actually been made to his father, Lord Woodhouselee, that he should have this honour conferred on him ; but, by an unlooked- for change of ministry, the office was otherwise dis- posed of. It was bestowed on George Brodie, Esq., Advocate. From his familiarity with the national archives, Tytler w^as, in 1836, examined, by a committee of the House of Commons, as to the best plan for render- ing these documents available to historical inquirers. His evidence tended to show the folly of attempting to print in extenso the whole of these ancient records. He suggested, however, the propriety of publishing lists or calendars of these papers, which should, at the same time, embrace a short analysis of their con- tents. This valuable suggestion, after the lapse of twenty years, has been adopted, and the collection of *' Calendars of State Papers," now in course of publication, will, w^hen completed, be an absolutely essential aid to those engaged in historical inquiries. Besides a volume of his " History of Scotland," Tytler pubUshed, in 1837, his "Life of Henry VIIL," which, like his "Life of Ealeigh," formed a volume of Oliver and Boyd's " Edinburgh Cabinet Library." It passed through several editions. He also, about this time, in conjunction with Mr John Miller, Q.C,, and the Eev. Joseph Stevenson, instituted the PATRICK FEASER TYTLER. XXXIX English Historical Society. As the Bannatyne Club illustrated Scottish history, this society was originated for the purpose of publishing early chronicles and documents of interest to the student of the literature of England. It flourished for nearly twenty years, and printed for the use of its members a series of twenty-nine volumes, remarkable for the excellence of their typography, and for the care with which they were edited. The labours of Tytler in connexion with this society increased the debt this country owes to his unwearied exertions in the cause of historical research. As the nature of his literary avocations required constant reference to the manuscript treasures con- tained in London, Tytler found it expedient to take up his abode in the metropolis; he accordingly re- moved finally to London in 1837. Shortly after settling in his new residence in that city, Tytler published, in 1839, a work in two volumes, entitled, " England under the reigns of Edward VL and Mary, with the contemporary History of Europe, illustrated in a Series of Original Letters never before printed." This work contains 191 letters, written by the most distinguished persons of the period, from 1546 to 1558, with introductory remarks, biogra- phical sketches, and useful historical notes. It may be regarded as an attempt to popularise the immense mass of manuscript literature contained in the State Paper Ofi&ce and other repositories, as the obsolete spelling of the letters was modernised to render Xi BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP them intelligible to general readers. From the multi- farious nature of the contents of these volumes, it is difficult to describe them. The work is, however, a favourable specimen of the manner in which a well- skilled antiquary may render generally attractive and interesting those ancient documents which, in their original form, would be seldom consulted. The publication of the " History of Scotland " was brought to a close in 1843 by the issue of the ninth and last volume, which Ty tier concludes as follows : — "It is with feelings of gratitude, mingled with regret, that the author now closes this work — the history of his country — the labour of little less than eighteen years ; — gratitude to the Giver of all good that life and health have been spared to complete, however imperfectly, an arduous undertaking; regret that the tranquil pleasures of historical investigation, the happy hours devoted to the pursuit of truth, are at an end, and that he must at last bid farewell to an old and dear companion." Tytler has the merit of having executed his great work with much candour and impartiality. On every period of Scottish history which he has examined he has thrown fresh light ; and he has given a clear and consistent narrative of events which, in many in- stances, had previously been the subject of the fiercest controversy. This work, whilst it displays an im- mense amount of antiquarian knowledge, is, at the same time, replete with elevated sentiments ; and is written in that elegant style which might have been PATRICK FEASER TYTLEE. xli expected from its author's hereditary claims to liter- ary distinction. He begins his history with the accession of Alex- ander III, in 1242, and continues it to the union of the crowns of England and Scotland under James I., in 1603. The period which he thus assigned to him- self is illustrated by reference to nearly every source of authentic information which the recent spirit of antiquarian research had placed at the disposal of the historical inquirer. The voluminous publications of the Eecord Commission, embracing the Acts of the Scottish Parliament, and the Eotuli Scotise, a work relating to the transactions between England and Scotland from 1290 to 1517; the accounts of the Great Chamberlain of Scotland from 1263 to 1435; and the publications of the Bannatyne Club, afforded, in addition to the original MSS. discovered by him- self in the national archives, the authentic materials with the aid of which his work was prepared. The history of Scotland, previous to the reign of Alexander, still remains an interesting field of re- search ; and it may be doubted whether this part of the subject has yet been so fully explored as to admit of its results being embodied in a history for popular use. The void has been supplied to a certain extent, by Tytler in his chapter on the state of Ancient Scot- land, in which he gives the most graphic account of its early condition anywhere to be found. In his treatment of what may be called the ques- tiones vcxatce of Scottish history, it must be said that xlii BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP he rarely allows his own sympathies to influence the impartiality of his narrative. As an instance of this, it may he remarked, that whilst he entertained the greatest respect for the memory of his grandfather — whose vindication of Queen Mary laid the foundation of the literary fame of the family — he came to a dif- ferent conclusion with reference to Queen Mary, so clearly had his researches established her guilt. It was at one time Tytler's intention to continue his history down to the period of the union of Scot- land with England, in 1707. But from the volumi- nous and important nature of the documents to be arranged and examined for this purpose he found himself unable to enter on such a herculean task. A short abstract of his History formed the article " Scotland " in the Seventh Edition of the " Encyclo- paedia Britannica." It first appeared in 1842, and was afterwards printed in a separate form as a suitable class-book for schools. Tytler at length began to receive the long- delayed rewards of his literary diligence and indefatigable research. A pension of dC'^OO was bestowed on him by Government in recognition of his services. This mark of royal favour was communicated to him in the most handsome terms by Sir Ptobert Peel, then Prime IMinister. He also had the honour of being consulted by Her Majesty and Prince Albert with reference to the collections of historical curiosities, drawings, and miniatures preserved at Windsor. On the occasions of his visiting the palace for this pur- PATRICK FEASEK TYTLEE. xliii pose, Tytler was received witli mucli attention, and retained a lively sense of the affability of the royal family. At the desire of Her Majesty he wrote an accoimt of a singular relic in the royal collection, known as the Darnley Jewel A few copies of his notes on this subject were printed for Her Majesty's use. In 1845, Tytler was united, for the second time, in marriage to Anastasia, daughter of Thomson Bonar, Esq., of Camden Place, Kent. The intense mental application which characterised the whole of Tytler's life, although relieved by an occasional indulgence in active field sports, had, as might be expected, a prejudicial effect on his health. He had a slight paralytic seizure in 1841, from the effects of which, by prompt attention, he recovered. His health, however, broke down in 1846, and he became a confirmed invalid. After residing for some years in Germany for the improvement of his health, he returned to England in 1849, and died in London on Christmas Eve of that year, when he was in the fifty-eighth year of his age. His remains were brought to Edinburgh, and were interred in the family vault, in the Greyfriars' churchyard. He left three chil- dren, two sons, — Alexander, and Thomas Patrick, who entered the East India Company's military service, — and one daughter. The uneventful career of Tytler, thus closed at a comparatively early age, was well worthy of the dis- tinguished family from which he sprung. His high xliv BIOGRAPUICAL SKETCH OF P. F. TYTLER. moral cliaractcr, and his amiable and cheerful dispo- sition, endeared him to a large circle of friends. At the same time he was distinguished, from his youth upwards, by a deep sense of religion — the result of his excellent early training — by which his life was care- fully regulated. His numerous published works at- test the patient research with which he brought to light historical documents of the highest interest and value ; while to his indomitable perseverance in this respect was united an amount of perspicuous dis- crimination in the employment of them, which justly entitles him to take an honourable place among those authors who have most successfully laid open the his- torical treasures of their country for the instruction of the present and of future generations. John Small, M.A. HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. CHAP. I. ALEXANDER THE THIRD. 1249—1292. CONTEMPORARY PRINCES. Kings of England. Henry III. Edward I. King of France. Louis IX. Topet. Innocent IV. Alexander IV. Urban IV. Clement IV. Alexander the Third had not completed his eighth year, when the death of the king, his father, on the 8th July, 1249, opened to him the peaceable accession to the Scottish throne.* He was accordingly con- ducted by an assembly of the nobility to the Abbey of Scone, and there crowned.t * Winton, vol. i. p. 380, book vii. chap. x. Mathew Paris Hist. p. 770. + Alexander the Third was son of Alexander the Second, by Marj', daughter of Ingelram de Couci. Imhoff. Regum Pariumque Magnse Britt. Histor. Genealogica, Part I. p. 42. The family of de Couci affected a royal pomp, and considered all titles as beneath their dignity. The Cri de Gtierre of this Ingelram, or Enguerrand, was — Je ne suis Roy, ni Prince aussi. Je suis le Seigneur de Couci. On account of his brave actions, possessions, and three marriages with ladies of royal and illustrious families, he was surnamed Le Grand. — Win- ton, vol. ii. p. 482. VOL. I. B 2 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1249 A long minority, at all times an unhappy event for a kingdom, was at this time especially unfortunate for Scotland. The vicinity of Henry the Third of England, who, although individually a weak monarch, allowed himself sometimes to be directed by able and powerful counsellors, and the divisions between the principal nobility of Scotland, facilitated the designs of ambition, and weakened the power of resistance ; nor can it be doubted, that during the early part of this reign, the first approaches were made towards that great plan for the reduction of Scotland, which was afterwards attempted to be carried into effect by Edward the First, and defeated by the bravery of Wallace and Bruce. But in order to show clearly the state of the kingdom upon the accession of this monarch, and more especially in its relations with England, it will be necessary to go back a few years, to recount a story of private revenge which happened in the conclusion of the reign of Alexander the Second, (1 242,) and drew after it important consequences. A tournament, the frequent amusement of this war- like age, was held near Haddington, on which occasion Walter Bisset, a powerful baron who piqued himself upon his skill in his weapons, was foiled by Patrick earl of Athole.* An old feud w^hich existed between these families embittered the defeat ; and Athole was found murdered in his house, wdiich, probably for the purpose of concealment, was set on fire by the assassins. The suspicion of this slaughter, which, even in an age familiar with ferocity, seems to have excited unwonted horror, immediately fell upon the Bissets; and, although * Henry earl of Athole had two daughters, Isohel and Femelith. Isobel married Thomas of Galloway. Their only son was Patrick earl of Athole. Femelith married David de Hastings. — Hailes' Annals, vol. i. p. 157. Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 72. Math. Paris, p. 586. 1249. ALEXANDER III. 3 AValter was the person present at the tournament, the popular clamour pointed to William, the chief of the family.* He was pursued by the nobility, who were incited to vengeance by the Earl of March and David de Hastings ; and would have been torn to pieces, had not the interference of the king protected him from the fury of the friends of Athole. Bisset strenuously asserted his innocence. He offered to prove, that he had been fifty miles distant from Haddington when the murder was committed ; he instantly procured the sentence of excommunication against the assassins to be published in every chapel in Scotland ; he offered combat to any man who dared abide the issue ; but he declined a trial by jury on account of the inveterate malice of his enemies. The king accepted the office of judge : the Bissets were condemned, their estates forfeited to the crown, and they themselves compelled to swear upon the Holy Gospel that they would repair to Palestine, and there, for the remaining days of their lives, pray for the soul of the murdered earl. Walter Bisset, however, instead of Jerusalem, sought the English court.-j- There, by artfully representing to the king that Alexander owed him fealty, and that, as lord superior, he ought to have been first consulted before judgment was given, whilst he described Scot- land as the ally of France and the asylum of his expatriated rebels, J he contrived to inflame the passion * Lord Hailes remarks, vol. i. p. 157, that Fordun says the author of the conspiracy was Walter. Fordun, on the contrary, all along ascribes it, or rather says it was ascribed, to William Bisset. — Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. pp. 72, 73, 74. The name of the Bisset banished from Scotland, as shown in the Patent Rolls of Henry the Third, is Walter. + Chronicon, Melross, a Stevenson. Bannatyne edition, p. 156. J Math. Paris, pp. 643, 645. Speed's Chronicle, p. 527. Speed ascribes the disagreement between Henry and Alexander to the influence of Ingelram de Couci ; and adds, that on the death of this nobleman, the humour of battle — ^this is Nym's phrase — ceased. De Couci, in passing a river on I HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1249. of the English monarch to so high a pitch, that Henry determined on an immediate invasion. Nor was the temper with which Alexander received this information in any way calculated to promote conciliation. To the complaints of the King of England, that he had violated the duty which he owed to him as his Lord Paramount, the Scottish monarch is said to have answered, that he neither did, nor ever would, consent to hold from the King of England the smallest portion of his kingdom of Scotland. His reply was warmly seconded by the spirit of his nobility. They fortified the castles on the marches ; and the king soon found himself at the head of an army of nearly a hundred thousand foot and a thousand horse. Henry, on the other hand, led into the field a large body of troops, with which he proceeded to Newcastle. The accoutre- ments and discipline of these two powerful hosts, which were commanded by kings and included the flower of the nobility of both countries, are highly extolled by Mathew Paris.* The Scottish cavalry, according to his account, were a fine body of men and well mounted, although their horses were neither of the Spanish nor Italian breed ; and the horsemen were clothed in armour of iron net-work. In the number of its cavalry the English army far surpassed its rival force, including a power of five thousand men-at-arms, sumptuously accoutred. These armies came in sight of each other at a place in Northumberland called Ponteland ; and the Scots prepared for battle, by confessing themselves to their priests, and expressing to each other their horseback, was unseated, dragged in the stirrup, run through the body with his own lance, and drowned. * M. Paris, p. 645. Chron. Melross, p. 156. Rapin is in an error when he says, vol. i, p. 318, that Alexander sent Henry word, he meant no longer to do him homage for the lands he held in England. 1249. ALEXANDER III. 5 readiness to die in defence of the independence of their country. As Alexander, however, was much beloved in England, the nobility of that country coldly seconded the rash enterprise of their king, and showed no anxiety to hurry into hostilities. Richard earl of Cornwall, brother to Henry, and the Archbishop of York, thought this a favourable moment for proposing an armistice ; and, by their endeavours, such great and solemn preparations ended in a treaty of peace, without a lance being put in rest. Its terms were just, and favourable to both countries.* Henry appears prudently to have waved all demand of homasje from Alexander for the kino-dom of Scot- land ; and the Scottish monarch, on the other hand, who possessed land in England for which, although the English historians assert the contrary, he does not appear to have ever refused homage, consented, for himself and his heirs, to maintain fidelity and affection to Henry and his heirs, as his liege lord, and not to enter into any league with the enemies of England, except in the case of unjust oppression. It was also stipulated, that the peace formerly signed at York, in the presence of Otto the pope^s legate, should stand good ; and that the proposal there made, of a marriage between the daughter of the King of Eng- land and the son of the King of Scots, should be carried into effect. Alan Durward, at this time the most accomplished knight and the best military leader in Scotland, Henry de Baliol, and David de Lindesay, with other knights and prelates, then swore on the soul of their lord the king, that the treaty should be kept inviolate by him and his heirs. -|- * %mer, vol. i. pp. 374, 428. Rapin's Acta Regia, by Whately,vol. i. p. 28. + The original charter granted to Henry by Alexander may be found in 6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1249. Thus ended this expedition of Henry's into Scot- land, formidable in its commencement, but happy and bloodless in its result ;* and such was the relative situation of the two countries, when Alexander the Third, yet a boy in his eighth year, mounted the Scottish throne. The mode in which the ceremony of his coronation was performed, is strikingly illustrative of the manners of that age. The Bishops of St Andrews and Dunkeld, with the Abbot of Scone, attended to officiate ; but an unexpected difficulty arose. Alan Durward, the great Justiciary, remarked, that the king ought not to be crowned before he was knighted, and that the day fixed for the ceremony was unlucky. The objection was selfish, and arose from Durward, who was then at the head of the Scottish chivalry, expecting that the honour of knighting Alexander would fall upon him- self. -I* But Comyn earl of Menteith, insisted that there were frequent examples of the consecration of kings before the solemnity of their knighthood ; he represented that the Bishop of St Andrews might per- form both ceremonies ; he cited the instance of William Rufus having been knighted by Lanfranc archbishop of Canterbury ; and he earnestly urged the danger of delay. Nor was this danger ideal. Henry the Third, in a letter to Rome, had artfully represented Scotland as a fief of England; and had requested the pope to interdict the ceremony of the coronation until Alex- ander obtained the permission of his feudal superior.