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AND ITS CONSEQUENCES, ffl ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, lEELAND, & ON THE CONTINENT BT AUGUSTIN THIEERT, XEHB2B OF THB IJrSTITIJTE, TRANSLATED FROM THE SEVENTH PARIS EDITION, BY WILLIAM HAZLITT, ESQ. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON: H. G. BOHN, YOEK STEEET, COVENT GAEDEN. MDCCCLXI. \i\ immmmmmmi' LONDOK •ATIXX AHH BDWXKDS, PRINTERS, CHAKSOS STISXT, ooTSjrr QAUDRX fy i^'Oz. 3 It t I ADVERTISEMENT. CD The present translation of the noblest of M. Auc^ustin Thierry's noble productions, has been rendered from the seventh edition, published at Paris, in 1846. It forms part of that complete collection of M. Thierr/s writings pro- duced under his own immediate direction, and enriched with his latest emendations, which exhibit the form wherein he proposes to bequeath them to posterity. One English ver- 8ion of this history was brought out some years ago, but it contained no portion of the important appendix of PQces Justificatives that add such value and interest to the work, and among which may be mentioned the Roll of Battle Abbey, and other lists of the conquerors of England, large extracts from Domesday Book illustrative of the state of England at the period, the relation, by a contemporary, of ^- the surrender of London to the Normans, a poetical narrative ""^ ^^^ ^^"^6 of Hastings, by an eye-witness, &c. All these accompany the present translation, and in addition, besides . a few supplementary notes that casually occurred to me in the progress of my labour [distinguished from those of M. Thierry by brackets], I have given full translations of :. all the charters granted by Henry I. and his Norman sue- cessors. It seems strange that Magna Charta, for example, - which IS in every Englishman's mouth, should be in scarcely any Enghshman's memory; the reason is, that hitherto this !^"^ ^^'^ 0^^^^ ^^arters of the period have never been given m a popular form. William Hazlitt. VOL. T. 294425 BIOGEAPHICAL NOTICE CF M. AUGUSTIN THIERRY. L'histoire aura son Homere corame la poesie.— Chateaubriand, Preface des Etudm Historiques. S» j'avais k recommenct r ma route, je prendrais celle qui m'a couduit oti je suia. Aveugle et souffraut, sans espoir et presque sans relache, je puis rendre ce temoign- agre, qui de ma part ne sera pas suspect : ii y a au mondo quelque chose qui vaut n?ieux que les jouissances niaterielles, mieux que la fortune, mieux que la santfe elie-mfime; c'est le devoueiuent ^ la science.— Augustin Tliierry, X/tjr am d'Etudnt Historiques, Pre/ace, p. 25. Of all the superior men I ever met, few have left so deep an impression upon my mind as M. Augustin Thierry. I had long been acquainted with the mighty labours that have rendered him one of the leading representatives of the modern school of history ; I had a vivid recollection of the enthusi sm that pei-vaded all the forms of our colleges, when, in utter disgust as we were with the meagre, monotonous, and mendacious narratives of Velly, or Millot, or Anquetil, we idl at once saw new, grand, and comprehensive views unfolded before our dazzled and delighted eyes, by M. Augustin Thierry. I had long known that after having endowed his country with two masterpieces of literature, in which the eru- dition of a Benedictine is combined with the glowing style of a poet, M. Au- gustin Thierry had purchased with the loss of sight," worn out over old texts and manuscripts, the honour of having been one of the first to raise the standard of historical reform, and to teach France the true sources of her national origin. I knew also that, after this, as if to put the inflexible champion of learning lo the utmost proof, fate had been pleased to accu- mulate for him affliction upon affliction ; that having deprived him of sight, it next deprived him of movement ; that having extinguished the light of those penetrating eyes, it had paralyzed his once robust limbs; that having for ever shut out from him the view of those monuments of the past, whosa examination and study had constituted his joy, his happiness, his very life, it had not even left to his hand, mutilated with severest suffering, the power to hold a pen. But I knew, also, that M. Augustin Thierry had come vic- torious out of this fearful struggle; that never had his great mind striven with more vivid brilliancy than after he had, to use his own expression, becotnc friends with darkness ; that never had his march over the difficult ground of history been made with firmer and more assmed step than when he was b2 viii BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF guided on his way by the brightness of the inward light alone; I knew that the author of the Recits des Temps Meroviugiein had never been more lucid, more graphic, more graceful, and at the same time more vigorous in his style, than when it had become necessary for him to commit to other hands the transcription on paper of the works cast and elaborated in that powerful brain, as in a burning furnace. I knew all this, and it was this that made me eager to witness a spectacle, to my mind the finest of all, the spectacle of a great soul struggling with physical pain, conquering it, prostrating it, reducing it to impotence, and deriving from a loftier sentiment than the worid-pride of Epictetus the power and the right to say to it: " Pain, thou art but a word!" The happiness I so desired I obtained ; and as it is impossible for me, within tlie limits of this sketch, to analyze aa I could wish, works, that after all are in every one's hands, I will at least endeavour, ere I succinctly relate the noble life of M. Aiigustin Thierry, to convey to the reader the impressions made upon my mind iu a visit recently paid to the historian, in the company of a lady and two other friends. On reaching the eminence which overiooks the charming valley of Mont- morency, not far from the Hermitage immortalized by Jean Jacques, you perceive to the left a narrow winding road bordered with villas in the Italian style. About half way down this road, on the right, our carriage drew np at a little gate, the threshold of which we passed full of the respectful emo- tion, ever created by the thought of great talent dignified by a great ca- lamity; for here, in the summer months, dwells Augustin Thierry ; hither he comes with the return of spring, to seek strength from the fresh, pure air of the valley, enabling him to continue his labours. We found ourselves in an elegant garden : before us was a lawn varied with tlower beds, and beyond it a sloping shrubbery. On the right were a green-house and a summer- house ; in front of the latter, lay at full length a handsome Newfoundland dog, which, raising its head, gave us a look of welcome with its mild, well- natured eyes. To the left, on the opposite side of the lawn, rose a rect angular house, white, simple, and in good taste, consisting of two stories, the lower windows opening into the garden. The fa9ade was adorned with a Canova Venus, a Bacchus, a head of Paris, and another of Helen, standing in niches in the wall. Before the door I observed a Bath chair, painted green; this was the carriage in which the illustrious invalid took the air. Entering a small apartment on the ground floor, ftimished with simnle ele- gance, we were received by a lady attired in black ; still young, of small stature, graceful manners, and an intellectual but pensive countenance. It was Ma- dame Augustin Thierry, wife of the historian ; she who has so appreciated the beauty and happiness of associating her name with a great name, her life with a life of glory and of suflFering, of quitting the vain pleasures of the worid to devote herself wholly to the noblest part in the drama of life that can be assigned to a woman, the part of a guardian angel, of a provi- dence on earth for a great soul imprisoned in a suffering body. Even had I not known that Madame Augustin Thierry is endowed with faculties that qualify her to take a direct and active part in all the labours of her husband, even had I not read the pieces, so remarkable for thought and for expres- ii©n, that, proceeding from her pen. have appeared in the Revue des Deux Blondes, under the title of Philippe de Morvelle, the destiny that she has M. AUGUSTIN THIERRY. adopted would sufifice iu my eyes to mauifest that hers is a noble heart, a noble spirit.' Hanng been introduced to Madame Augustin Thierry by the lady under whose auspices we had come, I sat down in a corner of the apartment, and, while the reflections I have just expressed were passing through mv mind, looked over a small round table, neariy covered with books, which stood at my side ; upon the books lay some embroidery-work just commenced ; here was a bronze sphynx j)nper-weight, and there, in the middle of the table, a vase filled with flowers in their early bloom. Ere long, we were joined by M. Augustin Thierry's brother, M. Amedee Thierry,' a man of middle height, grave in speech as in countenance, wherein we may read the profound depression of his fraternal heart. On his arrival the conversation became more general; but, for my own part, I scarcely listened to it, absorbed as I was in expectation of him whom I was about to see, and in endeavours to picture to myself, beforehand, the extent to which evil is able to attain the soul through the medium of the body. At length I heard the sound of approaching steps ; a door on my right opened, and a domestic appeared, carrying on his back a man, blind, paralyzed, incapable of movement. We all rose : my heart was penetrated with emotion, at the sight of a being so powerful in intellect, so powerless in body ; the domestic in his every motion exhibited a respectful solicitude that sensibly aflected me; he seemed thoroughly to appreciate the value of him he bore. He bent gently back towards an arm chair, in which he de- posited his chai-ge, enveloping the lower part of the motionless frame with a wrapper. This done, iu an instant the scene changed, and I at once re- called a passage in the Essai sur la htteralure Anglaise, where M. de Chateaubriand describes the visit of a contemporary to Milton. " The author of • Paradise Lost,' attired in a black doublet, reclined in an arm-chair ; his head was uncovered, his silver hair fell upon his shoulders, and his fine dark eyes shone bright in their blindness upon his palHd face." It was the same head, with the exception of the white hair, tliat I now saw before me ; the same face, more youthful and vigorous, the noblest Wind face that ca© be conceived. The head was firmly set upon broad shoulders ; glossy hair, of the deepest black, carefully parted over an expansive forehead, ell in curls beside each temple; beneath their arched brows opened the dark eyes; but for the vagueness of their direction, I should have imagined them animated with sight ; the nose was of the purest Greek form ; the mouth, with lips fine, delicate, aud expressive, seemed endowed with all the sen- sibility of wliich the eyes had been deprived ; the finely turned chin had a slight dimple at its extremity ; there was in the contour of the face, and in the general expression of the physiognomy, a remarkable combination of energy, subtleness, aud sedate tranquillity ; the tones of his voice were * Madame Augustin Thierry, whose maiden name was Juha de Queran- gal, belongs to a distinguished Breton family. Besides the fragments men tioned above, she is the authoress of a charming production, entitled Ade- laide, ou Memoires d'uuejille. * M. Amedee Thierry is himself, I need hardly say, a great historian ; every one has read his Histoire des Gaulois. Science may well lament that important administrative occupations have prevented M. Amedee Thierry from wliolly devoting himself to her service. I J i' JC BIOCUAI'IIICAL NOTICE OF clear, well poised, and distinct, tbongh, from bis feeble bealtb, not sonorous , his bearing was, in the liighest degree, elegant ; tlie lower portion of the frame, as 1 have said, was paralyzed, but the movement of the bust and of the arms was free; the hands, of which only the forefinger and thumb api»eared capable of action, were gloved. When the name of the Ittdy who had introduced us was announced to him, the handsome blind man smiled, and like the smile of Chactas in Ecne, " that smile of the month, unuccorapanied by the smile of the eyes, partook of the mysterious and of the celestial. " The lady approached him, and Thierry kissed, with a chivdrous air, the fair hand placed in his own. Conversation once fairly begun, that fine head seemed as it were radiant in the light of the intellect still finer within. I have been in the company of many persons who have the reputation of good talkers, and who do talk admirably, but I have perhaps never heard anything comparable wiih the colloquial language of M. Augusiin Thierry, in facility, perspicuity, elegance. It is, doubtless, the habit of dictation, that has given so much of style to his conversation ; but whatever the cause, it may indeed be said of him, that with- out any eftort, without any affectation whatever, he really speaks like a book. One of onr party, M. Ampere, was preparing to depart for the East ; he hiui no sooner mentioned the circumstance, than M. Angustin Thierry discoursed to us of the East, in what, for thought and language, was an absolute poem ; this blind man knows everything, recollects everything; that which he has not seen with the eyes of the body, he has seen with the eyes of the spirit. Like Milton, he is acquainted with nearly all the European languages. One of his friends told me, that he has sometimes heard him in the evening, seated in his garden, beneath the psile rays of the setting sun, singing, with his feeble voice, a love song in modern Greek; and at such moments, added my informant, • he seemed to me finer than Homer, or than the unknown Klepht, who himself, perhaps also blind, had composed the verses he was reciting.' Throughout the conversation, to which I was a silent and attentive listener, I could detect iu M. Augnstin Tbierry not the slightest trace of selfishness, not the least self reference ; on the contrary, he who had been so cruelly tried by fate, spoke of the sufferings and infirmities of others with the most unaffected and touching commiseration. And thus, from day to day, does this martyr to science intrepidly pursue the task he has imposed upon himself; at times only, when his pains are most racking, he is lieard to murmur: "Oh, that I were only blind I" Except in such moments of depression, which are short and far between, and discernible only by his most intimate associates, M. Augustin Thierry seems more a stranger to his own condition than are those who surround and listen to him ; science, history, poetry, anecdotes, reminis- cences of his youth— he applies to these and all other subjects the same full, rich, elegant, nervous, noble diction ; every shade of thought is reflected on his lips. At times, when an idea of a more peculiarly grave and lofty character arises in his mind, you can discern a movement in the muscles of the eye; those blind eyes, the dark pupil of which stands out in bold relief from the cornea, open w ide ; the thought within seems essaying to make its way through the opacity of the ball, and, after vain efforts to effect this, re- turns within, descends to the lips, which receiving it, give it forth, not only in language, but with the expression of the look; from time to time, the blind man passes his poor weak hand over those, in (.very sense, so speaking lips, \ M. AUGUSTIN THIERRf. Zl as if cherishing the precious organ, enriched for him with all the faculties that the other organs have lost. The two hours we spent with him seemed not a moment. M. Augustin Thierry was born at Blois, on the 20th May, 1795, of poor and humble parents. He passed through his studies with distinguished suc- cess at the college of his native town, and judging from the first production of his youth,! impressed with a singular energy and even enthusiasm, he must have been endowed by nature with an extreme sensibility, with an imagination highly vivid, and of such vigorous organization as must have necessitated enormous, pitiless toil to quell it. He himself relates, in the preface to his Eecits des Temps MeroviiKjiens, how the author of Les Martyrs, whom we find, as it were, a great lighthouse at the entrance to every new idea of our age, became, in a great degree, the primum mobile of his future vocation ; how, one day, when alone in one of the school-rooms, reading, for the first time, Les Martyrs, and having come, in the sixth book, to the so dramatic picture of the battle of the Franks and the Romans in the marshes of Batavin, the young student suddenly felt within him, as it were, a revelation of historical truth falsified by the classic historians and restored by the powerful instinct of a great poet ; how, seized with enthusiasm, he rose from his seat, and made the apartment resound, as he marched up and down its length, shouting the war-song of the terrible Franks of M. de Cha- teaubriand : " Pharamond, Phararaoud, we have fought with the sword ! &c." and, lastly, how the memory of this electric impression remained stamped upon his mind in indelible characters. In 1811, on quitting his college, M. Augustin Thierry entered the nor- mal school ; after passing two years there, he was appointed professor in a provincial college; the invasion of 1814 brought him to Paris. He was at this time in all the ardour of early youth ; versed iu the most various studies, he had as yet no particular predilection for any distinct branch of science, and his political ideas, though fervent, partook of the vagueness and confii- sion which characterized the period. He has himself described the condi- tion of his mind at this time : " With a hatred of military despotism, part of the reaction of the general mind against the imperial regime, I combined a profound aversion for revolutionary tyranny, and, without any decided pre- ference for one form of government over another, a certain distaste for the English constitution, oi rather for the odious and absurd aping of it which at this period prevailed in France. I yearned for a future, I knew not ex- actly what; for a liberty whose definition, if I gave it any at all, assumed something of this form : a (jovcrnment with the greatest possible amount of individual guarantees, and the least possible amount of administrative action" There was living at this time a celebrated political economist, then, in- deed, obscure, but whom it has since been sought to elevate into a god. The daring scope of his views at first led away the ardent mind of the youthful Augustin, who, quilting the university, devoted himself with all the fervency of his nature to the study of the loftiest social problems, and attached himself to St. Simon in the capacity of secretary, and of disciple.* » Most of these have been since reproduced in the work entitled, Dix ans d'Etudes Historiques. * Vaiious pamphlets resulted from this association. liC I xil BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF It 13 nnnecessary to say that at iliis period St. Simon had propounded no Idea of constructing anythin- at all resembling a new religion. This was a notion which occurred to him much later, if, indeed, it be not altogether a posthumous crotchet, gratuitously attributed to him by his successors. Mowever this may have been, though limited to questions of an entirely so- cial, industrial or politick character, this co-operation of M. Augustin Ihierry in the labours of a man, whose eminent qualities as a politick eco- nomist and thinker are incontestable, was of short duration ; the gloomy narrow, and despotic tendencies of sectarianism could not but jar upon a mmd essentia ly endowed with explicitness, precision, and independence; the disciple otten rebelled against the views of the master, and, besides, he felt more and more attracted towards a sphere of studies more positive in tneir nature. M. Augustin Thierry left St. Simon in 1817, and joined tie Cais^nr Europeen, which, under the editorsliip of MM. Comte and Du- noyer enjoyed the reputation of the most important and most high-minded of the hberal journals of the period. The new school of history had not at this time raised its head; Velly, t^aniier, Millot. Anquetil, reigned sovereign supreme. The general as- pect of our own history, more especially that of the first eight centuries, was utterly disfigured; in that dull and arid nomenclature of /aits ct qcstes royaux, the Sicambrian Chlodowig is presented to us in flowing wig and aced ruffles the leudes of Charlemagne in the guise of the courtiers of TtfiZJ/' f "^'''^'^^fSojide in fontanges, and Hermangarde in hooped- petticoat and red-hee.ed shoes. "These men." observes M. de Chateau- bnand, "earned m their heads the fixed form of a solemn monarchy, ever ine same, from first to last, marching sedately onwards with three orders ana a par lament of grave persons in black robes and powdered hair." No historian had thought of moving out of this beaten track, when M. Thierry, w"^ «f f«'«n to seek, in the history of the past, materials for the po- lem.cs of he day, first descended into the arena, and young, ardent, uncon- 8C10US of his vocation and of his destiny, entered upon that grand struggle. the result of which was to be the establishment of new doctrines and new principles. « "v. « In his youthful fervour and the excess of his popular enthusiasm. M. Augustin began wi.h rushing beyond the bounds of truth into the regions ^J^I f T ^ ""^ ^"^ ^^ expected. Aristocracy, assailed and deci- mated under Louis XL, gagged and beaten down by Iticheheu and Louis XIV., dishonoured under Louis XV., beheaded bv the Convention, led in a string by Mapoleon, sought once more to raise its head under the Restora- tion; it would, perhaps, to a certain extent, have attained its object, had it been better served, and more especi.dly had it been less compromised bv the majonty of those who constituted themselves its organs. Listening to its political champions, you would have supposed that it desired to pass a sponge oyer four centuries of progressive decay: it did not content itself with assailing accomplished facts, it denied them ; and feeble, weak, ob- scured, lost as it was in tbe grand social unitv, tlie result of '89, instead of qmieUy settling down in its position, and seeking, in self-renovation, an ele- ment of strength and duration, it aimed at nothing less than the annihila- ^\Z.?I t ?'^^' *^^ ^°f fiscation of history. In the nineteenth century, an eloquent voice ventured to say, in the verv teeth of new France— '• EiJ-ran- Chised race, slaves wrested from our grasp, tributary people, new people. M. AUGUSTIN THIERRY. • •• Xlll leave was granted you to be free, but not to be noble ; for us, all is of right , for you, all is of favour."' Pretensions of this sort, wholly based upon the old right of conquest, naturally brought into the field of history a plebeian, proud of his plebeian birth, and ready to oppose pride to pride. When, a century before, the Comte de Boulaiiuilliers sought to construct an histo- rical system of his own, by deducing fidse consequences from the false pro- position already generally scouted, of the distinction of conqiierors and conquered in Gaul, a mau of the people, the abbe Dubos, stood forward to combat fallacy with fallacy ; in reply to a book which abused the fact of conquest, he wrote a very learned work^ to prove that there had been no conquest at all ; that there had been an alliance between the two races and nothing more ; that, five centuries later, in the tenth century, in conse- quence of the dismemberment of the sovereignty, and the conversion of offices into seigneuries, a dominant caste had intrusively interposed itself between kings and people ; and that it was feudalism aud not the Frankish invasion which had enslaved Gaul. In reproducing the aristocratic theories of M. dc Boulainvilliers, M. de Moutlosier encountered at the very outset an antagonist much less accom- modating than the Abbe Dubos. Far from denying the fact of conquest, M. Augustin Thierry proudly accepted it, as a premises on which to found his claims in favour of the conquered ; not content with establishing the ori- ginal iniquity of the fact and its fatal consequeuces at the period, he traced its progress through fourteen ages, subsisting ever and everywhere, and denounced it as the source not merely of evils past, but of all present difliculties. Gravely adopting the assertions of U. de Montlosier, and his imaginary division of the France of 1815 into Gauls and Franks, com- bating menace with menace, and paradox with paradox, he in his turn ex- claimed : " We think we are one nation, yet we are two nations in the same land ; two nations, hostile in their recollections of the past, irreconcil- able in their projects for the future. The genius of the conquest has made its mock of nature and of time, it still hovers over this unhappy country. It is under its influence that the distinctions of castes have succeeded to those of blood, those of orders to those of castes, those of titles to those of or- ders."' Hurried on in this manner, by the necessities of polemics, beyond the boundsof the true, it continued the fight in the void. Once engaged in supplying France with the reason and solution of all diings in this perma- nent fact of conquest, he undertook to follow it out of France, and to combat it wherever, as he conceived, he should find it. He commenced by giving in the Censeur a sketch of the revolutions of England from the Nor- man invasion to the death of Charles I., and not content with metamor- phosing the Cavaliers and Roundheads into Normans and Saxons, he car- ried the theory of the conquest, and subjection of the one race by the other, even beyond the reign of Charles II. He has liimself given an account* of these exaggerations and gropings in the dark of a young and great mind feeling its way ; he has told us, with ' Montlosier, Dc la Monarehie Fmn^aise, ii. « Histoire Critique do I'Etablissement de la Monarchic Franyaise dans lea Qaules. ' Censeur Europeen, 2 ap. 1820. * Dix Ans d'£ tildes Mistoriques. — Preface. u XlT BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF the frankness wbich belongs to a superior man, that he soon saw he was carrying too far this, in itself, so true unci fecund principle of the distinction of races, that he was fulsifying bistory by applying to epochs entirely dif- ferent fonris entirely identicul. But lie has also described how to his aberrations as a journahst, who had at first lo>i Ids way, as it were, in the piist, he owed the sentiment of his true \oeuiion; how from the very dav when be tirst touched upon the great problem of the Germanic invasions and the dismem- berment of the Roman empire, he was drawn to it by an irresistible attrac- tion ; how, upon his first glance at history he said to himself; 1 will be aa historian: and how deeply he became impressed with the essentiality of re- gulating ai.d Diaturing by study the passion that had lisen within him. When the CmsrKr Europeen succumlied beneath the blows of a censor- ship aJtogethtr ilititTent from its own, M. Augusiiii Thierry, already more especially devoted to the labours of pure eru.liiion, contributed to the' Cowr- Her Fraii(;ais a series of letters in which, sketching an outline of one of his future works, he exponiidod his pl.ui of a reform in the manner of studying and writing history. The exi^nntus of daily polemics closing this arena to him, M. Thierry, who had hitherto divided his attention between the his- tory of the past and the business of the present, sequestered himself from the worid and its politics, and engaged in a pertinacious study of facts, reading, analysing, comparing, and extracting the marrow out of every book and every manuscript that could throw a light upon his investigations. Still under the influence of the grand problem of the Germanic invasions which had struck his imagination at the outset, he digested all the docu- ments calculated to throw light upon it, to fathom it, to solve it; and from step to step, his ideas progressively matured and developed, bv live years of solitary labours, resulted at length in two works, ahke admirable in their matter and their manner, and wliich our epoch, so encumbered with futilo and absurd productions, may well regard as memorable and glorious to it, destined as they are to a permanent existence among the proudest annuls oi learning. The first edition of the Hhtuire de la Conquetc de rAmjUterre par les Komiatids appeared in the spring of 1825; the first edition of the Lettressur tllistoire de France about the close of 1827 ; a second edition, entirely revised and recast, was published in the following year. The reader is aware of the immense sensation produced by the former of these works, the so cherished production of an historian of twenty -six. The author was enjoying all the triumph of success when he, too late, perceived that his eyes had failed under his intense labours, and that his strength was giving way. After a journey into Switzeihmd, he visited Provence, accom- panied by his learned friend M. Fauriel, and on his return to Paris, in 1820, found his health somewhat improved, but his sight still decUning. Almost blind, he resumed his labours; a young man, obscure at this period, but whose name was destined to take a brilliant position in hteratui-e, Armand CaiTel, joined him, as secretary, and by his friendly earnestness of purpose rendered the necessity of reading with the eyes of others less painful to Thierry: relieved by this co-operation, heat onetime formed, with M. Mig- uel, the project of writing in concert a great national history, but, after some experiments which seemed to show the futility of the attempt, the project was abandoned. His next publication was the Leftres sur tllistoire de France, shortly •fter the appeaiance of which, in the spring of 1800, the Institute elected M. AUGUSTIN THIERRY. XV him a member of the Acaderaie des Inscriptiones et Belles Lettres. He was ere long assailed by the most acute pains, and by a nervous malady of the gravest character. He had once more to renounce his beloved studies and to quit Paris. He lived, from 1831 to IH-iO, between Vesoul, with his brother the prefect of Haute-Saone, and the baths of Luxeuil. It was at the latter place that, in 1831, he became acquainted with and married the lady who was to alleviate his suflerings, by aiding him on his way through the evil days of premature old age. In the intervals of repose granted him by his maladies, he resumed with fresh ardour his task of historian. He first occupied himself with the revision of his Histoire de la Conquete de VAngletcrre, and then with selecting and correcting the vaiious productions of his youth, which he collected into a volume, published in 1834, under the title oi Dix Ans d Etudes Ilistoriques. Still full of the desire to complete his history of the Germanic invasions, he commenced in the Revue des Deux Mondes a scries of letters, giving an exact and perfect picture of the civil, political, and religious life cf the French of the sixth century. These elegant, animated, and at the same time substantial productions, published in the next year under the title of Becits des Temps Meroviu(jiens, obtained for their author the prize of 400/., founded by Baron Gobert, and awarded by the Academic Franyaise. Almost at the same moment — in the autumn of 183-3 — M. Guizot recalled him to Paris, for the purpose of en- trusting to him the superintendence of a great undertaking, honourable alike to the historian who conceived it and the historian who directed it. It was nothing less than to extract from the archives of every town and parish of France all the materials directly or indirectly bearing upon the history of the Third estate, so as to form a collection rivalling the great Benedictine com- pilations devoted to the nobility and the clergy, and to supply future genius with all the materials for a gigantic work, hitherto declared impossible — a general and complete history, namely, of the French nation. Should this splendid monument be ever constructed, on its base must be prominently inscribed the names of Francis Guizot and Augustin Thierry. An illustrious philosopher, whose untimely death Germany still deplores, Edward Gans, writes thus : — ^ " It is Thierry who has triumphantly demonstrated the fallacy of those historical systems which see all France in a number of Frankish tribes ; which, passing over in silence the element imported from the south, forget that up to the beginning of the thirteenth ceiiinry the limits of the Frank- ish empire did not extend beyond the Isere, and that in the tongue of oc and no, the tongue of ouij and neinnj, was likened to the barking of a dog; in a word, it is Thierry who has taught us to appreciate the true significa- tion of what is called the fourteen ceniuriis of the French monarchy."' I will add, that it is AF. Augustin Thierry who, by his eilbrts to restore to proper names, under the two first rac s, their true orthography, has suc- ceeded in fixing the moment of the metamorphosis of Franks into French; and it is M. Thierry who has demolished to its foundations the historical axiom inscribed at the head of the charter of l!^l i — namely, the pretended enfranchisement of the communes by Louis le Gros. lie has created in our annals a glorious trace that will never be effaced ; no historian, ancient or modern, has exhibited, in a hij^her degree than he, that human sense » Das Erbrccht m Weltgescliiehtliclier Entwickelung, iv. 242. XVI BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. which 18 the very soul of history, I mean that comprehensive sensibility synthetic without losing aught of the true, which leads a writer to attach himself to the destiny of a whole people as to the destiny of an individual • following this people, step by step, through ages, with an interest as earnest' emotions as vmd, as though he were following the steps of a friend engaged m a perilous enterprise; no one, in a word, has better realized than M. Thierry this conception of the ideal in history enunciated by himself- " La narration complete epuisant les textes, rassemblant les details epars* recueillant jusqu'auxmoindres indices des faits, et des caract^res, et de tout cela formaiu un corps, auquel vient le souffle de vie, par I'union de la science et de I'art."' ' R^cits des temps Merovingieus, ii, 357. B INTRODUCTION. The principal states of modern Europe have at present attained a high degree of territorial unity, and the habit of living under one same government and in the bosom of one same civilization, seems to have introduced among the popu- lation of each state an entire community of manners, language, and patriotism. Yet there is perhaps not one of them which does not still present to the inquirer living traces of the diversity of the races of men which, in the progress of time, have combined to form that population. This variety of races is displayed under different aspects. Here a complete separation of idioms, local traditions, political sentiments, and a sort of instinctive hostility, distinguish from the great national mass the population of particular districts, of limited extent; there a simple difference of idiom, or even of accent, marks, though more faintly, the limit of the settlements formed by peoples of diverse origin, and long separated by deep-seated animosities. The further we go back from the time in which we live, the more distinct do these varieties become; we clearly perceive the existence of several peoples in the geographical circumscription which bears the name of one alone: instead of varying provincial dialects, we find complete and regular languages; and that which in the light of the present seems merely defective civilization and pro- tracted resistance to progress, assumes, in the past, the aspect of original manners and patriotic adherence to ancient insti- XV Hi INTRODUCTION. INTRODUCTION. xix tutions. In this way, facts themselves of no social im- portance, retain great historical value. It is a falsification of history to introduce into it a philosophical contempt for all that does not enter into the uniformity of existing civiliza- tion, or to regard as alone worthy of honourable mention the peoples with whose name the chances of events have con- nected the idea and the destiny of that civilization. The populations of the European continent and its islands have come at various periods into juxtaposition, usurping the one from the other, territories already occupied, and arrested only in their progress, at the point where natural obstacles, or resistance more powerful than their attack, the result of some extraordinary combination of the conquered, absolutely compelled them to stop. Thus the conquered of various epochs have become, so to speak, ranged in layers of populations, in the different directions taken by the great migration of peoples. In this movement of successive in- vasions, the most ancient races, reduced to a few families, have deserted the plains and flown to the mountains, where they have maintained a poor but independent existence; while the invaders, invaded in their turn, have become serfs of the soil in the plains they occupied, from want of a vacant asylum in the impregnable recesses already possessed by those whom themselves had driven there. ^ The conquest of England by William duke of Normandy, in the year 1066, is the last territorial conquest that has been operated in the western portion of Europe. The conquests effected there since that period have been political conquests, quite different from those of the barbarians, who transferred themselves and their families to the conquered territory, and apportioned it out among themselves, leaving to the con- quered merely life, and this on condition of their doing all * The principal movements of population in the western continent, pre- tious to our era, are related in detail, and, as I think, with rare sagacity bj my brother, Amedee Thierry in his Histoir^ des Gaulois. the work and keeping quiet. This invasion having taken place at a period nearer to our own than those of the popula- tions whicli, in the fifth century, dismembered the Roman empire, we possess numerous documents elucidating well nigh every fact connected with its history, and which are even complete enough to give us a just idea of what a con- quest in the middle ages was, how it was executed, and how maintained, what description of spoliations and sufferings it inflicted on the vanquished, and what means were employed by the latter to react against their invaders. Such a picture carefully traced in all its details, and set off in fitting colours, has an historical interest more general than might at first seem to belong to the limits of time and place within which itself is circumscribed, for almost every people in Europe has, in its actual existence, something derived from ihe^ conquests of the middle ages. It is to these conquests that the majority of them owe their geographical limits, the name they bear, and, in great measure, their internal constitution, that is to say, their distribution into orders and classes. The higher and lower classes who, at the present day, keep so distrustful an eye upon one another, or actually struggle for systems of ideas and of government, are in many countries the lineal representatives of the peoples conquering and the peoples conquered of an anterior epoch. Thus the sword of the conquest, in renewing the face of Europe and the distribution of its inhabitants, has left its ancient impress upon each nation created by the admixture of various races. The race of the invaders, when it ceased to be a separate nation, remained a privileged class. It formed a military nobiUty, which, to avoid gradual extinction, recruiting its numbers from time to time from the more ambitious, adventurous, and turbulent of the inferior ranks, domineered over the laborious and peaceful masses below them, so long as the military govern- ment derived from the conquest endured. The invaded race, despoiled of property in the soil, of command, and of I XX INTEODUCTION. I INTRODUCTION. XXI libertj, not living by the sword but by the compulsory labour of their hands, dwelling not in castles but in towns, formed a separate society beside the military association of the conquerors. Whether it retained, within the walls of its towns, the remains of Roman civilization, or whether, aided by only a slight vestige of that civilization, it had commenced a new civilization of its own, this class raised its head in proportion as the feudal organization of the nobles by descent or political affiliation, declined. Hitherto the historians of the modern peoples, in relating these great events, have transported the ideas, the manners, and the political position of their own time to past ages. The chroniclers of the feudal period placed the barons and peerage of Philip- Augustus in the court of Charlemagne, and con- founded the savage government and brute force of the con- quest with the more regular rule and more fixed usages of the feudal establishment. The historians of the monarchical era, who have constituted themselves exclusively the histo- rians of the prince, have proceeded on even narrower and more singular ideas; they modelled the Germanic royalty of the first conquerors of the Roman empire, and the feudal royalty of the 12th century, upon the vast and powerful roy- alties of the 17th. In the history of France, the various in- vasions of Gaul, the numerous populations, different in origin and manners, settled upon its territory, the division of the soil into several countries, because there were several peoples, and lastly, the union, which it required six hundred years to effect, of all these countries under one sceptre; these are facts wholly neglected by the writers in question. The his- torians formed by the 18th century are, in like manner, ab- sorbed in the philosophy of their period. Witnesses of the progress of the middle classes, and organs of their wants as against the legislation and the opinions of the middle ages, they have not calmly viewed or correctly described the old times in which the classes they championed scarce enjoyed civil existence. Full of a disdain inspired by abstract right and reason, they treated facts as nought: a process which may be very well with the view of operating a revolution in men's minds and in the state, but by no means proper in the composition of history. Yet we must not be surprised at all this; whatever superiority of mind a man may possett wliich is aroused bj an unaffected account of the mutations of for- tune and adventures of an individual. I propose, then, to exhibit, in the fullest detail, tlie na- tional struggle which followed the conquest of England by the Normans establislied in Gaul; to reproduce every parti- cular afforded by history of the hostile relations of two peoples violently placed together upon the same soil; to follow them throughout their long wars and their obstinate segregation, up to the period when, by tlie intermixture of their races, man- ners, wants, languages, tliere was formed one sole nation, one common language, one uniform legislation. The scene of this great drama is England, Scotland, Ireland, and also France, by reason of the numerous relations which the suc- cessors of the Conqueror had, since the invasion, with that portion of tlie European continent. On tlie French side of the Channel, as well as on tlie other, their enterprises have modified the political and social ( xistence of many populations whose history is almost completely unknown. The obscurity in which these populations have b<-come involved does not arise from any unworthiiiess on their part to have had histo- rians, equally with other populations; most of them, on the contrary, are remarkable for an originality of character which distinguishes them in the most marked manner from the great nations into which they have been absorbed, and in resistance to a fusion with which they have displayed a political acti- vity, the moving cause of many great events that have hitherto been erroneously attributed to the aml)ition of particular in- dividuals, or to other accidental causes. The rcseaix-h into \i INTRODUCTION. ,,^.-.. the history of these populations may contribute to solve the problem hitherto undecided, of the varieties of the humaa race m Europe, and of the great primitive races whence these varieties derive. Under this philosophical point of view, and independent of the picturesque interest which I have endeavoured to create I hoped to aid the progress of science by constructing if I may use the expression, the history of the Welsh,''of the Irish of pure race, of the Scots, both those of the primitive and those of the mixed race, of the continental Bretons and Normans, and more especially of the numerous population then as now, inhabiting Southern Gaul, between the Loire the Rhone, and the two seas. Without assigning to thj great facts of liistory less importance than they merit I have applied myself with peculiar interest to the local' events relating to these hitherto neglected populations, and while necessarily relating their revolutions in a summary manner I have done this with that sort of svmpathj, with that senti- ment of pleasure, which one experiences in repairing an in- justice. The estabhshment of the great modern stltes has been mainly the work of force; the new societies have been formed out of the wrecks of the old societies violently destroyed, and in this labour of recomposition, lar-e masses of men have lost, amid heavy sufferings, their liberty, and even their name as a people, replaced by a foreign name. Such a movement of destruction was, I am aware, inevitable. How- ever violent and illegitimate it may have been in its onVin Its result has been the civilization of Europe. But while we render to this civilization its due homage, while we view with glowing admiration the noble destiny it is preparing for the human race, we may regard with a certain tender re-ret the downf\d ot other civilizations that might one day have also grown and fructified for the world, had fortune favoured them. ^ This brief explanation was necessary to prevent that feel- ing of surprise which the reader might otherwise have ftlt C 2 li f| XXIV INTRODUCTION. Upon finding in this work, the history not merely of one, but of several conquests, written in a method the very reverse of that hitherto employed by modern historians. All of these, following what seemed to them the natural path, go from the conquerors to the conquered; they take their stand in the camp where there is triumph, rather than in that where there is defeat, and exhibit the conquest as accomplished the moment that the victor has proclaimed himself master, taking no more heed than he to the ulterior resistance which his policy has afterwards defeated. Thus, for all those who, until recently, have written the history of England, there are no Saxons after the battle of Hastings and the coronation of William the Bastard; a romance writer, a man of genius, was the first to teacli the modern English that tlieir ancestors of the eleventh century were not all utterly defeated and crushed in one single day. A great people is not so promptly subjugated as the official acts of those who govern it by tlie law of the strongest would appear to indicate. The resuscitation of the Greek nation proves liow great a misconception it is to take the history of kings, or even that of conquering peoples, for that of the whole country over which they rule. Patriotic regret lives on in the depth of a nation's heart, long after the desire to raise its fallen condition has become hopeless. This sentiment of patriotism, when it is no longer adequate to the creation of armies, still creates bands of guerillas, of political highway- men in tlie forest or on the mountain, and venerates as martyrs those who die in the field or on the gibbet, in its cause. Such is wliat recent investigations have taught us with reference to the Greek nation,' and what I have myself disco- vered with respect to the Anglo-Saxon race, in tracing out its history where no one previously had sought it, in the popular legends, traditions, and ballads. The resemblance between » See M. Faiiriel's excellent historiciil dissertations, in Lis collccuou of Chants Fopulaires de la Grece Modenu. H INTRODUCTION. XXF the state of the Greeks under the Turks and that of the English of Saxon race under the Normans, not only in the material features of the subjugation, but in the peculiar form assumed by the national spirit amidst the sufferings of its oppression, in the moral instincts and superstitious opinions arising out of it, in the manner of hating those whom it would fau,, but could not, conquer, and of loving those who still struggled on while the mass of their countrymen had bent the neck— rail this is well worthy of remark. It is a resemblance in the in- vestigation of which much light may be thrown upon the moral study of man. To keep in view the distinction of races in England after tlie conquest, does not merely communicate importance to facts before unperceived or neglected : it gives an entirely new aspect and signification to events celebrated in them- selves, but hitherto incorrectly elucidated. The protracted quarrel between Henry II. and archbishop Becket is one of these events; a version of that affair, entirely differing from the account previously most accredited, will be found in the present work. If, in relating the struggle between these famous personages, the philosophic historians have taken part against the weaker and more unfortunate of the two, it is from not having viewed the struggle under its true aspect, from not having been thoroughly acquainted with all the ele- ments of which the mutual liate of the antagonists was com- posed. They have wholly laid aside, in reference to a man assassinated with the most odious circumstances, all those principles of justice and philanthropy which they so energeti- cally profess. Six hundred years after his murder, they have assailed his memory with the fiercest malignity; and yet there is nothing in common between the cause of the enemies of Thomas Becket, in the twelfth century, and that of philo- sophy in the eighteenth. Henry II. was no citizen king, no champion of religious independence, no systematic antagonist of papal domination; there was nothing of the sort, as will I¥ r I'l I XXVI INTRODi;CTluN. 1 e seen, in his inveterate hostility to a man against wliom he was the first to solicit the assistance of the pope. If the grave circiiinstances which marked the dispute of the fifth king of Norman race with the first archbishop of English race since the conquest, are to be attributed, more than to any other cause, to the still living animosity between conqueror and conquered, another fact, equally important, the great civil war under John and Henry III. was also a quarrel of races rather than of irovernment. Its real motive was the fear, well or ill founded, which the barons of Norman origin enter- titined, of experiencing a conquest, in their turn, on the part of other foreigners called into England by the kings, and of being despoiled of their territories and of the ruling power by Poitevins, Aquitans, and Provencals, as, a century and a half b<»fore, they themselves had di5posses8ed the Saxons. It was this material, personal interest, and no lofty desire to found ptilitieal institutions, that made the barons and knights of England rise up against tlieir kings. If this great aristocratic movement was sustained by popular favour, it was because the alarm of a second conquest, and the indignation against those who sought to bring it about, were common to the poor and to the rich, to the Saxon and to the Norman. A close examination of all the political phenomena that ac- companied the conquests of the middle ages, and of the part taken in tliera by religion, have led me to a new manner ot considering the i>rogres3 of papal i)ower and of catholic unity. Hitherto In'storians have represented this power as extending- itself solely by metaphysical infiiience, as conquering by per" suasion, whereas it is certain that its conquests, like^ll other conquests, have been efFected by the ordinary means, by ma- terial means. The popes may not have headed military ex- peditions in person, but tliey have been partners in almost all the great invasions and in the fortune of the conquerors, even In that of conquerors still pagans. It was the destruction ot the independent cIuirclKs eOected throughout Cliristiau % ( INTRODUCTION. XXVll Europe concurrently with that of the free nations, which gave reality to the title of universal, assumed by the Roman church long before there was anything to warrant the assump- tion. From the fifth century up to the thirteenth, there was not a single conquest which did not profit the court of Rome quite as much as it profited those who effected it with sword and lance. A consideration of the history of the middle aires under this hitherto unnoticed aspect has given me, for the various national churches wdiich the Roman church stigma- tized as heretical or schismatic, the same sort of interest and sympathy which I expressed just now for the nations themselves. Like the nations, the national churches have succumbed to powers that had no sort of right over them ; the independence they claimed for their doctrines and their government was a part of the moral liberty consecrated by Christianity. Ere I conclude, I would say a few words as to the plan and composition of this work. Pursuant to its title, it will be found to contain a complete narrative of all the details relating to the Norman conquest, placed between tw^o other briefer narratives — one, of the facts preceding and preparing that conquest; the other, of those which flowed from it as necessary consequences. Before introducing the person- ages who figure in tlie great drama of the conquest, I was desirous of making the reader acquainted with the ground on which its various scenes were to take place. For this pur- pose, I have carried him with me from England to the Con- tinent, from the Continent to England. I have explained the origin, the internal and external situation, the first rela- tions of the population of England with that of Normandy, and by what chances these relations became so complicated as necessarily to involve hostility and invasion. The success of the Norman invasion crowned by the battle of Hastings, produced a conquest, the progress, settlement and direct re- sults of which form several distinctly marked epochs. T - • •• XXVIU INTRODUCTION. % J I The first epoch is that of territorial usurpation: it com- fences w.th the battle of Hastings, on the 14th of 0*0^ S'eTs :: IT ' '^r'"''"" •"•"^-^'^^^ ^^ «-« -<>"-- 0-0 when. ' *T ''""'' *° °'^«''' t«""in-tes in 10,0, when every centre of resistance had been broken ud inStrcrtry-'^Thr 'TV'' -^'-'^'^^^ senes of efforts „.ade by the Conquer;r to dZrtnTze ^'j dena.,onahze the conquered population. It teSates in lO'b with the execution of the last chief of S.vnn . tt svTr ^'^ '-' '"•^'^"p ^^'^^ ^^u •„" e'ular ord 'Th ' ^ ^"""""^ " "'"-'"^''' '" -Ejecting to St the f J' ""''""^ °' "" '^°»'1»<^«'' ""-d in con. le'a ff lot rt P"""'""" "*■ '""^^ •'y '"^ -W-" into possision of rT" r'" "'"" °'" ^" *'"' -^-q"-"- in oath of f u « ' ''''°' '""""'"S to the king in a body the natn '' ^^''^ '"' "^^ ''^^^ *'»« ^ «" established fou th' " r "^" "^ '"^■■^'^ ^" ='^'">' « the field. The ourth epoch as occupied with the intestine quarrels of the conquenng nation, and with its civil wars, whether for rule there. This penod, more extended than the pieced .ng terminates in 1152, with the extinction of ail the pre" tenders to the throne of England eicpnf «n» it ^ Geoffroy, earl of Aniou amlofTh' '^ t ^^'"'^' *"" "^ .!.„ n f •" ' "^® empress Mat Ida, niece of the Conqueror Lastly, in the fifth epoch, the Normans of J^ngland and of the continent, having no in estine disTer jWein to expend their activity a^d th^ e„.rX go forth from their two centres of action to conquer and t ionize abroad or pxtt^nA fi.«;^ v,v/u4uer ana co- moving. Henry Tr and h ^''P^^'""''^'""*"' *''^'"««'^'=^ " V^""^/ ii- and his successor K chard I art. fi,.. representatives of this opoch, filled with wars upon thT Uuent, and wi.h new terntorial or polS Iqll'l. I INTRODUCTION. XXIX terminates, in the earlier part of the thirteenth century, by u reaction against the Anglo-Norman power, a reaction so vio- lent that Normandy itself, the native land of the kings, lords, and chivalry of England, is severed for ever from the country to which it had given its conquerors. With these various epochs correspond successive changes in the lot of the Anglo-Saxon nation; it first loses the pro- perty in the soil; next, its ancient political and religious or- ganization; then, favoured by the divisions of its^masters, and siding with the kings against their revolted vassals, it obtains concessions which give it a momentary hope of once more becoming a people, and it even essays a vain attempt to enfranchise itself by force. Lastly, overwhelmed by the ex- tinction of parties in the Norman population, it ceases to play any political part, loses its national character in public acts and in history, and falls altogether into the condition of an inferior class. Its subsequent revolts, extremely rare of oc- currence, are simply referred to by the contemporary writers as quarrels between the poor and the rich; and it is the ac- count of an outbreak of this nature, which took place at London in 1196, under the conduct of a person evidently or Saxon race, that concludes the circumstantial narrative of the facts relating to the conquest. Having brought the history of the Norman conquest up to this point, I have carried on, in a more summary form, that of the populations of various race which figure in the main body of the work. The resistance they opposed to the more power- ful nations, their defeat, the establishment of the conquerors among them, the revolutions they essayed and accomplished, the events, political or military, over which they exercised an influence, the fusion of people, languages, and manners, and the exact period of this fusion, all this I have endeavoured clearly to exhibit and to demonstrate. This last portion of the work, where a special article is devoted to each race of men, begins with the continental populations which have since XXX INTRODUCTION become Frencli. Next come those, now called English, eacli in Its rank, the Welsh, whose spirit of nationality is so tena- cious that It has survived a territorial conquest; the Scots, who have never undergone any such conquest, and who have struggled with such vast energy against a political conquest; the Irish, who had better have become serfs, like the Anglo- Saxons, than have [.reserved a precarious liberty at "^he expense of peace, of individual and family happiness, and of the civilization of their country; lastly, the population of England herself, of Norman or Saxon origin, where these national diiferences become a distinction of classes, less and less marked, as time progressed. I have only now to mention one other historical innovation, of no less importance than the rest; the retaining the ortho- graphy of the Saxon, Norman, and other names, so as to keep constantly marked out the distinction of races, and to secure that local colouring, which is one of the conditions, not merely of iiistoric interest, but of historic truth. I have, in like manner, taken care not to apply to one period the language, forms, or titles of another. In a word, I have essayed tho- roughly to reintegrate political facts, details of manners, official forms, languages, and names; so as, by restoring to each period comprised in my narrative its external aspect, its original features, its reality, to communicate to this por- tion of history the certitude and fixity which are the distin- guishing characteristics of the positive sciences. CONTENTS. BOOK I. FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE BRITONS TO THE NIMTH CENTURY. B.C. 55 — A.D. 787. Aucient populations of Britain — Picts and Scots— Social state of the Britons— Their form of government— Attacks from vvitliout— Internal discords- The Saxons called in as auxiliaries of the Britons ; become their enemies — Conquests of the Saxons in Britain— Emigration of the Angles— Conquests of the Angles— Anglo-Saxon colonies— Settle- ment of Britons in Gaul— Politicid state of Gaul— Influence of the Gaulish bishops ; their friendship towards the Franks— Conversion and baptism of Chlodowig, king of the Franks— Successes of the Franks; their conquests— State of the Britons in Gaul; their quarrels with the Gaulish clergy; their wars with the Franks— Heresy of Britain— Cha- racter of pope Gregory — His desire to convert the Anglo-Saxons- Roman missionaries sent into Britain- Conversion of an Anglo-Saxon king—Plan of ecclesiasticid organization— Ambition of bishop Augustin ; Kehgious belief of the Welsh— Conferences of Augustin with the Welsh clergv-— His vengeance upon them — Return of the Anglo-Saxons to paganism— Fresh successes of the Romish priests— Essays at conver- sion in Northumberland— Conversion of Northumberland— Anglo Saxon church— Attempts of the Romish clergy against the church of Ireland —Religious zeal of the Irish— Catholic devotion of the Anglo-Saxons —Rupture of the Anglo-Saxons from tlie Romish church— Respective limits of the various poi)ulations of Britain— Remnant of the Britisli race —Feelings of the historian with regard to the conquered peoples . p. 1 BOOK 11. FROM THE FIRST LANDING OF THE DANES IN ENGLAND TO THE END OF THE DOMINATION. 787— lUiS. First landing of the Danish pirates— Tlieir character; their conquests m England— Invasion of Ragnar Lodbrog; his death-song— Descent of the Danes in the south— Dc-struction of the monasteries— Terminat'ioa 1/ «• ) t :< XJEXII CONTENTS. of the kingdom of East Anglia— Invasion of the kinprJom of Wessex— jiesistance of Alfred— Flight of king Alfred— His return; he attacks the Danes, and concludes peace with them— Siicc-\ssive combinations of the English territory under a sole royalty— Descent of Hastings upon England— Election of king Edward— Conquests of king Athelstan— Victory of Bruuanburg— Defeat of Erik the Dane— Political results of the defeats of the Danes— Fresh emigrations from Denmark— Massacre of the Danes — Grand armament of Swen — Patriotic firmness of arch- bishop Elfeg; his death— Ethelred takes refuge in Gaul— Foundation of the empire of the Franks— Dismemberment of that empire — Invasion of Gaul by the Danes or Normans — New states formed in Gaul— Limits and populations of the kingdom of Franc?— Exile of Roll, son of Rogu- vald— The Norwegian exiles establish themselves at Rouen— First ne- gotiation of the French M-ith the Normans— Roll elected chief of the Normans— Second negociation— Cession of Neustria and Brittany Conference at Saint-Clair-sur-Epte— Conversion and baptism of Roll, first duke of Normandy— Division of Normandy— Language and man- ners of the people of Bayeux— Social stale of Normandy- Insurrection of the peasants of Normandy— Violent measures to suppress the insurrec- tion—Language and political relations of the Gallo-Normans- Ethelred recalled— Godwin saves the life of a Danish chief— Knut the Dane be- comes king of all England— Proscriptions in England— Marriage ol king Knut ; remarkable change in his character and conduct— He insti- tutes Peter's pence — Temporal power of the popes — Pilgrimage of Knut to Rome— Letter written by king Knut— Rise of Godwin— Harold and Hardeknut, kings of England— Preparations for war between the Anglo- Saxons and the Anglo-Danes— Harold sole king of England— Alfred, son of Ethelred, reappears in England— His violent death— Hardeknut's barbarity— His exactions— The Danes driven from England— Election of Edward, son of Ethelred- His marriage with Editha— Re-establish- ment of English independence— Hostility of the people to the Norman p. 55 favourites of king Edwaid. BOOK III. FROM THE INSITRRECTTON OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE AGAINST THB HORMAN FAVOURITES OP KING EDWARD TO THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS. 1048— I0G6. Eustache of Boulogne lands at Dover; his quarrel with the inliabitants— Patriotic resistance of Godwin— Grand armament of king Edward- Proscription of Godwin and his sons— Triumph of the Norman favourites — William, duke of Normandy— His origin and character — His visit to England- His ambitions projects — Landing of Godwin and his sons — Their entry into London— Terror and llight of the Norman favourites — Reconciliation of Godwin with king iMhvurd— Death of Godwin- Death of Siwurd, chief of Norihumberhiud— Talents and popularity of Harold son of Godwin— lusuiTection of the Northumbrians against CONTENTS. XXXIH Tosti— Banishment of Tosti — Hostility of the Romish church to the English people — Friendship between the Romish church and the dukef of Normandy — Harold visits Normandy — He is imprisoned by the count' de Ponthieu— His release— He is received at Rouen by duke William — Request made him by William — Harold's oath upon relics His re- turn to England— Death of king Edward— Election of Harold— Indig- nation of the duke of Normandy— Tosti persuades Harold of Norway to make a descent upon England — Message from William to Harold- William's negotiation with the Romish church — Temporal sovereignty of the church at this period— The dispute between William and Harold referred to the pope— Alexander IL decides in favour of William— Con- vocation of the states of Normandy— William bafiles this opposition Grand military preparations — Enrolment of men from all countries William seeks to form allies— National animosity between the Nor- mans and Britons — Conan, earl of Brittany, refuses his assistance — lie is poisoned— Departure of the Norman fleet— Harold of Norway lands in England— Harold of England attacks the Norwegians — Rout of the Norwegians — Landing of the Norman army at Pevensey — Harold marches against the Normans — He forms an entrenchment seven miles from their camp— Message from William to Harold— Reply of the latter — State of the Anglo-Saxon army — Preparations of the two armies — Attack upon the Anglo-Saxon camp— Victory of the Noi-mans — The body of Harold recognised by his mistress 128 BOOK IV. FROM THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS TO THE TAKING OF CHESTEB, THE LAST CITY CONQUERED BY THE NORMANS lOCC— 1070. Battle of Romney— Taking of Dover— Capitulation of Kent— Election of king Edgar— Defection of Edwin and Morkar— Blockade of London- Proceedings of the citizens— Submission of London— WiUiam pro- claimed king — The ceremony of the coronation disturbed by conflagra- tion — Division of the spoils among the Normans — Extent of the con- quered territory — Sufferings of the conquered — Courageous resistance of three Saxons — Fortresses erected in London— Ancient lists of the conquerors of England- William revisits Normandy— Revolt of Kent — Eustache, count of Boulogne, comes to the assistance of the English — Limits of the territory invaded— Return of king William— He marches into the west — Siege of Exeter — Division of lands in the western pro- vinces — Imprisonment and deposition of Brihtrik — Resistance of the monks of Winchcomb — Their punishment — The Englisli chiefs retire to the north — Conspiracy against the Normans — King Edgar flies into Scotland — State of the Scottish population — Friendship of the kings of Scotland for the men of Teutonic race — ^\Villiam marches into the north —Taking of Oxford, &c.— Taking of York— Archbishcp Eldred's nir>. diction upon king William — His despair and death — Weminess of tha XXX17 CONTENTS. CONTENTS. Normans--.Tns„rrection of the western provinces-Landing of the son. Of king Harold— Suppression of the western revolt— State of the northern provioces-M.irch of Robert Comine against Diirbain-His defeat and death— Alliance between the northern English and the i/anes— Arrival of Danish succours in England— The J-n-lish and Danes besiege and take the city of York— York retaken bv the^Normans -Devastation of Northumberland-Taking of Durham^liavage, and cniek.es exercised by the conqnerors-St. John of Beverley intimidates the Norman soldiei-s— Completion of the conquest in the north— Fa- mine in the conquered districts-Division of houses and lands-French Tn^l-n ^*?^^^^';''-^-I>i«tribution of English domains and heiresses- .inn n^ 1 F^ vf'^- ^ 'P'"' ""l "^"^""^ vengeance-Second submis- Wn, J ^'?^l'«Vl';f^'"' ''"^ '^^ ^'"° Edgar-Defeat of Edrik the Saxon-Invasion of Wales-Frc-sh emigrants from Gaul-Society of gam and loss among the soldiers of the Conquest-Brothers-in-arms- Marcb of William upon Chester— Taking of Chester-Battle near the Ruddlau marshes— Utility of local details . . lyQ BOOK V. FROM THE FORMATION OF THE CAMP OF REFUGE IN THE ISIE OP ELY, TO THE EXECUTION OF THE LAST SAXON CHIEF. 1070—1076. Deplorable condition of the Anglo-Saxons after their defeat-Emi'i>lH>P of Canterbury-Miserable condi- miry— bubraission ot the archbishop of Y.),k to the see of Canterbury- - Imroduction of foreign prelates into l-.iglish bishoprics-Chamcter of the new bisnops— Ihe comiduinfs of the English conveyed to IJome— monk of^Vrinrr^'f »^^N'^"'""«-'>i«^"terested conJuJt of Guimond, monk of Saint Lrnfroy, m Normandy— The saints of English race are assai ed by the Normans-Insurrection led by three EnglFsh prelates- rhe laws of [.hvard are conf.rm.d by king William-Futilitv of this concession—Hceommenccmentof p.rsccntion— Paul, an abbot of \,.,- imiii race-Accession of refugees to the camp of rell.ge-Death of Kd win— ho laille-bois. an Angevin chief— His character — Au-cn in monks estabhshed at Spalding-llerewnrd chief of the Saxon partisans --Anglo-Saxon chivalry-Torauld, a IS onnun abbot, transferred ^o the •ibbeyof Pelerkorough-lresh ali.ance between the English aiid the XXA* 7 Danes — Retreat of the Danes — Attack on the camp at Ely by the Nor- mans — Treachery of the monks of Ely — Defeat of the insurgents — Hereward preserves his independence — His exploits — His marriage — Dishonourable conduct of the Normans towards him — His death — Atrocious cruelties exercised by the Normans upon the insurgents of Ely — The monks of Ely receive the punishment of their treachery — Peace between the Normans and the king of Scotland — Vaulcher, bishop of Durham — Deprivation of Gospatrick ; promotion of Waltheof — King William visits Gaul — Revolt of the people of Mans against the Normans — Establishment of the corporation of Mans — Troubles of that corpo- ration — Devastation and submission of Maine — Alliance of Edgar with the king of France — Third submission of king Edgar — English women take refuge in the convents — Marriage concluded contrary to tlie order of the king — Marriage festival at Norwich — Conspiracy of Nonnaus aud English against the king — Preparations to meet it; defeat of the con- spirators — Proscription of Raulf de Gaiil, and sentence upon Roger, earl of Hereford — Ruin of the family of William Fitz-Osbern — Impeachment of Waltheof — His execution — He is honoured as a martyr — Pilgrimage to his tomb — His widow, Judith laNormande — Wulfstan, the last bishop of Anglo-Saxon race — Superstitions founded upon the national turn of mind 238 BOOK VI. FROM THE QUARREL BETWEEN KING WILLIAM AND HIS ELDEST SON ROBERT, TO THE LAST VISIT OF WILLIAM TO THE CONTINENT 1077—1087. Discords among the victors — Quarrel between William and his son Robert — Robert demands Normandy — He joins his father's enemies — William curses his son — Conspiracy against and murder of Vaulcher — Devasta- tion of Northumberland — Miserable condition of the northern provinces — Anglo-Saxon outlaws — Popular poems in their honour — Ambition of Eudes — His arrest — Results of tlie Norman conquest — Toustuin, abbot of Glastonbury — Saxon monks killed or wounded by his order — Death of Matilda — Severance of interests between the king and the Normans — Domesday book — Levies upon the Normans and English — Equaliza- tion of property in the hands of the Normans — Laws of William against hunting — Political reasons iur the severity of 'these laws — Expropria- tion of the English subsequent to the conquest — Emigration of Normans to Scotland — Descent of the Danes — Preparations for defence — Singular order issued to the English — Motives for the armament of king Knut — Termination of alliance between the English and the Danes — General assembly and review of the Normans — Ordinances of kin.*'- William — State of the Anglo-Saxon population — Anxiety and mental torments of king William — Esiablishment of episcopal jurisdiction — Separation .>c the civil and ecclesiasiical tribunals— Conduct of William with refeieiice to the pope — A>pect of the conquered country , 2b J xxxvi CONTENTS. ill I! M BOOK VII. rUOM THE PEATH OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR, TO THE LAST CKSM- EAL CONSPIRACY OF THE ENGLISH AGAINST THE NORMANS. 1087— 1137. Quarrel between king William and Philip T., kin- of France— King WilJiam burns the town of Mantes— Last moments of king William— H5« death — Fiis funeral — Election of William Eufus- The goldsmith' Otho banker of the invasion- Verses in praise of the Conqueror— Civil wa^ ^™r^ the Normans-Termination of the civil war-Treaty between William Kufus, king of England, and his brother Kohert, duke of Nor- mandy—Revolt of the English monks of the convent of St. Augustin— Conspiracy of the monks of this convent against their Norman abbot— AUianee between the monks and the citizeus oi Canterbury— Tyrannv of the Norman bishops and counts— Fresh vexations inflicted upon the monks of Croyland-New quarrels among the Normans— Moderation of Eudes Fitz-Hubert— Heavy burdens imposed upon the En«rlish— Terror of the English on the approach of the king— Severity "of the forest laws— Last chase of William Rufus— His death— Henry elected king of England— He addresses himself to the English— Utter insin- centy of his promises-^He wishes to mprry an Englishwoman— Oppo- sition of the Norman nobles to the contemplated match— Marriage of the king to Editha, Edgar's niece— More civil war— Revolt of earl Robert de Belesme— His banishment— State of the English population— Re- newed quarrel between the king and his brother Robert- Lew of money in l:.ngland— Duke Robert becomes his brother's prisoner— The son of duke Robert takes refuge in France— Foreign abbots installed intoEng- hsh monasteries— Sufferings and complaints of the English monks— Po- puhr superstitions—Embarkation of the children of king Henry— Their shipwreck— Indifference of the English to the calamity thus endured by the king aud the Norman families— Invectives of the English historians on this occasion— Mabile, daughter of Robert Fitz-Aymon— Norman anecdote— English anecdote— Trial and sentence of the Saxon Brihtstan -Anglo-Norman tribunals— Oath taken to Matilda, surnamed the Em- press—Marriage of Matilda with the earl of Anjou — Festivities at Rouen on the occasion- Election of Stephen of Blois— His popularitv with the Norman barons— His rupture with them— Conspiracy of ih'e English— I' light of the conspirators— Subsequent insurrections -Diffi. cullies experienced by the historian ;j.i;j AyvKHDix , .■]73 (■ I I HISTORY 01 THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND 331} tje Normans. BOOK I. FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE BRITONS TO THE NINTH CENTURY. B.C. 55— A. D. 787 Ancient populations of Britain — Picts and Scots— Social state of the lintons— Their form of governn.eni— Attacks from without-Internal discords— 1 he Saxons called in as auxiliaries of the Biitons; become their enemies - Conquests of the Saxous i„ B.itain-En.igrntion of the Augles-Conquests of the Angles— Anglo-Saxon colonies- Settle- ment of Bntoi.s in Gaul-Poli.ieal state of C.a.!l-Influence of the Oauhsh bisliops; their friendship towards the Franks— Conversion and baptism of Chlodowig, king of the Fr;ii,ks-Snccesses of the Franks- their conquests-State of the Britons in Gaul; their quarrels with the Gaulish clergy; their wars wih tlie Fra.iks- Heresy of Biiiain-Cha- racter of pope Gregory- His desire to eon^ert tl'.e Anglo-Saxons- Roman missionaries sent into Britain— ConNersiou of an Anglo-Saxon King— 1 Ian of ecclesiastical organi/ation— Ambition of bishop Au-nstin • Rehgiousbelief of the Welsh-Confeienres of Augustin xAiiil the'welsh Clergy— His vengeance upon them ~ Return of the Anplo-Saxons to paganism— Fresh suec. sses of the Romish priests— Ks^avs at conver- sion in Northumberhuid-Conversion of Northumberland— Anglo Saxon church-Attempts of the Ron.ish clergy against the church of Ireland — Kehgious zeal of the Irish— Catholie devotion of the Anglo-Saxons —Rupture of the Anglo-Saxons IVoni the Romish church— Res])ective limits of the various popuhiiions of Britain— Remnant of the British race— l-eelings of the historian with regard to the conquered peoples. Ancient tradition informs us that the trreat island wl.ich now bears the name of the united kin-dcni Of Enghuid and Scot- and, was primitively called the C(»iintry of the Green Ilillg, then the Island of Honey, and thiidly, the Island of Bri/t or V OL. I* u THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [B.C. Prydyn;^ the Latinization of the latter term produced the name Britain, From the most remote antiquity, the isle of Prydyn, or Britain, was regarded, by those who visited it, as divided from east to west, into two large unequal portions, of which the Firth of Forth, and the Clyde, constituted the common limit. The northern division was called Alben ( Albyn, Alban, Latine Albania), that is to say, the region of moun- tains; the other portion, towards the west was named Kyinru, towards the east and south Loegwr. Tliese two denomina- tions were not, like the first, derived from the nature of the country, but from the appellation of two distinct nations, who conjointly occupied nearly the whole extent of Southern Britain, the Kymrys and the Lloegrwys, or, according to the Latin orthography, the Cambrians and the Logrians. The nation of tlie Cambrians boasted the higher antiquity; it had come in a mass from the eastern extremities of Europe, across the German ocean. A portion of the emigrants had landed on the coast of Gaul; the remainder, disembarking on the opposite shores of the straits {Frelum Gailicum, Fretiim Morinorum), had colonized Britain, which, say the Cambrian traditions,'-^ had previously no other inhabitants than bears and wild cattle, and where, consequently, the colonists estab- lished themselves as original occupants of the soil, without opposition, without war, without violence.^ The claim is honourable, but scarcely historical; tlie great probability is that the Cambrian emigrants found in tlie island men of another origin and of a different language from their own, whom they disposs* >>• d of the territory. This probability is rendered almost matter of fact, by the existence of many names of places altogether foreign to the Cambrian language, and by ruins of an unascertained period, which popular tra- dition assigns to an extinct race of hunters who employed foxes and wild cats, instead of dogs in the chase."* This aboriginal population of Britain was driven back towards the west and north by the gradual invasion of the foreigners who landed on the eastern shores. 1 Trioedd ynys Prydyn, n. i ; Myvyrian, Archniology of Wales, ii. 57. « Troedd ynys Pryd. iit aup. ^ lb. No. 5. * Horae Britannicse, ii. ol, and 327. These ruins are popularly deno- minated Cytiiau y Gwyddelad, bouses of the Gael. See Edward Llhuyd. Archtsohgia Britannica. TO A.D. 787.] ANCIENT POPULATIONS OF BRITAIN. 3 A portion of the fugitives passed the sea to the larcre island called by its inhabitants Erin {Latine, lierne, Inverna Her- nia, Hib(Tnia), and to the otlier western islands, peopled, ac- cording t.) all appearance, by men of the same race and lan- guage vv.th the British aborigines. Those who retreated into North Bntam, fjund an impregnable asylum in the lofty mountains which extend from the banks of the Clyde to the extremity of the island, and maintained their position here under the name of Gael or Galls (more correctly, Gadhels, Gwyddds), which they still retain. The wreck of this dis- possessed race, augmented, at different periods, by bands of emigrants from Erin, constituted the jmpulation of Alben or the highlands of Britain, a population foreign to that of the plains of the south, and its natural enemy, from the here- ditary resentment growing out of the recollection of con- quest. The epoch at which these movements of population took place is uncertain; it was at a later period, but equally unascertained, that, according to the British annals, the men called Logrians landed on tlie south of the island.' These, according to the same annals, emigrated from the south-western coasts of Gaul, and derived their onVin from the primitive race of the Cambrians, with whom they could readily converse.^ To make way for these new comers the previous colonists voluntarily, says the old tradition, but more probably on compulsion, retired to the shores of the western ocean, wliich then exclusively assumed the name of Cambria, while the Logrians gave their own appellation to the southern and eastern CDasts of the island, over which they diffused themselves. After the establishment of this second colony there came a :hird band .)f emi-rants, issuing from the same primitive racx3, and speaking the same lan^-uaiie, oi-, at all events, a dialect very slightly differing from it. The dis- trict which tliey had previously occupied was the i^ortion of western Gaul comprehended betw^een the Seine anf the tribes of foreign race, and more especially tlie Coranians, the Romans, penetrating into the interior of the island, gradually achieved the conquest of the two countries of Loirria and Cambria. The British annals call them Caisariaul, C;esaiians,^ and enumerate them among the invading peoples who made but a temporary stay in Britain : " After having oppressed the land during four hun- dred years," say these annals, "and having exacted from it the yearly tribute of tliree thousand pounds of silver, they departed hence for Rome, in order to repel the invasion of the black horde. They left l)ehind them only their wives and young children, who all became Cambrians."^ During this sojourn of four centuries, the Romans extended their conquests and their domination over the whole southern portion of the island, up to the foot of the northern mountains which had served as a rampart for the aborio^inal population » Trioedd ynys Prydyn, No. «'. l'fh/ In British, Calyddon, the country of forests. • The Vallum Antonini and the Vallum Hadriani, afterwards called the Vallum Severi. * Venit et extremis ^egio praetentB Bntannis, Quae Scoto dat frena triici, ferroque notatas Perlegit exaiigues, Picto morieute, figuras. Claudianus, de Bello getico, v. 416, et ieq. I i 6 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [b.c. 1 life of tne Scots wholly differed from that of the Picts; the former, dwellers on the mountains, were hunters or wander- ing shepherds; the latter, enjoyinj^ a more level surface, and more fixedly established, occupied themselves in agriculture, and constructed solid abodes, the ruins of whicli still bear their name. When these two peoples were not actually leagued together for an irruption into the south, even a friendly understanding ceased at times to exist between them; but on every occasion that presented itself of assailing the common enemy, the two chiefs, one of whom resided at the mouth of the Tay, the other among the lakes of Argyleshire, became brothers, and set up their standards side by side. The southern Britons and the Roman colonists in their fear and their hate, made no distinction between the Scots and the Picts.* Upon the departure of the legions, recalled to defend Rome agamst the invading Goths, the Britons ceased to recognise the authority of the foreign governors who had been left in charge of their provinces and towns. The form, and even the name of these administrators perished; and in their place arose once more the ancient authority of the chiefs of tribe, which had been abolished by the Romans.^ Old genealogies,' carefully preserved by the national poets,^ ascertained those who were entitled to claim the dignity of chief of a district or family; for these words were synonymous in the language of the ancient Britons* among whom the ties of family relation- ship constituted the basis of the social state. With their people of the lowest condition committed to memory the whole line of their descent, with a care which, among other nations, was peculiar, in such matters, to the wealthy and exalted. Every Briton, poor as well as rich, had to establish his genealogy, ere he could be admitted to the full enjoyment of his civil rights, or of any property in the district of which he was a native; for each district belonged in original owner- ship to one particular primitive family, and no man could legaUy possess any portion of its soil unless he were by de- » Gildas, De exeidio Britannia, passim. [ Zozimus apud Script, rerum. GalUcarim et Franciarum, i. 586. • me bards; in British hiiigiiage, Deirdd. TO A.D. 443.] INTERNAL DISCORDS. 7 scent a member of that primitive family, become, by gradual extension, a tribe. Above this singular social order, of which the result was a federation of petty sovereignties, some elective, some here- ditary, the Britons, delivered from the Roman autliority, raised, for the first time, a high national sovereignty: they created a chief of chiefs, {Pcnteijrn,) a king of the country, as their annals express it, whom they made elective. This new institution, which seemed destined to give the people more union and more strength against external aggressions, became, on the contrary, a cause of divisions, of weakness, and, ere long, of subjection. The two great populations who shared the southern portion of the island, respectively asserted the exclusive right of furnishing candidates for the monarchy. The seat of this central royalty was in the I.ogrian territory, in the ancient municipal town, called by the Britons Lon-din, the town of ships, (Llundain, latine, Londinium.) The Cambrians, jealous of this advantage, maintained that the royal authority belonged of right to their race, as the most ancient, as that which had received the others on the soil of Britain. To justify this claim, they carried back the origin of the power they sought, far beyond the time of the Roman conquests, attributing its institution to a certain Prydyn, son of Aodd, a Cambrian, who, according to their account, had combined the whole island under one monarchical govern- ment, and decreed that this government should for ever remain vested in his nation. » With what fable this fable was met by the southern and eastern peoples, is not known; but this is certain, that the dispute grew fiercer and fiercer, until at last this rivalry of self-love had lighted up civil war throughout south Britain. The intervention of the tribes of foreign origin, ever hostile to the two great branches of the British population, encouraged its discords and nourished the intestine war. Under a succession of chiefs, called national, but regularly disowned as such by a portion of the nation, no army was levied to replace the Roman legions which had guarded the frontiers against the invasions of the Gaelish tribes Accordingly, amidst the disorders which thus afflicted South * Trioedd ynys PrjdyD, No. 2. !99 yt 8 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 443 Bntam, the Picts and Scots broke down the two great Roman walls, and passed into south Britain, at the same time that other enemies, not less formidable, burst upon the country trom the sea. These were pirates come forth from the coasts and islands along the German ocean, to pillage and then return home laden with booty. When the great ships of Koman construction were forced bj tempests back to port, the light vessels of these men of the sea* dashed boldly on at lull sail, and suddenly attacking the tall ships amid the terror and confusion of the storm, seldom failed to capture them. ^everal British tribes made singly great eflforts against the enemy, and in a number of engagements defeated their ag- gressors both of German and of Gallic race. The inhaWt- ants of the southern coasts, who had frequent communication with the continent, solicited foreign aid; once or twice Roman troops coming over from Gaul," fought for the Britons, and assisted them in repairing the great walls of Hadrian and heverus.^ But, ere long, the Romans themselves were driven trom Gaul, by three invasions of barbarians from the south, the east, and the north, and by the national insurrection of the maritime districts of the west.3 The legions fell back upon Italy, and from that time forth the Britons had no succour to expect from the empire.^ At this period, the dignity of supreme chief of all Britain was in the hands of one Guorteyrn,^ a Logrian. On several occasions he assembled around him all the chiefs of the British tribes, in order to take, in concert with them, measures for the defence of the country against the northern invasions. But little union prevailed in these deliberations, and, justly or not, Guorteyrn had many enemies, more especially amon^ the western people, who seldom assented to anything pro^ ' Quin et aremoriciis piratam saxona tractus Sperabat, ctii pelle salum sulcare Brilaimura fQ-A ••/ m' ^^ '^^''^'^ glaucum umre tiiidere lembo. (Sidonu Apollmaiis, Carrnina, ap. Script, rer. Gallic, et Franc, i. 807.) \ ^t"^?' ^!f" ^'^P- ^"- "/'• I^*'- '^".'•i Scrip, i. 4, (Gale.) p. 587 ^'^^''^' "^^""^ mugi^truiibus romauis." Zozimus, ui sup. * Gildae, Hist., cap. xvii. w!JiH'*™*'u"' '?"'^"f^"P''>'' <^'wrthevyrn; in the Anglo-Saxon writere, Wyrtegeni or Wortigerii, prubably a wurU beiu-iug the saine sound, in their way ot pronouncing it. * TO 449.] THE SAXONS CALLED INTO BRITAIN H posed by the Locrrian. The latter, in virtue of his roval preeminence, and by the counsel of several tribes, thou-h without the consent of the Cambrians,' suddenly adopt«' emigrant^ bank of 2 T? "" ??'■ "'"'""'^"^ P^^^^^^^-i"" "f the left JelvJ, F^f K T/l '" ^'"'='' ""'^y established them- selves East baxony,' (£ast.seaxna.rice, East-seax ) All the^crs,!''nfT"""' *.'"" "" -^i'^' "f London was taken, and tlie coiusts of Logna became Saxon, the kin-^s and JhiVft " r snd.r:T, ''7 """rr ^^^^ '>» ^^ the'clb; t race. .Such was the famous Arthur. He defeated the Saxona H. numerous battles, but, despite the services he rendered w iuil G^ev™ tTTh T-J ^''•^'"' "' '""^ ^-" '^"-- Willi yjorteyrn. Ihe title ot kin«r oblin-ed him to dmw hia sword against the liritons almost^as often ar4afnTthe o« n nephew. He was removed to an island formed by several streams near Afalkch, {hmda Avattonia,) now Gla fonbur^ there died of his wounds, but as it was at the time that the rarn^nT""''"f /'"^ '"^'"'y' ^"^'^ the tumult of of Arthur or tT '^''^'="y^««: the circumstances of the death ot Arthur or the spot where he was buried. This i-norance surrounded h.s name with a mysterious celebrity loCafter thev feIt"°nfTr' •"' '''""""•^ ^'■" ■'"•'^d '■°'- '>-' the need they felt of the great war =hief, who had conquered the return This hope was not abandoned; and for many cen- tunes the nation which had loved Arthur, did not despair of his recovery and return.* "espair oi The emigration of the inhabitants of the marshes of the Elbe and the neighbouring islands, gave the desire La f n ji * ^**-^°" Chronicle, ed. Gibson, p. 1S_.30 ia.cap.x,v.) Nenaii flv! p^"'""""' ''f .^»'■J"'■. -VcWi ^ of ihe P>altic sea, and who were then called AiH^hels or AntiKs, {Etigia, AiHjhn.) After havinor experimented \vit!i j.ctty partial incursions upon the north-east coast of IJiitain, the entire popuhition of the Anjxles put itself in :ii.;tiuii, under tlie conduct of a military chief, named Ida, and his twelve sons. Their numerous vessels came to anchor l)etwe(Mi the mouths of the Forth and the Tweed. The better to succeed a-iain.-t the Britons of these districts, thev formed an alliance with the Picts, and the confederate troops jidvanced from east to west, striking such terror into the nntives, that the king of the Angles received from them the appellation of X\\ii fam<'-)ii(ni, (Fiamddwyn.) l)<\opulation of the Coranians, established for several centuries south of the Miimber, and wh,„n so Ion- a sojourn among the Britons had not reconciled with them readily joined the Anglo-Saxon invaders as thev had formerly joined the Romans. In their alliance with the conquerors their national appellation disappeared from the district tlie^ inhabited; but the name of their allies dirki (/»/;/>- can M!,rc,,a.rice, ) or Mercia, perhaps from t he nature ol' the soil clii.fly marshy, perhaps from the vicinity .,C the free Bntons ot whom this kingdom formed the fronti'er or march as the Germans called it." It was Angles fi„m the terri- tories of Delia and Bernicia, or from the eastern coast, who, c„"lonv • p"r''3'"""4;f'^.*'' '^'g''"' ""•' '^'^' Germanic colony .1. Bntain.3 The limits of the people of Mercia, ' Saxon Chronicle, passim. n.l!l^T% ""■'' r'"^'"' "'^''' -^'""'^''-'^ according to some autbcrides, marsh laud, accordmg to others. See the Glossaries of Wachter, Ihre" aid ' People generally reckon only seven; but there were first eight, then TO 5b6.J WALES. 1.5 {Myrcna-menn,) a mixture of Coranians and Angles, were not at first at all definite; this people progressively extended its territory towards the west at the expense of the Cam- brians, and towards the south at the expense of the Saxons themselves, witli whom they did not feel themselves united by community of origin, so closely as the Saxons were among themselves.* ° Of these eight colonies, principalities, states, or kingdoms, call them what you will, founded in Britain within the space ot a century, by the conquests of the Saxons and An^le^ none possessed any territory on the coast of the western°sea' except the western Saxons, who, however, did not extend north of the Bristol Channel. The western coasts, almost throughout tlieir extent, from the mouth of tlie Clyde to the Lands-End, remained in the hands of the native race and more peculiarly of the Cambrian-Britons. The irre'n-ulai' form of these coasts, isolated from the great mass of this'' still tree population, the tribes who dwelt towards the south be- yond the Bristol Channel, and towards the north beyond tlw- Solway Firth; but between these two opposite points was a long tract of compact land, though more or less contracted according to the projection of tlie coast into the ocean. This mountainous and unfertile territory was the abode of the Cambrians,^ {Givylt ^Fa/Z/r/,) who there offered a poor, but secure asylum to emigrants from every corner of Britain to all who, as the ancient historians expressed it, preferred snf- tering with independence, to a beautiful country under forei^^n servitude. Otliers crossed the ocean to seek in Gaul a country which their ancestors had peopled at the same time with Britain, and where still dwelt men of their race, and speaking their language.^ Many vessels full of fugitive Britons landed m succession on the western point of Armorica, in the districts which, iuTons!^''' ''''' ^"""^ ^'''° '^"'" ''^^'^' '^' '"^^""^ '•'^^"'^ *^f ^^io»s »-^vo. * HorjE Britannicae, ii. 21^1. , Taliesiu ; Archaiology of Wales, i. 90. hest^im'sriioT? ^'^"''''' ^"''"' '^''^'"^ '^'^''' ^•^'*'" transi^ere. qn«n> lib ii. cap xli-i '''■'''"'"• ■^"*^""^'^'' "^^ ^°'''^""' ^'oa-chronin,., * GiJdae, Hist. cap. xxv. H THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [ad. 450 TO 500.] CONQUESTS OF THE FRANKS. ir under the Romans, and even before them, had been called territories of the Osismians, of the Curiosolites, and of the Venetes. By the consent of the ancient inhabitants, who re- cognised in them brothers by descent, the new-comers diifused themselves over all the northt^-n coast, as far as the Kance, and towards the soutli-east, as far a< tlie lower stream of the Vilaine. On this peninsula tlicy founchMl a separate state, whose limits frequently varied, but beyond which tlie cities of Rennes and Nantes remained down to tiie middle of the ninth century. The increasin^^ population of this western nook of land, the inmiense niindx'r of people of Celtic race and lan- guage' who thus found tiieniselves au^domerated together, pre- served it from the irruption of the Roman tongue, whicli, under forms more or less corrupt, gradually spread throughout Gaul. The name of Brittany was given to these coasts, and super- seded the various names of tlie indigenous populations, while the island which, tor m. many centuries, had borne this appel- lation, lost it, and, adopting that of its conquerors, began to be called the land of the Saxons and Angles, or, in one word, England, {Enyel'Seaxna-land, Engla-land.) At tlie time when the men of Britain, flying before the Anglo-Saxons, settled on the point of land called the Horn of Gaul,2 other expatriated Saxons fixed their abode on a more northern jioint of the coast of Gaul, near the town whose ancient name was changed into that of Bayeux.^ At the same time, also, the Germanic league, w]io>e members, for two centuries, had borne the name of Franks, that is to say, undaunted, descended, in several bands, from the mouths of the Khine and the IM.mih*, upon the central lands of Gaul. Two other nations of Teutonic race had already thoroughly invaded and fixed their abode in the provinces of the south, between the Loire and the two seas. The western Goths or Visigoths^ occupied the country west of the Rhone; the Bur- ' Celts?, rArot, Galat®. nflmes which the Romans and Picts applied to the Gaulish populations. We uie often oblitred, from dt-Hcieucy of tenus, to apply the name indifferently to populations of (.'ambriau and of Gaelic origin. See Amedee Thierry's I/is/,, in- drs (i,nilu,s. * Cornii Galliae; the same nanH with that of the westernmost county of England, Cornwall • See Ducange, Ghssanim cd Scnj>t. medite et infirms latinil&tu, vcrbo Otlingua JS axon ten. * West-{,'oiht;i, laiiiu' Visigotiii. gundiones^ that to the east. The establishment of these two barbarous nations had not taken place without violence and ravage; they had usurped a portion of the possessions of each native family; but the love of repose, and a certain spirit of justice which distinguished them among all the Germans had speedily softened their manners; they contractc^l relation- ships with the conquered, whom their laws tre it.^l with im- partitdity, and gradually ctune to be r<'L-ar.led l)y Hkmii ms simply friends and neighbours. The Goths for the most part adopted the Roman manners, which tliey found cremM-ally in use among the civilized inhabitants of (iaul; tiieir laws were in great measure, mere extracts from the imperiid coch-- tiiey prided themselves in a taste for the arts, and aflected tlie polished elegance of Rome.^ The Franks, on the contrary, filled the north of Gaul with terror and devastation; strangers to the manners and arts of the Roman cities and colonies, they ravaged them with indif- ference and even with a sort of pleasure.^^ B.in'r pniinii- no religious symptithy tempered their savage humou"i'. Snnrin^r neither sex nor age, say the ancient historians, destroying churches as readily as private liouses, they graduallv advanced towtirds the south, invading the whole extent of (iaul: while the Goths and Burgundians, impelled by a similar aml)ition but with less barbarous manners— sometimes at peace with each other, more often at war-essayed to make pro-ress in the opposite direction. In the then weak condition of the central provinces, still united, but only in name, to the Roman empire, and utterly disgusted with that empiiv. which, in the words of an ancient Gaulish poet, made them 1(h 1 t' e weight of Its shadow,^ there was rea.son to suppose that the inhabi- tants of these provinces, incapable of resisting the counuwrn^ nations who pressed upon them on three sides, would come tS terms with the least ferocious of them; in a word, that the « R * S^^ T.ettres siir I'Histoire de France, letter vi. finhipo"^^^,,'""^''.^^'*"*^^' "^'""'*"*'f^' innoceiuerque vivnnt. non q.ii.si cum sir - rer r n-'"'* T '"™ '''^^"^"^ Christianis. (PhuIus 0.4ius. .;,. ocnpt. rer. Gallic, et Prancic, i. f)!)7.) '^ ' See Lettres sur I'Histoire de Franc(>, letter \i. Porlavinuis umbram Imperii. (Sidon. ApolL, Caitnina, ap. Script, rer. Gallic, et Fnincie i S Kn VOL. I. Q ' •/ ! 1^ 18 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. (■ [a.d. 450 whole of Gaul would submit either to the Goths or to the Burgundians, Christians like itself, to escape the grasp of the Franks. Such would have been its true policy; but those who disposed of its fate decided otherwise. These were the bishops of the Gaulish cities, to whom the decrees of the Roman emperors assigned hi-h administrative authority,' ami who, by favour of the disorders caused by the invasion of the barbarians, had found means illegally to ag- grandize this already exorbitant power. The bishops, who ttt that time all bore the title of popes or f^uhers, were the plenipotentiaries of the Gaulish cities, either with the empire, becoming more and more distant, or with the Germans, each day approaching nearer. Their diplomatic negotiations were conducted altogether at their own will and discretion,^ and, whether from habit or fear, no one ever thought of saying them nay; for their power was backed by the sanguinary executive laws of the empire in its decline. Sons of Rome, and strictly bound by the imperial ordi- nances to recognise as their patron and common head the biBhop of the eternal city? to do nothing without his consent, to receive his decrees as laws, and his policy for their rule of conduct, to model their own faith upon his, and thus, by the unity of religion, to contribute to the unity of empire, the bishops of the Gaulish provinces, when the imperial power ceased to have any compulsory action upon them, and when they had become altogether independent of it, did not enter upon a new path. From instinct or from calculation, they still laboured, as we are told by one of their own body, to re- tain under the authority of Rome, by the tie of religious faith, «ie countries where that political subjection was broken.-* Iheir aversion or their good-wiU towards the emigrant » See the laws of Arcadins and of Theodosins the Yoimtrer r or'; Frrri ?rr"' ^'''°°- '^^"^""•' ^''^'^ "''-' ^^^p^- » Deeernimus ne quid tarn episcopis gallicanis, quam aliarum provincia- rura...hceat sine viri venerabiHs papae urhis ^terncp auctoritate tentare, sed 11^8...pro lege sit qu.dquid sanxit vel sanxerit. ( Lex Theodosii et Vnlen- limam, api/rf Scnptores. ut sup. suh anno 445.) See Appendix, No. II. M. T «f larum, quos limes gothic* sortes incluserit, teneamus, ex ^ TO 493.] CHLODOWIG. 19 peoples of Germany was not measured by the degree of bar- barism and ferocity of those nations, but by their supposed aptitude to receive the Catholic faith, the only faith that Rome had ever professed. Now tliis aptitude was calculated to be far -reater in a people still pagan, than in schismatic Christians, wittmglyand willingly separated from the Roman communion, such as the Goihs and Burgundians, who pro- fessed the faith of Christ, acci.rding to the doctrine of Arius But the Franks were strangers to any Christian belief, and this consideration sufSced to turn the hearts of the Gaulish bishops towards them, and to make tliem all, as a nearly con- temporary author expresses it, desire the domination of the Franks with a desire of love.' The poition of the Gaulish territory occupied by the Frank tribes extended at this period from the Rhine to the Som'me and the tribe most advanced into the west and south was that of the Merowings or children of JMerowig,2 so called from the name of one of their ancient chiefs, renowned for his bravery, and respected by the whole tribe as a common ancestor.3 At the head of the children of Merowig was a youm^ man named Chlodowig,^ who combined with the warlike ardour of his predecessors a greater degree of reflection and skill The bishops of the portion of Gaul still subject to the empire partly as a precaution for the future, partly out of their hatred to the Arian powers, entered, of their own motion, into rela- tions with this formidable neighbour; sending to him frequent messages, replete with flattering expressions. Many of them visited him in his camp, which, in their Roman politeness, > Cum omnes eos amore desiderabili cuperent regnare. rGrer-oiii Tu- ronensis, Hist. Franc, lib. ii. cap. xxiii.) ^ ^.^re^oui iu- F^ance^\VemUx '^"^"'^''^''°'' ^'^ *'"« "^^' ^he Lettres sur I'Histoire de » Merovicus...a quo Franci et prius Merovinci vocati sunt, propter uti- iitatera videlicet et prudentiaju illius, in tantam venerationem apud Fnincos esi nabitus, ut quasi communis pater ab omnibus coleretur. (Roriconis h,nl M "'" "'""^ f C'-'P'«'-es, &c., iii. 4.) Prinn.m re-em tradnntur ha- Sbmnr""'i /"';; P^'l^-^''-/'^^'^ ^^ ^^^'^^^^^ rnumphos, intei-misso *r./ mdic;tes descent "^ ^'"^'^'' Merowings, the termination * Sre the Lettres snr rFIi:>toire de France, Appendix. C - '«■ Ik ' 20 THE NURMAN CONaUEST. [a.d. 481 they dignified with the name of Aula Regia, or royal court.' The king of the Franks was at first very insensible to their adulations, which in no degree kept him from j)illaging the churclies and treasures of the clergy: but a precious vase, taken by the Franks ti uiii the cathedral of Reims, placed the barbarian chief in relations of interest, and ere lonir, of friend- ship, with a prelate more able or more successful than the rest. Under the auspices of Remigius or Remi, bishop of Reims, events seemed themsthis to concur in promoting the grand plan of the high Gaulish clergy. First, by a chance, too fortunate to have been wholly fortuitous, the king, whom they desired to convert to the Roman faith, married the only orthodox princess tlien existing among the Teutonic families; and tlie love of tlic^ faithful wife, as tiie historians of the time express it, gradu»lly softened the heart of the infidel lius- band.'-^ In a battle with some Germans who s(>ught to follow the Franks into Gaul and to concjuer their part also, Chlo- dowig, whose ioldiers were giving way, invoked the god of Chlothilda .such was the name of his wife), and |>romised to believe in him, if he conquered: he conquered, and kept his woj'd.-* The example of the chief, the presents of Chlothilda and of the bishops, and perhaps the charm of novelty, brought about the conversion of a number of Frank warriors, as many, indeed, according to the historians, as three thousand.'' The baptism took place at Reims; and all the splendour that could still be furnished by the arts of the Romans, wliich were soon to perish in Gaul in the hands of the barbarians, was displayed in profusion to adorn this triumph of the Catholic faith. The vestibule of the cathedral was decorated with tapestry and garlands; veils of various colours softened the glare of day; the most exquisite perfumes burnt abun- dantly in vases of gold and silver.^ The bishop of Reims * Vita S. Vedasti, apud Scriptores, &c., iii. 372. • Fidelis infideli conjuncta viro. (Aiinonii, Chronkon, lib. xiv., apud Scriptores, &c., iii. 38.) » Greg. Turonensis, Hiat.^ tit sup. Vita St. Remigii, ih., iii. 375. • De exercitu vero ejus baptizati sunt amplius tiia millia. (Greg. Tu- ronensis, ut. sup. p. 178. ) • Veils depictis adumbrantnr plateoB ecclesiae, cortinis albeiitibus ador- nantur, baptisterium compouitur, balsania difl'unduutur, micant flagrante* odore cerei. (Greg. Turonensis, ut sup. p. 177.) TO 497.J THE FRANKS ATTACK THE BURGUNDIANS. u «.n: " Father," said tlfe taer^ . :J'!r^'"\^P'"t"''' ;. ,not ..is that .i„,do. o/ ire^S^ r^oS her y^r'aX ilell tnt' Te^ '""''' '"' ''''' "^"'^''^ filial submission, o the blssed ann H ''pT"1 "' '"^'"'' "^ the new Rome.' fL t e Jrtat kfnVn ,'7 '• *°'' °' declared son of the Roman r Zl.l! . • ° C'''odowig was Ganl, almost without eSo„tfid In ^hT'-." ""f ^" north-west, to the Loire and to the terrkiry oV;^^: t .' emigrants opened their gates to his solTers;^ ^h gaS'soS d' ir wrS X '" "" "'•^■■''^ °^*« GermTrg l«nnersot-Rl^ 2 F/''''''""r .'•''''''"«'* ^'^ arms and kinXm of theV/t """' *''" "™it^ofthe territory or east- and nt iZ • f- '■ """^ ^''''"'^''•^ towards the south- ^"^e^tteete^tSi^S the Burgundians.3 ' ^ ''^"'^^ conquered by .h JtL^Sd trso:"f tf "r-' *'''* ''' '"'^ ""-^ -* "««-« the mv.t; but de X *M-^'ff'""^ ^'^ co-substantial with way ner P^.^L .f^ difference of doctrine, they in no themselves of the S of ?. *°'"^'^^'"". «"d nought to avail of the TinLZly . [ ""^ '"^asion to persuade the kin" d s bedrbe r 'V"!^''^'' *'"« Ro'^an'faith, which they The king named ronH^T.^nrS'^"'^'''' '""'^ ""'•odox faitlu King, named Gondebald,* although a barbarian, and their "Isup'^T^i'^) ""'' "^""^ "" I""'' ""'i P'o^ittis ? ( Viu S. Remigii, lyr 22 THK NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 500 TO 507.J CONQUESTS OF THE FRANKS. m master, opposed tnem with great gentleness; while they ad- dressed him in a tone of menace and arrogance, calling him madman, apostate, and rebel to the law of God. ^ " Nay, not so," he answered, mildly; *' 1 obey the law of God; but 1 can- not, like you, believe in three gods. Besides, if your faith be the better one, why do not your brother bishops prove it so, by preventing the king of the Franks from marching upon us to destroy us?"^ The entrance of the Franks was the only answer to this embarrassing question: they signalized their passage by mur- der and fire; they tore up the vines and fruit-trees, pillaged the convents, carried away the sacred vessels, and broke them up without the slightest scruple. The king of the Burgundians, reduced to extremity, submitted to the conquerors, who im- posed a tribute on him and all his cities, made him swear to be for the future their ally and soldier, and returned to the north of the Loire, with an immense booty. The orthodox clergy declared this sanguinary expedition to be a pious, illus- trious, and holy enterprise for the true faith.^ " But," said the aged king, "can faith co-exist with coveting other men's goods, and thirsting for their blood?"* The victory of the Franks over the Burgundians again brought all the cities on the banks of the Rhone and Saone under the sway of the Roman church and of the palace of San Giovanni di Latran, where thus, bit by bit, was gathered together the heritage of the ancient Capitol. Six years afterwards, under similar auspices, began the war against the Visigoths. Chlo- dowig assembled his warriors in a circle, in a large field, and said to them : — " I like not that these Goths, who are Arians, should occupy the best part of Gaul; let us go against them, with the aid of God, and drive them away; let us subject their territory to our power : we shall do well in this, for the land is very good."^ The proposition pleased the Franks, who * Collatio episcoporum coram Gundebaldo rege, apud Script, rer. Gallic. See Appendix III. » Si vestra fides est vera, quare episcopi vestri non impediunt regem Franconum, &;c. (CoUatio episcoporum. &;c., ut sup.) » Pia atque inclyla et Christianae religionis cultrix Franconum ditio. (Vita S. Dalmatii, apud Scriptores, &c. iii. 420.) * Non est fixles ubi eat appelentia aJieni et sitis sanguinis popaloraiB. (CoUatio episc. ut supra.) » Gesta Eeg. Franc, aptid Scrpt., &c., ii. 658. 23 adopted it with acclamations, and joyously i)roceeded on their march towards the good land of the soulh. The terrorTf 1 em-i'^ri"f tf'^ f\ '••^^^^•'^^"^' ^-^^-"^^^ ^- »^e"ore so a^Uated "at in n ' "^^'^'^^^"^^^ -^' ^^'^ ^-"th of Gaul was so agitated, that in many places men imagined terrible sicrns and prognostics, announcing all the horrors of invasion A Toulouse, It was said, a four.tr.in of blood burst forT n the centre o the town, and flowed for an entire day.2 Bu amid t the public consternation, one class of men wa iZat^ntlv c^alcu ating the days of the march of the b^buriT t oo^^^ Qumtianus, the orthodox bishop of Rodez, wasTtLted [«: tngmng for the enemy, and he was not the only Imber of the high clergy guilty of these machinations.3 ^ of Poltferri' P^^^^^^^^Loire; and ten miles from the city ot 1 oitiers, a bloody battle took place, in which the ancient A^tl" alT'""-^;"^ thefeall^Roman JopiTl^tro ^er"ne 4 aided ^»-"^-' ^^^^'^' ^'"""' "^'' '^"" ver^ne;, aicied the Goths in defence of the country. But heir cause did not prevail against the conquering ardouf of thod^^r %P'^'^^^ r^^^^^ Vthe fanlticism^f tie or thodox Gauls; Alarik, king of the Goths, was killed hVht- ng; and the Arvernians in this defeat lost the prindnal pel tat-rythe r" nation, whom they entitled sen' tors,Sn fml ^rrenaer ot the majority was the result of treachery All whose consciences had been troubled by the ArTan Imina tion, revenged themselves by inmcting^every po s ble iZrv upon the r ancient rulers Tl.^ P^fi ""'^^^J^ PossiDie injury countrv nhon^r !i .''.. ^ ''*^ ^^ths, Unable to retain the Xe^; tt f ? ^^"'^^^'"*^' a»d passed into Spain, or took TaiX n wl r' ^" '^'^ Mediterranean; the victorious conv^^^^^^^^^ '""^'. ""''r- ^-"^^'"ed, under the orders of the Ta' tatht tl^^^^ 1 ""l '^'^ ^y'^""'^'^ pillaging the cities, de' vastatmg the rural districts, and carry in| away the in habi- Theodl p,?;",";'^;!' ^''^if^: See Grego. Turon. de ApruncuJo. •ion, Pow;1i''hV:'""^' ^^^' '''> -^^^ -"A strong, brave; and by ext.n- 24 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 508 tants into slavery.! Wherever the victorious chief encamped, the orthodox prelates besieged his tent. Gerraerius, bishop ot loulouse, who abode twenty days with him, eating at his table, received a present of five hundred coins and crold crosses, and silver chalices and patines, three gilt crowns and three rol>« of fine linen, tak( u from the Arian churches.* Another bishop, who was unable to come himself, wrote thus to the king of the Franks: " Thou shinest in power and ma- jesty; and when thou tightest, to us is the victory. "3 Such was the domination which, extending from the Rhine to the Pyrenees, at length completely surrounded on all sides the western nook of land in which the Britons had taken re- fuge. Frankish governors established themselves in the cities ot Nantes and Rennes. These cities paid tribute to the kinj? ot the Franks; but the Britons refused to pay it, and alone dared the attempt to save their narrow country from the destiny of Gaul. This enterprise was all the more perilous to them, that their Christianity, the fruit of the preachin- of missionaries from the churches of the East, differed in some points irom the doctrines and practices of the Romish church, lliese, Christians for several centuries past, and perhaps the most fervent Christians in the world, had come into Gaul accompanied by priests and monks of greater knowledge than ^ose of tfie isolated province where they fixed their !ibode ^ They purified the still very imperfect faith of the ancient in- Iiabitantsof this country; they even extended their gratuitous preaching into the surrounding territories: and, as their mis- sionaries sought no gain, not accepting money or even main- tenance from any onc'-^ they were everywhere well received. Ihe citizens ot Rennes chose an emigrant Briton as their bishop, and the Bretons instituted bishops in many cities of their new country, where th«'re had been none before. They founded this religious constitution as they had founded their hin J*?,^' ^^^- ''*'?"' T"^ ^'"P'" '^"'^ "' '"P- i"'- 381. More canum binos et bn.os insimul copulates. (Vita S. Eusicii, ib. p. 429.) Vita S. (iermerii, episcoj.i Tolosani, ib. iii, 386. » Epistola Aviti, Vjeimensis Episcopi, ib. iv. ftO. Dom Lobineau, Hist, de Bretmpie, i. 7—13. . S*°!^''V1" ^'^^''^P^^y* P- ^C. '« tlie word Dewi. Roberts, Sketch vf lAr Early History of the Cymry, p. 129. ^ TO 826.J RELIGIOUS STATE OF BRITTANY. 25 civil constitution, without asking permission or advice from any foreign power. » The chiefs of the Breton church held no intercourse with the prelates of Frankish Gaul, and did not attend the Gaulish councils convoked by the rescripts of the Frank kin-s Uliis conduct soon drew upon them the animosity of the other clergy. The archbishop of Tours, who claimed the spiritual superintendence of the whole extent of country which the /^w/J r^"'"''' I^ad nanied the third Lyonnese (Lgdunensis lertia) summoned the clergy of Brittany, as inhabiting his ancient diocese, to recognise him as metropolitan, and receive US commands. The Bretons did not consiller tlm t e n"e! al c icumscription of the Gaulish territories imposed up^on hem the slightest obligation to subject to the authority of a ore.gner the national church, which they had transplanted torn beyond seas; moreover, it was not their custom to^attach MS but to decree it to the most worthy among their bishops 1 heir religious hierarchy, vague and fluctuating at the popu: convTr^Vrh • r'"-"^^-'^^ '^^ """P"^"^'^ ^"^*^t"^^d ^^^e« they converted Christianity into a means of government. Accord- ingly the ambitious pretensions of the prelate of Tours seemed 7kefivTw'^ ''' ^"^^"^' who paid no heed whatever to U; unmoved 'Ljf-'^^ excommunicated them. They were equali; unmoved at this, feeling no regret at being deprived of the Te^ZZy "^'' ^^""^^"' '^^" "^^" '""^y ^ 'd '^'^'^^^^^^ In punishment of its political and religious independence onsTn 1 "'": T'r'^''' '^^^"^"* -^ formidrblet^^^^^^ Frank k ^u' ^^ '^' ^^^'"^"^ Conquerors of Gaul. TTie 1^ ank kings, having assembled around them, in hiffh coun- S.l f ;r"7'''t p'-^^^'^^^^' ^^^™ thVcaiifd%m;, {j/rav grcef geref, gerefa, overseer, prefect) and the Gauls counts {cormtes\ the count of the Breton frontier was que beheve in the true dogmas," answered the Frank captain; t All ♦u n , . , * ^°™ Lobineau, ut sup. 26 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 300 TO 595.] RELrOIOUS STATE OF BRITAIN. 27 •* they do not walk in the straight path."* Thereupon war was voted against them by acclamation; an army, collt^cted in Germany and in the north of Gaul, descended towards the mouth of tlie Loire; priests and monks quitted tlieir books an Ita christiani sunt isti barbari, iit multos priscae superstitionis ritus observent, humanas hostias aliaqiie impia sacrificia divinationibus ndhi- bentes. (Procopius, suh anno rm), ap. Scriptores, &c., ii. 38.) See also Lettres sur I'Histoire de France, letter vi. » As to tie meaniug of these names, see Lettres sur I'Histtire de France, Appendix. » Epistolae Greporii Papoe ad episcopos Gallia et Childebertum regain. mpud Scriptorea, &c., iv. 14. « lb., p. 17. 1 /J. 10 596.] MISSIONARIES SENT TO BRITAIN. 29 bought and placed in monasteries, imposing upon tliem the task of making themselves acquainted with the doctrines of the catholic faith, so as to be able to teach them in their native language. It would seem that the>. missionaries on compulsion did not answer the purpose ot* tlieir masters .!':nr^f. f ^'T" ^"^'"'^ ^'^'^^^ ins fantastic expedient! resolved to intrust the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons to liomans of tried faith and solid learning. Tlie chi,^f -jf this mission was named Augustin; he was, ere his departure con- secrated bishop of England. His companions fl.Ilo^ved' liim, full of zeal, as far as the city of Aix in Provence; l)ut here they conceived alarm at their enterprise, and desired to re- trace their steps. Augustin returned alone, to seek from Gregoiy, ,n the name of the mission, permission to withdraw trom this perilous journey, the result of u hicli, he said was extremely precarious among a people of an unknown top'-rue 2 But the pope would not consent. " It is too late to reti'vat '" he said; "you must accomplish your enterprise without hs j.ning o the ill-disposed; were it possible, 1 myself would Avillingly labour with you in this good work."3 ^ Tiie mis- sionaries belonged to a convent founded by pop,. Gre-^orv on h.s own estate, in the very house where he was born rail had sworn obedience to him as to their si.irituul father: thev therefore obeyed and went first to Ciialons, where dwelt Theodorik, son of Hildebert, king of half the eastern portion ot the country conquered by the Franks.^* TIht next re- trfJn ^^'*'; umT;: ""'f '^^ ""'^''^ ^^^"'^> ^^^-ned Theode- cert, also son of Hildebert.^ The Romans presented to these two kin-s letters full will'hv°/7r • "^f;^^?^^^"«>. calculated to excite their good ^'11, by flattering their vanity to the highest degree. Pope Gregory knew that the Franks were at war witi^the Saxons ll..ei?Tf/- •' neighbours on the north, and, availing inuiseli of this circumstance, he did not hesitate to describe I p 4 rr- ^^^}f' ^^^oorii ad Candidum prcsbytemm, ib. Bedoe, Il/st., hb. i. cap. xxiii. s jf, jL2T'^'''''^T'^'^'' Oster-Rike, Oster-Liudi, Osterlaiid. In Latin ^' Vm„cm Austria, Austrasia, Megnum Orieutale. See Lettre. «S Millstone de France, letter x. ■L.eures .ur * Epist. Greg., vt sup. pa i>>»i. 30 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 560 the Anglo-Saxons beyond seas, whom these monks were on their way to convert, as subjects of the Franks: "I have felt," he wrote to the two sons of Hildebert, " that you would ardently desire the happy conversion of your subjects to the faith which you yourselves profess, you, their lords and kings; this conviction has induced me to send Augustin, the bearer of these presents, with other servants of God, to labour there under your auspices."' The mission had also letters for the grandmother of the two young kings, tlie widow of oighebert, father of Hildebert, a woman of lofty ambition and rare ability in intrigue, who, in the name of her two grandsons, governed one half of Gaul. She was of the nation of the Goths, then driven by the Frank invasion beyond the Pyrenees. Before her marriage, her name had been Brune, whicli in the Germanic language signified brilliant; but the Frank king, who espoused her, desiring, say the historians of the time, to augment and adorn her name, called her Brimehilde, that is to say, brilliant girl,* (Brunehaut, iatine, Brunecliildis.) From an Arian she be- came a catholic, received the unction of the sacred oil, and thenceforward displayed great zeal for her new belief; the bishops vied with each other in praising the purity of her faith, and, in cons^ideration of her pious works, omitted to cast a single glance at her personal immoralities or her political crimes. " You, whose zeal is so aident, whose works are so pious, whose excellent soul is strong in the fear of the Almighty God," wrote pope Gregory to this queen, " we pray you to aid us in a great work. The English nation has manifested to us a desire to receive the faith of Christ, and we would satisfy its desire."^ The Frank kings and their grandmotlier were in no degree anxious to verify the truth of this ardent desire of the Anglo-Saxon people, or to reconcile it with the evident repugnance and terror of the missionaries: they welcomed the mission, and defrayed its expenses on its way towards the sea. The chief of the western Franks,* although at wai- with his relations of the east, received the Romans as graciously as they, and assisted them with men of ' Opera G re j(oiii Papa?, iv. 1^1). ' (}irf:r. TunHi., /// sup, p. 4'» i. ■ Opera Gregorii, id m,p. i:piHl. Gre-jorii, nt supru. * See Letu-es sur IHistoire de France, letter x. TO 596.] ARRIVAL OF THE MISSIONARIES. 3t the Frank nation to act as interpreters between them and tlie Saxons, who spoke almost the same language.^ By a fortunate chance, it happened that tlie most powerful of the Anglo-Saxon chiefs, Ethelberf,^ king of Kent, had just nuirried a woman of Frank origin, who professed the Catho- lic religion. This news raised the courage of the companions of Augustin, and they landed with confidence on the pro- montory of Thanet, already ftimous for the disembarkation of the ancient Romans, and of the two brothers who had opened to the Saxons the way into Britain. The Frank interpreters repaired to Ethelbert, and announced to him men who had come from afar to bring him joyful tidings, the oflfer of an endless happiness in heaven, an et(^riuil kingdom with the true and living God, if he wouhl believe in their words.^ The Saxon king at first gave no positive answer, and ordered that the strangers should remain in the isle of Thanet, until he had deliberated u})on what course to adopt with regard to them. We may well suppose that the Chri^^tian wife of the pagan king did not remain inactive at this important juncture, and that all the effusions of domestic tenderness were employed to ren- der Ethelbert favourable to the missionaries. He consented to hold a conference with them ; but not having wholly over- come his distrust, he could not bring himself to receive them in his palace, or even in his royal city, but visited them in their island, where, further, he required that the interview should take place in the open air, to prevent the effect of any witchcraft which these strangers might employ against him.'* The Romans proceeded to the conference with studied dis- play, in a double rank, preceded by a large silver cross, and a picture representing Christ; they explained the object of their journey, and made their propositions.''' " These are fine words and fine promises," answered the pagan king; " but as this is all new to me, I cannot at once put faith in it, and abandon for it the belief which I, with my ^ * Natiiralis ergo lingua Franconira communicat cum Anp^lis, eo quod de Germania gentes ambae germinaverint. (Wille'in. Malnitsb. de Gestis re(f. Ang. lib. i.) Bedae, Hist., lib. ii. cap. xxiii. xxiv. xxv. ^ ^thel-hyrht, jEthel-bricht. J^thel, eth/tel, cdel, noble, of ancient race; hehrt, bright, briglit, brilliant. ' Ilenrici Hunt., /7»v7., lib. iii. * lb. ■" lb. 32 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. Ta.d, 596 TO 601. J MISSIVE OF POPE GREGORY. 33 whole nation, profess. However, since you have come so far to communicate to ns what you yourselves sc m to tiiink (foofl nnd true, I will not ill treat you; I will f"urni>h you with provisions and lodjiing, and will leave you free to make known your doctrine, and to convert to it whom you can."* The monks re|)aired to the capital city, wiiich w'as called the city of the men of Kent, in Saxon, Kentwara-Byrig ^ Crrntware-bf/rifj, Canterhury); they entered it in procession, bearing their ('ros^J and tlieir picture, and chanting litanies. Tfwy had so(»ii made soii.t- proselytes; a church Imilt by the BritiHisin h(«ii()ur of St. Martin, and deserted since the Saxon conquest, s»"rved them f(ir the celebration of mass. They struck the imaginations i»f men by great anstciities; tliey even performed miracles, and the sight of their [)rodigies gained the heart ot" king Etlielbert, who at first had s^-emcd to appre- hend sorcery on their part. When the chief (tf Kent had re- ceived baptism, the new religion became the road to royal favour, arnl nundxis accordingly rushed into that path, though king Ethelbert, as the historians tell us, constrained no man.* As a pledge of his faith, lie gave houses and lands to his spi- ritual lathers; such in all countries was the first payment which the con\('rt( is of the barbarians demanded. "I sup- plicate thy grandeur and munificence," said tlie |)riest to the royal neophyte, '*to give me some land and all its revenues, not for myself, but for Christ, and to confer these upon me by solemn grant, to the end that thou in return mayst receive numerous possessions in this world, and a still greater number in the world to come." The king answered: "I confirm to thee in full property without re>« inc, all this domain, in order tliat this land be to thee a country, and that in future thou cease to be a stranger among us."^ Augustin assumed the title of bishop of Kent, (Kent-ware, Cant-wara, latine, Cantuarii.) The mission extended its labours beyond this territory, and by the infiuence of example, obtained some success among the eastern Saxons, whose chief, Sighebert, was a relation of Ethelbert. Pope Gregory learued * BedtB, ITlsL, lib. i. cap. xxv. TIenrici Hunt., vt supra. 2 Bedae, Ih. cap. xx\i. Ileiirioi Hunt., ifi. • Vita S, Marculti Abbatis, apud Scriptores, &c., iii. 4.,1'i. Diplomu m append, ad Greg. Turon., col. 1328, ed Kuinart. with infinite joy the result of the preaching which had ren- dered a portion of the conquerors of Britain Christians and Catholics; the latter point, indeed, was the great feature with him, for his attacliment to the creed of Nicea and to the doc- trines of Saint Augustin rendeied him the mortal enemy of all that savoured of schism or heresy; in his purism of ortho- doxy, he went so far as to refuse tlie host to heretics dyinfr m vindication of the faith ol' eJesus Christ. - The harvest is great, wrote Augustin to him, " but the husbandmen are tew. Upon this intelligence, a second deputation of mission- aries departed from Rome with letters addressed to the bishop o Gaul, and a sort of diplomatic note for Augustin, the grand plenipotentiary of the Roman church in Britain. The note addressed to Melitus and to Laurentius, chiefs of the new mis- sion, was conceived in these terms: " Gregory the servant of the servants of God, to his most beloved brother, the abbot Melitus. " We have been in a state of great anxiety since the depar- ture of our congregation, which you have taken with you yrurTou^eJ.'^ ''''^ "'''"^^^^ '^ '^'' '""'''"'^^ t-ogresl of "When the Almighty God shall bring you to the presence ot that most reverend man, our brother, bishop Au-ustin o he J ng hsh people, and the result is this; the fanes of the b^demoht T^ 7^;^^^^^^^^ P--Pl« ought by no means to be demoi.hed, but the idols that are in them ou-ht to be destroyed, the temples, meanwhile, 'sprink'ed with holv Ktlie' ^'^'"'^^•«"^^'*"^\f^ '^"^1 ^-elics of the saints deposited^ t r ?f"" ''? ''"" constructed, it is necessary that they be clmn.ed from the worship of demons to the >ervice of the m^e Go. ; ., that whilst the people do not see tl. ir temj^: <««->t>oyei, they may lay aside the error of their hearts and ;;-ogn.mg the true Gol, adore llim in those verj^^^es J whu-h tlH^y have been in the habit of resortincr ^ ' "In the same manner, let this be done:\s these neorb hav^ been in the habit of slaying many cattle in the sail fi^ lol^^^^^^^^^^^^ '" ^^?: '^'''' ''^''' «"^^»^^ tJ'«^"« to be some rtr t^o, ' ' ''^"■' "^^^ "•'? '^'^'"^ ^''-".^-J. Then upon •dedication, or upon the nativity of some of the holy mar- ,^4 TUB NORMAN CONQUEST. [a. d. 596 TO 606.'} ARRANGEMENT OF SEES IN BRITAIN. u tyrs, whose relics are in the churches, \vt it be permitted to make arbours with the brandies of trees, around whait once were but lieathen temples. Then celebrate such solemnities with religious feasts, so that the people will not immolate animals to the devil, but >\ny them and partake of them, with thanks and praises to God, for that abundance wiiich has been bestowed upon them by Ilim who is tlie giver of all things; and thus whilst exterior joys are permitted to them, they may with the greater facility be attached to those joys that are o' the spirit. For be it remembered, that it is not possible at once to deprive those whose minds are hardened, of all tliinpjs. He who tries to reacli the highest jdace, does so gradually, and step by step, and is never elevated by leaps. When our Lord made himself known lo tlie people of Israel in Egypt, He still reserved for his own use the sicritices which it had been accustomed to tender to the demon, and he even commanded them to immolate animals in His honour; so that as their hearts changed they would lose one portion of the sacrifice; that whilst the animals were immolated, as they had been immolated, yet being offered to God, and not to idols, the sacrifices may no longer be the same."' Together with these instructions, Melitus and Laurentius delivered to Augustin, the ornament of i\m palll/tm, wliich, according to the ceremonial the Romish cliurch had bur- rowed from tlie Roman empire, was the living and official emblem of the power to command given to bisiioi)s. They at the same time brought a plan of an ecclesiastical constitution, prepared beforeliand at Rome to be applied to the |)rovince3 of England, as the domain of the spiritual con(pi(\Nt became ex- tended over them. According to this project, Augustin was to appoint twelve bishops, and to fix in London, wlien that city should become Christian, the metropolitan see, upon which the twelve other bishoprics should be dependent. In like manner, as soon as the great northern city, callcnl in Latin Eboracum, and in Saxon Eoforwic, Evervvie, (York), should have received Christianity, Augustin was to institute there a bishop, who, in his turn receiving the pallium, should become 1 Bedfp; Henrici Ilnnt., Hist. iii. (The text here piveti. fnller tliiLU tlmt supplied by M. Thierry, is mlopted from Mr. .Muccjihes ("uiliolic His- tory of Eoglaud, a work of the most h'iu-ned res^earch, and of great interest.) the metropolitan of twelve others. The latter metropolitan, though dependent upon Augustin during his life, was under the successors of Augustin to be subject only to Rome.^ Regarding these arrangements solely under their material aspect, we niay fancy we see the revival under other forms of the partition of provinces conquered or to be conquered, which in anterior ages so often occupied the Roman senate! The see of the first archbishop of the Saxons was not estab- lished at London, as the papal instructions had ordered; and either to eoneiliate the new Christian king of Kent, or in order to uateh liim more closely, and to be nearer at hand to oppose in him any return of old habits, Augustin fixi^l his abode in the eity of Canterbury, in the very palace of Ethel- bert, the king himself retiring to Reculver. Another Roman missionary was fixed as a simple bishop in London, the capital of the eastern Saxons; and Rofeskester, now Rochester, became the seat of a second bishopric. The metropolitan and his two sufifragans had the reputation of performing miracles, and the fame of their marvellous works soon spread even into Gaul. Pope Gregory skilfully made use of this mtelh-ence to re-anim;iie in the hearts of the Frank kings the love and fear of Rome;2 but, while fully availing him- self of the renown of Augustin, it was not without um- brage that he saw this renown augment, and liis subaltern agent viewed by mvn as another ai)0stle.3 There exists an ambiguous lett. r, wherein the pope, not venturing to express his whoh^ opinion on this matter, appears to caution the apostle of the Saxons not to fbrget his rank and his duty, and to reeomineml him quietly to modify the exercise of his supernatural powers.'* "On l.an.in-," says Gregory, " the great marvels that our bod has been pleased to operate by your hands, in the eyes of the nation he has elected, I rejoiced thereat, because exteVnal | ro- digies eiiicaeiously serve to give souls an inclination towards era » BediP rfisf., lih i. cap. xxix. Ileiiriei Hni.tind., Hist., p. S'3'->. On C^r^^goni Pupje, iv. ;{S7. Hone Britunnicre. ii. -^r)!). " Kpist. Greirorii Papte ad Bruuichildem, ad Chlotanum, apiid Scriptorec * Ut Ai.ost.doruni virtutes in siguis quoe exhibet imitari ideatnr. (i-^pist. Greg. PiyiaB.) * Opera Greporii Papne, iv. 879. d2 36 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 60'J internal grace: but you yourself must take j^ood heed, that amidst these prodigies your spirit be not inflated and l)ecome presumptuous; beware least that which outwardly raises you in consideration and honour, should inwardly become unto you a cause of fall, by the allurements of vain glory."* These cour^sels were not witliout their meaning; the ambitious cha- racter of Augustin had ulrt udy manifested itself in a suffi- ciently evident manner: unsatisfied with his dignity of me- tropolitan of the English, he coveted a more^ flattering and more assured supremacy over nations long since Christian. In one of his despatches to Rome, there was. among other things, this iM-itf and peremptory cjuestion: " How am I to deal with the bishops of Gaul and the bishops of the Britons?"^ '* As tc tlie bishops of Gaul," answered Gregory, somewhat alarmed at the question, " I have not given thee, and I do not give thee any authority over them: the prelate of Aries has received the pallium from me; I cannot take his power from him; it is he who is the chief and judge of the Gauls; and as for thee, thou art forbiddiMi to put tlie reaping-hook of judg- ni'Mit in the corn-field of another.^ As for the bishops of the Briton-race, I confide thrm all to thee; teach the ignorant, strengthen the weak, and chastise evil doers."'* The enormous ditft-rence which the Roman pontiff thought proper to establish between the Gauls, whom ht^ protected ngainsc tin- pretensions of Augustin, and the Cambrians, w^hom he abandoned to him, will be understood, when we call to mind that the Cambrians were schismatics. This unfor- tunate remnant of a great nation, restricted to a mere corner of their ancient country, had lost all, says one of their old poets, but their name, their language, and their God.^ They believed in one God in three persons, a rewarder and avenger, but not punishing, as the Romish church maintained, the sins of the fatlier in his posterity; granting liis grace to whomso- ever practised justice, and not damning children who die before they have possibly committed a single sin. To these 'JisagreementH as to dogma, the result of the Pelagian or semi- TO 607.] SPIRITUAL SYSTEM OF THE WELSH. 37 * Bedte, Hht., lib. i. cap. xxxi. « Opera Gregorii Papro, iv. 100. * Bedte, Jlisf., lib. I. <:i|>. \\%ii. • TaUesin, Arvhaivlinnj of H'ahs, i. 95. » n. Pelagian opinions retained by the Britons, were added other dilferences relating to points of discipline and arising from local customs, or from the oriental traditions which the British church, a daughter of the ehurches of the east, followed in preference. The form of the clerical tonsure and that of the monastic habit were not the same in Britain as in Italy and Gaul; they did not in Britain celebrate the festival of Easter precisely at the period tixed by the decrees o^ the popes. Although very ii;:id, the rules of the British monasteries were in this way j)eeuliar, that very few of the monks took orders, either of pi'iesthood or clerksliip, and tliat all the rest, simple laymen, laboured with their hands the whole day, exercising some art or trade for their own support and that of the com- munity.' Tlie Cambrians had bishops; but these bishops were, most of their time, without any fixed see: they lived sometimes in one town, sometimes in another, true overseers ; and their archbishop, in the same way, lived now at Kerleon (Caer-Lleon) on the Usk, now at Menew, (Mynyw, lafi?ie Menevia) since named Saint David's; this archbishop, inde- pendent of all foreign authority, did not receive the pallium, or solicit it. These were crimes in the eyes of the Roman clergy, who desired that all should bow beneath the supremacy of their church,^ and fully sufficed to warrant pope Gregory, according to his view of the matter, in not r<^cognising any of the bishops of Cambria as a religious authority, and in handing thtm over to the guardianship and correction of one of his missionaries. Augustin, by an express message, conveyed to the clergy of the conquered Britons the order to acknowledge him arch- bishop of the whole island, under pain of incurring the inger of the Romish church, and that of the Anglo-Saxon kingj* For the purpose of demonstrating to tlie Cambrian priests and monks the legitimacy of his pretensions, he invited them to a conference on the banks of the Severn, the boundary of their territory and that of the conquerors. The assembly was ' Monasticon Anglican., i. 100. Lobineau, Hist, de Bretagne, ii. Prevues, p. 45. Horae Britannicee, ii. 225. ' Inter alia iuenarrabiliiim scelerum facta... (Bedae, Hist., lib. i. cap. xxii.) Trioedd yuys Prydyn, Cambro Briton, i. 170. Horae Britaimica;, ii. 223-232. 38 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 606 TO 616.] MASSACIiK OK Till; MONKS OF BANGOR. 39 I held in the open air, under a large oak.^ Here Augustin called upon the Britons to reform their religious practices according to the discipline of Rome, to join the Catholic unity, to give obedience to himself, nnd to employ themselves, under his direction, in the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons. In aid of his harangue, he produced a counterfeit blinch man, a Saxon by birtli, ami pretended to restore him to sight ;2 but neither the eloquence of the Roman nor his miracle could awe the Cambrians, and make them abjure their ancient spirit of in- dependence. Augustin was not discouraged; he appointed a second interview, to which repaired, with a complaisance whicli i>roved tlieir good faith, seven bishops of British race and many monks, chiefly from a large monastery called Bangor,^ situated in North Wales, on the banks of the Dee. On their approach, the R(»man did not deign to rise from his seat; and this token of pride at once wounded them. " We will never admit the pretended rights of Romftn am- bition," said their spokesman, Dimothus, " any more than those of Saxon tyranny. In the bond of love and charity, we are all subjects and servants to the church of God, yea, to the pope of Rome, and every good Christian, to help them forward, both in deed and in word, to be the children of God; but for the submission of obedience, we ow e that only to God, and, after God, to our venerable head, the bishop of Kerleon on Use. Besides, we would ask why those who glorify themselves upon having converted the Saxons, have never reprimanded them for their acts of violence towards us and their spoliation of us?''* The only answer made by Augustin was a formal summons to the Welsh priests to acknowledge him as archbishop, and to aid him in converting the Germans of the island of Britain. The Welshmen unanimously replied that they would not unite in friendship with the invaders of their country, until these had restored all which they had unjustly wrested from * Probably near Aiist or Aust Clive. The tree was for a long period called the Oak of Au/ustin; in Saxon, Augustines-ac. See Bedee, Hist^ lib. ii. cap. ii. « lb. ' Bauclior, the great heart, the great church. * British MSS. quoted in vol. ii. of the Mora; BritauiiicaB, p. 207. them: "And as for the man," added thev, "who does not rise and pay us respect wlien lie is only our equal, how much greater the contempt he would inaniiest for us, if we admitted liini superior."' "Well, then," exclaimed the missionary, in a threatening tone, " since you will not have peace with your brethren, you shall have to endure war with your iocs; since you refuse to join me in teacliinn the way of life to the Saxons, ere long, by a just judgment of (nxl, you shall have to suffer from the Saxons the bitter pains of death. "^ And, in effect, but a short time had elapsed when the king of an Anglo Saxon tribe, still pagan, marched 4rom the north country to tlie very spot where the conference had been held The monks of Bangor, bearing in mind the menace of Au- gustin, quitted their convent in the utmost terror, and fled to the army which the chief of the Welsh province of Powis assembled. This army was defeated, and in tlie rout the vic- torious king perceived a body of men singularly clad, without arms, and all kneeling. He was told that these were the people of the great monastery, and that they were praying for the safety of their countrymen. "If they cry to their God lor my enemies," said the Saxon, " they are lighting against ine, though without arms;"^ and he had them all massacred, to the number of two hundred. The monastery of Bangor, whose chief had been the S|)okesman in the fatal interview with Augustin, was razed to the ground; "and it was thus," say the ecclesiastical authors, " that the prediction of the holy pontiff was accomplished, and those perfidious men who had slighted his counsels in aid of their eternal salvation, punished with death in this world. ''^ It was a national tradition among the Welsh, that the chief of the new Anglo-Saxon church caused this invasion, and pointed out the monastery of Bangor to the pagans of Northumberland. It is impossible to affirm anything positive on this point; but the coincidence of time rendered the imputation so grave as to make the friends of the Romish church desirous of destroying all traces of that coincidence. In almost all the manuscripts of the sole histo- rian of these events, they inserted the statement that Augustin was dead when the defeat of the Britons and the massacre of * Bedae, Hist., lib. ii. cap. ii. » lb. » lb * lb. 40 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. Ta.d. 608 TO 620.] CONVERSION OF EDBALD. 41 If ii .he monks of Bangor took place.' Augustin was, indeed, old at this period; but he lived at least a year after the military exacution winch he had so exactly predicted. On his death, Laurentius, a Roman, like himself, took the ''le ot archbishop; Melitus and Justus were still bishops the one of London, the other of Rochester. The first had converted to Christianity Sighebert, a relation of Ethelbert who, in the novelty of his conversion, manifested infinite zea , and surrounded his growing clergy with honours and authority. But this state of things was not of lon^^ dura- tion: tins fervent king was succeeded by princes indttiferent or even opposed to the new worsliip; and when the two sons of Sighebert (familiarly termed Sibert, or Sib) had committed their father to the tomb, they returned to paganism, and abo- hshed all the laws directed a-ainst the old national relicrion Being, however, of gentle disposition, they at first did'' not persecute eitlier bishop Melitus or the small number of true believers who continued to listen to him; they even attended the Christian church, to pass the time, or perhaps with a sort of inward doubting. One day that the Roman was administering tlie communion ot the Luchanst to his faithful, the two young chiefs said to him: "Why dost thou not offer to us, as well as to the others TT ''c'k?4''*?^^»'^^^ '''^'''^' ^^^"' ^''^'^ "^e ^o give our father Sib/ ^ u i^» ,„3^,^,^^^ ^,^^ j^^^^ ,,^^^ will wash in the fountain of salvation, wherein your father was washed, you shall, like him, share this wliolesome bread." « We will not enter the fountain; we have no need of it; but still we desire to refresh ourselves with that bread."3 They several times renewed this singular request; the Roman on each oc- casion repeated tliat lie coukl not accede to it; and tliey imputing his refusal simply to ill will, became irritated, and said: " Since thou wilt not please us in so easy a matter, thou Shalt quit our country."-* And they drove him and all his companions from London The exiles went into Kent, to Laurentius and Justus, whom » Quamvia ipso, jam multo ante tempore, ad caelestia regna sublato. (ib ) The celebrated tlieoIo{,naiis, Gooawiu and Hammond, are both of opinion that these words were iuterpohited. See Ilore Britanuicffi, ii 271. Augustms death, however, is referred by Smith and by Thorn to 005. * Uedae, Hist., lib. ii. cap. v. 3 /^ 4 ^^ they found also discouraged by the indifference manifested towards them by the successor of Ethelbert. They all re- solved to pass into Gaul. Melitus and Justus departed to- gether; but Laurentius, on the point of following them, deter- mined to make one last effort to turn the mind of the king of Kent, still wavering and uncertain, he believed, as to the religion of his ancestors. The last night that he was to pass among the Saxons, he had his bed set up in the church of Saint Peter, built at Canterbury by tlie old king; and in the morning he issued from it, bruised, wounded, and bleeding. In this state he presented himself belbie Edbald,* son of Ethelbert. " See," he cried, " what the apostle Peter hath done unto me in punishment of my having for a moment thought of quitting his flock."^ The Saxon king was struck by this spectacle, and trembled lest he himself should incur the hostility of the holy apostle, who so severely chastised his friends. He invited Laurentius to remain, recalled Justus, and promised to employ all his authority in reconverting those who, following his example, had fallen into apostasy. Thanks to the aid of the temporal arm, the faith of Christ arose once more, never again to be extinguished, on both banks of the Thames. Melitus was the successor of Laurentius in the archiepiscopal see; Justus succeeded Melitus; and the king of Kent, Edbald, who liad been on the point of driving them all away, was complimented by the sovereign pontiff upon the purity of his belief and the perfection of his Christian works.^ A few years after these events, a sister of Edbald, Ethel- berge,'* was married to the pagan cliief of the country north of the Humber. The bride left Kent, accompanied by a prie>t of Roman birth, named Paulinus, who was beforehand consecrated archbishop of York, according to the plan of pope Gregory, and in the hope that llie faithful wife would convert the infidel husband. The king of Northumberland,^ named * jEd-bald, Ead-bald. Ed, ead, happy ; hald, hold, daring. ' Chronicon Saxonic, ed. Gibson, p. 2(i. ^ Bedae, Hist., lib. ii. cap. vi. Henrici Hiintiu., Hist., lib. iii. * ^thel-byrg. Ethel, noble; burg, burgh, burk, byrh, berg, security, pro- tector, protectress. ^orthnmbria, Northanhymbra-land, or Nort-humher-land, the country nortli of the Humber. 42 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a d. 625 /' TO 628.] CONVERSION OF EDWIN. 43 Edwin,* allowed liis wife Etlielberge to practise the Christian religion under the ausi>ices of tlie man she had brought with her, whose black hair and brown thin face astonished the light-haired inhabitants of the country.'^ When the wife of Edwin became a motlier, Paulinas gravely announced to the Anglo-Saxon king that he had obtained for her the blessing of child-bearing without pain, on condition that the cliild should be baptized in the name of Christ.^ In the effusion of his paternal joy, the pagan consented to all his wife desired; but, on his part, he would not hear of any proposition of baptism, though he allowed free speech to those who desired to con- vert him, argued with them, and sometimes embarrassed them.'' In order to attract him, if possible, towards celestial things by the bait of worldly goods, there came from Rome a letter addressed by pope Boniface " to the glorious Edwin :" " I ^end you," wrote the pontiff, " the benediction ul yuur protector, the blessed Peter, prince of tlie apostles, that is to say, a linen shirt ornamented with gold embroidery, and a mantle of line wool of Ancona."'^ Ethelberge, in the same wjiy, received as a pledge of the blessing of the apostle Peter, a gilt ivory comb and a silver mirror. These gifts were accepted, but they did not decide king Edwin, whose reflective mind could only be gained over by a strong moral impression.** The life of the Saxon had been marked by an extraordinary adventure, of which he thought he had kept the secret wholly to himself; but it had probably escaped him amidst the en- dearments of wedded life. In his youth, before he became king, he liad incurred a great peril; surprised by enemies, who sought his life, he had fallen into their hands. In the prison where he languished, without hope of safety, his heated imagination had, in a dream, brought before him an unknown personage, who approached him with a grave air, and said: "What wouldst thou promise to him who would and could save • Ead-u'm. Ed, liappy, fortunate ; win, cherislied, conqueriDg. * Vir liirgaj staturae, piiuluhmi incurvus, nigro capilfo, facie macilenta, naso adunco pertemii, veiierabilis simul et terribilis aspectu. (Bed», MiU.t lib. ii. cap. xvi.) ■ Henriei Hmitiud., lib. iii. * Quid ageret discutiebat, vir iiatura sagacissiraus, {ib.) » lb. * BedfiB, Hist., lib. ii. cap. ix. theci*" " Auglit that it sliall ever be in my power to perform," answered the Saxon. "Well," replied the unknown, "if he who can save thee only required of thee to live according to his counsels, wouldst thou follow them?" Edwin swoie it, and the apparition, stretching forth his hand, and putting it on his head, said, " When such a sign shall again present it- self to thee, recal this moment and our conversation."' Edwin escaped his danger by some happy chance, but the memory of his (h'eam remained engraven on his mind. One day that he was alone in Ids apartment, the door sud- denly opened, and he saw enter a personage, who advanced gravely forward like the man in his dream, and who, without pronouncing a single word, placed his hand upon his head. It was Paulinus, to whom, according to the ecclesiastical his- torians,2 the Holy Si)irit had revealed the infallible means of overcoming the king's obstinacy. The victory was complete; the Saxon, struck with utter amazement, fell with his face to the ground, whence the Roman, now his master, graciously raised him.^ Edwin promised to be a Christian: but firm in his good sense, he promised for himself alone, saying that the men of the country should themselves decide what to do.* Paulinus asked him to convoke the great national council, called in the Saxon language, wittenaghemote, the assembly of the sages, summoned around the German kings on all im- portant occasions, and at which were present the magistrates, the rich landed proprietors, the warriors of high grade, and the priests of the gods.^ King Edwin explained to this assembly the reasons of his change of fiiith; and addressing all present, one after another, he asked them what they thought of this new doctrine. * Ih, cap. xii. Heuric. Hunt., lib. iii * Th. ' Ib. cap. xiii. * " The prelate encouragingly addressed Lira : ♦ Lo ! the hands of the foe tliat you feared, you have by the goodness of God escaped : lo ! the kingdom that you desired, by His bounty you have received ; and now, re- member the third promise you made — do not delay its accomplishment — receive the faith, attend to the commands of Him, who freeing you from the hands of your temporal foes, has given to you much of temporal glory. Do this, obey His will, attend to His commandments ; and then be sure, that released from the eternal torments of the wicked, you shall become a partaker in the joys of His heavenly kingdom.' " — Maccabe, Catholic History of England, * Elder-menn, Ealdor-men, Seniores. ^"S THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 628 To this question, the chief of the pagan high priests, Coifi, thus replied: — " Your majesty sees, jind can judge of that re- ligion, which is now expounded to us; wliilst I can truly de- clare to } (>u, that wliich I most assuredly know, namely, that there is no advantage in the rehgion to which we hitherto have adhered. There is no one, for instance, who has been more devout in the worship of our gods than myself, and yet, there are many who receive greater benefits from you, who are pos- sessed of more dignified offices, and who are far more prospe- lous in all their undertakings than myself. If our gods could be of any avail, assuredly they w^ould have assisted him who paid the most court to them. It follows from this, that if, upon a due examination, you shall find that the new doc- trines that are preached to you are better and superior to the old, then you are bound, in common with us all, not to delay the adoption of them."' A chief of the warriors then arose, and spoke thus: — "The life of man," said he, "on this earth, in comparison to that space of time which is unknown to us, is like to that which may happen when you with your nobles and attendants are seated at supper, in the winter season, and when a fire is lighted in the midst, and the room is filled with the genial heat, whilst the whirlwind rages, the rain beats, and the snow falls outside, and a sparrow flutters quickly in at one door, and flies as hastily out at the other. During the brief period that it is within the room, the chill of winter does not touch it; but in an instant the serenity it has enjoyed in its flight li;is disappeared — and as you look upon it, it has flashed from the darkness of winter at one door, into the darkness of win- ter in which it disappears at the other — such, too, is the brief measure of liuman existence. We know not what went be- fore, and we are utterly ignorant as to what shall follow. If the new doctrine can make you more certain as to this, then it is one, in my opinion, that ought to be adopted by us."