^ Mathew Paris, p. 646, and in Rpner, Feed. vol. i. p. 428. See Illustrations, A. It is curious, as sho-wing the state of the Scottish peerage in 1244. Nei- ther Lesley nor Buchanan take any notice of this expedition and treaty. * Tyrrel, History of England, vol. ii. p. 930. + Fordun a Hearne, p. i59. 5. Hailes, vol. i. p. 162. Rymer, vol. i. p. 463. 1249. ALEXANDER III. 7 Fortunately the patriotic arguments of the Earl of Menteith prevailed. The Bishop of St Andrews girded the king with the belt of knighthood, and ex- plained to him the respective oaths which were to be taken by himself and his subjects, first in Latin, and afterwards in Norman French.* They then conducted the boy to the regal chair, or sacred stone of Scone, which stood before the cross in the eastern division of the chapel. Upon this he sat : the crown was placed on his head, the sceptre in his hand ; he was invested with the royal mantle ; and the nobility, kneeling in homage, threw their robes beneath his feet. A High- land sennachy or bard, of great age, clothed in a scarlet mantle, with hair venerably white, then advanced from the crowd; and, bending before the throne, repeated, in his native tongue, the genealogy of the youthful monarch, deducing his descent from the fabulous Gathelus. It is difficult to believe that, even in those days of credulity, the nobility could digest the absurdities of this savage genealogist. "f* Henry the Third, at this time influenced by the devotional spirit of the age, had resolved on an expe- dition to the Holy Land ; and in order to secure tranquillity to his dominions on the side of Scotland, the marriage formerly agreed on, between his daughter Margaret and the young Scottish king, was solemnized at York on Christmas day, with much splendour and dignity.j: The guests at the bridal were the King * Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 81. t Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. pp. 80, 81, 82. Chron, Melross, p. 219. Lord Hailes has omitted the anecdote of the Highland sennachy ; but there seems no reason to doubt its authenticity. It was probably relying on this story that Nisbet has asserted (Heraldry, vol. ii. p. iv. p. 155,) that it was a part of the coronation ceremony to repeat six generations of the king's an- cestry. Martin's Western Isles, p. 241. + Math. Paris, p. 829. Rymer,vol.i.p.466. Fordun a Heame, pp. 761,762. 8 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1251. and Queen of England ; Mary de Couci queen-dowa- ger of Scotland, who had come from France, with a train worthy of her high rank ;* the nobility, and the dignified clergy of both countries, and in their suite a numerous assemblage of vassals. A thousand knights, in robes of silk, attended the bride on the morn of her nuptials ; and after some days spent in tournaments, feasting, and other circumstances of feudal revelry, the youthful couple, neither of whom had reached their eleventh year, set out for Scotland. " Were I," says Mathew Paris, in one of those bursts of monastic eloquence which diversify his annals, " to explain at length the abundance of the feasts, the variety and the frequent changes of the vestments, the delight and the plaudits occasioned by the jugglers, and the mul- titude of those who sat down to meat, my narrative would become hyperbolical, and might produce irony in the hearts of the absent. I shall only mention, that the archbishop, who, as the great Prince of the North, showed himself a most serene host to all comers, made a donation of six hundred oxen, which were all spent upon the first course; and from this circumstance, I leave you to form a parallel judgment of the rest."-|- In the midst of these festivities, a circumstance of importance occurred. When Alexander performed homage for the lands which he held in England, Henry, relying upon the facility incident to his age, artfully proposed that he should also render fealty for his kingdom of Scotland. But the boy, either in- structed before-hand, or animated with a spirit and wisdom above his years, replied, " That he had come into England upon a joyful and pacific errand, and * RjTner, vol. i. edit. 1816, p. 278. Fordun a Hearae, p. 762. + Math. Paris, p. 830. Winton, book vii. chap. x. vol. i. p. 383. 1251. ALEXANDER III. 9 that he would not treat upon so arduous a question without the advice of the states of his kingdom ;"" upon which the king dissembled his mortification, and the ceremony proceeded.* Alan Durward, who, as High Justiciar, was the Scottish king"*s chief counsellor, had married the natural sister of Alexander ; and, during the rejoic- ings at York, was accused, by Comyn earl of Menteith and William earl of Mar, of a design against the crown. The ground on which this accusation rested, was an attempt of Durward, in which he was seconded by the Scottish chancellor, -|- to procure from the court of Rome the legitimation of his wife, in order, said his accusers, that his children should succeed to the crown, if the king happened to die without heirs. From the ambitious and intriguing character of Dur- ward, this story probably had some foundation in fact, and certain persons who were accused, actually fled from York ; upon which Henry made a new appointment of guardians to the young king, at the head of whom were placed the Earls of Menteith and Mar. The peace of Scotland was for many years after this interrupted by that natural jealousy of England, so likely to rise in a kingdom its equal in the sense of independence, although its inferior in national strength. Henry, too, adopted measures not calculated to secure the confidence of the Scottish people. He sent into Scotland, under the name of guardian to the king, Geofi'ry de Langley, a rapacious noble, who was imme- diately expelled. He procured Innocent the Fourth * Math. Paris, p. 829. Rapin's History, by Tindal, vol. iii. p. 392, 8vo. + Fordun a Heame, p. 762. Chron. Melross, p. 179. Winton, vol. i. book vii. chap. x. p. 884. 10 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1254. to jrrant him a twentieth of the ecclesiastical revenues of that kingdom, nominally for tlie aid of the Holy Land, but really for his own uses ; and he despatched Simon de Montfort, the Earl of Leicester, on a mission, described as secret in his instructions,* but the object of which may be conjectured from the increasing animosity of the disputes between the Scottish nobility. Many English attendants, some of them persons of rank and consequence, accompanied Margaret into her new kingdom ; and between these intruders and the ancient nobility of Scotland, who fiercely asserted their privileges, disputes arose, which soon reached the ears of the English court. The young queen, accustomed to the indulgence and superior refinement of her father's court, bitterly lamented that she was immured in a dismal fortress, without being permitted to have her own attendants around her person, or allowed to enjoy the society of her husband, the king.*!- These complaints, which appear to have been highly exaggerated, and a still more horrid report that the queen's physician had been poisoned by the same party because he ventured to remonstrate against the con- finement of his mistress, were not lost upon Alan Durward, the late justiciar. He had accompanied Henry in his expedition to Guienne, where, by his courage and address, he regained the confidence of that capricious monarch; J and he now prevailed upon the king to despatch the Earl of Gloucester and Maunsell his chief secretary, to the Scottish court, for the purpose of dismissing those ministers who were found not sufficiently obsequious to England.§ * Rymer, Foedera, vol. i. p. 523. t Math. Paris, p. 908. t Chron. Melross, p. 183. § Rymer, Foedera, vol. i. pp. 558, 559. See Illustrations, B. 1255 ALEXANDER III. 11 In sending these noblemen upon this mission, Henrj solemnly engaged to attempt nothing against the person of the Scottish king, and never to insist upon his being disinherited, or upon the dissolution of the marriage settlement;* promises, the particular history of which is involved in much obscurity, but which strongly, though generally, demonstrate, that the English king had been accused of designs inimical to the honour and independence of Scotland. At the head of the party which steadily opposed the interested schemes of Henry, was Walter Comyn earl of Menteith, whose loyalty we have seen insisting on the speedy corona- tion of the young king, when it was attempted to be deferred by Alan Durward. Many of the principal nobility, and some of the best and wisest of the clergy. were found in the same ranks. The Earl of Gloucester and his associates accord- ingly repaired to Scotland; and, in concert with the Earls of Dunbar, Strathern, and Carrick, surprised the castle of Edinburgh, relieved the royal .couple from the real or pretended durance in which they were held, and formally conducted them to the bridal chamber, although the king was yet scarcely fourteen years of age.^I* English influence appears now to have been predominant ; and Henry, having heard of the success of his forerunners Maunsell and Gloucester, and con- ceiving that the time was come for the reduction of Scotland under his unfettered control, issued his writs to his military tenants, and assembled a numerous army. As he led this array towards the borders, he took care to conceal his real intentions, by directing, from Newcastle, a declaration, that in this progress to * Rymer, vol. i. p. 559. + Math. Paris, p. 908. Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 90, book x. chap. ix. 12 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1255. visit his dear son Alexander, he should attempt no- thing prejudicial to the rights of the king, or the liberties of Scotland.* In the meantime, the Comyns collected their forces, and the opposite faction suddenly- removed the king and queen to Roxburgh, in which castle Alexander received Henry, who conducted him, with pomp and acclamation, to the Abbey of Kelso. The government of Scotland was there remodelled ; a new set of counsellors appointed ; and the party of the Comyns, with John Baliol and Robert de Ross, com- pletely deprived of their political influence. In the instruments drawn up upon this occasion, some provi- sions were inserted, which were loudly complained of as derogatory to the dignity of the kingdom; the abettors of England were stigmatized as conspirators, who were equally obnoxious to prelates, barons, and burgesses; and the Bishop of Glasgow, the Bishop elect of St Andrews, the chancellor, and the Earl of Menteith, indignantly refused to affix their seals to a deed, which, as they asserted, compromised the liber- ties of the country.*!* A regency was now appointed, which included the whole of the clergy and the nobility who were favourable to England,! to whom were intrusted the custody of the king's person, and the government of the realm for seven years, till Alexander had reached the age of * Rymer, Foedera, voL i. pp. 560, 561. The instrument is dated 25th August 1255. f The Chronicle of Melrose, p. 181, calls the deed " nefandissimum scrip- turn." See Fordun a Goodal,book x. chap. ix. Winton, book vii. chap. x. vol. i. p. 385. X Richard Inverkeithen bishop of Dunkeld, Peter de Ramsay bishop of Aberdeen, Malcolm earl of Fife, Patrick earl of Dunbar or March, Malise earl of Strathern, and Nigel earl of Carrick, "Walter de Moray, David de Lindesay, V^'^iliiam de Brechin, Robert de Meyners, Gilbert de Hay, and Hugh Gifford de Yester, were the heads of the English party. Rymer, Foedera, vol. i. pp. 565, 566, 567. 1256. ALEXANDER III. 13 twenty-one. Henry assumed to himself the title of " principal counsellor to the illustrious King of Scot- land;" and the Comyns, with Bishop Gamelin, the Earl of Mar, Baliol, Ross, and their chief accomplices, were removed from all share in the government of the kingdom.* Alexander, upon his part, engaged to treat his young queen with all honour and affection; and the Earl of Dunbar, according to a common solemnity of this age, swore upon the soul of the king, that every article of the agreement should be faithfully performed. Thus ended a negotiation conducted entirely by Eng- lish influence; and which, although the ambition of the Comyns may have given some plausible colour to the designs of their enemies, was generally and justly unpopular in Scotland.-[- Alexander and his queen now repaired to Edinburgh ; and Henry, after having attempted to recruit his exhausted coffers, by selling a pardon to John de Baliol, and confiscating the estates of Robert de Ross, returned to commit new attacks upon the property of his English subjects .J * Rotul. Patent. 39 Hen. Ill, m. 2, in protectionibus duabus pro Euge- nic de Ergadia. *)" Winton, book vii. chap. x. — ■ Thare wes made swylk ordynans, That wes gret grefe and displesans Till of Scotland ye thre statis, Burgens, Barownys, and Prelatis. Nothing can be more slight or inaccurate than the account of the early transactions of Alexander's reign, to be found in Buchanan, Boece, and Major. Nor are our more modem historians, who have not submitted to the task of examining the original authorities, free from the same fault. Maitland gives almost a transcript of Buchanan. Lingard, the author of a valuable history of England, has advanced opinions regarding the conduct of Henry the Third and the once keenly-contested subject of homage, "which do not appear to me to be well founded : and even Hailes has not exposed, in sufficiently strong colours, that cunning and ambition in the English king, which, under the mask of friendship and protection, concealed a design against the liberties of the kingdom. X Mathew Paris, p. 911. 14 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1256. Upon his departure, Scotland became the scene of civil faction and ecclesiastical violence. There were at this time in that kingdom thirty-two knights and three powerful earls of the name of Comyn;* and these, with their armed vassals, assisted by many of the disgraced nobility, formed an efi'ectual check upon the measures of the regency. Gamelin, the Bishop elect of St Andrews, and the steady enemy of English influence, unawed by his late removal, procured him- self to be consecrated by the Bishop of Glasgow; and although placed without the protection of the laws, he yet, in an appeal to the court of Rome, induced the pope to excommunicate his accusers, and to declare him worthy of his bishopric. "f* Henry, enraged at the bold opposition of Gamelin, prohibited his return, and issued orders to arrest him if he attempted to land in England; while the regents performed their part in the persecution, by seizing the rich revenues of his see.J In the midst of these scenes of faction and distur- oance, the King and Queen of Scotland proceeded to London on a visit to their father, and were received with great magnificence. They were entertained at Oxford, Woodstock, and in London. Tents were raised in the meadows for the accommodation of their followers; and Henry renewed to Alexander a grant of the honour of Huntingdon, which had been held by some of his predecessors. § The party of the Comyns, however, were slowly regaining ground. The pope, by his judgment in favour of Gamelin, espoused their quarrel; and they soon received a powerful support * Fordun a Goodal, vol, ii. p. 92. + Chron. Melross, p, 181. Hailea, vol. i. p. 170, 4to, J Rjmer, Feed. vol. i. p. 652. § Math. Paris, p. 930. 1257. ALEXANDER III. 15 in Mary de Couci the widow of Alexander the Second, and John of Acre her husband, who at this time passed through England into Scotland.* This was deemed a favourable conjuncture by the delegates of the pope, to publish the sentence of excommunication against the counsellors of the king. The ceremony, in those days an aiFair of awful moment, was performed by the Bishop of Dumblane, and the Abbots of Jed- burgh and Melrose, in the abbey church of Cambus- kenneth, and repeated, " by bell and candle,'*"' in every chapel in the kingdom.*!* To follow this up, the Comyns now assembled in great strength : they declared that the government of the kingdom had been shamefully mismanaged, — that foreigners were promoted to the highest offices, — that their sovereign was detained in the hands of excommunicated and accursed persons, — and that an interdict would soon be fulminated ao^ainst the whole kingdom. J Finding that their party increased in weight and popularity, they resorted to more desperate measures. Under cover of night they attacked the court of the king, which was then held at Kinross ; seized the young monarch in his bed ; carried him and his queen before morning to Stirling ; made themselves masters of the great seal of the kingdom; and totally dispersed the opposite faction. Nor were they remiss in strengthening their interest by foreign alliance. They entered into a remarkable treaty with Wales — at this time the enemy of England — ^which, with a wisdom scarcely to be looked for in those rude times, included in its provisions some important regulations regarding the commerce of both count ries.§ * Rymer, vol. i. p. 625. + Chron. Melross, p. 182. t See Illustrations, C. § Ibid. D. 16 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1258. Alan Durward meanwhile precipitately fled to Eng- land;* and the Comyns, eager to press their advantage to the utmost, assembled their forces, and marched with the king against the English party. A nego- tiation at length took place at Roxburgh ; and the nobility and principal knights, who had leagued with Henry, engaged to submit themselves to the king and the laws, and to settle all disputes in a conference to be held at Forfar. This w^as merely an artifice to gain time, for they immediately fled to England ; and the Earls of Hereford and Albemarle, along with John de Baliol, soon after repaired to Melrose, where the Scottish king awaited the arrival of his army. Their avowed purpose w^as to act as mediators between the two factions: their real intention to seize, if possible, the person of the king, and to carry him into England. -f But the plot was suspected ; and Alexander, with the Comyns, defeated all hopes of its success, by appoint- inof for the scene of their conference the forest of Jed- burgh, in which a great part of his troops had already assembled. The two English earls, therefore, resumed their more pacific design of negotiation. It was difficult and protracted ; so that in the interval, the king and the Comyns, having time to collect a large force, found themselves in a situation to insist upon terms which were alike favourable to their own power and to the liberty of the country. The King of England was compelled to dissemble his animosity, to forget his bitter opposition against Bishop Gamelin, and to reserve to some other opportunity all reference to the obnoxious treaty of Roxburgh. A new regency was * Chron. Melross, p. 182. + Chron. Melross, p. 183. 1258. ALEXANDER III. 1 H appointed, wliicli left the principal power in the hands of the queen-mother and of the Comyns, but endea- voured to reconcile the opposite parties, by including in its numbers four of the former regents.* Mean- while the country, torn by contending factions, was gradually reduced to a state of great misery. Men forgot their respect for the kingly authority, and despised the restraint of the laws ; the higher nobles enlisted under one or other of the opposite parties, plundered the lands and slew the retainers of their rival barons ; churches were violated, castles and hamlets razed to the ground, and the regular returns of seed-time and harvest interrupted by the flames of private war. In short, the struggle to resist English interference was fatal, for the time, to the prosperity of the kingdom ; and what Scotland gained in inde- pendence, she lost in improvement and national happi- ness, "f* At this crisis, when they had effectually succeeded in diminishing, if not destroy ing, the English influence, the Comyns lost the leader whose courage and energy were the soul of their councils. Walter Comyn earl of Menteith died suddenly. It w^as reported in Eng- land that his death was occasioned bv a fall from his horse ;| but a darker story arose in Scotland. The Countess of Menteith had encouraged a criminal pas- sion for an English baron named Russel,§ and was openly accused of having poisoned her husband to * Rymer, Foedera, vol. i. p. 670. + Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 85 % Math. Paris, p. 660 § Buchanan, copying Boece, as he generally does, calls Russel ifjnohilis Anylus. But I suspect, that the paramour of the countess was John Russel, one of the witnesses, in 1220, who signs the agreement for the inarriage of Johanna, sister of Henrj' the Third, to Alexander the Second, giving his obligation to Alexander for the fulfilment of the treaty, and who could not be an obscure individual. Foedera, vol. i. p. 240, VOL I. C 18 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1259 make way for her paramour, whom she married with indecent haste. Insulted and disgraced, she and her husband were thrown into prison, despoiled of their estates, and at last compelled to leave the kingdom.