^ After the other chiefs had spoken, and the Roman had ex- plained his dogmas, the assembly, voting as in sanction of national laws, solemnly renounced the worship of the ancient gods. But when the missionary proposed to destroy the ' Bedae, lib. ii. cap. xiii. Ilennc. Huntiii., lib. iii. 2 lb. See for the Auglo Saxon text, Appendix IV. TO 610.] CONVERSION OF NORTHUMBRA, ETC. 45 images of those gods, none among the new Christians fe'.t himself firmly enough convinced to brave the perils of such a profanation; none save the high priest, who demanded of the king arms and a full-horse, that he might thus violate the rule of his order, which prohibited priests to assume warlike habits, or to ride on anything but a mare.^ Then, girt Avith a sword, and brandishing a pike, he galloped to the temple, and in sight of all the people, who thought him mad, he struck the walls and images with his lance. A Avooden house was raised wherein king Edwin and a great number of men were bap- tized.2 ^ Paulinus having thus really achieved the arch- bishopric of which he bore the title, traversed the countries of Deire^ and Bernicia, and baptized in the waters of the Swale and the Glen those who hastened to obey the decree of the assembly of sages."* The political influence of the great kingdom of Northum- berland drew towards Christianity the population of the East-Angles, or eastern English, dwelling south of the Hum- ber, and north of the eastern Saxons. This people had already heard some discourses of the Roman bishops of the south; but the two religions were still so equally balanced, tliat the cliief of the country, Redwald,^ had two altars in the same temple, one to Christ and the other to the Teutonic gods, whom he invoked alternately.*^ Thirty years after the conversion of the people on the banks of the H umber, a wonum of that country converted the chief of the kingdom of Mercia, which then extended from the Huniber to the Thames. The Anglo- iSaxons who latest retained their ancient worship, were those of the southern coasts; they did not renounce it until the end of the seventh century.*^ Eight Roman monks were successively archbishops of Canterbury, before that dignity, instituted for the Saxons, was attained by a man of Saxon race, Berhtwald, or Brith- ^ Henric. Hunt., lib. iii. - Act. pontific. Cantuar. auctore Gervasio Dorobernensi : apud Hist. Anglic, Script., ii. col. lC»3i. 3 A corruption of the Cambrian Deywr or Deifr. * Henric. Huntin., lib. iii. * Reed waM. Bad, red, word, counsel, counseller; wald, wealds watt, powerful, governing. • Henric. Huntin., lib. iii. Bedae, Hist., lib. ii. cap. xv- ' Henric. Huntin., lib. iii. Act. Tcntif., ut svp* cqL 1035. 46 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 608 wald. The successors of Aiigustin did not renounce the hope of constraininjj the cUtjiv of C^unbria to yield to their authority. Tliey overwhelmed tl.r ^Velsh priests with sum- monings and messages; they «^ven extended their ambitious pretensions over the priests of Krin, as independent as the Britons of all foreign supremacy, and so zealous for the Christian faith, that tlieir country was surnamed the Isle of Saints. But this merit of holint ss, without complete sub- jection to the power of the Uomisli church, was as nothing m the eyes of the members of th;it church who had established their si)iritualdonniiioM over the poriion of Britain conquered by the Anglo-S:ixons. Thev s.Mit messages full of pride and acerbity to the ii.liabitants of Kriu: - We, the deputies of the apostolic see in tlie western legions. ol' late foolishly credited the re|>ut;ition of your island for holiness; but we now fully recrard vou as no i)etter than the F.i itons.' The journey of Coiumban into (I;rul, and tliat of a cirtain Dagaman into Britain, liave fully convince 1 us of this, for among other things, this l)air,nn;m passed by the places we inhabit, and not 'only refused to eat at our table, but even to take his meals in tin- same liouse with us/'- This journey into (raul cit.-d in i)roof of the ill doctrines and perversity of the Christians of IlilKruia, had in it cir- cumst:nices which desrrve nx-ntion. Coiumban. or more (•orrectlv Coluni. an Iiishuiau by birth, and a mi>sionary by ir.sniratmn, tilhd witli a drsirc to srek adventures and perils for the si.ke of the Cliristian faith, had put to sea with twelve ,-h(,..-u eornpanions. ^ lb- passed into Britain, and thence into (;aul: then pHHerdin-i to the eastern frontier of that country, liy whh-h Ct'rmnn p:ig:iuism was rushing in or threatening f(. do so, he rr>nlvea to ♦■vtablish a jiUice of prayer and ,,,-rachin-.'* Atlvr having travern-d the va^t forests of the Vosf^-s, he s.h-etrd ;is a resi.h-ncti the ruins of a KomaR fortivs>, ealh/.l l.uxovium, now I.uxeuil, in the centre of whiih was a -priun of mineral vsateis and magnificent baths, adorned with marble basins and statues. Thes(> ruhis fur- nislied Cohimban and his companions with iiiuterials for ' P.eilif\ 7/'-^/ , liV'. ii. <'np. b. ' ^''- 8 I'ro'T.s^i 11.1 (^.illias, ubi Ouic, \e\ ol. frcquentiain hostium externo- n.rn,'vel ob nef,'lit(eiitiiiin prfesnlun., reliKioiiis >irius peiie abolita habebatur, teadimi. {Mta^ S. Culuitibaiii, (qmd Scriptorcs. cS:c., in. 47U.) Bmii to 777.J COLUMBAN. 47 building a house and an oratory, and the monastery founded by them was established according to the rule of the convents of Ireland.' The reputation for sanctity of these cenobites from beyond sea, soon attracted numerous disciples, and the visits of powerful personages. Theodorik, the Frank king, in whose country they were, came to recommend himself ?o their prayers. Coiumban, with a freedom which no member of the Gallo- Frankish clergy had permitted himself, severely remonstrated with the visitor upon the wicked life he led, instead of espousing a lawful wife, with concubines and mistresses.^ These reproaches displeased the king less than they did the king's grandmother, that Brunecliild whose piety pope Gre- gory had so lauded, and who, the more absolutely to govern her grandson, dissuaded him from, and gave him a distaste for mariiage.3 At the instigation of this woman, as cunning as she was ambitious, the Frank lords and the bishops themselves labouivd, by malignant observations, to indispose TJieodorik towards the chief of the foreign monks. He was accused of being of but doubtful orthodoxy, of creating a schism in the Gaulish church, of following an unwonted rule, by which no lay visitor was admittinl into the interior of the monastery.-* After a scene of violence, in which tlie king, coming to Luxeuil, penetrated into the refectory, and in which Coium- ban asserted his rule with inflexible courage, the Irishman was ordered to retrace the same road he had come.'' An escort of soldiers, under the order of count Theudoald and bishop Sutfronius, conducted him to Besanron, fr(»m Be^mcon to Autun, fi-oni Autmi to Nevers, and theinc bv the Loiiv to Nantes, where he end)arked for Ireland.^ But his adventurous destiny and his ardent zeal took him back to Gnu], wh.Mice lie crossed the Helvetian Alps into Italy, where he died. Such was the man from whose conduct the bishops (i Saxon Britain judged that the Chii>tianity of the inhabitants of lliberma was of a suspicious nature, and that it had need to be purilicd and reformed by them.^ The same church which expelled the censurer of the Frank ^ \itu S. Coluinbuii, apiid Scriptores, ,'■ -.;■, , ^/'- »'i. ^7!). 5 //;. 4^S(.. o j,,^ tredegarii Chron., apud Scriptores, Aic, ii. 425. LobintMi, i. 22. 4H THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d, 656 kings from Gaul, gave to tlie Anglo-Saxon kings consecrated crosses for standards, when tliey went to extciininate the ancient Christians of Britain.' The hitter, in their national poems, attribute mucli of their disasters to a foreign con- spiracy, and to monks whom they call unjust.^ In their conviction of the ill-will of the Romish church towards them, they daily became im .re confirmed in their determination to reject her dogmas and her empire; they i)referred addressing themselves, as they n^j.eatrdly did, to the church of Constan- tinople, for counsel in theological difficulties. The most renowned of their ancient sages, Cattawg, at once bard and Christian priest, curses, in his f.olitical eflusions, the neglicrent shepherd who does not guard the flock of God acainst'^the wolves of Kome.^ But the ministers and envoys of the pontifical court, thanks to the religious dependence in which they held the powerful Anglo-Saxon kings, gradually, by means of terror, subdued the free spirit of the British churches. In the eiglith century, a bishop of Nortli Cambria celebrated the festival of Easter on the day prescribed by the catholic councils; the otlier bishops arose against this change; and, on the rumour of this dispute, the Anglo-Saxons made an irruption into tlie southern provinces wliere the op[)ositioii was manifested.'' To obviate foreign war and the desolation of his country, a Welsh chief attempted to sanction, by his civil authority, the alteration of the ancient religiinis (Mistonis; the i>ublic mind was so irritated at this, that the cliit^ftiiin was killed in a revolt. However the national i)ride soon declined, and weariness of a struggle constantly renewing, brought a large portion of the WeTsh clergy to the centre of Catholicism. The religious subjection of the country was thus gradually effectedj- but it was never so complete as that of England. The kings of tlie Saxons and of the Angles had for the city of Rome and the see of St. Peter, a veneration wliich they frequently testified by rich offerings, and even by annual tri- butes, under the name of Rome-money or Church-money. The ' Bedop, //;.s/., lib. iii. cap. i. ami ii. * Horae Britannicfe, ii. 2!)0. 3 //^_ p^ .^77^ • Extract from C'aradoc of LJaiicarvau, a Welsli historian ; Flor© Bii- tanmcfe, .i SO 7. * Horoe Britaimicae, ii. 317. TO 684.1 FORM OF SPIRITUAL DONATIONS. 49 successorsof the ancient lead(Ts of ad venturers Henghist, Horsa, Kerdic, -^Ha and Ida, taught by the Roman clergy to assume the peaceful symbols of the royal dignity, and to bear, instead of the hatchets of their ancestors, staves with gilt ornaments, ceased to place the exercises of war in the first rank.* Their ambition now was to see around tiiem, not like their fathers, troops of warriors, but numerous converts under the rule of Saint Benedict, the most in favour with the pope. They themselves in many cases cut <»tf their h)ng hair to devote rlicniselves to seclusion, and, if the need of an active life de- tained them amidst public alfaiis, they reckoned the con.secra- lion of a monastery as one of the great days of their reign. This event was celebrated with all the pomp of national so- lemnities;''^ the chiefs, bishops, warriors, saiies of the people, were assembled, and the king sat in the midst of them sur- rounded by his family. When the newly built walls had 1h .11 sprinkled with holy water, and consecrated in the names of the blessed apostles Peter or Paul, the Saxon king arose and said aloud: — ^ " Thanks be given unto God Most High, that I have been enabled to do somewhat in honour of Christ and the holy apostles. All you here present be witnesses and guarantees of the donation, made by me to the monks of this place, of the lands, waters, meres, weirs, and fens hereafter set forth. I will that they have and hold them, in full and royal man- ner,^ so that no tax be levied upon them, and that the monastery be subject to no power on earth, save the holy see of Rome; for it is here that those among us who cannot go to Rome, shall visit Saint Peter. Let those who succeed me, whetlier my son, my brothers, or any other ])erson, inviolably maintain this donation, if they would participate in eternal life, if they would be saved from eternal tire: whosoever shall abridge any part of it, may the porter of heaven abridge his share of heaven; whosoever shall add to it, may the porter of heaven add to his share of heaven."" The king then took the roll of parchment on which was set forth the deed of donation, and drew a cross upon it; after him, his wife, his sons, his brothers, his sisters, the bishops, ■ Chron. Saxon., p. 35 VOL. I. » Willelm. Mnlmesb., lib. iii p. 101. 3 lb. * lb. 3G. » lb. 37. so THE NORMAN CONftUEST. [a.d. 684 the pubhc officers, and all persons of l„>h rank, succe,- s.vely subscribed the same sign, repeating the form : « I c^ firm It by my month and by the cross of Christ "' the?„',!rfTfV"''""''""'':".= ^'''^'" *''« Anglo-Saxons and f!lTt .lf?r'°',™u*''' ""« ''''«°'"t« submission of the ^ZZ ■ . V ' T^''^ ^""'^"""^ convened its religious prvmacy mto pohfcal suzerainty, was not of very long Ca- tion The illusion upon the imagination wore off, the de- pendence was more and more felt. While some kin4 bowed their head before the representative of the apostle wh°o opened and shut the doors of heaven,' there were others who renu u';^^^h?nam^o?tLll!'^'T■f /H under the name ot the Catholic foith.3 in tliis stru-crfe thp members of the Saxon clergy, the spiritual sonsof he Romish church, at first ranged themselves on her side and defended her power;^ but afterwards, themselves dravvn into the current of national opinion, they claimed to owe t ITZ I ^T' "^ ''T'' '''^'''^' '^'^ ^^^''tish Christian had offered to render ,t m the time of Au^ustin, and which It had so harshly disdained. The Kn.^lish pen ,le then he r^he tlfofT-* '^.^'^"'^ ^'''' the Cambna!. had been" at the time of their schKsm; by a conduct less religious than pohtic. It accordingly united itself with their naticmal enemies It excited foreign ambition against them, as it had excited their own ambition against the indigenous Britons. It nro- Z.u' '"vi TT' '^' ^''"' ^"'"'' *''*"'^ ^^«""^^T and their goods witli absolution from all sin, to whomsoever would march against them; and to recover the tribute at first paid voluntarily, and then refused by slackened zeal or patriotic economy, it engaged in an enterprise, the aim of which wa. the subjection of the nation. The detail of these later events and their consequences will occupy the greater portion of this history, devoted, as its title indicates, to the narrative of the fall of the An-lo-Saxon people. But we have not yet regularly attained this point; the readers attentmn must still be directed to the victoriou Germanic race and the conquered Celtic race- he mn.t view the white standard of the Saxons and of the A'ngk', giadually ' Chron. Saxnn., 35— ,1S. t jf, o^ • Eddii Vita S. Wilfridi, ap.d Her. An^Hc. Script.', iii; 61. Horffi Britaunicae, ii 3slU— 347. TO 800] INDEPENDENCE OF THE WELSH. 51 drivin'T the red standard of the Kymri^ back towards the west. The Anglo-Saxon frontiers, continually enlarging in the west, after being extended on the north to the Forth and tlie Clvy -me'war,orbecau nZkt In"'?- 1^ ' ^'"'"'"f incorporated with the mass of the population which surrounded them on all sides. ^Ztn t?!^^^'*"'"'^ ^'T '^'" ^'^^=^"d o^ I^"tain, with the ex- of wX. V r 'r"'"' ^'^' '" ^'^^ ^"^^" ^"d sterile province esn^f n; ' if;' ''^*7* Cambrians, Logrians, and Britons especmlly so cjUIed, partly direct emigrants from the eastern nZT^f -^''' ""'^ »'""^^^ ^*^^o"i«ts who had come into Zl^: Z «" ^"teruH-diate stay of various duration, on the LdtC'r' f 1^/"-. ^^''' P^^^^ wreck of a great nation had the glory of defending the possession of their last corner of territory against the efforts of an enemy immensely superior » In Welsh, r/aud offa ; in Knplish, Ofas Ih,ke. II IS now called CuinberJaud; iy old Saxon, Cumnaland, TO 900.1 THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 53 in numbers and wealth ; often defeated, they were never sub- jugated, and, from century to century, they bore deep within their lie:nts the immovable conviction of a mysterious eter- nity reserved for their name and their language. From the very outset of their national defeats, this eternity was an- nounced to them by tlie Welsh bards;' and each time that, in the progress of years, a new foreign invader traversed the mountains of Cambria, let his vi(rtories have been as complete as they might, he still heard this cry from the vanquished: " Do thy worst: thou canst not destroy our name or our language." Chance, valour, and more particularly the nature of the country, composed of rocks, lakes, and sands, vindicated the daringly sanguine prediction; but in itself, it must be ever regarded as a remarkable proof of energy and imagina- tion in the petty people who unhesitatingly acted upon it as a national article of faith. ^ The ancient Britons lived and breathed in poetry: the ex- pression may seem extravagant, but it is not so in reality; for, in their political maxims, preserved to our own times, they place the poet-musician beside the agriculturist and the artist, as one of the three pillars of social existence.^ Their poets had but one theme: the destiny of their country, its misfor- tunes and its hopes. The nation, a poet in its turn, caught up and adopted their fictions with earnest enthusiasm, giving the wildest construction to their simplest expressions: that which in the bard was merely a patriotic wnsh, became to the excited imagination of the hearers a national promise; his expectations were for them prophecies; his Yery silence was a confirmation of their dreamiest speculations. That he sang not the death of Arthur, was a proof that Arthur still Hved; and when the harper, without any particular meaning, sounded a melancholy strain, the auditors at once sponta- neously applied to the vague melody the name of some spot become mournful to the nation, as the scene ot a battle lost, of some triumph of the foreign aggressor.^ These memories of the past, these hopes of the future, embellished, ' Taliesiu, Archaiology of Wales, \. 95 ' See pustea, hook xi. Hi Z^°^^^ ^^"■'^** ^-'^ I'O'dyn, sec. xxi. No. i., Archaiology of Wales, m. 2H3. * See posteot lib. iv. sub an. 1070. 54 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 800. m the eyes of the later Cambrians, their land of rocks and marshes. Though poor,» thej were gay and sociable; thev bore misery hghtiy, as a transient suffering, and awaited with untiring patience, the grand political revolution which was to give back to them all they had lost, to render them, as one of their bards^ expresses it, the crown of Britain. _ Centuries after centuries passed away; yet, notwithstand- ing the predictions of the poets, the land of the ancient Bri- tons did not come back again to the hands of their descendants It tlie foreign oppressor was vanquished, it was not by the nation justly entitled to this retributive victory; his defeat and his subjection in no degree benefited the refu'^ees of Wales The narrative of the reverses of the Anglo-Saxons invaded and subjugated in their turn by a people from be- yond seas, will occupy the following pages. And here this race, hitherto victorious over all those that had preceded it in Britain, will excite a species of interest to which it had not previously given rise; for its cause will become the good cause, the cause of the suffering and oppressed. If distance of time ever weakens the impression produced in former ages by contemporary calamities, it is when the want of vivid memorials throws the veil of oblivion more or less com- pletely over the sufferings of those who have so loner since passed away. But in presence of the old documents wherein these sufferings are described with a minuteness and a naivete which seem actually to bring before us the men of remote ages, a sentiment of gentle pity awakens in our hearts, and blend- ing with the impartiality of the Iiistorian, softens him, with- out in the least impairing his determination to be honest and just. » Giraldi Cambriensis, Jfin^arwrn WallicB, passim ; C&mden, J nglica, JlM, I C/t III IC cJEf OCC* l^o^^!^f"' ^r^''«;«'"?y «f Wales, i. 9r>; Arymes Prydyn. ii. p. 1S6- loP; Afallenan M)rdd)ii, /ft. p. DO. j j * r BOOK II. FROM THE FIRST LANDING OF THE DANES IN ENGLAND TO THE END OF THEIR DOMINATION. 787—1048. First lanJiii'- of the Danish pirates— Their character; their conquests in Engl.iml— Invasion of Kagniir Lodbro-; his death-song— Descent of the Danes in the sonth— Destruction of ihe monasteries— lermination of the kingdom of East Aiiglia— Invasion of the kingdom of Wessex— Resistance of Alfred— Flight of king Alfred— His return; he attacks the Danes, and concludes peace with i hem— Successive combinations of the English territory under a sole loyidty— Descent of Hiisiiug upon En-^land— Election of king Edward— lOnquests of king Athelstan— Victory of Brunauburg— Defeat of Erik the Dane— iN.liiical results of the defeats of the Danes— Fresh emigrations from Denmark— Massacre of the Danes— Grand armament of Swen— Patiiotic hrmuess ot arch- bishop Elfeg; his death— Elhelred takes refuge in Ganl— Foundation of llie empire of the Franks— Dismemberment of that empire— Invasion of Ganl by the Danes or I^ornmns— New states fiMined in Gaul — Lmnls and populations of the kingdom of France— Exile of Roll, son of Kogu- vuld— The Norwegian exiles establish themselves at Kouen— First nego- tiation of the French with the Normans— Roll elected chief of the Nonnans— Second negotiatioii— Cession of Neustria and Brittany-^ Conference at Saint-Clair-sur-Epie— Conversion and baptism of Roll, tiisi duke of Normandv— Division of Normandy— Eanguage and man- ners of the people of Bayeux— Social slate of Normandy— Insurrec- tion of the peasants of Nornaandy— Violent meas«res \o suppress tlie insurrection — Language and political relatuiib of the G alio -Normans Elhelred recidled— Godwin saves the life of a Fanish chief— Kuut the Dane becomes king of all England— ProscripU-.rs in England— Mar- riage of king Knnt; remaikahle change in his cliaracter and conduct- He institutes Peter's pence— ICmporal power of the popes— Pil- grimage of Knut to Rome— Letter written by king KiiUt— Pase of Godwin— Handd and Hardeknut, kings of England— Pt,>aratious for war between the Anglo Saxons aiul the Anglo- Danes- '«rold sole king of England— Alfred, sou of llthelred. reappears in Fir gland -His violent death— Hardeknut's baibiuity— His exactions— The Danes driven from England— Election of Edward, >on of Ethehed— His mar- riage with Edi'.ha— Re-establishment of English ii)dependence— Hosti- lity of the people to the Norman favourites of king Edward. For more than a century and a half, almo>t the entire of southern Britain had borne the nani'^ of England, and in tiie language of its German-descended possessors, that of f4 56 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 787 TO 835.] THE SEA-KINGS. 57 Briton or We sh, had meant serf or tributary,' when a bo.lv of men, of unknown race, entered, in three vessels, a port oi, the eastern coast. In order to learn whence they came an,) what they wanted, the Saxon magistrate of the place^ pro ceeded to the shore where they had landed; the stranl^ers suff^^red him to approacli; then surroundinir lAm and'^his escort, they fell upon them, killed them, and, havin- pi! dT^rttf-^^'''^"' '"^^''''"*'^ "^'^^ ^^'^ ^^^^3^ ^o their ship, and ^ Such was the first appearance in England of the northern pirates, variously called Danes* or Normans,^ according as they came irom the islands of the Baltic sea or the coa^t of IN or way. They descended from the same primitive race with the Anglo-Saxons and the Franks; their language had roots identical with the idioms of these two nations : but this token ot an ancient fraternity did not preserve from their hostile incursions, either Saxon Britain, or Frankish Gaul, nor even Gerlrnt'i!^iL'''1l''" ^^^-e, then exclusively inhabited by Yermanic tubes Ihe conversion of the southern Teutons to he Christian faith had broken all bond of fraternity between hem and the Teutons of the north. In the ninth century the man of the north still gloried in the title of son of Odin, and treated as bastards and apostates the Germans who had become children of the church : he made no distinction be- tween them and the conquered popnlati<.ns whose rr^liirion they had adopted. Franks or Gauls, Lombards or Latins, all were equady odious to the man who had remained faithful to the ancient divinities of Germany. A s(.rt of religious and pati-iotic fanaticism was thus combined in the Scandinavian with the fiery impulsiveness of their character, and an insa- tiable thirst lor gain. They slied with joy the Mood of the priests, were especially delighted at pillaging the churches, rvin :\7' ;'''■ ■■ ■; '■''■ "^^ ''''■"• ^ "^^ ■^^•' ^"^ " "li-^^"« ""f^'li^"'" I'O- ^-.mnn ucciuat . . t . ,,. h..., an. 7s. ap„d .loluu. Brnnu. //,. i. col. 707.) Oereja, g,,.t, gmv.., ir, the ihaU'ct of the Frauks. 3 Hemic. Hiiiitin., Hist , hh. iv * f *• * VT ^"'"'^ ^'""'= '**«"»*in I'*"a, Dfeni^he the atdent'^nnTr'"'' ,^;"";:'"^^""' N"'>rth-nmthre, Normans. This wm me ftiicieiit appeUaiioii of the Norvveiximis. and sta])lcd their horses in the chapels of the palaces. > When they had devastated and burned some district of the ChrLstian territory : " We have sung them the mass of lances,"' said they, mockingly; " it commenced early in the morning, and lasted until night."^ In three days, with an east wind, the fleets of Denmark and Korwav, two-sailed vessels, reached the south of Britain.^ The soldiers of each fleet obeyed in general one chief, whose vessel was distinguished from the rest by some particular or- nament. The same chief commanded when the pirates, hav- ing landed, marched in troops, on foot or on horseback. He was called by the German title, rendered in the southern lan- ffuar-es by the word king :^ but he was king only on the sea and" in the battle-field; for, in the hour of the banquet the whole troop sat in a circle, and the horns, filled with beer, passed from hand to hand without any distinction of first man or last. The sea-king^ was everywhere faithfully followed and zealously obeyed, because he was always renowned as the bravest of the brave, as one who had never slept under a smoke-dried roof, who had never emptied a cup seated in the chimney-corner.^ He could guide his vessel as the good horseman his steed, and to the ascendancy of courage and skill were added, for him, the influence created by superstition; he was initiated in the science of the runes ; he knew the mystic characters which, engraved upon swords, secured the victory, and those which, inscribed on the poop and on the oars, preserved ves- sels from shipwreck.7 All equal under such a chief, bearing • Hist. S. Vincentii, apud Script, rer Nornuain, p. 2L Gesta Konnan- jonim ante Rollonem ducem. {ih.) Chronicou Herraauni Contracti, apud Script, rer. Gallic, et Francic., viii. p. '^4(t. ^ • Attiim cdda niessu . . . (Olai \Vion and the weight of their mmled annonr, vvhicli they promised them^selves soon to ex- change tor an eciiial weight of gold, the Ihmish pirates pur- sued the rw/^/ o/' Me ^^y/w*, aa their ancient national poetry- expressed it.* Sometimes they coasted along the shore, and laid wait for the enemy in the strait^ the bays, and smaller aiieliorages, which procured them the surname of Vikings or children of the creeks ; sometimes they dashed in pursuit ot their prey across the ocean. The violent storms of the north seas dispersed and shattered their frail vessels; all did not rejoin their chieftain's ship at the rallying signal, but those who survived their sliipwrecked companions were none the less confident, none the more depressed; tliey laughed at the winds and waves that had failed to harm them: " The strength of the tempest," they sang, "aids the arm of the rower; the storm is our servant; it tlirows us where we desired to go."^ The first great army of Danish and Norman corsairs that visited England, landed upon tlie coast of Cornwall, the na- tives of which district, reduced by the English to the condition of tributaries, joined the enemies of their conquerors, either in the hope of gaining a certain degree of liberty, or simply to satisfy their passion of national vengeance. The Northmen were repulsed, and the Britons of Cornwall remained under the yoke of tlie Saxons; but shortly afterwards, other fleets, steering to the eastern coast, brought Danes in such vast numbers, that no force could prevent their penetrating to the heart of England. Tliey ascended the course of the great rivers, until they had found a commodious station; liore^they quitted their vessels, moored them or laid them up dry, spread over the country, everywhere seized beasts of burden, and from mariners became men and horses, as the chroniclers of the time express it ^ They at first contented themselves with pihagin«^ and then retiring, leaving behind them on the coasts a°few military posts and small entrenched camps, to protect their next return; but soon changing their tactics, they established themselves fixedly, as masters of the soil and of the inhabi- ' Ofer Swan rade. * . . Quibus nee ingenn inngitus cueli nee crebri jactus fulminum unquam nocuerunt, favente grutiu elenieiitonuu. (Hist. S. EiKlmnndi, uuclore Ab- bone flcritc, Abbate, apud Suiiuni in Vit. Sanct. Ntnemli. tiO, vi. 441.) ' Ckrou. Saxoa., Gibson, p. 139, it i>assiin. tants, and drove back the English race of the north-east to- wards the south-west, as the latter had driven back the ancient British population of the Gaulish sea towards the other sea.^ The sea kings who connected their names with the events of this great invasion are, Ragnar-Lodbrog and his three sons, Hubbo, lugvar, and Afden. Son of a Norwegian and of the daughter of a king of one of the Danish isles, Ragnar had obtained, either fairly or by force, the crown of all these islands; but fortune becoming unfavourable to him, he lost his territorial possessions, and then equipping several vessels and assembling a troop of pirates, turned sea king. His first expeditions were in the Baltic and upon the coasts of Friesland and Saxony; he next made numerous descents in Brittany and Gaul, ever successful in his enterprises, which procured for him great wealth and great renown. After thirty years of successes, obtained with a simple fleet of barks, Ragnar, whose views had enlarged, resolved to essay his skill in "a more scientific navigation, and had two vessels con- structed, which surpassed in dimensions anything that had been hitherto seen in the north. Vainly did his wife Aslauga, with that cautious good sense which, among the Scandinavian women, passed as the gift of proi)hecy, urge upon him the perils to which this innovation exposed him; he would not listen to her, and embarked, followed by several hundred men. England was the object of this novel expedition. The pirates gaify cut the cables which held their two vessels, and, as they themselves expressed it in their poetical language, gave the rein to their great sea-horses.'^ All went well with the sea king and his companions so long as they were on the open sea; it was when they approached the coast that their difficulties commenced. Their large ships, unskilfully steered, struck upon shoals, whence vessels of Danish construction would easily have extricated them- selves, and the wrecked crews were obliged to throw them- selves upon the land, destitute of every means of retreat. The coast on which they thus disembarked against their will was that of Northumberland; they advanced in good order, ravaging and pillaging according to their custom, the same » Chron. Saxon., Gibson, p. 72. Chron. Jolian. Wallingford, apud rer. Anglic. Script. (Gale. ii. 532.) . 4-,« -, <■ iqoqv ■i Shaiou Turner's Hist, of the Anqlo- Saxons, 1. 476 i^ed. of 184b). w. I i 60 r. H THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 838 as though they were not in a hopeless no^Ition On T.^o.- furio,?. i . " "■'"' -"I""'"' *"'''^= t''e combat wag lunou, tl,ou;.h very un,.,,,.al; and Ka^rnar, enveloped in a mantle his wife had (n\en liim on 1.; .T. \ ^ , Ui-pnemv'. r..r.l. *■ \ T. ' "'"^ti'>" "^-"^ 'l.e vivid in,- pres>, ol til.- warlike and nli-ioi.^ fanaticism which in tl,P ninth century rendered thp n-.,,;.!, „.. i v V— , . ^ forrai.lable.' ""'' ■""' "^"■""""^ ^^'^'"S» ^ I w'cnl'i '"'"'1' '';'"' °""'^°''-'^ '■" ""^ time when, yet yonnrr „, ■ • ;'.'"' " """ ?■•''»» combat wherein I set the peonle of Helsmglue' m crowds to the palace of Odin. Thence o.^ vessels bore us to the mouth of the Vistula, where our Ws dre.ls r^- mcn'nrn' r T"" '"";'''' "" "'" '^">- ^■''^'" ^ ^''^ ^un- En^Knd.rfl ,''",''''' '""'^' "e^'- " promontory of arrfws wh ,1 i" '.' """'^ '^^P'"''^ '"'•'''" ""^ swordsMhe arrows whistled as they went seeking the helmets; it was for .le^a pleasure equal to that of holding a beautiful 'girl in my voun7ma^'^T"^'"'; r"';'''' *''" ''"y "'"■" I '»W '«^ t'-at young man, so proud ot Ins long hair, who in the mornin.r had been woo.n, the young girhfand the widow Wat f tlie lot of a brave man, but to fall among the lir.t' He who L'rorreTi'Thi'''' ""1: ^ "•^''"^"-•^ "^•^^ man Lst :» 2 man or resist hi,n, m the great game of battle. the skvef ?/f T^ our 'words; and now I feel that men are tht slaves oi destiny, and obey the decrees of the spirits who * Mullet, //. du Bannemnrrk, ii. 293. A provmce of Sweden, on the gulf of Bothnia. TO 8f)6.J DANISH INVASION TO AVENGE LODBROG. 61 preside over their birth. >s\ ver did I think that death would come to me tlirough tliis CElla, when I urged my vessels so far across tlie waves, and n^ave such banquets to the wild beasts. But I smile with pleasure when 1 reflect that a place is reserved tor me in the halls of Odin, and that soon, seated thrre at tlie givat bam^uet table, we shall drink flowing draujrhts of beer, in our cu{)s of horn. " We struck with our swords. If the sons of Aslanga knew the ajiixui:ih 1 sufii*r, if they knew tltat venomous ser- pents wind theuiselves around me and cover me with bites, they would all shudder, and would rush to the combat; for the mother whom I have left them has given them valiant hearts. A viper now tears oi)eii my breast, and penetrates to my heart; I am conquered; but soon, 1 hope, the lance of one of my sons will pierce the side of OCUa. " AYe struck with our swords in fifty and one combats; I doubt whether among men there is a king more famous than I. From my youth I have shed blood, and desired an end like this. The goddesses sent by Odin to meet nie, call to me and invite me; I go, stated among the foremost, to drink beer Avith the gods. The hours of my life are passing away; I shall die laughing."^ This lofty appeal to vengeance and to the warlike passions, first sung in a funeral ceremony, passed from mouth to mouth wherever Ragnar-Lodbrog had admirers; not only his sons, his relations, his friends, but a crowd of adventurers and young men from every northern kingdom responded to it. In less than a year, and Avithout any hostile intelligence reaching En;.'land, eight sea kings, and twenty larls or chiefs of secondary rank, confederating together, united their vessels and their soldiers. This was the largest fleet that had ever left Denmark on a distant expedition. Its destination was Northumberland, but a mistake of the pilots carried it more to the south, towards the coast of East Anglia.^ Incapable of repelling such a great army, the people of the country gave the Danes a pacific reception, of whidi the ' Olai Wormii Lifferatura runica, p. 198. Sluiron Turner, vt sup. i. 4^-1. The poem in the original extends to twenty-nine strophes ; 1 have omitted nearly one half of these, and abridged the remainder. « Est Anglia, the Latin translation of the Saxon term, East-engla-land- Sharon Turner, nt sup. p. 511. ?m»m ;if 62 i THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 867 litter availed themselves to collect provisions and horses, Willie awaiting reinforcements beyond seas; on the arrival of these, deeming themselves sure of success, they marched upon York, the capital of Xorthuraberiand, devastating and burning everything on their way. The two chiefs of this kingdom, Osbert and (Ella, concentrated tiieir forces under th- walls of the city for a deci.si\ e battle. The Saxorn at first had the advantage; i)ut da>hing on jtrematurely in jmrsuit of the enemy, the latter, penM-ivinur their disorder, turn(Hl upon them, aningnlar d.'.stiny, (Elk, falling alive into the hands ot the sons of L(Mll)r.)g, expiated by Unlieard of tortures, the tortures he had inliicted on their father.' Vengeance thus consummated, another passion, that of power, took {.o.sr.>ion of the confederate chiefs. JVIasters of a portion of the eoimtry north of the Ilumber, and assured by messengers of the submission of the rest, the sons of Ragnar-Lodhro.r resolved to retain tliis conquest. They garrisoned York and the princi|)al towns, distributed lands among tiieir companions, and opened an asylum to people of every condition who chose to come iroin the Scandinavian provinces to augment the new colony. Thus Northumber- land ceased to be a S.ixon kingdom; it became the rallying point of the Danes, for the eon(iuest of tlie south of England! After three y. ,r-. j.rep.iration, the great invasion commenced. Ihe army, le.l by its eight kings, descendec^ the Ilumber as b.r as the heights of Lindsay, and there landing, marched in a direct line from nortli to south, pillaging the towns, massacre- ing the inhabitants, and, with fanatic rage, taking especial delight in burning the (hurchesand monasteries.^ The Danish vanguard was approaching Crovland, a Ccie- brated monastery, the name of whieh will often figure in tliese pjiges, when it met a small Saxon armv, which, by dint of courage and good ordf r, held it in check' for a whole dav. It was a levy en masse of jdl the peoph* of the neighbourhood commanded by their lor.ls and l)y a monk cjilled brother Toll' who, before taking the vows, had borne arnis.^ Three Danish * Sljiirnn Turner, p. r)1.1, 2 jj, pp. fjir,, 510. ■ Snmno diluculo, ari.Jiiis .livinis offiriis, et smiipt.," sacV viatico, omnos m monendn™ pro Christi fid. pani.e.iue h cassoek, said: '* Come with m.p, and quit not my side for a moment." He thus saved him from the massacre, but no others were spared. After naving vainly sought the treasure of the abbey, the Danes » Fleury, Histnirc Ecclt'sinstique, xi. 2H;i. (Bruxtlles, 17] 4.) 1 1[« 'ClIlShikMBIUiiu, 61 9*t THE NORMAN CONQUEST. ill [a.d. 867 i fji-oke open the marble tombs in the church, and, furious at aot finding any riches in them, scattered the bones, and set jlre to the church. They then proceeded eastward, to the monastery of Peterborough.* This monastery, one of the chefs-cToeuvre of the architecture of the period, had, according to the Saxon style, massive walls pierced with small semi-circular windows, which ren- dered it the more easy to defend. The Danes found the doors closed, and were received with arrows and stones by the monks and the country people who had shut themselves up with them: in the first assault, one of the sons of Lodbrog, whose name the chroniclers do not mention, was mortally wounded; but, after two attacks, the Danes entered by storm, and Iluljbo, to revenge his brother, killed, with his own hand, all the monks, to the number of eighty-four. The apartments were pillaged, the sepulchres burst open, and the library used to feed the fire apfdied to the building: the confiagration lasted fifteen whole days. During a night march of the army tow^ards Huntingdon, the boy whom a Danish chief had saved at Croyland, escaped, and regained the ruins of his late abode. He found the thirty monks returned, and employed in extinguishing the fire, which still burned. He recounted to them the massacre with every detail; and all, full of grief, proceeded to seek the bodies of their brethren. After several days labour, they found that of the abbot, headless and crushed by a beam; the rest were afterwards discovered, and buried near the church in one grave.^ These disasters occurred partly in the territory of Mercia, and partly in that of East Anglia, or Eastern English. The king of the latter country, Edmund, speedily paid the penalty of the indifference with which, three years before, he had witnessed the invasion of Northumbria; surprised by the Danes in his royal residence, he was led a prisoner before the sons of Lodbrog, who haughtily commanded him to acknowledge himself their vassal. Edmund pertinaciously refused; whereupon the Danes, having bound him to a tree, essayed upon him their skill in archery. They aimed at the ' Inf^ilf, ut sup. p. 22. Fleur)', ut sup. p. 284. • Fleury, ut 5»p. a jj, ,-^, TO 878.J CONQUESTS OF THE DANES. 65 arms and legs, without touching tlie body, and at length terminated this barbarous sport by striking off the head" of the Saxon king with an axe. He was a man of little merit or rci)utation, but his death j.n.cured ibr him the greatest renown then attainable, tliat of holiness and martyrdom. Common opinion, in the nnddle ages, sanctified the memory of any one who had perished by the hand of the pagans; but here something else was in operation, a peculiar feature of the Anglo-Saxon character, the tendency to surround patriotic sufierers with a religious halo, and to regard as martyrs those who had died defending the national cause, or perseeuted by Its enemies. ^ East-Anglia, entirely subjected, became, like Northumber- land, a Danish kingdom, and a point of emigration with the adventurers of the north. The Saxo.i king was replaced by a sea king, called Godrun, and the indigenous population reduced to a state of demi -servitude, lost all property in their territory, and in future cultivated it ibr the foreigners. Ihis conquest involved in great danger the kin-dom of Mercia, which, already encroached upon in its eastern "^portion, iiad the Danes upon two of its frontiers. Tlie ancient king- doms of Eastsex, Kent, and 8uth-sex, had no longer an inde- pendent existence; for more than a century past they had all three been annexed to that of AVest-sex (Wessex), or of the western Saxons.' Thus tlie struggle was between two Danish kingdoms and two Saxon kingdoms. The kings of Mercia and Wessex, hitherto rivals and enemies, leao^tied to"-ether in defence of that portion of England which ?emainec?free- but despite their utmost efforts, the whole of the territory north of the Thames was overrun; Mercia became a Danish province; and of the eight kingdoms originally founded by the Faxons and the Angles, but one alone remained, that of Wes- ^x, whieh at this time extended irom the mouth of the Ihanies to tlie Bristol Channel In the year 871, Ethelred, son of Ethelwolf, kino- of VYe^- ^ex was mortally wounded in a battle with the Danes, who Iiad passed the Thames and invaded his territory. He left soveral children : but the national election fell upon his bro- VOL. I. - m THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 871 ther Alfrefl, a joim^ man of two and twenty, whose courajre and military skill inspired the Saxons with the most vivid hopes.* Alfred twice suecMMMlcd, by arms or negotiation, in relieving his kinjrdom IVuni the prestiice of the Danes; he repulsed°several attempts to invade hi.^ southern provinces by sea, and for seven years maintained the boundary line of the Thames. It is probable that no otlier Danish army would ever have overpassed that boundary, had the king of Wessex and his people been thoroiiirldy united; but there existed be- tween them germs of discord of a very singular nature. Kin"- Alfred was more learned than jinyof liis subjects; while quite a'^youth he had visited the southern countries of Europe, and had closely observed their manners; he was conversant with the learned languages, and with most of the writings of antiquity. This superior knowledge created in tlie Saxon king a certain degree of contempt for the nation he governed, rieliad small respect for the inl'ormation or intelligence of the great national council, the Assembly of Wise Men. Full of the ideas of absolute {M.wcr, that so freciuently recur in the Roman writers, he had an ardent desire for political reforms, and framed intinite plans, better in themselves, we may per- linps concede, tlian the ancient Anglo-Saxon practices they were destined to replace, but wanting in that essential requi- site, the sanction of a people who iieitlier understood nor de- sired these chang-'S. Tradition has vaguely preserved some St vere featur. s of Alfred's government; and long after his deatli, men usrd to spt-ak of the excessive rigour he applied to the j)u:iislnnrijt of ])revaricators and other evil judges.^ Altlioiigh this severity had for its object the good of the Anglo-Saxon nation, it was far from agreeable to a people^ who at that tinu' more highly valued the life of a free man than regularity in the administration of public afl'airs. i5fsi(?es, this rigour of king Alfred towards the gr(\at, was not acenmpanied by atfaltility towards the small; he (hfended these, but h'> did not like tliem; their petitions and their ap- peals were distasteful to him, and his house was closed against them. ^' If any needed his aid," says a conteniporary writer, ^' whe- ' Tnnipr, Hii^t. of the AiHjJo-Saxoua, i. UM. 2 llonie, Mirror of Mutjisfra/cs, p. 'iUC. ^10 878.J ALFRED. 67 I ther in a case of personal necessity, or against the oppression of the powerful, he disdained to give audience to their plaint; he gave no support to the w^eak, regarding them as of no con- sideration w hatever."' Thus, wiien, s-^ven years after his election, this learned king, unconsciou>ly odious, having to repel a formidable invasion of the Danes, summoned his people to defend the land, he was fear- fully astonished to find them indisposed to obey him, and even careless about the common peril. It was in vain that he sent to each town and handet his war messenger, bearing an arrow and a naked sword, and that he published this ancient national proclamation, to which hitherto no Saxon, capable of bearing arms, had refused obedience; "Let each man that is not a no"^ thing, whether in the town or country, leave his house and come."2 Very few men on this occasion accepted the invi- tation; and Alfred accordingly found liimself almost alone, surrounded solely by the small circle of private friends who admired his learning, and whom he sometimes atiected to tears by reciting his works to them.^ Favoured by this indifference of the nation towards the chief whom itself had chosen, the enemy made rapid progress. Alfred, abandoned by his people,^ in turn abandoned them, and quitting, says an ancient historian, his warriors, his cap- tains, and all his people, fled to save his life.^ Concealing iiimself as he went, in the woods and on the moors, he reached, on the limits of the Cornish Britons, the confluence of the rivers Tone and Parret. Here, in a peninsula sur- rounded by marshes, the Saxon king sought refuge, under a feigned name, in the hut of a fisherman, compelled himself to bake the bread which his indigent host permitted him to share with his family. Very few of the people knew what had be- come of him, Asserius Meuevensis, de Mlfredi Gestis; Camden, Annlica, Hiher- mca, &c., p. 10. « Saxon Chronicle, p. 195. Nithing, iiequam, niliilum. ADgli... nihil miserius estimant quam hujusmodi dedecore vocabuli notari. (Mat- tbaeus Paris, i. 14.) « Ethelwerdi, Hist., lib. iv. apud Rer Anglic. Scrip., Savile, p. 847. Asser. Menev., ut sup. p. 'J. Johan. Walliugford, Chron. apud rer ADg. Scrip., Gale, iii. T);}?. » MSS. in the Britisli MuReiun, Vespas. D. 14. " Asser. iit sup. p. 1<). fj 68 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 871 out opposition. Many of the inhabitants embarkr^d from the western coasts to seek an asylum in Gaul, or in Erin, called by the Saxons, Ireland;" the remainder submitted to pay tri- bute, and to cultivate tlie land for the Danes. It was not long ere they found the ills ofronquest a thousand times worse than those of Alfred's rule, which in the liour of sufteiin- had api>eared to them insupportable, and tliey rejrretted their for- mer t ondition and the des{)otisra of a king chosen from anion"- themselves.-^ ° On Ids part, calamity suggested to Alfred new tlioughts, and he earnestly meditated the means of saving liis people, and of regaining their favour. Fortified in his island against hostil.i surprise by entrenchments of wood and earth, he led there the wild and rugged life reserved in all conquered countries for those of the conquered who will not submit to slavery, the lite of a brigand in the woods and marshes and mountain gorges. At the luad of his friends, formed into bands h«; i)illaged for their support t\ut Danes, enriched with Saxon spoils, or failing tli. r, tlir Saxons who obeyed them and acknowle.lged tlirm as nin^tn ^. All whom the I )anish yoke bur- dened, all who had become guilty of high treason to the men in power, by defending ag:iinst tiiem their goods, their wives, or their daughters, (amc to rang.- themselves under the order's of the unknown chief wlio refused t(» >hare the general servitude. After a systematic warfare of stiatagems, surprises, and noc- turnal combats, the partisan leader resolved to avow himself to make an ap{>eal to the whole western country, and openly to attack, under tlie Anglo-Saxon standard, the l)ani>h head- quarters, at Kthandun, on the borders of Wiltshire and Somer- setshire, close to a forest called Selwood, or the Great Forest.'* Before giving the decinx <• signal, Alfied determined to make a personal ohscjrvation of the Danish position; he entered their camp disguised as a harp. r. and with his Saxon songs entertained the Danisli army, whose language differed very little from his own;^ he vi-ited <-very j)art of the encamp- raent, and on his return to his own quarters despatched mes- • Tra-land, Ir Innd, Tmrvm-tcrra. » i\sscr. ut sup. ^ Asscr., /// SHfi. ("nuidci:. ;// (■n\it<.n^ of wiuCli nif vtiH fjilled \V(»o(ll and re- newed by ilie li.Mnans, called by the Saxons AVetlenga-street, the way of the >(«ns ut A\'«'tla.' Tnt; I)aii.> Mttled in tlie towns of ^Mc^rcia, and in the c^ui'try north of the IIund)('r, lands and coasts of Germany.^ The flood of Dani>h inva>ion had permanently thrown down the line of f( >rtresses whicli had before separated kingdom from kingdom, and isolation, frequently hostile, was now rei)laced by the union ever produced by common misfor- tunes and conuuon ho()es. ^Vhen the genernl division of Anglo-Saxon England into kingdoms wis al)..li>li(Ml, the other territorial divisions as- sumed an importanci^ which th(y luul not previously [)ossessed. It is from this period that historians begin to make men- • Strata qnnm filii Welthle regis, ab orientali muii iisqne ad occiden- tale, per Aiigliara strttvenuit. (Kofrerii de Hovetieno, A>n>„L, pars prior, apud rer. Aiif?. Scr'pt. (8avile, p. 4,12.) Ai-peanuicc was in favour of this significutiou, but the greater probiil.ility is tbat Wvtlinqhe street was men'ly a Saxon corruption of the British h'tri/t/c/insarn, "die way of the Gael," (Irisli,) an appellation very suitable to a' road b lu]in^' from Dover t3 Ihe coast of Cheshire. * Etbelwenli, l/is/ , lib. iii. npiid rer. An^Tijc. StMij.f. / Suvile) p. 8-46. Euld-scnx, wi'A-. Saxuiiui, Aij;^!iiruiu ajiiiqu.i [.aiiia. (Chron. Stx^ ad. Gibson, passim.) TO 885.] TERRITORIAL DIVISIONS OF ENGLAND. 1 lion o^ skireSy scires, shires, or portions of kingdoms,^ and of hitfiflrefis and tifhings^ local circumscriptions, indeed, as old in Erigland as the establishment of the Saxons {ind Angles, but of which little notice was taken, while tliere prevailed above tlicin a rnort^ extender marched towards the south, to join, with the men of East An-Lia, the army of the Oimous sea- king, Hasting, who adopting, as the southern poets expressed It, the ocean for his home,> passed his life in sailing from Den- mark to the Orcadrs, from tlie Or.udes to Gaul, fVom Gaul to Ireland, from Ireland to Kiiiilaiid. Hasting found the Eti^li.h, under king Alfred, well pre- pared to receive him as an enemy, and not as a master. He was defeated in several engagements; a portion of his routed army took refuge among the Northumbrian Danes; another body became incorporated with the Danes of East Anglia; such of them as had realised any booty by their sea and land expeditions, became citizens in the towns, and farmers in the country districts; the poorer sort repaired to their ships, and followed their indefatigable chief to new enterprises. They crossed the English channcd and ascended the Seine.^ Hast- ing, standing at the prow of his own vessel, was wont to col- lect the otlier vessels of his corsair-fieet by the sound of an ivory horn, which hung from his neck, and which the inha- bitants of Gaul called the thunder.^ On the instant that this dreaded blast was heard in the distance, the Gaulish serf quitted the tield on which he was employing his compulsory labours, and fled, with his little property, to the depths of the neighbouring forests; while his master, the noble Frank, filled with equal terror, raised the drawbridge of his strong- hold, hastened to the donjon to examine the state of the ^ Ermoldi Nigelli, Carmen; apnd Script, rer. Gallic, et Franeic, vi, 50. ' Asser. Menev , ut sup, iii. l?-^. ' Quo dux agnito, tuhamcliiniiiim tonirruum nuncupalam dedit mouacho, hffic ilh addeus.ut suis in pranlam exeuutil.us ea becciiiaret. ((.'bron. Sanct. flor. apudMem. [.our seivir de preuves a I'histoire eccles. et civOe de Bre- lagne, i. 110. TO 934.] ACCESSION OF ETHELSTAN. 1 1# armoury, and buried the money-tribute he had been levying from the surrounding district.^ On the deatli of tlie good king Alfred, his son Edward,^ who had distinguished himself in the war against Hasting, was elected by the Anglo-Saxon chieftains and wise men to succeed him. Ethelwald,^ a son ot'Ethelred, Alfred's elder bro- ther and predecessor, was daring enough to protest, in the name of his hereditary rights, agaiust the national choice. This pretension was not only rejected; it was regarded as an outrage upon the laws of the land, and the great council pro- nounced the banishment of the olf'-nder, who, instead of obey- ing the sentence thus legally passed uj)on him, threw himself with some partisans, into the town of Wiinborne, on the south- western coast, swearing that he would either maintain his position there or die."* But he did not keep his oath : on the approach of the English army, he fled without a blow, and, taking refuge with the Northumbrian Danes, turned pagan and pirate. The Danes having, some time after, made him leader of an expedition against his countrymen, Ethelwald invaded the Anglo-Saxon territory, but was de- feated and killed in the first encounter. Hereupon king Ed- ward assumed the offensive against the Danes, expelled them from the eastern coast, from the mouth of the Thames to Boston Wash, and shut them up in their northern provinces by aline of fortresses, erected along the banks of the Humber.^ His successor, Ethelstan,*^ passed that river, took York, and compelled the inhabitants of Scandinavian race to swear, in the customary form, that they would do all that he should command them to do."^ One of the Danish chiefs was honour- ably received in the palace of the Saxon king, and admitted to his table; but, four days of this i)eacet'ul life sufficed to disgust him : he fled to the sea-coast, and embarked iu a ^ Willelra. Malmesb., de Gcst. reg. Anglic, ii. apud rer. Anglic. Script., (Savile) 43. * Ead-wenrd. Ed, liappy, fortunate ; rccard, keeper, guardian. » JElhel-weald. Ethel, noh]e; irtald, irald, wait, powerful, goveruiug. * Clirou. Sax., ed. Gibson, 100. Ilenric. lluntiud., lib. v. ut sup. * Chron. Sax., 100-9. • J^tbelstan, the Saxon superlative of cthel. J Chron. Sax., 109. k ! f <4 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 935 pirate ship, as incapable as a fish, says an ancient historian, of living out of water. ^ ihf iiiiiglisii arriiy advsmccd to the Tweed, and Northum- bedand was annexed to th<^ trrritoiics ot* Etludstan, who was thus the first kin<^ that e\ er n^igned over all Knghmd. In tiie ardour of tliis triumph, tlie Anglo-Saxons overpassed their ancient northern limit, and perturbated by an invasion the descendants of tlie Picts and Scots, and the tribe of ancient Britons who inhabited the valley of the Clyde. An offensive league was immediately formed between these nations, and tlie Danes arriving from beyond seas to deliver their countrymen from the domination of the men of the south. Olaf, son of Sithrik, last Danisli king of Northumber- land, was named generalissimo of tliis confederation, which comprised within its ranks the men of tiie Baltic, the Danes of the Orcades, the Galls or Gael of the lit brides, armed with the long two-handed sword which they called glay-more or the great sword, the Galls of the Grampians, and the Cambrians of Dumbarton and Galloway (latine Galwidia), bearing long, slight pikes. Tlie two armies met north of the llumber, at a place called in Saxon lirunanburgh, or the town of fountains (Bamborougli). Victory declared tor the English, who compelled tlu^ wreck of the confederates to make a painful retreat to their ships, their islands, and their mountains. The conquerors named this day the Day of the Great Fight,'^ and celebraltd it in national songs, fragments of which have come down to us. "The king Ethelstan, chief of chiefs, he who bestows the collar of honour on the brave, and his brother, the noble Ed- mund, fought at Brunanburgh witli the edge of the sword. They clove the wall of the bucklers, they threw down the warriors of renown, the race of the Scots, and the men of the ships. " Olaf fled with the petty remnant of his people, and wept upon the waters. The foreigner sjK'aks not t»f this battle, seated at his fire-side, with his family; for their relations fell in it, and their friends returned not from it. The kings of the north, in their council-halls, will lament that their war- « Wiilelm. Miilms., ut sup. lib. ii. Hist. Tngn«lf- Croyland, ut sup. i 20. • Ethelvvenli, Hist., lib. iii. ut sup. Wiilelm. Malms., ut sup. lib. ii. Mist, [itguif. Cio}l;uid, ut sup. TO 946.] SUCCESSES OF ETHELSTAN. 7-5 riors ventured to play the game of carnage with the sons of Edward. '• Kiiiir Ethelstan and his brother Edmund returned to the land of W'ess.'x. They left behind them the raven feasting on eorM»s, ih.^ black raven with the pointed beak, and the toad with hoarse voice, and the eagle famishing for flesh, and the voracious kites, and the yellow wolf of the woods. *' Never was there greater carnage in this island, never did more men ])erish by the edge of the sword, since the day when the Saxons and Angles eame from the east across the ocean, and enteiing Britain, noble war-makers, vanquished the Welsh,' and took possession of the country." Ethelstan made the Cambrians of the south pay dearly for the succour w^hich their northern brethren had afliorded to the enemy; he ravaged the territory of the Welsh, and imposed tribute upon them; the king of AberfraAV, as the old instru- ments express it, paid to the king of London tribute in money, in oxen, in falcons, and in dogs of cliace.^ The Cornish Britons, expelled from the city of Exeter, which hitherto they had inhabited conjointly with the English,-* were driven beyond the Tamar, wliieh then became, as it still continues, the boun- dary of Cornwall. Ethelstan subjected to his power, by war or by policy, all the populations of various origin which inhabited the Isle of Britain.^ He appointed as governor of the Northumbrian Anglo- Danes, a Norwegian, Erik, son of Harold, a veteran pirate, who turned Christian to obtain this command. On the day of his baptism, he swore to maintain and defend Northumberland against all pirates and pagans, Danes or otherwise;'' from a sea-king he became a provincial king, a folk-king, as the Scandinavians expressed it.'^ But this too ' Weal, Weallise,Welsch, is the general name given by tlie Teutons to the men of Celtic or Koman race. 2 Chron. Sax. (Gibson) 112— U. See Appendix, No. V. « Laws of Howell Dda., lib. iii. cap. l) ; Le?:es Wallica^ (Wolton) p. 199 « Wiilelm. Muliiiesb., ut snp. lilt. ii. * Charta Edgari regis, opnd Duj^'dale, Moitaaticon AnfiUcnnum, i. 140. In an extant charter of Ethelstan he is called : I'otius Albionis imperator, Aiiguptns, rex et basileus, Toiius BiitamiioB Cunctarumque nationum quae infra earn incliiduntur imperaior et doniinns. • Saga Haconnz goda, cap. iii ; Siione's Heimskriiigla, i. 127. 7 Theod-kyiiiiig, fylkts-kyiiing, folkes-kyning. !*). jf *S THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 955 pacific dignity soon ceased to jilease, and he rotiirned to his ships. After some years' aUxii -e, he revisited tiie Northuni- brijuis, wlio received him joyfully, and a.ijaiii a(lo[>ted him as their chief, without tlie sarieti.>jruf king'Edred,' Ethelstan's successor. This kiii<,' accordingly marclied ai^ainst tliem, and compelled them to ahainlon J-^riR, who, iii his turn, in revenge lor their desertion, attacked them, by the aid of five pirate- bands from Denmark, the Orcades and the Hebrides. He tell in the first encounter, and witli him the five sea-kings his allies.'^ His death, glorious in the eyes of a Scandinavian, was celebrated by the skalds or northern poets, who, paying no heed to the baptism which Erik had received from the English, {)laced liim in a far difierent paradise from that of the Christians. " I have dreamt a dream," chants the panegyrist of the pirate; " Methought I was at daybreak in the hall of AVal- halla,3 preparing all things for the reception of the men killed in battles. " I awakened the heroes from their sleep; I asked them to rise, to arrange the seats and the drinking cups, as for the coming of a king. " ' What means all this noise?' cried Braghi;^ * why are so many men in motion, and why all tliis ordering of seats?' *It is because Erik is on his way to us,' replied Odin; 'I await him with joy. Let some go forth to meet him.' " * How is it that his coming pleases thee more than the coming of any other king?'—* Because in more battle-fields has his sword been red with blood; because in more places has his ensanguined spear difiused terror.' "* 1 salute thee, Erik, brave warrior! enter; thrice wel- come art thou to this abode. Say, what kings acconapany thee; how many come with thee from the combat?' "' Five kings accompany me,' replied Erik; 'J urn the sixth.' "^ The territory of the Northumbrians liad now lost that title of kingdom which it had hitherto preserved, and was divided * Ed-red, fortunate councillor. « Hist, regiim Norveg. conscni.tu a Siiurro Sturlae filio, i. 128. ' Iht; palace of the dead. < The Scandiiiiiviaii god of poetry and eloquence. » Torfeei, Mist. ret. Au/rty., pars ii. lib. iv. eai) x. p. 1U7. TO 975.] TITL: S OF MAGISTKATES. 77 out into provinces. 'J1ie district between the TIund)er and the Tecs was called Yorkshire, — in Saxon, Kveruicshire, The rest of the country, as far as the Tweed, retained the general name of Northnndtria, Karthan-hiimbja-hiJid, though witli several local circumscriptions, such as tlie land of the Cambrians, Cumbrn-taucI^ next to tlie Solway Firih; the land of the Western Mountains, JJ esO/torhtf/a-latid ; and lastly, Northumberland proper, along tlie coast of the eastern sea, between the rivers Tyne and Tweed. The Nortliumbrian chiefs, in passing nndi/r the supreme authority of the Anglo- Saxon kings, retained the Danish title they had borne since the invasion; tliey continued to be called "I'arls, or eorls ac- cording to the Saxon orthography of the word. The original signification of the term is no longer known, but the Scandi- navians a})plicd it to every description of commander, mili- tary or civil, who acted as lieuti^nant of the supreme chief, the kining or king. By degrees tlie Anglo-Saxons introduced their new title into their southern and western territories, qualifying by it the magistrates to whom was delegated the government of the larger j)rovinces, iornierly called kingdoms, and the supremacy over all the local magistrates, over the administi*a- tors of shires, scire-gerefas, shire-reeves, sheriffs, over the administrators of towns, })orf gerefas, port reeves, and over the eolclermeii, aldermen. The latter title, before the in- troduction of that of eorl, had been the generic aj)pellation of the higher Anglo-Saxon magistracies; it thenceforward descended a step, and was only applied to inferior jurisdictions and to municipal dignitaries. Most of the new Danish citizens of England turned Chris- tians in order to remove from themselves one marked indica- tion of alienship. Several, in consideration of grants of land, assumed the title and the employment of perpetual defenders of the church, of that churcli whose edifices, before, they had with siich peculiar delight destroyed and burned. Some of them even entered religious orders, and professed a rigid and sombre austerity, a reminiscence under another form, of the rugged, though free, condition of their former life.^ In the revolution which combined all England, from the * Sumraus pontifex Odo, v"ir .... grandsevitatis maturitate .... fultnj «t omnium iniquitatnm inflexibilis adversarius. (Osbernus, Vita Odoni Archiep. Cautuar. ; Anglia Sacra, ii. 84.) f THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 975 \i i m fi Tweed to Ca|»e Cornwall, in one sole and undivided body poli- tic, the power of the kinirs, now nionarclis, ae(juir.'d force with extension, and bccaiiHs for each of tlie populations tiius united together, more oppressive than the anci. nt sway of its own peculiiir kirii^r-, had h.^n. The association of the Anglo- Danish provinces with tlic AiiLdo-Saxon pnniiues necessarily involved the latter to a certain extent in the strict and dis- trustful system which weiglied upon the former, as peopled with foreigners who were subjects against their will. The same kings, exercising concurrently in the north the right of conquest, in the south that of legitimate sovereignty, soon yielded to the tendency to confound these two characters o( their power, and to make but a very slight distinction be- tween the Angio-Dane :in.l the An-lo- Saxon, the foreigner and the native, the subjugated and the subject. The v'' be- gan to entertain an exaggerated ideaof tlietnselves and of tlieir power; they surrounded themselves with a [)omi> hitherto unknown; th«-v ceased to be popular like their predecessors, wlio, invoking tlie people as councillor in all things,' ever found the peo{>le ready to do tliat wliicli itself had counstdled. Their conduct created new sources of weakness for England. Great as she henceforth seemed to be, under chiefs whose titles of lionour occupied several lines,- she was in reality less capable of i-esisting an external enemy than at the period when, with few |)rovinces, but tliese governed alike without display and with(»ut despotism, she saw inscribed at the head of her national laws these simple words: — "I, Alfred, king of the West Saxon.-." The Danish infiabitants of England, unw illing subjects of kings of fort^ign race, had their eyes constantly directed to- wards the sea, in the hope tluit some favourable breeze would bring tht-tn liberators and leaders from their old country. They luid not long to wait; in the reign of Ethelred, son of Ivlgard, the descents of the Northmen upon Britain, which had never been wholly discontinued, suddenly assumed a very menacing cliaractcr. Seven war-ships ap- peared off the coast of Kent, and their crews pillaged the isle ' Raede, raedepfan, gerffidnes. Spp ilie jireamldes of the Auglo Saxon laws; HIckes' TUesaurns liinjutinnn srptetftrionalitim, ii. in fine, "^ Dugiiule, Mofuist. JtKjlic., i. liO. TO 1002.] RE-APPEARANCE OF THE DANES. 79 of Thanet; three more vessels, sailing from the south, ravaL'» d the vicinity of Southampton, while other pirate troops landed on the eastern coast, and took up positions on several points. The alarm extended itself to London: Ethelred innnediately convoked the great national council; but, under this supine and ostentatious monarch, the a>scnibly was composed of bishops and courtiers more disposed to tlatter the prince and encourage his indolence, than to give him sound advice.^ Conforming to the king's aversion for anything like prompt or energetic mea-ures, they thought they could get rid of the Danes by olfeiing them a sum equivalent to the gain which these pirates had calculated upon realizing by their invasion of Ii^ngland. There existed, under the name of Dane-money, Dane- gheld,'^ an impost of twelvc[)ence upon every hide of land throughout the coutitry, levied from time to time for the pay- ment of the troops wdio guarded the coasts against the Scan- dinavian corsairs.^ Tins money the council [)roposed to give the new invaders, in the shape of a tribute: the offer was accepted, and the first payment, amounting to £10,000, re- ceived, on condition of their forthwith quitting England. They departed accordingly, but only to return in greater numbers, for the purpose of obtaining a larger sum. Tlieir fleet sailed up the Humber, devastating both banks. The Saxon inhabitants of the adjacent provinces ran in arms to give the enemy battle; but on the eve of combat, three of their leaders, Danes by origin, betrayed them, and passed over to the foe. Every Northumbrian Dane abandoned his new faith and his new fidelity, and made close fiiendship and alliance with the pagan pirates from the Baltic.^ The breezes of spring wafted up the Thame a fleet of eighty war-ships, commanded by two kings, Olaf of Norway, and Swen of Deinnark,^ the latter of whom, after having received baptism, had returned to the worship of Odin. The * Wilk'lm. Mjilms., /// sup. lib. ii. Eex . . . imbellis quia iinbecilHs, mo- nacbuni potins (iiiam militem aclioue praeteudebat. (Osbernus, Vita 8. Elphcyi ; Auglia Sacra, ii. 131.) 2 Dienc (jvld, dicne-[]eoUi ; in Latin, dnvcgeldtim. ' Wilkins, Lc(}es Edwnrdi^ p. 1!)H. * Ingulf, utsup. i. 55; Job. Bronit . Chron., iit sup. i. col. ST!) ; Eadmeri, Hist , lib. i. p. 3 »S: 1. ul sup. ; Willelm. JliJincs., ut sup. lib. ii. * Sven, swcinn, sicctjn, swat/n, a young mau. See Ihre's Gloss-tiry. m ir 80 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1002 two kings, in token of possession, having planted one lance on the tihore of the Tliames, and tlirown another into the current of tlie first rivt'r they crossed after landing, marclied, snys an old liistdiian, cscortfid by their wonted leaders, tire and sword.* Eihch-ed, whose eon-cioiisn^-ss of his unpopularity made him i'ear to assemble an ainiy,'^ once more jjroposed to -zive money to the en<*niy, on condition of their retiring in |)eaee: they demanchHl eighty thousand poiinds, which the king immediately paid them, satisfied with their promises and with the convt^rsion of a Danish chief, who received in Winchester catliedral, amid vast ceremony, that baptism wliich one of the Danes present on the occasion contemiitiiously declared that he had already received twenty times, without the slightest effect.-* The truce granted by the invaders was far from being a peaceful truce; in the vicinity of their cantonments they outraged the women and slew the men.^ Their insolence and their excesses raising the indignation of the natives to the highest point, brought about, ere long, one oi' those acts of national vengeance which it is alike difficult to condemn or to justify, because a noble instinct, the hatred of (){)[)ression, is mixed up in them with the indulgence of atrocious passions. In pursuance of a vast eonsjiiraev, I'ormed under the eyes and with the connivance of the royal magistrates and officers, all the Danes of the late invasion, men, women, and children, were, in the same hour of the same day, attacked and killed in tlieir qua iters, by their hosts and ntnghbours. This mas- sacre, whieh excited general attention, and the odious cir- cumstances of which afterwards seivecl as a pretext for the enemies of the English nation, took place on St. lirice'g day, in the vear 1003. It did not extend to the northern and eastern provinces, where the Danes, longer estahlished, and become cultivators or citizens, formed the majority of the po- pulation; but all the recent invaders, with \< i-y few excep- tions, |)erished, and among them a sister of the king of Den- mark. To avenge this massacre, and to punish what he * .Tolian. Bromf., nt sup. i. col. iss:]. - Willelin. Mulines., iit sup. lib. ii. * Aloi)ticr.!!s Sancti (J alii, npiid Script, nr (Jiillio. tt Frnncic, t. 13-1.— Brumion. at sup. i. eol. JSbO. — Chrou. Sux. (Oihson) p. 1"^7. * MttUh. VVestmoimst. Fions Hist, (Fraiicklbrt, JiJUi) p. 200. TO 1004.] INVASION OF THE DANES. 8: I ' called the treason of the English people, king Swen assembled an army far more numerous than the first, ^and in which, if we are to credit the ancient historians, there was not a single slave, or even freed man, nor an old man, every soldier in it being noble, or a free man, the son of a free man, and in the full vigour of life.* This army embarked in tall ships, each of which had a dis- tinctive badge designating its commander. Some had at the prow figures of lions, bulls, dolphins, men, in gilt copper; others bore at their mast-head birds spreading their wings and turning with the wind; the sides of the ships were painted in various colours, and the bucklers of polished steel were suspended along them in rows.^ The king's own ship had the elongated form of a serpent, the prow forming its head, the twisted stern its tailfit was on this account called the Great Dragon.3 On landing in England, the Danes, fall- ing into battalions, unfurled a mystic standard, termed by them the Raven. It was a flag of white silk, in the centre of which appeared the black figure of a raven, with open beak and outspread wings; three of king Swen's sisters had worked it in one night, accompanying their labour with magic songs and gestures.'* This banner, which, according to the super- stitious ideas of the Scandinavians, was a certain pledge of victory, augmented the ardour and confidence of the invaders. In every place they visited on their way, writes an old his- torian, they gaily ate the repast unwillingly pre[)ared for them, and on departing, slew tiie liost and burned his house.^ They seized all the horses they could find, and, according to the tactics of their predecessors, converting themselves into cavalry, rapidly traversed tlie country, and, presenting themselves in directions where they were wholly unexpected^ surprised castles and towns, one after another. In a very short time they had conquered all the south-eastern provinces, from the mouth of the Ouse to Spithead. King Ethelred, who was never prepared to fight, could devise no other expe- iient than to purchase truces of a few days each, for various • Emmae reginoe Encomion, opud Script, rer. Normann. p. 1G8. Saxon Chron. p. 127. 2 Kmrnm Encomion, ut sup. p. Ui(). • Saga af Haraldi Ilurdnida, cap. Ixi. Siione's Heimskringla, iii. 118. • Emmae Eucom., p. 170. * Henrici Iluutiud., ut sup. lib. vi. 360 VOL. I. G h H i 82 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. J()04 sums of money— a temporizing policy, which compelled him to burden the jjeople with constantly increasing taxes.* Thus the p:nglish who had the good fortune to escape being pil- hi<^ed by the Danes, could not avoid the oppressive exactions of^'their own king: so that, under the one form if not under the other, they were jure to be stripped of all they possessed. While the administrators of England thus made their das- tardly bargai:\s with the foreign foe at the expense of the people, there was one man found who, a rich and powerful magnate of the land, preferred death to giving a sanction to such conduct by his own example. This was the archbishop of Canterbury, Elfeg. A prisoner of the Danes, on the cap- ture of his metropolitan city, and dragged among their bag- gage from encampment to encampment, he remained day after day in chains, without men uttering the word ransom. The Danes, first breaking this silence, offered to restore their captive to liberty on condition of his paying them three thousand gold pieces, and counselling king Ethelred to give them four times that amount in addition. " I have no money of my own," replied the archbishop; "and I will not deprive my eccle>ia>tical territory of one penny on my account; neither will I counsel my sovereign aught that is contrary to the honour of my country."^ The Danes, more eager for money than for the archbishop's blood, pressed their demand. " You urge me in vain," replied Elfeg; " 1 am not one who will fur- nish Christian flesh for pagan teeth to tear, and it were doing so to give up to you that which my poor ptople have been saving for their sustenance."^ The Danes at length lost all patience, and one day that they had been drinking copiously of wine just l)rought them from the south, they bethought themselves of trying the arch- bishop, by way of pastime. He was le. V- 57.— Bromton, •If tup. i. col. 8Uli. r:2.] MURDER OF ELFEG. 83 oxen consumed at the recent repast.' As soon as the Sax op prelate was in the midst of the circle, a great cry arose from all around : " Gold, bishop, gold, or we will cause thee play a game shall make thee noted through the world. "^ Elfeg calmly replied: " I offer you the gold of wisdom, that you renounce your superstitions and be converts to the true God; if you heed not this counsel, know that you shall perish as Sodom, and shall take no root in this land." At these words, which they regarded as a menace to themselves and an insult to their religion, the mock judges rose furiously from their seats, and rushing upon the archbishop, beat him to the earth with the backs of their hatchets; several of them then ran to the heap of bones, and taking up some of the largest, mined a deluge of blows upon the prostrate Saxon. The archbishop, having fruitlessly endeavoured to kneel, in order to offer up a last prayer, fell forward in a senseless condition; his sufferings were terminated by the barbarous compas.^ion of a soldier, whom he had converted and baptised on the previous day, and who now split his skull with his axe. The murderers at first intended to throw the corp.>«e into a nei«jrhbouring marsh; but the Anglo-Saxons, who honoured Elfeg as a martyr for Christ's and for his country's sake, purchased the body at a heavy cost, and buried it at London.^ Meantime king Ethelred practised without any scruple that which the archbishop of Canterbury, at the sacrifice of his life, had refused to counsel him to do. One day his collectors of taxes levied the tribute for the Danes; next day the Danes themselves came and exacted the tribute over a'^ain. on their own account.'* On their departure, the royal agents again presented themselves, and treated the wretched people more harshly than before, reproaching them a« traitors and as purveyors for the enemy.^ The real pur yeyor for the Danes, Ethelred, jit length exhausted the pa- ^ence of the people who had niade him king for the common defence. Hard to bear as foreign domination might be, it was deemed better to undergo it at once, than to await, amid constant suffering, under a king alike without valour and > Chron. Snxon., p. 142 2 Osbernns, ut sup. p. 140. 