* Encouraged by the death of his opponent, and anxious to regain his lost influence, the English king now became desirous that Alexander and his queen should pay him a visit at London ; and for this pur- pose he sent William de Horton, a monk of St Albans, on a secret mission into Scotland. Horton arrived at the period when the king and his nobles were assem- bled in council, and found them jealous of this perpe- tual interference of England. They deemed these visits incompatible with the independence of the coun- try ; and the messenger of Henry met with great opposition. •[• The nature of the message increased this alarm. It was a request that Alexander and his queen should repair to London, to treat of matters of great importance, but which were not communicated to the parliament ; and it was not surprising that the nobility, profiting by former experience, should have taken precautions against any sinister designs of Henry. Accordingly, the Earl of Buchan, Durward the Justiciar, and the Chancellor Wishart, were in their turn despatched upon a secret mission into England ; and the result was, that Alexander and his queen consented to visit London, under two condi- tions : first, an express stipulation was made that, during their stay at court, neither the king, nor any of his attendants, were to be required to treat of state affairs ; and, secondly, an oath was to be taken by the English monarch, that if the Queen of Scotland ♦ HaileB' Hist. vol. i. p. 172, 4to. f Math. Paris, p. 985. 1260. ALEXANDER III. 19 became pregnant, or if she gave birth to a child during her absence, neither the mother nor the infant should be detained in England;* so great, at this moment, in the minds of the Scottish nobility, was the jealousy of English ambition and intrigue. In fulfilment of this promise, the King of Scotland repaired with a concourse of his nobility to the court of England ; and left his queen, whose situation now speedily promised an heir to the Scottish throne, to follow him, by slow stages, with the Bishop of Glasgow. On her approach to St Albans, she was met by her younger brother Edmund, who received her with a splendid retinue, and conducted her in the morning to London. The object of this visit of Alexander was not solely to gratify the King of England. He was anxious to exercise his rights over the territory of Huntingdon, which he held of the English crown; and the payment of his wife's portion had been so long delayed, that he wished to reclaim the debt. The reception of the royal persons appears to have been unusually magnificent ; and the country round the court was greatly exhausted by the sumptuous enter- tainments, and the intolerable expenses which they demanded.-]- In the midst of these festivities, the queen drew near her time; and, at the pressing instance of her father, it was agreed that she should lie-in at the court of England : not however without a renewed stipulation, sworn upon the soul of the king, that the infant, in the event of the death of its mother or of Alexander, should be delivered to an appointed body of 1 he Scottish nobility. Having secured this, Alexander returned to his * Rymer, Foedera, vol. i. pp. 713, 714. Math. "Westminster, p. 376. t Math. Westminster, p. 376. 20 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1261. kingdom; and in the mouth of February 1261, his young queen ^vas delivered at Windsor of a daughter, Margaret, afterwards married to Eric king of Norway.* In the beginning of the following year, Henry seems to have interposed his good offices, to prevent a rup- ture between Alexander and Haco king of Norway, regarding the possession of the western islands, the petty chiefs of which had for a long period been feuda- tory to the Norwegian crown. -f- Their habits of constant war and piratical excursion had at this time rendered the Norwegians a formidable people; and their near vicinity to Scotland enabled them, at a very early period, to overspread the whole of the Western Archipelago. The little sovereignties of these islands, under the protection of a warlike government, appear to have been in a flourishing condition. They were crowded with people; and the useful and ornamental arts w^ere carried in them to a higher degree of perfec- tion than in the other European countries. A poet of the north, in describing a dress unusually gorgeous, adds, that it was spun by the Sudreyans.J And even in science and literature, this remarkable people had, in their colonies especially, attained to no inconsider- able distinction. § The vicinity of such enterprising neighbours was particularly irksome to the Scottish kings, and they anxiously endeavoured to get possession of these islands. When treaty failed, they encouraged their subjects of Scotland to invade them ; and Alan lord * Math. AVestminster, p, 377. The Chron. Melross, p. 185, places her birth in the year 1260. She certainly -was not bom as late as the lO'th November, 1260. + Macpherson''s Geographical Illustrations of Scottish History, under the ■word " His." A valuable -work. J Johnstone''s Lodbrokar-Quida, stanza xv. and explanatory note. § Macpherson's Illustrations, ut supra, voc« " His." 1262. ALEXANDER III. 21 of Galloway, assisted by Thomas earl of Athole, about thirty years before this, carried on a successful war against the isles, and expelled Olaf the Black, King of Man, from his dominions.* These Scottish chiefs had collected a large fleet, with a proportionably numerous army ; and it required all the exertions of the Norwegian king to re-establish his vassal on his island throne. After this, the authority of Norway became gradually more and more precarious throughout the isles. Some of the chiefs w^ere compelled, others induced by motives of interest, to renounce their allegiance, and to embrace the nearer superiority of Scotland : some, who held lands of both crowns, w^ere uncertain to whom they should pay their paramount allegiance ; and Alexander the Second, the immediate predecessor of Alexander the Third, after an unsuc- cessful attempt at negotiation, prepared an expedition for their complete reduction. The expressions used in threatening this invasion, may convince us that the Norwegians had not only acquired the sovereignty of the isles, but had established themselves upon the mainland of Scotland ; for the Scottish king declares, " that he will not desist till he hath set his standard upon the cliffs of Thurso, and subdued all that the King of Norway possessed to the westward of the German Ocean.*'''-f- Alexander the Second, however, lived only to conduct his fleet and army to the shores of Argyleshire ; and, on the king's death, the object of the expedition was abandoned.J * Johnstone, Antiquitates Celto-Normannicae, p. 30. See also a Memoir, by Mr Dillon, in the Transa Richard Seward. Kirkcudbright j Edinburgh Ralph Basset. Berwick Peter Burder. • Rjmer, vol. ii. p. 591. + Fordun a Heame, p. 967. 86 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1292. CHAP. II. JOHN BALIOL. 1292—1305. CONTEMPORARY PRINCES. King of England. Edward I. King 0/ France. Philip IV. Popes. Celestinns V. Boniface VIII. Edward''s scheme for the subjugation of Scotland was not yet completed ; but all had hitherto succeeded to his wishes. He had procured the acknowledgment of a claim of superioHty over that kingdom, which, if Baliol should refuse to become the creature of his ambition, gave him a specious title to compel obedience as Lord Paramount. By holding out the prospect of a crown to the various competitors, and by many rich grants of estates and salaries to the prelates and the nobility, he had succeeded in securing them to his interest ;* and if any feelings of indignation, any spirit * This appears from the Rotuli Scotiae, vol. i. p. 24, et passiin. He gave the Bishop of Glaseow an obligation to bestow on him lands to the annual value of £100. To James the Steward, lands of the same annual value. Annual value. To Patrick, earl of Dunbar, Lands of £100. To John de Soulis, Lands of 100 marks. To William Sinclair, Lands of 100 marks. To Patrick de Graham, Lands of 100 marks. To William de Soulis, Lands of £100, annual value. All these persons were to have lands of the subjoined value, " Si contingat Regnum Regi et heredibus suis remanere." Edward afterwards changed 1292. JOHN BALIOL. 87 of ancient freedom and resistance, remained — tlie apparent hopelessness of fighting for a country which seemed to have deserted itself, and against a prince of so great a military genius as Edward, effectually stifled it for the present. Baliol had scarce taken possession of his kingdom when an event occurred which recalled him to a sense of his miserable subjection, and brought out the char- acter of Edward in all its severity. It had been a special provision of the treaty of Brigham, that no Scottish subject was to be compelled to answer in any criminal or civil suit, without the bounds of the king- dom ; but, in the face of this, Roger Bartholomew, a citizen of Berwick, entered an appeal to the King of England, from a judgment of those regents whom he had appointed in Scotland during the interregnum. Baliol was not slow to remind Edward of his solemn promise, to observe the laws and usages of Scotland ; and he earnestly protested against withdrawing any pleas from that kingdom to the courts of England.* To this Edward replied, that he had in every article religiously observed his promise ; but that when com- plaints were brought against his own ministers, who held their commissions from him as Soverei^'n Lord of Scotland, it was he alone who could have cognizance of them, nor had his subjects therein any right to interpose. He then, with that air of apparent impar- tiality which he often threw over his aggressions, Lis plan, and gave these barons and prelates gratifications in money, or other value. But to John Comyn, the King of England gave the large sum of £1563 14s. 64d.— Rotuli Scotia, vol. i. p. 17, tith January, 1292. He took care, however, to reimburse himself by keeping the wards, marriages, and other items of the revenue, which had fallen to the Scottish crown dur- ing the interregnum, as may be seen from many places in the Rotuli Scotise. * Kymer, vol. ii« p. 696. 88 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1292. required the opinion of some of the ablest Scottish prelates and judges, with regard to the law and custom of their kingdom in one of the cases brought before him ; and commanded his council to decide according to the judgment which they delivered.* Irritated, however, by being reminded of the treaty of Brigham, he openly declared, by his justiciary Brabazon, that although, during the vacancy of the kingdom of Scot- land, he had been induced to make promises which suited the time — now when the nation was ruled by a king, he did not intend to be bound by them, to the effect of excluding complaints brought before him from that kingdom, or of preventing him from dispensing justice and exercising the rights of his sovereign domi- nion, according to his power and pleasure. To give the greater weight to this imperious announcement, the King of England summoned Baliol and his prin- cipal prelates and nobles into his privy chamber at Newcastle, and there made Brabazon repeat his reso- lutions upon the matter in question ; after which, Edward himself rose up, and, in the French language, spoke to the same tenor. " These are my firm deter- minations,'' said he, " with regard to all complaints or appeals brought before me from Scotland ; nor will I be bound by any former promises or concessions made to the contrary. I am little careful by what deeds or instruments they may be ratified ; I shall exercise that superiority and direct dominion which I hold over the kingdom of Scotland, when and where I please ; nor will I hesitate, if necessary, to summon the King of Scotland himself into my presence within the kingdom of England.'"-f ♦ RyleVs Placita, p. 145. + Rymer, Feed. voL ii. p. 597. Tyrrell England, voL uu p. 74. 1292. JOHN BALIOL. 89 Bailors spirit sunk under this declaration ; and he, and the Scottish nobility then in his train, pusillani- mouslj consented to buy their peace with Edward by a renunciation of all stipulations regarding the laws and liberties of Scotland, which had been made in the treaty of Brigham, and which, so long as they continued in force, convicted the Kino: of Endand of a flagrant disregard of his oath, formerly so solemnly pledged. On this being agreed to, Edward ordered the public records and ancient historical muniments of the kin^- dom, which had formerly been transmitted from Edin- burgh to Roxburgh, to be delivered to the King of Scotland. He also, out of special favour, commanded possession of the Isle of Man to be given to him ;* and, softened by these concessions, Baliol returned to his kingdom. But it was only to experience fresh mortification, and to feel all the miseries of subjection. The policy of Edward towards Scotland and its new kinof, was at once artful and insultins:. He treated every assumption of independent sovereignity with rigour and contempt, and lost no opportunity of sum- moning Baliol to answer before him to the complaints brought against his government ; he encouraged his subjects to ofi"er these complaints by scrupulously administering justice according to the laws and customs of Scotland ; and he distributed lands, pensions, and presents, with well-judged munificence, amongst the prelates and the nobility. The King of Scotland pos- sessed large estates both in England and Normandy; and in all the rights and privileges connected with them, he found Edward certainly not a severe, almost * Ed-ward, in 1290, •when Margaret "vras alive, had taken under nis pro- tection her kingdom of Man, at the request of its inhabitants. — Rymer, vol. ii. p. 492. 90 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1292. an indulgent, superior. To Baliol tlie vassal, he was uniformly lenient and just:* to Baliol the king, he was proud and unbending to the last degree. An example of this soon occurred. The Earl of Fife died, leaving his son, Duncan, a minor, and the earldom to the protection of the Bishop of St Andrews. Macduff, the grand-uncle of Duncan, then seized it ; but being ejected by the bishop, on complaining to Edward, was, at the king's command, restored to his estates by the sentence of the Scottish reo-ents. When Baliol held his first parliament at Scone,"!* Macduff was summoned to answer for his having taken forcible possession of lands, which, since the death of the last earl of Fife, were in the custody of the king. He attempted a defence ; but being found guilty, suffered a short imprisonment. On his release, he was not slow to carry his appeal to the King of England ; and Edward immediately summoned Baliol to answer in person before him, to the allegations of Macduff. J To this order Baliol paid no regard, and Edward again commanded him to appear. This was not all. He procured his parliament to pass some regulations regarding the attendance of the King of Scots, which, from their extreme severity, seem to have been expressly intended to exasperate this monarch, who found that, in every case of appeal, he was not only to be dragged in as a party, but that his personal attendance was to be rigidly exacted. The first was a grievous, the last an intolerable burden, to which no one with even the name of a king could long submit. § Meanwhile, dissembling his chagrin, he appeared in * Rymer, vol. ii. p. 635. + Winton, vol. ii. p. 73w It Rjiner, Fcedera, vol. ii. p. 606. Fordun a Hearne, p. 968. § Ryley's Placita, p. 151. Hailes' Annals, vol. i. p. 227. 1293. JOHN BALIOL. 91 the Engllsli parliament held after Michaelmas, where Macduff was also present. When the cause of this baron noble came on, Baliol was asked what defence he had to offer. " I am," said he, " the King of Scotland. To the complaint of Macduff, or to any matters respecting my kingdom, I dare not make an answer without the advice of my people." — " What means this refusal V cried Edward. " Are you not my liegeman, — have you not done homage to me, — is it not my summons that brings you here ?" To this impetuous interrogation the Scottish monarch firmly answered, " Where the business respects my kingdom, I neither dare, nor can answer, in this place, without the advice of my people."* An artful pro- posal was then made by Edward, that in order to consult with his people, he should adjourn giving his final reply to a future day; but this he peremptorily declined, declaring that he w^ould neither name a day, nor consent to an adjournment. Under these cir- cumstances, the English parliament proceeded to pro- nounce judgment. They declared that the King of Scotland was guilty of open contempt and disobedience. He had, they said, offered no defence, but made a reply which went to elude and weaken the jurisdiction of his liege lord, in whose court as a vassal he had claimed the crown of Scotland. In consequence of which they advised the King of England, not only to do full justice to Macduff, and to award damages against Baliol; but, as a punishment for his feudal delinquency, to seize three of his principal castles in Scotland, to remain in the hands of the English monarch until he should make satisfaction for the injury offered to his lord superior.^f Before this * Ryley's Placita, p. 158. f PrTnne's Edward I., pp. 537, 554. 92 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1293. judgment of the parliament was publicly made known, Baliol presented himself to Edward, and thus addressed him : *' My lord, I am your liegeman for the kingdom of Scotland; and I entreat you, that as the matters wherewith you now are occupied concern the people of my kingdom no less than myself, you will delay their consideration until I have consulted with them, lest I be surprised from want of advice ; and this the more especially, as those now with me neither will, nor dare, give me their opinion, without consulting with the Estates of the kingdom. After having advised with them, I will, in your first parliament after Easter, report the result, and perform what is my duty." It was evident that the resolutions of the parliament were unnecessarily violent, and could not have been carried into effect without the presence of an army in Scotland. The King of England, aware of this, and dreading to excite a rebellion, for which he was not then prepared, listened to the demand of Baliol, and delayed all proceedings until the day after the Feast of the Trinity, in 1294.* Not long after this, Edward, who was a vassal of the King of France for the duchy of Aquitaine, became involved with his lord superior, in a quarrel similar to that between himself and Baliol. A fleet of English vessels belonging to the Cinque Ports, had encountered and plundered some French merchant ships ; and Philip demanded immediate and ample satisfaction for the aggression. As he dreaded a war with France, Edward proposed to investigate, by commissioners, the causes of quarrel; but this seemed too slow a process to the irritated feelings of * Ryley's Placita, pp. 152, 160. Prynne's Edward I., p. 554. 1293. JOHN BALIOL. 93 the French king; and, exerting his rights as lord superior, he summoned Edward to appear in his court at Paris, and there answer, as his vassal, for the injuries which he had committed. This order was, of course, little heeded ; upon which Philip, sitting on his throne, gave sentence against the English king; pronounced him contumacious, and directed his terri- tories in France to be seized, as forfeited to the crown.