3 Chron. Sax , p. l-i'-i. — .Toll. Bromfon, ?// sup. i. col. 890, 1. * Regii exactores. Ingulf., ut sup. p. 57. » lh» g2 !ii I tf fifi 84 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1012 without virtue, the moment wlien, instead of subjection, there would be shivery. Several of the midland provinces submitted spontaneously to the Danes; Oxford and Winchester soon afterwariU opened their ?ates, and Swen, advancing through the western countries as far as the Bristol Channel, assumed, without opposition, the title of king of all En^^land.' Terror- struck at finding himself tlius forsaken, Etljclred fled to the Isle of Wight, and thence passe!). Uenric. Huntind.. n( suv lib. vi. ;3ti'2. ^' > Atl tuilionem et miyorem securitatem legiii sui. (Joli. Bromt., ui .un col. hh;;.} ^' * Hen. Hunt., ut sup Roger de Huvul.ii. Annul, pars prior, (Sanle ^ ?. 429. r ' V ./ Script, rer Noiinaii,, p. 7, uv TO 1013.] THE FRANKS. «i;i ants of these German emigrants were still, after a lapse of five centuries, separated from the indigenous Gauls, less by manners and ideas than by social condition. It was in this profoundly marked difference between their social condition, and in the terms which served to express it, that the distinc- tion between the races was most clearly indicated. In the tentiA century, to designate civil liberty, there was, in the spokeL language of France, but one word, fra?ikise or fran- chisb,' according to the various dialects, and Franc signified at once free, powerful, and rich. The mere invasion of the children of Merowig and the conversion of their kings to Catholicism, would not, perhaps, have sufficed to establish at this point the predominance of the conquering population. In less than three centuries after their settlement in Gaul, these terrible invaders had almost become Gauls; the regal descendants of Chlodowig, as inof- fensive as their ancestors had been fierce and formidable, limited their ambition to a good table, and to riding about in an easy waggon, drawn by trained oxen.^ But at this period there existed between the Rhine and thci Forest of Ardennes, in the territory called by the Franks Oster-rike, or Eastern- kingdom, a population in whom the Teutonic character had better resisted the influence of southern manners. Coming last to the conquest of Gaul, and excluded from the rich provinces and great cities of the south, it was filled with a desire to obtain a portion of that more valuable territory, and even to supplant in their possessions the Franks of Neoster- rike, or Western Kingdom.^ This daring project, long pur- sued with various success, became accomplished in the eighth century, when, under the outward form of a ministerial revo- lution, there was a regular invasion of the Neustrian Franks by tlie Austrasian Franks. A fresh division of lands took place throughout well nigh all Gaul; a second race of kings arose, strangers to the first, and the conquest, in its renewal, assumed a more durable character. And this was not all; the warlike activity of the Franks, aroused by this powerful impulse, carried them in every di- * In LaXin, frnnkisia, /ranchisin. « Annales Fuldenses, npud Script, rer. Gallic, ii. 6''^6. ' See Lettres siir I'Histoire de France, letter x. I ■I' iOl III II 86 THE NORMAN CONqi t r. [a.d. S : ■ TO 841.] NOTIMAN TNVA^rOX OF FRANCE. 8^ rcction beyond their nricient limit- th.y . . . coiKiuesU towards the Danube and the Eibi-, lu-vi^d t! *• I vrences and the Alp.>, Masters of Gaid and of b-Itl! baiil.s nf the Khine of the ancient territory of the Saxon ronfcd.Tati'.n, nmlofa portion of the Slavonian provinces, of alitn^^f ■:'' f'|v, auJof the norih of Spain, the second j.iin.v ion of the royal deseendants of . tlio Franki.-h Cn-sar was but a reflection of the fpi.'irrcl be- .• twi-eii these nations, and it was this circumstance v.hich [rendered it so protracted and so pertinacious. The kings made and unmade Um divisions of that empire which the peoples desired altogether to dissolve;' they exchanged oaths iu the German and in the Ivc»mane- tongue, whi(;h they almost immediately violated, comjx'lled to discord by the turbulence of the masses, wdiom no treaty could satisfy. It was amidst this (bsoithir, at a time when civil Avnr raged from one end of the vast empire olthe LVanks to the other, that the Danish or Norman Vikings (Norman was the national de- signation by which they were known in Gaul,) afllicted the country with incessant invasions. Their jnode of conducting ^ war was entirely novel in its character, and sucli as to discon- cert even the best framed measures of defence. Their fleets of large boats, impelled both by sail and by oar, entered the mouths of rivers, and ascending them sometimes np to their source, •landed alternately on cither bank, bands of intrepid and well- disciplined depredators. Whenever a bridge or other obstacle impeded the navigation, tin* crews drew th(Mr vesscrls on sliore, and, placing them on rollers, conveyed tin ni beyond the obstacle. From the grer.tcj- they passed into the smaller rivers, and from one ol" tlx se into another, seizing upon all the more considerable islamN, which they fortified as winter quarters, depositing th(^rc, under Iiut.s c( p..4i lU t;;d in rows, their booty and their captives. Making their attacks thus by surprise, and, wdicnever they were prepared for, r.freating with the utmost rapidity, they •devastated whole districts to such an extent that, to use the expression of a contemjKirary writer, " wdiere they had j^asscd, no dog remained to bark." Castles and tbrtificd' } daces were the sole refuge against them; but at this first epoch of their irruptions, very few of these existed, and even the walls cf the old Roman towns were falling into decay. Wliile the rich seigneurs Hanked their manor-houses with turretcd towers, and surrounded them with deep ditches, the in- habitants of the plains emigrated in crowds from their villages * Nitlinrdi, //"/.«/., apiid Srript. rcr. Gallic, ct rrmuir., \ii. 20. * The corrupt Ituman or Latiu iJioia of Gaul v/as thus iieno:aiuat«i. nt Trt-*-ii nant.rrw- -%tt»:|i w 1. il i I r i^Hi 5fS THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 841 to the neighbouring forest wh^m fi,^ , . aefcnded bv n.iIis-i.lZ^ ^/n J '^^ encampfHl in huts kin.rr'i .L ^^'''t ^^^'^ -"^^ ^«"*^d trees. Ill pvou-rtrd by tlie S^^;^^ f'H '"""'' "^ ^^'^^ ^^"^^'' -*'- ^'^^-" -'t. . f into tr«atie.«, with the enemy on their own •icfoimt -^t m of t.:.e peasantry, the latter ^oiLZ T ' ' "r '^>^'P*^»se the conra-e of desmir . I ''*"'^^'r''' ^f ^'"'^ ^"^'''^'^'^ ^^''t'» encounte^U.: ai ^r^helri^s rf'T""' ^'^'^'^ ^^^^ aJl resistance vain, d^r s^ruLoriu;:^^^^ '"'^"f ineir oa ptisnia vow to nmm'ti'.if^ *Ur. ^ 't^nouncea in "r.h , i- ■ • • . . propitiate the pairan eonoueror unA la .oken ot initiation nto the worshin M' f\ ^ ''[\^^^^^> ^"** jitp nr tu^ fl 1 /» 1 woisnip ot the northern fTO(I«j Nearly a century elapsed between thp fir un ird^eveske, ki a lioerc esteit. (WacC; Roman de K Sjinrto Qnintino, apud Script, rer. Normani, p- 7t5. ' Willelm. Gtrmnceiisis, Hht. Xurmani, apud Siiipt. rer. Normani, p. 228. Pudo, ifc. 76. principal chiefs having been taken prisoner by the besieged, in order to redeem him, they concluded a year's truce with king Charles, during which time they ravaged the northern provinces, which had ceased to be French. On the expiration of the truce, they returned in all haste to Rouen, from which city they proceeded to surprise Bayeux, which they took by assault, killing the count and many of the inhabitants. This count, Beranger, had a daughter of great beauty, named Popa, who, in the division of the booty, fell to the share of Roll, and whom the Scandinavian wedded, according to the rites of his religion and the law of his country.^ Evreux and several other neighbouring towns next fell into the hands of the Normans, w^io thus extended their dominion over the greater part of the territory to which the old name of Neustria was given. Guided by a certain political good sense, they ceased to be cruel when they no longer encountered resistance, and contented themselves with a tribute regularly levied upon the towns and country districts. The same good sense induced them to create a supreme chief, invested with permanent authority; the choice of the con- federates fell upon Roll, " whom they made their king," says an old chronicler; but this title, which was perhaps merely given him in the language of the north, was ere long replaced by the French title of duke or count. Pagan as he was, the new duke made himself popular with the native inhabitants. After having cursed him as a pirate, they loved him as a protector, whose power secured tliem at once from new attacks by sea, and from the miseries caused in the rest of the land by civil war.2 • Having become a territorial power, the Normans carried on a better sustained, and, so to speak, more methodical war upon the French. They leagued themselves with other Scandi- navians, probably Danes by origin, who occupied tlie moutb of the Loire, and agreed simultaneously to pillage the whole territory between that river and the Seine. The devastation * Willelm. Gemelicensis, Hist. Normaniy apud Script, rer. Normani, p. 229. Dudo, ih. 70. * Continua. . .pace diuturnaque requie laetabantur liomines, sub (Eol- lonis) dilione securi mornnus ; locupletesqne erant omnibus bonis, n«a timeiites exercitum ulliua Iiostilitatis.^ (Dudo, at sup. p. 80.) WS^^W^ 90 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [ax. 900 i i extended into Burgundy und Auvcr-ne. Paris, altackcd a ,yj second tunc, resisted succcssCuily, as ,iid Cl.artr.^s, Dijon, and «>i other strong plac.-s; but many nnlbrtilied towns wm- de- stroyed or sacked. At last, in the year 912, sixteen years alter the oecu])ation of llouen, tlic Frencli, of all condition^ ^ harassed by these continual hastilities, berjan to conii)lain' t ami to demand that the war should be j)ut an end to at wlnt- •t«J "^n ?'^^':', ^^^f ^f^^^l'^' ^'^^ <^^""^S' ^"»^l t''C l>aroii^, remon- •i strated with the kmg; the citizens and peasants implored luerey iis he [)assed. An old author has preserved the ex- pression of ihe poj.ular murmurs: "What do we see in all places.^ Churehes burnt, i-eople killed; by the fault of the king and his weakness, tlic Xonnans do as they phase in the kingdom; from Blois to Scniis there is not an acre of corn and no man dares labour citlier in the fields or in the vine- yards. Uidess the w:u- be finished, w(i shall have dearth and ( earness. '' jving Cliarles, who was surnamed tlie Simple or the I ooi;^ and to whom history has continued the former ot these names, Juid suilici. iit good sense on this occasion to listen to the voice of the people; perhaps, also, in yieldinrr to It, he thought to achieve a stroke of policy, and, by °the alliance of the Normans, to secure himself airainst the power- ful intrigues which tended to dethrone liim.3 He convoked ins barons and bishops in a grand council, and, accordin- to the iormula of the tinv, .l.nianded of them aid ami aitvice All counselled hun to conclude a truce, and to ne'n.ti-ite for peace. '"= ^ The man best adai)ted successfully to conduct this negotia- tion was the archbishop of IJoucn. who, not^vithstandiiKr the cliflereiice of religion, ,. 1 the same kind of infiiK-nce over Roll that the bishoi)s of the fifth century ha.l obtained oyer the conquerors of the Konian empire. Ilis relations witii the other bishops and witli the lords of France had not been interrupted; perhaps he was even present at their * Na uc lioef, ne clnirrup, iic vilnin en ari'c, Nc vigne provif^n?.' ?>.. rcmturc scrm'-, Muiiite i^'lisn i u ,li,. ,.. pLst.'-r, Sc ccstc gin rre .lure, lu K rre ii-rt .icptsn'o. , P , . , (Hoiuan do Rou, i. 73.) tardus, ,>mplex, sivc stuttus. (Script, rcr. Gallic, et Francic, ix. 22.) * Sec Lctlrcs Mir I'llistoire dc France, letter xii. f TO 912.] DONATION OF NORMANDY. 97 consultations; but present or absent, he willingly undercook to convey and to sup])(,rt their offers of peace. The arch- bishop went to the son of Rognvald, and said to him- lung Charles ofiers you his daughter Gisla in marria-e, with the hereditary scigneury of all the country situated be- tween £he river Epte and the borders of Brittany, if you con- sent to become Christian, aiid to live in peace witli the kingdom."^ ^ The Norman this time did not answer " We will obey no one: other ideas, another ambition than that of an adventurer had come to him, since he had governed no longer a mere band of pirates but a vast territory. Christianity, without winch he could not rank as the equal of the great lords of l; ranee, had ceased to be repugnant to him; and the habit of living amidst Christians had extinguished the fanaticism of most of Ins companions. AVith regard to the marringe, lie thought himself^ free to contract a new one, and, becomin- a Christian, to dismiss the wife whom he had married with pagau ceremonies. <^ The words of the king are good," said he to the archbishop; "but the land he ofters me is insuffi- cient; ,t is uncultivated and impoverished; my people would not derive from it the means of living in peace." The arch- bishop returned to the king, who charged him to ofler Glanders m his name, although he had in reality no other right over that kingdom than that of a disputed claim; but Koll did not accept this new proposal, replying that Flan- ders was a poor country, muddy, and full of swamps. Then not knmving what else to give, Charles the Simple sent word to the Gorman chief that, if he would, he should have in lief Brittany conjointly with Neustria: this oiler was of the same kind with the preceding, for Brittany was a free state, the suzerainty of the kings of France only extending thc^e to the county of Kennes, taken from the French by ihe Breton princes half a century before. But Roll heeded little this; he did not perceive that they only gave him an old quarrel 10 light out, and the arrangement was accej)ted '^ In order to ratify the treaty in the most solemn manner, the king of France and the chief of the Normans repaired to , ,.., ^ * Willclm. Gcmct., vt snp. p. 231. Snn.T n'""^'*"' ^^'"'^' '''' ^^'•'•'"^"^. i'i- 1!M- (Paris, 108R.) Dudo da VOL. I. H I I ' [ , J I 93 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 911 the village of St. Clair-sur-Eptc. Each was accompanied bv a numerous train; the Frencli pitched their tents on the one bank of the river, and the Normanc on the othor. At tlie hour fixed for the interview, Roll approached the kin- and reraammg standing, placed his hands between those ""o'f the monarch, pronouncing the formula: — /• Ilenceforth I am your vassal and your man, and I swear iaithfully to protect your life, your limljs, and royal honour" Then the king and the barons gave to the Norman chief tlie title of count, and swore to protect his life, his limbs his honour, and all the territory set forth in the treaty of peace ^ Tlie ceremony seemed at an end, and the new count was about to retire, when the Frenchmen said to him: '« It is fitting that he who receives such a gift as this, should kneel before the king and kiss his foot." But the Norman an- swered: " Never will 1 bend the knee before any man, or ki^s the foot of any man." The lords insisted on this formality a last remnant of the etirpiette formerly observed in tlie court of' the Frank emperors; whereupon Roll, with an affected simplicity, si-ned to one of his men to come and ki«^s the king's loot for him. The Norwegian soldier, stoopin^- with- out bending tlie knc-e, took the king's foot, and lifted it so high to put It to his mouth, that the king fell upon his back. i^ittle accustomed to the niceties of ceremony, the pirates burst into a shout of laughter; there was a momentary tumult, but tliis absurd incident produced no serious result 2 Two clauses of the treaty remained to be fulfilled, the con- Tersion of tlie new count or duke of Normandy, and his mar- riage with the daughter of the king; it was arranged that this double ceremony sliould take place at Kouen, and many of the Jiigh barons of France repaired thither as an escort to tnc bride. After a brief lesson, the son of Ko-nvald received baptism at the hands of the archbishop, to who.e counsels he iLstened with the greatest docility. On quittin- the bap- tismal font, the neophyte inquired the names of the most celebrated churches and of the most revered saints in his new country. The archbishop rep. :iU-d to him the names of six churches and three saints, the Virgin, Saint IVlichael and bamtlcter. "And who is the most powerful protector'^" ^ Willclm. Gcmct., p. 2^11 * I.!, ib. TO 997.] PARTITION OF NORMANDY. ) 5 99 Well, before .hvKl.ng my la,„l nmcmn; my companions I will g.ve a part of it to God, to Saint jfary, and to'^the other smnts whom yon have named."' And during tlxe seven days ie wore the white habit of the newly baptised, he gave ea4 "-a' donllnS even resulted from this repartition of territorial pronertv ind ot the Scan l.navinn warriors to whose portion they had fnnt ° f /"l>°"f '' t'"^ '^"'"'ition of the craftsmen ani pe^ ^iaM fe ^hiT' "'"''T '''""''-' '""^ "'« «oveme"t o^f S {Tcnerally accomjianies a rising empire in- duced many artizans and labourers to emigrate fnd e^tabl Lh ^.emselvcs under the g„vein,n..nt of dukt. Roll His n^e which the French pronomu-ea Ko,., became widely ponuhr: he was decme, the greatest .neniy of robbers, and the molt vigorous justiciary of his time. ^' ' ri.iirv, Ilhl. r.nlinintt., :,!. .'lO;). ' ,»,, . ' Willclm. (!,.„i,.|. .,. .i.)| Diu, AngoTill.., 13orn(.villo.aii„,o,nillo, Hcronville were tl.^ »,>.,•;,„■.; i possessions of AnsgoJ, Ciorn. Grim Unrnl.I ^n "r" • '"e teriKonal hibited the^i. orio^,,„i ,.„.» j ' ""'^"'''' '•^<^- ^ue ancient charters ex- mui^ tnese original nnnics under n form more or less correct f Af^m^!... tj^;tfArS"eTreVre iH.f™--' "^ ^^ ' "^ II 2 i.v')''li I ..-I ! ' III loo Tlir. NORMAN CON(iUEST. [a.d. 912 Although tlie majority of the Norwegians, following the example of their chief, had eagerly accepted baptism, it ap- pears that a certain niunlicr of them refused it, and resolved to preserve the customs of their ancestors. These dissentients united together to form a kind of separate colony, and settled m the environs of Ijaycux. They were, perhaps, attracted thither by the manners and language of the inhabitants of Bayeux, who, Saxons by origin, still sjwkc in the tenth cen- tury a German dialect. In this district of Normandy the Norwegian idiom, dilfrring but httle from the popular' Ian- guage, became fused witli it, and purified it, in a measure, so as to render it intelligible to the Danes and tlie other Scandi- navians.' ^Vhcn, after several generations, the repugnance of the Norman barons of Bcssiu and tlie Cotentin for Christ- ianity had yielded to the fircc of example, the impress of the Scandinavian charncter was still found among them in a striking degree. They ^viM^c remarkable among the ofher lords and kniglits of Normandy for their extreme turbulence, and for an almost permanent hostility to the government of the dukes; some of them even long bore pagan devices on their shields, and opposed the old war cry of the Scandina- vians, 77ior aide! to tliat of Dim aide/ the cry of Nor- mandy.*-^ Peace was not of long duration between the French and the Normuji.., and the latter skilfully profited by circumstances to extend their dominion towards the east, almost to the point where the river Oisc joins the Seine;^ on the north, their ter- ritory was bounded by tlie little river Dresle, and by that of Coesnon on the south-. The inhalntants of this district were all called Normans bv the French, and by foreigners with the exception of tlie Danrs and the Norwegians" who' only gave this name, honourable in theircyes, to that portion of the population which ^^ dly of Norman race and lan- \ Ilntomn-oiisis civitas roir.ana poti.is qnnm ilncisca utitur donuentia et Jimocnccusis fnuifir fn quvuihi, .Incisca liiigmi qw.un romanz. (Dudod- oancio Qiaiitiiio, uf sxp. ]>. \ i>.) ^ Until Tr on . . . iir 1110 r •••'*' ■I'.i : i )< A aie I Ctst 1 v...i.^nc dc Nonuaiulir. , „..,, , (li'uiian de Rou, ii. 32, 34.) • Willclm. (icjiict., lit siijK [). ;jl(i. I i TO 997.] COMMOTIONS IN NORMANDY. 101 guage. This, the least numerous portion, stood, with regard to tiie mass, whetiier native or emigrant, of the other parts of Gaul, on the same footing as the sons of the Franks with regard to the sons of the Gauls. In Normandy, the mere qualification of Norman was from the first a title of nobility: it was the sign of liberty and of power, of the right to levy taxes^ from the citizens and serfs of the country.' All the Normans, by name and by race, 'were equal in civil right>, though not equal in military grades and political dig- nities. No man among them was taxed without his own con- sent, or subject to toll for his goods by land or by water; all enjoyed the right of hunting and fishing to the exclu- sion of the villeins and peasants, teriuK which, in i>oint of fact, comprehended the whole mass of the native poi)ulation. Although the court of the dukes of Norman „<• .u . ran^ues.' suu~tance ot these ha- " The lords do nothhi"' Imf ov.'I. „„ „„ ^ , , reason or iusticp from l. ""'*="'' '^^ cannot obtain either •nil, and nVa^c u^I ^'^ p^;, i">; J^V".' ""-7 ^^'ke "H, eat with us a day of pl-a ^,^";: L^ ol:fbrc^;r 1 1'"^ '7 " nrc so many d,,™ a,,.] servi, , 1 AV " i ^ f '^^''""'•-S t-=cIvcs to we are n,en ] L t^,V v /: ."'u: "" '•'•.V'-l their power; height, the sa.e po. •; ^i' e;;;):;„ ^ X-e ^^nt nT'".^ to one. Let n-? «;u-non t^ .i r i i ; ^ '^" iiunilred J^nit togeti"r:Urn: "an 'Slt'^rf oU^ u^ '^ 'i^'^^ shall befreeiVo.n tolls and taxes, H-ee to Mtr^^' ? V^ game and /ish, and do as ,ve will , a] Uuu^l [,? I ? m the meadow, on the water. "^ ° ' ° ''■°'"^' These appeals to natural ri^'ht and fn t1,» .„ ,. , greater number, did not fail o produce 1 ^r'^'^"/^ ^^^ people of tlie hamlets muhnlll =^ . , ° ^"""='' ""'^ '"•'"1/ • 1 1 ^'aimtia luiuualu'' swore to kopiitno'nfiw.., i / a.d each other against all comers.^ A vas ta^ oc^.t 1 7 ° mon defence si>read over tlip whole cn„„ I ■^"'°<=''-'tion for com- not the entire Lass, at a„ ctl.s t err ;^t\nTl" Tf i""' '' d.gcnous pop.datioM. The n-^sociates^v.re iv^^^^^^^^^^ '"■ circles, which the onViual historian lesi^ntes .1 .. "7""' oonvcnucula; there was at least one b"everv coni'tv "!? each chose two meml)r.iw; »„ f„„„ .i . ^ county, and assembly.- ThS,>e. nfT ^"ff '°'- ci'-^c or central . -^ , -'•"^ ouaiiiess of tins a.sscmblv wic f« ,^,.^^ i organize throughout the country th; n e-fns of J- T ''"'' msurreetion • if s,.,.f r,.„ r . • '"^ "'^ans ot resistance or sun action, it scut irom district to district, and from village rendii, ,„,„, i„ „,„„,„„ c„„!„ '„"";:•;■» •""' -«i'-runi coo,- compared tliis rassa.e wiiU \ ace .^"d B;nouTs,'' m'"''- P-,"'''-,' ^ '-« iinjiuiiTe. ■' ' "' "''^' ""= ^'Juc to mc of a traditional ilcuou dc St. iVIaiire. ut tj/d ;; lo'i n i -^ Wiilclm. Gemet.j «/ lup. p. oiy^ * '^^^• 1 TO 101 3. J ITS SUPPRESSION. 103 to village, eloquent and persuasive persons, to gain over new associates, to register their names, and to receive their oaths. ^ Affairs had arrived at this point, and no open rebellion had yet broken out, when the news reached the court of Nor- mandy that througliout the country the villeins were holding councils and forming themselves into a sworn association.^ There was great alarm among the lords, thus threatened with losing at one blow their rights and tlicir revenue^s. Duke Richard, who was then too young to act for himself, sent for his uncle Ilaoul, count of ICvreux, in whom he placed full confidence. " Sire," said the count, *'rest in peace, and let mo deal with these peasants; do not yours(;ir stir, but send me all the knights and men-at-arms at your disposal."'"* In order to surprise the chiefs of the association, count Ilaoul sent able spies in every direction, whom he specially charged to discover the place and hour at which the central assembly was to be held; upon their reports he marched his troops, and arrested in one day all the deputies of the inferior circles, some while sitting, others while they 'were receiving in the villages the oaths of the associates.-* IVliether from passion or calculation, the count treated his j'risoners with extreme cruelty. Without any trial, without the slightest inquiry, he inflicted upon them mutilations or atrocious tortures; of some he put out the eyes, of others ho cut off the hands or feet; some had their legs burned, others were impaled alive, or had melted lead poured over them.^ The unfortunate men who survived these tortures were sent back to their families, and on the way paraded through the villages, to spread terror around. And in effect, fear pre- vailed over the love of liberty in the hearts of the Norman peasants; the great association was broken up; no more secret assemblies were held, and a mournful resignation succeeded, for several centuries, to the momentary enthusiasm.^ » Tloinan dn Jlon, i. nf)7. ' See na to this dpf^cripiioii of asflociiiiion, its cnVcf.s nnd its origin, my Considerations sur I'llistoirc dc France, prefixed to the liecits des tempt Merovinrjiens, i>nd cd. i. 311, ct scq, » Eoman de Rou, i. 300. * lb. 311. • Iff. Eenoit de St. I\rniire, vt suj). ii. 395. " Willchn. Gemot., ut sup. p. 219. m '1 h ■ . ; 1 .'. :'i I: 10-i i;i< THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 997 At the period of tliis mcmornblo attenmt ♦!,. rn- lansuatra which liad at fust s< nrnt < ' ' . . '''''^'■^"ce of that the man of Scandinavia,, oriAn "-,1,1,-^ ^'' f "^^^J' the Gallo-Frank J.\-,.n nt I? "' , ? "'stingmshed from successors of Roil .t other ,,n '•'""'' "' ""= P'''»^« ''f "'C mcncernent of the devS. .e.^f"''"?,"'"'.'^'''''^'' "' <''<= ^O"'- The town of BaTeux alone .v.l r?! "''''" ^°"""'° "' l-''-«"c''. lect, a mixture ^fS^Sra^d No "".exception, and i.s dia- stoo- tb,.v i! I ''''''^ "PO" "'e Jjarne of Normans, anil "all S^tl "rSme ^'^^ '''"" '"^ ^■I'cn the kins of Fnal.,,,,) V,^ , , "'° e'cventh century, thi. same m' '^c^T'e or i ouance, but because Richard did not sec in this ' Sec ;,„.,„„, Loak v;,; Fr„„cigca„, It„„a„i, ^Volli. i ' TO 1015.J RECAL OF ETUELRED. 105 interyention anything favourable to his own interest, which he was skilful in discerning and ardent in pursuing, consist- ently with the character which akeady distinguished the in- habitants of Normandy. ^ Whilst Ethclred in exile was receiving the hospitality of his brother-in-law, the English, under the dominion of the foreigner, regretted, as in the time of the flight of Alfred and the first Danish conquest, the sway of him whom they had deserted in disgust; Swen, whom, in tlic year 1014, they had allowed to assume the title of king of England, died in that same year, so suddenly as to occasion his death being attri- buted to an impulse of patriotic indignation. The Danish soldiers, stationed in the towns or in their vessels at the mouths of the rivers, chose as successor to their late chief, his son Knut, who was then on a mission to the country along the Ilumber with the tributes and hostages from the English of the south. Tlie latter, encouraged by In*s absence, sent a messenger to the exile in Normandy, ti.dh'ng Jiiin, in the name of the English nation, tliat they would again accept him as king, if he would promise to govern better.' In answer to tliis message, P>tlielred sent his son Edward, charging him to salute, in his name, the whole English people,^ and to take a public oath that for the future he would fulfil his duties as a sovereign with fidelity,^ would amend whatever was not liked, and forget everything that had beea done or said against his person. The friendship sworn be- tween the nation and the king was confirmed on both sides by mutual pledges, and the Wittenagemote pronounced a sentence of perpetual outlawry against any Dane who should style himself king of England.^ Ethelred again a.^^sumed his emblems of honour; it is not exactly known over what extnit of tcnitory lie reigned, for the Danish garrisons, although driven from some towns, still retained many others, and even the city of London remained in their hands. Perhaps the great road called Wetlinga- • Chron. Saxon., MT). ]\Iaitli. Wvnt., p. 203. ' Greiau eiilue Lis Lcodscirc. (Chron. Siix., ut sup.) 3 Hold lilnford. {ih.) « Ut-lagede of EnplaJnnd, ih.—Laj signified alike countr}', state, and sta- tute, law, from the verb luf/en, to lay", to establisli. Ut-lnge (outlaw) nieona a banished man, and a man idnccd out of the i>ale of the law. 106 TUE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1015 Street, served, for tlie second timo, ns a line of dcmnrcation b(it\vecn the iVec provinces and the provinces subject to foreign domination. King Knut, son of Swen, dissatisfied with the portion whicli the Anglo-Saxons obliged him to accept, returned from the north; and landing near Sandwich, in a fit of rage, cut off on tlie sea-shore the hands and noses of all the hostages his father had received. This futile cruelty was the signal for a fie>h war, which Ethelred, for the future faithful to his promises, courageously maintained viith various success. Upon liis death, the English chose for king, not one of his legiiiniatc children, who remained in Normandy, but his natural son, I-lduumd, surnamed lro7i Sides^ who had given great proofs of courage and skill. By his energetic conduct, Edmund raised the fortunes of the English nation; he took London from the Danes, and fought five great battles with them.^ After one of tlicsc battles, fought on the southern boundary of Warwickshire, and lost hy the Danes, one of their captains, named Ulf,^ separated from liis men in the rout, and flying to save his life, entered a wood, with the paths of which he was unacquainted. Having wandered about it all night, at daybreak he met a young peasant driving a herd of oxen. Ulf saluted him, and asked his name. " I am called Godwin,^ son of Ulf- notli,"* answered the herdsman; "and yon, if I mistake not, are one of the Danish army?'* The Dane, obliged to de- clare himself, bcuged the young man to tell him at what dis- tance lie was from the vessels stationed in the Severn or the adjacent rivers, and by wliat road it would be possible for him to reach them. " The Dane must be mad," answered God- ^vin, " who looks for his preservation at the hands of a Saxon."* Ulf intreated the licrdsman to leave his lierd, and to guide him on his way, joining to his entrc.-aties the promises most calculated to tempt a poor and simple man. " The way is long," said the young herdsman, *' and it will be dangerous to guide you. The peasants, emboldened by our victory of yes- terday, arc armed throughout the country; they would show 1 lb. 148— 150. Ileuric. lluntind., hb. vi. flG^. Wlllrlm. Malraes.,Ub ii. 72. Mattb. West., p. '20:1 and 20L In-ulf., i. p. 07, 5d. * llf, will/, hu/f, succour, succonral)le. ^ (•'",.!, j'ooil; iriit, clicrishetl, beloved. * Xt'fli, not, nod, iiyd, useful, ncccssfirf. * Torfxi, Ilht, rcr. Xorvej., pars. iii. lib. i. cap. xxi. p. 30. to 1017.] KNUT, KING OF ALL ENGLAND. 107 no mercy cither to your guide or to yourself." The chief drew a gold ring from liis linger and presented it to the young fcjaxon, who took it, looked at it with curiosity, and after a moment's reflection, returned it, sapng: " I will not take it, but I wiU give you my aid."' They passed the day in the cottage of Godwin's father, and when night came, as they de- parted, the old peasant said to the Dane: " lOiow that it is my only son Avho trusts to your good faith; there will be no safety for him among his countrymen from the moment that he has served you as a guide; present him, therefore, to your kmg, that he may take him into his service."'' Ulf promised to do far more than this, and lie kept his word; on liis arrival at the Danish camp, he seated the peasant's son in his tent, upon a seat raised as high as his own, treating him as his own son.^ He obtained for him from king Knut military rank, and ulti- mately the Saxon herdsman attained the dignity of governor of a province in tliat part of England occupied by the Danes. This man, who from the condition of a cowherd was raised by the protection of foreigners to the highest dignities of his country, was, by a singular destiny, to contribute more than any other man to the downfal of the foreign domi- nation. Ilis name will soon figure among the great names of this history, when, perhaps, there wiU be some interest in calling to mind the origin and singularity of his for-^ The victories of the Anglo-Saxons over the Danes led to an armistice and a truce which was solemnly sworn to, in the presence of the two armies, by the kings, Edmund and Ivnut; they mutually exchanged the name of brother,* and by com- mon consent fixed the limit of their respective kingdom at the Thames. On the death of Edmund, the Danish king passed this boundary, which was to have been inviolable; he had secretly gained over several interested or ambitious chiet- tains, and the terror cau?ed by his invasion gave success to their intrigues. ..Vfter a brief resistance, the Anglo-Saxons ot. the southern and western ]>rovinces subinitted, and acknow- ledged the son of Swen as king of all J':ngland. Knut swore in return to be just and benevolent, and with his bare hand » Torfoi, Hht.y par. iii. lib. i. cap. xxi. p. 36. « Torfici, Hist., vt sup. Jb. « Simus fratres adoptivi, (ITenrici lluntind., lib. vi. 303.) Emmoc reginco Encomion, vt sup. p. 171. AViUelm. Mulmcs., lib. ii. 72. , .'Hur ««!lHHF«WlBla** 108 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1015 touchecl tlie liaiKls of the i>riiiclpal chiefs, in token of sin- cerity.* °' * Despite these promises and the facility with wlilch he had gained the crown, Knut was at first suspicious and cruel All those who liad been remarkable for tlicir attachment to the ancient liberty of the country and the Anglo-Saxon royalty some eyen of those who had betrayed this cause for that of death. - Wlioeyer will bring me the liead of an enemy " said the Danish king, with the ferocity of a pirate, " shall be dearer to me than a brother."^ The relations of the two last Knnf'nr i-^i ? 'i'''^ ^'^"'l"'^^' ''''^'" proscribcd in a body; the sons of J^tlielrcd were then at the court of Normandy; but those of Ldmund, who had remained in England, did not escape persecution. Not venturing to put tllem to death before the eyes of the English people, Knut sent them to bcandinayia, and carefully insinuated to the petty kin- to whose care he confided them, what were his inteiitions^re- specting them; but the latter feigned not to understand him, and allowed his prisoners to escape into Germany. Thence lor greater security, they went to the court of the kin^r of Hungary, who now began to figure among the Chrisiiaa powers, lliey were receiycd with honour, and one of them aUerwards married a cousin of the emperor of the Germans ^ Kichard, duke of Normandy, seeing the impossibility of establishing Ins nephews on the throne of England, and wish- ing to haye the benefit of a close alliance with that country adopted an entirely personal policy; he negotiated with the -uanisa king to the prejudice of the sons of Ethelred By a t^f Kn'i.^f 'If ^""^ T''''''^ arrangement, he proposed that Knut should marry the mother of these two children, who as we haye seen, was his sister: she had received at her baptism the name of Emmc or Emma, but on her arrival in England the haxcms had clianged this foreign name into that ^/iaf!"!' /^-"^^"^S r^'^suii from the r,emL Flattered at roncn r/ ^^'^^"^^"o ,«"^*« "»«^-« the wife of n king, Emma consented to this second union, and left it doubtful, say the old * l^oS'^r de Ilovcden, ut sup. p. 430. riorputn Wigornensis, Chron. (FrancforS ICOl) p. GIQ Mm. Westmoncst., 20G. Hcnric. Hunt., lib. vi. 303 CONDUCT OF KNUT. 109 i TO 1030.] historians, which had acted with most dishonour, she or her brother.^ She soon became the mother of a new son, to whom the power of his father promised a fortune very dif- ferent from that of the children of Ethelred, and, in the in- toxication of her ambition, she forgot and slighted her first- born, who, on their part, kejit out of their native land, gradually forgot its manners and even its language; they contracted in exile foreign habits and friendships: an event of little importance in itself, but which had fatal consequences. Secured in his power by a possession of several years, and by a marriage which made him, in a measure, less foreign to the English nation, king Knut gradually became gentler; a new character was developed in him; his ideas of government were as elevated as his epoch and situation were capable of; he had even the desire to be impartial between the English and the Danes. Without at all diminishing the enormous taxes which the conquest had imposed on England, he eni- ployed them partly in purchasing of his countrymen their return to Denmark, and thus rendering less sensible the division of the inhabitants of England into two races, races hostile and of unequal condition. Of all the armed Danes who had accompanied him, he only retained a chosen troop of a few thousand men, who formed his guard, and who were called ThingamaniWy that is to say, men of the palace. The son of an apostate to Christianity, he proved a zealous Chris- tian, rebuilding the churches that his father and himself had burned, and magnificently endowing the abbeys and monas- teries.2 From a desire to please the national feelings of the Ando- Saxons, he raised a chapel over the grave of Edmund, king of East Anglia, who, for a century and a half past, had been venerated as a martyr of the faith and of patriotism; the same motive led him to erect at Canterbury a monument to the archbishop Elfcg, a victim, like king Edmund, to the cruelty of the Danes: he w ished, further, to have the body of this saint, which had been buried at London, removed hither, and the inhabitants of that city having refused to deliver it up, the Danish hinjr, suddmly resuming, for an act of devotion, the habits of the coiuiueror and pirate, had the » Willclm. Mnlmcs., ut sup. lib. ii. p. 73. Diploma Chnuti regis ; Ingulf., vt sup. i. 08. I 110 THE N0R3IAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1017 coffin forcibly carried off by the troops, between two lines of wl.oni, with drawn swords, it was conveyed to tlie Thames, and tlicrc placed in a ship of war, having for its fin-ure-head the upper part of an enormous dragon, richly gilt.^ ° During the time of the partition of England into indepim- clent kingdoms, several of the Anglo-Saxon kings, especially those of AVessex and IVIercia, had, at different periods, esta- blished certain payments in favour of the Komish chur.'h The object of these purely gratuitous gifts was to procure a better reception and aid, in case of nca], for the English pilgrims who visited Rome, to support a school there ibr youths of tliat nation, and to go towanls the expense of the lights in the tombs of St. Peter and St. Paul.2 The payment of these dues, whicli in the Saxon language were called Jiom- feok, Eom'sheat, Rome-money, Rome -tax, more or less regular, according to tiie degree of zeal of the kings and people, was entirely suspended in the ninth century by the Danish invasions. Wishing to expiate, in some dc^-ree, the evil which his country had done to the church, and to surpass in munificence all the Anglo-Saxon kini^s, Knut revived this institution, giving it a greater extent, and subjected Eno^land to a perpetual tribute, called Peters pcjice {Rom-feth). ^This tax, paid at the rate of a penny of the money of the time, for each inhabited house, was, in the terms of the royid ordinances, to be levied every year, (o the praise and ghnf of God, on the day of the feast of the prince of iha apostles.^ TJie pecuniary homage of tlie ancient Saxon kings to the Komisli church had not in any way increased the religious dependence of England. This dependence and the pouter of the church were then of an essentially spiritual nature; but in the course of tlie ninth century, in consequence of the revo- lutions which took place in Ital}-, the supremacy of the cour:: of Rome iissutued quite a new cliaracter. Several towns, which had yicaped from tlie autlioritv of the emperors of Con' stantinople, or been taken by the Franks from the Lombard kings, liad placed themselves under the subjection of the pope, who thus combined the character of tenipond sovereign with dale, Mon. Jnghc, i. 280. Joli. Bromton, vt sup. i, col. 891. * Diplomata reg. Auglin?. » Le gC3 Chnuti, Art. xii. Bromton, ut sup. col. O'^'O. KKUT VISITS ROME. Ill 1 f^t TO 1030.] that of head of the church; the name of Patrimony of Saint Ptfer ceased from that time to be applied to private domains, separated by great distances, spread through Italy, Sicily, and Gaul, but served to designate a vast and compact territory, possessed or ruled sovereignly, by seigneural title.^ Pursuant to the fixed and universal law of political development, this new state was not, more tiian any other, to be without ambi- tion, and its necessary tendency was to abuse, in promotion of its material interests, the moral influence which its chief exercised over the kingdoms of the west. After such a revo- lution, the transmission of an annual tribute to the pontifical court could not fail to have, at all events in the idea of that court, a meaning wholly different from before. Notions hitherto unheard of began to germinate there; the pope and those about him spoke of the universal suzerainty of Saint Peter over all countries, however distant, which had received the Christian faith from Rome. England was of this number; the re-establishment, therefore, of a tax, though meant merely as a proof of Christian fervour, was perilous for the political independence of that kingdom. No one there, it is true, suspected the consequences which might result from the per- petual obligation of Saint Peter's pence, neither the king, who formed the engagement from religious zeal, . or from vanity, nor the people, who had submitted to it without a murmur, as an act of devotion; yet half a century sufiiced to develop these consequences, and to enable the court of Eome to treat England as a fief of the apostolic see. About the year 1030, king Knut resolved to go in person to Rome, to visit the tombs of the apostles, and receive the thanks due to his liberalities; he set out with a numerous retinue, bearing a wallet on his shoulder, and a long staff m his liand.2 ' Having accomplished his pilgrimage, and on the point of returning to the north, he addressed to all the English nation a leUer, throughout whicli there prevails a tone of kindliness that contrasts singularly with the education and first acts of royalty of the son of Swen. « Knut, king of England and Denmark, to all the bishops and primates, a^nd all the English people, greeting. I hereby ' neury, Hist. Eccltx., viii. 20. t Torfflcus, lit stip. pars. ill. lib. iii. cnp. xvi. p. 223. Encomlon EminjB„ p. d93, in noiis. ^^2 TUE NOEMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1018 announce to you that I have been to Rome for the remission >fe thP l;^i^'°f ^-,-'* '°' ''='""° granted me, once in n.y hfe the grace of vis.ting in person his very lioly apostles Pe er and Pau , and all the saints who have their habitat ion either w.thm the walls, or without the Roman city. I deter- mined upon this journey, because I had learned from the Bower'tor'T "'f"'/''''* the apostle Pe.er possesses great power to bind or to loose, and that he keeps the keys of the celestial kingdom; wherefore I thought it useful to solicit specially his favour and patronage with God. " ^'J""? }}'" ^'?'»s'cr solemnity was held here a -reat npT ? '""^"'o^s Pcrsons-namoly, pope John, thc^m- peror luinrad, and aU the chief men of the nations, from IMount Gargano to the sea which surrounds us. All received me with great distinction, ami honoured me with rich nre- vestlnt '•rrV'f '"■'^ v.ascs ..1-..,M and silver, and stuffs and % e=,tments of great price. I have conversed with the en.„cror the lord pope and the other princes, upon the wants of all the people of my kingdoms, English and Danes. I have endea! voured to obtain lor my people justice and security in their pilgrimages to Rome, and especially that they may not for «.e future be delayed on their road by the closing of the mountain passes, or vexed by enormous toUs. I afso com- plained to the lord pope of the immensity of the suras exacted to this day from my archbishops, when, acconling to custom they repair to the apostolical court to obtain the pallium. I has_ been decided that this shall not occur for the future 1 would .also have you know that I have made a vow to Almighty God to regulate my life by the dictates of virtue and to govcni my people with justice. If durin- the im- petuosity o iny youth I have done anything cmtniry to equity, I will lor the future, with the help of God, aincnd m"d°an'"'"'°' 7P°-7 7'-« Florent. Wigorn. Cliron., p. C21. « Ego .... inipcrnlor Kuiito a Clnisto jcrc rc^rnm, rcRiminis . . . politus. (Diploma Knuli regis, apud Wilkins, Concilia Mngriae Biitannioc, i. 290.) VOL. I. I 114 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. fA.D. 1030 for themselves. More anciently subjected, the Anglo-Saxons could not all at once regain their liberty in so complete a manner; but they secretly attacked the power of the foreigners, and commenced by intrigues a revolution that was to be ter- minated by force.* The Danish king died in the year 1035, and left three sons, of whom one only, named Hardeknut, {Ilarda-knut, Horda- knut, Hartha-knuf,) that is, Knut the strong or the brave, was born of the Norman Emma; the others were the children of a first wife. Knut had at his death desired that the son of Emma should be his successor; such a nomination was rarely without influence upon those to whom the German customs gave the right of electing their kings. But Harde- knut was then in Denmark; and the Danes of London,'-^ eager to have a chief, that they might be united and powerful against the discontented Saxons, elected as king another son of Knut, named Harold.^ This election, sanctioned by the majority, met with some opponents, whom the English hastened to join, in order to nourish and envenom the domestic quarrel of their masters. The provinces of the south-west, which, for the whole duration of the conquest, were always the first to rise and the last to submit, proclaimed Hardeknut king, while the Danish soldiers and sailors installed Harold in London. This political schism again divided England into two zones, sena- rated by the Thames. The north was for Harold, the south for the son of Emma; but the struggle carried on in these two names was in reality the struggle between tlie two great interests of the all-powerful conquerors to the north of the Thames, and the less feeble of the conquered to the south. Godwin, son of Ulfnoth, was then chief of the vast pro- vince of Wesx'x, and one of the most powerful men in Eng- land. Wliether he had already conceived the project of using the power he derived from the foreigners for the deli- verance of his nation, or felt a personal affection for the younger son of Knut, he favoured the absent claimant, and invited the widow of the late king into the west. She came, • Praesidia militiim danorum in Anglia, ne Anglici a domiriio Danonim laberentur. (f*etri Olai Excerpt, apiid Script, rer. Danie. ii., '-207.) Saga af Magnusi Berfaetta, cap, xi. ; Snorre's Heimskringla, iii. 211. 2 Ingulf., nt sup. i. 61. Chron. Saxon., p. 154. » Her, eminent, chief; aid, hold, faithful. The Saxons wrote it Harold* TO 1035.] HAROLD CROWNED. 115 accompanied by some Danish troops,* and bringing with her part of her husband's treasures. Godwin assumed the office of general in chief and protector of the kingdom in the name and in the absence of the son of Emma.^ He received, for Hardeknut, the oaths of fidelity of the whole southern po- pulation. This ambiguous insurrection, which, under one aspect, appeared the struggle of two pretenders, under an- other, a war of nation against nation, did not extend north of the Thames. There the mass of the Saxon inhabitants swore, in common with the Danes, fidelity to king Harold; there were only a few individual exceptions, as the refusal of Ethelnoth,3 an Englishman by birth and archbishop of Can- terbury, to consecrate the king elected by the foreigners, and to give him the sceptre and crown of the Anglo-Saxon kinf^s.'* Harold, according to some historians, crowned himself with his own hand, without any religious ceremony; and renewing in his heart the ancient spirit of his ancestors, he conceived a hatred for Christianity. It was the hour of worship, and when the people -were repairing to church, that he selected to send for his hunting dogs, or have his table served.^ A fierce war between the south and north of England, between the Saxon population and the Danish population, appeared inevitable. This expectation occasioned a sort of panic among the Anglo-Saxon inhabitants of the left bank of the Thames,^ who, despite their apparent fidelity to the king recognised by the Danes, feared lest they should be treated as rebels. Many families quitted their houses, and sought shelter in the forests. Whole troops of men, women, and children, with their cattle and goods, proceeded to the marshes, which extended for more than a hundred miles over the four counties of Cambridge, Huntingdon, Northampton, and Lincoln.*^ This district, which appeared a vast lake inter- spersed with islands, was only inhabited by monks, who owed to the munificence of the ancient kings vast houses built amidst the waters, upon piles and earth brought from a dis- * Mid .... huscarlum (Chron. Saxon., 154.) " Willelm. Malmes., ut sup., lib. ii. p. 70. Hemic. Huntiiid., vt sup. lib. vi. p. ;Ui4:. Chron Sax. p. 155. ' Ethel, noble ; noth, iisofnl. * Eramoe regineB Encora., p. 174, * Ibid. « liigr.ir.. ft s,7/). i. 61. ^ Id. ib. t2 116 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1037 TO 103 ( . ALFRED, SON OF ETHELRED. 11 tance.^ The poor fugitives settled in the willow groves which covered these low and muddy lands. Wanting many of the necessaries of life, and liaving nothing to do the whole day, they assailed with solicitations, or with visits of simple cnriosity, the monks of Croyland, Peterborough, and other neighbouring abbeys. They went to and fro unceasingly to demand assistance, counsel or prayers;"^ they followed the monks or servants of the convent at every turn, importuning them to pity their lot. In order not to depart from the observance of their rules, the monks shut themselves up in their cells, and deserted tlie cloister and th(3 church, because the crowd flocked there. Wulf, a hermit, who lived alone in the marshes of Pegland, was so alarmed at iinding himself suddenly surrounded by men and noise, that he abandoned his cabin, and fled to seek other deserts. The war, so desired on one side of the Tliames, and so dreaded on the other, did not take place, because the absence of Hardeknut being protracted, the enthusiasm of his Danish partisans subsided,^ and the English of the south did not think the moment had arrived for them to raise their national stan- dards, not as favourers of a Danish pretender, but as enemies to all the Danes. The Norman woman, whose presence served to give to the insurrection a colour less oflensive in the eyes of a foreign power, made peace witli this power, and surrendered the treasure of Knut to the rival of her own son. Godwin and the other Saxon chiefs of the west, forced by her desertion to acknowledge Harold as king, swore obe- dience to him, and Hardeknut was forgotten.'* At the same time there happened a tragical event, the story of which has only reached us enveloped in much obscurity. A letter from Emma, who was living at London on good terms with king Harold, was sent, it would appear, to the two sons of Ethelred in Normandy; their mother informed them in it that the Anglo-Saxon people appeared disposed to make one of them king, and to shake ofl' the Danish yoke; she I Will. Midmesb., nt sup. lib. iv. p. 292. 2 Iiigiilf., ut Slip. i. (il. » Roger (le Hoved., ut nup. pars. 1. 438. * Rex pjei. Alius, .... Full cynrj ofer nil Eiigla-land. (^Chron. Sax., p. 155.) invited one of them to come secretly to England, to advise with her and their friends.' Whether the letter was genuine or forged, the sons of Ethelred received it with joy, aiul the younger of the two, Alfred, embarked by the consent of his brother, with a troop of Norman or Boulognese sol- diers,^ which was contrary to the instructions of Emma, if, indeed, the invitation proceeded from her.'^ The young Alfred landed ut Dover, and advanced south of the Thames, where he was likely to encounter less danger and ditticulty, because the Danes were not numerous there. Godwin went to meet him, perhaps to ascertain his capacity. and to concert with him some plan for the national deli- verance. He found him surrounded by foreigiierSj who had come in his train to share the high fortune he hoped to find in England, and this sight suddenly converted the favourable disposition of the Saxon chief towards Alfred into hatred. An ancient historian on this occasion puts into the mouth of Godwin a speech to the assembled chiefs, in which he represents to them that Alfred was come escorted by too many Normans; that he had promised to tliese Normans pos- sessions in England, and that they must not allow this race of foreigners, known throughout the world for their crai't and daring, to become masters in the country.'* Whatever may have been the fiict as to this harangue, Alfred was aban- doned, if not betrayed by Godwin and the Saxons,'' wlu» in truth had not summoned him from bey»>nd seas, U(,v drawn him into the peril in Avhich they left him. Harold's officers, informed of his landing, surprised him with his com- panions in the town of Guildford, while they were unarmed and dispersed in diflerent houses. They were all seized and bound, without any attempt being made to defend them.*^ More than six hundred foreigners had followed young Alfred; they were separated from him, and treated with the ' Rogo. iniiis vestnim lul me velociter et private veiiiut. (Emma3 regiuic encom., p. 174.) 2 Willelm. Gemct., ut aiip. p. 271. ' Joli. Bromtoii, ut sup. i. col. iV-W. Ihiinue llui-om., p. 175 &; G. * Heiiric. Hmitiiul., ut sup. lib. vi. p. 805 * Willelm. Midmcs., ut sup. lib. ii. p. 77. • Roger (le Iloveden, vt .sup. p. A-)^. Ailrcd. Rieviil. Geueiilog. reg. Aug. i]>ud Hist, niigl. Script. (Seldeu) i. col. ;ilJO. Guill. rictaviensib, apud Sciii't. I'-T. Normanii., p. 17b. 1 jlO TME NOHMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1040 greatest barbarity; nine of each ten perished in horrible tor- tures; the tenth alone, obtained his life. The son of Ethelred, transferred to the island of Ely, in the heart of the Danish territory, was brought before j udges, who condemned him to lose his eyes as a violator of the peace of the country. Hi« mother took no steps to save him from this punishment. She deserted the orphan, says the ancient chronicler;^ and other historians reproach her with having been an accomplice in his death.2 The latter assertion may be doubted, though it is a singular circumstance that Emma, on being shortly afterwards banished from England by king Harold, did not repair to Normandy with her own relations and the second son of Ethelred, but sought a foreign asylum in Flanders,^ whence she addressed herself to the son of Knut in Denmark, intreat- ing him to revenge his maternal brother, the son of Ethel- red the Saxon, who, said Emma, had been assassinated by Harold, and betrayed by Godwin,* The treachery of Godwin was the war-cry of the Normans, who in their blind resentment accused the Saxons rather than the Danes of the massacre of their countrymen, victims of a too hazardous enterprise. There are, besides, many versions of this affair,'^ of which not one is supported by sufficient proofs to be regarded as the true one. An historian, among the most worthy of belief, commences his narration in these words : " I am now going to relate what the story-tellers re- count of the death of Alfred :"6 and at the end of his narrative, he adds, " This being the common rumour, I have not omitted it, but as no chronicle mentions it, I affirm it not.""^ What appears, beyond doubt, is the execution of the son of Ethel- red, and of several hundred men wlio had accompanied him from Normandy and France, to excite the Saxons to insur- rection; the interview of Godwin with this young man, and more especially, the premeditated treachery of which he is * Willelm. Malmes., uf .sup. lib. ii. p. 70.— Ehiretli carmen scire volebat, et Edwardo exuli Dichei penibus boiii faciebat. {Bugdale, Jlonast. Angliv. I. UfJ.) « C. Joli. Bromt., uf sup. i. col. 1);]4., Dugdale, p. 35. ' Fleiirici Hunt., lib. vi. p. 304. < Kogcr de Hovederi, pars i. ut suj). p. 438. * Joh. Bromt., nt sup. • Willelm. Malmes., lib. ii. ut sup. p. 77. ' Id. ih. TO 1040.] ELECTION OF HARDEKNUT. 119 accused by many writers, appear to be fabulous circumstances, Ruperstructed on one genuine fact. However unworthy of belief these fables may be, they are for from being destitute of historical importance, in consequence of the credit they obtained in foreign countries, and the national resentment which they excited against the English people. On the death of Harold, the Anglo-Saxons, still not bold enough to choose a king of their own race, concurred with the Danes in electing the son of Emma and Knut.'* The first act of royalty done by Hardeknut was to order the body of liis predecessor, Harold, to be disinterred, and after the head had been cut off, to be thrown into the Thames. Some Danish fishermen found the body, and again buried it at London, in the cemetery set apart for their nation, who even in the grave were resolved to be distinguished from the English.^ Having given this example of vengeance and barbarity against one dead brother, the new king, with a great show of fraternal affliction, commenced an extensive judicial inquiry into the murder of Alfred. He himself being a Dane, no man of Danish race was cited by him to appear before the justice-seat, and Saxons were alone charged with a Cx-ime which could only have been useful to their masters. God- win, whose power and doubtful designs inspired great fears, was the first accused; he presented himself, according to the English law, accompanied by a great number of relations, friends and witnesses, who, with him, swore that he had taken no part, directly or indirectly, in the death of the son of Ethelred. This legal i)roof was not sufficient with a king of foreign race; and in order to give it value, it was necessary for the Saxon chief to back it with rich presents, the de- tails of which if not wholly fabulous, would lead one to be- lieve that many of the English assisted their countryman to buy off this prosecution, instituted in bad faith. Godwin gave king Hardeknut a vessel adorned with gilt metal and manned with eighty soldiers, each with a gilt helmet, a gilt axe upon his left shoulder, a javelin in his right hand, and on each arm bi*acelets of gold, weighing six ounces.^ A Saxon bishop, 1 Id. ib. Mattli. Westm., nt sup. p. 210. ' Ingulf., vt sup. i. (52. ' Willelm. Malmesb., lib. ii. ut sup. p. 77. *-^ THE NORMAN C().VQtrK3T. [a.D. 1040 named Leofvvin,^ accused of havin- assisted the sou of Ulf- noth III his alleged treason, like Godwin, cleand himself by presiMits. "^ In general in hi^ n'huioiis with the r.mquered, Harde- knut show«:d less cniclty than avaric.'; his love of money equalled and p»-rha}.s ,iste.l, ,n,til the w, aried assailants al- lowed them to return in peace to their (Iwellinns.'^ Thus the spirit of independeiKc^ \vhi(di the eoncnierors called revolt, gradually revived among the >ons of the Saxons and the Angles. 3Iisery and insults were not waiuiiiir f.. awaken in their min or pleasure excursions. ummI the house ot a Dane as his lodging, the Dane was paid, souK^times in moiiey,'^ s<.metimes with the fat cattle which the Saxon ■ I.l. ih. Li„/-,ri„. I. , ,„ /, /;,/;, ,I,.iir, bclove.l ^ Willelm. Mi.lriiM.h.. lih. ii. „/ ,,.„^,. p. 70. , ^„ ' ■''>''- JiifHiii , /// s>nK i. fol. :t:.t. vaass,ai„s suiH ,„.,■ siu^mus n.n' „ti mamis. (Willelm. :\ralmosb.. m.. n.,ut,>,j>. i>. -(,.) Nuvnuu m' i;uu.s iTri,i{,nbu«*, ^iii. iii;i.Tii.>. (Cla-on. >iix. p. I M,.)_xxxii navilMis, xi milli.i iibrnniin; {ih.) ''. '^';' ''''"'l """'^ w^nl. mill. lib. ai-TPiiti. a.l sumptus hospitii re^is ( I-'unn Kny,hin,l Script List, Augl. (bebbij) ii. vol. -.HyH). Ill TO 1041-] EXPULSION OF THE DANE?. 121 I' peasant had thus fr d for the table of his coiuiuei'ors.^ But the house of the Saxon was the inn of the Dane; the foreigner there gratuitously enj yed fire, food, and bed; he occupied the place of honour as master.^ The head of the family might not drink without his guest's permission, nor bj seated in his presence. The latter coidd at ]d(^asnre insult the wife, the daughter, or the servant^ of liis Saxon^ and if he defended or avenged them, he found no asylum; he was pur- sued and tracked like a wild beast; a price was set on his head as on a wolf's ; he became a wolfs h fad, to adopt the Anglo-Saxon expression;'* and nothing remained for him but to fly to the forest with the wolves, to become a brigand there, and war against the foreign conquerors, and the na- tives, A\ ho slumbered like cowards beneath the yoke of these foreigners. These long accumulated sufferings at length produced their fruits; on the death of king Hardeknut, which took place sud- denly amidst a marriage feast, before the Danes assembled to elect a new king, a great insurrectionary army was formed under the command of a Saxon named Howne.'^ Unfor- tunately, the patriotic exploits of this army are now as little known, as the name of its cdiief is obscure. Godwin and his son. llarald (or Harold, according to the Saxon ortliography), now raised the standard of inde|)endence of their country, against every Dane, king or claimant, cliief or soldier. Beaten back rapidly to the north, driven from town aft(?r town, the Danes left the country, and landed, greatly diminished in num- ber, on the shores of their old country.*^ They in their turn related a story of treachery, the romantic circumstances of which are found, equally fabulous, in the history of several nations; they said that Harohl, son of Godwin, had invited 1 ^Ingna s>arama auimalium bene ciiv-xmiin. {ih.) 2 Ul/iis Daiius custos et raagister doiiuis super ouiiies alios hospitii. {ih.') 3 Nam si Dacus Aiiglico super poiitem oecuirisset, Anglicus pedem movere ausus non fuisset, donee Dacus ponum i>ern-aiisisset, et ulterius nisi Angli in lionorem Dacorum capita iuclinasseut graves pcBiias et vorbira sentirent. (Bromt., i. col. 034.) * Wulf-heofod, the term applied by tlie Saxous to men outlawed for any great crime. (Wilkins, Lc> TO 1048.] RESTORATION OF ANGLO-SAXON CUSTOMS. 123 him for an enemy.^ Others say that, before procuring the election of the new king, Godwin had exacted from him an oath, by God and his soul, that he would, if elected, marry his daughter.2 However this may have been, Edward re- ceived in marriage a young person of great beauty and learn ing, modest and of a sweet disposition ; she was called Edith, a familiar diminutive for Edswith or Ethelswith.^ '•' I have often seen her in my childhood," says a contemporary, " when I went to visit my father, who was employed in the king's palace. If she met me on my return from school, she inter- rogated me upon my grammar, poetry, or even logic, in which she was well versed; and wlien she had entangled me in the meshes of some subtle argument, she never failed to bestow upon me three or four crowns by her servant, and to send me to have refreshment in the pantry."'* Edith was mild and kind to all who approached her; those who disliked the somewhat savage pride of character of her father and brother, praised her for not resembling them, as is poetically expressed in a Latin verse, then much esteemed: " Sicut spina rosam, genuit Godwinus Editham." — " As the thorn produces the rose, so Godwin produced Edith. "^ The withdrawal of the Danes, and the complete destruction of the rule of the conquest, in awakening patriotic thoughts, had rendered the Anglo-Saxon customs dearer to the people. They desired to restore them in all their pristine purity, freed from all that the mixture of races had added to them of foreign matter. This wish led them to revert to the times which preceded the great Danisli invasion, to the reign of Ethelred, who.se institutions and laws were sought out with a view to their re-establishment.^ This restoration took place to the utmost extent possible, and the name of king Edward became connected with it; it was a popular saying that this good king had restored the good laws of his father Ethelred. But, in truth, he was no legislator; he promulgated no new code; the only thing was, that the ordinances of the Danish ' Willelm Gemet., tit sup. p. '271. 2 Dugdale, Monast. Anglic, i. 24. • Ed, liappy, fortunate ; ethel, noble ; schwend, swinlh, smith, light, ao- tive. ♦ Ingulf., vt sup. i. 62. * Id. ih. * Willelm. Malmesb., lib. ii. ut sup. 124 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1042 kings ceased in his reign to be executed.* The tax of the conquest, at first granted teniporai'ily under tlie name of DanegheUl, as we have seen above, then levied « aeh year, during thirty years, for the foreij>M soldiers and sailors,''^ was in this manner abolished, not through the s|)ontaneous bene- volence of the new king, but because there were no longer any Danes in Enghuid. That is to sa} , there were no longer any Danes living ir* the country as rulers; such had all been expelled; but the English, restored to libert\', did not drive from their habita- tions the laborious and i)eaeeable Danes w ho, swearing obe- dience to the common law, were content with existing simply as cultivators or citizens. The Saxon people did not, by way of reprisals, levy t;ixes on tliem, or render their condition worse than their own. In the eastern, and especially in the northern provinces, the children of the Scandinavians con- tinued to exceed in number those of the Anglo-Saxons; these provinces were distinguished from the midland and southern by a remarkable ditference of idiom, maimers, and local customs,'"* but not th<' sliLditcst resistance was raised to the government of the Saxun king. Social equality soon drew together and fused the two nations, formerly hostile. This union of all the inhabitants of the English soil, formidable to foreign invaders, stayed their ambitious projects, and no northern king dared to assert in arms the heritage of the sons of Knut. Th<'sc kings even sent messages of peace and friendship to the [)eaceable E^hvard: " We will," said they, "allow you to reign unmolested o\er your country, and we will content ourselves with the lands which God has given us to rule."* But under this exterior appearance of pros|)erity and in- dependence, new germs of trouble and ruin were silently de- veloping themselves. King Edward, son of a >*'urmaii woman, » Sub nomine i- "- T'lhvardi junitur, non quod ille statnerit, scd quod observavril. (Id. rv , * DtJtne-gcld, danm-ijeold ; ul. Ileregeold, tiibiite of the army (Clirou Sax. passim.) * Myrciia-laga, Wc^l Scuxna-lugii, DieiKi-lji;,'n. S.'e llifkes, Thesaurus linjjuar. Septeutrion. * Magnus then godts S:(f,'!i, cap. iii.; Sn .n. < Hfim>kiingla, ii. 'o'l\ lu gulf., ut sup. p. C5 ; Job. Bromt. ut sup. i. cul. l*">s. TO 1048.] Edward's patronage op foreigners. 125 brought up from infancy in Normandy, had returned almost a foreigner to the country of bis ancestors;^ a foreign language had been that of his youth; he had grown old among other men and other customs than the customs and men of England; his friends, the companions of his p'easures and his sorrows, his nearest relatives, the husband of his sister, were all beyond seas. He had sworn to bring with him but few Normans, and but few, in fact, accompanied him, but many followed him: those who had loved him in his exile, those who had more or less assisted him when he was poor, all hastened to besiege his palace.^ He could not help receiving them at his fireside and at his table, or even the preferring them to the, to him, strangers from whom he derived his fireside, his table, and his title." The irresistible tendency of early aifections so misled him, that he gave all the high dignities and great oflaces of the country to men born in another land, and who cared not for England. The national fortresses were placed under the guard of Norman warriors; Norman priests ob- tained bishoprics in England, and became the chaplains, councillors, and intimate confidants of the king. Many who called themselves cousins to Edward's mother passed the Channel, sure of a good reception.-^ None who solicited a favour in the Norman tongue* met wath a denial; their langtiage even banished from the palace the national language, which became an object of ridicule with the foreign courtiers; flattery was ever addressed to the king in the favourite idiom. All the ambitious English nobility spoke or stam- mered in their houses the new court language, as alone worthy of a well born man.^ They cast aside their long Saxon cloaks, for the short wide-sleeved Norman mantle; they imi- tated in their writing the lengthened form of the Norman letters; instead of signing their name at the bottom of civil acts, they affixed seals of wax, in the Norman fashion. In short, all the ancient national customs, even in the most trifling things, were abandoned to the lower class.^ » Ingtilf., ut sup. p. 02. 2 Willelm. Mahuesb., lib. ii. nt sup. p. 80. » Attrabeus de Normanuia plurimos quos, variis dignitatibus promotes, in iinmensum exaltabat (Ingulf., ut sup. p. 02.) Dugdale, 3Iou. Angl., I 34. * Ingulf., nt sup. * Tanquam magnum geiuiliiium. (Ingulf., ut sup.) • Propriara consuetudiuem in his et in aliis multis erubescere Hd. ib.) ^. iiik,u. . . 126 THE NORMAN CONQUEBT. [a.d. 1042 127 But the people who had shed their blood that England might be free, and who were not so delighted with the grace and charm of the new customs, deemed that they saw the re- vival, under another form, of a foreign government. Godwin, although among his countrymen tlie highest in dignity and the next after the king, fortunately had not forgotten his plebeian origin, and joined the popular party against the Norman favourites. The son of Ulfnoth and his four sons, all brave warriors and greatly beloved by the people, resisted' with erect front, the Norman influence, as they had drawn their swords against the Danish conquerors.* In the palace where their daughter and sister was lady and mistress, they returned with insolence the insolence of the parasites and courtiers from Gaul; they ridiculed their exotic customs, and contemptuously denounced or jested at the weakness of the king, who abandoned to them his confidence and the fortune of the country.2 The Normans carefully collected their observations and envenomed them at leisure; they incessantly repeated to Ed- ward that Godwin and his sons grossly insulted liim, that their arrogance was unbounded, and that it was easy to dis- cern in them the ambition of reigning in his stead, and the intention to betray him.3 But while these accusations were current in the king's palace, in the popular meetings^ the conduct and character of the Saxon cliicf and his sons were judged far differently. " Is it astonishing," asked the people, " that the author and support of Edward's reign should be indignant at seeing new men from a foreign nation raised above him? and yet never does he utter one harsh word to the man whom he himself created king." The Norman favourites were denounced as inflimous informers, fabricators of discord and trouble,^ and there was ever a prayer, in ac- » Godwinam et natos, magnanimos viros et indiistrios, auctores et tu- tores regni (Willelm. Malmesb., lib. ii. ,if suj>. p. so.) * I/k p. 8]. * Willelm. Malmesb., lib. ii. ut si(p. ♦K* Pf^^^'^^st^'i a ^*"^ty o*" provincial awd muoicipal institutions among the Anglo-Saxons. Folcgemof, scire-tjvmnt, provincial assembly. Burh- aemot, U ic- gemot, town, assembly. Ilmlbuj, house of council. Jfaus-hut, common bouse. Gild-hall, club; ged-uipr, association. (See Hickes. IhesauruSj as to tlie social institutions of the Aiido Saxons.) '•Willelm Muhijob., id sujk I TO 1048.] DISCONTENT OP THE ENGLISH. clamations for long life to the great chief, to the chief ma? of Frip^ -T "m"""-' '^"^^ '"'^'^^^^ fatal marS^fe of Ethelred with a Norman, that union contracted to save the country from foreign invasion,^ and from which a fresh inva! ;rc;:„Vf:rend^,ir"'^' ' "^^ '"'''"''' """^^^ '"^ -^^^^' The traces and perliaps the original expression of these virirAfThettag:s;:STevrth:U'i: s^r' r " The a,,.powerfuf God must havrproitVS^^^^^^^^^ SiTsfrt oT" T?" '■'"• *^ ^"^"'•^ ^-'=' -d ™-t h"ve iramed a f,ort of military ambuscade against it- for on on,. hand he let loose the Danish invasion; on t'he other he created and cemented the Norman alliance, so that if we Kf tt'N"" '^'■"^^"tr feeesby theWnes, iiecur nmg of the Normans might be at hand to surprise us."3 • H.„ri.i II '.'^^'Vl"' ^""- "'"'■ (Seidell) lib. i. p 4. • Hdirici Huniind., lib. vi. ul tup. p. 539. • H. ih BOOK III. FEOM THE INSURRKCTION OF T.l. ENGLISH PEOPLE AGAINST TEE NORMAN FAVOURITES OF KING EDWARD, TO TUL BATTLE OF HASTINGS. 1048—1066. Euetache of Boulo^., land, at Dover ; his 'i;;^^f ^^n^ E^^SZ Patriotic resistance of ^'f:':^''-''''']]^^^^^ Proscription of Godwin and lus ^^'''p^l''* "P^^f ' ",^ visit to -William, duke of Normandy- 1 lis onRUi '^";V*^^;^"^^^^^^^ .^ns- T-. 1 1 Ilia nmUU'MMiH nro erts — Liuidinff ot uouwin ana lus sw"^ !!^concilLion of .Godwin «i,l, king I'^-f-^/lVoo^u Iri " of Death of Siw«r,l. d.ief "f NoHlHmn.eHH„d--l,^n tnd pop^^ T.osti — uanisuraeui ui A^^ti Pr.Tr.iali rlmrch and the duke T7««i,-c.Vi TiPnnlp Friendship btlwrtn the Uomisii ciiurtu mm Enfjlisti people rrnjuuauii- jmnrismied bv the count ^#'V«rmnriilv H arold visits Normandv — He is imprisoneu uj "'^ /. PonTl-Hrreleie-Ue is reieivo.l at Uo„en by «ke VV.lham tCuest Lde bim by VViUiam-HarohV. oath upon "''"-H^ J*; .n™ 2, E„gU„..-Death of kin, i:.'™^-;^™-' 1 Utfy nation of the duke of Normandy- 'f " PJ^^^Vi itam to llarold- to make a descent upon ^"gl";?-^^''''^"^^'""^"' wa, ^overeiRntv William-, negotiation with •'«,,,'"";!;' '^^'Jl^^-^^Xm tnd H 'rold of the church at tins I''™ -:;/,;' 7,,^ fa "- "f NVi"n™-Con- referred to the pope-A -xan,!. , II. 1< ^;«^' " g^ j,;^ opposition- vocation of the states ot >>»''";'"''>-^^'"'7 ',,,,,„ „ii countries- OranJ military prepara,io,.s-l-.nr„lm..Mt "f ."^""^^"^^ ',,,"" „,e Nor- from their camp-Messaj^e l.-m W I < m ^^> * , ^ ^^^^,^ ^y,^^, ,,,,, latter— State of the Ansh'-Suxou »i"»> " \' P'"'^"'". ,, , x^„,„^,,^ a!Jl!^es-Aituck upon the Anglo-Saxon camp-Mciory ol the Noimans —The body of Harold recognised by his mistress. Among those wl.o came from Xormandy or Fnmce to vgt king Edward, was a certain Eu3tache who on the o*ej^'j« of the channel hore the title of coutjt de R°"l«ff V "\J„tt the hereditary government, under tlu- ^uTormniy of the k.ngB TO 1048.] EUSTACHE DE BOULOGNE. 129 aL?^hr;nf/^'/°'^", °^ ^/"'°S°^ """J » ^""ll territory along the coast, and in token of his dignity of lord of a mari- heTirr^T "'^'"! ^' ""^ armed "or war, wore in hs helmet two long plumes of whalebone.' Eustache hid iu,t marned Edward's sister, the widow of anoth.^F'-eehmaa named Gualf er de Mantes.^ The Saxon king's n.w 1 roZTr" lelT.n P ,1 /"' "'^ •'"^''^^'^ '^"•^•^ "'"' ""'" born, like hira- having'' "^'■'^''" '" ^ ''"y"''"S "'«y Pl'^^^'-fl- After having rented, on I,,., return ho.ne, in the city of Canterbury the count proceeded towards ])„ver; at about a tnile fro,, the town, he made h.s escort halt, quitt,-,! !,is t.avelli,,,, pdtVey and mounted the charger which one of his m.u led i, hU right I'and;' he put on his coat of mail, and all his eom- panions did the same. In this menacing i.ttire ti,ey" m.:;ed to m'-f /l"r''"l'r ?'■'"■'"''? "'" '°"'"' '"••"•l^insthe best houses seUes in them. ll,e inhab,ta,.ts m.u-mured; „„e „ltl,..,n had was about to take up h,s quniters in his Imuse. The frnvi-ner drew h,s sword and wounded the Englishman, wl,. ^t^ly arming with h,.s househohl, attaeke.l and killetl the a..-,,;,^ On heanug tins, Eustache de Boulogne and his .n,,,,, left ehrnn- r ^'",? '^'""""> "nndered him, savs tl e .Saxon chromcle, before Ins own hearth.^ They the,. \v,.,u tin-ou °h the town, 8wo,d in hand, striking mc-n au.l women a7,d •crushing children under the feet of the horses.o They h d not proceeded far before they met a body of aimed oiti^e and in the combat which took place, lieteen of the u-' lognese were kille.1. The count fled with the rJmai'ider, ^See Willelm. B,itoni, PhUippeid, ap,,d Scnpt. ,er. Gallic, el Fr»n«o.,. • Wdterns Medan.inus. (Willelm. Malmesl,,, lib. ii. ut s„p. 81.) ' Dtxtrnriiis, drslncr * Ghron. Saxon., p. KJ;}. Willelm. Malmesb., ut nup. » Chron. Saxon., p. Kl'.^. • Roger de Hovedt'ii, ut sup. p. 441. VO*j. I, w " > i:}U THE KORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1048 and not Tcnturln,'^ to seek the liarboiir to ombnrk, he turned Imck and hastened to Gloucester, where king Kdward then resided with his Norman favourites.^ The king, say the chronicles, gave liis pear.- to Eustache and his companions.^ lie believed, on the bare word of his brother-in-law, that all the blame lay with the citizens of Dover, and, violently enraged against them, he ?ent fur God- win, in whose government tlie town was included. "Go without delay," said Edward, "and chastise, by a military execution,^ tliose who attack my relations with arms in their hands, and disturb the peace of the country." Less prompt to decide in favour of a foreigner against his countrymen, Godwin suggested that instead of exercising a blind vengeance upon the wliole town, the magistrates should be cited, in legal form, to appear before the king and royal judges, to account for their conduct. "It is not right," said he to the king, "to condemn, witlujut hearing them, men whom it is your duty to protect."' Edward's fury, aggravated by the clamours of his courtiers nnd favourites, now turned wholly against the English chief, wlio him«2lt; eliarged with disobedience and rebellion, was cited to Miijxiarbetbre a grout council convoked at Gloucester. Godwin at fust was little moved by this accusation, thinking the king would soon be calmer, and that the other chiefs would do him justice.