* Edward soon after renounced his allegiance as a vassal of Philip ; and, with the advice of his parliament, de- clared war against France. To assist him in this war, he summoned Baliol, and others of the most powerful of the Scottish nobles, to attend him in person with their armed vassals ; but his insolent and overbearing conduct had entirely dis- gusted the Scots. They treated his summons with scorn; and, instead of arming their vassals for his assistance, they assembled a parliament at Scone.-|- Its first step was, under the pretence of diminishing the public charges, to dismiss all Englishmen from Baliol's court ; and having thus got rid of such trouble- some spies upon their measures, they engaged in a treaty of alliance with France, J and determined upon war with Edward. Many estates in Scotland were at this time held by English barons, and many also of the most powerful of the Scottish nobility possessed lands in England. Anxious for a general union against the common enemy, the Scottish estates in the hands of English barons were forfeited, and their proprietors banished; while those Scottish nobles who remained faithful to Edward had their lands seized and forfeited.§ * Tyrrel's England, vol. iii. p. 79. Prynne's Edward I., pp. 583, 584. + Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 153. J Kymer, vol. ii. p. 695. § Hemingford, p. 83, vol. i. Hailes, vol. i. p. 240. 94? HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1294. In this way Hobcrt Bruce lost his rich lordship of Annandalo. It was given to John Comyn earl of Buchan, who instantly assumed the rights of a pro- prietor, and took possession of its castle of Lochmaben — an injury whicli, in that fierce age, could never be forgotten. Edward, although enraged at the conduct of the Scottish parliament, and meditating a deep revenge, was at this time harrassed by a rebellion of the Welsh, and a war with France. Dissimulation and policy were the weapons to which he had recourse, whilst he employed the interval which he gained in sowing dissension among the Scottish nobles, and collecting an army for the punishment of their rebellion. To Bruce, the son of the competitor for the crown, whose mind was irritated by the recent forfeiture of his estates, he affected uncommon friendship ; regretted his decision in favour of the now rebellious Baliol ; declared his determination to place him on the throne, of which the present king had shown himself unworthy; and directed him to inform his numerous and powerful friends in Scotland of this resolution.* Bruce either trusted to the promises, or was intimidated by the power of Edward. Besides this, Comyn earl of Buchan, who now mainly directed the Scottish councils, was his enemy, and held violent possession of his lordship of Annandale. To join with him was impossible; and accordingly this powerful baron and his son, aftenvards king, with Dunbar earl of March, and Umfraville earl of Angus, repaired to Edward, and renewed to him their oaths of homage. -f The undecided character of Baliol was ill calculated to remove this disunion amongst the Scottish nobles ; and the party who then ruled in * Fordun a Heame, p. 971. t Hemingford, vol. i. p. 102. 1295. JOHN BALIOL. 95 the Scottish parliament, dreading a submission upon the part of their king, secluded him from all power, confined him in a mountain fortress, and placed the manao:ement of afiairs in the hands of twelve of the leading nobles.* The measures adopted by these guardians were de- cided and spirited. They, in the name of the King of Scots, drew up an instrument, renouncing all fealty and allegiance to Edward, on account of the many and grievous injuries committed upon his rights and pro- perty as King of Scotland.-I* They despatched ambas- sadors to France, who concluded a treaty of marriage and alliance, by which the niece of Philip, daughter of Charles count of Valois, was to be united to the eldest son of Baliol j — the French king engaging to assist the Scots with troops kept at his own charges ; and they assembled an army under the command of Comyn ear^ of Buchan, which invaded Cumberland. § This expedi- tion, however, returned without honour, having been repulsed in an attempt to storm Carlisle. Nothing could be more favourable for Edward than the miserably disunited state of Scotland. He knew that three powerful factions divided the country, and hindered that firm political union, without which, against such an enemy, no successful opposition could be made. Bruce, and his numerous and powerful followers, adhered to England. The friends of Baliol, and that part of the nation which recognised him for their sovereign, beheld him a captive in one of his own fortresses, and refused to join the rebels who had im- prisoned him ; and the party of Comyn, which had invaded England, were either so destitute of military * Math. Westminst. p. 425. + Fordun a Heame, p. 969. t Foedera, vol. ii. p. 696. § Hemingford, p. 87. Trivet, p. 288. 96 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1296. talent, or so divided amongst themselves, tliat a hand- ful of the citizens of Carlisle compelled them to retreat "Nvith loss into their own country. These advantages, the result of his own able and artful policy, were easily perceived by the King of England. It was now his time for action, and for inflicting that vengeance upon his enemies, which, with this monarch, the longer it was delayed, was generally the more sure and terrible. He assembled a numerous and well appointed army. It consisted of thirty thousand foot, and four thousand heavy-armed horse. He was joined by Beck, the war- like Bishop of Durham, at the head of a thousand foot and five hundred horse ; and with this combined force, and the two sacred banners of St John of Beverley and St Cuthbert of Durham carried before the army,* he marched towards Scotland. It appears, that some time before this, Edward had thought proper to grant a prolongation of the term agreed on for the decision of the question of Macduff, and had required Baliol to attend him as his vassal at Newcastle-upon-Tyne."f* On arriving there, he summoned the King of Scot- land ; and after waiting a few days for his appearance, advanced to the eastern border, and crossed the Tweed with his main army below the Nunnery of Coldstream. On the same day the Bishop of Durham forded the river at Norham, and the whole army, marching along the Scottish side, came before the town of Berwick, then in the hands of the Scots .J Edward was determined, at all sacrifices, to make himself master of this city. It was celebrated for the * Rymer, vol. ii. p. 73'2. Prynne's Edward I., p. 6G7. Anthony Beck ■was a prelate, whose state and magnificence were exceeded only by his sovereign. His ordinary personal suite consisted of a hundred and forty knights. — Hutchinson's History of the County Palatine of Durham, p 239. + Prynne's Edward I., p. 537. + Hemingford, p. 89. 1296. JOHN BALIOL. 97 riches and the power of its merchants ; and the extent of its foreign commerce, in the opinion of a contem- porary English historian, entitled it to the name of another Alexandria.* It was protected only by a strong dike, but its adjacent castle was of great strength, and its garrison had made themselves obnoxious to the king, by plundering some English merchant ships which had unsuspiciously entered the port. The king summoned it to surrender, and offered it terms of accom- modation, which, after two days' consideration, were refused. Edward, upon this, did not immediately proceed to storm, but drew back his army to a field near a nunnery, about a mile from the town, and where, from the nature of the ground, he could more easily conceal his dispositions for the attack. He then de- spatched a large division, with orders to assault the town choosing a line of march which concealed them from the citizens ; and he commanded his fleet to enter the river at the same moment that the great body of the army, led by himself, were ready to storm.-f The Scottish garrison fiercely assaulted the ships, burnt three of them^ and compelled the rest to retire ;J but they, in their turn, were driven back by the fury of the lan4 attack. Edward himself, mounted on horse- back, § was the first who leaped the dike ; and the soldiers, animated by the example and presence of their king, carried everything before them. All the horrors of a rich and populous city sacked by an in- flamed soldiery, and a commander thirsting for ven- * Torfseus, book i. chap, xxxii. Chron. of Lanercost, a Stevenson, pp. 162, 185. + Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 159. Hemingford, vol. i. p. 90, X Hemipgford, p. 90. § Langtoft's Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 272, His horse's name, we leam from this Chronicle, was Bayard. VOL. I. S 98 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1296. geance, now succeeded. Seventeen thousand persons,* without distinction of age or sex, were put to the sword ; and for two days the city ran with blood like a river. The churches, to which the miserable inhabi- tants had fled for sanctuary, were violated and defiled with blood, spoiled of their sacred ornaments, and turned into stables for the English cavalry.-f* In the midst of this massacre a fine trait of fidelity occurred. The Flemings at this period carried on a lucrative and extensive trade with Scotland, and their principal factory was established in Berwick. It was a strong building, called the Red-hall, which, by their charter, they were bound to defend to the last extre- mity against the English. True to their engagements, thirty of these brave merchants held out the place against the whole English army. Night came, and still it was not taken. Irritated by this obstinate courage, the English set it on fire, and buried its faith- ful defenders in the burning ruins. J The massacre of Berwick, which took place on Good Friday, was a terrible example of the vengeance which Edward was ready to inflict upon his enemies. Its plunder enriched his army, and it never recovered its commercial impor- tance and prosperity. Sir William Douglas, who commanded the castle, after a short defence surren- dered, and swore fealty to the King of England ; and its garrison, after taking an oath not to bear arms against that country, were allowed to march out with military honours. § Whilst Edward remained at Berwick, engaged in throwing up new fortifications against future attacks, * Knighton, apud Twysden, p. 2480. + Fordun, book xi. chap, liv, Iv. X Hemingford, vol. i. p. 91. Hailes' Annals, voL i. p. 236. § Hemingford, vol. i. p. 91. 1296. JOHN BALIOL. 99 Henry abbot of Arbroath, attended by three of his monks, appeared at his court, and delivered to him the instrument containing BalioFs renunciation of his homage. " You have," said the Scottish king, " wan- tonly summoned me to your courts ; you have com- mitted grievous outrages and robberies upon my subjects, both by sea and land ; you have seized my castles and estates in England, killed and imprisoned my subjects, and the merchants of my realm ; and when I demanded a redress of these injuries, you have invaded my dominions at the head of a vast army, with the purpose of depriving me of my crown ; and have cruelly ravaged the land. Wherefore, I renounce that fealty and homage, which have been extorted from me ; and do resolve openly to oppose myself, in defence of my kingdom, against Edward of England."* Edward received this letter with angry contempt. " The senseless traitor !" said he ; " of what folly is he guilty ! But since he will not come to us, we will go to him !"-[- Enraged at the dreadful vengeance inflicted on Ber- wick, the Scottish army, under the Earls of Ross, Menteith, and Athole, made a second inroad into England ; and, imitating the example of Edward, with merciless severity ravaged Redesdale and Tynedale, carrying away a great booty, and sparing neither sex nor age. J The flames of towns and villages, and the ashes of the ancient monasteries of Lanercost and Hexham, marked their destructive progress ; but the vengeance of the Scots was short-lived, and their plans unconnected. That of their enemy was the very oppo- * Foedera, vol. ii. p. 707. Fordun a Hearne, p. 969. + Ha ce fol felon, tel folie fet ! sil ne voult venir a nous, nous viendrons a lui. — Fordun a Heame, p. 969. X Rymer, vol. ii. p. 887. Trivet, p. 291. Peter Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 273, 100 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1296. site : it was deep-laid in its plans, simultaneous in its movements, and remorseless in its contemplation of consequences. The castle of Dunbar was at this time one of the strongest, and, by its situation, most important in Scotland. Its lord, Patrick earl of Dunbar, served in the army of Edward ; but his wife, the countess, who held the castle, and hated the English, entered into a secret negotiation with the Scottish leaders, for its delivery into the hands of her countrymen. The Earls of Ross, Athole, and Menteith, the barons John Comyn, William St Clair, Richard Seward, and John de Mow- bray, with thirty-one knights, and a strong force, threw themselves into the place ; and, assisted by the coun- tess, easily expelled the few soldiers who remained faithful to England.* On being informed of this loss, Edward determined upon recovering it at all hazards ; and for this purpose despatched the Earl of Surrey with ten thousand foot, and a thousand heavy-armed horse. When summoned by Warrene, the garrison a""reed to surrender, unless relieved within three days ; and the Scots, anxious to retain so important a place, led on the whole of their army, and possessed them- selves of a strong and excellent position on the high ground above Dunbar. Forty thousand foot, and fifteen hundred horse, encamped on the heights, near Spot ; and, confident of rescue, the garrison of the castle insulted the English from the walls, as if already beaten. -|- On the first appearance of the Scottish army, Surrey steadily advanced to attack it. On approaching the high ground, it was necessary to deploy through a * Walsingham, p. fi7. This happened on St Martin's day. + Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 165. Hemingford, vol. i. p. 95, 1296. JOHN BALIOL. 101 valley; and the Scots imagined they observed some confusion in the English ranks, when executing this movement. Mistaking this for flight, they precipi- tately abandoned their strong position on the hills, and rushed down with shouts upon the enemy. Mean- while, before the lines could meet, the English earl had extricated himself from the valley, and formed into compact order. The Scots, ruined, as they had often been, by their temerity, perceived their fatal error when it was too late. Instead of an enemy in flight, they found an army under perfect discipline, advancing upon their broken and disordered columns ; and having in vain endeavoured to regain their ranks, after a short resistance they were completely routed. Three hundred and fifty years after this, Cromwell, on the same ground, defeated the army of the Scottish Covenanters, which occupied the same admirable posi- tion, and with equal folly and precipitancy deserted it. Surrey's victory was complete, and for the time decided the fate of Scotland. Ten thousand men fell on the field, or in the pursuit. Sir Patrick de Graham, one of the noblest and wisest of the Scottish barons, disdained to ask for quarter, and was slain in circum- stances which extorted the praise of the enemy.* A great multitude, including the principal of the Scottish nobility, were taken prisoners ; and, next day, the King of England coming in person with the rest of his army before Dunbar, the castle surrendered at discretion. The Earls of Athole, Ross, and Menteith, with four barons, seventy knights, and many other brave men, submitted to the mercy of the conqueror.^ All the prisoners of rank were immediately sent in * Hemingford, vol. i. p. 96. Fordun a Heame, p. 974, f Scala Chronicle, p. 123. 102 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1296. chains to England, where they were for the present committed to close confinement in difi'erent Welsh and English castles.* After some time, the king compelled them to attend him in his wars in France; but even this partial liberty was not allowed them, till their sons were delivered into his hands as hostages.-f Edward was not slow to follow up the advantages which this important success had given him. Retum- ino' from Lothian, he sat down before the castle of Roxburgh, which was surrendered to him by James, the Steward of Scotland, who not only swore fealty and abjured the French alliance, J but prevailed upon many others of the Scottish nobility to forsake a strusf'le which was deemed desperate, and to submit to England. It was at his instigation that Ingeram de Umfraville surrendered the castle of Dumbarton,§ and crave up to Edward his daughters, Eva and Isobel, as hostages. Soon after, the strong fortress of Jed- burgh was yielded to his mercy ; || and his victorious army being reinforced by a body of fifteen thousand men from Wales, he was enabled to send home that part of his English force, which had sufiered most from fatigue in this expedition. With these fresh levies he advanced to Edinburgh, made himself master of the castle after a siege of eight days;^ passed rapidly to Stirling, which he found abandoned ; and while there, the Earl of Ulster, with a new army of thirty thousand foot and four hundred horse, came to join the king, and complete the triumph of the English arms. The monarch continued his * Peter Lanartoft, Chron. p. 278. + Rotuli Scotiae, voL L sub Ed. I. 25, p. 44 ; where a great many of the names of the prisoners will be foxmd- t Prynne's Ed-ward I., p. 649. § Rotnli Scotiae, 22 Ed. L, memb. 8 dorso. U Eymer, Foed- voL ii. pp. 714, 716. ^ Hemingford, voL i. p. 98. 1296. JOHN BALIOL. 103 progress without opposition to Pertli, where he halted to keep the feast of the nativity of John the Baptist, with circumstances of high feudal solemnity, regaling his friends, creating new knights, and solacing him- self and his barons. In the midst of these rejoicings, messengers arrived from the unhappy Baliol, announ- cing his submission, and imploring peace.* Edward disdained to treat -vN-ith him in person, but informed him, that he intended, \sithin fifteen days, to advance to Brechin ; and that on Bailors repairing to the castle there, the Bishop of Durham would announce the decision of his lord superior. This was none other than that of an absolute resignation of himseK and his kingdom to the mercy of his conqueror; to which Baliol, now the mere shadow of a king, without a crown, an army, or a nobility, dejectedly submitted, in presence of the Bishop of Durham, and the Barons of England, he was first stript of his royal robes; after which they spoiled him of his crown and sceptre, and compelled him, standing as a criminal, with a white rod in his hand, to perform a humiliating feudal penance. "I* He confessed, that, misled by evil counsel and his o^vQ weakness, he had grievously ofi'ended his liege lord; he recapitulated his various transgressions, his league with France, and his hostilities against England; he acknowledged the justice of the invasion of his kingdom by Edward, in vindication of his violated rights ; and three days after this, in the castle of Brechin, he resigned his kingdom of Scotland, its people and their homage, into the hands of his liege lord Edward, of his own free will and consent. J After * Hemingford, vol. i. p. 98. + Fordun a Goodal, toL ii. p. 167. Winton, voL ii. p. 88. ^ Pryime's Edward I., pp. 6o0, 651. See Notes and Illustrations, letter F. 104 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1296. this humiliating ceremony, Baliol delivered his eldest son, Edward, to the King of England, as a hostage for his future fidelity; and this youth, along with his discrowned father, were soon after sent by sea to London, where they remained for three years in con- finement in the Tower.* Thus ended the miserable and inglorious reign of John Baliol, a prince whose good dispositions might have ensured him a happier fate, had he been opposed to a less terrible and ambitious enemy than Edward the First ; or had the courage and spirit, in which he was not deficient, been seconded by the efi*orts of a united nobility. But Edward, with a policy not dis- similar to that which we have adopted in our Eastern dominions, had succeeded in preventing all union amongst the most powerful Scottish barons, by arraying their private and selfish ambition against the love of their country; by sowing dissension in their councils, richly rewarding their treachery, and treating with unmitigated severity those who dared to love and defend the liberty of Scotland ; and BalioFs character was not of that high stamp, which could unite such base and discordant materials, or baffle a policy so deep, and a power so overwhelming. INTERREGNUM. The spirit of the Scottish people was for the time completely broken ; and Edward, as he continued his * Langtoft, Chron. vol. ii. p. 280. Speaking of Baliol, First he was king, now is he soudioure, And is at other spendyng bonden in the Toure. 1296. INTERREGNUM. 105 expedition from Perth to Aberdeen, and from thence to Elgin in Moray, did not experience a single check in his progress ; while most of the Scottish barons, who had escaped death or imprisonment, crowded in to renounce the French alliance, and renew their oaths of fealty. On his return from the north to hold his parliament at Berwick, in passing the ancient Abbey of Scone, he took with him the famous and fatal stone upon which, for many ages, the Scottish kings had been crowned and anointed. This, considered by the Scots as their national palladium, along with the Scottish sceptre and crown, the English monarch placed in the cathedral of Westminster, as an offering to Edward the Confessor, and a memorial of what he deemed his absolute conquest of Scotland;* a con- quest, however, which, before a single year had elapsed, was entirely wrested from his hands. Edward was desirous of annihilating everything which could preserve the patriotic feeling of the country which he had overrun. With this object, when at Scone, he mutilated the ancient chartulary of that abbey, the historical notices in which were perhaps fatal to his pretended claim of superiority, carrying off some of its charters, and tearing the seals. -f* Our historians affirm, that in his progress he industriously sought out and destroyed every monument connected with the antiquity and independence of the nation. The character of Edward, and his conduct at Scone, give great probability to the assertion. J On the 28th of August, the king held his parliament * Fordun a Goodal, book xi. chap. xxv. vol. ii. p. 166. Hemingford, vol. i. pp. 37, 100. + Chart. Scon. f. 26, quoted by Hailes, vol. i. p. 243. X Innes's Critical Essay on the Ancient Inhabitants of Scotland, pp. 554, 555. See Notes and Illustrations, letter Gr, 106 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1296. at Berwick, for the purpose of receiving the fealty of the clergy and laity of Scotland. Multitudes of Scotsmen of all ranks resorted to him — earls, barons, knights, and esquires. The terror of his arms ; the well-kno\\'n severity of his temper, which made impri- sonment and the immediate confiscation of their estates the consequence of their refusal ; the example of their nobility, who now felt, too late for remedy, the sad eftect of their dissensions, all combined to render this submission to Edward a measure as unanimous as it was humiliating ; and the oaths of homage, the renun- ciation of the French alliance, and the names of the vassals, which fill thirty-five skins of parchment, are still preserved amongst the English archives.* After the battle of Dunbar, Bruce earl of Carrick, who was then in the service of England, reminded Edward of his promise to place him on the throne. " Have I nothing to do," said the haughty monarch, " but to conquer kingdoms for you V Judging it probably a more befitting occupation, the King of England empowered the Earl of Carrick, and his son the younger Bruce, to receive to his peace the inhabi- tants of their owti lands of Carrick and Annandale.*f- How little did he then think, that the youthful baron, employed under his royal commission in this degrading office, was destined to wrest from him his conquest, and to become the restorer of the freedom of his country ! Edward next directed his attention to the settlement of his new dominions ; and the measures which he adopted for this purpose were equally politic and just. He commanded the sherifis of the several counties in Scotland, to restore to the clergy their forfeited lands ; * Ragman Rolls, printed by Bannatyne Club, 1834. + Rymer, Foedera, voL iL p. 714 1296. INTERREGNUM. 107 and he granted to the Scottish bishops for ever, the privilege of bequeathing their effects by will, as fully as the right was enjoyed by the prelates of England. The widows of those barons whose husbands had died before the French alliance, and who had not since then been married to the king's enemies, were faithfully restored to their estates ; but, effectually to secure their allegiance, the English Guardian of Scotland was permitted, at his option, to take possession of the castles and strengths upon their lands. He even assigned pensions to the wives of many of his Scottish prisoners ; and few of those who held office under the unfortunate Baliol were dispossessed. The jurisdic- tions of Scotland were suffered to remain with those who possessed them, under ancient and hereditary titles ; no wanton or unnecessary act of rigour was committed, no capricious changes introduced, yet all means were adopted to give security to his conquest. John Warrene earl of Surrey, was made Guardian of Scotland ; Hugh de Cressingham, Treasurer ; and William Ormesby, Justiciary. Henry de Percy, nephew of Warrene, was appointed keeper of the county of Galloway, and the sheriffdom of Ayr ; the castles of Roxburgh, Berwick, Jedburgh, and Edin- burgh, were committed to English captains ; a new seal, in place of the ancient Great Seal of Scotland, surrendered by Baliol and broken into pieces at Brechin, was placed in the hands of Walter de Ag- mondesham, an English chancellor ; and an Exchequer for receiving the king's rents and taxes was instituted at Berwick, on the model of that at Westminster.* * Madox, Hist, of Exchec[uer, p. 550. Rotuli Scotiae, vol. L pp. 29, 35. 108 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1296. PERIOD OF WALLACE. Edward had scarcely made this settlement of Scot- land, and set out for his own dominions, when he found, that instead of the acclamations due to a conqueror, he was to be received at home with the lowering countenances of discontent and rebellion. He had incurred a heavy expense in his Scottish expedition, and he was now anxious to carry on with vigour his war with France ; but the clergy of England, headed by a proud and firm prelate, Winchelsea archbishop of Canterbury, demurred as to the supplies which he demanded ; and a powerful party of the barons, led by the Constable and the Marshal of England, refusing to pass over into France, indignantly retired from parliament, with a greafc body of their armed re- tainers. These discontents in England encouraged the people of Scotland to rise against their English oppressors. Although deserted by their nobility, a spirit of deter- mined hatred against England was strongly manifested by the great body of the nation. Throughout the whole country, numerous bands of armed peasants infested the highways, and in contempt of government plundered the English, and laid waste their lands. Their numbers increased, and their successes soon became alarming. They besieged the castles garrisoned by the English, took prisoners, committed all kinds of rapine and homicide; and the impression made upon the mind of Edward may be judged of by a letter still remaining, addressed to his treasurer Cressingham, commanding him not to scruple to spend the whole 1297. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 109 money in his exchequer to put down these violent disorders.* The patriotic principle which seems at this time to have entirely deserted the highest ranks of the Scottish nobles, whose selfish dissensions had brought ruin and bondage upon their country, still burned pure in the breasts of these broken men and rebels, as they are termed by Edward. The lesser barons, being less contaminated by the money and intrigues of England, preserved also the healthy and honest feelings of national independence ; and it happened,, that at this time, and out of this middle class of the lesser barons, arose an extraordinary individual, who, at first driven into the field by a desire to avenge his individual injuries, within a short period of time, in the recon- quest of his native country, developed a character which may, without exaggeration, be termed heroic. This was William Wallace, or Walays, the second son of Sir Malcolm Wallace of Ellerslie, near Paisley, a knight, whose family was ancient, but neither rich nor noble."[- In those days bodily strength and knightly prowess were of the highest consequence in commanding respect and ensuring success. Wallace had an iron frame. His make, as he grew up to man- hood, approached almost to the gigantic; and his personal strength was superior to the common run of even the strongest men. His passions were hasty and violent; a strong hatred to the English, who now insolently lorded it over Scotland^ began to show itself at a very early period of his life; and this aversion was fostered in the youth by an uncle, a priest, who, • Rotuli Scotise, 25 Ed. I., vol. i. p. 42. + W^inton's Chron, vol. ii. p. 91, book viii. chap. xiii. Fordun a Goodal, voL ii. p. 169. 110 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1297. deploring the calamities of his country, was never weary of extolling the sweets of liberty, and lamenting the miseries of dependence.* The state of national feeling in Scotland, at this time, has been already described ; and it is evident, that the repressing of a rising spirit of resistance, which began so strongly to show itself, required a judi- cious union of firmness, gentleness, and moderation. Upon the part of the English all this was wanting. Warrene, the governor, had, on account of ill health, retired to the north of England. Cressingham, the treasurer, was a proud, ignorant ecclesiastic. Edward, before he departed, had left orders that all who had not yet taken the oath of fealty, including not only the lesser barons but the burghers and inferior gentry, should be compelled to do so under severe penalties, exacted by military force; and Ormesby, the justiciary, had excited deep and general odium, by the intolerable rigour with which these penalties were extorted. The intrepid temper of Wallace appears first to have shown itself in a quarrel, in the town of Lanark, with some of the English officers who insulted him. This led to bloodshed ; and he would have been over- powered and slain in the streets, had it not been for the interference of his mistress, to whose house he fled, and by whose assistance he escaped to the neigh- bouring woods. In a spirit of cruel and unmanly revenge, Hislop, the English sheriflP, attacked the house, and put her to death ; for which he was him- self assaulted and slain by Wallace. "I* The consequence of this was to him the same as to many others, who at this time preferred a life of dangerous freedom to * Fordun a Goodal, book xii. chap. iii. vol. ii. p. 223. •f* Winton, voi. ii. p. 95, book viii. chap. xiii. Fordun a Heame, p. 975. 1297. PERIOD OF WALLACE. Ill the indulgence and security of submission.* He was proclaimed a traitor, banished his home, and driven to seek his safety in the wilds and fastnesses of his country. It was here that he collected by degrees a little band, composed at first of a few brave men of desperate fortunes, who had forsworn their vassalage to their lords, and refused submission to Edward, and who at first carried on that predatory warfare against the English, to which they were impelled as well by the desire of plunder, and the necessity of subsistence, as by the love of liberty. These men chose Wallace for their chief. Superior rank — for as yet none of the nobility or barons had joined them — his uncommon courage and personal strength, and his unconquerable thirst of vengeance against the English, naturally influenced their choice, and the result proved how well it had fallen. His plans were laid with so much judgment, that in his first attacks against straggling parties of the English, he was generally successful ; and if surprised by unexpected numbers, his superior strength and bravery, and the ardour with which he inspired his followers, enabled them to overpower every effort which was made against them. To him these early and desultory excursions against the enemy were highly useful, as he became acquainted with the strongest passes of his country, and acquired habits of command over men of fierce and turbulent spirits. To them the advantage was reciprocal, for they began gradually to feel an undoubting confidence in their leader; they were accustomed to rapid marches, to endure fatigue and privation, to be on their guard against surprise, to feel the effects of discipline and ♦ Trivet: Annales, p. 299. 112 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1297. obedience, and by the successes which these ensured, to regard with contempt the nation by whom they liad allowed themselves to be overcome. The consequences of these partial advantages over the enemy were soon seen. At first few had dared to unite themselves to so desperate a band. But confi- dence came with success, and numbers flocked to the standard of revolt. The continued oppressions of the English, the desire of revenge, and even the romantic and perilous nature of the undertaking, recruited the ranks of Wallace, and he was soon at the head of a great body of Scottish exiles.* When it was known that this brave man had raised open banner against the English, Sir William Douglas,")* who had been taken by Edward at the siege of Ber- wick, and restored to his liberty, upon swearing fealty, disregarding his oath, joined the Scottish force with his numerous vassals. Ormesby, the English justi- ciary, was at this time holding his court at Scone ; and Surrey, the guardian, had gone to attend the English parliament. Wallace, by a rapid march, surprised the justiciary, dispersed his followers, and, whilst he himself escaped with the greatest difficulty, took a rich booty and many prisoners. J This exploit giving new confidence to their little army, they more openly and boldly ravaged the country, and put all Englishmen to the sword. As circumstances allowed, they either acted together, or engaged in separate expeditions. Whilst Wallace marched into Lennox, the castles of Disdeir and Sanquhar were taken by * Hemingford, vol. i. p. 118. Trivetl Annales, p. 299. + This William Douglas was, according to Hume of Godscroft, t\e seventh Lord Douglas. He was called William the Hardy, or Longleg, Hume'a Hist, of House of Douglas and Angus, vol. i. p. 32. X Triveti Annales, 299. 1297. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 113 Douglas ; and when their united strength afterwards broke in upon the west of Scotland, they were joined by some of the most powerful of the Scottish nobility. The Steward of Scotland, and his brother. Sir Andrew Moray of Bothwell, Alexander de Lindesay, and Sir Richard Lundin, with a spirited prelate, Wishart bishop of Glasgow, were amongst the number.* Their united forces, led by the military skill and animated by the personal intrepidity of Wallace, con- tinued to be successful in repeated attacks upon the English ; and these successes were frequently followed, as was to be expected, by many circumstances of cruelty and violence. Their revenge seems especially to have been directed against the English ecclesiastics who were possessed of Scottish livings. A public edict, passed by the Scottish Estates in 1296, had banished these intruders from Scotland; and this edict Wallace, it is said, improved upon with a refinement in cruelty. Some aged priests, and it is even asserted, although almost too horrid to believe, some helpless women, had their hands tied behind their backs, and in this help- less state were thrown from high bridges into rivers, their dying agonies affording sport to their merciless captors.*f- The conduct of the younger Bruce, afterwards the heroic Robert the First, was at this period vacillating and inconsistent. His large possessions in Carrick and Annandale made him master of an immense tract of country, extending from the Firth of Clyde to the Solway ; and the number of armed vassals which his summons could call into the field, would have formed * Hailes, vol. i. p. 246. + Hen. Knighton, p. 2514, apudT-wysden, vol. i. Raynaldi, Cout. Baronii, vol. iv. p. 66, VOL. L I 114 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1297. an invaluable accession to the insurgents. His power caused him to be narrowly watched by England ; and as his inconstant character became suspected by the Wardens of the Western Marches, they summoned him to treat on the affairs of his master the king at Carlisle. Bruce, not daring to disobey, resorted thither with a numerous attendance of his friends, and was compelled to make oath on the consecrated host, and the sword of Thomas-a-Becket, that he would continue faithful to the cause of Edward. To give a proof of his fidelity, he ravaged the estates of Sir William Douglas, then with Wallace, seized his wife and children, and carried them into Annandale. Having thus defeated suspicion, and saved his lands, he privately assembled his father''s retainers ; talked lightly of an extorted oath, from which the pope would absolve him ; and urged them So follow him, and join the brave men who had taken arms against the English. This, however, they refused, probably because their master and overlord, the elder Bruce, was then with Edward. Robert, however, nothing moved by the disappointment, collected his own tenants, marched to join Wallace, and openly took arms against the English.* The news of this rebellion reached the King of Eng- land, as he was preparing to sail for Flanders. He at first disregarded it ; and as many of the most powerful of the Scottish nobles were then either prisoners in England, or in attendance upon himself, and ready to embark for the continent, he was easily persuaded that it would be instantly put down by the authority of the governor. Anthony Beck, however, the martial Bishop of Durham, was despatched in great haste into Scotland ; and Edward, finding from his account, that * H*soiingford, vol. i. p. 120. Knighton, p. 2514, 1297. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 115 the revolt was of a serious nature, commanded the Earl of Surrey to call forth the military force on the north of the Trent, and, without delay, to reduce the insur- gents.