-"' But lie soon learned that by means of the royal influence and the intrigues of the foreigners, the assembly had been corrupted, and that a sentence of banish- ment would be pronomieed against himself and his sons. Both Either and sons hereupcjii resolved to oppose tlieir popu- larity to these machinations, and to make an np[)eal to the English against the foreign courtiers, although it was far from their intention, says the ancient chronicle, to ofier any violence to llieir national k'w^S' Godwin raised a troop of volunteers in the country south of the TIkuih'S, the whole rvtent of which lie governed. Harold, his eldest son, as.send)led a great number of men on » Chron. ^iiKon.Tingm., snh rviito MLII. n^ud Lve, Glossar. iladfntvu « //.. ' Mid unfi-itlm. (Chron. Snxoii., im.) * Wni'fliJi. ^rjihnesb., ut sup. a Ji, * Chron. t;n\on., IG-i. I t \ A.l>. 1048.] TATRIOTIC RESISTANCE OF GODWIN. 131 the eastern coast, between the Thames and Bo.ston AVash; his second son, Swen or Sweyn, engtiged the inhabitants of tho Severn and the AVelsh frontier in this patriotic confedera- tion The three armies unit(Ml near Gloucester, and de- manded of the king, by me.seng«MS, that count Eustache nnd his companions, with some other Normans and Boulognese at the court, should be given up to the judgment of the nation. Edward made no answer to thes.' rrcjuests and sent an order to the two great chiefs of tlu^ northern and central provinces, Siward and Leofrik, both Danes by birth, to march south- west, with all the forces they could assemlde. The inhabi- tants of Korthumbria and Merciii, though they armed at the call of the two chiefs ior the defV'uce of the royal authority, did so with little ardour. Siward and Leofrik heard their soldiers murmur that it was an entire miscalculation to sup- po.se that they would shed the blood of their countrymen iov any foreign interest, or for Edward's favourites.'^ Both chieftains saw the foree of this: the national distinc- tion between the Anglo-Saxons and the Anglo-Danes had become too slight for the old hatred of the two races to be again worked for the profit of the enemies of the country. Ihe chiefs and warriors of the northern provinces refused posi- tively to cross arms with the insurgents of the south; they propo-^ed an armistice between the king and Godwin, and that their dispute should be investigated before an assembly held at London. Edward was compelled to yield; Godwin, who did not desire war for the stike of war, willingly consented; and on one side and the other, says the Saxon chronicle, they swore the peace of God and perfect friendshii).^ Ihis was the formula of the time, but, on one side at least, these pro- mises were insincere. The king availed himself of the interva before the meeting of the as>embly, fixed for the autumnal oquinox, to augment the number of his troops, while Godwin retired to the south-western ]Hovinces, and his band ol Yolunteers, having neither p:.y nor cpiarters, returned to their families. r>n-nkii.g his word, althr,ugh indirectly, Edward proclaimed his ban for the levy of an army, south as well as north of the Thames.' I Chron. Saxon. Fr^.^m., vt sup. Roger tie Tlovedcn, ut snp. p. 441. « Chron. Saxon., p. 104. « J. I. ih. IVillflni. Mnlmosb., ut sup. lib. ii. f^L ' (Jliroii. Siixoa., i>. 10 I. « Willelni. Mnlnif^sb., u( xup. * C'bn.n. Snxon , p. K.t. « Id. Frog., ut suj). llogcr de Ilovcdcn, ut sup. p. 411. S A.D. 1051.] WILLIAM OF NORMANCT. herself sLould sleep upon down > The --^-"^"JjJJ:^?;;^ .eat so far as to allow '- '"^, ;^-'«r\vTfo in na^ onTy! il^sl'^S "S ted, tl he hiniself did not contradict SSotuiot in .hich his -.-;;-'•- J-;-nr- lOicniK and nigli lonunL lui o_ > ,.,. ^ furniMied more governors than ever to Kngland. ^''«. .. 210. 5 Ingulf., vt sup. 1. (>•->- ,. . Benoit de St. Muure, Clnoniauc cUs dues dc 2.ormand.e, u. oCI^. 134 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1024 wlio" ri^plitMl til at ill all tliiii!j;s it was fitting to do llic ■will of tiic prince; the i<*([ucisL was accord iiif^ly granted, says the poet, and the night and hour lixcd. The name of the young Norman was Arleto, a corruption of the ancient Danish name Ilerlcve; the duke Robert loved her tenderly, and the child he had by her was brought up Avith as much care as though, he had been the son of a lawful wife.' William was only seven years of age when his father was seized with a desire to make a pilgrimage on foot to Jeru- salem, to obtain forgiveness for his sins. Tlie Norman barons wislicd to }>r( vent this, by representing to him tluit it would be iniwell lor tliem to remain without a chief. *' By my fiiith," answered Robert, " I will not leave you without a lord. J liavc a little bastard, who will grow and be a gallant man, if it [>lea>c God; and 1 am certain tliat he is my son. Receive liim, thru, as yonr h)nl; fori make him my heir, and give him from this time fortli the whole duchy of Normandy."^ TJie Norman barons diin and the Cotentin, more turljulent than the rest, and >'ill nior(! proud of the purity of tlieir descent, placed themselves at the head of the malcon- tents, and raised a numerous army; but tliey were defeated in a pitched battle at the A'al des Dunes, near Caen, with the ni-,iersonal interest, and in order to exer- cise some inliuence over th<; affairs of the country. William, as he advanced in years, l)ecarne more and more dear to his partisans; the day on which he for the lirst time assumed armour, and mounted his lirst war-horse without nsin"" the stirruiJ, \v:i6 a day of rejt>it:in'r tiirouijhcuit Normandy, h'rom his youth he occupied himself with ndlitary matters, and made ^ Wilklni. Malmcsl)., Hh. iii. vt sup. p. 9'). • Br:if>U (li> St. Mjuirr, iit stip. ii. in I. Cliroiiiqiic dc St. Penis; Re- Cllfil lies llisiiuirjm )Ic In Firtiifi' ot ilos (imile".. xi. -JijO. • 10. ■* Jiiulu (li* Sjiiii-tn QiiiiUiiio, nt sup. p. 157, * Wilkrlm. Geiuct., «/ iup. p. liGiJ. i TO 1051.] -n-lLUAM VISITS ENGLAND. l'"'' war on his neighLours of Anjon an.l Brittany. "« W?!; rnatcly fond 'of fine l.ors... u„.l l.a-l ^^^^Z^^^^^'^^ • r. .« r '..c/./wiv yViiver""ne, and opaui, »t.n-v.iJiij5 contemporanes. fromlTa^v«i3 «»" •! „„ Tvi.inli nc ho could, to enncli verished his father's famdy as much as he couiu, V 1 «f^ i.?« rMations on the mother's side. He oltcn the death <^^:^:^TS ^ ^'^ in the n,ind of flucnce. Such t^o. g ms co . „f ^ contemporary IS to be Deneveu, lu^ <"• _ ir,i,.^vrl hplievin"- that circura- „.entioned the ^Z^::^^^^^;:^^ purposes.* n "r '<;;r K.lward S^c or not he guessed these projects, Onhissdc, V7''"7;7''p .Uv havinrr his friend for successor, and conteniphitc-d the one aay '. v.n • j him with said nothing to him about it, but simply rettiNCU n . G-iU. Pictav .F'rf.Roript. -• |^»™^j;-;;;,.^^,^,„y. p. 276, • CMlcUum in Dornbcrmn- Ohio, llogcr ut « Ingiiir., ut '«}>■ p. ''■>■ 1' T 136 t THE nor:man conquest. [a.d. 1051 f to 1052.] the greatest tenclerness; gave ],i,n arms, horses, do-s, and fnhous,^ m a ^vord, all .urts of presents and as;uranc;s of afiec ion. Lntircly absorbed in the remembrance of the country m which he had passed Ins youth, the king of Eng- land thus yieklcd to an oblivion of In's own nation" but this iiatiou did not forget itself, and those who still loved it soon found occasion to draw the king s attention towards them In the summer of the year 1052, Godwin set out from Bruges with several vessels, and landed on the coast of Kent 2 lie sent secret messengers to the Saxon garrison of the port ot llasting.Mn buth-scx, or, by euphony, Sussex; other emis- saries spread themselves north and south. On their sc.lieita- tion, numbers ot men lit to bear arms bound themselves by oatli to the cause of the exiled chief, all vowing, says an old bstcrian, to ive and die with him.3 The news of this move- ment reached the rojal fleet, which was cruizing in the eastern sea, un.ler flu- .onin.and of the Normans, Kudes and Kaulfe- they went in pursuit of Codwi.,, who, linding his forces in^ .erior, retreated before them, and took shelter in Peven^ev Koads, while a tempest arrested the progress of the hostile Ships iic then coasted along the south as far as the Isle of VMght, where his two sons, Harold and Lcofwin, joined him Iroin Irehmd with a small army.^ ^ The father and sons then together began to open commu- mcations with the inhabitants of the southern counties IHierever they touched, the people supplied them with pro- visions, and bound themselves to their cause by oath, r^ivin- hostages ior tlieir fidelity;^ all the royal soldier.^ all the'royal stips they found in the ports, deserted to them.o They mailed not^uthstanding Edward's proclamation, which ordered every inliabitant to stay the progress of the rebel chief. The kin- was then at London ^ he commanded all the warriors of the - «, , ' Itomon (le Hon, ii. 100. Cliron. Saxon p. in:.. » H.>|,..r .le Ilovr.lcn, ut snp. p. -l 12. tlir.uj. tjux., vt sup. Kog.M- .Ir Ifuv., ut .%up. vtsup) Buthse-cnrl, smmr:,,, , ; tlie cr.u- of a vessel from bucca i^lossauum, ajju,l i^crii-t. Aw^hc. li.sr., ii. nd Jinan.) RETURN OP GODWIN. 137 I west and north to that city. Few obeyed the order, and those who did, came too hitc.» Godwin's nhips frcicly ascended the Thames, to the suburb of London, then called Southward (Southwark).2 ^vhen the tide went down, they cast anchor, and secret emissaries dispersed among the inhabitants of London, who, following the example of the outports, swore to will whatever the enemies of foreign influence should will. The vessels passed under London bridge without impediment, and landed a body of troops, who drew up on the banks of the river. Before bending a single bow, the exiles^ sent a respectful message to king Kdward, cntrenting a revision of the sentence which°had been pronounced against them. Kdward at first refused; other messengers followed, and meantime C^odwm could scarcely restrain the irritation of his friends. On his side, the king found the men who remained under his standard little inelined to draw the sword against their own country- men.* His foreign favourites, who foresaw that peace among the Saxons would be their ruin, urged him to give the signal for battle; but necessity making him wiser than usual, he did not heed the Normans, and consented to abide by the de- cision of the English chiefs of the two parties. These met under the presidency of Stigand, bishop of East Anglia, and unanimously decided that the king should accept from Godwin and his sons the oath of peace, and hostages, giving them, on his part, ecjuivalent guarantees. On the first intimation of this reconciliation, the ISorman and French courtiers hastily mounted their horses, and fled in every direction— some to a western fortress guarded by the Norman Osbert, surnamed Pentecoste; others to^a north- ern castle, also commanded l)y a Norman. The Normans, i Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, and William, bishop of London, left the city by the eastern gate, followed by some armed men of their nation, who, even while thus retreating, massacred several English children. They reached the coast, and cmbnrked in lishinrr-boats. In his agitation and haste, the archbishop left in ICnglaml his most precious cllccts, ana > Roger, de IIovcil., nt sup. p. 4 4'2. • The Saxons wrote it Suthinordc. 3 Roger de lloved., vt sup. * Elngad. (Sax. Chron. p. 107.) * Kog.r de lIoveden.«t sup. k 138 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1051 DEATH OF GOD'WIN. 139 araonj^ other thinsrs tlic pallium wliicli lie liad received from the Roman ciniich, as the ensign of his dijriiity.' A jrrcat council of the wis.i men was hekfoiit of London, and this time they nsscnibicd JVedy. All the chiefs and best men of the eovnitry, snjs the Saxf.n clu-eiii.-lc, wciv there. God- win spoke in his own dcrcnee, and jnstilled himstdf from every accusation before the kuv^ and* the jjef.ple;^ lii^ sons exculpated themselves in tlu' same way. Their sent-ncci of banishment was revoked, and another sentence, unanimously decreed, banished all the Normans from En_izland, as enemies of the public peace, promoters of discord, and calumniat(»rs of the Knjrlish to tlufir king.'' Tlie youni^.-st son of CJodwin, called Ulfnoth, like his ancestor the cowherd of the w e>t, was placed, with a son of Sweyn, in the luuids of lulward, as hos- tages for the pence. Still, even at this moment, influenced by his fatal friendship for the foreigners, the king sent them both to tlie care of AVilliam duke of Normandy. Godwin's daughter left Jicr convent, and returned to inhabit tlie palace; all the members of this popular family were reinstated in their honours, with one exception, Sweyn, who renounced them of his own will, lie had formerly carried ofl* a nun, and had committed a murtler in a fit of passion; to satisfy jus- tice, and appease his own remorse, he condemned himself to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem barefooted. He rigorously accomplished this painful task; but a speedy death was the result.'* Bishop Stigand, who had prcsIdtHl over i]\c assembly held for the great reconciliation, replaced the Norman Robert in the archbishopric of Canterbury ; and, pending the nego- tiation for the pallium for himself from the Roman church, \q officiated in that whicli Ilobert ha«l left on his dei)arturc. The Normans, Hugh and Osbert Pentecoste, gave up the keys of ihe castles they held, and obtained safe conducts to leave England,"* but on therecpicstof the weak Edward, some exceptions were made to the decree of l)anishment j)ronounced against the whole body of foreigners. Kaulfe, the .son of 1 Chron. Sax., «/ sup. « Snx. Chron., p. 1(J8. ' Willclm. Mnlmesb. lib. ii. ni sup. )». S"i. * Id. ih. TiO'^ev (le llovcdtii, uf sup. p. 4.1-.'. Eadiucri, Hist. nova. (Seidell) p. 4. *Itogcr dc llovcdcn, ut sup 1 A TO 1053.] Gualtier de I^Iantcs, and of the king's sister; Robert, sur- Darned the Dragon, and bis .son-in-law, Richard Fitz-Scrob; Onfroy, the equerry of the palace; Onfroy, surnamed Pied- de-Guai, and several others lor whom the king entertained a personal friendship, or who had taken little part in the late troubles, obtained the privilege of iidiabiting England, and of retaining their offices.^ William, bishoi) of London, was also recalled some time after, and re-established in his see. A Fleming, named Herman, remained bishop of Wilton. God- win oppo.sed with all his might this tolerance, so contrary to the public fcelings,2 jj^t his voice did not prevail, because too many people wished to conciliate the king, and thus succeed to the credit of the foreign courtiers. The result showed which of these were the best politicians, the court people or the austere Godwin.' - , . It is difficult exactly to estimate the degree of the smcerity of king Edward in his return to the national interest, and Lis reconciliation with the family of Godwin. Surrounded by his countrymen, he perhaps thought himself enslaved, and regarded his obedience to the wishes of the nation that had made him king as a constraint. His ulterior relations with the duke of Normandy, his private conferences with the Normans who remained about his person, are the secrets of this history. All that the chronicles of the time say is, that an apparent friendship existed between the king and his father-in-law, and that, at the same time, Godwin was utterly detested in Normandy. The foreigners whom his return had deprived of their places and honours, those to whom the facile and brilliant career of courtier to the king of England was now closed, never named Godwin without calling him traitor, enemy of his king, murderer of the young Alfred. This last accusation was the most accredited, and it followed the Saxon chief to the hour of his death. One day, at the table of Edward, he suddenly fell fainting, and upon this incident was founded a story altogether romantic and doubtful, though repeated by P. '^\)'>. ■' • Henric. Huntind., ut sup, Hannlf Migden, lib. vi ut sun n 28L Bromtoa, ut sup. p. 946. ^' ^' '^^ TO 1054.] TYRAT^NY OF TOSTI. 14? father in the governmpnt of all the country south of the Thames, and transferred to Alfgai% son of Lcoii ik, jzovernov of Mercia, the administration of the eastern provinces, which he had previously governed.' Harold was now, in power and military talents, the first man of his time; he drove back within their ancient limits the Welsh, who at this time made .several incursions into Enji- land, encouraged by the incapacity of the Frenchman Raull^', Edward's nephew, who commanded the forei«rn garrison at Hereford. Raulfe showed little vigilance in guarding a country which was not his own; or if, in virtue ot his povver as chief, he called the Saxons to arms, it avus to exercis<; them, against their will, in the warfare of the continent, and make them fight on horseback, contrary to the custom of their nation.^ The English, embarrassed by their horses, and abandoned by their general, who fled with his Normans at the first peril, could not resist tlie Welsh; the vicinity of Here- ford was occupied, and the town itself pillaged. It was then that Harold came from the south of England; Ik- drove the Cambrians beyond their frontiers, and compelled them to swear that they would never again pass them, and to receive a law that every man of their nation found in arms east of the en- trenchment of Oifa, should have the right hand cut off. It would appear that the Saxons, on their part, constructed a similar entrenchment, and that the space between the two became a kind of neutral ground for the traders of both nations. The antiquarians imagine that they can still distin- guish the traces of this double line of defence, and upon the heights several remains of ancient fortified posts, established by the Britons on the w^est, and by the English on the east.^ Whilst Harold was thus increasing his fame and his popu- larity with the southern Anglo-Saxons, his brother Tosti was far from acquiring the love of the Anglo-Danes of the north. Tosti, although a Dane by the mother's side, from a false na- tional pride treated those whom he ruled more as subjects than as citizens voluntarily combined together, and made them feel the yoke of a conqueror rather than the authority of a ' Roger de Hoveden, v( sup. IngnU., ut sup. p. CC. ' Roger de Hoveden, ut sup. p. 44:!. 9 Watb-Dyke. See reuiiaiits Tour iu Wales. 142 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1055 chief. He violated their hereditary customs at will, levied immense taxes, and put to death those who had otfended him, without any triMl. Atter several ytars of oppression, the patience of the Xorthuinbrians lieeaine exhaiistetl, and a troop of insurtrents, led by two nieii of distinction in the country, suddenly a()[)eared at the j.^ites of York, the residence of Tosti. The chief tied, but his otliecrs and ministers, Saxons and Dane.^, were put to death in ^reat numbers.' The insurj]^ents seized the arsenal and the tn'asure of the province; then, asseniblinir a ;^n'Mt council, they declared the son of Godwin def)rived of Ids char^^^e, and outlawed. JMorkar, one of the sons of tlie Alf^j^ar who, on the death of Leofrik his father, had become chirf of all Mercia, was eh^-ted to suc- ceed Tosti. Tlie son of Alfjrar proceeded to York, took the command of tlir Northumbrian army, and drove Tosti towards the south. 'Jlie army advanced on the territory of Mercia, as far as the town of Northampton, and many of the inhabitants of the district joined it. Edwin, the brother of Morkar, who held a command on the Welsh frontier, levied, in jiid of his brother, some troops in his province, and even a body of Cam- brians, induced by the promi>(; of pay, and partly perhaps by the desire to s.itisfy their national hatred in fighting against Saxons, even thoiiirh under a Saxon banner.^ On the le us of this iznat movement, king Edward sent Harold, with the warriors of the south and east, to meet the insurgents. Family pri«le wounded in the person of a brother, joined to the natural aversion of the powerful against any enerjj:etie act of jiopular independence, seemed calculated to render Harold a {'iril»>s » m my of the |>opulation which had expelled To>ti, and tlieehitt whom it had elected. But the son of Godwin showed himself superior to such vulgar influences, and before drawiuu' tlie sword on his eountrynien, Ik; proposed to the Nnrtliunibriuns a conference of peace. The latter set forth their grievances, and the grounds of their insurrection. Harold endeavoured to e\cul[)ate his l)rother, and i)romised in the name of Tosti better eondu(;t for the future, if the people of Northumberland would pardon and again receive him; but the Northumbrians unanimously protested against any reconcilia- 1 Roger tie Iloveden, vt sup. p. 440. ' Chron. Sax., p. 171. Koger de lloved., at sup. / TO 1058.] RELATIONS OF ENGLAND WITH ROME. 143 tion with him wdio had so tyrannized over them.^ « We were born free," said they, " and brought up free; a haughty chief IS insupportable to us, for we have learned from our ancestors to live free or to die." They charged Harold himself to bear their answer to the king; Harold, preferring justice and the peace of the country, to the interest of his own brother,^ went to Edward; and it was he also who, on his return, swore to the Northumbrians, and subscribed with his hand, the peace which the king granted them in sanctioning the expulsion of Tosti and the election of the son of Alfgar.3 Tosti, enraged with the king and with his countrymen who thus abandoned him, and more especially with his brother, whom he deemed bound to defend him, right or wrong, quitted England, hatred deep in his heart, and took up his residence with the count of llanders, whose daughter he had married. Since the kingdom had been freed from the dominion of the Danes, the law instituted by king Knutfor the annual tribute called Peters jience had undergone the same fate with the other laws decreed by a foreign power. The public authority obliged no one to observe it, and Rome only received the vo- luntary offerings and gifts of individual devotion. Accord- ingly, the ancient friendship of the Roman church for the English nation rapidly declined. Injurious reflections, couched in mystic language, were made ui)on this nation and its kincr in the halls of St. Giovanni Latran;^ the Saxon bishops were accused of simony,-^ that is, of buying their sees for money, a reproach of which great use was made against others by tfie court of Rome, and which the court of Rome itself fre- quently incurred, accustomed as it was, in the lano-ua^e of a contemporary proverb, to sell everything.^ The archbfshop of lork,Eldred, underwent the first attack. He went to the eternal city to solicit the pallium, the usual token of the hi-h catholic prelacy, as the purple mantles transmitted by the Cffisars were the signs of royalty with the vassal kings of ancient Rome. The Roman priests refused the archiepisco- » Eoger de Hoveden, nt sup. 2 WilleJm. Malmesb., vt sup. p. 8A . -, , ' Chron. Saxou., p. 171. 112L) ' '^^'''^ (Alexaudri papoB, episL apud Labbffii, concilia, ix. * Willelm. Malmesb., ut sup. p. 204. « l^aiiulf. lligdeii, ut sup. p. 280. f I 144 THE NORMAN COKQUEST. [a.d» K 1065.] LANFRANC. 145 pal mantle to Ehhed; but a Saxon chief who accorap. hiin threatened, in rei)risal, to prevent anv money beinff »«, to the apostolic see,' and the Komuns yielded, retaining;! their hearts deep anprcr at having been constrained to yi " and an eager desire lor revenge. The, Nonnan Kobort de Jumiei^-s ex[)...lK.d hv the En^Ii patriots from the see of Canterbury, runv procee.'led to Roiii, to comphim that the sacred character had been violated in hi* person; he denounced as an usurper and an intruder, th^ feaxon .Stigand, whom the poi)uLar voice Iiad fdevated to L'V place. The pontiff and the Koman cardinals listened favour- ably to his complaints; they declared it a crime in the Saxc prelate to have assumed the pallium which the Norman ha abandoned in his lliglit ; and the complainant returned to Normandy with papal letters which declared him letritimat. archbishop of Canterbury.^ Siigand, the elected of the Eng. hsh, seeing the danger of not being acknowledged at Eome. meanwhile opened negotiations, and addressed to the reiTnin ' pope a demand for the pallium; but a circumstance, iSpo' sible to loresee, occasioned other embarrassiii'^ difticulties ^ m-ise out of this demand. At the time it reached the pontj ileal court, the papacy was in the iiands of a man chosen by th( principal Roman families, against the will of thekinrr of Gep many, who, in virtue of the title of Cirsar, transmitted to himi by the Frank emperors, asserted that no soverei-^u pontiff could be created w^ithout his consent. Tas in no haste to justify himself before the successful rival of Benedict X., and the old ferment of hatred against the English became more violent than ever.^ Another incident furnished the Romans with the means of Associating in their hatred the desire of vengeance, which the 80-called treason of Godwin had excited in many of the Nor- jnans, and the ambitious projects of duke "William. TJiere was at the court of Normandy a monk named Lanfranc, a Lombard by origin, famous in the Christian world for his know- ledge of jurisprudence, and for works devoted to the defence of catholic orthodoxy; this man, whom duke William cherished AS one of his most useful councillors, fell into disgrace for having blamed the Norman duke's marriage with Matilda, daughter of Baldwin, count of Flanders, his relation in one of the degrees prohibited by the church. Nicholas II., suc- cessor to the anti-pope Benedict, obstinately refused to ac- knowledge and sanction this union; and it was with him that ijhe' Lombard monk, banished from his lord's court, took refuge. But far from complaining of the duke of Normandy, I^anfranc respectfully pleaded before the sovereign pontiff ;i^ favour of the marriage, of which he himself had before ;D0t approved.^ By dint of intreaties and great address, he obtained a dispensation in form, and for this signal service was received by the duke with greater friendship than before. He became the soul of his councils and liis plenipotentiary at the court of Rome. The res[)cctive pretensions of the Romish clergy and of the duke of Normandy over England, the possi- bility of giving effect to them, now became, it would appear, the object of serious negotiations. An armed invasion was not per- haps yet thought of, but the relationship of AVilliam to Edward seemed a great means of success, and, at the same time, an incontestable claim in the eyes of tlie Romans, who favoured throughout Europe the maxims of licreditary royalty against the practice of election.* * Auplia Sacra, i. 7!)1. '" lugulf., tit sup. p. GO. ' Vita Laufroiici, apud Script, rcr Gnllic. et Francicanim, xiv. 31. * Mabillon, Aniudva Bcncdictim, iv. 028. VOL. I. L U1201 lSTQip"WJ ^tP'OT '1 V . U ! i.AJ 146 THE ^•ORMAN CONQUEST. [A-D. I05(9L___ ,^^. - , w' rO I06o.] HAROLD S VISIT TO NORMANDY. 147 146 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. Fa-d. 1050 For two years intmiul peace had reiprnecl in Englan without interruption. Tiie :uiiiin>.-ity cjf king Kdwai'd to th sons of Godwin disappeared iVoni want of aliment, and froi:. tlic liiibit of constantly being witli them. Harold, the new chief of tliis pofiuhir family, fully rcmhi'd io the king tk: respect and deferential ^uhnli^^in^ ol" which h'* was so tena- cious. Some ancient histories tell us that Edward loved and treated liim as his own son,* but, at all crents, he did m feel towards him that aversion mingled with fear with wLicli Godwin hnd evef in>i)ired him; and he had now no longer any pretext for retaining, as guarantees against the son, the two hostages whom lie had received IVoin the father. It will be remembered that these hostages had been confided by tli suspicious lulward to the care of tlie duke of Kormand} They had, for more than ten years, hem far from tlieir country, in a sort of captivity. Towards the* end of the year 1065, Harold, their brother and their unci.', deeming the moment favourable for obtaining their deliverance, asked permission of the king to go and demand them in his nami and bring them out of exile. Without showing any repug- nance to rehfase the hostages, Edward appean^d greati alarmed at the project which Harold had formed of going in person to Normandy. " I will not compel you to stay," said he; "but if you go, it will be without luy consent; fur your journey will eertaiuly l)ring some evil upon yourself and upon your country. 1 know duke William and his crafty mind; he hates you, and will grant you nothing unless he gai:; greatly by it; tlie only way safely to obtain the hostages from him were to send some one else."- Thc brave and conliding Saxon did not adopt this advice he departed on his journey, as on a party of pleasure, sur- rounded by gay companions, with his faleon on his wrist and his hounds running beft>re hini.-'^ He sailed from one of the i>orts of Sussex. Contrary winds thovc his two vessels from their track towards ilw. mouth of the Somme, upon tlie tcn-ritory of Guy, count de I'ontliieu. It v.as tlie custom of this maritime district, as of many otlu^rs in the middle ages, ' H I'^a af Hnrnhl Ilftrdrndn, €;\\i. 1 - I iuoniinic lie Norinuiid de llou, ii. iO-^. — Emlincr, uf m(j'. i. \>. \ ^ Ste llif ijiivfu\ 'i ui Sii'irr''> Heimpkrinpla, ili. 143 list, lit' i rancp, xiii. 2'i-i. — liOman ri. V I I 1065.] HAROLD S VISIT TO NORMANDY. 147 bat every stranger tlirown on the coast by tempest, instead )f being humanely succoured, was imprisoned and put to "ansom. Harold and his companions were subjected to this rigorous law; after being despoiled of all their more valuable ropei-ty, they were tlirown by the lord of the territory into iiis fortress of Belrain, now Leaurain, near Montreuil.* To escape from the wearisomeness of a protracted cap- tivity, the Saxon declared himself the beai'cr of a mcssn'>-e from the king of England to the duke of Normandy, and sent to require William to obtain his release, that lie might come to him. William did not hesitate, and demanded ironi Iiia neighbour, the count de Ponthieu, the liberty of the ca])tive, at first menacingly, and with no mention of ransom. The count de Ponthieu was deaf to the threats, and only yielded to the offer of a large sum of money and a fine estate upon the river Eaume.* Harold proceeded to Kouen, and the bastard of Normandy had the satisfaction of having in his power the son of the greatest enemy of the Normans, one o^ the chiefs of the national league which had banished from England the friends and relations of William, the ufdiolders of his pretensions to the English crowu.^ Duke William re- ceived the Saxon chief with great honours and an appearance of frank cordiality: he told him that the two hostages were free on his request alone, that he could immediately return with them; but that as a courteous guest lie ought not to depart so abruptly, but at least remain some days to sec the towns and festivals of the country. Harold went from town to town, from castle to castle, and with his young companions took part in all the military sports. The duke created them knights, that is to say, members of the high Norman militia, a kind of warlike brotherhood, into which every rich man vho devoted himself to arms, was introduced under the auspices of an associate, who, with great ceremony, gave him a sword, a baldric plated with silver, and a bannered lance. The Saxon warriors received from their godfather in chivaliy presents of fmc weapons and valuable horses.*- * Eomau » Bomnn de Ron, ii. 110. Eadmcr, vt sup. p. 5. ' Chro'i. de Nor., vt sup. ■Mattli. rnrJH. i. I. Henric. Tiuniiiid., lib, vi.ti/ sup. p. HOO. lau de Itou, ii. Hi. Guill. Pictcv., ut sujj. p. lUl. Uaycux Tapestiy.. L 2 - "" '' llpit'lll ipM'W — , i im. I WIJIIM I IMI ' • ■ff*m" TiJl .19 I J THE NORMAN CONQUEST. HAROLD S OATH. 1- I 1Q 14S TUE SOKMAN COSaiT.ST. Ta-D. 10o8 HAROLD S OATH. 149 William then proposcl to him, by way of trying tl.e.r new spins to follow hin. in a,, rxpc.lition ho had undci- akea ni^ainst his noi-hbours of Brittany. S^ the treaty of Sl. Chur-s.u-Ki.t<-, each new duke of .Nor.Mamly had a- tempted to give cflect to th<. claim of mu:. rauity uhioli Lhurl« the Simple had ceded to UoU; the r, .ult hud been contn.ud wars and a national enmity between thc« two state?, separate* only by the little river Coesnon. . . .^ llai old .and his friends fo<,lishly fnarirms "f .'»;''1'"""S.»^ reputation for eonr;.;,'e anion- the Normans comes, to my people; thou must also give thy sifter in marna-e to one Ot Ly barons, and thyself many my daughter Adeli.a; mor^ve. on thy departure, thou must leave mo, as guarantee o ^y promise, one of the two hostages thou reclainiMt, and I wili.. nriiim to thee in England when I come there as^^ Harold felt at these words all the peril in which he himseU Blood, and in which he had nneonsciously involved his two youi." relations. To eseai.e from the more pressing embar- X Fetcr Lniijjtofi's "Eailmcr, »f .V7>. i^ 1 r.nill. Pictnv., ut sup. ,}rlr, iini.roveil bv Hol.ert dc Dnicc. p. C8. uiou.do Normaii.iie. ut sup. Guill. I'ictiiv., d :tff. rassment, lie acciuiesced in word to nil the demands of the Nor- man;^ and he who had twice taken up anus to drive foreigners from his country, promised to deliver to a foreigner the prin- cipal fortro.ss of that country, with no intention, indeed, of fulfilling this unworthy engagement, thinking to purchase, y a falsehood, his safety and his repose. AVilliam did not pursue the conversation further; but he did not long leave the Saxon at rest on the point. On arriving at the castle of Bayeux, duke William held is court, and thither convoked the great council of the high arons of Normandy. According to the old histories, on the ye of the day fixed for the assembly, William collected from tie churches of the town and neighbourhood all the relics jl they possessed. Bones taken from their shrines, and the entire bodies of saints were laid, by his order, in a large tub or trough, Avhich was placed, covered with rich cloth ot gold, in the council-hall.^ When the duke was seated on his one of ceremony, crowned with a worked circlet, holding bis hand a drawn sword, and surrounded by a crowd Norman lords, amongst whom was the Saxon, two small iquaries were brought and j)laced upon the golden cloth which covered and concealed the larger box of relics. Wil- then said: " Harold, I require thee, before this noble as- sembly, to confirm, by oath, tlie promises thou hast made to e; namely, to aid me to obtain the kingdom of li^ngland after the death of king Edward, to marry my daughter Adeliza, and to send thy sister, that I may wed her to one of my people."^ The Englishman thus a second time taken by surprise, and not venturing to deny his own words, ap- proached the two relicpiaries, extended his hand over them, and swore to execute, as far as lay in his power, his agree- ment with the duke, if he lived an. Guill. Pictav., ut »vp. ..191. < Id. it. — Bayeux Tapestry. !' uT;oq'/;'''3i1|fff5nii 9in"011BiirP9^oT 150 Till-: NORMAN CONQ [a.d. 1058 • I a1 1«! tl1_l.._.1 TO 1065.] I>EAT1I OF EDWARD. lol mnull.- frv'irc: nnd .Mhiriii^ ^Krcad :il>ro:i'l, wilhont :my iMtvitlv*! IGO Till-: NORMAN coNau[>r. [a.d. 1058 f TO 1065.] |..* > iicc. It IB siil'l, that rit tliis ^ii:ht ! ■■ ^ '••'•KTifd and clian;:«.Hl coiuiterKincc, terrilied at haviriL'" i ' tbnnidablc mi oafli.' Shortly aftcrwnnls IlaroM (].| !;■ i. taking his nophtnv with him, but, nuK^h a^j^aiii^t hi-^ inclination, h-aving his yoiin«rer brotlier Ulfnoth In tin; iiuii-U of tht* ihike of Kornuindy. William accompanied him to ilie .-'asidt.', and made liim frc>h |>rf'F:ent>, drdi«:^hted at havin^r cnrprised the man thti most i-apaldc of i[n()L'din!» his prcj- rt<, into a solemn promise, liackcd hy a terrible oath, to ?prv»> and aid hini.'^ \\ lit'ii Harold, on hid retnrn homo, pr<'-;fnTrd himself to kini,' Kdwartl, and ri-couiitcd all that had ] I betweett ljiiiiS(.U' and duke AVilliam, the king b( f amc pensive, and said: " Did I not warn thee that I kneu- this William, and that Ihy journey would brin^ great evils upon thy.-«'lt' and iij)on thy nation? Heaven priuit that these evils happen not in niv tinie!"^ These words and this mouridnl exjjression w" A. "woidd se»-m to prove that Edwanl had really, in the days of lii.i y(mth and heedlessness, ma, ami ^'ivca •^^xnnuls li»r belicvini^' him -till fa\ourablc to his views. AVhutevcr miij^ht before ha\'e I)een tli*- ^« < ;iuns of the duke of Normamly with tie* K"in;m riitrrh. htncc- J'orward there was alionlcd them a lix'd ha-i-, a di-tiiu't di- rection. An oath sworn upon r . in tl:*.' opinion of the period, tlie church struck le'.:itimat< ly. "Whether from a S' vT t presentiment of the perils with a'. hieh I'liirland was threatened by the spirit of ecc!('-ia-ti''nl re\ - c'jnd.)iued witii the ambition of the iVormans, or iVi>iu a vacrue impres- sion of superstitious terror, a fearful redicti«)n< wj( :<-t the Ku^r. lish people, and abase their i:lory iu the dust I'or ever.- All these rumours, hitlion him amid>l this inournful and inactive life. Upon his death-bed he was <-ntir( ly absorbed in his melanclH»ly fon-lxxlinLfs; he. had iri-htful vi-ions, anted in sled and flame."^ These words froze with horror tho-e who surrounded the king's bed;' but the archbishop of Canterbury, Stigand, couhl not refrain fn)ni a smile of contem[>t at men wdio trembled at the dreams of a sick (dd man.'' However weak the mind of the aged Edward, he had the 1 Joh. (Ic Fonliin. So'l'i-dirmiirnu, \\\k iv. rap. xxTvi. p. HID. (Uearnp.") 2. loll. Bromton. Chion. ut s^iip. c<>]. '"I't. Osbcniiis, J'ita S. Dunstani; Aiiglia Srtcrn, ii. H^. „ . . 'Ailrcd. liieval. (1evi!oi' kitJ^i' "'^'^ '"^""0TlII31T"P9Ui?'O| 'T^»" "-""^ ii 4 Tin: NORMAN COSQLT.ST. [a.D. lO.JO ^ ^q 1066.] WILLIAM LEARNS IIAROLD's ACCESSION. 153 f poetical dechunation, in whidi were these; wcuds. *' Th m T lin^Jt. then, returned at leneth, thon who wilt cause so many coura-^'C, before he expired, t«» d'-ehire t.» tie: ehi- Is wlio cou- 1. '}'md TUK ^o^l^IA^' coNcii: V [a.D. 10.>U ^ 1066.] WILLIAM LEAKNS IIAROLD'S ACCESSION. lo3 siiltt'd him as to tlic choice of his >uc.-.'.m.--. t!i:it iti hi> n|.imon the man worthy to r.i-ti vra^ HmdjI-I ^"Il 't < '' 'I'^vi"' ^^ 'H'uuouncing the name <»f IlaroM, mi-Ier tl ijin-tincc?, llie king showed him<. If snp-rinr to hi< hahiiuai pivjudicos, and even to the anibitit.>n of ad\ancin'i \'- "v.n i.nirly: lor there w;is tli'ii in Kn.irlnnd a grandson <.t' K^hniind Ir^ ii>ulos, born in lliui'^arv, wh<'re his father iia-i takhop Stigand, whi.m the lion. an (dunch, as we have .^^'-n, p. rsi-t.-liu not iicknouded-ing/* The gran.lson of tho cMwh-rd, I hnuth, shnv.-cd himself, from the day (d" his ar-rc-ion, ju^t, wise, a!- '■' ■, active for the good of his coU!itry, not sparing hmiselt, -. ;ai old liistorian, any fatigne by laiiil or by sca.\ '.Much anxiious care was needed on his i» irt to overcorac tiic public discouragement which display.-d itself in diticrcnt ways. The appearance of a comet, vi^dile m I J^jhind lor nearly a month, produced upon every mind an e\tr;inrdmary impression of wonder and fear. The p-ople enlh-ct' d ni the streets and public places of the towns and villa-. •■^, to con- icmidatc this phenomenon, which they n'-ard^'d as :i eonlir- mation of the national forebodings. A monk (d Mab.K-shury, who studied astronomy, composed u[on this • a sort ot 1 CLnm. Sax., p. 172. Endracr, »/ sup. Boserde Hovcam. uM./i^ jUlO. 2 I'onttinm, Jicrum Danicarum hht.,\ib. t. 1^:1. (AmMenlnin, UujL) 3 0rderic. Vitalis Hist. Eecksinst. apud Script, rer. ^orInan!^, p. 4J^ * Comes Ilaroldiis unauimi omnium consensu in re-, in . h-itur. quia noa erat eo prudeiitior in trrra, armis iimds strenuus 1"-iim t- rr:- sncacior, m omni -.nuTC probilatis culr.or. (Vita Harol h ; Cliruu. .S:: •■ ->"rmimn. 'i^Bnyeux T.,'...frv. Guill. Fictav., ut sup. p. 1'"'. '>^!.•ri>^ V. .1., ut iup. ';>':S'' l0*i THE NORMAN CONiiUEST. — .,.. 1,... ..'1 , 1 . r .,. T • 7 r 1 . . t .1 [a.d. 1065 1 _ ! TO 1066. J HAROLD OF NORWAY. 155 '/^ 15*t Tin: xoriMAN coNtiursx. r.v.D. 10G5 TO 1066. J HAROLD OF NORWAY. 155 may be amendt'd: fur Ivlwanl's fl<-atli tli<-!.- 1- no iv-medy, but there is one i'or tluj wron^ that li;irolt valiant of the Scandiiin inns, tlit! last among thmi who h-il th" adventurous life w! harm had vanishtMl with tli*' rt-li^'iou (jf Odin. In his souiiuiu expeditions, Harold had tairi'- I on hi< pursuits alternately by land and by -ca; he had by turns been pirate and soldier of Ibrtune, viLimj and raiijif/, as the language of tlie north expressed it.'' He had f( r\< d in the east under the chiefs of his nation, who lor nearly two (••ntiiries had possf'ssed a portion of the S'- " Miian pnjvinrr-.. Then, im- pelled ly^ curiosity, he had u>."n to C('tHt:'.Mtinople, where other Scandinavian emigrants, ni'-rcenary troops under this * Chrnii. i]e " ■ ' - OrifT. \ K.U., lit 1 5^,.,., ;._f i];,roMM Ilnrilriuia, '^'"> 'v^x * i'or!';;', i// sitp. pa. *" T-tly rnrifhimj, fnrn ri^r.;. fui'iiiv^ cij-^l^ iti nil the nncirnt GerniaTiic tli;i' ' . war^us, wiuycnifus, uarerifjanfji^ ivarrjanms^ tfanjn-iji, \c. '""trl:'., iii. lie. . This word | ;ini,'c, in ihe words | same name of r<7rfV7r/.9, in which the conquerors of the Kuss towns prided themselves, act«'d as the imperial guard.' Harold was brother to a king, but Ii(i deemeiui ^in 01- ., ^ 156 THE .NORMAN CO^•QUEST. [a.d. 1065 TO 1066.] IIILDKBRAM). 167 l.«M tf->r.MI«ia.Ba1..aiJ*« mM jn mTtk ■> j > > ' 1 1 r .1 156 THE GORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1065 lie pilln.!]:('il tuul .Icviistatcnl so v. •nil villar;ps; 1ml lli.j two great chiefs oi' the i»ruvinecs hiying along the Ilumbcr, Mov- kar and Edwin, united tlicir forcc.^, and pursuing his vessels, comi)elled liini to seek a retreat on the coast of Seothniil' Meantime Ilaruld, S(*n of Godwin, tranquil in thf^ south of England, Avitncsscd the arrival of a nies.-enzi'r from Nor- mandy, who addressed him in thcni terms : " William, duke of ^'urnumdy, reminds thee of the oath which thou didst swear to him, by mouth and by hand, u(>(>n gi.od and holy relics."- " It is true," answered the Saxon king, *' that I swore such an oath t., ,bil;e AVilliam; but I swore it under compul- sion. I pr ., .1 that which did not belong to nu', and which I cuuld not perform; for my royalty is not mine, and I can- not divest myself of it, without the consent of th«« coun- try; nor, williout the con^rnt of the coiuitry, can I marry a foreign wife. As to my sister, whom the duk(; titious iileas pi-evtMiLtd indillerent spectators ef this dispute from understanding tlie patriotic conduct of the son of ( iodwin, and TO 10G6.] IIILDKBRAM). 167 :;rO!l. il Clii'on. Vi ■' Kadiu „ IliiTileii, III ^ * Iti*nti«i 1 MVillrl . lvnl.it It t.f Glourrsier, p. 308. . ji. (i. llo'^vr Ai- \]n\,<\rn, j// 5i/;>. p. i I'L Rauulf. rMjiilhitituto miiinltr.it. (I' ■'"' . ut siij). p. I':', liii'iiir.. /. ' <» JI.idimT, lit M/yi. ,,f Mall. I'tui.^j i. '.'. 'i^ g w. his seru[)ulou.'i deference, to tin; will of the peophi who had made hiui king. 'i"he opiidon of the majority upon the con- tinent was with "William against Harold, with the man who liad em})loycd holy things as a snare, and accused of treason the man who refused to commit it. Tlie negotiation com- menced with the Komish church by Robert de Jnnn'egcs and the monk Lanfranc was actively pnrs!ied,from the moment that a deacon of Lisieux had l)ornc beyond tlie mountains the news of the alleged crime of Harold and the English nation. The duke of Normandy laid an accusation of sacrilege again.<=t his enemy before the j)ontifical court; he dernanded that Eng- land should be placed under the ban of the church and de- clared the property of the first occu[)ant, sanctioned by the j)opc.' He founded his demand upon three ju'incipal causes of cumi)laint: the nuu'der oi' yoju);^' Alfred and his Norman companions, the exi)ulsion of the archbishop Robert from the see of Canterbury, and the perjury of king Harold.^ He also pretended to have incontestable claims to the royalty, in virtue of his relationship to king Edward, and the intentions which this king had, he said, mainfested on his death-beowerftd to elect one of his own choice, Avho took the nanuj of Alexander H.; and to maintain him on liis throne, despite the ill will of th<; imperial court. All the views of this personage, w.ho was gifted with indefa- tigable activity, tended to transform the religious supremacy '* Willi liii. Milrno"-!)., ul siij>. p. ]eo. « Uanuir. lli^.len, ut s\ t Harohi whm c\v.inn.-./l I'l. ^iw/ i/itlkltlvp* 15S THE NORMAN CONi^ilT-T. [a.d. 1065 10 10G6.] HAROLD EXCOMMU.MCATrn. 159 of t!u' In.]y .. r iiii.) ati mii\.r a t\^n< uitli the ilriton S tlh-y ]ivA !ji-<»K-('n their rn-jaLi'iiient, sci/.-'I ihc i'ur- t! 1 tlirir (loniininn ovtT till* cnnnt rv. 'J'his hew< l-<»v'.ri\ li jMtt an rn'k if n<»t t«> th<' prft'ri-ii.ns, at :ill .(jveiits to }!i(* iiuwer of the (Jn-ok ciiipirf aviv thf,' towns <'i' '' " ' Cal.'Jiria, suit('«-al.sof tlic jjrincc o. laa apo.stles, and consented to ree(iv<' a banner of the Fioman eluircb, as :i fcaidal invcstitui-e of the lands which they thcniselves had ronquered. Thus the ehiuTh profited by tlic power of the IS^onnan arms tUute for the eeelesiastieaf discussion on the imliil(Ten<'>3 of the Em^lish, the simony of thei- '-dif)ps, and the p.ijury of their king, a Ibnnal negotiau ... for the conqii.'^t of the country, lU the connnon cost and fur the common profit. Isot- t t * Onleric. Vi:,.I., id sup. p. -17 i riciirv, 7' ^, \'i. '10. ■.vitlislandin;.' tJie n-ality of lluvn pmcly pdllifnl ])r(>)«-ef c;, tho. M-'onViliiam again>t llandd was rx'amined in the assembly cirdinals, without nn\' other (uiestinn bcin'^ discussed tleni iliat ot tJH! Ii'i. tdtary right, the san( tity of the oath, and the veneration due to the relics. These did not a])pear to sev( ral of tliosc present suilieient grounds to warrant, on the ])art ot ihe church, an armed aggression against a Christian people; r.nd when the archdeacon p^rsisted^ a murmur arosp, and the dissentients t(dd In'in that it Avas infamons to anthorizi^ and encourage homicide;' but he was unmoved at this, and his views prevailed. In the terms of tlie sentence wliieh was pronounced by the pope himself, AVilliam duke of Normandy was permitted to enter England, to bring that kingdom bacdc to the obedience of the holy see, and to re-establish there for (;ver tJie tax of Saint Peter's j.enee.'-' A bull of exconnrnmieatlon, directed against Harold and all his adherents, was given to AVillianrs messenger, and to it was added a banner of the Koman church and a ring containing one of the hairs of Saint Peter, set under a diamond of great price.'* 'i'his was the double emblem of military and ecclesiastical inve'tifniv; the consceiat.d banner which was to consecrate the invaMnn (d" England by the duke of Normandy, was the Sfime which, a lew years be- fore, the Normans Kaon! and AVilliam do ]\h>ntreuii liad planted, in the name of the church, on the castles of Cam- pania.'* Before the bull, the banner, and the ring liad arrived, duke ^niliam assembled, in a cabinet council, his most intimate friends, to demand their advice and assistance. His two hrothers by the mother's side, lOudes and itobert, one of them bishop of P>aycux, the other count of ]\Iortain; AVilliam Eitz- Osbeni, seneschal of Normandy, or ducal lieutenant for civil administration, and some high barons, attended the con- ference. All were of the opinion that it was proper to make a descent upon England, and i)ronn*sed to serve him with body and goods, even to selling (,r pledging their iidieritnnces. "But tins is not all," said they; " vou must seek aid and ' Kpist. Grr-. ^!i. apud Srript. rrr. Cnllir. ft Frnnrir., xiv. OlS. " Clsroniqnc dt- Nfjiininnlic. vf st'p. p. :.':.»;. ^ Cnill. ririnv., vt sup. p. J!i7. .M-itt. i'a,i«^ ,\ o. * OrJ.:r. Vital., uf sup. j.. .i::{. I l.-uiy, vt sup. p. -j(;0. 121 Ql f iriiursnTOT xw^w pwncni- THB NOBMAX CONQUEST. PREPARATIONS FOR INVASION. k it. ICC THE NORMAN COJiQCEST. [a.d. 1 s. counsel from the body of the iiihabiuuUs (if this country;Hf(P it is right that tiiose who pay the co3t .should be asked ther consent."! AVilliam, say the chronick'ri, then convoked* great assembly of men of every class in Normandy— warrior churchmen, and merchants, all the riche.it and most consiai denible personages of the land. The duke explained hi8j projects to them, and solicited tlieir assistance; the assembly then withdrew, in order to deliberate more free from in- iluencc.^ In the debate which followed, oi-inions seemed greatly divided; some wished to aid the duke with vessels, munition: and money; others protested against any kind of aid, sayin that they had already more debts than they could pay. TI4 discussion was not carried on without tumult, and the mem' bcrs of tlie assembly, risen from tluir seats and divided into groui>s, spoke and gesticulated witli great noise. In the midst of this confusion, the scnesclial of Normandy, AVilUam Fitz^ Osbern, raised liis voice, and said: " Why dispute ye thus? he is your lord, he has need of you; it were better your duty to make your oilers, and not to await liis request. If yo fail him now, and he gain his end, by God he will remember it; prove, then, that you love him, and act accordiDglj." " Doubtless," cried the opponents '* he is our lord; but is it not enough for us t.) pay hiiii his dues? We owe him no aid beyond the seas he has already enough opprcs.=^ed us with his wars; let hiiu fail in his new enterprise, and our country is undone."^* After a long discussion, resulting in various opinions, it was determined that Fitz- Osbern, who knew the position of each man present, should he the messenger to ex- cuse the limited olFers of the assembly.* . The Normans returned to the duke, and Fitz-Osben spoke thus: " I do not believe that there are in the whole world people more zealous than these; you know the aidstk; have given you, the onerous services they Iiave rendered you; well, sire, they will do more, they olFcr to serve you beyond the sea as they have done here. Forward, then, and spai- them in nothing; lie who hitherto has only supplied you with two good mounted soldiers, will now sup[>ly four." "No! ' Chrouifiuc dc Nom^ftn'K'\ ut s:>p. p. 225. 1 /i J //,. * lb. f V s f t. 'I ' i O 1066.] PREPARATIONS FOR INVASION. jg^ 10!^ exclaimed tlie Normans- "wp rl.M r.^f i gch an answer; we did Z% ZtVTu'^uTJT^ "'"' .« tb,ngs within his own country we w1 servo ll° •''!, '°- (Ut we are not bound to a'isi^t liim f„ "" '* *^"«; ountry. Besides, it' once 4 rendL r.''""' T ^'^^ """>'« nd foUowed him Across the sen hetvo?,n . '^•"^'" *'"•'<=«' . ^custom for the future he !onM ^ """^'^ " " "-^' "»"» it, it shall not bo.Usha'u'r hS^ ir^ftf f" '''''' thirty, formed; the tu.nult wus ccne^irm..! ♦. ' '"""".'^ separated.' fci-nerai, and the ossembl/ Duke "William, surjjriscd and enraged bevond m<.„. j- sunulated his an^a.r, and Imdrecoui^e toanmfno.Tr'd'" ^scarcely ever failed of its em.-et ,Xn m V ,'"''''''' ''** amve desired to overcon.e poX "isistancr n P'''""""*^* rately for the same mon whom he Wr. " "f"' ^^''- body; comn,encing with t^^ercl est anil "'"«', <=?";''''«'l i" » intreated then, to^aid bin out "f pi? W an 1 "'"'"',' ^^ •arygift, affirming that he Imd no infen "on of miV" ''°'"''- jU precedent for the future or ,.r «k • . • '""'''"S " an gainst them; ofliH, ^o ^to c'^.S/m'^ • '""" T7 "'"^"'"'^ by letter sealed wi.ir 1 il ", 7" t 3 "^'^Nn' T?T courage to pronounce a refusalto^he fl' of .1- r /V^^ country, in an interview with I im alone T ! "■'•'^^°^ "'* 4,.f,'« • ; * ^ UHiItitude accented tho in«; tation,comin""bvevprvrn.ifT r..,. o« 1 r "^^^1^^*-^ "le invi- to "7 e\ eiy load, lar and near, from north and south. ' Chron. de Nonnnn.lit'. n. ''-'n T?ni,rt^»: i nr b^rtui., apu, Scrip,, rer. Gaili;:. xi. j^s"'^ ^' ^^°"^V fr""'''' «^ ^^Se- VOL. I. » Id. ib. 227. M Id. ib. upoi ^ir"*'" j'li i'^f'ii i»' f LB < 162 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1065 They came from Maine and Anjou, from Poitou and Brittany, from France and Flanders, Aquitaine and Burgundy, from the Alps and the banks of the Rhine.' All the professional ad- venturers, all the military vagabonds of Western Europe hastened to Normandy, by long marches; some were knights and chiefs of war, the others simple foot-soldiers and sergeants of arms, as they were then called; some demanded money- pay, others only their passage and all the booty they might make. Some asked for land in England, a domain, a castle, a town; others simply required some rich Saxon in marriage.^ Every thought, every desire of human avarice presented itself. William rejected no one, says the Norman chronicle, and satisfied every one as well as he could. He gave, before- hand, a bishopric in England to a monk of Fescamp, in re- turn for a vessel and twenty armed men.^ During the spring and summer, in all the ports of Normandy, workmen of every kind were employed in constructing and fitting up ships; smiths and armourers forged lances, swords, and coats of mail, and porters went to and fro continually, transporting the completed arms from the workshops to the vessels.'* While these preparations were actively going on, William went to Philip, king of the French, at Saint Germain, and saluting him with tlie form of deference which his ancestors had often omitted towards the kings of the Frank country: " You are my seigneur," said he; " if it please you aid me, and I, by God's grace, obtain my right over England, I promise to do you homage for it, as though I held it from you." Philip assembled his council of barons, without which he could not decide any important affair, and the barons were of opinion that they ought not in any way to aid William in his con- quest. " You know," said tiiey to the king, " how ill the Nor- mans obey you now; it will be still worse when they possess England. 'Besi, it would cost us a great deal to assist the duke, and if he fail in liis «iitt'ri)rise, the English will be our i Willelm. Malmcsb., ut sup. p. fl!). Willelm. Gemet., nt xup. p. 51. Hist. Franc. Fmj,'., ^ipud Script, rer. Francicarum et Gallic, p. 1(32. Order. Vital., lit sup. p. 4!>l. « Chron. de Nommndie, ut sup. p. 227. • Sharon Turner, ii. tUi. Eiuimer, «/ sup. i. 7. Willelm. Molmesbii ib. iv. ut sup. p. 2J0. * Bayeux Tapestry. TO 1066.] HOSTILE MESSA(5E FROM CONAN. 163 enemies for ever." Thus defeated in his object, duke William withdrew, greatly discontented with king Philip, and ad- dressed the same request to the count of Flanders, his brother-in-law, who also declined to aid him.^ Despite the national enmity of the Normans and Bretons, there existed between the dukes of Normandy and the counts of Brittany alliances of relation?hip, which complicated the re • lations of the two states without rendering them less hostile At the time when duke Robert, the father of William, de- parted on his pilgrimage, he had no nearer relation than the Breton count Allan or Alain, a descendant of Roll by the female side, and it was to him that, on his departure, he con- fided the charge of his duchy and the guardianship of his son. Count Alain had not long delayed to declare the birth of his pupil doubtful, and to favour the party which wished to de- prive him of the succession ; but after the defeat of this party at the Val des Dunes, he died, poisoned, according to all ap- pearances, by the friends of the young bastard. His son Conan succeeded him, and still reigned in Brittany at the time of William's great armament for the conquest of Eng- land, lie was a daring man, dreaded by his neighbours, and whose principal ambition was to injure the duke of Normandy, whom he regarded as an usurper and as the murderer of his father. Finding the latter en.L^aged in a difficult enterprise, Conan thought the moment favourable for declaring war against him, and sent him, by one of his chamberlains, the folic wing messaofe: " I hear that thou art about to cross the sea, to conquer the kingdom of England. Now duke Robert, whose son thou pretendest to be, on departing for Jerusalem, remitted all his heritage to count Allan, my father, who was his cousin. But thou and thy accomplices poisoned my father: thou hast appropriated to thyself his seigneury, and hast detained it to this day, contrary to all justice, seeing that thou art a bastard. Restore me, then, the duchy of Normandy, which belongs to me, or I will make war upon tliee to the last extremity, with all the forces at my disposal."^ The Norman historians admit that William was somewhat alarmed at this message, for tlie slightest diversion mi^rht > Chron. de Normondic, t(t sup. ? Wil]eh)i. Geinrt., /// sup. p. QSO M 2 164 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1065 defeat his projects of conquest; but he found means to get rid, without much difficulty, of the enemy who declared himself with such rash boldness. The chamberlain of the count of Brittany, pained over doubtless by bribes, rubbed with poison the mouthpiece of the horn which his master used in the chase, and, to make assurance doubly sure, poisoned also his gloves and the reins of his horse.^ Conan died a few days after the return of his messenger. Count Eudes, his successor, was careful not to imitate him, or alarm William the Bastard as to the validity of his rights: on the contrary, uniting with him in a friendship, quite new between the Bretons and the Norman?, he sent his two sons to aid him against the English. These two young men, Brian and Allan, came to the rendezvous of the Norman troops,'-^ accompanied by a body of horse, who gave them the title of Mactierns,' whilst the Normans called tliern counts. Other rich Bretons, not of purely Celtic race, and who bore names of French form, such as Robert de Vitry, Bertrand de Dinand, and Raoul de Gael, altjo came to the duke of Normandy to oflfer him their services.^ The rendezvous of the vessels and troops was at the mouth of the Dive, a river which empties itself into the ocean, between the Seine and the Orne. For a month, the winds were contraiy, and detained the Norman fleet in port. Then a southern breeze carried them as far as the roadstead of Saint Valery, at the mouth of the Somme;^ there the bad weather recommenced, and it was necessary to wait some days. The fleet anchored, and the troops encamped » Willelra. Geniet., ut sup. p. 286. » Lobiiieau, Hist, de Bn-liKjne, i. book iii. p. i»8. See Appendix, No. VI. 3 Son of the cliief. Turn, chief; in Gaelic, Tvijrn. * Lobiueau, vt sup. Chrouique cle Nonnandie, vt sup. * Some respectable savans have considered that the place to vvliici:! Wil- liam's fleet was thus driven, was Valery-en-Caux, and not Valery-sur- Somrae, silaated beyond the limits of Nonnandy; but the manuscript re- •«ntly discoTered at Brussels sets all doubt on the poiMt at rest : " Toque, telis noliss, tandem tua litora linqueus, Navigium verlis litus ad alterius. I Portus ab antiquis Vimiici fertur haberi, Qu85 Tollat portum, Somana nonien aquae... Dasuper est castrura quoddani Snncii Walarici, Hie tibi Innga, fuit difficilisqne mora." (Widon, Carnun de IlasthtfjiP Prtrlin; Chrouiques Anglo-Norniaudes, iii. 3.) TO 1066. DETENTION OF THE NORMAN FLEET. 166 upon the shore, greatly incommoded by the rain, which did not cease to fall in torrents.' During this delay, some of the vessels, shattered by a vio- lent tempest, sank with their crews; this accident created a great sensation among the troops, fatigued by protracted encamping. In the long leisure of their days, the soldiers passed hours conversing under their tents, exchanging their reflections upon the perils of the voyage and the difficulties of the enterprise.^ No combat had yet taken place, and, said they, already many men were dead; they reckoned and ex- aggerated the number of bodies that the sea had thrown on the sand. These conversations abated the ardour of the adventurers, at first so full of zeal; some even broke their engagement and withdrew.^ To check this tendency so fatal to his projects, duke William had the dead secretly interred, and increased the rations of provisions and strong liquors;* but the want of active employment continually brought back the same thoughts of sadness and discouragement. " The man is mad," said the murmuring soldiers, "who seeks to seize the land of another; God is offended with such designs, and proves it by refusing us a favourable wind."^ Despite his strength of soul and habitual presence of mind, William was a prey to uneasiness which he could hardly con- ceal. He was frequently seen to go to the church of Saint Valery, the patron of the place, to remain there a long time in prayer, and each time that he quitted it, to look at the cock which surmounted the bell-tower, and showed the direction of the wind. If it seemed turning towards the south, the duke appeared joyful; but if the wind blew from the north or west, his face and manner became still more depressed. Whether it was an act of sincere faith, or merelv to furnish some occupation to his sad and discouraged troops, he took from the church the coffer which contained the relics of the saint, and had it carried in procession with great ceremony through the camp. The whole army joined in prayer. The chiefs made rich offerings; every soldier, to the very lowest, gave his piece of money; and the following night, as if > Wido, vt sup. p. 4. ' Willelm. Malraesb., ut sup. p. 100. « Guill. Pictav., ut sup. p. 198. * Id. ib. * Willelm. Malmesb., ut.sup. • Wido, ut sup. 166 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1065 heaven had granted a miracle, the wind changed, and the weather became cahn and serene. At daybreak of the 27th September, the sun, liitlierto each day enveloped in clouds, appeared in all its splendour.! The camp was immediately raised, all the preparations for embarkation executed with great ardour and no less promptitude, and some hours before sunset the entire fleet was ready. Four hundred ships with large sails, and more than a thousand transport vessels, made for the open sea, amid the sound of trumpets and a shout of joy, sent forth from sixty thousand mouths as from one.^ The vessel in which William sailed was in the van, bearing at its mast-head the banner sent by the pope, and a cross on its own flag. Its sails were of different colours, and on them in various places were painted the three lions, the arms of Normandy; at the prow w^as the carved figure of a child, bearing a bow bent, with the arrow ready to quit the string.^ Lastly, large lanterns suspended from poles, a necessary pre- caution for a night-passairc, were to serve as a beacon to the whole fleet, and to indicate the rallying point. This vessel, a better sailer than tlie rest, outstripped them during the day, and at night left them far behind. In the morning, the duke sent a sailor to the mast-head to see if the other vessels were coming. "I see only sky and sea," answered the sailor; w^hereupon they dropped anchor. Tlie duke affected a gay countenance, and, lest fear and anxiety should spread among the crew, he had a copious repast and wines highly spiced given to them. The sailor again ascended, and now said that he saw four vessels; a third time, he exclaimed: "I see a forest of masts and sails."^ Whilst this great armament was preparing in Normandy, Harold, king of Norway, faithful to his engagements with the Saxon Tosti, had assembled several hundred ships of war and transports. The fleet remained some time at anchor, and the Norwegian army, pending the signal for departure, en- camped upon the coast as tlie Normans had done at the * Wido., ut sup. * Id. ib. ; where, however, the author greatly exaggerates the number of the troops, to whom his description applies. * Strutt's Norman Antiquities, pi. xxxii. Roman de Rou, ii. 140. Rud borne, ut sup. lib. v. cup. i. ; An-lia Sacni, i. 2-45. Bayeux Tupesiry * Guill. i'ictJiv., ut Slip, lijs, ]:)!>." TO 1066.] INVASION OF THE NORMAN FLEET. 167 ■ mouth of the Somme. Vague impressions of discouragement and anxiety were produced by the same causes, but under a still more gloomy aspect, conformable with the pensive ima- gination of the inhabitants of the north. Several soldiers believed they had had prophetic revelations during their sleep. One of them dreamed that he saw his companions landed on the coast of England, and in presence of the English army; that in front of this army, riding upon a wolf, was a woman of gigantic stature; the wolf held in his jaws a human body, dripping with gore, and when he had devoured it, the woman gave him another.^ A second soldier dreamed that tlie fleet sailed, and that a flock of crows, vultures, and other birds of prey were perched upon the masts and sails of the vessels; on an adjacent rock a woman was seated, holding a drawn sword in her hand, and looking at and counting the ves- sels: *'Go," said she to the birds, *'go without fear, you shall have enough to eat, and you shall have plenty to choose from, for I go with them."^ It was remarked, not without terror, that at the moment when Harold placed his foot on the royal boat, the weight of his body pressed it down more than usual.^ Despite these threatening presages, the expedition sailed towards the southwest under the command of the king and his son Olaf. Before landing in England, they touched at the Orcades, islands inhabited by men of Scandinavian race, and two chiefs and a bishop joined them. They then coasted along the eastern shore of Scotland, where they met Tosti and his vessels. They sailed thence together, and, on their way, attacked the maritime town of Scarborough. Finding the inhabitants prepared to make an obstinate defence, they took possession of a high rock wdiich commanded the town, and raised there an enormous pile of trunks of trees, branches and stub- ble, which, firing, they rolled downi upon the houses, and then, fiivoured by the conflagration, forced the gates of the town and pillaged it.* Relieved by this first success from their superstitious terrors, they gaily doubled Holderness at the » Saga af HanJila Hardrada, cap. Ixxxiv. ; Snorre's TTcimskringla, iii. 151. 2 Idem. ib. cap. Ixxxiii. ; Siione, ih. • Id. cap. lixxv. Snorre, ib. p. l^rl. Torfeus, ut sup. p. 351. Turner's Anglo Saxons, ii. 300. * Torfaens, ut sup. Turner, *// sup. f 168 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1065 mouth of the Humber; and ascended that river. From the Humber they passed into the Ouse, which runs near York. Tosti, who had the direction of the campaign, wished first of all to regain this capital of his ancient government, in order again to instal himself there. Morkar, his successor, Edwin, Morkar's brother, and young Waltheof, son of Siward, go- vernor of Huntingdonshire, assembled the inhabitants of the surrounding country, and gave battle to the foreigners south of York, upon the banks of the Humber; conquerors at first, but then obliged to retreat, they shut themselves up in the city, where the Norwegians besieged them. Tosti assumed the title of chief of Northumberland, and issued a proclamation dated from the foreigner's camp: a few weak-minded men acknowledged him, and a small number of adventurers an- swered his appeal* While these things were passing in the north, the king of the Anglo-Saxons remain Saga af Haralda, cap. Ixxxix. Snorre, p. 156. Roger de Hoveden, p. 448. Henric. Knighton, ut .'roached, and the same breeze in which the banners of the victorious Saxons waved, also swelled the Norman sails, and urged them on towards the coast of Sussex. By an unfortunate chance, the vessels which had long been cruizing upon this coast liad just returned to port from want of provisions.'* The troojts of William thus landed, without ' Id. ib. Turner, ii. '{(».'). * Id. ib. cap. xcvi. Snorre, p. I(i4. Turner, ii. 30H. • Id. ib. xcvii. * Itoman de Kou, ii. Iftl, ir)3. Bayeux Tapestry. TO 1066.] LANDING OF WILLIAM. 171 resistance, at Pevensey near Hastings, the 28th of September 1066, three days after the victory of Harold over the Nor- wegians. The archers landed first; they wore short coats, and their hair was shaved off; then came the cavalry, wear- ing coats of mail and helmets of polished steel, of a nearly conical form, armed with long and strong lances, and straight double-edged swords. These were followed by the workmen of the army, pioneers, carpenters, and smiths, who brought on shore, piece by piece, three wooden castles, ready prepared beforehand. The duke was the last to land; at the moment his foot touched the sand, he slipped and fell on his face. A murmur arose, and voices exclaimed : " God pre- serve us! this is a bad sign." But William, rising, said im- mediately: " Lords, what is't you say? What, are you amazed? I have taken seizin of this land with my hands, and, by the splendour of God, all that it contains is ours." The repartee prevented the effect of the evil presage. The army took the road towards Hastings, and near that place marked out a camp, and raised two of the wooden castles as receptacles for provisions. Bodies of troops overran the neighbouring coun- try, pillaging and burning houses. The Enghsh fled from their dwellings, hiding their goods and cattle, and hastened in crowds to the churches and churchyards, which they deemed the surest asylum against enemies, who were Christians like themselves, But, in their thirst for booty, the Normans paid little heed to the sanctity of places, and respected no asylum. Harold was at York, wounded, and resting from his f\itigues, when a messenger arrived in great haste, to inform him that William of Normandy had landed, and planted his banner on the Anglo-Saxon territory.^ He immediately marched to- wards the south with his victorious army, publishing, on his way, an order to all the provincial governors to arm their fighting-men, and bring them to London. The militia of the west came without delay; those of the north were later, on account of the distance; but there was still reason to believe that the king of the English would soon find himself sur- rounded by the forces of the whole country. One of those Nor- mans who had been made exceptions to the law of exile pro- » William of Gloucester's Chrouidc, p. 359. Suppletio Listoriffi regni Aughae. (MSS. Mus. Britannici.) ^ i'i « ^^^ 172 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [iV.D. 106* nounced against foreigners, and who now played the part of spies and secret agents of the invader, sent word to the duke to be upon his guard, for that in four days the son of God- win wouhi have an hundred thousand men with liim.' Harold, too impatient, did not await the expiration of the four days; he could not overcome his desire to close with the foreigners, especially when he learned the ravages of every kind which they were conirjitting round their camp. The hope of sparing his countrymen further evil, and perhaps the desire of attempt- ing against the Normans a sudden and unforeseen attack, like that which had succeeded against the Norwegians, determined him to march to Hastings, with an army four times less nu- merous than that of the duke of Normandy.^ But William's camp was carefully guarded against a sur- prise, and his outposts extended to a great distance. Some detachments of cavalry falling back, gave notice of the approach of the Saxon king, who, they said, was advancing furiously.3 Failing in his design of at'tacking the enemy by surprise, the Saxon was obliged to moderate his impetuosity; he halted at a distance of seven miles from the Norman camp, and suddenly changing his tactics, intrenched himself, to await them behind ditches and palisades. Some spies, who spoke French, were sent to the foreign army to observe its disposition and force. On their return, they related that there were more priests in William's camp than there were lighting men on the English side. They had mistaken for priests all the soldiers of the Norman army who wore shaved beards and short hair. Harold smiled at this report: " They whom you saw in such great numbers," said he, « are not priests, but brave warriors, who will soon show us what they are worth."^ Some of the Saxon chiefs advised the king to avoid a battle, and to retreat towards London, ravaging the country on his way, to starve out the foreigners. *' I V* el- claimed Harold,^ " I ravage the country which has been con- fided to my care! By my faith, that were indeed treason, » Chron. de Normandie, p. 228. Guill. Pict., ut sup. 199. » Id. lb. 201. MSS. Abbatiae Waltham., in Museo Britannico. Florent. Wigron. Chron., p. 634. Roger de Hoveden, ut sup. p. 448. Ingulf., ut sup. p. 09 ♦ Guill. Pictav., ut sup. p. 201 • Eoman de Rou, ii. 174. Matth. Paris, i. 3 TO 1066.] WILLIAM OFFERS TERMS TO HAROLD. 173 and I prefer taking the chances of battle with the few men I have, my courage, and my good cause." The Norman duke, whose totally opposite character led him, in every circumstance, to neglect no means that occurred, and to place interest above all personal pride, profited by the unfavourable position in which he saw his adversary, to renew his demands. A monk, called Dom Hugues Maigrot, came, in W^illiam's name, to require the Saxon king to do one of three things; either to surrender the crown to the duke of Normandy, or to .submit the matter to the arbitration of the pope, or to refer its decision to the chance of a single combat. Harold shortly answered: " I will not resign the crown, I will not refer the matter to the pope, I will not fight a single combat." Not discouraged by these positive refusals, Wil- liam again sent the Norman monk, to whom he dictated his instructions in the following terms: " Go and say to Harold, that, if he will fulfil his compact with me, I will leave him all the land which is beyond the Humber, and will give his brother Gurth all the land that Godwin held; if he persist in not accepting my offer, thou shalt say to him, before all his people, that he is a perjurer and a liar, that he and all those who support him are excommunicated by the pope, and that I have the papal bull for this." Dom Hugues Maigrot delivered this message in a solemn tone, and the Norman chronicle says that at the word excom- munication the English chiefs looked at each other, as though they stood in the presence of a great danger. One of them spoke: " We ought," said he, "to fight, whatever the danger may be; for it is not here the question of receiving a new lord, as if our king were dead; the matter in hand is very different. The duke of Normandy has given our lands to his barons, his knights, and all his people, most of whom have already rendered him homage for them; they w^ill all have their donations carried into ei^ect if the duke becomes our king, and he will be bound to give them our goods, our wives, and our daughters, for all is promised them beforehand. They come, not only to ruin us, but to ruin our descendants also, to take from us the country of our ancestors; and what shall we do, or where shail we go, when we have no longer any country?" And hereupon the English unanimously took au oath to make neither peace, truce, nor treaty, with the 174 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 10o5 invader, and to drive out the Normans or die in the at- tempt."' A whole day was employed in these futile messages; it was the eighteenth siruv tlie battle fought with the Nor- wegians near York. Harold's precipitate march had not as yet permitted any additional tronp. to join him. Edwin and Morkar, the two great northern chieftains, were at London, or on the road to London; none but volunteers came, one by one, or in small bands, citizens armed in haste, monks who quitted their cloisters to obey the call of their country. Among the latter was Leofrik, abbot of the great monastery of Peterborough, near Ely, and the abbot of Hide, near Win- chester, who brought with him txvelve of his monks, and twenty warriors raised at his exixn^e.^ The hour of battle appeared at hand; ILxrold's two young brothers, Gurth and Leofwin, had taken their positions near him: the fornur endeavoured to persuade him not to be present in the action, but to go to London to seek fresh reinforcements, whilst his friends sustained the attack of the Normans. " Harold,"' said the young man, " thou canst not deny that, whether on compulsion or willingly, thou hast sworn to duke William an oath upon the relics of saints; why risk a combat with a perjury against thee? For us, who have taken no oath, the war IS just, for we defend our country. Leave us, then, to fight the battle; thou shalt aid us if we retreat, and if we die thou wilt revenge us."^ To these words, so toucliin«r in the mouth of a brother, Harold replied that his duty forbad him to remain apart while otliers risked their lives; too confident in his courage and liis good cause, he drew up his troof)s for the combat.^ On tlie ground, which has ever since borne the name of Battle,^ the lines of the Anglo-Saxons occupied a lonir chain of hills, fortified by a rampart of stakes and willow hurdles In the night of the 13th October, William announced to the Normans that the next day would be the day of battle > Chron. de Normandie, p. 231. « Diigdale, :\ronast. Allelic., i. 210. » Willelm. Mahnesb., ut sup. p. 100. * MS. AbbatijB Waltliam. In Latin, locus Belli. Willelm. Gemet., ut sup. p. 288. %/>. 311. ^ ^ Dugdale, TO 1066.] BATTLE OF HASTINGS. 175 Priests and monks who had followed the invading army in great numbers, attracted, like the soldiers, by the hope of booty,* met to pray and chaunt litanies, while the warriors prepared their arms. Tlie time which remained to them, after this first care, was employed by them in confessing their sins and receiving the sacrament. In the other army, the night was j)assed in a very different manner; the Saxons diverted themselves with noisily singing old national song's, and emptying, around their fires, horns tilled with beer and wine.2 When morning came, in the Norman camp, the bishop of Bayeux, brother, on the mother's side, of duke William, celebrated mass and blessed the troops, armed with a hauberk under his rochet; he then mounted a large white courser, took a baton of command, and drew up the cavalry. The army was divided into three columns of attack; in the first were the men-at-arms from the counties of Boulogne and Ponthieu, with most of the adventurers engaged individually for pay; in the second were the Breton, Manceaux, and Poitevin auxiliaries; William in person commanded the third, composed of the Norman cliivalry. In front and on the flanks of each of these bodies were infantry, lightly armed, wearing quilted coats, and armed with long bows or with steel crossbows. The duke was mounted on a Spanish charger, which a rich Norman had brought him on his return from a pilgrimage to St. lago in Galicia. He wore around his neck the most revered of the relics upon which Harold had sworn, and the standard, blessed by the pope, was carried at his side by a young man, named Toustain le Blanc.