* This, however, was no easy matter. Surrey sent his nephew, Henry Percy, before him into Scotland, at the head of an army of forty thousand foot, and three hundred armed horse. Percy marched through Annandale to Lochmaben, where, during the night, his encampment was suddenly attacked by the Scots with great fury. It was very dark, and Percy''s men knew not where to rally. In this emergency they set fire to the wooden houses where they lay, and, guided to their banners by the blaze, repulsed the enemy, and marched towards Ayr,-f for the purpose of receiving the men of Galloway to the peace of the king. It was here told them that the Scottish army was not four miles distant ; and Percy, having struck his tents, advanced at the first break of the morning to Irvine, and soon discovered their squadrons drawn up nearly opposite to him, on the border of a small lake. This force, which equalled the English in foot, although inferior in horse, was sufficient, under able conduct, to have given battle to Percy, but it was enfeebled by dissension amongst its leaders ; and although Wallace was there to direct them, the pride of these feudal barons would not submit to be commanded by him. Accordingly, most of these chiefs became anxious to negotiate terms for themselves, and to save their lands. Sir Richard Lundin, a Scottish knight, who had till now refused allegiance to Edward, went over with his followers to the army of Percy, declaring it to be folly * Hemingford, p. 122. Tyrrel, Hist. Eng. p. 112, vol. iii, + Hen. Knighton, p. 2515, 116 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1297. to remain longer with a party at variance with itself. At the same time, Bruce, the Steward of Scotland, and Lis brother Alexander de Lindesay, Sir William Dou- glas, and the Bishop of Glasgow, made submission to Edward, and entreated his forgiveness for the robberies and slaughters which they had committed. An instru- ment, commemorating this desertion of their country, to which their seals were appended, w^as drawn up in Norman French ;* but this brave man treated all pro- posals of submission with high disdain. Although the greater nobles had deserted the cause, he knew that many of their vassals were enthusiastically attached to his person and fortunes. "t* He could muster also a large body of his ow^n tried and veteran followers ; and putting himself at the head of these, he retired indig- nantly to the north. Sir Andrew Moray of Both well was the only baron who accompanied him. The conduct of the Scottish nobility, who had capi- tulated to Percy, was irresolute and contradictory, Edward had accepted their offers of submission ; but although they would not act in concert with Wallace, whose successes had now effectually raised the spirit of the nation, they drew back from their agreement with Percy, and delayed the delivery of their hostages, until security should be given them for the preserva- tion of the rights and liberties of their country. Sir William Douglas and the Bishop of Glasgow, however, considered that they w^ere bound to abide by the capi- tulation signed at Irvine ; and finding themselves unable to perform their articles of agreement, they * Rymer, Fcedera, dated 9th July, 1297, vol. ii. p. 774. R}-mer has read the concluding sentence of this deed erroneously, as has been shown by Sir F. Palgrave. The words which he prints as " Escrit a Sire Willaume," are " Escrit a Irwine." + Hemingford, vol. i. p. 125. 1297. PERIOD OF WALLACE. llY voluntarily surrendered to the Englisli.* It was the fate of this last mentioned prelate to be trusted by neither party. Wallace, whose passions were fiery and impetuous, loudly accused him of treachery, attacked his castle, ravaged his lands, and led his servants and family captive ; whilst the King of England declared that, under this surrender of himself at the castle of Roxburgh, a purpose was concealed of betraying that important fortress to the Scots. •[- Notwithstanding the capitulation of Irvine, the spirit of resistance became soon very general throughout the northern counties. In Aberdeenshire, esj)ecially, the revolt was serious ; and Edward directed his writs to the bishop and sheriffs of the county, commanding them to punish the rebels for the murders and robberies which they had been committing, and to be on their guard against an intended attack upon the castle of Urquhart, then held by William de AVarrene.J What were the particular successes of Wallace and his brethren in arms, during the summer months, which elapsed between the treaty at Irvine and the battle of Stirling, we have no authentic memorials to determine. § That they had the effect of recruiting his army, and giving him the confidence of the body of the people of Scotland, is certain ; for Knighton, an old English historian, informs us, " that the whole followers of the nobility had attached themselves to him ; and that although the persons of their lords were with the King of England, their heart was with Wallace, who fouiid his army reinforced by so immense a multitude of the Scots, that the community of the land obeyed him as * Hemingford, vol, i. p. 124. Tyrrel, Hist. Eng. vol. iii. p. 112. + Hailes' Annals, vol. i. p. 250. ^ Rotuli Scotise, vol. i. pp. 41, 42. § From 9th July to 3d September. 118 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1297. their leader and their prince.'"'* Edward, in the mean- time, dissatisfied with the dilatory conduct of Surrey, in not sooner putting down a revolt, which the king's energetic and confident spirit caused him to treat too lightly, superseded him, and appointed Brian Fitz- Alan governor of Scotland. At the same time he liberated from their imprisonment in various castles throuirh England, the Scottish nobles and barons taken at the battle of Dunbar, and carried them alonjx with him to Flanders. Their forfeited lands were restored ; but to secure their fidelity, the king compelled their eldest sons to remain in England as hostages. *!- Others of the Scottish nobles, whose fidelity was less suspected, were permitted to return home, under a promise of assisting in the reduction and pacification of the coun- try ; and as many of the most powerful and warlike English barons as he could spare from his expedition to Flanders, were directed to repair to Scotland, with all the horse and foot which they could muster, and to co-operate with Fitz-Alan and Surrey .J Having taken these precautions. King Edward passed over to Flan- ders on the twenty-second of August. § It was fortunate for the Scots, that Warrene the Earl of Surrey, evinced great remissness in insisting on the fulfilment of the treaty of Irvine. He was on bad terms with Cressingham the treasurer, a proud and violent churchman, who preferred the cuirass to the cassock ; || and it is probable, that his being super- seded in his government of Scotland, and yet com- manded to remain with the army, was an indignity * Knighton, apud Twysden, p. 2516. t Rotuli ScotijE, pp. 44, 45. Trivet, p. 301. :J: Rot. Scot. pp. 47, 48. Surrey, although superseded in the command, remained with the anny. § Tyrrel, vol. iii. p. 120. || Hemingford, p. 130. 1297. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 119 vvliich so high a baron could ill brook.* The conse- quences of this inactivity were soon apparent. The Scottish barons still delayed the delivery of their hostages, and cautiously awaited the event of the war; whilst Wallace, at the head of a powerful army, having succeeded in expelling the English from the castles of Forfar, Brechin, Montrose, and nearly all their strong- holds on the north of the Forth, had just begun the sieo'e of the castle of Dundee, when he received intelli- gence that the English army, under the command of the Earl of Surrey, and Cressingham the treasurer, was on its march to Stirling. Well acquainted with the country there, his military skill taught him of what importance it would be to secure the high ground on the river Forth, above Cambuskenneth, before Surrey had passed the bridge at Stirling ; and having commanded the citizens of Dundee, on pain of death, to continue the siege of the castle, he marched with great expedition, and found, to his satisfaction, that he had anticipated the English, so as to give him time to choose the most favourable position for his army, before the columns of Cressingham and Surrey had reached the other side of the river. The nature of the ground concealed the Scottish army, which amounted to forty thousand foot, and one hundred and eighty horse. Wallace's intention was to induce the main body of the English to pass the bridge, and to attack them before they had time to form. Surrey was superior in numbers. He com- manded a force of fifty thousand foot soldiers, and one thousand armed horse. Lord Henry Percy had marched from Carlisle towards Stirling, with a reinforcement of eight thousand foot and three hundred horse ; but * Rymer, voL ii. p. 794. 120 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1297. Cressingham the treasurer, dreading the expense of supporting so great a force, had, with an ill-judged economy, given orders for the disbanding these succours, as he considered the army in the field to bo sufficient for the emergency.* The Steward of Scotland, the Earl of Lennox, and others of the Scottish barons, were at this time with the English army ; and on coming to Stirling, requested Surrey to delay an attack till they had attempted to bring Wallace to terms. They soon returned, and declared that they had failed in their hopes of pacifi- cation, but that they themselves would join the English force with sixty armed horse. It was now evening, and the Scottish barons, in leaving the army, met a troop of English soldiers returning from forage. Whether from accident or design, a skirmish took place between these two bodies, and the Earl of Lennox stabbed an Eno-lish soldier in the throat. This, of course, raised a tumult in the camp; a cry arose that they were betrayed by the Scots ; and there seems to be little doubt that Lennox and his friends were secretly negotiating wdth Wallace, and only waited for a favourable opportunity of joining him. ' Crying out for vengeance, the English soldiers carried their wounded comrade before their general, and reproached him with havins: trusted those who had broken their faith, and would betray them to the enemy. " Stay this one night,'' said he, " and if to-morrow they do not keep their promise, you shall have ample revenge." He then commanded his soldiers to be ready to pass the bridge next day: and thus, with a carelessness little worthy of an experienced commander, who had the fate of a great army dependent on his activity * Hemingford, p. 127. 1297. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 121 and foresight, he permitted Wallace to tamper with his countrymen in the English service; to become acquainted with the numbers and array of the English force; and to adopt, at his leisure, his own measures for their discomfiture. Early next day, five thousand foot and a large body of the Welsh passed the bridge by sunrise, and soon after repassed it, on finding that they were not followed by the rest of the army, and that the Earl of Surrey was still asleep in the camp. After an hour the earl awoke, the army was drawn up, and as was then usual before any great battle, many new knights w^ere created, some of whom were fated to die in their first field. It was now the time when the Scottish barons ought to have joined with their sixty horse ; and Surrey, having looked for them in vain, commanded the infantry to cross the bridge. This order was scarcely given when it was again recalled, as the Steward of Scotland and the Earl of Lennox were seen approaching, and it was hoped, brought ofi'ers of pacification. But the contrary was the case. They had failed, they said, in all their efibrts to prevail on the Scottish army to listen to any proposals, and had not been able to persuade a single soldier to desert. As a last resource, Surrey, who seems to have been aware of the strong position occupied by the Scots, and of the danger of crossing the river, despatched two friars to propose terms to Wallace, who made this memorable reply : — "Return to your friends, and tell them that we came here with no peaceful intent, but ready for battle, and determined to avenge our own wrongs and set our country free. Let your masters come and attack us : we are ready to meet them beard \ 122 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1297. to beard."* Incensed at this cool defiance, the Eng- lish presumptuously and eagerly demanded to be led on; upon which, Sir Richard Lundin, a Scottish knight, who had gone over to the enemy at Irvine, anxiously implored them to be still: "If," said he, *' you once attempt to pass the bridge, you are despe- rately throwing away your lives. The men can only cross two by two. Our enemies command our flank, and in an instant will be upon us. I know a ford not far from hence where you may pass by sixty at a time. Give me but five hundred horse, and a small body of foot, I shall turn the enemy's flank, whilst you, lord earl, and the rest of the army, may pass over in secu- rity." This was the sound advice of a veteran soldier who knew the country; but although it convinced some, it only irritated others, and among these last, Hugh Cressingham the treasurer. " Why, my lord," cried he to Surrey, who w^as prudently hesitating, " why do we protract the war, and spend the king's money ? Let us pass on as becomes us, and do our duty."t Stung with this reproach, Surrey weakly submitted his better judgment to the rashness of this churchman, and commanded the army to defile over the bridge. Sir Marmaduke Twenge, a knight of great experience and courage, along with Cressingham himself, led the van ; and when nearly the half of the army had passed the bridge, perceiving that the Scots kept their strong ground on the heights, Twenge, with chivalrous impe- * Hemmgford, vol. i, p. 126. + " Minim dictu," exclaims Hemingford, in an animated reflection on the madness of Surrey's conduct, " sed terribile, quid in eventu, quod tot et tanti discreti viri dum scirent hostes impromptu, strictum pontem ascen- derint, quod bini equestres, vix et cum difticultate simul transixe potuerunt." Hemin^ord, vol. i. p. 128. 1297. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 123 tuosity, gave orders for a charge, and made the heavy- armed cavalry spur their horses up the hill. The consequence of this precipitate movement was fatal to the English. A part of the Scottish army had by this time made a circuit and possessed themselves of the foot of the bridge ; * and Wallace, the moment that he saw the communication between the van and the rear of the English force thus cut off, and all retreat impossible, rushed rapidly down from the high ground, and attacking Twenge and Cressingham, before they had time to form, threw them into inextricable dis- order. In an instant all was tumult and confusion. Many were slain, multitudes of the heavy-armed horse plunged into the river, and were drowned in making a vain effort to rejoin Surrey, who kept on the other side, a spectator of the discomfiture of the flower of his army. In the meantime, the standard-bearers of the king, and of the earl, with another part of the army, passed over, and shared the fate of their com- panions, being instantly cut to pieces. A spirited scene now took place. Sir Marmaduke Twenge, on looking round, perceived that the Scots had seized the bridge, and that he and his soldiers were cut off from the rest of the army. A knight advised, in this perilous crisis, that they should throw themselves into the river, and swim their horses to the opposite bank. " What,'"" cried Twenge, " volunteer to drown myself, when I can cut my way through the midst of them, back to the bridge ? Never let such foul slander fall on us !" So saying he put spurs to his horse, and driving him into the midst of the enemy, hewed a * Hemingford, 128. — " Descenderunt de monte, et missis viris lanceariis occupaverunt pedem pontis, ita quod extirnc nulli patebat transitus vel re- gressus." See also Walsingham, p. 73. 124 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1297. passage for himself through the thickest of the Scottish columns, and rejoined his friends, with his nephew and his armour-bearer, in perfect safety. Meanwhile the Scots committed a dreadful slaughter. It is the remark of the historian Hemingford, who describes this victory of Stirling from the information of eye-witnesses, that in all Scotland there could not be found a place better fitted for the defeat of a power- ful army by a handful of men, than the ground which Wallace had chosen.* Multitudes perished in the river ; and as the confusion and slaughter increased, and the entire defeat of the English became inevitable, the Earl of Lennox and the Steward of Scotland, who, although allies of the King of England, were secretly in treaty with Wallace, threw off the mask, and led a body of their followers to destroy and plunder the flying English. Surrey, on being joined by Sir Mar- maduke Twenge, remained no longer on the field ; but having hastily ordered him to occupy the castle of Stirling, which he promised to relieve in ten days, he rode, without drawing bridle, to Berwick: a clear proof of the total defeat of the powerful army which he had led into Scotland. From Berwick he proceeded to join the Prince of Wales in the south, and left the country which had been intrusted to him, exposed to ravage and desolation. Although the English his- torians restrict the loss of soldiers in this fatal and important battle to five thousand foot, and a hundred heavy- armed horse, *f it is probable that nearly one * Hemingford, vol. i. p. 128. + So say Hemingford and Knighton. But Trivet, p. 307, and Walsing- ham, p. 73, assert, that before the half of the English army had passed, the Scots attacked and put almost all of them to the sword. Now the English army consisted of fifty thousand foot and one thousand horse; Hemingford, p. 127. See Notes and Illustrations, letter H. 1297. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 125 half of the English army was cut to pieces, and Cres- singham the treasurer was amongst the first who fell. Hemingford allows, that the plunder which fell into the hands of the Scots was very great, and that waggons were filled with the spoils. Smarting under the cruelty and rapacity with which they had been treated by the English, the Scots were not slow now to take their revenge, nor wSs Wallace of a temper to restrain his soldiers. Few prisoners seem to have fallen into their hands, and the slaughter was general and indis- criminate. So deep was the detestation in which the character of Cressingham was regarded, that his dead body was mangled, the skin torn from the limbs, and in savage triumph cut into pieces.* The decisive nature of the defeat is, perhaps, most apparent, from the important consequences which attended it. To use the words of Knighton, " this awful beginning of hostilities roused the spirit of Scot- land, and sunk the hearts of the English.^-f- Dundee immediately surrendered to Wallace, and rewarded his army by a rich booty of arms and money. In a short time not a fortress or castle in Scotland remained in the hands of Edward. The castles of Edinburgh and Roxburgh were dismantled ; and Berwick, upon the advance of the Scottish army, having been hastily abandoned, Wallace sent Henry de Haliburton, a Scottish knight, to occupy this important frontier town.J Thus, by the efibrts of a single man, not only unassisted, but actually thwarted and opposed by the * Triveti Ann. p. 307. Hemingford, p. 130. The Chron. Lanercost, p. 190, says, that Wallace ordered as much of his skin to he taken off as would make a sword belt. This is the origin of the stories of Abercromhy, vol. i. p. 531, that the Scots made girths of his skin, and of others that they made saddles of it. Hailes, vol. i. p. 252. t Hen. Knighton, p. 2519. X Scala ChronicoD, a Stevenson, p. 124. 126 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1297. nobility of the country, was the iron power of Edward completely broken, and Scotland once more able to lift her head among free nations. A dreadful dearth and famine, no unfrequent accom- paniment of the ravages of war, now fell severely upon the country; and Wallace, profiting by the panic inspired by his victory at Stirling, resolved upon an immediate expedition into England.* To enable his own people to lay in, against the time of scarcity, the provisions which would otherwise be consumed by his numerous army, and to support his soldiers during the winter months in an enemy's country, were wise objects. Previous, however, to his marching into England, he commanded, that from every county, barony, town, and village, a certain proportion of the fighting men, between sixteen and sixty, should be levied. These levies, however, even after so decisive a victory as that of Stirling, were tardily made. The vassals of Scotland, tied up by the rigid fetters of the feudal law, could not join Wallace without the autho- rity of their overlords ; and as most of the Scottish nobility had left hostages for their fidelity in the hands of Edward, and many of them possessed great estates in England, which, upon joining Wallace, would have immediately been forfeited, they did not yet dare to take the field against the English. A jealousy, too, of the high military renown and great popularity of Wallace, prevented all cordial co-operation ; and the contempt with which this deliverer of his country must have regarded the nobility, who yet sheltered themselves undor the protection of Edward, was not calculated to allay this feeling. The battle of Stirling was fought on the eleventh of September ; and on the * Fordun a Goodal, voL ii. p. 172. 