^ At the ^ moment, ere the troops began tlieir march, the duke, raising his voice, thus addressed them: — " Fight your best, and put every one to death; for if we con- quer, we shall all be rich. AYhat I gain, you gain; if I conquer, jou conquer; if I take the land, you will share it. Know, how- ever, that I am not come here merely to take that which is my due, but to revenge our whole nation for the felon acts, perjuries, and treason of these English. They put to death the Danes, men, and women, in the night of Saint Brice. * Dugdale, ut sttp. 2 Roman de Ron, ii. 184— IMj. See Appendix, No. VII. * Id. ib. Guill. Pictav., p. 201. C'liron. de Normandie, p. 232, 233. ^^ hi' 76 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1065 They decimated the companions of my relation, Alfred, and put himself to death. On, then, in God*s name, and chas- tise them for all their misdeeds."' The army soon came in sight of the Saxon camp, north- west of Hastings. The priests and monks who accompanied it, retired to a neighbouring hill, to pray and watch the com- bat.2 A Norman, named Taillefer, spurred his horse in front of the array, and began the song, famous throughout Gaul, of Charlemagne and Roland. As he sang, he played with his sword, throwing it far into the air, and catching it, as it fell, in his right hand; the Normans repeated the burthen, or shouted, Dieu aide! Dieu aide ! ^ Coming witliin shot, the archers began to discharge their arrows, and the cross-bowmen their bolts; but most of the shots were rendered useless by the high parapets of the Saxon redoubts. The lotant/y armed with lances, and the cavalry, advanced to the gates of the redoubts, and endeavoured to force them. The Anglo-Saxons, all on foot around their standard, planted in the ground, and forming behind their palisades a compact and solid mass, received the assailants with heavy blows of their axes, (EvissimfE secures, as the his- torian calls them,4 one blow of which broke the lances and cut through the coats of mail.^ The Normans, not being able to penetrate the redoubts, or to tear up the stakes, fell back, fatigued with tl.eir useless attack, upon the division com- manded by William. The duke tlien made all liis archers ad- vance, and ordered them not to shoot strai;,ditfurwar«l, but into the air, so that the arrows might fall into the enemy's camp. Many of the English were wound«Ml, most of them in the face, by this manoeuvre; Ilurold himself had his eye pierced with an arrow; but nevertheless, continued to issue his orders and to fight. The attack of the infantry and cavalry again com- menced, amid cries of Notre Dame ! Dieu aide ! Dieu aide ! But the Normans were driven back from one of the gates of the camp, to a deep ravine, covered with brushwood and grass, tee growth of time, into which they and their horses fell one ' Id. ift- • la. ,ft. • Id. ib. Henric. Huntind., lib. viii., ut sup. p. 3(J8. * Guill. I'ictav., p. 201. • Chron. de Normandie, p. ti.U. Matt. Paris, i. 3 A.D. 1066.] DEATH OP HAROLD. 177 upon the other, and thus perished in great numbers.^ There was a moment of terror in the foreign army. The report spread that the duke had been killed, and at this news a re- treat commenced. William threw himself before the fugitives and barred their passage, threatening them, and striking them with his lance; then uncovering: '* I am here," he exclaimed; " look at me, I still live, and, with the help of God, I will conquer. "2 The cavalry returned to the redoubts, but they could not force the gates or make a breach; the duke then thought of a strata- gem to induce the English to quit their position; he ordered a thousand horse to advance and immediately retreat. The sight of this feigned flight made the Saxons lose their cool- ness; they all rushed in pursuit, their axes hanging from their necks.3 At a certain distance, a body previously disposed, joined the fugitives, who turned; and the English, surprised in their disorder, were assailed on every side by blows of lances and swords, from which they could not defend themselves, having both their hands occupied in wielding their great battle-axes. When they had lost their ranks, the redoubts were forced; horse and foot made their way into them, but the combat was still fierce, hand to hand. William had his horse killed under him; Harold and his two brothers fell dead at the foot of their standard, which was torn up and replaced by the banner sent from Rome. The wreck of the English army, without chief and without standard, prolonged the struggle till the end oi the day, so late that the combatants of the two parties only recognised each other by their language.'* Then, and not till then, did this desperate resistance end, Harold's followers dispersed, many dying upon the roads of their wounds and the fatigue of the combat. The Norman horse pursued them, granting quarter to none."^ The victors passed the nijrht on the field of battle, and the next day at sunrise, duke William drew up his troops and called over the names of all those who had crossed the sea with him, from the > Dugdale, tit sup. Willelm. Gemet., p. 287. 2 Guill. Pictav., p. 202. ' Chron. de Normandie, p. 235. • Id. p. 230. Dui^ ' e, i. 312. Matt. West., p. 223. Radmer, lb. i p. n. * Guill. Pictav., p. 203. VOL. I N 178 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. I A.D. 1065 list which had been drawn up before their departure at St. Valery. Numbers of these lay, dead or dyn.g, beside the connuered.' The fortunate survivors ha.l, tor tlie first truita TtLlr victo.-y, the spoils of the dea,, enemy. In ™g over the bodies, thirteen were found with a monk = habit under heir arnio'ur; they were tlie abbot of Hide ''n'l'"^ twelve companions: the name of their monastery was the fir.t wutten in tlie black book of the conquerors.^ The mothers and wives of those who had come from the neighbourhood to fight and die with their king, ""' «lt°^^«^ together and bury the bodies of their relations. That o king Harold lay for a long time on the held oi battle, without any one daring to claim it. At length, Godwins widow, Ghitha, subduing for the moment hergriel, sent a message to duke William, a.-king his permission to render the last honours to her son. She otV.red, say the Norman historians, fo gW the weight of his body in gold. But the duke sternly refused, sayinglhat a man who had been false to his word aad to hi;^religion, should have no other sepulchre than tlie sand of the shore. He relent.d, however, if we are to believe rold tradition, in favour of the monks o Waltham abbey, which Harold had founded and enriched Two ^-'^o" ^o°k«. Os-od and Ailrik, deputed by the abbot of AV altliam, de- manded and obtained permission to transport the remains of their benefactor to their church. They sought among the mass of boilics, despoiled of arms and clothes, examining hem Trefully one after the other, but could not recognise the body of hL Ly sought, so much had his wounds n tlipv in discovering the corpse ot and was more su< ,ii tiian tuey iuuisi-o>ci. „ i him whom she had lov(;0 p. JO. ~ 317, 31S "• ^'""l""''"'"^' «/""' I^-g'i'J'. ^'"""^t- ^»9nca„.,i. (cl^r '(vXhirr''""''''* "'''""'"•"•••'''''"' '"" i"* ""'"■ '■"■•o™™ «ribmt. AppendhfvVll'.]"'' ' •''• "■ ''^' '" "'^ ''"J"'"^ Tapestrj-, tte N 2 lit BOOK IV FEOM THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS TO THE TAKING OF CHESTER, THE LAST CITY CONQUERED BY THE NORMANS. 1066—1070 Battle of Ronmey— Taking of Dover— Capitulation of Kent— Election of kinff Edgar— Defection of Edwin and Morkar— Blockade of London- Proceedings of the citizens— Submission of London— William pro- claimed king— The ceremony of the coronation disturbed by conflagra- tion-Division of the spoils among the Normans— Extent of the con- quered territory— Sutterings of the conquered— Courageous resistance of three Saxons — Fortresses erected in London — Ancient lists of the conquerors of England— William revisits Normandy— Kevolt of Kent— Eustache, count of Boulogne, comes to the assistance of the English- Limits of the territory invaded— lleturn of king William— He marches into the west— Siege of Exeter— Division of lands in the western pro- Alices- Imprisonment and depositi-.u of Brihtrik— Resistance of the monks of Wincbcoinb— Their punishment- The English chiefs retire to tlie north— Conspiracy against tbe Normans— King Edgar flies into Scotland— State of the Scottish population— Friendship of the kings of Scotland for tbe men of Teutonic race— William marcbes into the north —Taking of Oxford, &c.— Taking of York— Archbishop Eldreds male- diction upon king William-Mis despair and death— Weariness of the Normans— Insurrection of the western provinces— Landing of tbe sons of king Harold— Suppression of tbe western revolt— State of the northern provinces— March of Robert Comine against Durham— His defeat and death— Alliance between the northern English and the Danes— Arrival of Danish succours in England— The English and Danes besiege and take the city of York— York retaken by the Normans —Devastation of Northumberland- Taking of Durham— Ravages and cruelties exercised by the conquerors— St. John of Beverley intimidates the Norman soldiers— Completion of the conquest in the north- Fa- mine in tbe conquered districts— Division of houses and lands— French colony in Yorkshire— Distribution of English domains and heiresses— Tosti killed by Osulf in a spirit of national vengeance— Second submis- sion of the English chieftains and of king Edgar— Defeat of Edrik the Saxon— Invasion of W»Ues— Fre>h emigrants from Gaul— Society of Rain and loss among the soldiers of the Conquest— Brothers-in-arms— March of William upon Chester— Taking of Chester— Battle near the Ruddlan marshes — Utility of local details. While the army of the king of the Anglo-Saxons and the urray of the invader were in presence of each other, some fitish vessels from Normandy had crossed the Channel to A.D. 1066. J TAKING OF DOVER. 181 join the main fleet stationed in the bay of Hastings. Those who commanded them, landed, by mistake, several miles fur- ther to the north, in a place then called Rumeney, now Romney. The inhabitants received the Normans as enemies, and a combat took place, in which the latter were beaten.* William learned their defeat a lew days after his own vic- tory, and to save from a similar misfortune the succours he still expected from the opposite shore, he resolved, first of all, to secure the possession of the south-eastern coast. In- stead, therefore, of advancing to London, he fell back to Hastings, where he remained some time, to see if his pre- sence alone would not suffice to determine the population of the neighbouring country to voluntary submission. But no one coming to sue for peace, the conqueror again commenced his march with the remains of his army, and some fresh troops which, in the interval, had joined him from Nor- mandy.'^ He proceeded along the sea coast, from north to south, devastating every thing on his way.^ At Romney, he aven- ged, by burning the houses and massacring the inhabitants, the defeat of his soldiers; thence he marched to Dover, the strongest fortress on the whole coast, and of wliich he had formerly endeavoured to make himself master, without dan- ger and without fighting, by the oath into which he had en- trapped Harold. Dover castle, recently completed by the son of Godwin for better purposes, was constructed on a rock hiithed by the sea, naturally steep, and which, with great diflficulty and labour, had been hewn on every side, so as to make it present the appearance of a vast wall. The details of the siejre made by the Normans are not known; all the historians tell us is, that the town of Dover was fired, and that, either from terror or treason, tlie garrison of the fortress surrendered it.^ AVilliam passed a week at Dover, erecting additional walls and defensive works; then changing the direction of his march, he left the coast, and proceeded towards the capital city. The Norman army advanced by the great Roman road, * Guill. Pictav., p. 204. Chron. Sax. Frag., ?// sup. sub. an. ■* Guill. Pictav., ut sup. ' Ih I 18i THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1066- wliicli the English called Wtling-street, the same which had tij^ured so often as a common boundary in tlie divisions of territory between the Saxons and Danes. Tliis road led from Dover to London, through the middle of Kent; the concjuerors passed through a portion of this county without any one appearing to dispute their passage; but in a spot wliere the roud, approaching tlie Thames, ran near a forest, adapted for concealing an ambuscade, a large body of armed Saxons suddeidy presented themselves. They were com- manded by two priests, Eghelsig, abbot of the monastery of Saint xVugustin at Canterbury, and Stigand the archbishop ©♦' Canterbury, the same who liad crowned king Harold.* It is not precisely known what passed at this meeting; whether a combat took place, followed by a treaty between the two armies, or whether the capitulation was concluded before they crossed weapons. The Kentish army, it appears, stipulated for all the inhabitants of the province that they would offer no further resistance, on condition of remaining, after the conquest, as free as they had been before.^ In treating thus for themselves alone, and separating their own from the national destiny, the men of Kent (if it be true, indeed, that they concluded this compact) did more harm to the common cause than good to themselves; for no act of the time shows that the foreigner kejJt faith with them, or distin- guished them from the otlier luiglish, in his laws and oppres- live measures. Archbishop Stigand, whether he had taken part in this capitulation, or had fruitlessly opposed it, a con- jecture more coniormable with his haughty and daring cha- racter,^ quitted the province whieh thus laid down its arms, and went towards London, wliere, as yet, no one thought of surrendering. The inhabitants of that great city, and the chiefs assembled there, liad resolved to fight a second battle, which, well arranged and well conducted, would, according to all appearance, be more fortunate than the first."* But there was wanting a su[)reme chief, under whose com- mand the whole strength and will of the country should rally; * Willilm. Thorn., Chron. apiid Hist. Angl. Script., ii. 1780. 2 Ih. — See Appendix IX. ' Gervaa. Cantaur. Jet. puntif. t'aidaur. apud Hist. Aiigl. Script., ut sup. ii. col. 1(»5L * ChroB. Saxon. Frag., ut sup. sub nnno. A.D. 1066.] ACCESSION OF EDGAR. 183 and the national council, which had to name this chief, was slow in giving a decision, agitated and divided as it was by iutrifirues and contending claims. Neither of the brothers of the late king, men capable of worthily filling his place, had returned from tl'e battle of Hastings. Harold had left two sons still very young, and little known to the people; it does not appear that they were at this time proposed as candidates for the crown. The claimants most powerful in renown and fortune were Edwin and Morkar, brothers-in-law to Harold, and chiefs of Northumbria and Mercia. They had with them the votes of all the men of the north of England; but the citi- zens of London, the people of the south, and the party malcon- tent with the late reign, opposes .o them young Edgar, king Edward's nephew, surnamea Kviieling, the iUustrious, because he was of the ancient royal ruce.^ This young man, feeble in character, and of no acquired reputation, had not, a year be- fore, been able to outweigh the popularity of Harold; he counterbalanced now that of the sons of Alfgar, and was sup- ported against them by Stigand himself, and by Eldred, arch- bishop of York.2 Of the other bishops, several would accept for a king neither Edgar nor Edgar's competitors, and re- quired the people to submit to the man who came with a bull from the poi)e and a standard of the church.^ Some acted thus, from blind obedience to the spiritual power, others from political cowardice; others, again, of foreign origin and gained over by the foreign pretender, played the part for which they had been paid in money or promises. They did not prevail, and the majority of the great national council fixed their choice on the man least able to command in difficult circumstances — the youthful nepliew of Edward. He was proclaimed king, after considerable hesitation, during which much precious time was lost in futile disputes.'* His ac cession did not combine the divided opinions; Edwin ana Morkar, who had promised to head the troops assembled at London, withdrew this promise, and retired to their govern- ments in the north, taking with them the soldiers of those pro- * Guill. Pictav , p. 205. Willelm. Malmesb., p. Iu2. 2 Cliron. Sax. Frag., vt sup. ' Episcopos lion liabebant assertores. (Joliau. de Fordun-, Scoti-ChrO' niton, Lib. v. cap. xi. p. 404.) Wilh'lm. Malmesb., p. 102. ♦ Chron. Sax. Frag., sub aitno. \i 1 1 ili I I 184 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1066. vinces, over whom they were all-influential. They madly thought they could defend the northern provinces apart from the rest of England. Their withdrawal weakened and dis- couraged those who remained at London with the new king; depression, the fruit of civil discord, took the place of the first impulse of patriotism which had been excited by the foreign invasion.* Meantime, the Norman troops were ap- proaching from several directions, overrunning Surrey, Sus- sex, and Hampshire, pillaging and burning the towns and villages, and massacring the inhabitants, armed or unarmed.^ Five hundred horse advanced as far as Southwark, engaged a body of Saxons who met them, and burned in their retreat all the houses on the right bank of the Thames.^ Judging from this that the citizens were prepared to stand on their defence, William, instead of approaching London and besieging it, turned towards the west, and passed the Thames at Wal- lingford, in Berkshire. He formed a fortified camp in this place, and left troops there to intercept the Saxon succours that might come from the western counties; then proceeding north-east, he himself encamped at Berkhamsted, in Hertford- shire, for the purpose of intercepting all communication between London and the northern counties, and preventing the return of the sons of Alfgar, should they repent their inaction.^ By these tactics the great Saxon town was entirely hemmed in; numerous bodies of scouts ravaged the environs, and cut off the provisions, without engaging in any decisive battle; more than once, the inhabitants of London came to blows with the Normans; but by degrees, becoming worn out, they were conquered, less by the strength of the enemy, than by the fear of famine, and by the discouraging thought that they were isolated from all succour.'' There existed in the city two powers, accord between which it was necessary but very difficult to maintain— the court and the guild, or municipal confraternity of the citizens.** » Ita Angli qui, in nnam coeimtes sententiam, potuissent patriae refor- mare minam...(Willelm. Malniesb., ut sup.) ■ Roger de Hovt dm, p. 4-')0. » Guill. Pictav., p. 205. Order. Vitalis, lib. iv. p. 503. « Idem, ib. * Willelm. Gemet., p. 288. • See as to these institutions, chap. v. of Considerations sur I'Hisloir* d« France, prefixed to the Kecits dea Temps Merovingiens. A.D. 1066.] SIEGE OF LONDON. 185 The municipality, entirely free, was ruled by its elective magistrates ; the court had for its chief the officer designated Staller, or Standard-bearer.^ This post, at once civil and military, had just been restored to the person who filled it under Edward; an old soldier, named Ansgar, whose legs were paralyzed with fatigue and wounds, and who was carried on a litter wherever his duty called him.2 William had met him in 1051, at the court of king Edward. He thought it possible to gain him over to his cause, and sent him, by a secret emissary, his propositions and offers, which were no less than, in case of success, the lieutenancy of the kingdom. We cannot say whether Ans- gar was moved by these promises, but he certainly received them with circumspection, and, preserving absolute secrecy with respect to them, adopted a course calculated to relieve him from the peril of having personal correspondence with the enemy. Of his own authority, or in conjunction with the king's council, he assembled the principal citizens of London, and addressing them by the name which the members of the municipal corporation gave each other, said: " Honourable brothers, our resources are nearly exhausted, the city is threatened with assault, and no army comes to its aid. Such is our situation; but when strength is exhausted, when courage can do no more, artifice and stratagem still remain. I advise you to resort to them. The enemy is not yet aware of our miserable position ; let us profit by that circumstance, and send them fair words by a man capable of receiving them, who will feign to convey your submission, and, in sign of peace, will lay his hand in theirs, if required."^ This counsel, the aptness and merit of which it is difficult to comprehend, pleased the chiefs of the citizens, as coming from an able politician and experienced warrior. They flat- tered themselves, it would appear, with the hope of obtaining a suspension of hostilities, and protracting the negotiations until the arrival of succours, but the result was quite different. The messenger sent to deceive duke William, returned him- self deceived, loaded with presents and devoted to his cause. » See Lye, Diet. Saxonico et Gothico-Latinum, at the words Stallere^ Steallcre. Esegarus regie procurator aule, qui est Angliee dictus stallere, t.c. regni vexillifer. (Chroniques Anglo Normandes, ii. 234.) 2 Wido, ut sup. p. 31. » 76. 186 THB NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1066. A.D. 1066.] PROPOSAL TO CROWN WILLIAM. 187 I I When he appeared before the principal citizens to give an account of his mission, an anx'ous crowd followed and pressed behind him. His singularly daring speech consisted of bound- less eulogy of the iirmed pretender, to whom he attributed every royal virtue, and a promise, in his name, of peace, justice, and obedience to the wishes of tlie Kn«:lish nation. These words, so different from the reports in circulation < f the im- placable seveiity of the conqueror of Hastings, far from raising the cry of treachery, were received by the crowd, if not by the magistrates themselves, with joy an0. "I have done my duty," answered the Saxon monk; "and if all of my order had done the same, as they might and ought to have done, thou wouldst not, perhaps, have advanced thus far into our country."' William did not go quite to London, but halting at a distance of some miles, sent forward a nume- rous detachment of soldiers to construct a fortress for his residence in the heart of the city.^ Whilst the works were proceeding in all haste, the council of war held by the Normans, in their camp, discussed the means of promptly completing the conquest, so favourably conimeneed. William's more intimate friends said that to mitigate the resistance of the provinces still free, their future movements should be preceded by his assuming the title of king of the English. This proposition was, no doubt, most agreeable to the duke of Normandy, but with his usual cir- cumspection, he feigned indifference to it. Altliough the possession of the crown was the object of his enterprise, it appears that weighty reasons induced him to seem less am- bitious than he really was, of a dignity which, raising him above the conquered, would, at the same time, separate his Ibrtune from that of all his companions in arms. William modestly excused himself, and demanded at least some delay, saying that he had not come to England for his own interest alone, but for that of the whole Norman nation; that, besides, if it were the will of God that he should become king, the time to assume the title had not arrived, too many counties and too many men still remaining to be subjected.^ The majority of the Norman chiefs were inclined to take these hypocritical scruples literally, and to decide that in reality it was not yet time to create a king, when the captain of one of the auxiliary bands, Aimery de Thouars, to whom the royalty of William would naturally give less umbrage than to the natives of Normandy, energetically rose, and, in the style of a flatterer and mercenary trooper, exclaimed : " It is too modest of you to appeal to warriors, whether or no they will have their lord a king; soldiers have nothing to do with questions of this nature; and besides, our discussions only serve to retard that which, as a matter of feeling, we all so » Speed, riht. of Great Britain (IG23), p. 43G. « Guill. rictrtv., p. -^O,). See Appendix X. ' Id. th I ll 188 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1066, A.D. 1066.] CORONATION OF WILLIAM. 189 1^.1 ardently desire."* Those Normans who, after William's feigned excuses, might have ventured to concur in them, thought very different after the Poitevin had spoken, fearing to appear less faithful and less devoted than he to their com- mon chief. They therefore unanimously decided that, before carrying the conquest further, duke AVilliam should be crowned king of England, by the few Saxons whom he had succeeded in terrifying or corrupting. The ceremony was fixed for Christmas-day, then close at hand. The archbishop of Canterbury, Stigand, who had sworn the oath of peace to the conqueror, in his camp at Berkhamsted, was invited to attend and crown him, accord- ing to ancient custom, in the church of the monastery of the west, called in English, Westmynster, near London. Stigand refused to bestow his blessing on one covered with tlie blood of men, and an in\ adcr of the rights of otliers.^ But Eldred, archbishop of York, with greater worldly discretion,^ seeing, say the old historians, that it was needful to fall in with the times, and not to oppose the will of God, by whom the powers of the world are raised up, consented to fulfil the office.'* The church of Westminster abbey was prepared and decorated as in the old days, when, by the free vote of the best men of England,'^ the king of their choice presented himself to re- ceive investiture of the power which they had conferred upon him. But this previous election, without which the title of king could only be a vain mockery, tlie bitter insult of the strongest, did not take place for the duke of Normandy. lie left his camp, and walked between two ranks of soldiers to the monastery, where awaited him several timid Saxons, affecting, however, a firm countenance, and an air of free- dom, in their dastardly and servile office. Far around, all the approaches to the church, the squares and streets of the then suburban village of Westminster, were guarded by armed cavalry, who, as the Norman narratives have it,''^ were to » Giiill. Pictav., p. 205. • Guill. Neiibrig., de Reh. Angl. (Heiiriie) p. 15. Joh. Bromtou, vl n,p, i. col. 962. • Id. ib. Walter Ilemin^ord, Chron. apud Script, rer. Anglic. (Gale) ii. 4''*7. 4 Id. ib. * Tha bestan menu. (Cijion. Sax. ;>assjm.) • Guill. Pictav., p. '2110. keep the rebels in check, and watch over the safety of those whose office called them to the interior of the temple.^ The counts, the barons, and other war-chiefs, in number two hundred and sixty, entered the church with their duke. When the ceremony opened, Geoffrey, bishop of Coutances, ascending a platform, asked the Normans, in the French lan- guage, whether they were all content that their lord should take the title of king of the English; and at the same time, the archbishop of York asked the English, in the Saxon lan- guage, whether they accepted the duke of Normandy for their king. Hereupon there arose in the church acclamations so vehement that they resounded beyond the doors, and reached the ears of the cavalry who occupied the neighbouring streets. They took the sound for a cry of alarm, and, according to their secret instructions, hastily set fire to the houses. Seve- ral rushed to the church, and at sight of their drawn swords and of the flames, all present dispersed, Normans as well as Saxons; the latter rushed to extinguish the fire, the for- mer to seek plunder amid the tumult and confusion. The ceremony was interrupted by this sudden event, and there only remained hastily to complete it, the duke himself, the archbishop Eldred, and a few priests of the two nations. Tremblingly they received from him whom they called king, and who, according to an ancient narrative, himself trembled in common with them, an oath to treat the Anglo-Saxon people as well as the best king ever elected by that people.^ But on the same day London was to learn the value of such an oath in the mouth of a foreign conqueror; an enormous war tribute was imposed on the citizens, and their hostages were imprisoned.^ William himself, who could not really believe that the benediction of Eldred and the acclamations of a few dastards had made him king of England, in the legal sense of this word, and, consequently, at a loss how to frame his manifestoes, sometimes falsely styled himself king by hereditary succession, and sometimes, in all frankness, king by the edge of the sword.'* But if he hesitated as to words, he had no hesitation as to deeds, but showed his real position by the attitude of hostility and distrust which * Order. Vital., lib. iii. p. 503. " Order. Vital., ut sup. 3 Chron. Saxon. Frag., sub aun. * Hiekes, Thesaurus Linquarum Septentrionalium, ii. 71, 72. 190 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. ^A.D. 1066. he maintained towards the pwple; lie dared not yet establish himself in London, nor inhabit the embattled castle which had been hastily constructed tor him. He retiitd accordingly to Barking, until his engineers had given more solidity to this wurk, and laid tlie foundation of two other fortresses, destined to keep in check, says a Norman author, the change- able spirit of a too numerous and too haughty people.^ During the {.criod that the king remained at Barking, the two Saxon chiefs, whose fatal withdrawal had caused the subjection of the great city, intimidated by the augmented power which the possession of London and the title of king gave to tlie invader, came from the north to swear to him the oath which the English chiefs were accustomed to swear to their ancient kings.'-* The submission of Edwin and Morkar did not, howevtr, involve that of the provinces they had governed, and the Norman array did not advance to occupy these provinces; they remained concentrated around London, and upon the soutliern and eastern coasts nearest Gaul. The partition of the wealth of the invaded territory now almost Bolely occupied them. Commissioners went over the whole extent of country in which the army had left garrisons; they took an exact inventory of property of every kind, public and private, carefully registering every particuhir; for the Norman nation, even in those remote times, was already extremely fond of deeds, and documents, and law forms.^ A close inquiry was made into the names of all the English partisans of Harold, who had either died in battle, or survived the defeat, or by involuntary delays had been prevented from joining the royal standard All the property of these three classes of iiien, lands, revenues, furniture, houses, were confiscated; the chihhen of the first class were declared for ever disinhe.i' "i- tlie second class were, in like manner, wholly dispohrc i of tlic*" estates and property of every kind, and, sa}s one of the Norman writers, were only too grateful for being allowv il to retain their lives.'* Lastly, those who had not taken up arnjs were also despoiled of all they possessed, for having had the intention of taking up arms; but, by special grace, they were allowed to entertain the hope ' Guill. Pictav., p. 208. 2 i,i. ,7,. ■ DialogU8 de Saccario, in notis ad Matth. Paris, i. ad iniiium. See Ap- pendix XL * lb. A.D. 1066. J DIVISION OF THE SPOIL. ii)i that after many long years of obedience and devotion to the foreign power, not they, indeed, but their sons might perhaps obtain from their new masters some portion of their paternal heritage. Such was the law of the conquest, according to the unsuspected testimony of a man nearly contemporary with and of the race of the conquerors.' The immense product of this universal spoliation became the pay of those adventurers of every nation who had enrolled under the banner of the duke of Normandy. Their chief, the new king of England, retained, in the first place, for his own share, all the treasure of the ancient kings, the church plate, and all that was most rare and precious in the shops of the merchants.^ William sent a portion of these riches to pope Alexander with Harold's standard, in exchange for that which had triumphed at Hastings;^ and all the foreign churches in which psalms had been chanted, and tapers burnt for the success of the invasion, received in recorapence crosses, sacred vessels, and cloth of gold.'* After the king and clergy had taken their share, that of the soldiers was awarded according to their rank and the conditions of their engagement. Those who, at the camp of the Dive, had done homage for lands, then to be conquered, received those of the dispossessed English;-^ the barons and knights had vast domains, castles, villages, and even whole cities; the simple vassals had smaller portions.*^ Some received their pay in money, others had stipulated that they should have a Saxon wife, and AVilliam, says the Norman chronicle, gave them in marriage noble dames, great heiresses, whose husbands had fallen in the battle. One only among the knights who had accompanied the conqueror, claimed neither lands, gold, nor wife, and would accept none of the spoils of the conquered. His name was Guilbert Fitz-Richard: he said that he had accompanied his lord to England because such was his duty, but that stolen ' Ricardus Niqellus, Richard Lenoir or Noirot, bishop of Ely in the twelfth ceiitury, ■ Guill. Pictav., 206. ■ ...pecimiam in auro et argento anipliorem qiiam dictu credible sit, (ib.\ * ...Mille ecclesiis Fr!incia\ (ih.) ' Chrou. • "-"'-thTJonempo'arywritLrwe fully examinmg the accounts ot .'",,'=°",^"'??;.„f_„3 ,,ad not n 1 „. oil omenta negative proots that tbe JNormans n.iu uoi. find, at f «\''"'^; J^^-^;,^.,.,,' ,,i,,,,i„n beyond the rivers, the advanced ny "" ; »;'^ ^^ ^,,,, . ,„ ,J,,rd^ the south-west, rtt^llhe iTte^^^^^^^^^^ which bounds Dorsetshire. The ^itloToxfodne^arlyequi-distant between these two oppo- 12 Intsuln a straight line drawn from one to the other site points, upon a »i ^ ,,^rliiiis this ideal rontier had had not yet surrendered; ^" P^^ ';''' ^'J;'„„^h of Oxford. It beennasscd, cilliir to the noitn 01 to lucw k e". • llv difficult to deny or to affirm this, or to fix, at any lb equally uiiiiv-u •/ J rrrsirTiiiil invasion. Ine particular moment, the limits ot a S^«''";' " [,^, °.^ ;. whole extent of country really •J^^l-'^d by ^Ynnwin v irVue sons and held by him in a u,ore ' -'V;'; rSn- will cHa- ct hi^ title of king, were in a short tune bristling witii ciid, del nd fortresses;^ all the in'-.f -"'f -^ J'^^^^ ^ obliged to swear obedicc.. on iu c .ty ^".^'^^tJl posed on them by the lance and »«ok. ii'ty » - rt^eir hearts they did not hohl this '"'•'^^^S";/„ '^r;^^^' f°„°„ l.'n„Innfl • in their eves the true king was young t-dgar, laiien EnglanU, m tncir . j » n Peterborough abbey and a captive as he was /"'""?.,„ i„,t th.^ abbof, gave a remarkable proof <>'/ ''..l f Hstin-« thev chose Leofrik, on his return from the battle of "" '"g^' '^^^^i^ •o hU successor, their prior, namcl Uraiul; and as it was tneir as nis succtssui, m^ i > ,ii,rn tar es of their mo- custom to submit the election ot the dignit. r.i. oi I Order. Vital., lib. vi. p. 006. « Clirou. Saxon, frag., sub aim. TO 1067.] FATE OF THE CONQUERED. 193 rage was unbounded. "From that day," continues the con- temporary narrator, " every evil and every tribulation has fallen upon our luniIm. Malmesb. Lxtracta ex Donip-^lay Book, apvd Scri; '. Rer. Anglic. (Gale) iii. 759 VOL. f. Q 194 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1v>oo TO 1067. J DIVISION OF THE SPOIL. 195 ^11 field of a poor woman. ^ William Fitz-GeofFroy had three houses, one of which was the ancient Guildhall,'^ near Col- chester in Essex; Geoffroy de Mandeville alone had forty ma- nors, or houses surrounded with cultivated hind; fourteen Saxon proprietors were dispossessed by Engelry, and thirty, Dy one Guillaume. A rich Englishman, to secure liis safety, placed liimself under the power of the Norman Guaitier, who made him his tributary;^ another Englishman became a serf on the glebe of his own field.'* The domain of Sutton, in Bed- fordshire, that of Burton and the town of Stafford, fell to the lot of Guy de Riencourt. He possessed these lands during his life. But Richard, his son and heir, lost the greater part of them to king Henry I. at dice. In Suffolk, a Norman cliief appropriated the lands of a Saxon lady, named Ediva the fair;-^ the entire city of Nor- wich was set aside as the private domain of the conqueror; it had paid to the Saxon kings thirty pounds and twenty pence; but William exacted seventy pounds a year, a horse of value, an hundred pence for the queen his wife, and twenty pounds for the salary of the officer who commanded there in his name. A strong citadel was built in the centre of the city,^ for its inhabitants being men of Danish origin, the con- querors feared that they might demand and receive aid from the Danes, who often cruised on the coast.'' In Dorchester, instead of an hundred and seventy-two houses that were there in the time of king Edward, eighty-eight alone remained; the rest were a heap of ruins; at Warham, of an hundred and thirteen houses, sixty-two had been destroyed;'* at Bridport, twenty houses disappeared in the same manner, and the poverty of the inhabitants was such, that more than twenty years after not one had been rebuilt.^ The Isle of Wight was invaded by William Fitz-Osbern, seneschal of the Norman king, and became a portion of his vast domains in England; he transmitted it to his son, then to his grand-nephew, Bald- * Domesday Book, i. fol. !), verso. ^ Extracta ex Domesday Book, vt sup. • Domesday Book, i. fol. 30, recto. ♦ lb. ii. p. 1. * Edeva faira. Ih. ii. p. 285. • Jb. p. 117. ' GuiU. Pictav., p. 208. • Extracta ex D. B., ut sup. 7G4. » lb. win, called in Nonnandy, Baudoin des Reviers, and in Eng- land, Baldwin de I'Jsle.* Near Winchester, in Hampshire, was the monastery of Hide, the abbot of which, accom[)anied by twelve monks and twenty men-at-arms, had gone to the battle of Hastings and fallen there. The revenge which the conqueror exercised on this 'monastery was mingled with a sort of pleasantry; he divested the domains of the monastery, as ransom in land for the patriotic crime of its thirteen members, of one barony for the abbot's share of the offence, and one knight's fee for each of the twelve monks.^ Another circumstance that may be men- tioned among the jof/eusetes of the conquest, is that a dancing girl, named Adeline, is named in the roll of [jartition of the same county, as having received a lief from Roger, one of the Norman counts.^ In Hertfordshire, an Englishman had redeemed his land by a payment of nine ounces of gold; and yet, to avoid a violent ejectment, he was obliged to become the tributary of a soldier named Vigot or Bigot. "* Three Saxon warriors, Thurnoth, Waltheof and Thurman, associated in a brother- hood of arms, possessed near Saint Albans a manor which they held of the abbot on the terms of defending it with their swords, in case of need.-^ They faithfully fulfilled this office against the Norman invaders; but, overcome by numbers and obliged to fly, they abandoned their domain. It fell to the share of a noble baron, called Roger de Toeny, w ho had soon to defend his new property against the three expelhjd Saxons. The latter, who had sought refuge in the neigh- bouring forests, assembled there a small troop of men, driven out like themselves, and unexpectedly attacking tlie Normans istablished on their lands, killed several, and burned their louses.^ These facts, taken at random from among a thousand )thers which it would be wearisome to enumerate, will enable he reader to figure to himself the sad but varied scenes ,)resented by English counties of the south and east, while » /6.i. 2J0. » Diigdale, ii. !)05, » Domesday B., i. fol. 3F<, versa * lb. fol. 137, verso. * Matth. Paris, Vita Abbatum S. Jibani, i. 4G. • Id. ih- o2 v 196 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1066. T« 1067.] LISTS OF TFIE CONQUERORS. 19* I the Norman king was installinfj himself in the Tower of London. This fortress, constructed in one of the anjjles of the city wall, close to the Thames, received the name of the Palatine Tower, a name formed from an ohl Roman title that William bore in Normandy, conjointly with that of duke or count. Two other fortresses, built westward, and con- fided to the care of the Norm a us Baynard and Gilbert de Montfichet, took resixciively the name of their keepers.' The three-lion banner w:is planted on William's d(mjon, and over the two otliers lloatrd those of IJaynard and Montfichet. But these captains had lir>t both sworn to lower their flags and to raise that of the king, their lord, on his first command, preferred in anger or without anger, sujjported by a great force or a siuall, for offence committed or without offenco. com- mitted, as the formal acts xt forth. Before making, amid the sound of trumpets, their tiist entry into their tovv^ers, before tliey garrisoned them witli their nu^n, they placed their hands in the hands of the Norman king, and acknowledged them- selves liis liege-raen. In a w^ord, tliey had promised to un dergo as a just and legal i]> r-.c, their sentence of (h^posses- sion, if ever they vohuitarily took part against their lord and separated their l)anner from his. Th(? same oath was svv(.ru to the chief of the conquest by other leaders, who again received from inferior dignitaries a similar oath of fealty and homage. Thus the troops of the conqueror, althougji scattered and dispersed over the land of the conquered, remained united by a vast chain of duty, and observi d the ist the memory, by the rhythm and alliteration. Several of the same kind have been preserved to our days; they were found written upon great pages of vellum, in the archives of churches, and de- corated with the title of Book of the Conquerors? In one of these lists, the names are arranged in groups of three : Bas- tard, Brassard, Baynard; Bigot, Bagot, Talbot; Toret, Trivet, Bouet; Lucy, Lacy, Percy Another catalogue of the conquerors of England, long preserved in the treasury of Battle abbey, contained nanies simjulariy low and fimtastic, as Bonvilain and Boutevilain, IVcmsselot and Troussebout, LLngayne and Longue Epee, (Eil-de-boeuf and Front-de- "^'^"^•'* Lastly, several authentic documents designate as Norman knights in England, a Guilluume le charretier, a * Cnntp, baron, et chevalier; Coiite, birou, et vavassor. (Aucienuef* poesifs NoruiaiKles. ; ' .foil. BroTiit., i. <•(.!. 'MV.\. See Appemlix XII. 3 Lei. 111. I, i'i>lh>-;(iuv,i, i. '>jv>. See Appnidix XII, * Serijir. r-T. Nuriiiaiin., p. Urti . li 'r 198 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. Fa.d. 1066 TO 1067.] WILLIAM VISITS NORMANDY. 199 i8 Hugues le tailleury a Guillaume le tambour;^ and among the surnames of the chivalry collected from every comer of Gaul, figure a great many mere names of towns and districts — Saint- Quentin, Saint-Maur, Saint-Denis, Saint-Malo, Tournai, Verdun, Fismes, Chalons, Chaunes, Etampes, Rochefort, La Rochelle, Cahors,^ Champagne, Gascogne. . . . Such were the men who assumed in England the titles of nobleman and gentleman,^ and planted it there by force of arms, for them- selves and their descendants. The mere valet of the Norman man-at-arms, his groom, his lance-bearer, became gentleman on the soil of England; they were all at once nobles by the side of the Saxon, once rich and noble himself^ but now bending beneath the sword of the foreigner, driven from the home of his ancestors, having no- where to lay his head.* This natural and general nobilUy of ail the conquerors at large, increased in proportion to the per- sonal authority or importance of individuals. After the nobility of the Norman king, came that of the provincial go- vernor, who assumed the title of count or earl; after the nobi- lity of the count came that of his lieutenant, called mce- count or viscount ; and then that of the warriors, according to their grade, barons, chevaliers, ecuyers, or sergents, not equally noble, but all nobles by riglit of their common victory and their foreign birth. "^ Before marching to conquer the northern and western pro- vinces, William, ever provident, desiring to deposit in a secure place the booty he had realized in the provinces already con- quered, considered that his new wealth would be nowhere so safe as in his oi»rrj country. On the eve of his return to Nor- mandy, he confided the lieutenancy of his royal power to his brother Eudes, and to William Fitz-Osbern. With these two viceroys were joined other lords of note, as coadjutors and councillors: Hugh de Grantmesnil, Hugh de Montfort, Walter Giifard, and William de Garenne (Warrenne.) The new king ' Dugdale, passim. ' Become by corruption Eoehjhrd, Rokely, Vhaworth, kc. Other names, gemiiue French, have been disfigured in a variety of wavs : as de la Have, Haij ; de la Souche, Zotiche ; du Saut-de-Chevrean, SarheveuU, kc ^ These two words, now become English, arc of pure Norman extrac- tion, and have no equivalent in the ancient An<,'lo-Sa\on tongue. * Joh. de Fordun, lib. v. p. -kiU. * Guill. Picrav., 209. proceeded to Pevensey, to embark from the same spot on which, six months before, he had landed. Several vessels awaited him there, decorated in token of joy and triumph.* A great number of English had repaired thither, by his order, to cross the Channel with him. Among them were kino- Edgar, archbishop Stigand, Frithrik, abbot of Saint Albans^ the two brothers Edwin and Morkar, and Waltheof, son of Siward, who had not arrived in time to fight at Hastings. These men, and several others whom the conqueror also took with him, were to serve as hostages and guarantees for the quiescence of the English; i^ hoped that, deprived by their absence of its most powerful and most popular chiefs, the nation would be less turbulent, less prompt to insurrec- tion/* In this port, where for the first time he had set foot in England, the conqueror distributed presents of e\evj kind to those of his soldiers who again crossed the sea, in order, says a Norman author, that no one on his return might say that he had not gained by tliP conquest.^ William, if we may believe the same author, his chaplain and biographer, brought more gold and silver to Normandy than was con- tained in all Gaul.'* The whole population of the town and country districts, from the sea to Rouen, hastened to meet him, and saluted him with cries of enthusiasm. The monas- teries and secular clergy rivalled each other in their zealous efforts to entertain the conqueror of the English, and neither monks nor priests remained unrecompensed.'*^ William gave them gold in money, sacred vessels, and bullion, with stuflTs richly embroidered, which they displayed in the churches, where they excited the admiration of travellers.^ It would appear that embroidery in gold and silver was an art in which the English women excelled; the commerce of that country, already very extended, brought there also many precious things, unknown in the north of Gaul.^ A relation of the king of France, named Raoul, came with a numerous suite to the court held by king William during Easter. The French, equally with the Normans, viewed with curiosity ■ Id. ib ' Guill. Pirtav., 209. « Id. 2il. * Id. ib. » Tb. * Id. 210. ' Id. ib. 200 THE NOIIMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. lOOo and amazement the chased gold and silver plate, and the drinking cups of the Saxons, made of large horns, adorned with metal at the two extremities. They were astonished at the beauty and long Imir of the young English hostages or captives of the Norman king. " They remarked," says the contemporary narrator, " these things and many others equally new to them, that they might relate them in their e(»nntry."* Whilst this dispLiy was made on one side tlie Channel, on the other the insolence of the conquerors was deeply felt by the conquered. The chiefs who governed the subjected pro- vinces outvied each other in oppressing the natives, the people of rank equally with the commons, by exactions, tyranny, and outrage. Bishop Eudes and Fitz-Osbern, in- flated with their new [.ower, scorned the complaints of the oppressed people, and refused all remedy;- if their soldiers pillaged the houses or violated the wives of the English, they applauded them, and punished the unfortunate suf- ferers who dared to complain.^ Excess of suffering drove the people of the eastern coast to attempt the emancipation of themselves from the Normans by the aid of a foreign power. Eustaelie, count of Boulogne, the same who in the reign of Edward had occasioned such tumult in England,'* was now at enmity with king William, who kept his son prisoner. Eustache was renowned for his military skill, and, besides, his connexion with king Edward caused the Anglo- Saxons to regard him as a natural ally. The people of Kent tlierefore sent a message to Eustache, and promised to assist him to take Dover, if he would make a descent and succour them against the Normans. The count of Boulogne consented, and landed near Dover under favour of a dark night. All the Saxons of the district took up arms: Eudes de IJayeux and Hugh de ^Montfort, the two governors of the town, had gone beyond the Thames with part of their tr(>o[)S. Had the siege lasted two days, the in- habitajits of the neighbouring provinces would have come in great numbers to join the besiegers;'* but Eustache and his men, prematurely endeavouring to take Dover castle by sur- To 1()G7.] EDRIK THE FORESTER. 201 prise, met with an unexpected resistance on the ])art of the Normans, and were discouraged after this one effort. A false report of tlie approach of Eudes, returning, it was said, with the main body of his troops, struck them with a panic terror. Eustache sounded a retreat; his soldiers hastened in disorder to their vessels, and the Norman garrison, seeing them dis- persed, left the town to pursue them. Several fell in their flight from the steep rocks upon which Dover castle stands. The count owed his life solely to the speed of his horse, and the Saxon insurgents returned to their houses through bye-roads. Such was tlie result of the first attempt made in England to ovei'throw the Norman dominion. Eustache sliortly after made his peace with the duke of Normandy; and, forgetting his allies of a day, solicited the riches and honours which their enemy had to bestow.* In Herefordshire, beyond the great chain of mountains, which liad formerly protected the independence of the Britons, and which might still serve as a rampart for that of the English, there dwelt, before tlie invasion, upon lands which lie had received from the munificence of king Edward, a Norman, named Richard Fitz-Scrob. He was one of tliose whom the Saxons exempted from the sentence of exile pronounced in the year 1052 against all the Normans living in England. In return for this favour, Fitz-Scrob, on AVill'iani's landing, became cliief intriguer for the conquest, established a corres- pondence with the invaders, and placed himself at the head of some bodies of soldiers, enn'grants from Gaul, who, sinC3 the time of Edward, had garrisoned several castles near Hereford. He visited them in these castles, and, making frequent sallies, endeavoured to force the neighbouring towns and villages to submit to the conqueror. But the population of the west made an energetic resistance, and, commanded bv the young Edrik, son of Alfrik, repulsed the attacks of Fitz"- Scrob and his soldiers.- The young Saxon chief had the art to interest ni his cause several chiefs of the Welsh tribes, hitherto mortal enemies of the English.^ Thus the terror of the Normans reconciled for the fir.-t time the Cambrians and the Teutons of Britain, and » Guill. Pictav., p. 211. » Order. Viid., lib.iv. p. ,-^07. ** lb. 508. « GuiU. Pictav., p. 21i. * Urder. Vital., ut sup. [ ^J^(^r. Vital., vf sup. 2 Dngd-ilc, ii. 221. orn., p. O'u'j. throu. Saxon. Frng., sub ann. ' Flo rent. Wigi 200 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 10G6 TO 1067.] EDRIK THE FORESTER. 201 and amazement the chased gold and silver plate, and the (inoking cups of the Saxons, made of large horns, adorned with metal at tlie two extremities. Thev uctv astonished at the beautr and long hair of the young Kn-lish hosta-es or captives ol the Xorman king. " They remarkr,]," says the contemporary narrator, -these things and many others equally new to them, that they might reiat.'. then/in their country. ' Whilst this display was made on one side th<> Cliannel on the other tlie insolence of the conquerors was dt'eplv felt bv the conquered. The chiefs who governed the subjected pro- vinces outvied each other in oppressing the natives, the people of rank equally with the commons, by exactions tyranny, and outrage. Bi^^hop Eudes and Fitz-( )sbern, in' Hated with their n.nv i,( .wer, scorned the coniphiints of the oppressed people, and rduscd all remedy;-' if their soldiers pillaged the houses or violated the wives of the Eii'Wish they applauded them, and punished the unfortunate "suf-' ferers who dared to complain.^ Excess of sutlVring drove the people of the eastern coast to attempt tlie emancipation ot themsdves from the X, .niuins by the aid (.f a forei-n r^^*^^- „ f "^tache, count of Boulogne, the same who in the reign ot Edwai'd had occasioned such tnnudt in Ennhmd^ was now at enmity with king William, who kept his son prisoner ^ Eustache was renowned for his military skill, and besides, his connexion with king Edward caused the Anglo- baxons to regard him as a natural ally. The people of Kent thc^refore sent a message to Eustache, and promised to assist him to take Dover, if he would make a descent and succour them against the Normans. The count of Boulogne consented, and landed near Dover under tavour of a dark night. All tli.- Saxons of the district took up arms: Eudes de Bayeux and Hugh de ^lontfort, the two governors of the town, had -one beyond the Tlianus with part of their troops. Had the siege lasted two davs, the in- habitants of the neighbouring provinces woul.l have come in great numbers to join tlie besiegers;-^ but Eustache and his men, prematurely endeavouring to take Dov er castle by sur- 16. 008. * GuilJ. Pictav.. p. 212. s Order. Vital., ut sup. prise, met with an unexpected resistance on the part of the Normans, and Avere discouraged after this one effort. A false report of the approach of Eudes, returning, it was said, with the main body of his troops, struck them with a panic terror. Eustache sounded a retreat; his soldiers hastened in disorder to their vessels, and the Norman garrison, seeing them dis- persed, left the town to pursue them. Several fell in their flight IVom the steep rocks upon which Dover castle stands. The count owed his life solely to the speed of his horse, and the Saxon insurgents returned to their houses through bye-roads. Such was the result of the first attempt made in England to ov(M-throw the Norman dominion. Eustache shortly after made his peace with the duke of Normandy; and, forgetting his allies of a day, solicited the riches and honours°which their en»'ornian tnn )ps advanced, headed by a battalion of English, who had joined the foreign army, eitlier on compulsion, or from utter want of other means of support, or in the idea of enriching themselves by the pillage of their countrynnMi. Ere the first assault began, the magis- trates and leading citizens of Exeter, in pursuance of some secret negotiation, cauK.' to the king, tlelivered hostages, and demanded |)eace on terms of surrender. But on their return, the body of citizens, far from fuUilling the engagement thus made, kept tlie gates clo.-ed, and stood to tlieir arnn. William invested the city, and bringing within sight of tlie ram[);irts one of th<' hostages he had received, had Ms eyes put out. Tin -it - la- ted eigliteea days; a considerable por- tion of the Norman army perished; their place was supplied * Chron. Sux. Fnig., sul> mm. 100~. 2 Order. Vital., \Vc. iv. \^. 510. lb. TO 106S.J TAKING OF EXETER. 205 by fi-esh troops, and the miners laboured to sap the walls; but the determination of the citizens was inflexible. It is quite probable that they would have wearied William out, had not the chiefs again betrayed them. Some historians relate that the inhabitants of Exeter repaired to the foreign camp, in the attitude of suppliants, with their priests bearing missals and sacred vessels in their hands.' The Saxon chronicle has merely these words, mournful from their very brevity: " The citizens surrendered the town, because their thanes deceived them. "-^ A great number of women, escaping the outrages which followed upon the surrender of Exeter, took refuge^with Ha- rold's mother, first in one of the islands of the ^Severn, and then in the city of Bath, which had not as yet been taken by the enemy; hence they gained the western coast, and, in de- fault of a more direct route, embarked for Flanders. Forty- eight houses had been destroyed in the siege ;3 the Normans applied tlieir materials to the construction of a fortress, wliich they called Rougemont, from its site being a hill of red earth. This castle was tlien confided to the keeping of Baldwin, son of Gilbert Crespin, also called Baldwin de Brionne, who re- ceived for his share as conqueror, and for his salary as vi>- count of Devonshire, twenty Iiouses in Exeter, and an hundred and fifty-nine manors in the county.^ During this campaign, a defensive alHance had been formed between the Anglo-Saxons and the ancient Britons of Cornwall. After the taking of Exeter, the two populations thus united were involved in one common ruin, and the tei-- ritory of both was shared out among the conquerors. One of the first names inscribed on the partition roll was that of the wife of the conqueror, Matilda, daughter of Baldwin, earl of Flanders, whom the Normans called the Queen, a title un- known to the English, who only employed in their language the terms, dame or ivifeJ' Matilda obtained as her portfon of the conquest, all the lands of a rich Saxon, named Brihtrik.^ - Order. Vuul.,lili. iv. p. DIO. 2 eiiroii. Sax. Frag., $uh ami. 3 Domesday B.. vol. i. fol. 1()0, recto. * DiigdaJe's />iir(>ii(t(/e. * '^^ ^J"f'^'if'^^ •''' *^"-nic. Trom hidfdiijv, suppressing the aspirates, came lajdijv, lun/,/, lady. Cicntc, vutru, queen, properly signifies s ^^^*"- ** yie Appf'udix XI II. 206 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1067 TO 1068.] PATRIOTIC MOVEMENT. This personage, if we are to credit the chronicles, was not un- known to Matilda; on the contrary, he had lormerly, when ambassador from king Edward at her father's court, incurred her deep resentment by refusing to marry her. It was Matilda herself who requested the king her husband to adjudge to her, with all his lands, the Englishman who had slighted her; and she satisfied at once her vengeance and her avarice, by appro- priating the lands and by imprisoning their owner in a lor- tl*(*SS Itwas probably in continuation of this first invasion of the west, that Somersetshire and Gloucestershire were conquered and apportioned out. Various facts prove that this conquest was not accomplished without resistance. According to the local tradition, the monastery of Winchcombe was at this time deprived of all its possessions, because the monks, ill advised and short sighted men, as an ancient historian calls them, took upon themselves to oppose king William.'^ Their abbot, Godrik, was removed by the Norman soldiers and imprisoned at Gloucester; and the monastery, become odious to the con- querors, was transferred to Eghelwig, abbot ot Evesham, whom the contemporary annalists surname the Circumspect, one of those men whose national treason assumes, to feeble minds the shape " of tlie fear of God, and veneration ol the kin*- appointed by Him."* On the first intelligence of the firs? defeat of his countrymen, Eghelwig had hastened to swear true faith to the foreigner, "for whom God had de- clared." AVhen the conquest had extended itselt into the western provinces, he solicited a share in the spoil, and, in imitation of his friends the conquerors, expelled several English from their domains; to others, he sold his protection at a heavy price, and then leaving them to be killed by the Normans, entered upon their lands. His character and con- duct caused him to be distinguished by king William, who greatly deli'jhted in him ;^ he governed the rebelhous monks of Winclicouibe entirely to the satisfaction of the Conqueror, until the arrival from beyond seas of a monk named Galand, to whom he remitted the abbey. I Dugdale, Monnst., I ir»4. Appendix XIV. - Id. ih. 190. » Cliroii. Sax. Frag., sub anno. « Order. Vital., lib. iv. t>. 509. ' Dugdale, i. 132. 207 The theatre of English independence thus became more and more hmited m the west; but the vast regions of th.^ north still offered an asylum, a retreat, and battle-fields to the patriots. Hither repaired those who had no longer hon e or family, whose brothers were dead, whose daughters dis- honoured; those who, in the language of the old annalist^ preferred a life of war to slavery.^ They made their way from one forest or deserted place to another, until thev had passed the furthest line of fortresses erected by the advancing iNormans, and once beyond this girdle of slavery, found them- selves among free Englishmen. Remorse soo^ broug 1^0 hem the chiefs who, the first todespair of the common cause had the first given an example of voluntary submission. Thev? made their escape from the palace in which the Conqueror had detained them captives, under a false show of affS use ot their presence at his court as a ground of reproach agamst the nation, which refused to recognise a kin^tl ^t surrounded by its national chiefs. When Edwin and Moikar departed for the north, the prayers of the poor, say hdii orians of English race, accompanied them in thJir fi^H ami he priests and monks offered up fervent orisons fbr heir salety and success.' On the arrival of the sons of Alfgar in their former governments of Jlercia and Northumbria, every indica 1 of a patnotic movement manifested itself from Oxforfo the Tweed. No Aorman had as yet passed the Humber, and but very few had reached the central parts of Mercia This provmce mau.tained an uninterrupted communicatrn bv ts north western frontier, with the Welsh populat on who ibr gettmg their ancient grievances, made^Lm^n 'cause iith he Saxons agamst the new invaders. It was rumoured Tha to^ethef;'^r' '^^'^'^.^'-ffj'-^ ^-'^ held severaT let S L , *" •»°"nt''."'«. that they had unanimously re- wire desoatcW,f, "■ '' ""' ''■°'" ^^'"^""'" dominationfand were Uespa ching emissaries m every direction to arouse popular indignation and revolt. The great camp of iX pendence was to be formed beyond the ilumberrthe cily of 1 vr *.i n . * Matth. Westmon., p. 225. * Matth. Pans, ut sup., i. 47. » Order. Vital., p. 511. « Id. t* 208 THE NORM AN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1068. York was to be its first bulwark, and its last, tlie lakes and marshes of the north Larjre minibers of men had sworn never to sleep beneath the shelter of a roof until they had effected the national deliverance; they lay under the open sky or in tent.<, Avhenee the Normans contemptuously de- signated them savapres.' Amonnr them was younn- Kdrik, the son of Alfrik, who had so energetically maintained the Saxon cause in Herefordshire. It is impossible to say how many projects of national de- liverance, well or ill conceived, were fornied and destroyed at this })eiiod. History scarcely deigns to mention some two or tliree of the men who preferred war to .'civitude ; the same power which defeated their efforts, ellaeed tiie memory of them. One Norman chronicler denounces, with hitter re- proaches, a conspiracy, the object of which, he tells us, was to make a sudden attack upon the soldiers of every foreign gar- rison throiiLrhout England, on the first day of Lent, when, according to the '''"?' ^^^ in- sulted him from their rami.arts; but a portion of the wall having been sapped, gav.- way, and the Kormans entering by the breach, avenged themselves upon the inhabitants bv hre an.l mas. Dugdale, Monast. J»;!f., i. lis-l. 2 i^. ii., ii. 012. ' Domesday Hook, i. fol. 280, rcrtn. ♦ Domesdiiv K., i. fol. 330, verso. * Gnill. Pictav., p. t20H. • Successio primonim ecdes. L)unelDieusi> ; Anglia Sacra, i. 788. A.D. 1068.] TAKING OF YORK. 213 ment of departure, suspected nothing. ^ The ambassadors embarked, and when they had lost sight of land, the hostage suddenly appeared, to their great astonishment. They desired the sailors to return, that tliey might, as they said, restore the fugitive to king William;'^ but the Norwegians answered, mockingly : " The wind is too fjivourable, the vessel sails well; it were pity to baulk her." The dispute grew so warm, that the two parties came to l)lows, but the sailors were the strongest; and as the vessel advanced into the open sea, the Normans became more tractable.^ On leaving Lincoln, which, by a kind of French euphony, they called Nicole,^ the invading troops marched upon York; at the spot where the rivers unite whose junction forms the Humber, they met the confederate army of Anglo-Saxons and Welsh. Here, as at the battle of Hastings, by the supe- riority of their numbers, and by tlieir armour, they drove the enemy from his position, thougli defended inch by inch.*"^ Many of the English perished; the survivors sought refuge within the walls of York; but the conquerors, following close upon them, made a breach in the wall and entered the city, killing all, say the chroniclers, from the child in arms to the old men. The wreck of the patriot army (or as the Nor- man historians designated it, the army of factious robbers), descended the Humber in boats, <^ and then went northward to Scotland, or the English territory adjoining Scotland. Here the conquered men of York rallied: " Hither retired," says an old chronicler, *' Edwin and Morkar, the noble chiefs, and other men of distinction, bishops, priests, men of every rank, sad to find tlieir cause the weakest, but not resigned to slavery. '^ The conquerors built a citadel in the centre of York, which thus became a Norman fortress, and the bulwark of conquest in the north. Its towers, garrisoned by five hundred men, completely armed, having several thousand squires and soldiers, menaced Northumbria. The invasion, however, was not at this period continued over this country, and it is even doubt- ful whether Yorkshire was ever occupied in its whole breadth » Roger do Iloveden, p. 450. 2 Id. ih, ' ^^'- * Duprdale, MonasU, ii. 045. 5 Willt'hu. Gt'inet., \^. ti!l(). • ^i ' Muttii. Westmon., p. 225. » •"• 214 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. LA.D. 1068. A.D. 1068.] WEARINESS OF THE NORMANS. 215 from the ocean to the mountains. The capital, subdued be- fore its territory, was the advanced post of the conquerors, and a perilous post; they worked there night and day to complete their lines of defence; they forced the poor Saxon, who had escaped tlie massacre, to dig ditches and to repair for the enemy the ruin wiiich the enemy had made. Fearing that they might, in their turn, be besieged, they collected provisions from every quarter, and stored them in the donjon. At this juncture the archbishop of York, Eldred, the same who had officiated at the coronation of the foreign king, came to his metropolis to celebrate a religious solemnity.^ On his arri- val, he sent to his estates near York for provisions for his use. His servants, leading horses and carts laden with wheat and other provisions, were met by chance at one of the gates by the viscount or Norman governor of the city, followed by a great train. " Who are you?" asked the Norman, " and to whom are you taking iliese things?" " We are," they answered, ** the servants of the archbishop, and these things are for the use of his house." The viscount, very indifferent about the archbishop or his house, ordered the armed men who escorted him to take both horses and carts to the citadel of York, and to deposit the provisions in the Norman storehouses. When the archbishop, tlie friend of the conquerors, found himself also struck by the conquest, there arose in him a sen- timent of indignation which his calm and cautious soul had not before experienced. He immediately proceeded to the king's quarters, and presented liimself before liiin in his pon- tifical dress, holding his pastoral stalK William rose to offer him, according to the custom of tlie time, the kiss of peace, but the Saxon prelate drew back, and said : " Listen to me, king William; thou wert a stranger, and yet, God wishing to punish our nation, thou didst ol)tain, at the cost of much blood, the kingdom of England; then I crowned thee king; I crowned thee and blessed thee with my own hand : but now I curse thee, thee and thy race, because thou hast merited it, in be- coming the persecutor of the church of God, and the oppressor of her ministers." The Norman king listened, without emotion, to the impo- tent malediction of the old priest, and tranquilly silenced the » Stubbs, Jet. Pontif. Ehorac, apiul UiH. * Cbron. Saxon. Fnig,, snh anno )G7. * Willtlm. Malmesb., lib. iii. p. (U. A.D. 1069. J DEFEAT OF TIIE WESTERN PATRIOTS. 217 the Normans, quartered in the southern provinces, had assem- bled all their forces to oppose a barrier to the insurrection of the west. Two chiefs, one of whom was Brian, son of Eudes^ the earl or duke of Brittany, attacked them unexpectedly, and destroyed more than two thousand of them, Englisc Welsh, and Irish. The sons of the last Saxon king again regained their vessels, and set sail, deprived of all hope. ^"^ To complete the destruction of the insurgents in Dorsetshire and Somersetshire, GeolFroi, bishop of Coutances, marched thither with the garrisons of London, Winchester, and Salisbury. He seized many men, armed, or suspected of liaving taken up arm.s, and caused them to be cruelly mutilated.^ This defeat, and the retreat of the auxiliaries from Ireland, did not wholly depress the western population. The move- ment, commenced in the south, had extended over all the frontier of the Welsh territory; the inhabitants of the country around Cliester, a country still free from invasion, marched to Shrewsbury, and joining the soldiers of young Edrik Guilda (Wild), whom the Normans called Le Sauvage (the Forester), drove back the foreigners towards the east.^ The two ehietV, Brian and William, who had defeated the sons of Harold, and subdued the men of Devon and Cornwall, then marched from the south; and the king himself, leaving Lincoln, advanced with his chosen troops. Near Stafford, at the foot of the mountains, he encountered the main body cf the insurgent army, and destroyed it in one engagement. The other Norman captains marched upon Shrewsbury, and this town, with the surrounding country, fell again under the dommion of the foreigner; the inhabitants gave up their arms; a few brave men onlj^, who resolved to retain them, withdrew to tlie seacoast or to the mountain fastnesses. They continued the war with little advantage, against small parties ot the enemy, lying in ambush in the woods and narrow valleys, lor the straggling soldier or adventurous scout, or the naessenger bearing the orders of the chief; but the high roads, Uie cities and the villages, were open to the enemy's troops. 1 error took the place of hope in the hearts of the conquered; they avoided each other, instead of uniting, and the entire south-western portion of the country was once more silent.-* -, rx ^ ... , ' Chron. Saxon. Frag., sub anno 10(kS. Order. \ itul.. lib. iv. p. 014. a jj. ,7,. 4 h. f^ -1^ THE .NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1069. In tlie nortli, tlie city of York was still the extreme limit of the conquest; the Norman soklit^rs wlio occupied this city did not seek to advanee beyond it; even their excursions in the country south of York were not without dan;:er for them. Hugh Fitz-Baudry, viscount or governor of the city, dared not venture to Selby or to cross the Ouse witliout a numerous escort. The Norman sohliers were no longer in safety the moment they had (juitted tlieir ranks and'' their arms; for bands of insurtrmts, wlio reassembled as fast as tliey were dispersed, continutdiy harassed the troops on their marches, and even th.i garrison of York.» William ]\Ialet, the colleiigue of Fitz-Baudry in the command of this garrison, went so far as to declare in his despatches that without prompt succours he would not answer for liis post. This news, con- veyed to king William, caused great alarm. The king him- self hastily departed, and on his arrival before York," found the citizens, leagued with the inhabitants of the surrounding districts, besieging the Norman fortress. He attacked them with superior forces, spared no one, say tlie chroniclers,2 dis- persed those whom he did not kill, and laid the foundations of a second stronghold, of which he confided the works and keep- ing to his most intimate confident, William Fitz-Osbern, his seneschal and marshal for Normandy and England.^ After his departure, the English again rallied, and be- sieged the two castles; but they were driven back with loss, and the Normans tranquilly completed their new works of defence. Assured of the possession of York, the conqueror resumed the otfensive, and endeavoured to extend the limits of the conquest to Durham; he intrusted this perilous expe- dition to one Robert Comine or De Comines, whom he in- vested, by anticipation, with the title of earl of Northumber- land.* His army was not numerous, but his confidence in himself was great, and increased l>eyond all measure when he found himself nearly at the end of his journey, witliout having encountered any resistance. He was already in sight of the towers of Durham, wliieh the Normans called the fortress of the northern rebels,-^ when Eghelwin, tlie Saxon bishop of the city, met him, and advised him to be prudent and to beware » Hist. Mouast. Seleblt nsis, apud Labbe, Nova Biblloth., MS. i. CO'2. 2 Order. Vital., iit iup. s j j n, * Chrou. S«x., 174. • WiUelra. Gemet.,*p. 290. A.D. 1009.] DEFEAT OF THE NORMANS. 219 * of a surprise.^ " Who would attack me!" answered Comine. " None of you, I imagine, would dare to do so."^ The Nor- mans entered Durham, and massacred a few unarmed men, as if to insult and defy the English; the soldiers encamped in the squares, and their chief took up his quarters in the bishop's palace. When night came, the inhabitants of the banks of the Tyne lighted signal fires on all the hills; they assembled in great numbers, and hastened to Durham. By day-break they were before the gates, which they forced, and the Normans were attacked from every side, in streets with whose turnings they were unacquainted. They sought to rally in tlie episcopal palace; they erected barricades there, and defended it for some time, shooting their arrows on the Saxons from the roof, until the latter terminated the contest by setting fire to the mansion, which was burned, with all those who were in it.3 Robert Comine was of the number. He had brought with him twelve hundred horse, completely armed; the num- ber of the foot soldiers and military attendants who accom- panied him is not known, but all perished.^ This terrible defeat made such an impression on the Normans, that a nu- merous body of troops, sent to avenge tlie massacre, and who had advanced as far as Elfertun, now Northallerton, half-way between York and Durham, refused, seized with a panic terror, to proceed further. It was reported that they had been struck motionless by a supernatural power, by the power of Saint Cuthbert, whose body reposed at Durham, and who thus protected his last home.^ The Northumbrians who gained this great victory were the descendants of Danish colonists, and there had never ceased to exist between tliem and the population of Denmark relations of reciprocal friendship, the fruit of their common origin. When they found themselves threatened by the Norman invasion, they demanded aid from the Danes, in the name of the ancient brotherhood of their ancestors; and similar solicitations were addressed to the kings of Denmark by the » Alnredus Beveriacensis, Annal. de Gesiis reg. IJnL (Ueoiue) lib. ix. p. 128. -^ ^ ^ Hemingfora, Chron,, lib. i. p. -ir)8. a Ahired. Beverlac, lU sup. * Cliron. Sax., p. 174. * Cbrou. Sanctae-Crucia Edinborg; Anglia Sacra, i. 159. I (. ^1 220 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1069. Anglo-Danish inhabitants of York. Lincohi, and Norwich.' A crowd of Saxun refugees pleaded the cause of their country with the northern nations, earnestly intreating them to un dertake a war against tlie Normans, who were oppressing a nation of the great Teutonic tamily, after having killed its king, the near relative of several kings of the nortli.^ Wil- liam, who in his life had never uttered one word of the northern language which his ancestors had spoken, foresaw from the outset this natural alliance of the English with the Danes, and it was this had made him build so many fortresses on the eastern coasts of England. He also several times sent to Swen, king of Denmark, accredited ambassadors, skilful negotiators, bishops of insinuating tongue, with rich presents, to persuade him to remain in peace. But the man of the north would not be seduced, or consent, say the Danish chro- nicles, to leave the English nation in servitude to a people of foreign race and language, lie collected his lleet and his soldiers.3 Two hundred and forty vessels sailed for Britain, led by Osbiorn, brother of king Swen, and his two sons, Harold and Knut, On hearinn: of their departure, the Eng- lish waited with impatience the days which must elapse ere the arrival of these sons of the Baltic, once so terrible to them, and pronounced witli tenderness names which their fathers had cursed. They also expected mercenaries from the coasts of ancient Saxony and Friesland;'' the Saxons who had sought refuge in Scotland also promised aid. Encouraged by their victory, the inhabitants of Northumberland made frequent excursions south of their country, to the encamp- ments of the foreigners.''' The governor of one of the castles of York was killed in a skirmisli of this kind.*'^ It was in tlie interval between the two festivals of the Virgin Mary in autumn, that tlie son of king Swen, Osbiorn his brother, and five other Danisli chiefs of high rank, landed in England.^ They bohlly attempted a descent on the part * Legiiiio Ilelsjui in Daiiiain, apud Script, rer. Dmiic, iii. p. 2*J5 ; in nota n ad cale. pug. » Andieiites Daci ATigliam »■>-♦■ Milijr.iaiu Norrnaiinis sen Fraucigenis, graviter sunt indigimti . . . anim p.niuit. diisseiii aptmit. (Id. i6.) * Order. Vitul., lib. iv. p. 51:}. • Willelra. Gemet, p. 2!l(>. « Order. Vital., ut sup, ' Mullh. Wr'stni., p. 'J-'C-. :Matllj. Paris, i. U. A P. 1069.1 YORK TAKEN BY THE PATRIOTS. 223 of the coast best guarded, the south-east; but successively repulsed from Dover, Sandwich, and Norwich, they returned northwards, and entered the mouth of the Humber, as their ancestors had formerly done, but under quite different auspices.^ As soon as the news of their approach spread over the sur- rounding districts, the chiefs of English race in every direc- tion, all the English in a body, left their villages, houses, and fields, to iorm friendship and alliance with the Danes, and join their ranks.'- The young king Edgar, Merlsweynn, Gos- patrick, Siward Beorn, and many other refugees, hastened from Scotland. There came, also, AValtheof son of Siward, who had escaped, like Edwin and his brother, from the palace of king William; he was still very young, and was remark- able, as his father had been, for his great height and extraor- dinary vigour of body.^ The Saxons forming the advanced guard, the Danes the main body, the patriot ai*my marched upon York, some on horseback, others on foot, says the Saxon chronicle, all filled with hope and joy."* Messengers preceded them to inform the citizens that their deliverance was at hand, and ere lonjr the city was invested on every side. On the eighth day of the siege, the Normans who had charge of the two castles, fearing that the neighbouring houses might furnish the assail- ants with materials for filling up the moats, set fire to them.* The Ihinies made rapid progress, and it w^as by their light that the insurgents and their auxiliaries, aided by the inha- bitants, penetrated into the city, and forced the foreigners to shut tliemselves up in their two citadels, which on the same day were carried by assault.** In this decisive combat there perished several thousand men of France, as the English clironicles express it.*^ Waltheof, in ambuscade at one of the gates of the castle, killed with his own axe a score of Nor- mans, who sought to fly.** He pursued an hundred knights * Order. Vital., ut sup. ' Cliron. Saxon. Frag., siih anno lOOH. Matth. Paris, ut sup. ^ Nervosus laceni.s, robustis pectore et procerus toto corpore. (Mattli. Wt'f tm., p. 22i). ) * Cliron. Saxon. Frag., vt sup. » Aliired. Beverlac, Aimal. de GrsL retj. Britan. (Hearne) lib. ix. p. 128. ' I^' ' Cliron. Sax., ut sup Matth. Paris, ut sup. " Unos et unos per port as g-r-udientes decapitans. (Origo et Gesta Si- vardi Ducis, /// sup. iii. '^i)'j.) r *^£a THE NORMAN OONQUEST. [a.D. 1069. A.D. 1069.] YORK liKTAKEN. 22^ to a neighbouring wood, and to save himself tlie trouble of a further chase, set fire to the wood, and witli it burned the whole party of fugitives. A Dane, at once warrior and poet, composed on this deed of arms a song, in which he praised the Saxon chief as being brave as Odin, and felicitated him on having supplied the English wolves with an ample repast of Norman corses.' The conquerors gave quarter to the two governors of Fork, Gilbert de Gand and Guillaume Malet, the wife and children of the latter, and a i^dw others, who were conveyed to the Danish fleet. They destroyed, [)erliaps imprudently, the fortifications raised by the foreigners, in order to efface all vestige of tlieir passage.'-^ Young Edgar, once more king in York, concluded, according to the ancient Saxon custom, a treaty of alliance with the citizens;-* and thus for a while was revived the national rcyalty of the Anglo-Saxons. The ter- ritory and power oi" Kdgar'ex tended from the Tweed to the Humber; but William, and with liim slavery, still reigned over the whole of the south, over the finest counties, the richest and largest towns. Wini(M- aj)proa('he(l; the Dani>h fleet took up quarters in the mouths of the I lumber, ()us(% and Trent. Their army and that of the free Saxons awaited the return of spring t^ advance towards the south, to drive back thsbi«'ni, hroth-r of king Swen, the omniander- in-cliief of the Danish licet, lie j»romis«(l tin's ehief to give him secretly a large sum of niitiicy, and to allow him freely to take provisions tor his army from the wdiole eastern coast, * Torva tuenti nppositu?! fait rilms. Alni c'lno f^/pi) p\ cadaveribus Fraiicoruin. {^iv^xi af Ilaruldu llanlniila, up. ci.; ^ihunv's lleimskriiiqltu iii. ICH.) * Cliroii. Saw. ITl. 3 ci, ,-,,„. Sax. I'raj,-., ut suj). * Matlh. Westmoii., p. '^-U'k Matth. i'aris, ut siijk * Mi'ger lie .lovedni, ut sup. p. 4.'"»1. if, at the end of winter, he would depart without fio-htincr Tempted by avarice, the Dane was faithless to his missioli and a traitor to the allies of his country; to his eternal dis- honour, exclaim the chroniclers, he promised to do all tha* king AVilliam desired.^ William was not content with this one precaution; after having quietly deprived the free Saxons of their principal support, he directed his attention to the Saxons of the sub- jected districts, satisfied some of their complaints, checked the elated insolence of his soldiers and agents, conciliated by slight concessions the weak mind of the masses, gave them a lew good words, and in return received from them fresh oaths and additional hostages. He then marched upon York by long marches, with his best troops. The defenders of 'the city learned at the same time the approach of the Norman cavalry and the departure of the Danish fleet. Abandoned as they were, and deprived of their highest hoi^es, they ^t-ll resisted, and were killed by thousands in the breaches of their walls^2 ^>, ^„^^^ ^^^^^ j^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^. ^^ chased. King Edgar was obliged to fly, and all who could escape followed him to Scotland. Malcolm, kin- of this country, again received him with kindness, and offered an asylum to all of every class, who emigrated from the north of England.-* A second time master of York, the Conqueror did notstoo there ; he contniued the rapid march of his troops nortl/- wards. Ihey precipitated themselves on the land of Korth- uinbria in the very frenzy of vengeance;^ they burned the helds under cultivation, as well as the hamlets and towns and massacred the flocks with the men.-^ This devastation was prosecuted upon a studied and reouh.r plan, in ordcaMhat the brave men of the north, finding their country uninhabit- able, might be compelled to abandon it, and to disperse in other districts. Ihey sought refuge in the mountains of Cumberland, once the asylum of the Cambrians, at the extre- mities of tlie eastern coast, in the marshes, and upon the sea, where, respectively, they became robbers and pirates a-iinst t XT ,n ,,^ ' Florcnt. Wigoru., Chron., p. Vm. i Aln ^ ^/-^'"^-n., p. O.O. > ,Matih. Paris, i 0. • Alured. Beverlac, ut arp. s Ar„*,u d • , ' -f ^>lattli. Pans, ut sttp. 224 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [A.D. 1070. A.D. 1070.1 ST. JOHN OF BEVERLY. 225 the foreigner, and were uravely charged in the proclamations of the Conqueror with violating the public peace and with leading a dishonourable lite.' The Normans entered Durliam for the second time; and their hlumbers were not disturbed, as those of Robert Coraine had been. Previous to their entering this city, which was for them the key to the whole northern country, the bishop of Dur- ham, Eghelwin, the smm^ who had given Robert Comine the warning's wliich had proved so futile, had resolved with the principal iiiliabitants to fly to some place where, says an an- cient English poet, neither Norman, nor Burguiidian, nor brit^and, nor vagabond could reach them.^ Carrying with them the bones of that Saint Cuthbert whose formidable power the Normans themselves believed they had experienced, they reached a place in the mouth <»f the Tweed, called Lin- distarn-ey, and more commonly, Holy Island,^ a peninsula, peopled more witli relics tlian with men, whieli twice a day, at hi"h tide, was surrounded by the water, an0 ^^^do omnino sunt ' Duo .i-,r . '^"'''* ^'"''^ '^ "•'^^- ^ ''^- ) See Appendix XV. -odo ^ T\^!^i;;, ^^:f "■ -^^-" -- i- —a; valuit xl. sol. Q 2 228 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1070. I castle and works of defence, near his principal manor, called Ghilling, on a steep hill which was nearly surrounded ou every side by the rapid river Swale. This fortress, says an old narrative, was designed to protect him and his men from the attacks of the disinherited English.^ Like most of the other captains of the conquering army, he gave a French name to the castle which became his dwelling, calling it Richemont, from its raised situation, commanding the sur- rounding country.^ The entire island, formed by the ocean and the rivers at the easternmost point of Yorkshire, was the share of Dreux Bruere, a captain of Flemish auxiliaries. This man married one of William's relations, and killed her in a fit of passion; but ere tidings of the murder \vere circulated, he hastened to the king, and asked him to give him money in exchange for his lands, for that he wished to return to Flanders. William gave the Fleming the sum he required, and did not learn until afterwards the reason of his abrupt departure.^ The island of Holderness then became the property of Eudes de Champagne, who afterwards married the conqueror's maternal sister. When the wife of Eudes had given birth to a son, he told the king that his island was not fertile, that it pro- duced nothing but oats, and begged him to grant him some land capable of producing wheal, wherewith to support the child.'* King William, say the ancient acts, gave him the entire town of Bytham, in Lincolnshire. Not far from this island of Holderness, on the banks of the Ilumber, Gamel Fitz-Quetel, who had come from Meaux in France, with a troop of men of the same town, took a cer- tain portion of land, where he fixed his abode and that of his companions. They, wishing to attach to their new habitation a remembrance of tlieir native town, gave it the name of Meaux, and this name remained for some centuries that of an abbey founded in the same place.^ Garael, chief of the Meaux adventurers, and possessor of the principal manor of their little colony, negotiated with the Norman chiefs who * Genealog. Comit. Bicbmundiae, apud Script, rer. Gallic, et Francic, xii. 568. 2 Tb. BngMe, Mnnai^i., i. R77. * Diif^dale, Baronage of EikjIhiuI, i. (iO, Monast. ArtffL, i. 796. * Id. ib. * Id., Monastkon Anglic, i. 1[)Z. A.D. 1070.] SUBJUGATION OF NORTHERN ENGLAND. 229 occupied the neighbouring lands, in order that their respective possessions might be immutably determined. Several con- ferences, or parliaments, us they were then called, were held with Basin, Sivard, Franco, and Richard d'Estouteville. All by common accord measured their portions of land and set up marks, "so that," says the old narrative, "their posterity should have nothing to dispute about, and that the peace which existed between them should be transmitted to their heirs."i The great domain of Pontefract, the spot where the Nor- man troops had forded the river Aire, was the share of Gil- bert de Lacy, who, following the example of nearly all the other Norman captaii»s, built a strong castle there.^ It ap- pears that this Gilbert was the first who with his troops passed the mountains west of York, and invaded the adjoining county of Lancaster, which then formed part of Clieshire. He appropriated to himself, in this county, an immense territory, the chief town of which was Blackburn, and which extended south and east to the borders of Yorkshire. To form this great domain, he expelled, according to an ancient tradition, all the English proprietors from Blackburn, Rochdale, Tol- lington, and the vicinity. Before the conquest, says the tra- dition, all these proprietors were free, equal in rights, and in- dependent of each other; but alter the Norman invasion, there was in the whole county but one lord.^ King Williiun, with his chosen troops, had not advanced beyond Hexham; it was his captains, who, penetrating fur- ther, conquered the rest of Northumbria, north and west. The mountainous district of Cumberland was reduced to a Norman county; one Renouf Meschin took possession of it, and the land of marsh and moor, called Westmoreland, was also brought under the i)ower of a foreigner,^ who divided among his soldiers the rich domains and beautiful women of the county. He gave the three daughters of Simon Thorn, proprietor of the two manors of Elreton and Todewick, one to Onfroy, his squire, another to Raoul Tortesmains, and the third to one Guilluume de Saint Paul.-^ In Northumberland proper, Ivo de Vescy took the town of Alnwick, with the » Id. ih. * Ib. ib. ' Id. ib., p. 8bd. » Id. ib. 5 Id., ii. 592. f 4 230 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1070. A.D. 1070.] SUBMISSION OF EDGAR AND OTHERS. 231 ^granddaughter and all the inheritance of a Saxon who had fallen at Hastings. ^ Robert de Brus obtained by conquest, say the ancient acts, several hundred manors and the dues of the port of Hartlepool in Durham;*^ as a last instance of these territorial usurpations, Robert d'Omfreville had the forest of Riddesdale, which belonged to Mildred, son of Akman; in token of investiture of this domain, he received from king William the sword which the latter had worn on his entry into Northumberland, and swore upon it that he would use it to free the land of wolves and of the enemies of the con- quest. When the Northumbrians, after having expelled Tosti, brother of Harold, in a national insurrection, had chosen for their chief Morkar, brother of Edwin, Morkar had by their consen4; placed in the goverment of the country beyond the Tees, young Osulf, son of Edulf.3 Osulf kept his com- mand up to the time when the Normans passed the Tyne; he was tlien obliged to fly, like the rest, to the forest and moun- tain. In his place was appointed a Saxon, naininl Kopsi, whom the inhabitants of Northumbria had expelled with Tosti, who eagerly desired to be revenged on them, and whom for this reason the new king imposed on them as their chief.* Kopsi installed himself in his post under the protection of the foreigners; but after having exercised hisotiice for some time, he was assailed in his house by a body of the disinherited, led by the Osulf whose spoils he had received. He was quietly taking his dinner, expecting no attack, when the Saxons fell upon him, killed him, and immediately dispersed.^ ^ Similar instances of daring vengeance, of which the histo- rians cite but a few, must certainly have taken place in many districts; but however numerous they may have been, they could not save England. An immense force, regularly governed, and regularly distributed, mocked the virtuous but impotent efforts of the friends of independence. The patriots themselves, with their great chiefs, whose names alone called forth many men, lost all courage, and again capitulated. Wal- theof, Gospatrik, Morkar, and Edwin, made their peace with » Id., p. 148. Apud Hartlepool, portum maris, et de qnalibet na\1 viii. dcii. (Ancient Tenures of Land, p. i46.) 2 //,.^ j;,^ » Id. ift., i. 41. * Id. jT,. • Simeon Dunelmeasis, apud Hist. Anglic. Script. (Seldeu ) i. col. 204. the conqueror. It was upon tlio banks of the Tees that this reconciliation, so fatal to the Saxon cause, took place. King William held his camp ther^'^^'i^^^ J"« ^vife Tiffany hi. se. vant Maufas, and his dog IIai'digras.« Sworn brotherl » Chrou. S. Eicbavii, apud Script, rer. Gallic, et Francic. xi. 133. I'-^niuuit, Tour in Wales, ii. .102. •' Diigdale, 3Iunast. Anglic, i. 375. * lb., ill. 54-, * Ih., ii. l'^>t). « William de Coniqshy Came out of Britany With Lis wife Tijfhuy And liis maide Maufas And his dog','e JIardiqras. (Hearne, ;,/..:/:, ad Joli. de Fordun, Scoti-chronicon, p. 170.) 1 1 2U THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1070. I hoods-in-arms, societies of gain and loss, for life and death, were formed between those who together ran the risks of the invasion.^ Robert d'Ouilly and Koger d'lvry sailed to the conquest as leagued brothers, confederated by faith and by oath;'-^ they wore dresses and arms alike, and divided, share and share alike, the English lands they conquered; Eudes and Picot, Robert Marmion and Gauthier de SomerviUe, did the same.3 Jean de Courcy and Amaury de St. Florent swore their brotherhood-in-arms in the church of Notre Dame at Rouen; they made a vow to serve togetlier, to live and die to- getlier, to share together their pay and all that they should gain by their good fortune and their swords.'* Others, at the moment of departure, relinquished all the property they pos- sessed in their native land, as of little value compared with what they hoped to conquer. Thus GeoiFrey de Chaumont, son of Gedoin, viscount of Blois, bestowed upon his niece Denise the lands he had at Blois, Chaumont, and Tours. " He departed for the conquest," says a contemporary history, " and afterwards returned to Chaumont, with an immense treasure, large sums of money, great stores of rare commodities, and the titles of possession of more than one rich domain."^ There now only remained to invade the country around Che.-ter, the one great city of England tliat had not yet heard the tramp of the foreigners' horses. Having passed the winter in the north, king William undertook in person this last expedition;*^ but as he was about to leave York, loud murmurs arose in his army. The reduction of Northumber- land had fatigued the conquerors, and they foresaw in the in- vasion of the shores of the western sea and of the river Dee, still greater fatigues. Exaggerated accounts of the rugged- ness of the country and the determined ferocity of the in- habitants, circulated among the soldiers.'' The inaladie du pai/s was felt by the Angevin and Breton auxiliaries, as, the year before, it had attacked the Normans, and they in their turn loudly complained of the severity of the service, more » Fortunariim sminim particippm. (Dugdiile, 3Ion. Anglic, ii. 130.) * Ducange, Gloss, veibo Fralns Conjuruii. » Dugdale, Man. JfujL, i. ]0«. * Jb. * Gesta Aaibasieusium Dominorum, ajwd Script, rer. Gallic, et Frandc, Jti. *25». • Order. Vital., lib iv. p. 515. t lb. A.D 1070.] CONQUESTS IN WALES. 235 intolerable, they said, than slavery, and in great numbers de- manded leave to return home. William, unable to overcome the pertinacity of those who refused to follow him, feigned to despise them. lie promised repose after the victory to those who should remain faithful to him, and great estates as a re- ward for their labour; he then traversed, by roads until then deemed impracticable for horses, the chain of mountains which extends, north and south, the whole length of England, entered as a conqueror the city of Chester, and, according to his cus- tom, erected a fortress there. He did the same at Stafford; at Salisbury, on his return to the south, he distributed abundant rewards among his soldiers. ^ He then went to his royal f-astle at Winchester, the strongest in England, and which was his spring palace, as that of Gloucester was his winter palace, and his summer palace the Tower of London, or the abbey of Westminster, near London.^ Troops commanded by a Fleming named Gherbaud re- mained beliind to keep and defend the newly conquered pro- vince; Gherbaud was the first captain who bore the title of earl of Chester; to support this title and his post, he was ex- posed to great perils, both from the Itnglish and from the Welsh, who long harassed him.^ He became disgusted with these fjUigues, and returned to his own country. Hereupon king "William gave the earldom of Chester to Hugh d'Av- ranches, son of Richard Gosse, surnanied Hugh-le-Loup, and who bore a wolfs head painted on his shield. Hugh-le-Loup and his lieutenants passed the Dee, which formed, at the ex- tremity of Offa's Dyke, the northern limit of the Welsh terri- tory. They conquered Flintshire, which became part of the Norman county of Chester, and built a fortress at Rhuddlan.-* One of tliese lieutenants, Robert d'Avranches, changed his name to that of Robert de Rhuddlan, and from an opposite fancy, Robert de Malpas or de Maupas, governor of another castle built upon a steep hill, gave his own name to this place, which still bears it. "They both," says an ancient histo- rian, " made war with ferocity, and shed at pleasure the blood » Order. Vital., lib. iv. p. 516. « Ter pessit snam coronam (cynelielm) singulis annis . . . ; ad Pascha earn gessit in Winceaster, ad Peuteeosten in Westminster, ad Natales in Gleaveceaster. (Chron. Saxon., 100.) 3 Order. Vital., lib. iv. p. 522. « Journey to Snowden, p. 11. Pennant, Tour in Wales, ii. in fin. 236 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1070. A.D. 1070.] UTILITY OF DETAILS. 237 of the Welsh." They fought a sanguinary hattle at the marshes of Rlmddlan, a place already marked as calamitous in tlie me- mory of the Cambrians, from a great battle tliey Iiad lost there against the Saxons towards the close of the eighth ct. Besides these prerogatives, the con- stable Lenoir obtained tor hin^self and liis heirs the highway and street tolls at Chester fairs, the market dues throughout Halton, all animals found straying in tliat district, and lastly, the right of stallage, or tfie liberty of selling, free from all tax or toll, every kind of merchandise, except salt and horses.^ Houdard, the elder of the live brothers, was to Lenoir much the same that the latter was to earl Hugh; he was here- ditary seneschal of the eonstablery of Halton. Lenoir, his lord, gave him for his servie*- and homage, the lands of Weston and Ashton.^ He had, as war profit, all the bulls taken from the Welsh,"* and the best ox, as recompence for the man-at- ' Order. Vital., ut sup. * Dugdale, Monast. An;ilir., ii. 187. > //;., p. 177. * Adveiitagia guerree. (Ducange, Gloss, verbo Adventwjium.) arms who bore his banner.* Edward, the second brother, received from the constable as much land in Weston as an ox could plough in two days;^ two others, Volmar and Horsuin, received a domain in the village of Runcorn; and the fifth, Volfar, who was a priest, obtained the church of Runcorn.^ These singular details are of little interest in themselves; but they may aid the reader in forming an idea of the varied scenes of the conquest, and investing, with their original colours, the facts of greater importance. All these arrange- ments, all the divisions of possessions and offices which took place in Cheshire between the Norman governor, the first lieutenant of this governor, and the five companions of the lieutenant, give a true and vivid idea of the transactions of the same kind which were taking place, at the same time, throughout England. When, in future, the reader meets with the titles of earl, count, constable, seneschal, when, in the course of this history, he hears of the rights of jurisdiction, of market dues, of tolls, of war and justice profits, let him call to mind Hugh d'Avranches, his friend Lenoir, and the five brothers who accompanied Lenoir; and then, perhaps, he will perceive some reahty in these titles and forms, which, con- sidered abstractedly, have only a vague and uncertain mean- ing. Through the distance of ages, we must make our way to the then living men; we must, as w^ell as we can, realize them living and acting upon the land, where not even the dust of their bones is now to be found; and it is with this design that many local facts, that many now unknown names, have been introduced into this history. The reader must fix his imagination upon these; he must repeople ancient England with her conquerors and her conquered of the eleventh cen- tury; he must figure to himself their various situations, interests, and languages; the joy and insolence of the one, the misery and terror of the other; the whole movement which accompanies the deadly war between two great masses of men. For seven hundred years these men have ceased to exist; but what matters this to the imagination? AVith the imagination there is no past, and even the future is of the present. » Dugdale, Monast. AnqUc, ii. 187. 2 Id. ih. » Id. ih. sxs A.D. 1070.] EMIGRATION TO GREECE. 239 BOOK V. FROM THE FORMATION OF THE CAMP OF REFUGE IN THE ISLE OF ELY, TO THE EXECUTION OF THE LAST SAXON CHIEF. 1070—1076. Deplorable condition of tlie Anglo-Saxons after their def.Mit— Emigration to Greece of many Englishmen, who enter the scr\iee of the Byzantine court — Many other English withdraw into the forests, and by armed brigandage make their lust protest njjainst their eoiiqnerors— General terror of England— Camp of reliig.>— ratriotic contributions of the English church— King William orders the strict visitation of all the monasteries and convents— Spoliation of the churches— Arrival of three pontifical legntes — Circulars of the legates — Deposition of Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury— Deprivation of the bishoj.s and abbots of English race— Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury — Miserable condi- tion of the English churches — Establishment of the primacv of Canter- bury — Submission of the archbishop of York to the see of"ciinterbury — Introduction of foreign prelates into Kiiglish bisliopiJcs—Character of the new bishops— The comi-hiiuts of the English conveyed to Rome —The pope sides with the Normans— Disinterested conduct of Guimond, monk of Saint Leufroy, in Normandy— The saints of English race are assailed by the Normans— Insurrection led by three English prelates The laws of Edward are contirmed by king William — Futility of this concession— Kecomniencemeut of i>ersecution— Paul, an abbot of Nor man race— Accession of refugees to the camp of refuge—Death of Ed- win — Ito Taillebois, an Angevin chief — Ills characfer — Augevin monks established at Spalding — Herewanl, chief of tlie Saxon partisans — Anglo-Saxon chivalry— Torauld, a Nornian altbot, triiiistVrred to the abbey of Peterborough— Fresh alliance between the Kni,-lish and the Danes— Retreat of the Danes— Attack on the camp at Ely by the Nor- mans—Treachery of the monks of Ely— Defeat of the "insurgents- Hereward preserves his indcpend.nce— Ilis exploits — His marriage- Dishonourable conduct of the Normans towards him— His death Atrocious cruelties exercised by the Nonnans upon the insurgents of Ely — The monks of Ely receive the lumishment of their treachery — Peace between the Norinuns and the king of Scotland — Vatilcher, bishop of Durham — Deprivation of Gospatrick ; promotion of Wultheof— King William visits Gaul— Revolt of the people of Mans against the Nonnans —Establishment of the corporation of Mans — Troubles of that corpora- tion — Devastation and submission of lAIaine- Alliance of Edgar with the king of France— Third submission of king Edgar— I-.nglish women take refuge in the convents— Marriage concluded contrary to the order of the king— Marriage festival at Norwich— Conspiracy of Normans and English against the king — Preparations to meet it; defeat of the con- spirators-Proscription of Raulf deGael, and sentence ui)on Ro^^er earl of Hereford— Ruin of the family of William Fitz-Osbern— Impeach- ment of Waliheof— His execution — He is honoured as a martyr Pil- ^ grimage to his tomb— His widow, Judith la Nonnande— Wulfstan the last bisliop of Anglo Saxon race— Superstitious founded upon the' na- tional turn of niiiul. The vvholecountryof the An nrlo- Saxons was conquered, from the Tweed to Cape Cornwall, Irom the English Channel to the Severn, and the conquered population was overrun in every direction bj the army of the conquerors. There were no longer any free provinces, no longer masses of men in mili- tary organization; there were only a few scattered remains of the defeated armies and garrisons, soldiers who had no chiefs, chiefs without followers. War was now continued against them in the form of individual persecution; the most prominent were tried and condemned with some show of form; the re- mainder were handed over to the discretion of the foreifm soldiers, who made them serfs on their domains,^ or massacred them, vyith circumstances which an ancient historian declines to detail, as incredible and monstrous to relate.^ Those who retained any means of emigration proceeded to the ports of Wales or Scotland, and embarked thence, as the old annals express it, to carry their grief and misery through foreign lands.3 Denmark, Norway, and the countries where the leutonic language was spoken, were generally the goal of these emigrations; but English fugitives were also seen jour- neying to the south, and soliciting an asylum among nations of an entirely different languai^e. The rumour of the high favour which the Scandinavian guard of the emperors enjoyed at Constantinople, induced a certain number of young men to seek their fortune in that direction. They assembled under the command of Siward the late chief of Gloucestershire, sailed along the coast of Spain, and landed in Sicily, whence they addressed a propo- sition to the imperial court,-* and were, in accordance with it, » Chron Sax. Frag, ex Autog. Biblioth. S. Genmmi, apud Script, rer Oalhc. et rrancic, xi. 210. 2 Historia Eliensis, npud rer. Angl. Script., iii. 516. ■ Job. de Fordun, JScofi-chrontron, Hb. v. cap. xi. p. 404. * Torfajus, Hist. nr. Nurvcg, iii. 38(). ii 240 TUE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1070. TO 1071.] ENGLISH OUTLAWS. 241 incorporated in the select troop wliich, under the German name of Varings, guarded the chamber of the emperors, and had the custody of tlie keys of the towns in which they were quartered, and at times of that of the public treasure. The Varings, or as the Greeks pronounced it, Varartgs, were in general Danes, Swedes, or Germans; they allowed their hair to grow in the northern fasliion, and their principal wea- pon was the great double-blnded axe, which they ordinarily bore on the right shoulder. This body, whose aspect was truly formidable, had for centuries been renowmed for their strict discipline and inflexible fidelity. The exan.ple of the first Saxons who enrolled themselves in it was followed by others, and ultimately the body of Varings was almost en- tirely formed of Englishmen, or, as the Greeks, in their still classic idiom called them, of Barbarians from the island of Britain.* The Anglo-Saxon tongue, or a dialect compounded of Saxon and Danisli, became, to the exclusion of Greek, the official language of these guards of the imperial palace; it was in this language that they received the orders of their chiefs, and that they themselves addressed to the emperor, on high festival days, their felicitations and their homage.'-^ Of the Saxons who could not or would not emigrate, many sought refuge in the forests with their families, and, if they were rich and powerful, with their servants and vassals.^ The roads along which the Norman convoys passed were infested by their armed bands; they resumed from the con(|uerors in detail that which the conquerors liad taken from them in mass, and thus obtained ransom for their heritages, or re- venged by assassination the massacre of their countrymen.'' These refugees are called brigamls by the historians lavourable to the conquest,'' who in their narratives treat them as men wilfully and wicki dly armed against lawful order. " Every day," say they, " were committed infinite thefts and homicides, instigated by the innate wickedness of the natives, and the » Strittenis, MemoriiB populorum Septent. ex Srriplis Hist. Byzant. Digester., iv. 431. 2 /ft._Ordpr. Vital., lib. iv. p. .')()S. » Matth. Ptiris, rit(e Ahhat. S. Alhaui. i. '2!). * Pro amissis pntnim Kuonim pnuediis et occi^is piirentibus et comriv triotlB. (Order. Vital., ut .. 5l'i.! * Luiruuts, liitriinouii. i' ;i ;i. immense riches of this kingdom;"^ but the natives thought Ihey had a right to recover as best th(^y might these riches of which they had been deprived; and if they became robbers, it was only, in their opinion, to obtain their own property. The order against which they rose, the law which tliey vio- lated, had no sanction in their eyes; and thus the English word outlaw'^ thenceforth lost in the mouth of the subjugated people its once unfavourable meaning, so much so, that the old tales, the popular legends and romances of tlie English, have spread a sort of poetic colouring over the person of the proscribed men, and the wandering and free life they led in the greenwood.^ In these romances, the outlaw is ever the most joyous, the bravest of men;'* he is king in the forest, and fears not the king of the country. It was more especially the north country, which had most energetically resisted the invaders, that became the land of these armed wanderers, of this last protest of the conquered. The vast forests of Yorkshire were the abode of a numerous band, who had for their chief a man named Sweyn, son of Sigg.^ In the midland counties and near London, even under the walls of the Norman castles, there were formed many of these troops, who, rejecting slavery to the last, say the his- torians of the time, took up their dwelling in the desert.^ Their encounters with the conquerors were always sanguinary, and whenever they appeared in some inhabited place, it was a pretext ibr the foreigner to redouble his tyranny; he punished the unarmed for the trouble occasioned him by the anned; and the latter, in their turn, frequently paid formidable visits to those who were pointed out to them as friends of the Normans. Thus the country was kept in a state of perpetual terror. To the danger of perishing by the sword of the, * Leland, Collectanea, p. 42. ' Ut-lage, in Saxon orthography ; in Latin, Ut-lagas. ' ...Mtry and free Under the leves green. (Robin Hood, a colleciioii of ajl the ancient poems, songs, Mid ballads relating to that famous outlaw. Lond., 1823. i. 08^ &c.) * A more mery man than I am one Lyves not in Christiant^. — {lb. ii. 221.) • Quidam pnnceps latronum. (Hist. Monast. Selebiensis^ apud Labbi^ Nova Biblioth. MSS. i. OO.'i.) • Matth. Paris, ut svp. VOL. I. K If * III' "I ^ 1j I 242 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1070 foreigner, who thought himself a demigod among brutes, who understood neither prayer nor explanation nor excuse proffered him in the tongue of the conquered, was added that of being regarded as a traitor or lukewarm patriot by the free Saxons, frantic with despair as the Normans were with pride. ^ Thuj no man dared to walk alone, even on his own grounds around his own house; tlie abode of every Englisliman who had sworn pciu'v and given liostages to the conqueror was closed and fortified like a town in a state of siege.^ It was filled with wea[»ons of tvciy description, bows and arrows, axes, maces, poniards, and iron forks; the doors were furnished with bolts and bars. When the hour of rest arrived, at the moment of closing up everything, the head of the family arose and refjeated aloud the prayers wdiiili were said at sea on the approach of a storm; he concluded thus: *' The Lord bless us and Iielp us;" and all present answered Ame7i. This custom subsisted in England for more than two centuries after the conquest.-* In the northern part of Cambridgeshire, there is a vast extent of low atid marsliy land, intersected in every direction by rivers. All ihc wat.rs from the centre of England, which do not flow into tlie Thames or the Trent, empty themselves into these marslies, whicli in the latter end of autumn overflow, cover the land, and are charged with fogs and vapours. A portion of this damp and swam{)y ccnmtry was then, as now, called tlie Isle of Ely; another the Isle of Thorney, a third the Isle of Croyland. This district, almost a moving bog, imprac- ticable for cavalry and for soldiers lieavily armed, liad more than once served as a refuge for the Saxons in tlie titne of the Danish conquest; towards the close of the year 1069, it be- came the rend(^zvous of several bands of patriots from various quarters, assembling against the Normans.'* Former chief- tains, now dispo>^rlill efficiel)!uUur. (Order. Viial , ?// sup. n. ri23.) 2 MiiMh. Tans, uf sup. p. li^. 3 LI. ih. ♦ Tboiu. Iiu.lbnriie. liisf. M>i/'"' U'lulcv ; Anjrliii Sucru, i. '-20(J ; lagtilf., hist. Cm 1/ 1 'Hid, i. 7L 1 TO 1071.] THE CAMP OF REFUGE, 243 station, which took the name of ihe camp of refuge} The foreigners at first hesitated to attack them amidst their rushes and willows, and thus gave th( m time to transmit messages in every direction, at home and abroad, to the friends of old England. Become powerful, tliey undertook a partisan war by land and by sea, or, as t!" conquerors called it, robbery and piracy. Every day, to the camp of these " robbers," these " pirates" in the good cause, came some Saxon of rank, layman or priest, bringing with him the last remnant of his fortune or the contribution of his church; among them were Eghelrik, bishop of Lindisfarn, and Sithrik, abbot of a monastery in Devonshire. The Normans charged them with outraging religion and dishonouring the holy church, in abandoning themselves to this infamous career ;2 but these interested re- proaches did not stay them. The example of the insurgent prelates encouraged many men, and the ascendancy which they exercised over all minds, for good as for evil, became favourable to the patriotic cause. The churchmen, hitherto lukewarm in that cause, rallied there with zeal. Many of them, it is true, had already nobly devoted themselves to their country's cause, but the mass had applied to the con- querors the apostolic precept of submission to the powers that be.3 The conquest had, in general, treated them some- what better tlKui the rest of the nation ; all their lands had not been taken; the asylum of their habitations had not been everywhere violated. In the vast halls of the monasteries, whither the Norman spies had not yet penetrated, the Saxon laymen could assemble in great numbers, and, under the pre- text of pursuing their religious exercises, could freely converse and conspire. They brouglit with them the money that had escaped the grasping perquisitions of the conquerors, and de- posited it in the treasury of the sanctuary, for the support of the national cause, or the subsistence of their children, should they themselves perish in the struggle. Sometimes the abbot » Castra refugii. (Thorn. Rudborne, Loco citato.) Mattb. Westmon. 1.. 227. 2 VVillelrn. :Malmesb., lib. ii. p. 256. • Pr.Tcepto apnstoli diceulis: Deum tinutv^ reyem honorificote. {Q^* Vlia'., lib. iv. p. 500.) b2 r. ^ ^ 244 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1070 TO 1071.1 EXPULSION OF ENGLISH PRELATES. 245 ':i 5! of the monastery removed the gold plates and precious stones with which the Saxon kinji^s had adorned the altars and reli- quaries, thus disposing of their gifts for the salvation of the country which they themselves had loved in their lives. Brave and faithful messengers conveyed the produce of the&e common contributions, througli the Norman posts, to the camp of refuge,' but these patriotic operations did not long remain secret. King William, by the counsel of AVilliam Fitz-Osbern, his seneschal, soon ordered perquisitions in all the convents of England, and removed all the money that the rich English had deposited there, with most of the vases, reli- quaries, and precious ornaments.^ He also took from the churches, where they had been deposited, the charters which contained the false promises of clemency and justice made by the foreign king when his victory was yet uncertain.^ This vast spoliation took place in the Lent, wliieh, in the ancient calendar, terminated the year 1070; and in the octave of Easter there arrived in England, pursuant to William's ap- plication to that effect, three legates from the apostolic see; Ermenfroy, bishop of Sion, and the cardinals John and Peter. The Conqueror foundctl great designs upon the presence of these representatives of his ally, pope Alexander, and he kept them with him a whole year, honouring them, says an old historian, as though they were angels of God.'* Amidst the famine which was sweeping otf the English by thousands, brilliant festivals were c(^lebrated in the fortified palace of Winchester. There the Roman cardinals, again placing the crown upon the head of the Norman king, effaced the futile malediction whieh the archbishop of York, Eldred, had ful- minated against him.'' After these entertainments there was held at Winchester an assembly of all the foreigners, laymen or priests, who had realized a great fortune by the spoliation of the P^nglish.^ ' Thomas Elicn^is, //;.l>jection could be found, were none tlie less struck. AI.xandtM'-, bishop of Lincoln, Eghel- mar, bishop of East Anglia, Eghelrik, bishop of Sussex, and other prelates, with the abbots <.f the principal monasteries, were deposed nearly at the same time. At the moment of pronouncing sentence upon each, each was compelled to swear upon the gospel that he regarded himself as deprived of his dignity for ever, and that, whoever his successor might be, he w^ould do nothing to disparage him, by protesting against lum. Tlie deprived bishops were conducted either to a for- tress, or to a monastery, whicli was to serve as a prison. Those w^ho had furnxrly been monks, w^ere forcibly re-clois- tered in their old monasteries, and it w\as officially announced that, disgusted with the bustle and noise of the world, they had been anxious to rejoin the companions of their youth.3 Several members of the high Saxon clergy found means to escape this fate; archbishop Stigand and the bishop of Lincoln both fled to Scotland; Eghelsig, abbot of Saint Au- gustin, sailed to Denmark, and remained there, although de- naanded by the Conqueror, as the king's fuffitive:^ Eghelwin, bishop of Durham, upon the point of 'leaving also fbr exile, solemnly cursed the aggressors of his country, and declared them separated from the communion of Christians, in the grave and sombre formula by which this separation was pro- nounced.'^ But his words fell harmless upon the Norman king: William had priests to gainsay the Saxon priests, as he had swords to break the Saxon swords. > Domesday Book, i. fol. 142, vers,^ ; ii. p. 142 acd 288. Episcopatum reddidit, se ani{dius non iKibitnrum, nee successor! ca- lumneam aut damnum illaturum, jurejuraiido . . . Hrmavit. (Lanfranci. Op Dehinc ad monasterium, in quo ab irifnntla iiu'ritus monaclius fuerat, repedavu. {lb,) Alderedtis .. .abbas AbbendoMue . . . iu captione po- mtur. (Hist, caenob. Abbendon ; Ar.f^lia Sacra, i. lliH.) Usque ad finem Titffl custodne mancipatos. ( Ili>t. lllieiisis, iit sup. p. 510) In ergastulo careens ferro adstrictus. (//>. p. r,l2.) * Helsini, Le*t. Aiigl. Script., (Seidell) ii. c. 1333. * Stubbs, lit sup. col. 1700. TO 1072.] THE PRIMACY. 249 ' intendence over all the bishoprics of England.^ It was this order of things that archbishop Lanfranc undertook to re- duce to absolute unity; a new thing, say the historians of the period, a thing unheard of before the reign of the Normans.^ He ransacked the archives for every possible privilege, how- ever ambiguous, of every pope that had so evinced his affec- tion for the church of Canterbury, the eldest daughter of papacy in Britain. He established the axiom that the law should proceed whence the faith had proceeded, and that as Kent was subject to Rome, because from Rome it had re- ceived Christianity, so York ought to be hierarchally subject to Kent.^ Thomas, the Norman archbishop of York, w^hose personal independence this policy tended to destroy, was not suffi- ciently devoted to the cause of the conquest to agree, without opposition, to this new constitution."* , He requested his col- league Lanfranc to cite some authentic titles in support of his pretensions. This was an embarrassing demand ; but Lan- franc eluded it by assuring him that good and valid acts and titles would not be wanting if, unfortunately, they had not all perished four years before in the burning of his church.* This evasive answer terminated the dispute, aided, indeed, by certain official warnings, which the indiscreet adversary of king William's confident received, and which signified to him that if, for the peace and unity of the kingdom, he did not submit to receive the law from his colleague, and to acknow- ledge that the see of York had never been the equal of the other metropolitan see, he and all his relations would be banished not only from England, but from Normandy.^ Tho- mas insisted no further, but did his duty as a faithful son of the conquest; he resigned into the hands of Lanfranc all the power which his predecessors had exercised south of the Humber, and, making a solemn profession of obedience and 1 Duo metropolitani, non solum potestate, dignitate, et officio, sed suf- fiaganeorum numero pares. (Stubbs, ut sup. col 1705.) 2 Eadmer, ut sup. p. 3. * Lanfranci, Opera, p. 378. * Eboracensis ecclesiae ontistes adversum me palam murrauravit, claia detraxit, . . . calumuinm suscitavit. (Laufitmci, Epistola, apud Willtins, Concilia Magn<£ Brit., i. 3'2().) * Lanfranci, Opera, p. 302. * Stubbs, ut sup. col. 1706. 250 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1071 fidelity, retained only the name of arehbisliop; for Lanfrane, with the title of primate, concentrated in his own person all its rights.^ In the language of the conquerors, lie became, by the grace of God, father of all the churches; in the lan<^uao-e of the conquered, all the churches fell under his yoke and were his tributaries - lie expelled whom he chose, replacing them with Normans, Frenclimen, men of Lorraine, men of every country and eveiy race, provided they were not Eng- lish;-"* and it is to be remarked, that in the general dispossess- ing of the former prelates of England, those of foreign birth who had been naturalized in the country were spared; for example, Hermann, Guis, and Walter or Gualtier, ail three men of Lorraine, who retained the bishoprics of Wells, Sher- borne, and Hereford. Most of the bishoprics and abbeys were employed, as had formerly been the property of the rich, the liberty of the poor, and the beauty of the women, in paying the debts of the con- quest. One Kemi, formerly a monk at Fecamp, received the bish(){)ric of Lincoln for a vessel and twenty armed men whom he had brought, in 1066, to the rendezvous of the Norman troops."* This man and the other prelates come from beyond seas — a spiritual arriere-haii— everywhere expelled the monks who, according to a custom i)eculiar to England, lived upon the domains of the ei)iscoi)al cliurches; and king William thanked them for tins, holding, says a contemporary writer, that monks of English race could only bear him ill will.^ A class of adventurers, priests in name only, poured down upon ' the prelacies, archdeaconries, and deaneries of England,^ car- rying with them the spirit of violence and rapine, the haughty and domineering manners of the foreign ruler; many of tliem became noted for their splendid ostentation and their disor- derly life— several for their infiimous actions.' Robert de » Thomas Iludbonie, ut sap. p. 253. Ah universis Anglia) episcopis, pnuK ab ahis sacratis prolessiones petiit et accepit. {Hemic. Knvehton wf sj'j). lib. i. col. t2:M:».) * v J6 "i 2 Laiifrauci, Opera, p. 30G. Gervas. Cantuar, iit sup. Tantiira tunc Anplicos ubominati sunt, nt . . . multo minus babiles aUe- geiiffi de quacumque alia natione, quie sub ctelo est, exiitissent, Patenter •ssumereritur. (Ingulf., p. 70.) * Waielm. JIulmesb., de Gcsfh. Ponf'if. lib. iii. p. 200. Eadmer p 7 » Ingulf., p. ,^ti. « Order. Vital., lib. iv. p. .023. ' ' Willelm. Malmesb., ut mip. p. 377. TO 1072."" TYRANNY OF THE NORMAN CHURCHMEN. 251 Limoges, bishop of Lichfield, pillaged the monastery of Co- ventry; he took the houses and goods of the monks who in- habited it, forced open their caskets and their coiFers, and ulti- mately pulled down their houses, to build with the materials an episcopal palace, the cost of furnishing which was defrayed by melting down the gold and silver ornaments that decorated the church.! The same Robert made a decree forbidding the Saxon priests the use of nourishing food and instructive books, fearing, say the historians, lest good eating and learning might render them too strong and too bold against their bishop. Nearly all the Norman bishops disdained to inhabit the ancient capitals of their dioceses, which were, for the most part, petty towns, and transferred their residences to places better adapted for the luxurious enjoyment of hie; it was thus that Coventry, Lincoln, Chester, Salisbury, and Ihet- ford, became episcopal towns.^ In general, the churchmen introduced by the invasion were a new affliction for England; and their tyranny, which assailed consciences, was even more odious than the brute force of the men of the sword In some cases, indeed, the Norman abbots also wielded the sword, though only against unarmed monks; more than one English convent was the scene of military executions. In that governed by one Turauld or Torauld, of Fecamp, the abbot was accustomed to cry, '^ A moi, mcs homines d armes, whenever his monks resisted him in any point of ecclesias- tical discipline. His warlike exploits in this way became so noted, that the Conqueror thought himself called upon to punish him, and, a singular mode of chastisement, sent Inm to rule the abbey of Peterborough in Northamptonshire, a post dangerous from its vicinity to the Saxon camp of reiuge, " but very fit," said William, " for an abbot who is so good a soldier "^ Delivered from this formidable chief, the monks were none the better off; for in his place they received one Guerin de Lire, who, in the words of an ancient narrative, took the last crown from their purses, to gain for himself the 1 Lunfranci, Opera, p. 315. Additam. ad Tlist. Veterem LicUfeldensem ; Anglia Sacra, i. -l-ir). '- Kuygbton, ut sup. lib. u. col. ^6oZ. 3 Lanfranci, Op., p. 33^^. Chron. Sax., in noiis 4 Quia majis se a-it militem quain abbatem. (Willelm. Malmesb., lib. v. p. J72.) 252 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1071 GUIMOND 253 111^ renown of wealth among those who had once seen him poor.' This Guerin had the bodies of his predecessors, tlie abbots of Enfjlish racp, du«^ up, and tlirew their bones out of doors.^ Whilst these tilings were going on in England, fame was publishing abroad hy the pens of hired priests, or priests who wished to be hired, that William, the {)()\verful, the victorious, the pious, had civilized that country, until then l)arbarous, and revived Christianity there, until then greatly neglected.' The truth, ho\v«ner, was not wholly stifled: tlie cries of the oppressed readied even to Rome; and in that Roman court, accused by contemporary historians of being so venal,* there were some conscientious men who denounced the revo- lution operating in England, as odious and contrary to the ecclesiastical laws. The degradation in a body of the Saxon bishops and the principal abbots, and the intrusion of Nor- mans into their places, was warmly censured.^ But the death of Alexander 11., and the accession, under the name of Gregory VII., of that archdeacon Hildebrand who, as we have seen, had displayed so much zeal in favour of the inva- sion, reduced well nigh to silence the impeaehers of the new church founded by the Norman conquest. Iler canonical legitimacy ceased to be questioned, and two individuals only, Thomas, archbishop of York, and Remi, bishop of Lincoln, were cited before tlie pontifical court, the one because he was the son of a priest, the other because he had bought the epis- copal dignity with money.'^ Lan franc accompanied them to Rome, laden with presents for the pope and principal citizens. All three largely distri- buted the gold of the English in the city of the apostles, and thus acquired great renown.? This conduct smoothed all difficulties for them; the aflair of the two Norman prelates ' Iiioiu-us monaclionmi miirsui.in evacnur.', undeeunque nummos rapere, ut, apnd cos, qui earn olirii pafiiMirn. vi.lissent, coimmraret iiictautiaml (Willelm. Mulmesb., ut sup. lil.. v. p. ;irJ.) * Id., tie Vita Adiielmi tpisvupi Svirdmnienah ; Anplia Sacra ii. U2 =» Hi>t. FranciciB Frag., mmd Script, rer. (lallic. et Frat.cic, xi. 102. ' * Kadulph de Biceto, Imag. Ilislor., upud Script, rer. Gallic, &c., xui. » Prisci Abbntes, qnos conODicie legea non ilnmnabant, secularis commi- natioDe potestalis lerrebantiir, et sine synodali disciissioiie de sedibus suia liguste fugabantiir. (Order. Viuil , lib iv. p. .-la:).) Eadraer, p. 0, 7. " Kn\^'hhiii. «/ »i(p. ool. 'j:14H. ' Order. ViliU., vt siijj. p. bis. TO 1072.] was pr vately arranged, and, instead of an investigation into Their conduct, tliere'was metvly a>. anmiged scene, in which bot returned to the po,.e, in sign of obedience, their ring and pastoral staff; then Lanfianc pleaded their cause^ provin" that they were useful, nay, very necessary to the new kin" and to the arrangements of the kingdom;' and the pope an wered: "Decide the ufluir as thou thinkest fit; thou ar the father of that country; 1 place the two pastoral rods^ at thy disposition." Lanfranc took them and returned them to Remi and Thomas; then having liimself received from Gre- gory VII. the confirmation of his title ol primate ol all England, he departed with his companions. , , , ,, Thus the churches of the English continued to be handed over without obstacle, and by the consent ol the Roman church, to priests of every nation. The prel.te ot foreign race delivered his homilies to a Saxon au.litory in the French languages an.l because they list, ned Pf .-"<>. fr""* fear or apathy, grew elated with the, ,,ower o Ins d.s our» which, he said, miraculously in>inuated UmH into ttie Tars of the barbarians » A sort of shame, and the desire to exhibit to the Christian world something diiieient from tlus rUV.culous spectacle, induced William to seek some ec.lesiast.c w Ol the opinion of the period extolled, from alar, for the Turrity of his monastic life. Such was Gmincnd, a monk orthe ahb..y of La Croix-Saint-Lenfroi, in Normandy; he kin" invited him to cro^s the sen, and he at once obeyed the order of his temporal lord. On his arrival, the Conqueror told him thiit he designed to retain him there, and to raise 1dm to a high ecclesiastical dignity: this is the monks answer, if we may believe an historian only a few years ^^" Many motives lead me to avoid ecclesiastical dignities and power; I will not enumerate them all. I shall only say that I do not conceive how it were possible for me worthily ■ to be the religious chief of men whose manners and language 1 ^ Oui no.tTu-x^ vergallic^ loquentera, ilium minimi intelligerent, ta- men ime Intcsad ilium: virtute verbi Dei . . . ad lacrymas «-^ todies com- JUincd. (Peuus Bleseusis, Incjulf. ContinuaL, apud Rer. Anglic. Scnpt.. (Gale) i. IL).) • Order. Vital., lib. iv. p. 524. 254 THE NORMAN CONaUE:=T. [a.D. 1071 do not understand, and Avliose fatliers, brothers, and dear friends have died under your sword, or have been disinherited, banished, imprisoned, or cruelly enslaved by you. Search the Holy SeriiJturrs, and see whetlier any law there permits the pa«tor of God's flock to be violenUy imposed on it by the will of an enemy. That which you have forcibly ac- quired by war, at the cost of tlie blood of so many men, can you witliout sin share it with me, with those who, like me, have isworn to despise the outer world, and who, for the love of Christ, hiive renounced the goods of this world? It is the law of all monks to abstain from rapine, and to accept of no share of any spoil, even as an offering to the altar; for as the Scriptures say, he that offereth in sacrifice the o-oods of the poor, acteth as one who sacrificeth the son in the presence of the father. When I recal to mind these divine precepts, I feel terrilied; your England seems to me a vast prey; and I fear to touch either her or her treasures, as I should I'ear to touch a burning brasier."' The monk of Saint Leufroi again crossed the sea^ and re- turnetl to his cloister: but tlie report soon spread that he liad exalted the i-ovcrry of the monks above the wealth of the pre- lates; had, in the very teeth of the king and his barons, de- nounced the acquisition of England as plunder; and had treated as spoliators and intruders all the bishops and abbots installed in that country against tlie will of the English. His words (lisi.lcased many who, not desiring to imitate^him, calumniated him, and succcedtMl, by their intrigues, in drivin^^ hni. tioni the country. Guimond went to Rome, and thence to Apulia, to one of the towns conquered and possessed by the Normans. 2 The hatr.Ml which tlie clergy of the conquest bore to the native English extended .-ven to the saints of English race, and in mote than one place their tombs wen* opened and their bon. > Matt( red al)road.^ Whatever had formerly been an object of veneration with the coiuitrv, was reo-arded by the new comers as base and (h'S|.icable> But tlie violerU aversion with wliieh the Engli>h saints inspired the Normans » Order. Vi(r,l., lih. iv. ,.. Vi'. . f,, ^ r^^Q, . J^7'f qnoilaiu et lue, ,. .unctorma ro,-p<.n,ni. (Willelm. Malmesb., ae Lrest. &c., lib. v. p. :','■ .'. > * * Euilmer, p. 120. TO 1072.] DEGRADATION OF SAXON SAINTS. 255 was based upon political considerations, apart from their general contempt ibr all that tlie conquered people respected. in many instance^ religious veneration had been, with the English, but a reflection of patriotism, and among the saints then invoked in England, several had become such lor dyin^ by the hands of the enemy, in the time of the Danish invasions; as Elfeg, archbishop of Canterbury, and Edmund, kino^ of East Anj^lia. Such saints as these would necessarily crive umbrage to the new invaders; for their worship kept alive the spint of revolt, and hallowed old memories of courage and independence. The foreign prelates, accordingly, with archbishop Lanfranc at their head, did not long delay to pro- claim that the Saxon saints were not true saints, nor the Sax(ni martyrs true martyrs.^ Guerin de Lire attacked Saint Adhelm; Lanfranc under- took to degrade Saint Elfeg, by lessening the meriis of his so flne and so patriotic death. " That which constitutes mar- tyrdom," said the primate, **is the cause and not the death; I see in this saint of yours, merely a man who was killed by the pagans in default of a ransom which he could not pay himself, and with which he would not burden others.''^ Perhaps with analogous views, and to give a new direction to the mind of the English, he seized, throughout England, the copies of the Bible, and corrected them with his own hand, on the pretext that Saxon ignorance had theretofore corrupted the text; but all did not credit this broad assertion, and Lanfranc, notwithstanding his renown for virtue and learning, incurred in his own time the reproach of having falsified the Sacred Books.^ Violence done to popular conviction, reasonable or super- stitious, oiten arouses the courage of the opin-essed more than tlie loss even of liberty and property. The insults lavished upon objects of lontr-established devotion, the sullerings of the bishops, a sort of fanatic hatred to the religious innova- tions of the conquest, strongly agitated men's minds, and be- came the mobile of a great conspiracy, which extended over » Angli interquos vivimus. quosdara sibi iiistitupnmt sanctos, quorum incerta siiiit, meriia. (Johan. SSarisburiensis, de J'itd Anselmi Archie]^. C««//*r/r.; Aiiglia Sacra, ii. U'.-^.) . Md. it. » Qn»B mdis simplicitas anglicaria comiperat ab Antiquo. (l^liron,, sud fjxno lUHU; Aiiglia Sacra, i. OJ. note u.) 256 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1071 TO 1072.] STATE OF THE LAWS. 2.'^7 all En^land.» Many priests enjiajred in it, and three prelates were fts chiefs: Frithrik, abbot of Saint Albans; W ulfstan, bishop of Worcester, the only man of English race who retained a bishopric; and Walter, bishop of Hereford, a Heming the only foreigner who, a bishop prior to the conquest, had re- mained faithful to the cause of liis adopted country. ihe name of the young king Edgar was again pronounced; popular sonffs were circulated in which he was called the beautijul, th^ brave, the darling of Enghuul.^ The two brothers Edwm and Morkar quitted the court of tlie Norman for the second time. The city of London, hitherto peaceable and resigned to the forei'-n yoke, began to be turbulent, and, as the old historians express it, in a language unfortunately somewhat vague, to face kins William.* To meet this new peril, William resorted to the means he had more than once found successful, promises and lies. Frithrik and the other insurgent chiefs, invited by him to Berkha.n.ted, to treat of peace, repaired to that ill-omened place, where, for the first time, Saxon hands had, in sign ot subjection, touched the armed hand of the conqueror. Ihey found the kinii there, witli his bosom-friend and counciUor the primate Lanfranc. Both atlected towards them an air ot crendxMiess and good l^iith;^ and there was a long discussion upon tlinr respective and mutual interests, which terminated in an accommodation. All the relics of the church ot baint Alban had bt^en l)rought to the place of conference; an open missal was laid upon these relics, at the page of the gospel for the day; an.l kin- William, placing hims.U in the position in which he had f<.rmerly i)laced Harold, swore, by the holy relics and by the saenMl gospels, inviolably to observe the good and ancient laws which the holy and pious kings of I^ng and, and above all. king Edward, had theretofore established. The abbot Frithrik and the other English, -'^"tisfied with this concession, repaid William's oath with the oath of fidelity sworn to tlieir ancient kings, and then separated, dissolving I \Tfttt]i Piiri-4 Vitd' Ahhai. S. .Hhari., i. 48. "^ ^^'' P- f-*^- . 8™ciosUi...;wu e, fWissimu,,, . . . uude i,. Anglian, tale «iit eulo«.«m-. Kiijjflondes deivhiig."— (/^'. p. -IH.) « Gives LontloTiiffi in fiu-iein restiteruiit. — ilb. p. i'} the great association they had formed for the deliverance of the country.^ Bishop Wulfstan was sent into Clieshire to calm the excitement of the people there, and to make a pastoral visitation which no Norman prelate dared undertake.*-^^ These good and ancient laws, these laws of king Edward, the mere promise of which sufficed to allay insurrections, were not a i)articular code or system of written provisions; by these words was understood simply the mild and popular adminis- tration whieh had existed in England in the time of the na- tional kings. During the Danish domination, the English, il their prayers to the Conqueror, demanded, under the name of the laws of Ethelred, the destruction of the odious rule of the conquest; to demand the laws of Edward, under the Norman domination, was to make the same prayer, a futile prayer, which, notwithstanding his promises, the new conqueror could not grant. Even had he honestly maintained all the legal practices of the olden time, and enforced their observance to the letter by his foreign judges, they would not have borne their former iruits. There was an entire error in terms in the demand thus made by the English nation; for it was not the absence of its ancient criminal or civil laws that rendered its situation so disastrous, but the destruction of its indepen- dence and of its existence as a nation.^ Neither AViUiam nor his successors ever manifested any particular hatred to the Saxon legislation, civil or criminal; they allowed it to be ob- served in various points, and the Saxons were none the better for this concession. They left the rates of fines for theft and murder committed upon the English to vary as before the conquest, according to the division of the great provinces ;4 they allowed the Saxon, accused of muider or robbery, to justify himself, as by the old custom, by the ordeal of red hot iron and boiling water; while the Frenchman, accused by a Saxon, appealed to single combat, or if the accused declined 1 INIaitli. Paris, Vitie Ahhat. S. Albani, i. 48. » Willeiin. Malmesb., ae Vita 6'. Wul/st>nii, lib. i. cap. i.; Anglia Sacra, iJ 250. , _ , ^ . .. 5 lis lequirent estre teims et gouvernez comme le roy Edouart les aToit ffouvernez. (Cliron. de NorraaDdie, xiii. 2y:t.) * Si home occit alue . . . xx. lib. en Mer< henelae et xxv. hb. en A\es.. gaxeulae. (Leges Willehm Kegis ; Ingulf., p. b9.) VOL. I. 8 OgJ, THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1071 the oo.nbat, freed Iiimself by oath, according to the law of Non.iau.ly.' This difference of procedure, operating alto- •aal.cr against the con.p.ered popuhvtion, did not disappear T„uil a "entury and a l^.lf later, when the decrees ot the Koman clmrch hud w.rywliere prohibited tlie ordeal of hie and water.'' , Moreover, among the ancient Saxon laws there were some which w(>re especially i'avouruble to the conquest; such as that n^hieh re.Hiercd the inhabitants of each hundred responsible for every otlence committed in the hundred, the peri>eti^tor uf which was unknown^-a hiw well adapted, m the hands ot the conquerors, to .pread t.-rror throu-huut the country. As to the^e laws, it w:i> the interest of the Conqueror to mauitain them, and as to tho.e which related to their private transac- tions, their pre^er^ation was a matter ot indilierence to him. He accordingly fidfdled the promi^e he had made to the Saxon conspirators, without troublin- himself as to vvhether they put a dith rent construction upon that promise. He sum- monecl Indore him, at London, twelve men from each county, who declared upon oath, to the best of their knowledge and belief the ancient laws and customs ot the country, omitting nothing, and adding nothing.^ What they said was lormed into a sort of code, in the iMvneh idiom ot the time, the only le-al lan-uage acknowledged by the government ot the con- quest. The Norimui heralds then went throughout the country, announciuLS to the sound of the horn, "the laws which king William granted to all the people of England, the ..ame that king Edvvard his cousin ob-^erx rd before him. '" The laws of Edward wc re published, but the times of Ed- ward did not return for England, and the cine s ot the pa- triotic movement w.re the first to experience the iutility ot this concession. From the moment their league was dissolved, lay were persecuted to extremity by the power they had » Leges Wilk'lnu Uvgh ; Joh. Bromton, col. 2BJ». » Seidell, NotiB ad Eoiimevi Jlist., p. 204. ' Borbs, frilh-borhs, borbs-holdere. (See Cancianus. Leges AnUq. liar- far., iv. pp. 273, 'i-i^, 'HO. . ,. o, • nnn . Tboma.. UuJbm-,,.-, II,. I. Maj. WMn„ ; Ang ,a Sacra, .. 259 > res sount les leis et les custumes quo li rcis Will, greutat a lut le pu »:e de Engleterre . . . iceles mcsmes que li reis Edward suu cosin Unt de.aut lui. (Leges Will. Eegis; Ingulf., p. »8.) TO 1072.] TREATMENT OF ST. ALBAN's ABBEY. 259 constrained to treat with them ' Bishop Walter fled to Wales; the Norman soldiers were ordered to pursne 1"' >■ ° »''f country, over which the domimon ot ^^ '"'f ™ /''i"?* J^^ tend- but the prelate escaped them, favoured by the lorests Ind mountains Kin- Edftar, perceivit.g that snares were d for him again fled to Scotland. Bishop Wuhstan, a man of feeble mind and character, ?ave all the securities reciu.red ? om h m and thus found favour with the Conqueror; he oCed ^e ahl,ot of Saint Alban's to obtain pardon for nm arhe same price; but Frithrik was too proud to accep it on Lh terms. ' He assembled all his monks ,^'" f^ J^-^^J and takin" leave of tliem with emotion : " My brothers, my friend. " he said, " this is the liour in which, as the holy Scnp- urestll uVwe nust flee from one city to another befo.-e our nersecu or.> Taking with him provisions and some books, he proceeded fo the i.sle"of Ely and the camp of reiu.e, wliere he dipd shortly afterwards.^ „ t i . Kin- wluiam, irritated at this flight of a man whom he thou^rt danUrous, directed all Ids fury against the monastery If Sd It Alhan. le seized its domains, cut down its woods, and resoWe to destroy it utterly.' !'.„t the primate Lan- ranc "evei-ely reproaclLl him for this P-Po-N -W J^ of persuasion, secured the preservation ot the ".^>^^y' " "^^P^^ mission to place in it an ahliot of his own choice. L-"'"^^^' had brouM t with liim to En.ohuid a young man named Paul who as"c for his son, and upon !dm he bestowed the vacant rbbey'i The first adndnistrative act of the new abbot was to demolish the tombs of all his predecessors, whom he de- nounced as brutes and idiots, because tliey were ot English race Paul sent over to Kormandy for his relations, among whom he d stribu.ed the olliccs and part ot tlie prop" ^ o* Ws church. "They were all," says an ancient historian 'UTithout the slightest literary -Hure and ignoUe in their manners to a .legive which it is impossible to descnbe. The reader mu=t now turn his attention to the isle of Ely. , Tyrannus i„e.n,..,i,is q-os „n„ ^°^'>^^"'^2:^,^:':'X. .nperie, singuloH .lis,«rsos „. s,.m...o» . >duU^...ntc.tn peditare. (Matt. Farix, 1 ,hc ./V.-,/. &■ Mnm., i. -1 •) ^ ^^ , 'f''- !'•,•*■'•„„ ,,)f, ! Matth. Paris, p. 5*. • n. Seidell, vt sup. p. l.'l'- c V 260 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1071 that land of marsh and rushes, as the chroniclers term it, wliich was the last refuge of Anglo-Saxon independence.' Arch- bishop Stigand and bishop Eghehvin quitted Scotland for this place.2 Edwin and Morkar, after having wandered for some time in the forests and country district^, also came there with other chiefs.^ The king, who had just succeeded by his craft alone in dissolving the conspiracy of the patriot priests, essayed craft once more, ere he employed force against the Saxons of the camp of Ely. JMorkar was for the third time the dupe of his false professions; lie allowed himself to be persuaded to quit the camp of refuge for the court,^ but he had scarce set foot beyond the entrenchments raised by his companions than he w^as seized and i)ut in irons, io a fortress the keeper of whicli w:is Roger, the lounder and proprietor of the castle of Beaumont in Normandy.' Edwin also quitted the isle of Ely, not to submit like his brother, but to attempt his deliverance. For six months he sought aid and collected friends in J^^ngland, Scotland and Wales; but at the moment when he found himself strong enough to attempt his enterprise, two traitors sold him to the Normans. He defended himself for a long time with tneiity knights against greatly superior forces. The linal combat took place near the coast of the North Sea, towards which the Saxon chief was retreating, in the hope of tindinir some means of embarking there; but he was stopped by a brook which the rising tide had swollen. Overcome by numbers, he fell; his enemies cut otf his head, and carried it to the Concpieror,^ who was touched, and w^ept, say some historians, over the fate of a man whom lie loved, and whom he would fain have attached to his fortune. Such was the lot of Edwin and Morkar, the sons of Alfgar, and brothers-in-law of king Harold, both victims to the cause which they had several times abandoned. Their sister, Lucy, shared the fate of all the Englishwomen who were left without a protector. She was given in marriage to Ivo Taille-Bois, the cliief of the Angevin auxiliaries, who received » ChroTi. SaxoTi., ((libson) p. 170. 2 Tbom. Elieusis, Hist. E/imsis ; Aiif^liii Sacra, i. 009. ' (iiniii. Saxon., p. IM. * Order. Vital., lib. iv. p. rril. • /ft.^Beaumont-le-IlojjiT, dipurtiiieut .Ic IMure. • lb. TO 1072.J IVO TAILLE-BOIS. 261 with ner all the ancient domains of the f^imily of Alfgar.' The bulk of these were situated about Spalding, towards the borders of Cambridgesliire and Lincolnshire, in tlie marshy country called Holland, near the camp of refuge. Ivo Taille- Bois settled in this place: he became for the farmers of the ancient domain what in the Saxon language was called the hlqford, and, by contraction, the lord of the land.^ This name ordinarily signified loaf-giver, distributor of bread, and in old England designated tlie liead of a large house, him whose table fed many men. But other ideas, ideas of dominion and servitude, were substituted for this honourable signification, when the men of the conquest received from the natives the title of lords. The foreign lord was a master; the inhabi- tants of the domain trembled in his presence, and approached with terror his manor or hall, as the Saxons called it; an abode once hospitable, whose door was ever open, whose lire ever lit; but now fortified, walled, embattled, garrisoned with men-at-arms and soldiers, at once a citadel for the master and a prison for the neighbourhood. " Thus," says a contemporary, " all the inhabitants of the lowlands were careful always to appear w^ith great humility before Ivo Taille-Bois, and never to address him but on one knee; but although they rendered him every possible honour, and paid him all they owed him and more in rents and ser- vices, on his part he had for them neither affability nor kind- ness. On the contrary, he vexed them, tormented them, tor- tured them, imprisoned them, overwhelmed them with compul- sory labour, and by his daily cruelties obliged most of them to sell the little they still possessed, and to seek other countries.^ By a diabolical instinct, he delighted to do evil for evil's sake; he often set his dogs upon the cattle of the poor people, drove the domestic animals into the marshes, drowned them in the lakes, or mutilated them in various ways, and rendered them incapable of service, by breaking their limbs or their backs."* Some of the English monks of the abbey of Croyland lived ' Dijgdale, Monast. Anglic, i. 306. = liig-ulf., p. 71. ' Sed torquens et tribulans, angeus et angariaBs, incarcerans et excru- cians, ac quotidie novis servitiis onerans, pliirimos omnia sua vendere, ac alias patrias peiere, crudeliter compellebat. {Ih.) * lb. 262 TOE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1071 near Spalding, in a chapel of ease wliicli tlie monastery pos- sessed j ust a Abe jriiles of this formidable Angevin. He made them, even more tlian the rest of the neighbourhood, feel the effects of his destructive niiuiia uirainst all that was Saxon, or that belonged to Saxous.» He lamed their horses and cattle, killed their sheep and poultry, overwhelmed their iarmers with exactions, and assailed their servants on the roads with sticks or swcnds. Tlie monks tried the effect of supplications and offers; they made presents to his attendants; "they tried idland suffered all," says the contemporary history; "then, seeing that their efforts w(n'e thrown away, and that the malice of the tyrant and his people only increased, they took with them the sacred vessels, their beds and their books, leaving their house in the hands of the all-powerful God, and shaking the dust from their feet against the sons of eternal fire, they returned to Croyland."^ Ivo Taille-Bois, rejoicing at their departure, promptly sent a messenger to Angers, his imtive town, requesting to have monks sent him, to whom he offered a good house, large enough for a prior and five monks, amply furnished, and well provided with lands and farms. The French monks passed the Channel and took pos- session of the succursal of Croyland. The abbot, who hap- pened to be an Englishman, was bold enough to address a complaint to the king's council against the Angevin chief; but Ivo Taille-Bois was fully acquitted, and even congra- tulated upon all he had done in the way of pillage, out- rage, and murders. " The>e foreigners mutually supported each other," says the ancient historian; " they formed a close league, one backing tlie other, as, upon the dragon's back, scale is joined to scale."^ There was at this time in Flanders a Saxon named Here- ward, long settled in that country, to wliom some P^nglish emigrantsl flying their native land, after having lost all they had°possessed there, announced that his father was dead, that his paternal heritage was the property of a Norman, and that his aged mother had suffered and was still suffering infinite indignities and vexations. On hearing this Ilereward de- » In ejus janiiis . . . tola die . . . conversantes, taiila tyrannide debacchatur. (lb.) « Ingulf., p. 71. =* //'. 72. M HEREWARD. 2f>3 TO 1072.] parted for Enirland, and arrived without suspicion at the place formerly inhabited by his family; iie made himself known to such of his relations and friends as had survived the invasion, induced them to assemble in arms, and at their head attacked the Korman who had insulted his mother and taken posses- sion of his inheritance. Hereward expelled inm and took his place; but con^pelled, for his own safety, nOt to limit him- self to this one exploit, iie maintained a partisan warf\ire m the vicinity of his dwelling, and encountered the governors ot the neighbouring-- fortresses and towns in numerous engage- ments, wherein "lie signalized liimself by his extraordinary bravery, skill, and personal strengtli. The report of his great deeds spread over England, iind the eyes of the conquered turned towards him with a sentiment of hope; upon his ad- ventures and in his prai^^e, popular songs, now jost, were com- posed and sung in the streets, in the very ears of the conque- rors, with impunity, thanks to their ignorance of the English idiom. ^ , ,, . .; o .