1297. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 127 twenty-fifth of that month the English government, alarmed at the success of Wallace, sent letters to the principal Scottish nobility, praising them for their fidelity to the king ; informing them that they were aware the Earl of Surrey was on his way to England, (a delicate way of noticing the flight of Warrene from Stirling;) and directing them to join Brian Fitz-Alan, the governor of Scotland, with all their horse and foot, in order to put down the rebellion of the Scots. The only nobles with whom the English government did not communicate, were the Earls of Caithness, Ross, Mar, Athole, Fife, and Carrick. Fife, however, was a minor; the others, we may presume, had by this time joined the party of Wallace.* The great majority of the nobles being still against him, this intrepid leader found it difficult to procure new levies, and was constrained to adopt severe measures against all who were refractory. Gibbets were erected in each barony and county town ; and some burgesses of Aberdeen, who had disobeyed the summons, were hanged.-f* After this example he soon found himself at the head of a numerous army; and having taken with him, as his partner in command, Sir Andrew Moray of Bothwell, then a young soldier of great promise, and afterwards regent of the king- dom, he marched towards the north of England, and threatened Northumberland. J Such was the terror inspired by the approach of the Scots, that the whole population of this county, with their wives and chil- * John Comyn of Badenoch ; Patrick earl of Dunbar ; Umfraville earl of Angus ; Alexander earl of Menteith ; Malise earl of Strathem ; James the Steward of Scotland ; John Comyn earl of Buchan ; Malcolm earl of Lennox ; and William earl of Sutherland ; Nicholas de la Haye ; Ingelram de Umfraville ; Richard Fraser, and Alexander de Lindesaye ; were the nobles written to by the English government. Rotuli Scot. vol. i. p. 49. t Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 172. X Hemingford, vol. i. p. 131. 128 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1297. dren, their cattle and household goods, deserted their dwellings, and took refuge in Newcastle. The Scots, to whom plunder was a principal object, delayed their advance ; and the Northumbrians, imagining the danger to be over, returned home ; but Wallace, informed of this by his scouts, made a rapid march across the border, and dreadfully ravaged the two counties of Cumberland and Northumberland, carrying off an immense booty, and having the head-quarters of his army in the forest of Rothebury. " At this time," says Hemingford, " the praise of God was unheard in any church and monastery through the whole country, from Newcastle-upon-Tyne to the gates of Carlisle ; for the monks, canons regular, and other priests, who were ministers of the Lord, fled, with the whole people, from the face of the enemy; nor was there any to oppose them, except that now and then a few English, who belonged to the castle of Alnwick, and other strengths, ventured from their safe-holds, and slew some stragglers. But these were slight successes ; and the Scots roved over the country from the Feast of St Luke to St Martin's day,* inflicting upon it all the miseries of unrestrained rapine and bloodshed."-f- After this, Wallace assembled his whole army, and proceeded in his destructive march to Carlisle. He did not deem it prudent, however, to attack this city, which was strongly garrisoned ; and contented himself with laying waste Cumberland and Annandale, from Inglewood forest to Derwentwater and Cockermouth.J It was next determined to invade the county of Dur- ham, which would have been easily accomplished, as * From 18th Oct. to Uth Nov. f Hemingford, vol. i. p. 132. X Fordun a Heame, p. 980. 1297. PERIOD OF WALLACE. ]29 three thousand foot and a hundred armed horse were all that could be mustered for its defence. But the win- ter now set in with great severity. The frost was so intense, and the scarcity of provisions so grievous, that multitudes of the Scots perished by cold or famine, and Wallace commanded a retreat. On returning to Hexham, where there was a rich monastery, which had already been plundered and deserted on the advance, a striking scene occurred. Three monks were seen in the solitary monastery. Thinking that the tide of war had passed over, they had crept back, to repair the ravages it had left, when suddenly they saw the army returning, and fled in terror into a little chapel. In a moment the Scottish soldiers with their long lances were upon them, calling, on peril of their lives, to show them the treasures of their monastery. "Alas," said one of the monks, " it is but a short time since you yourselves have seized our whole property, and 3^ou know best where it now is." At this moment Wallace himself came into the chapel, and, command- ing his soldiers to be silent, requested one of the canons to celebrate mass. The monk obeyed, and Wallace, all armed as he was, and surrounded by his soldiers, reverently attended ; when it came to the elevation of the host, he stepped out of the chapel to cast off his helmet and lay aside his arms, but in this short absence the fury and avarice of his soldiers broke out. They pressed on the priest, snatched the chalice from the altar, tore away its ornaments and the sacred vest- ments, and even stole the missal in which the service had been begun. When their master returned, ho found the priest in horror and dismay, and gave orders that the sacrilegious wretches who had committed the outrage, should be sought for and put to death* VOL. I. E 130 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1297. Meanwhile he took the canons under his protec- tion. " Remain with me,"" said he, " it is that alone which can secure you. My soldiers are evil disposed. I cannot justify, and I dare not punish them." * This sacrilegious attack was the more unpardonable, as the monastery of Hexham was dedicated to the Patron Saint of Scotland, and enjoyed a perpetual protection from King David. Wallace, to atone for the outrage, granted a charter of protection to the priory and convent, by which its lands, men, and moveables, were admitted under the peace of the king, and all persons interdicted from doing them injury.-f* The Scots now advanced to Newcastle, but finding the garrison prepared to stand a siege, they contented themselves with ravaging the adjacent country ; and having collected the booty, they allotted their part to the Galwegians who were with the army, and marched homewards. J In revenge for this terrible visitation, Lord Robert Clifford collected the strength of Carlisle and Cumber- land, and twice invaded Annandale with an army of twenty thousand foot and a hundred horse. On pass- ing the Solway, it was proclaimed by sound of trumpet, that every soldier should plunder for himself, and keep his own booty ; on hearing which, the infantry with undisciplined rapacity dispersed, and the horse alone remained together. In consequence of this, nothing was effected worthy of so powerful an army. Three * Hemingford, vol. i. pp. 133, 1^. Knighton, p. 2521. + This famous instrument is granted in name of " Andrew de Moray, and William >Vallace, leaders of the army of Scotland, in the name of the illustrious prince, John, by the Grace of God, King of Scotland, and with consent of the Estates of the Kingdom." It is dated at Hexham, on the 8th of November, 1297. Hemingford, p. 135. X " Dividentes inter se spolia qusesita, tradiderunt Galivalensibus partes Buas, et abierunt in loca sua." Hemingford, p. 130". 1298. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 131 hundred and eight Scots were slain, ten villages or hamlets burnt, and a few prisoners taken. This happened at Christmas. In his second inroad, the town of Annan, and the church of Gysborne, were burnt and plundered.* Annandale belonged to Robert Bruce; and the destruction of his lands and villages determined him once more to desert the English, and join the party of the patriots. Soon after his return from his expedition into England, Wallace, in an assembly held at the Forest Kirk in Selkirkshire, which was attended by the Earl of Lennox, William Douglas, and others of the principal nobility, was elected Governor of Scotland, in name of King John, and with consent of the community of Scotland.*f Strengthened by this high title, which he had so well deserved, and which the common people believed was ratified by the express approval of St Andrew, who presented to the hero a sacred sword, to be used in his battles against the English ; J he proceeded to reward his friends and fellow-soldiers, to punish his enemies ; and, despising the jealousy and desertion of a great majority of the nobility, to adopt and enforce those public measures which he considered necessary for securing the liberty of the country. He conferred the office of Constable of Dundee upon Alexander Skirmishur, or Scrimgeour, and his heirs, for his services in bearing the royal banner of Scotland. § By a strict severity, he re- strained the licentiousness of his soldiers, and endea- * Knighton, p. 2522. + Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 174. Crawford, Hist, of House of Dou- glas, p. 22, MS., quoted in Sir R. Sibbald's Commentary on the Relationes Amaldi Blair. Ij: Fordun a Goodal, p. 170. § This famous grant is dated at Torphichen, March 29, 1298; apud Anderson, Diplomata Scotiae. 132 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1298. voured to introduce discipline into his army.* In order to secure a certain proportion of new levies, at any time when the danger or exigency of the state required it, he divided the kingdom into military dis- tricts. In each shire, barony, lordship, town, and burgh, he appointed a muster-book to be made, of the number of fiohtino: men which they contained, between the age of sixteen and sixty;-]- and from these he drew at pleasure, and in case of refusal under pain of life and limb, as many recruits as he thought requisite. In a short time, such were the effects of his firm and courageous dealing in the government, that the most powerful of the nobility were compelled, by the fears of imprisonment, to submit to his authority, although they envied him his high elevation, and whenever an opportunity presented itself, took part with the King of England. J But although few of the earls had joined him, the lesser barons and gentry repaired in great numbers to the banner of the governor, and willingly supported him w^ith all their forces. The general revolt of the Scots, and that rapid success with which it was attended, determined the English Regency to summon a parliament at London, on the 10th of October.§ To this assembly came the Earl of Norfolk and the Earl of Hereford, the one Marshal and the other Constable of England, with so powerful a body of their retainers, that they overawed * He appointed an officer or sergeant over every four men, another of higher power over every nine, another of still higher authority over every nineteen men, and thus, in an ascending scale of disciplined authority, up to the officer, or chiliarch, who commanded a thousand men. Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 171. •f" Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 170. X " Et si quis de magnatibus gratis suis non obediret mandatis, hunc tenuit et coercuit, et custodia; mancipavit, donee suis bene placitis penitus obtemperaret." Fordun a Goodal, "vol. ii. p. 170. § Hemingford, vol. i. p. \'d^. 1298. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 133 its proceedings ; and aware of the trying emergency in which the rebellion of the Scots had placed the king, they declared, that no aids or levies should be granted against the Scots, unless the Great Charter, and the Charter of the Forests, were ratified, along with an additional clause, which prohibited any aid or tallage from being exacted, without the consent of the prelates, nobles, knights, and other freemen. Edward was startled when informed of these demands. His affairs detained him in Flanders, where accounts had reached him of the whole of Scotland having been wrested from his hand by Wallace ; he was still en- gaged in a war with France ; and, thus surrounded by difficulties, it was absolutely necessary for him to make every sacrifice to remain on good terms with his barons.* He accordingly, after three days' deliberation, con- sented to confirm all the charters which had been sent over to him ; and having wisely secured the affections of his nobility, he directed letters to the earls and barons of England, commanding them, as they valued his honour, and that of the whole kingdom, to meet at York on the 14th January, and thence, under the orders of the Earl of Surrey, to proceed into Scotland, and put down the rebellion of that nation. -f* At the same time he sent letters to the great men of Scotland, requiring them on their fealty to attend the muster at York, and denouncing them as public enemies if they refused. These seasonable favours granted to the nobility, and the good grace with which Edward bestowed them, although, in truth, they were extorted from him much * Tyrrel, Hist. Eng. vol. iii. p. 124. Hemingford, vol. i. p. 138. Triveti Annales, p. 309. + The confirmation of Magna Charta and the Charta de Foresta, is dated at Ghent, Nov. 5, 1297. Rymer, new edit. vol. i. part ii. p. 880. 134j history of SCOTLAND. 1298. against his inclination, rendered the king liiglily popu- lar ; so that at York, on the day appointed, there was a great muster of the military force of the kingdom. There came the Earl Marshal and the Great Consta- ble of England, the Earl of Surrey the king''s lieu- tenant against the Scots, the Earls of Gloucester and Arundel, Lord Henry Percy, John de Wake, John de Segrave, Guido son of the Earl of Warwick, and many other powerful earls and barons.* Having waited in vain for the Scottish nobles wdiom Edward had summoned to attend — an order which, as the result showed, the dread of Wallace rather than the love of their country compelled them to disobey — the English nobles appointed a general muster of their forces to be held eight days after, at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, pur- posing from thence to march against the enemy. Here they accordingly met, and the army, both in numbers and equipment, ^vas truly formidable. There Avere two thousand heavy cavalry, armed both horse and man at all points, along with two thousand light horse, and a hundred thousand foot, including the Welsh. With this force they marched across the border, and ad- vanced to Roxburgh. This important fortress was then invested by Wallace ; and the garrison, worn out by a long siege, were in a state of great distress, when the army of Surrey made its appearance, and the Scots thought it prudent to retire. After relieving " their wounded countrymen," the English skirmished as far as Kelso, and returned to occupy Berwick, which had been in the hands of the Scots since the battle of Stirling. They found it deserted, and brought a joyful relief to the castle, the garrison of which had stoutly "^ * Hemingford, vol. i. p. 144. 1298. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 135 held out, whilst the rest of the town was in possession of the enemy.* Edward, in the meantime, having learnt in Flanders the strength of the army which awaited his orders, was restless and impatient till he had joined them in person. His anger against the Scots, and his deter- mination to inflict a signal vengeance upon their perfidy on again daring to defend their liberties, had induced him to make every sacrifice, that he might proceed with an overwhelming force against this coun- try. For this purpose, he hastened to conclude a truce with the King of France, and to refer their disputes to the judgment of Boniface the pope.-f" He wrote to the Earl of Surrey not to march into Scot- land till he had joined the army in person ; and having rapidly concluded his afiairs in Flanders, he took ship- ping, and landed at Sandwich, where he was received with much rejoicing and acclamation. J Surrey, on receiving letters from the king to delay his expedition, had retained with him a small proportion of his troops and dismissed the rest ; but the moment Edward set his foot in England, he directed his writs, by which he summoned the whole military power of the kingdom to meet him at York, on the Feast of Pentecost, with horse and arms, to proceed against the Scots. § He also commanded all the earls and barons, with two knights of every shire, and the representatives from the towns and burghs, to attend his parliament to be held in that city; and summoned the nobility of Scot- * Knighton, 2525. Triveti Annales, p. 311. + Rymer's Foedera, new edit. vol. i. part ii. p. 887. + Ibid. p. 889. § Tyrrel, vol. iii. p, 129. Rymer, vol. i. part ii. p. 890. Palgrave's Parliamentary Writs, Chron. Abstract, p. 38. The names of the leaders to whom writs are directed, occupy the whole Rotulus Scotise 26 and 27 Edward First. They are a hundred and fifty-four in numDer. 136 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1298. land, unless they chose to be treated as vassals who had renounced their allegiance, to be there also on the day appointed.* To this summons they paid no regard. Those who had accompanied him in his expe- dition to Flanders, on his embarkation for England, forsook him, and resorted to the French king ; and the rest of the Scottish barons, although jealous of Wallace, dreaded the vengeance which his power and high authority as governor entitled him to inflict on them. Meanwhile Edward, having commanded his army to rendezvous at Roxburgh on the 24th of June, with misplaced devotion, made a pilgrimage to the shrine of St John of Beverley. The sacred standard of this saint, held in deep reverence by the king and the army, had been carried with the host in the former war; and it is probable Edward would not lose the opportunity of taking it along with him in this expe- dition. On coming to Roxburgh, he found himself at the head of an army more formidable in their number, and more splendid in their equipment, than even that which had been collected by the Earl of Surrey six months before. He had seven thousand horse, three thousand heavy-armed, both men and horse, and four thousand light cavalry. His infantry consisted at first of eighty thousand men, mostly Welsh and Irish ; but these were soon strengthened by the arrival of a powerful reinforcement from Gascony, amongst whom were five hundred horse, splendidly armed, and admir- ably mounted. On reviewing his troops, Edward found that the Constable and Marshal, with the barons of their party, refused to advance a step until the * Hemingford, vol. i. p. 158. 1298. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 137 confirmation of the Great Charter, and the Charter of the Forests, had been ratified by the king in person : so jealous were they of their new rights, and so sus- picious lest he should plead, that his former consent, given when in foreign parts, did not bind him within his own dominions.* Edward dissembled his resent- ment, and evaded their demand, by bringing forward the Bishop of Durham, and the Earls of Surrey, Norfolk, and Lincoln, who solemnly swore, on the soul of their lord the king, that on his return, if he obtained the victory, he would accede to their request. -[- Com- pelled to rest satisfied with this wary promise, which he afterwards tried in every way to elude, the refrac- tory barons consented to advance into Scotland. Meanwhile that country, notwithstanding the late expulsion of its enemies, was little able to contend with the superior numbers and discipline of the army now led against it. It was cruelly weakened by the con- tinued dissensions and jealousy of its nobility. Ever since the elevation of Wallace to the rank of Governor of Scotland, the greater barons had envied his assump- tion of power ; and, looking upon him as a person of ignoble birth, had seized all opportunities to despise and resist his authority. J These selfish jealousies were increased by the terror of Edward's military renown, and in many by the fear of losing their English estates ; so that at the very time when an honest love of liberty, and a simultaneous spirit of resistance, could alone have saved Scotland, its nobility deserted their country, and refused to act wdth the only man whose * Hemingford, p. 159. + " Quod in reditu," suo, obtenta victoria, " omnia perimpleret ad votum." Hemingford, p. 159. :J: " Licet apud comites regni et proceres ignobilis putaretur." Fordun a Hearne, p. 978. See also Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 174. 138 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1298. success and military talents were equal to the emerg- ency. The governor, however, still endeavoured to collect the strength of the land. John Comyn of Badenoch, the younger, Sir John Stewart of Boukill, Sir John Graham of Abercorn, and Macduff the grand- uncle of the Earl of Fife, consented to act along with him ; whilst Robert Bruce, maintaining a suspicious neutrality, remained with a strong body of his vassals in the castle of Ayr. The plan adopted by Wallace for the defence of Scotland, was the same as that which was afterwards so successfully executed by Bruce. It w^as to avoid a general battle, which, with an army far inferior to the English, must have been fought at a disadvantage; to fall back slowly before the enemy, leaving some garri- sons in the most important castles, driving off' all supplies, wasting the country through which the Eng- lish were to march, and waiting till the scarcity of provisions compelled them to retreat, and give him a favourable opportunity of breaking down upon them with full effect. Edward had determined to penetrate into the west of Scotland, and there he purposed to conclude the war. He directed a fleet with supplies for his army, to sail round from Berwick to the Firth of Forth ; and having left Roxburgh, he proceeded by moderate marches into Scotland, laying waste the country, and anxious for a sight of his enemies. No one, however, was to be found, who could give him information regarding the Scottish army ; and he pro- ceeded through Berwickshire to Lauder,* and without a check to Templeliston, now Kirkliston, a small town between Edinburgh and Linlithgow. Here, as provi- sions began already to be scarce, he determined to * Prynne, Edward I., p. 788. 1298. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 139 remain, in order to receive the earliest intelligence of his fleet ; and, in case of accidents, to secure his retreat. At this time he learnt that frequent attacks were made against the foraging parties of his rear division, by the Scottish garrison in the strong castle of Dirleton: and that two other fortalices, which he had passed on his march, were likely to give him annoyance.* Upon this he despatched his favourite martial bishop, Anthony Beck, who sat down before the castle ; but, on account of the want of proper battering machines, found it too strong for him. He then attempted to carry it by assault, but was driven back with loss; and as his division began to be in extreme want, the bishop sent Sir John Marmaduke to require the king's pleasure. " Go back,"" said Edward, " and tell Anthony that he is right to be pacific, when he is acting the bishop, but that in his present business he must forget his calling. As for you," continued the king, addressing Marmaduke, " you are a relentless soldier, and I have often had to reprove you for too cruel an exultation over the death of your enemies ; but return now whence you came, and be as relentless as you choose. You will have my thanks, not my censure; and look you, do not see my face again, till these three castles are razed to the ground. """f- In the meantime, the besiegers were relieved from the extremities of want, by the arrival of three ships with provisions ; and the bishop, on receiving the king's message, took advantage of the renewed strength and spirits of his soldiers, to order an assault, which was successful ; the garrison having stipulated, before sur- render, that their lives should be spared. J Edward, * Hemingford, vol. i. p. 160. + Ibid. X Ibid. p. 161. Walsingham, p. 75. 140 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1298. when at Kirkliston, had raised some of the young squires in liis army to the rank of knighthood ; and these new knights were sent to gain their spurs, by takinir the other two fortalices. On comins: before them, however, they found that the Scots had aban- doned them to the enemy; and having destroyed them, they rejoined the main army.* These transactions occupied a month, and the army began again to suffer severely from the scarcity of provisions. The fleet from Berwick was anxiously looked for, and Edward foresaw, that in the event of its arrival being protracted a few days longer, he should be compelled to retreat. At last a few ships were seen off the coast, which brought a small supply ; but the great body of the fleet was still detained by contrary winds, and a dangerous mutiny broke out in the camp. The Welsh troops had suffered much from famine ; and a present of wine having been sent to them by the king, their soldiers, in a paroxysm of intoxication and national antipathy, attacked the English quarters in the night, and inhumanly murdered eighteen priests. Upon this the English cavalry hastily ran to their weapons, and breaking in upon the Welsh, slew eighty men. In the morning the Welsh, of whom there were forty thousand in the army, exasperated at the death of their companions, threatened to join the Scots. " Let them do so,**' said Edward, with his usual cool courage ; " let them go over to my enemies : I hope soon to see the day when I shall chastise them both.*" This day, however, was, to all appearance, distant. The distress for provisions now amounted to an absolute famine. No intelligence had been received of the Scottish army. As the English advanced, the country had been wasted * Hemingford, vol. i. p. 161. 1298. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 141 by an invisible foe ; and Edward, wearied out, was at length compelled to issue orders for a retreat to Edin- burgh, hoping to meet with his fleet at Leith, and thereafter to recommence operations against the enemy. At this critical juncture, when the military skill and wisdom of the dispositions made by Wallace be- came apparent, and when the moment to harass and destroy the invading army in its retreat had arrived ; the treachery of her nobles again betrayed Scotland. Two Scottish lords, Patrick earl of Dunbar, and the Earl of Angus, privately, at day-break, sought the quarters of the Bishop of Durham, and informed him that the Scots were encamped not far off in the forest of Falkirk. The Scottish earls, who dreaded the re- sentment of Edward, on account of their late renunci- ation of allegiance,* did not venture to seek the king in person. They sent their intelligence by a page, and added, that having heard of his projected retreat, it was the intention of Wallace to surprise him by a night attack, and to hang upon and harass his rear. Edward, on hearing this welcome news, could not conceal his joy. " Thanks be to God," he exclaimed, " who hitherto hath extricated me from every danger ! They shall not need to follow me, since I shall forth- with go and meet them."''' Without a moment''s delay, orders were issued for the soldiers to arm, and hold themselves ready to march. The king was the first to put on his armour ; and, mounting his horse, rode through the camp, hastening the preparations, and * Hemingford, vol. i. p. 162, Lord Hailes has omitted to notice the fact, that the intelligence regarding the position of the army was brought by two Scottish earls. It is difficult to understand how he should have overlooked it, as he quotes the very page of Hemingford where it is stated. He has attempted to disprove what appears to me completely established by the authority of Heminglord, " that the defeat at Falkirk was brought about by the dissensions amongst the Scottish leaders." 142 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1298. giving orders in person, to the merchants and sutlers who attended the army to pack up their wares, and be ready to follow him. At length all was prepared, and at three o'*clock the whole army was on its advance from Kirkliston to Falkirk, astonished at the sudden change in the plan of operations, and at the slow and deliberate pace with which they were led on. It was late before they reached a heath near Linlithgow, on which they encamped for the night. They were not allowed the refreshment of disarming themselves ; but, to use the striking words of Hemingford, "each soldier slept on the ground, using his shield for his pillow; each horseman had his horse beside him, and the horses themselves tasted nothing but cold iron, champ- ing their bridles."" In the middle of the night a cry was heard. King Edward, who slept on the heath, whilst a page held his horse, was awakened by a sudden stroke on his side. The boy had been careless, and the horse, in changing his position, had put his foot on the king as he slept. Those around him cried out that their prince was wounded; and this, in the confusion of the night, was soon raised into a shout that the enemy were upon them, so that they hastily armed them- selves, and prepared for their defence. But the mistake was soon explained. Edward had been only slightly hurt ; and as the morning was near, he mounted his horse, and gave orders to march. They passed through Linlithgow a little before sunrise ; and on looking up to a rising ground, at some distance in their front, observed the ridsie of the hill lined with lances. Not a moment was lost. Their columns marched up the hill, but on reaching it, the enemy had disappeared ; and as it was the feast of St Mary Magdalene, the king ordered a tent to be raised, where he and the 1298. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 143 Bishop of Durham heard mass. These lances had been ilie advanced guard of the enemy ; for while mass was saying, and the day became brighter, the English soldiers could distinctly see the Scots in the distance arranging their lines, and preparing for battle. The Scottish army did not amount to the third part of the force of the English; and Wallace, who dreaded this great disparity, and knew how much Edward was likely to suffer by the protraction of the war and the want of provisions, at first thought of a retreat, and hastened to lead off his soldiers; but he soon found that the English were too near to admit of this being accomplished without certain destruction ; and he therefore, proceeded to draw up his army, so as best to avail himself of the nature of the ground, and to sustain the attack of the English. He divided his infantry into four compact divisions, called Schilt)^o?is,* composed of his lancers. In the first line the men knelt, with their lances turned obliquely outwards, so as to present a serried front to the enemy on every side. In this infantry consisted the chief strength of the Scottish army, for the soldiers stood so close, and were so linked or chained together, that to break the line was extremely difficult.*!* ^^ *^^ spaces between these divisions were placed the archers, and in the rear was drawn up the Scottish cavalry, consisting of about a thousand heavy-armed horse. J After hearing mass, the King of England, being * See Notes and Illustrations, letter I. •f " Ther formost courey ther bakkis togidere sette, There speres poyut over poynt, so sare, and so thikke And fast togidere joynt, to se it was werlike, Als a castelle thei stode, that were ■walled with stone, Thei wende no man of blode thorgh tham suld haf gone." Langtoft's Chronicle, book ii. 1. 304, 305. Z Hemingford, vol. i. p. 163. 144 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1298. informeJ of the Scottish disposition of battle, hesitated to lead his army forward to the attack, and proposed that they should pitch their tents, and allow the sol- diers and the horses time for rest and refreshment. This was opposed by his officers as unsafe, on account of there bcin<2: nothing; but a small rivulet between the two armies. " What then would you advise V asked Edward. " An immediate advance," said they ; " the field and the victory will be ours." — " In God's name, then, let it be so," replied the king ; and without delay, the barons who commanded the first division, the Marshal of En^-land, and the Earls of Hereford and Lincoln, led their soldiers in a direct line against the enemy. They were not aware, however, of an exten- sive moss which stretched along the front of the Scot- tish position, and on reaching it, were obliged to make a circuit to the west to get rid of the obstacle. This retarded their attack; meanwhile the second line, under the command of the Bishop of Durham, being better informed of the nature of the ground, in advancing inclined to the east with the same object. The bishop"'s cavalry were fiery and impetuous. Thirty-six banners floated above the mass of spears, and showed how many leaders of distinction were in the field ; but Anthony Beck, who had seen enough of war to know the danger of too precipitate an attack, commanded them to hold back, till the third line, under the king, came up to support them. " Stick to thy mass, bishop," cried Ralph Basset of Drayton, " and teach not us what we ought to do in the face of an enemy,"^" On then, replied the bishop — " set on in your own way. We are all soldiers to-day, and bound to do our duty." So saying, they hastened forward, and in a few minutes enirased with the first column of the Scots : whilst the 1298. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 145 £rst line, which had extricated itself from the morass, commenced its attack upon the other flank. Wallace"'s anxiety to avoid a battle had, in all probability arisen from his having little dependence on the fidelity of the heavy-armed cavalry, commanded by those nobles who hated and feared him ; and the event showed how just were his suspicions: for the moment the lines met, the whole body of the Scottish horse shamelessly retired without striking a blow.* The columns of infantry, however, with the inter- mediate companies of archers, kept their ground, and a few of the armed knights remained beside them. Amongst these, Sir John Stewart of Bonkill, in mar- shalling the ranks of the archers from the forest of Selkirk, was thrown from his horse. The faithful bowmen tried to rescue him, but in vain. He was slain, and the tall and athletic figures of those who fell round him drew forth the praise of the enemy.-j* On the death of this leader, the archers gave way; but the columns of the Scottish infantry stood firm, and their oblique lances, pointing every way, presented a thick wood, through which no attacks of the cavalry could penetrate. Edward now brought up his reserve of archers and slingers, who showered their arrows upon them, with volleys of large round stones, which covered the ground where they stood. This continued and galling attack, along with the reiterated charges of the cavalry, at last broke the first line, and the heavy-armed horse, pouring in at the gap which was * Fordun a Heame, p. 981. " Nam propter conceptam maliciam, ex fonte invidise generatam, quam erga dictum Willelmum Cuminenses habe- bant, cum suis complicibus campum deserentes, illaesi evaserunt." See also Hemingford, p. 164 — " Fugerunt Scottorum equestres absque ullo gladii ictu." — And Winton, vol. ii. p. 101, book viii. chap. 15, 1. 47. Also Chron. de Lanercost, p. 191. + Hemingford, vol. i. p. 165. VOL. I. , L 146 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1298. thus made, threw all into confusion, and carried indis- criminate slaughter through their ranks. Macduff, along with his vassals from Fife, was slain;* and Wallace, with the remains of his army, having gained the neighbouring wood, made good his retreat, leaving nearly fifteen thousand men dead upon the field. •[- On the English side, only two men of note fell; one of them was Sir Bryan de Jaye, Master of the Scottish Templars, who, when pressing before his men in the ardour of the pursuit, was entangled in a moss in Calendar wood, and slain by some of the Scottish fugi- tives. The other was a companion of the same order, and of high rank. J The remains of the Scottish army immediately re- treated from Falkirk to Stirling. Unable to maintain the town against the English army, they set it on fire; and Edward, on entering it on the fourth day after the battle, found it reduced to ashes. § The convent of the Dominicans, however, escaped the flames; and here the king, who still suffered from the wound given him by his horse, remained for fifteen days, to recover his health. Meantime he sent a division of his army across the Forth into Clackmannanshire and Menteith, which, after ravaging the country, and plundering the villages, advanced in its destructive march through Fife. The whole of this rich and populous district was now regarded with great severity, on account of the resistance made by Macduff and the men of Fife at Falkirk. It was accordingly delivered up to com- * Winton, vol. ii. p. 101, book viii. chap. 15, 1. 45. i* TjTrel, vol. iii. p. 130, who quotes, ss his authority, the Norwich Chronicle and the Chronicle of John Eversden — both English authorities. The older Scottish historians, Fordun and Winton, make no mention of the loss of the Scots. X Notes and Illustrations, letter K. § Prj-nne, Edward I., p. 71^1. Edward was at Stirling, 26th July. 1208. PERIOD OF WALLACE. 147 plete military execution ; and, to use the words of an ancient chronicle, "clene brent."* The city of St Andrews was found deserted by its inhabitants, and delivered to the flames. Beojinnino^ to be in distress for provisions, the English pushed on to Perth, which they found already burnt by the Scots themselves ; so that, defeated in the hope of procuring supplies, and unable longer to support themselves in a country so utterly laid waste, they returned to Stirling, the castle of which Edward had commanded to be repaired. Having left a garrison there, he proceeded to Aber- corn,"f" near Queensferry, where he had hopes to find his long-expected fleet, with supplies from Berwick; but his ships were still detained. He then marched to Glasgow, and through the district of Clydesdale, by Bothwell, to Lanark, from which he proceeded towards the strong castle of Ayr, then in the hands of the younger Bruce earl of Carrick. Bruce fled at the approach of the king, after having set fire to the castle ; and Edward marched into Galloway with the intention of punishing this refractory baron, by laying waste his country. J The army however, began again to be grievously in want of provisions ; and the king, after having for fifteen days struggled against famine, was constrained to return through the middle of Annan- dale, and to be contented with the capture of Bruce''s castle of Lochmaben,§ from which he proceeded to Carlisle. Thus were the fruits of the bloody and decisive battle of Falkirk plucked from the hands of * Hardynge's Chronicle, 8vo, London, 1543, p. 165. See Notes and Illustrations, letter L. ^t* Trivet, p. 313, calls this place " Abourtoun juxta Queenesferrie ;" and Hearne, the editor, in a note, observes it may mean Aberdour. Prynne, Edward I., p. 791, quotes a letter of presentation by Edward, of John Boush of London, to the vacant church of Kinkell, dated at Abercorn, Aug. 15, 1298. X Hemingford, vol. i. p. 166. § Ibid. 148 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1298. Edward, by famine and distress, at the moment he expected to secure them; and after leading against Scotland the most numerous and best appointed army which had perhaps ever invaded it, and defeating his enemies with great slaughter, he was compelled to retreat while still nearly the whole of the country beyond the Forth was unsubdued, and even when that part which he had wasted and overrun, was only wait- ins: for his absence, to rise into a new revolt ajjainst him.* At Carlisle the Earls of Norfolk and Hereford left the army to return home, under the pretence that their men and horses were worn out with the expedi- tion, but in reality because they were incensed at the kin