^„ The inheritance regained from the Isornians oy tae haxon Hereward w^as situated at Brunn, now Bourn, in the south of Lincolnshire, near the abbey of Croyland, and not far from that of Peterborough and from the isles of Ely ana Ihorney: the insurgents of these districts did not delay to open a cor- respondence with the bands eoinmanded by the brave parti- san chief. Struck with his renown and his talents, they in- vited him to join them and to be their captain; ana Here- ward, yielding to their intreaties, passed over to the camp ol refuge with all his companions.'^ Before assuming the com^- mand di' men, several of whom were members ot the hign Saxoii militia, a sort of brotherhood or corporation in arms, authorized by the ancient laws of the country, he was desi- rous of joining that body, so as to become, to use the expres- sion of the contemporary authors, a right war-man.-^ The institution of a superior class among those who devoted t/iemselves to arms, and of ceremonies without which none fould be admitted into this miUtary order, had been propagated > Ingulf., p. 70. See Apreiidix XVI. » Necdum niilitan more balteo legiiiine se accinctum . litittJ . . . legiliraura militem. (lb. 70. j « Ih. 71. .legitinifiB mi- '^'fii^Xii'K 204 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1071 1 'III throughout the rest of Europe by the Germanic tribes who dismembered the Roman empire. This custom existed in Gaul, and in tlie Rouiane language of that country a member of this high militia was called cavalier or chevalier, because mounted warriors were tlien, througliout Gaul, and generally upon the continent, the principal strength of armies. It was not so in England; the perfection of equestrian vskill went as nothing in the idea there entertained of a piirlWt war-man; the two only elements of this idea were youth and strength, and in the Saxon tongue, they called knitf that is to say, young man, him wliora the French, the Normans, the southern Gauls, and even the Germans, called horseman.^ Notwithstanding this difference, the ceremonies by which a warrior was admitted into the In'gh national militia in Eng- land and upon the Continent, were exactly the same; the aspirant had to confess in the evening, watch in a church during the whole night, and in the morning, at the hour of mass, lay his sword upon the altar, receive it again from the hands of the officiating priest, and communicate after receiv- ing it. Every combatant who had gone through these for- malities was thenceforward reputed a right war-man, and capable of assuming any grade of command.^ It was in this manner that a warrior was made a knight in France and throughout Gaul, except in Normandy, where, by a vestige of the Danish customs, the investiture of knighthood took place under forms more military and less religious. The Normans, indeed. Iiad a saying, that he who had had his sword girded on by a priest was not a true knight, but a degenerate burgess.3 This sneer was ap}>lied to the Snxon Here ward, when the knights with whom he had often crossed swords learned that he had gone to the monastery of Peterborougli to receive the military baldric from the lijuuls of a Siwxon abbot. There was, howevi'r, in tliis, on the part of tlie Normans, something more than tlieir habitual aversion for tke rites which connected the priesthood with chivalry; thf^ were indignant that an English rebel should obtain, in an} way whatever, the right to style himself a knight equally \ ' Al. Knight, or Cild, al. Child. Tlie Germans in like manner, before ihev •dopted the lena Jivittr or Bitter, employed tiie uurd Ilild or Held. ' I'npulf., p. 70. ■ . . . socordcTO ecjuitem et quiritem iegt ncieni . . . {Tb.) TO 1072.] EXPEDITION AGAINST HERKWARD. 265 with themselves. Their prili Ih'et, whieh, alter having passed the winter of 1069 in the month (»f the Ilnniber, had returned in the spring without tightiuir a single battle, and thus occasioned the second capture oi' York, had arrived in Denmark. Its chiefs, on their return, were ill received by king Swen, whose orders they had disobeyed in allowing themselves to be gained over by William.' The indignant king banished his brother Osbiorn, and, himself assuming the command of the fleet, sailed for Tiritain;-* he euter-d thellumber, and on the first rumour of his ajiproach tlie inhabitants of the surround- inf' country again I'ose, came to meet the Danes, and formed an'^alliance with them. But in this country, so devastated, so intimidated by military executions, there were not sufficient means to undertake an efficacious resistance. The Danish king returned home, while his captains and warriors, con- tinuing their route towards the south, entered Boston Wash, and, by the month of the ()u3U. • Cliroii. ^^ux^^^, p. 170. * ^b. 1<7. the Norman king assembled all his forces against the deserted Saxons. The camp of refuge was invested by land and by water, and the assailants constructed on every side dykes and causeways over the marslies. Hereward and the other chiefs, among whom wece distinguished Siward Beorn, the com- panion of the flight of king Edgar, resisted bravely for some time. William commenced on the western side, across the waters covered with willows and rushes, a road which was to be three thousand paces long;* but his workmen were con- stantly harassed and disturbed in their labours. Hereward made attacks so sudden, he employed stratagems so wholly unforeseen, that the Kormans, struck with super- stitious fear, attributed his success to the aid of the evil one. Thinking to fight him with his own weapons, they had re- course to magic; Ivo Taille-Bois, appointed by the king to superintend the works, sent for a witch, who was to disconcert by her enchantments all the warlike devices of the Saxons.^ The magician was placed in a wooden tower at the head of the works in progress; but at the moment when the soldiers and pioneers were confideutly advancing, Hereward sallied out from the side, and, firing the forest of osiers which covered the marsh, destroyed in the flames the sorceress and most of the soldiers and Norman workmen^ who were with her. This was not the only success of the insurgents; despite the superiority in numbers of the enemy, they stayed them by dint of addre>s and activity. For several months, the isle of Ely wtis entirely blockaded, like a town in a state of siege, and received no i>rovisions from witliout. There was ii^ the isle a monastery, wliose inmates, unable to endure the hunger and misery of the siege, sent to the king's camp and ofiered to show liim a passage, if he would ]>romise to leave them in possession of their property. Tlie otier was accepted, and two Norman lords, Gilbert de Clare and » Ubi adductis mstrumentis ct striicturis lifrnuriim ct lapidnm et ex oram geiiere struis, aggregatiouem in pabide, viam licet niniis sibi pennuUlem et angustam, straverunt. (De Gestis Herwiudi Saxouis, Cbioii. Anglo- Norm., ii. 57.) 2 Petri Blesensis, Ingulf. Coutht., ut sup. p. 1^4, 1^;). 3 Id. ih. Et stridor flammimim crepidantibus virgis virgultorum cam arboribus salicum terribiliter iusonuit. (De Gestis Herwardi, vt sup. p. <6.) 263 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1071 II Guillannit' de Garenno, pli-lited tlieir Mih for the execution of this tn^at V.' Thr.nks to the tn acliery of tlie monks ot hly, the royal troops penetrated sudd(Mily into the ishind, killed a thousand Kujilish, and closely surroundinj^ the camp of refuge, forced the remainder to lay down tlieir arnii.^ All surrendered with the exception of lierevvard, who, with a few followers, daring to the last, retreated hy paths into which the Normans did not venture to follow him.^ Passing from marsh to marsh, he gained the lowlands oi Lincolnshirt', where some Saxon fishermen, who carried lish every day to the adjacent Norman station, received him and his companions in their boats, and concealed them under heaps of straw. The boats approaclird the station as usual; the chief and his soldiers, knowing the fishermen by sight, con- ceived no alarm or suspicion; tliey prepared their dinner, and began tranquilly to eat it under their tents. Hereward and hi° friends rushed, axe in liand, upon tlie foreigners, who were taken wholly l)y sur|)riM\ and killed a great number ot them. The rest fled, quitting tiirir ])()st, and leaving their horses rea and the remains of a wooden U)rties., wliich tlic local ,>opulation Ca..(X. Hereward's castle."^ :Many of those who submitted had their hand« cut otr or their . ^et tli.-m nee ;•' others were imprisoned in Ibrtiv- .s in every part ot England. Arch- bishop Stiirand wascoiHlemned to perpetual secluMon; i^.ghel- win, bishop of Durham, accused by tlie Ne.rmans ot having stolen t\n^ treasures of his church, because he had emplcyed them in maintainimr the i>atriotic cau-=e, was imprisoned at Abingdon, wh.re, a, Irw mouths after, he diedot hunger. Another bishop, Eghelrik, was shut up in Westminster abb^, for havin'S as the sentence pronounced against him by the Ibreigo judges set tbrth, broken the public peace and exer- 1 F.t sil eust cu od liii trois, Mar i entniHspnt li Francois ; Et s'il m; tii>i i-^si ncci-;, Tons Its cliMV^i^l tV.r del pai-.— ;//'. *27.) The violent death of Heirward, i. siHTiing uhich the Laiiii Chroniclps are silent, is ' an aucieat roll of the geiu.a.>^y of the ^^'&™ deBruimo- ^"u il.,_ ,dum semel cmn pra'hito lieiewardo npud Hun- tvn-doue hospitatus luisset, orta iiUor ros -lavi conuncione, Tnaligno spi- riurinsii-uute, ipsrim llerewardmu inlseiabilitiT pere.uiL." (thron. Anglo- Noniiaiuies, ii. pref. 14.) _ ^ 2 Matili. Pans, i. i. 3 FloreiJt. Wigorn. L'hron., p. Ml. ♦ ...iriDBdia spontanea seu coacio. (Uisi. Episcop. Dunelm.; Angha Sacra, i. 70(1.) T£» 1072.] lUNISlIMENT OF THE MONKS OF ELY. 271 ci?ed piracy. But the judgment of the English, the popular opinion of his case, were far different; he was praised so long as he lived, and after his death was honoured as a saint. Fathers taught their children to implore his intercession; and a century afterwards, pilgrims still visited his tomb.^ The treachery of the monks of Ely soon received its re- compence; forty soldiers occupied their convent as a military post, and lived at free quarters. Every morning the butler had to distribute to them provisions and pay in the great hall of the cloister.- Tlie monks complained bitterly of the viola- tion of the treaty they had concluded with the king, and were answered that it was necessary to guard the isle of Ely.'^ They then otlered seven hundred marks to be exempted from the charge of maintaining the ibreign soldiers; and this sum, which they obtaineil by despoiling their church, was carried to the Norman Picot. the royal viscount at Cambridge. The viscount had the money weighed, and finding that by chance the weight was an ounce short, he ibrmally accused tlie monks of seeking to defraud the king, and condemned them, by his court, to pay three hinidred marks more, as a penalty for the ofFence."* After tlie [)ayment of the thousand marks, came the royal commissioners, who carried off from the abbey of Ely everything of value, aiul drew up a survey of the lands of the abbey, for the purpose of dividing it into tit.'fs.'' The monks poured forth complaints to which no one listened; they invoked pity for their church, once the most beautiful, they said, among the daughters of Jerusalem, and now suf- fering and oppressed.^ But not a tear flowed, not a hand was armed in their cause. After the entire defeat and dispersion of the refugees of the Isle of Ely, the Norman army and fleet jU'oceeded to- wards the northern counties, to make a sort of battue there, and prevent the formation of new assemblies. Passing the Tweed, for the first time, they entered the territory of Scot- laud, to arrest all the English emigrants there, and terrify ^ Willelin. ?.Iu]!iu\sb., (i(f Gcstis, &c. ut skj). iib. iii. p. 277. ^ Thoin. Eliensi^, Jlisl. Eiieiisis; Anglia Sacra, i. (il2. * Ob ciistodiam. ijh.) * Stow, Annals, p. 114. 5 Thorn. l-'Jieiisis, tit sup. p. 010. ■ ilist. Elieusis, apiu/ Iut. \jiglio. S/.nipt., ((Jale) iii. -OOl. X" Illlllilllll \ 272 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1071 TO 1073.] THE MANCEAUX. 273 king Malcolm, who had just before made a hostile incursion into Northumberland.^ The emigrants escaped their scarclj, and the king of Scotland would not deliver them up to the Normans; but, intimidated by the presence ot* tioops better disciplined and better armed than his ow^n, he came to meet king William in a peaceful attitude, touched his hand in sign oi' friendship, pron:i.H'd that William's enemies should be his also, and freely acknowledged himself his vassal and liege-man.^ William returned, content with having thus deprived the Saxon cause of its last support; on his way bark he was re- ceived at Durham by bi.hop and eonihict him to Durham. Tliis service rmdered to the cause of the con- quest did not etiace from the Conpatrick had fought at the siege of York, and taken part in the insurrection in wdiich Eobert de Comine liad fallen.' Filled \\ ith the same grief and the same remorse that had formerly attacked archbishop • Maltli Wistmon., p. 227. IVIattli. Paris, i. 7. ' lb. p. 6, 7. ' Koger de Ilcveden, p. 154. * Id. ib. — Dugdule, Mviiaat., i. II. Eldred, Gospatrick quitted England for ever, and settled in Scotland, where his family long endured, honoured and opu- lent.^ The government, or to use the Norman phrase the earldom, of Northumberland was then given to Waltheof, son of Siward, who, like his predecessor, had fought in the Saxon ranks at the siege oi" Y'ork, but whose fatal hour had not yet arrived. After this series of successful expeditions, king William, find- ing in England prostrate depression — happy peace the con- querors styledit — ventured upon anew journey to Gaul, whither he was called by intestine disorders and resistance to his au- thority. The count of Maine, shut up, so to speak, between two much more powerful states, Normandy and Anjou, seemed destined alternately to fall under the suzerainty of the one or the other. But notwithstanding the disadvantage of position and inferiority of forces, the Manceaux often struggled vigo- rously for the re-establishment of their national independence; so that it was said of them in the eleventh century, that they were of a rugged, haughty, and disobedient temperament.^ Some years before his invasion of England, William was ac- knowledged suzerain of Maine by Herbert, count of that country, the great enemy of the Angevin power, and whose nocturnal incursions against the towns and villages of Anjou had procured for him the singular and striking surname of Eveille'Chiens (Wake-dog). As vassals of the duke of Nor- mandy, the JNIanceaux readily furnished their contingent of horse and archers; but when they found him occupied with the cares and embarrassments of the conquest, they conceived the idea of emancipating themselves from the Norman do- mination. Nobles, war-men, buigesses, every class of the population, concurred in the patriotic work; the castles guarded by Norman troops were attacked and taken one after another; Turgis de Tracy and Guillaume de la Ferte, who commanded the citadel of Mans, surrendered it, and iaT'w the country, wdth all such of their countrymen as had e8ca|i©dl the popular vengeance.^ The impulse given to the people by this insurrection ^i3 not cease when Maine had been restored to its national lords; a revolution of a new kind now broke out in the capital town » Ropier de Hovedien, p. 424. Tngdale, Baronage. » Order. Vital., p. 531. ' lb. 532, VOL. I. T I 274 THE NORMAN CONQUEST [a.d. 1073. A.D. 1073.] SUBJECTION OF THE MANCEAUX. 275 After havint' fought for the independence of the country, the citizens of Mans, on their return homes began to find the crovernment of their count hara?>ing and vexatious, and grew ancrry at many things vvhieli they had hitherto tolerated. At the iir>t heavy tax that was imposed upon them, they rose, and binding themselves together by the oath of mutual sup- port, formed what in the language of the time was called a communed ^ r^ c - a^ The bishop of Mans, the nobles of the town, and Geofroi de Mayenne, guardian of the reigning count, were compelled to take the oath of the commune, and to confirm by this oath the new laws publi.-^hed against th.ir own power; but several of the nobles around refused their adhesion, and the citizens, to com- pel them to it, proceeded to attack their castles and manor- houses. They marched upon these expeditions in parishes, the men of each pari.^]i being preceded by its own cross and banner; but despite this ndigious display, they fought turi- ously, passionately, cruelly, as ever liai>pens in political troubles. They were reproached witli carrying on war during Lent and in Passion w.ek; with too severely and too summarily executing justice on their enemies, hanging some and mutilating others, without any regard to the rank ot persons.^ Hated by neurlv all the seigneurs of the country, the commune of Mans, at a period when tliese institutions were yet rare, obstinately defended its liberty. An act ot treachery, which placed Count Geofroi de IVIayenne in pos- session of the citadel, compelled the citizens to fight in the streets, and to set fire to their own houses, to advance the operations of the siege. They did this with that valorous self-devotion which, half a century later, was displayed so strikingly in the great communes of France.* ^ ^ It was during this struggle between feudal power and civic liberty, that the king of England prepared to invade Maine, and impose his suzerainty ui)on both of the rival parties. Skilful in profiting bv occasion, he ordered the enrolment ot aU liie English who cliose to scrv. him for pay; he calculated that, in the misery to which most of them were reduced, they » Gest. pontif. cenoman, apud Script, rer. Gallic, et Francic, xii. 540. 2 Id. ift. » IiL ib. See Lcttres sur THistoire de France, letter iili. ct s<'y. would be tempted by the booty which the war seemed to premise. Men who had not house or home, the remnant of the partisan bands, and even chieftains who had distinguished themselves in the camp of refuge, assembled under the Norman oanncr, without ceasing to hate the Normans. They rejoiced at the idea of going to combat men who, though the enemies of king AV'illiam, seemed to them, by the similarity of language, of the same race with him. Without asking whether it had been willingly or on compulsion that the Manceaux had, seven years before, taken part in the conquest, they marched against them in the train of the Conqueror, as to an act of national vengeance. From their first entry into the country, they gave themselves up, with a sort of frenzy, to every species of devastation and rapine, tearing up the vines, cutting down the trees, burning the villages; in a word, doing to Maine all the evil they would fain have done to Normandy.' The terror caused by their excesses contributed more than the bravery of the Norman knights, or even the presence of king William, to the submission of the country. The for- tresses and castles surrendered, for the most part, before the first assault, and the principal citizens of Mans brought the keys of their town to the king in his camp on the banks of the Sarthe. They took the oath of allegiance to him as to their legitimate lord, and in return, William promised them the preservation of their ancient franchises, but it would appear, without consenting to the maintenance of the commune. The army then returned to England, where the Saxon soldiers landed, laden with booty; but these ill acquired riclies were fatal to many of them in exciting the envy and cupidity of the Normans.^ While these events were taking place, king Edgar went from Scotland to Flanders, to negotiate with the earl of that country, the political rival, although the relation of William, «ome aid for the Saxon cause, now more hopeless than ever; iiis efforts meeting with little success, he returned to Scotland, where he was surprised to receive a friendly message from ' ...Omiiom proMiifiara debiliorem simul et paiiperiorem nmlto post tem- pore reliquinmt. (Matth. Paris, i. 8.) * Order. Vital., lib. iv. ut sup. p. 533. Gesta pontif. Cen., ni mv. p. 539. T 2 276 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1073. A.D. 1074.] SAXON NUNS. 277 the king of France, Philip, the first of that name.' Philip, alarmed at the successes of the Norinan king in Maine, had resolved, by assisting the Saxons, to raise up obstacles in his way, which should render him less active on the other side of the Channel; he invited E«igar to come to Iiim, and aid him in his counsels; he promised him a fortress at Montreuil, at once near England, upon which lie might thence make a de- scent, and near Normandy, which lie might ravage. Edgar accepted his proposal, and arranged everytfiing ibr his journey to France. King Malcolm, his brother-in-law, become the liegeman and vassal of William, could not, without breaking his" faith, supply the Saxon with soldiers for this enterprise; he contented himself with secretly giving him money, and, as was the custom of the period, distributing arms and clothes among his companions.^ Edgar set sail, but had liardly got out of sight of land when his vessels were dis[)('r>ed and driven on shore by a violent tempest. Some were dashed to pieces on the northern coasts of England, and their crews became prisoners to the Normans; the others sunk. The king and the principal per- sonages who were with liim escaped these two dangers, and returned to Scotland, having lost all, some on foot and the rest poorly mounted, says the contemporary chronicle. After this misfortune, IVIalcolm advised his brother to struggle no longer against fate, and for a third time to seek peace of the Conqueror. Edgar, allowing himself to be persuaded, sent a message across the Channel to king William, who invited him to join him in Normandy ; on his way he traversed all England, escorted by the chiefs and Norman governors of tlie counties, and entertained in their castles. At the court of Rouen, where lie remained eleven years, he lived in the king's palace, Avore his uniform, and occupied himself more with doj^s and horses than with political interests;^ but, at the end of these eleven years, he experienced a sentiment of regret, and re- turned to England to dwell among his countrymen;^ he after- wards returned once more to Normandy, and passed the re- mainder as he had passed the former part of his life, in utter ■ t^-iiron. Saxon, rrup., snh untio 107.'). 2 j^. 3 //,._\Villelin. Miilni.-K.. dv Gestis, kc, p. Wn. * Annales Waverleieuses, si en s^^erai j.^sband of one of earl of Hereford; Wultheof son of feiwa^^^^^ ^^^ the king's n eces, and earl ° """;'"fji"^„„Uout the aflair/ Northumberland, prominently figured tlirou ^^^^^ .^ After a sumptuous '^^P'^f ;^™,l^'e loo.ened. Roger abundance, the tongues of t'f guests became ^ ^^ de Hereford loudly censured *« «fu=a of km ^^^^ ^^ sanction this union between us ms - a ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ Norfolk; he complained oi tins as an ^^^^ ^^^.^^^ ^^^^_ of his father, tl.e man ^/^ '7,^. "l'„„^^,„,. ' The Saxons, doubtedly owed his conquest and n, km dm ^,^^ _^^^^^ ^^^^^ who had received Irom )^ 'I''' '" ""^^„rtives of the Kor- ontrages, vehemently *Pf-;;i;^;Xuy excited, there ret \ulf rel-rnVa^nst t.fe connueror of ^"f S; a bastard, a man of low birth ;saia U. Korman. " he may call himsell king, but "« ^lea y ^^ not made for one, and that he is not agreeable in 1 r. 10% 2 Chron. Sax., P- 1Q'^• ^' . r. . ^^ ^ r, 104 * ^i'^ttb. Pans, i. 9- A.D. 1074.] NORMAN REVOLT IN ENGLAND. 279 God.*'* " He poisoned," cried the Bretons, " he poisoned Conan, the brave earl of Brittany, for whom our country still mourns." — " He invaded the noble land of England," exclaimed the Saxons in tlieir turn; *' he massacred the legitimate heirs, or obliged them to expatriate themselves." "And tho-^e who came in his train or to his assistance," cried the foreigners; "those who raised him higher than any of his predecessors have not been honoured by him as they ought to have been; he is ungrateful to the brave men who have shed their blood in his service. What has he given to us, the conquerors who are covered with wounds? Sterile and devastated tracts of land; and when he sees our fiefs improving, he deprives us of them." — " 'Tis true, 'tis true!" tumultuously exclaimed all the guests: "he is odious to all, and his death would gladden the hearts of all." One of the two Norman earls then arose, and addressing Waltheof: " Brave man," he said, "this is the moment; this is for thee the hour of vengeance and fortune. Join us, and we will re-establish the kingdom of England, in every respect as it was in the time of king Edward. One of us three shall be king, the other two shall conmiand under him, and all the lordships of the kingdom shall be held of us. William is occupied beyond sea with interminable affairs; we are satis- fied that he will not again cross the Channel. Now, brave warrior, adopt this plan ; 'tis the best for thee, thy family, and thy crushed and fjiUen nation. "^ New acclamations arose at these words; earls Roger and Eaulf, several bishops and abbots, and a great number of Norman barons and Saxon warriors, bound themselves by oath against king William.^ Waltheof, after a resistance which proved his distaste for this strange association, allowed himself to be persuaded, and joined the conspiracy. Roger de Hereford hastened to his province to collect his friends, and engaged in his cause many of the Welsh of the borders, who joined him, either for pay, or out of hatred to the Conqueror, who menaced their independence.'* As soon as earl Roger had assembled his forces, he marched towards the east, where the other con- spirators awaited him. » Or.l.T. Vitalis, p. r.;U. ' Willelni. Malniesb,, ut sup. « Id. ih. * Cliron. Saxou., p. 182. ■■.!* I 280 THE NORMAN CONttDEST. [A-D- 1074. But When about to pas. the Sevoru at the briage of Wor- cester, he found that formidable P-P^-J--, ^'^.^ ."e he to stop him; and ere he could hud ^""^''''=\ P"''"" Vulf- Norman Our:=, visouut of Worcester, and bi.Uop vyuu various points of the east bank of the river. J^^i^ei ^, :L courLr-abbot, who lia^^b^^^ ^^ £^T\^r:::e:^ir:Tn^\i^ can of .^.^^^ cbTefs, rather than the proclamations and prom^^^^^^^^ o ^^ Norman conspirators.^ They accordingly assemb ed under the banner of count Gualtier de ^^-^y ^^^^'^'^'^^^^^^^^ ford and his Welshmen, whose cause did not ^.eni to thern^ clearly identical with the nation^ cau^. O^ ^ P;^^^^; both almost equally indifteren t^/?^'^^' /^^'^^ king which appeared to involve the least danger ^'Y„^, \'bsence, William whom they hated more than chnith I"^^;^;f f ;^|: the primate Lanfranc, under the title of royrJ 1^^"^;;"; f ' ^;_ mhltered affairs- he hastily despatched troops ^^^^^ don and Westminster to the county m -^^ ^^^^^ ia cheek, and at the same ^'^'\^]^'Y ,!'''''}^^^^^^ municationn-ainsthim, cmched in the toUowing terms. ™^"thou hast depan.d from tl. -les c^ -n^^ ^ served by thy father ha.t ---^f ^';;;^;^' !£ ^^ sullh life preserved towards his lord, and ^^'^^ ^ -;"" j ^'^,,e thee, great riches, in virtue of my canonical authoi ity j/^^^^^^^^^^^ Lommunicate thee, and exdmle thee Inmi the threshold the church and the society ot the ^^^^I'^^^^l' , ^^ inform Lanfranc also wrote to tlie king in Noimandy, to inio him of the revolt, and his hope of .>on puUmg^an end o^ " It were with great pleasure," said he, and as a ^^^^^^"- from God himself^ that we should see r^-^^^^^J^"]^^ Do not, however, hasten to cross tin. s..; ioi t -^^J^^ to as were you obliged to --^-^^;^- ^^J^^^^ handful of traitors and robbers. ^^^^^^'"'' ^u followed seem to have been directed at the ^^^'^^^^^J^^ " ^^ earl Roger, and the second at the numerous Saxon, m tne 1 Script, rer. Danic, iii. 207. ^n franc ^ Lanf.anc.is erat prince,, ft custos Anglic. CVUa Lanfranci, Lai.franc. Opera, p. 15. , o>i • lf>- 317- • Lanfranc. Opera, p. J-ii- A.D. 1074.] BATTLE AT FAGADON. 281 army of Raulf de Gael, encamped near Cambridge, or who, encouraged by the presence of this army, began to rise in the maritime towns of the east, and to renew their old negotia- tions with the Danes. ^ The king of Denmark once more promised to send troops against king William; but, before the arrival of these suc- cours, the army cf the earl of Norfolk was attacked by Eudes, bishop of Bayeux, Geoifroy, bisliop of Coutances, and earl William de Warenne, with superior forces. Tlie battle was fougiit in a place which is called by the ancient historians Fagadon.2 The Norman and Saxon conspirators were com- pletely defeated, and it is related that the conquerors cut off the right foot of every prisoner, of whatever rank or nation.^ Raulf^'de Gael escaped, and hastened to shut himself up in his citadel of Norwich, whence he soon afterwards sailed to seek assistance from his I'rieiuls in Brittany, leaving his castle in the charge of his bride and liis vassals.'* The daughter of William Fitz-Osbern made protracted resistance to the at- tacks of the royal officers, and only capitulated under the pressure of fiimine.'"' The men-at-arms who defended the fortress submitted, upon condition of having their lives granted them, if they quitted England within forty days. " Glory to God in the highest," wrote the primate Lanfranc to William;^ " your kingdom is freed from the lilthy Bretons." Many of the men of this nation, who had come as auxiliaries or ad- venturers to the conquest, iiow^ involved in the disgrace of Raulf de Gael, lost the lands they had taken from the Eng- lish.^ While the friends of Raulf were thus conquered and dispersed, those of Roger de Hereford were defeated in the west, and their chief made prisoner. Before returning to England to enjoy this new triumph, king William made a hostile incursion into the territory of his'iieighbours the Bretons, in pursuit of earl Raulf de Gael, and under this pretext to attempt the conquest of a portion of the country, the constant aim of the ambition and policy of his ancestors. But after vainly besieging the town of Dol, he retreated before the army of the duke of Brittany, who 1 Order. VitaJ., p. 53"). Mattli. Taiis. i. 9. 2 Order. Vital., p. 505. ' ^^'• < Matth. Paris, i. D. ^ Jb. « LaiifVanc. Opera, p. -318. ^ f,j jlgpiiiiiiiniiiiii 282 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. fA.D. 1074. marched against him, supported by che king of France.* Then crossing the Ciiannel, he came to London at Christmas, to preside over the great council of Norman barons, and to judge the authors and arc(»ni{)lices of the late conspiracy. Kaulf de Gael, absent and contumacious, was deprived of all liis estates; Roger de Hereford appeared, and was condemned to lose his lands and to pass his life in a I'ortress.'^ la the depths of his |>rison, his proud and in(lornital)le spirit often made him brave with insults the king whom he had not been able to dethrone. One day, during Ea>ter, William, accord- ing to the custom of the court of Normandy, sent to him, as though he were free, a comj>lete suit of piecious stuff, a coat and mantle of silk, and a jacket trimmed with foreign furs.^ Ro^er examined these rich vestments witli an air of satisfac- tion; he then had a great fire lighted, atid cast them all into it. The king, who did not expect to have his gifts received in this manner, was titredy angered, and swore, by the splendour of God (his favourite oath), that the man who thus insulted him shouhl never quit his prison."* After having narrated the deplorable story of this son of the most powerful man next to the king, and who had most urgently jiersuaded William to undertake tlie conquest, the historian, born in England though of foreign race, touched by the misery of liis native land, exclaims with a kind of pa- triotic enthusiasm: "W^hen; is now this William Fitz-Os- bern, viceroy, earl of Hereford, seneschal of Normandy and England? He who was tlie lirst and greatest opj)ressor of the English, who, through atubition and avarice, encouraged the fatal enterprise in which so many thousands of men perished; he fell in his turn, and received his just reward. He who killed so many men with the sword, died by the sword, and after his death, the spirit of discord made his son and his son-in-law revolt against their lord and kinsman. The race of William Fitz-Osbern has been uprooted from England, so that now there is not a corner in which it can set foot."^ The royal vengeance extended to all who had been present at the wedding feast at Norwicli; and the cit}' itself was ' Order. Vital., p. 544. • Order. Vital., p. 535 * Alureil. Beverlac, ut sup. p. 134. * lb. 53G. » Id. ib. JL.D. 107 l.J CONDEMNATION OF WALTHEOF. 283 assailed with indiscriminating revenge.* Infinite oppres- sions ruined the Saxon inhabitants, and compelled numbers of them to emigrate into Suffolk, around Beccles and Halesworth. Here three Normans, Roger Bigot, Richard de Saint Clair and William de Noyers, seized them, and made serfs of them, although they were too ])oor to be a beneficial acquisition.^ Other Saxons, and the Welsh, taken prisoners with arms in their hands, on the banks of the Severn, had their eyes put out and their limbs nuitilated, or were hung upon gibbets, by order of the Norman earls, prelates, barons and knights, assembled at the court of the kinjr.^ Meanwhile, a fleet of two hundred ships left Denmark, commanded by one of the sons of king Swen, who had again become the friend of the English, and approached the eastern coast; but wlien the Danes learned what had passed, they dared not fight the Normans, and turned their helms towards Flanders.'* Waltheof was accused of havinj? invited them over; he denied the charge, but the Norman woman whom he had received in marriage from king William be- came his denouncer, and bore witness against him.'^ The votes of the assembly or of the court (as it was then called) were divided as to the sentence which should be passed upon the Saxon chief. Some were for death, as for a revolted Eng- lishman, others for perpetual imprisonment, as for a disloyal oflicer of the king.^ The discussion lasted for nearly a year, during which time Waltheof was confined in the royal for- tress of Winchester. At last his enemies prevailed, and in one of the courts which was held three times a year, sentence of death was pronounced.-^ Contemporary P^nglish writers accuse Judith, the niece of tne king, married to Waltheof against her will, of having desireJ andurgedthe sentence which • Chron. Saxon., p. 183. • De Bnrgensibus qui manstnunt iu burq:'» de Norwic, abieruiit et maneut in Beecles...xxii. et vi. in Humilgar..., et diraiserunt burgum...In terra Rog. Bigot i. et sub W. de Noies i., et liiciirJua dc St. Cler i. Isti fiigi- enteset alii remanentes, omnino sunt vastati, partim propter forisfacturas Kodulfi comitis, partim propter arsuram, partim propter geltum regis, partim propter Walerannum. (Domesd. B., ii. 117.) ' Matth. Paris, i. 9. Chron. Saxon., p. 1S;3. * Id. ib. 5 Johan. de Fordun, Stofi-vhrovicoii., lib. vi. p. 510. Order. Vital., lib. iv p. .')8(>. • Scciuidiim leges Normannorum. (ib. 535.) ' Ib, 536. I THE NORMAN CONUl I'^^T. L"' I 284 was to widow heran,! ,o ... L-' «• li'-'-Jr;' .^ir^ri.r^ Normans .f.-A u, tUe t - -,■ . -; J „,, Saxon chiet; au.l h" laiUe-15ois, "■'" ■■ ^ and who desired .« ann.x ;'.-;,;;- r ,"0 cm WaltUeof for his destruc.on. I.^: " • , ' , ■:;i ,..r fretting rid of was no longer uselul, rejou-.-c 't ; 1^' '' ^l ,^/,,^,^ i^^j; en- him; if we may believi' tlu' >M el.ionicleis, u<. tertained this (It'-Mc.' , ., . . k. ,a' Winchester still Early in tl,e n.ornin,, wluU- the 1'- '^'^'^^Ij;'^'* d the slept, the N.,rn.ans con,,.- ted '',^;Xet^,. .mired in walls of the eity. A\ alth,„l « alUed to . x , j; .^uted his costn,ne as ,:.rl. the outer 1-"-;';'; ,;,;",' i„,, and among th,- priests and poor people ^ " ' ^^^ ,, „j'their whonTthe Nurn.ans allowed to m^'^''^ "' Co^. ,0 an limited niuuber and wholly peaeetu "'Pf^^^ ^ ^^,^ ^laiers eminenee at a short distance r''',}^'^'^^^, f.,* to stopped, an.l the Saxon, Prostrating lnn.,.t ^^_^ thi gr-"l.. 1'-.-'/ •" "" :'• X^M pre 1> news of the Korn.ans, harm- l'->t d.la) shoul.l fl"- , execution throud. the ei.y, an. a >- " '' J ^^ . ,,>aY fulfil Waltheui; .aid to hin, i.MpatuM.ly: ' 1 ';^: ^'f ,^;,,, J„„,^it our orders." As a h,-t -q"- he -;" ' , ^„j fo, until he had sa>d «'''' ;-''''V- '',,;.;. -i,,, fr.an his pros- then.. They ec,ns,.nt,-d. and '^^"^^'^^'^^ ,^ ,„y, i„ a trate attitude, hut -->"'"'!^' ""'''l^'^ ;,".!; " ,,ut at the loe,d voiee: "Our Father, winch * '^ ;^ ;^' ,,, ,ation," first wonU ()t th( ^ ^ * • • tharly rays of the coming the executioner, uhopnliaps > he had jiiven in full and entire posses ,Ton the abbey of Croyland were resumed and given to W T udith hoped to share this vast inheritance with a tsband o ler Z choice; but she was mistaken; the same n^wer tba had disposed of her hand to gain over a Saxon, ^r pi ed to '^eM.pU.y it in repaying the services of a Frlnchmin. Without consulting his niece ""T ">o- '-^;", the fonner occasion king AV. .am otteml ^^^^^^ of Waltlioof to one himoii, irom tlie town oi otmi., kni^l but la.ne and iU-tbnnecl. Judith expressnl an utter coi^^e^m for the man and refused the match: the Conqueror, SS^XlouHl to make his policy yielLier»o, .u~ u lo, ^~ i,„v,ita Der diversa « JusK) Dd judicio mulium dc^j^oUu odio ouiiubus bamta. per aiNersu loca et iutibula diu lovet. (Ii^pulf., j). ' .j.) TO 1076.] SUDDEN ENERGY OF WULFSTAN. 287 religious authority liad also passed into the hands of men of foreign race, and of the old Saxon prelates there remained only Wulf^tan, bishop of Worcester.* He was a simple, weak-minded man, incapable of even a daring thought, and who, as we have seen above, after a momentary impulse of patriotic enthusiasm, became heartily reconciled with the conquerors. He had since rendered them important services; he had made pastoral visitations and |)roclaimed the amnisties of the king in the provinces still in commotion; he had marched in person against Roger de Hereford, on the banks of the Severn: but he was of English race: his day came, as that of others had come. In the year 1076, AVulfstan was cited before a council of Norman bishops and lords, assembled in the church of West- minster, and presided over by king William and archbishop Lanfranc. I'he assembly unanimously declared that the Saxon prelate was incapable of exercising the episcopal functions in England, by reason of his not being able to speak French.^ In virtue of this singular judgment, the king and archbishop ordered the condemned prelate to resign the staff and rin"-,"* the ensigns of his dignity. Astonisliment and indignation'at being so ill rewarded inspired Wulfstan with an energy en- tirely new to him; he rose, and holding his pastoral staff in his hand, walked straight to the tomb of king Edward, who was buried in this church; there, stopping and addressing the dead man, in the English tongue, he said: " Thou, Edward, gavest me this staffs to thee I return it and confide it."^ Then turning towards the Normans: '• I received this from a bet- ter man than any of you; I return it to him, take it from him if you can."^ As he pronounced these la>t words, the Saxon energetically struck the tombstone with the end of the pas- toral staff. His air and this unexpected action produced on the assembly an impression of utter astonishment, mingled with superstitious fear: the king and the primate did not re- ^ Job. Bromton, tit sup. col. 975. « Annales Buitonienses, apud rer. Aiigbc. Script., (Gale) i. 264. Mattb. Paris, i. ^0. JI. Knygl'ton, ut sup. col. 2'Sm. * Job. Biomton, vt sup. col. 970. ♦ lidem, ib. • H. Knygbton, ijt sup. 2gg THE NORMAN CONQUEST. \ A-"^- 1076. peat their demand, and permitted the last English bishop to retain his staff and his office.^ . The popular imagination converted tl,is f "■■ ".to a prod^ nnd the report spread that the pastoral staff ot Wult^tan,when he struck the s.onewith it, had penetrated deep '"to .t as into «.ft earth, and that no one had been "'''^/^ r''' "'"'^V^i^J^; r> I' ....ir xiriuMi tlip forei""ners liad revokea lueir *he Saxon hiinsell, wuen lue iuici^ucio *' ientence.^ After the death of Wulfstan who -as -eceeded in his see by a canon of Bayeux, named Sam>o , t. e hngh.h LonrurTd hi'm, a. they had done Waltheof and E^^^ ^ the title of saint.3 It ,vu~ -., witli almost al tliose who, eminent for dignity and character, suffered death or persecu- tion for the cause of Anglo-Saxon nationali y. 1 1 this seems so.n.u l,at strange to us ol the P--e^ent day; for oppressed nations have lost the custom of making samts of 21 defenders and friends; they have strength of mmd enough to preserve the r.Muembrance of those whom tbey ha e loved without surrounding their nan.es with a superstitious Clorv'. But whatever the difference between our patriotic manners and those of the men who have preceded us on the earth, let this difference inspire us neither with anger nor with contempt towards them. The grand thought ot imman rndependenci was revealed to the,,, as to us; they environed it with their favo,>rite symbols; th.y assembled around it all that they de,„,. d noblest, and made it rehgious as we make t poS It is the same ,.,.nvi.-.ion and the same enthu- 2m expressed in a dilferct n.n„.„r; tl,e sau.e inclination to immortalize those who have devote.l their life to the good of their fellow -creatures. ' Mutth. I'liris. I'il.r .tU.atiim ,S. .Ill'iiiii. i. 49. ■- Ki,>gl,l"n. "' s"^'- • .\iiiiiU. Burton., Ill siif. p. '■247. BOOK VI. FROM THE QUARREL BETWEEN KING WILLIAM AND niS ELDEST SON ROBERT, TO THE LAST VISIT OF WILLIAM TO THE CON- TINENT. 1077—1087. Discords among the victors-Quarrel between William and his son Robert —Robert demands Normandy— He joins his father's enemies— William curses his son— Conspiracy against and murder of Vaulcher- Devastation of Northumberland— Miserable condition of the northern provinces- Anglo-Saxon outlaws— Popular poems in their honour-Ambition of ludes-His arrest-Kesults of the Norman conquest-Toustain, abbot ot Wastonbury— Saxon monks killed or wounded bv his order— Death of Matilda-Severance of interests between tlie king :ind the Normans —Domesday book— Levies npon the Normans and English— EquaHza- lon of property in the hands of the Normans— Laws of William against hunting— Political reasons for the severity of these laws -Expropria- tion of the Enghsli subsequent to the conquest— Emigration of Normans to Scotland— Descent of the Danes— Preparations for defence— Singular order issued to the English- Motives for the armament of king Knut— Termination of alliance between the Englisli and the Danes— General assembly and review of the Normans- Ordinances of king William- State of the Anglo-Saxon population— Anxiety and mental torments of king \^illiam— Establishment of episcopal jurisdiction— Separation of the civil and ecclesinsticnl tribunals— Conduct of William with refer- ence to the pope— Aspect of the conquered country. One of the necessary phases of all conquests, crreat or small, IS, that the conquerors quarrel among theiii:.e!ves for the pos- session and i)artition of the property of the conquered. The Normans did not escape this necessity. Winn there Avere no more rehels to subdue, Enjrland became a cause of intestine war to her masters: and it was in the bosom of her new royal fjinnly, between thefatlier and his eldest son, that discord first broke out. His son Robert, whom the Normans surnamed m their lanjruanre, Gamberon or Courie-Hpftse, on account of the shortness of his lejis,' had, before the battle of Hastinrrs, been named by duke William heir to his lands and title. This VOL. I. » Order. Vital., lib. iv p. .')-t5. ■lilllll llllKiH" THE NORMAN CONQUEST. A.D. 1077 290 .o..nation had t^n pla^ -^^f;;^ S 1^^^ ..ul consent of t^^^^^^^^^ ,^,,. when William oath to young Robert, as to tm ^^^ition was aroused had become king, the J^^^S "^"; [^^^^^^^ ;, least to abdicate in by his father's ^^^cesses mim^^ .is t:.vour the g^-^r^^J^r "Jhis new kir.gdom A .^iUing to ^''^^'^J^'^Zchthe two younger brothers, viol, tit quarrel ensued, in ^m ^^^^^^.^^ ^j^^er William I^,^»*rV'"f-ofbut in i^^^^ ^«pplant him, if they colour of mud affection, but mrta^^^^^ ^^ ^ ^^ could, in the succession which tUtir lai him.^ t. 1- „ waa nt LaiMe with his sons, William One day that the king ^^,^;\\^^^^^^^^ i„ the house of one and Henry came to ^^^^^^^^^^^ .pper rooms began Roger Chaussiegue, and a^cenum^ soldiers of that time; Jo Slay at dice, after the ~^^^^^^^^^^ .pen Robert then they made a great Tf,;;'" ..^. yard below. Irritated and his friends who ^^^ ^ ^^^^^^ Thand, to chastise his by this insult, Robert ^^^'^ which the king had some brothers: there ^^^ ^ S^^^^X Mowi^ night, the young difficulty in appeasing, ^n the lo „ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ H,an, followed by al his compa^^^^^^ ^^^ ^.^^^^ ^^ ceeded to Rouen, where ^^ ^^^^^^^^ f^^nds were arrested; ^ but failed in his object J^^^^^ ^^^^ passing the frontier be himself escaped, with some othcr^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^ and son, but it ^^r\^Z^^o^^^^ ^^ ''''''' surrounded the a Her ^^^^^-^f^^ ^^^ , ,,,,;• said they, tion by every device. ^J"*'^, ^ care of his treasure, « thy father's people «^"«\Xttow on hy fo Why sini thou hast not a penny ^^^^f ^^^^^^ is so rich? endurest thou to remain so P««^' ^^^^^^^ \^ ^t least for the Ask him for a portion o h^. ^^^^^^^^^^^^ all his duchy of Normandy, wludi he pr^^^^^^^^ similar suggestions barons." Robert, ^^^^^^^^'^^^^^^ '^ the 'k^^ again refused, and renewed his former request, but the un„ « I Ord*»r. Vital., lib. n- P- ■•l''- Id. t.. •'-l*^- TO 1079.] INSUBOUDINATION OF YOUNG ROBERT. 291 exhorted him. in a paternal tone, to return to his duty, and especially to make choice of better counsellors, wise and grave persons, of mature age, such as archbishop Lanfianc. " Sir king," sharply replied Robert, " I came here to claim my right, and not to listen to sermons; I heard enough of them and wearisome enough they were, when I was at my gram- mar. Answer me therefore distinctly, so that I may know what I have to do; for I am firmly resolved not to live on the bread ol others, and not to receive the wages of any man " The king answered angrily, that he would not divest him- self of Normandy, where he was born, or share England, which he had acquired by so much labour. " Well " said Robert, " I will go— I wiU go and serve strangers, and per- haps obtain from them what is refused me in my own country." He departed, and went through Flanders, Lorraine, Germany, then to France and Aquitaine, visiting, says an old historian, dukes, counts, and rich lords of castles, tellino- them his grievances and demanding their aid; but all he re*^ ceived for the support of his cause lie spent upon mounte- banks, parasites, debauched women, and soon found himself compelled to beg afresh, or to borrow at enormous usury. Matilda, his mother, sometimes sent him money unknown to the king. William heard of this, and forbad her to send any more; she disobeyed, and the irritated king reproached her, in bitter terms, « with supporting his enemies by the treasure he had placed in her keeping;" he ordered Matilda's mes- senger, who conveyed the money, to be arrested and to have his eyes put out; but the latter, a Breton, named Samson, escaped, and turned monk, to save at once, says an old chro- nicle, his soul and his body.^ After much journeying, young Robert repaired, under the auspices of Philip, king of France, to the castle of Gerberoy, m Beauvoisis, on the confines of Normandy. He was well received here by Eiie, viscount of the castle, and by his col- league; for, says the old narrator, it was the custom at Ger- beroy to have two seigneurs equal in power, and to receive fugitives from all countries.2 There the son of the Con- queror assembled a body of mercenaries; some came to him from France and Normandy; even men-at-arms of king Wil- j - 10'9 li,n, «nd several of those who had been flattering him daily, T'v ^l^IhU table, quitted their posts, and repaired to SrS> and at Sgth he himself, easing the sea^ came S person to besiege the castle where his son had shut h.mself "''in a sally made by Robert, he engaged, hand to hand, a . •it^nvPloDed in armour, wounded him in the arm, and S him £ his horse; 'the voice of the wounded man itTu Hha H was his father he had overthrown; he m- SrS —or^o - tlejath^^^^^^^^^^^^^ • """ '^t.::^^(T^ who ha's" seduced from r ^y IXthose whom I have fed with my bread, and wLm I have supplied with the arms they bear? He, how ^rnUiml^ely -ave in; but the good understandmg between ?:th;r and on was not of long duration; for the th.rd t:m^ rIwi withdrew, went into a foreign country, and returned ^„ more during his father's life.' The king cursed h.m on r rirf uie° and the historians of the age attribute to Ms mTedic ion the misfortunes which filled the life of the .,Tton onViUiam the Bastard-mi.fortunes of which, as te have seen, the conquest of England was the first cause « Prom the"; dissensions, which troubled the repose of the V ?o? the conquerors, the conquered derived no advantage; ". f in the aVence of William, the royal hand itself weighed ""f nnon lit people, other hands, tho.e of earls, viscounts, r\ "P°";aterand abbot., all of foreign race, made it feel ^u^'t'^ ters Amon„ tl e most pitik.-s of these ininisters their heaviness ^mon J Vaulcher, bishop of n'trXlncf the execution of ^V-altheof, had added to Durham, y^'^°' J'S^g t^e .government of the whole country his ee-^k^'f '^"^ "7" d the Ty...v' The friends of the earl- l''*:''"l *^'lvTauitedh administration, and praised him bishop loud y jaunted i^» ...^^.^lions of the English by :hreTg:^ttsrrrand in refornnng their morals by the 1 Order. Vital., lib. iv. p. ^n. ml 8 Order. Vital., p. 0<<5. t Cbron. Saxon., p. i^*- , ^ . ■ ^^^ « Mattli. Pans, i. \(\ . ^ I Riat. Episcop. Duwlm.; Ai.glia Sacra, i. ^M. TO 1080.] DEATH OF BISHOP VAULCHER. 293 power of his di.scourses.^ The simple fact was, that Vaulcher harassed his province by insupportable exactions, that he allowed his officers, after iiim, to levy tributes on their own account, and that he permitted his soldiers also to rob and murder with impunity.2 Among those whom he put to death without trial was one Liulf, a man beloved by the wht»le country, who had retired to Durham ai'ter having been de- spoiled by the Normans 3 of all the property he possessed in the south of England. This murder, executed with most atrocious circumstances, put the crowning point to the hatred of the people to the Lorrainese bishop and his agents. The old spirit of Northumberland was aroused, and the inhabi- tants of that district, so fatal to foreigners, assembled as in the time of Robert Comine.'* They held nocturnal conferences, and unanimously agreed to proceed with concealed weapons to the assembly of justice, held from time to time by tlie bishop, at the county court. ^ This court was held on the banks of the Tyne, near the New Castle, built by the conquerors on the high road to Scotland, at a place called in Saxon Gotes-Heaved, or Goats-Head.^ The Northumbrians repaired hither in great numbers, as if to address humble and pacific solicitations to their lord. They demanded reparation for the wrongs that had been done them. " I will not redress any of these," said the bishop, " unless you first give me four hundred pounds, good money." The Saxon who, knowing French, spoke in the name of the rest, asked permission to confer with them, and all went apart for a moment, as if to consult together about paying the sum de- manded; but suddenly the speaker, who was the chief also of the plot, cried out in the English tongue, *' Short reed, good reed, slay ye the bishop I"7 At this signal, they drew their weapons, threw themselves upon the Lorrainese, killed him, and with him an hundred men of Norman or Flemish race,* Two servants only, Englishmen by birth, Avere spared by the > Willelm. Malmesb., de Gestis, &c., p. 277. « Matth. Paris, i. 10. Hist. Episcop. Dunelm., p. 703. » lb. p. 704. * lb. 703. Willelm. Malmesb., de Gest , &;c., p. 110. » Matth. Paris, i. 10. Cbron. Saxou., p. 1«4. • Florent. Wigorn. Cliron., p. iVM). • Maiih. Paris, i. 10. « chron. Saxou., p. 184. I ■ i li' llll ll ■ ■ "fffSSSSSSS I I m il J i pip! n ii g a il !! . n ! 294 THE NORMAN CONUUEST. [a.d. 1080. conspirators.^ The popular rising extended to l^urham; the fortress built there by the Normans was attacked; but the garrison, numerous and well providt^d, nsisted the North una- briaiis, who, after a siege of four days, became discouraged, and dispersed.^ i .• ♦ At this new indication of life given by the population ot the north, Eudes, bishop of Bayeux, the king's brother, and one of his lieutenants in his absence, promptly marched to Durham, with a numerous army. Without taking the time or the trouble to investigate the circumstances of the insurrec- tion he promiscuously seized the natives, who, confiding m their innocence, remained in their homes, and beheaded or mutilated them.^ Others only purchased their life by sur- rendering all they possessed. Bishop Eudes P\lla?f Annales de Margan, apud rer. Anfjlic. Hist., (Gale) ii. 3. * Monasteriuin Glastoniae... semper post adveutum Normamioriim pessi- rais est iufractum laboribus...Abbates enim, rerum gloria elati, nou religi- 0S08 sed tirannos agunt, foris tumidi...intus crudeles et incommudi. (Adamus de Domeram, ed. Hearne, p. lUi.) • Mouachos in victualibus miserabiliter tractare, liinc lites verborumi animoriim discordiae qua, ut ait Lucauus, nescit plebes jejuua timere. ^Willelm. Mulmesb., da Gesti^ Pont. "; ^« arms were too unequal: eighteen monks were killed or mortally wounded, and their blood, says the contemporary chronicle, Doured down the steps of the altar.* Another historian says, rtiat he could recite many facts similar to this, but ^^at^e pre- fers to pass them over in silence, as equally pain.ul to write and to read.' ,„ „,. titmv „ a™ In the year 1083 died Matilda, wife of k.n^ yi^J;^; ^n old narrative says that the counsels of ^his lady more than once softened the soul of the conqueror; ^ ^^ tnt that after nosed him to clemency towards the Lngl.sh, but that alter her death William abandoned himself without reserve to his » Id. De Antlquit. Glaston. Eccles., avud rer. Anglic Script., (Gale) "'* ^^^' • CliroTi. Sax., p. 184, Willelm. MalmeHh., hen ntut. t Willelm. Malmesb., De G.sth iJ.n,v.nce of \ork He com Dilation of this roll for each county mentio.uMl »n it, was piiaiiuu »n TViA Li ntiarii. pistores. « Nicolaus balistiiriiis I Rahdu, reah rotulus Vintonue. a.i.l liher Vintomcp. (SpelraaL, GlLf tl Sesd:;.) Magnus Uber...babiu.s in tbesauro eccles.. e«tLedrali3 Wintoniffl. (Rudborue, ut sup. i. p. io7.) TO 1086.] DISPOSSESSION OF NORMANS. 303 tence of irrevocable expropriation.' But if this book was a sentence of dispossession i'or the English nation, it was so equally for some of the foreign usurpers. Their chief skilfully availed himself of it to effect numerous changes of property in his own favour, and to legitimate his personal pretensions to many lands usurped and occupied by others. He asserted himself proprietor, by inheritance, of ail that Edward, the last king but one of the Anglo-Saxons, Harold, the last king, and the whole family of Harold had possessed; by the same title, he claimed all public property and the lordship of all cities, except where he had expressly divested himself of it, either wholly or in part, by a fonnal deed, par lettre et saisiney as the old jurisconsults call it.^ In the moment of victory, no one had thought of the for- mahties oi lettre OYsaisine^ and each of tliose to whom William, before the battle of Hastings, said: " What I take, you shall take," had carved out his own portion: but after the conquest, the soldiers felt transferred to tlieir own shoulders some of the weight of that power which they had brought upon the shoulders of the English. It was thus that the right of Wil- liam de Warenne to the estates of two free Englishmen in Norfolk was contested, because these lands had once formed part of one of Edward's royal manors.^ It was the same with the domain of one Eustache, in Huntingdonshire, and with fifteen acres of land held by one Miles, in Berkshire.'* An estate that Engelry occupied in Essex was, in the language of th'^ great roll, seized into the hands of the king, because Engelry sent no one to justify his titles.^ The king, in like ' Vocatns Domysday...quia nulli parcit sicut nee magniis dies judicii. [" Some have imngined that the word signified literally the lord's dver- Jsement to his tenants, from dom {dominus), a lord, and diia, an adver- tisement. The most natural conjecture, however, is that by the day of judging, is to be understood the work of judicially determining. The Dom» hot of the Saxons was rendered in Latin by liber judicialis, and Domesday Book is also commonly rendered liher judicialis or censiialis, and sometimes Magna rolla Wintnn." Cral)b, Hist, of English Law.'] ■ Breve sigillum, liberatio, saisitio. (Domesday B., passim.) * Quod pertinebant tempore Edwardi regis ad faganahain mansi regis. (D. B., ii. 172.) * Grafham dicunt socam regis fuisse et esse, nee brevem, nee saisitorem vidisse qui liberasset earn Eustachio. (D. 11., i. fol. 208, recto.) Eex Edvnrdus hnbuit XV. acras...Milo Crispen. ti ii't ttis uesciunt quomodo. (///. fol. ;')t;, redo.) * lb. ii. p. '.S. 304 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. A.D. lOSO manner, seized aU estates over which he had any pretension, and of which the occupier, although a Norman, could not or would not render an account} . Another claim on his part was, that every domain which bad paid any rent or service to king Edward, should pay the same rent or service to him, although held by a Norman. This claim, founded on a regular succession to the rights ot the English king, which could not be admitted by those who had forcibly dispossessed the English race, was at first ill received by the conquerors. Exemption from taxes or any money service beyond a voluntary contribution now and then, appeared to them the inviolable prerogative of their victory, and they regarded the condition of customary tax-payers as peculiar to the subjugated nation.^ Many resisted the de- man'ls of the king, scorning to have personal servitude im- posed upon them for the land which they had conquered. But others submitted; and their compliance, whether voluntary or purchased by William, weakened the opposition of the rest. Raoul de Courbesj.ine long refused to pay any rent tor the houses he had taken in the city of Canterbury; and Hugh de Montfort for tlie lands he occupied in Essex.^^ Ihese two chiefs mi-ht act thus cavalierly with impunity; but the hau-htiness of les> i.owerful and less considerable men was sometimes s^neiely punished. One Osbern le Pecheur (Fislier), having refused to pay the dues which his land tor- merlv paid to khig Edward, as depending on his domain, was appropriated by the royal ogents, and his land ofttTcd to any one who would pay the dues demaiuled. Kaoul laille-Bois paid, says the great roll, and took possession ol the domain forfdhd by OsIhth h* IVcheur.'* The king thu.. endeavoured to levy from lus own country- men, in the cities and lands of his demesne, the tax esta- blished by the Saxon law. As to tlie English in these cities and demesne lauds, besides the tax rigorously exacted as beincr the custom of the place, and whi
  • . B., passim.) » Cunsiieliulo, custnnia, nistiinnvrii, constmiH's. nislums. > D. B., i. fol. •-'. r. . ii. p. 'i, tt neq. * 1) i;. i. my TO 1086.] DISPUTES AMONG THE NORMANS. SQ.'S Normans called (aille or (aillage (tallagium). The irreat roll o^iumerates the tallagable burgesses V tie kin ', f .c tS towns, and hamlets. - The following are the bur "esses nf Tve acLs f If -f ""''^ "'''' ^^"^^ '^^ ^^^"^^^^^ '^"d twenty. five acres; Ulfnk, Edwin, Wulfstan, Manwn, &c " The Tthe hni ia.e of 7 "' '"^'^ "' '"""'^^•' ^his is wluit, hnrJl « n l ^^ ^'^ conquerors, was called Iiavin- a free Dy the Jiead, were sold, given, exchanfred lent or pvph divided among the Norman^a The great ^-d mmions Ta" a certain viscount had in the town of Ipswich two l>v?n rIo 1 T 7 '^f .^""^^^, ^^^^> had lent the Saxon Edwig Z Raoul Taille-Bois, to keep him so long as he should livT? of l'?n '"'"'"!' '^''^''''' ^"^^^^ '^'' conquerors for tL spoil of he conquered, many iuvasions of Normans upon Nomnns as he rol expresses it, were also recorded in ivery pa of England;^ for example, William de Warenne, in BedLdsl ire had disseised Walter Espec of a half-hide or half^^^^^^^^^^ land, and had taken from him two horses.^ Elsewhe e Huwf de Corbon had usurped from Roger Bigot t/ie DfTfaf^^^ sSlvln-'^'r^ i";^? -^' five%cres%f laLh Vllnj ! shire, AVilham de la Chesnaye claimed from Picot a cpZL portion of land, under pretext that it beloi'^edo the Saxon otners ot the same kind, prove that the Normans re-arded as their legitimate property all that the ancient proprie^tor could , ^ . ^ Biirgenses rpnris. (If, ii 101 \ Omnes isti sunt hberi homines Bofferii R.Vnt .r k de eo. {If,, p. ;]4i.) -nogerii Jjigot, et ^o^mannus tenet eos ' Js^of I'l^eros bomines calumpniatur Eoffer de Ean.i^ m n - qq~ x * "'"'c it'rrani te.uiit Avigi, et poMiit dare nii vnlnif t r t^ i , . " Invasiones. ...sme breve regis dessaisivit. &c. (Ib.\ « r;. ; , , VOL. I. X ^ \ 306 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1080 nave legally claimed, and that the foreign invader, considering himself a natural successor, made tlie same claims, prosecuted the same civil suits, tlisvt the natural heir of the Saxon would have done.^ He summoned the English inhabitants of the district as witnesses to establish the extent of the rights which his substitution in place of the man he had killed or expelled had communicated to him.-^ Frt (juently, the memory of the inhabitants, disturbed by the suffering and confusion of the conquest, was not equal to these appeals; frequently, lIso, the Norman wlio sought to dispute the right of his countrymen, refused to abide by the deposition of the vile populace of the conquered.^ In this ease, tlie only means of terminating the disput. was by judicial combat between the parties, or a trial in the king's court.* The Norman terrier speaks in many places of unjust inva- sions, disseizins, ami wrongful pretensions.'' It seems curious to find the word Justice in the register of the expropriation of an entire people; a book which cannot be properly understood, unless we bear in mind throughout every page that the word inheritance means the spoliation of an Englishman; that every Englishman despoiled by a Norman takes thenceforth the name of predecessor of the Norman; that the being /?/5^, with a Norman, meant the abstaining from invasion of lands or houses of an Englishman killed or expelled by another Nor- man, and that the contrary is called injustice, as is proved by the following passage: *' In the county of Bedford, Raoul Taille-Bois has unjustly disseized Nigel of five hides of land, notoriously forming part of tlie inheritance of his predecessor, and part of which is still occupied by the concubine of the said Nigel." Some of the dispossess<(l Saxons ventured to present them- selves before the cunuui-tiuncrs of inquiry to set forth their * Hanc clamant. ..per antec<>sun'm...cujus terras omnes W. rex sibi do- iiavit. {lb. folio t>l;').) 2 De hoc smiin tesiinioiiiura adduxit de — antiquis bomiiiibus totius co- milatus. (/ft. p. 44.) 3 Testimonium de villauis et vili plebe. (//'.) * Judicium per regem in curia regis ; judi( io, seu belle, seu duello. {Ih. pas$im.) * Invaait, injuste saisivit, injuste dissaisivit, injuste occupavit. {lb. passim.'^ • D. B., i. fbl. 214. TO 1086.] FORMATION OF FORESTS. 307 claims; many of these are registered, couched in terms of humble supplication that no Norman employed. These men declared themselves poor and miserable; they appealed to the clemency and compassion of the king.^ Those who, by the most abject servility, .succeeded in preserving some slight portion of their paternal inheritance, were obliged to pay lor this favour with degrading or fantastic services, or received it under the no less humihating title of alms. Sons are in- scribed in the roll as holding the property of their fathers by alms? Free women retain their field as alms? One woman preserves her husband's land on condition of feeding the king's dogs.4 a mother and her son receive their own pro- perty in gift, on condition of each day saying prayers for the soul of Richard, the king's son.^ :,. . • i^oi This Richard, son of William the Conqueror, died in 1081, crushed by his horse against a tree in the New Forest.^ This was a space of thirty miles, newly planted vvith trees, between Salisbury and the sea. This district, belore being converted into wood land, contained more than sixty parishes, which the conqueror broke up, and whose inhabitants he ex- pelled "^ It is not known whether the reason for this singular proceeding was purely politic, and whether William;s spe- cial object was to provide a secure place of debarkation lor his succours from Normandy, a place where they would encounter no Saxon enemy; or whether, as most ot the ancient historians say, he merely designed to satisfy his pas- sion and that of his sons for the chase. It is to this inor- dinate passion that are also attributed the strange and cruel recrulations he made respecting the carrying arms m the forests of England; but there is reason to suppose that these regulations had a graver motive, and that they were directed ao-ainst the English, who, under the pretext of hunting, might m'eet in arms for political purposes. " He ordcTed, says a contemporary chronicle, " that whoever should kill a stag or 1 D. B., i. fol. 203. 2 ...in elemosina concessit. {Ih. fol. 21H.) ' ^^\^^}'^^' „ , « feminffi Godrici m dono, eo quod nutriebat caues suos. {Ih. fol. 07.) » Ih. fol. 141. « Nove Forest. Vixle Spelnian, Glossar, xerho fore sla. ...et silvestres feras pro bomiuibus ibidem coustituit. (Order. Vital*, lib. x.'p. 781.) X 2 308 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1080 TO 1086.J WILLIAM S GRASPING CONDUCT. 309 MM a hind should have his eyes picked out; the protection given to stags extended also to wild boars; and lie even made statutes to secure hares from all danger. This king loved wild beasts as though he had been their father."^ These laws, rigorously enforced against the Saxons, greatly increased their misery; for many of them had no means of subsistence hut the chase. " The poor murmured," adds the chronicle iust cited, "but he made no account of their ill will, and they were fain to obey under pain of death."-^ William comprised within his royal demesne all the great forests of England, formidable places to the conquerors, the asylum of their last adversaries. These laws, which the Saxon historians ridicule as laws to protect the life of hares,^ were a powerful protection to the life of the Normans; and, in order that their execution might be the better assured, hunting in the royal Ibrests became a privilege, the conces- sion of which ai)pertained to the king alone, who could at will grant and inttrdict it. Many high personages of Norman race, more alive to their own convenience than to the inter - f*ats of the conquest, were indignant at this exclusive law.* But so long as the >-»pirit of nationality remaine pdiiluis iit pniculo iimuunr^ c-'-t iit. (Jb.) * II'. * Blnckstoiie's Ctmimt nf'irirs, ii. 410. • Nf aini'liiis expeiliieiitur. (Clinrta Ilmrici iii.) make him pay a heavy fine. On the contrary, the royal law for the preservation of game, great and small, was extended in favour of the descendants of the rich Normans, enabling them to have game-keepers of their own to kill with impunity the poor Englishman who might be detected laying wait for deer or hares. ^ At a later period, the poor man himself, the descendant of the Saxons, having ceased to be formidable to the rich heirs of the other race, was only punished, when he dared to hunt, with a year's imprisonment, and the pro- viding responsible bail to answer for his not committing any such crime for the future, " in parks, or forests, or warrens, or fish-ponds, or anywhere, against the peace of our lord the king."2 The last peculiarity that we shall cite, as exhibited by the great register of the Norman conquest, is that we find there the proof that king William established as a general law, that every title to property anterior to his invasion, and every act of transfer or transmission of property made by a man of English race posterior to the invasion, was null and void, unless he himself had formally ratified it. In the first terror caused by the conquest, some Englishmen had made over part of their lands to churches, either in actual gift, for the good of their souls and bodies, or in feigned gift, to secure that portion to their sons, should the domains of the saints of England be respected by the Normans. This precaution was futile, and when the churches could not produce written proof that the king had confirmed the gift, or, in other words, that he himself had made it, the land was seized to his account.^ Such was the case with the domain of Ailrik, who, before departing for the war against the Saxons, had assigned his manor to the convent of St. Peter, in Essex; and it was so with the estate of one Edrik, made over before the conquest to the monastery of Abingdon.'* This law was more than once put in force, and all title to ' Si fugit et occidatur malefactor, non obtinebit jus nee appellum. (Ad- ditamenta ad Mattb. Paris, i. 100.) * lb. * Nortunam teuuit Godid quaedam faemina T. R. E....hanc tenwon dedi* ...Sancto-Pauln, postquam rex veiiit in Angliam, sed non ostendit brevem nee eoncessum regis. (D. B., ii. 13.) * ...Edricus, qui eum tenebat, deliberavit ilium filio suo qui erat in Abendone mouaclms, ut ad firmam illud teneret. {lb. i. 59.) 310 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1080 property whatsoever utterly effaced and annihilated for the sons of the Anglo-Saxons. This fact is attested by the Norman Richard Lenoir, bishop of Ely about the middle of the twelfth century. He relates that the English, daily dispossessed by their lords, addressed great complaints to the king, saying that the ill treatment they had to undergo from the other race, and the hatred exhibited towards them by it, left them no resource but to abandon the country.^ After long delibe- ration, the kings and their council decided that in future all that a man of English race obtained from the lords, as pay- ment for personal services, or as the result of a legal agree- ment, should be irrevocably secured to him, but on condition that he should renounce all riglit founded upon anterior possession.2 « This decision," adds the bishop of Ely, " was sage and beneficial; and it obliged the sons of the conquered to seek the good graces of their lords by submission, obe- dience, and devotion. So that now no Englishman possessing lands or houses or other property, is proprietor thereof by title of inheritance or paternal succession, but only in virtue of a donation made to him in recompence for his loyal services. It was in the year 1086 that the compilation of the Great Roll of the Normans— tlie Book ofJmlgment of the Saxons- was finished; and in the same year there was a great convo- cation of all the conquering chiefs, laymen and priests. In this council were discussed the various claims registered in the roll of inquest, and the discussion did not terminate with- out quarrels between the king and his barons; there were grave conferences between them, says a contemporary chronicle, upon the important distinction as to what ought to be defini- tively regarded as legitimate in the occupations under the conquest.* Most of the individual invasions were ratified; but as some exceptions were made, there was a discontented minority among the conquerors. Several barons and knights renounced their homage, quitted William and England, and. » Cum dorainis siiis odiosi passim pdlerentur, nee esset qui ablata resn- tueret...exosi et rebus spoliati, ad aliegenas transire cogereutur. (Dialog de Scaccario, in notia ad Matth. Paris, i. ad initiinn.) t j^. * lb. * Chron. Saxon., p. 186. TO 1086.] RUMOUK OF A DANISH INVASION. 311 crossing the Tweed, went to oifer to Malcolm, king of Scot- land, the service of their horses and their arms.^ Malcolm received them favourably, as, before them, he had received the emigrant Saxons; and distributed among them portions of land, for which they became his liege-men, his soldiers to- wards and against all. Thus Scotland received an accession of population entirely different from those which had hitherto mingled together there. The Normans, united by a common exile and a common hospitality with the English who had but lately fled before them, became, under a new banner, their companions and brothers-in-arms. Equality reigned beyond the Tweed between two races of men who, on the other side of the same river, were of so different a condition; a fusion rapidly took place of manners and even of language, and the recol- lection of diversity of origin did not sever their sons, because there was mingled with it no recollection of foreign insult or oppression. While the conquerors were thus occupied in regulating their internal affairs, they were suddenly disturbed by an alarm from without. The report spread that a thousand Danish vessels, sixty Norwegian vessels, and an hundred vessels from Flanders, furnished by Robert de Frison, the new duke of that country and an enemy of the Normans, were assembling in the gulf of Lymfiord, for the purpose of making a descent upon England and delivering the Anglo- Saxon people.^ The kings of Denmark, who, for twenty years past, had successively encouraged and betrayed the hopes of this people, could not, it would seem, resolve entirely to abandon them. The insurrection which, in 1080, caused the death of the bishop of Durham, appears to have been en- couraged by the expectation of a descent of the northmen; for we find these words in the ofiicial despatches addressed, at the time, to that bishop: "The Danes are coming: care- fully provide your castles with provisions and arms."^ The * Ellis's Metrical Romances, vol. i., introduction, p. 125. • ...ut gentem nobilissimam pristinifi libertati restitueret. (Hist. S. Canuti regis, apud Script, rer. Danic, iii. 348.) Order. Vital., lib. vii. p 649. Florent. Wigom., Chron., p. 641. • Laufrauci, Opera, p. 314. Mi 812 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1085. Danes did not come, and perhaps the extraordinary precau- tions recommended to bishop Vaulcher on their account occa- sioned the failure of the outbreak in which he perished. But this false alarm was nothing compared with that which spread through England in the year 1085. The great body of the Norman forces was at once marched into the eastern provinces; poets were established on the coasts; cruisers put to sea; the recently erected fortresses were sur- rounded with additional works, and the walls of the old cities, dismantled by the conquerors, were rebuilt.^ King William published through Gaul the ban he had proclaimed twenty years before, when first about to cross the Channel. He promised pay and reward to every horse or foot soldier, who would enrol in his service. An immense number ar- rived from all i)arts. Every country that had furnished in- vaders to etfect the conquest, furnished garrisons to defend it.^ Fresh soldiers were quartered in the towns and villages; and the Norman earls, viscounts, bishops, and abbots were or- dered to lodge and support them in proportion to the extent of their respective jurisdictions or domains.^ To meet the • expense of this great armament, the king revived the old im- post called Dane-gheldj which, prior to its being levied by the Scandinavian conquerors, had been raised for the defence of the country against their invasions. It was re -established at the rate of twelve pence in silver for each acre of land. The Normans upon whom this tax immediately fell, reim- bursed themselves out of the pockets of their Anglo-Saxon farmers or serfs, who thus paid to repel the Danes coming to their aid, that which their ancestors had paid to repel them as enemies.* Bodies of troops overran the north-eastern counties of Eng- land, in all directions, to devastate them and render them uninhabitable either by the Danes, if they landed, or by the English, whom they suspected of favouring their landing.^ There remained on the sea coast, within reach of the vessels, neither man, nor beast, nor fruit tree. The Saxon popula- tion was necessarily driven inland, and, by way of additional » Hist. S. Caniiti, iit sup. • Cliron. Saxon., p. 186. • Th, — Florent. Wigorn., p. 6-il. ♦ Wilkins, Concilia MagiKS-Britaun., i, \M'\. * Chrou. Saxon., nt sup. A.D. 1085.] DANISH ARMAMENT. 313 precaution against any communication between that popula- tion and the D-ines, a royal ban, published by sound of trumpet in all places lying near the sea, ordered the P^nglish to assume Norman attire, Norman weapons, and to shave their beards in the Norman fashion.* This singular order was designed to deprive the Danes of the means of distinguishing the friends whom they came to succour, from the enemies whom they came to fight.'^ The fear which inspired these precautions was not without foundation; there was really a numerous fleet, destined for England, at anchor on the coast of Denmark. Olaf Kyr, king of Norway, son and successor of that Harold who, seeking to conquer England, had obtained but seven feet of land there, now came to aid the nation which had vanquished and killed his father, without, perhaps, heed- ing the change in the destiny of that people, and thinking that he was going to avenge Harold.^ As to the king of Denmark, Knut the son of Swen, promoter of the war and chief commander of the armament, he understood the revo- lution effected in England by the Norman conquest, and it was with a full knowledge of the subject that he went to succour the conquered against the conquerors. " He had yielded," say the Danish historians, "to the supplications of the exiled English, to the messages received from Eng- land, and to the pity inspired in his bosom by the miseries of a race of men allied to his own, a race whose chiefs, whose rich men, whose notable personages had been killed or banished, and which found itself reduced to servitude under the foreign race of French, who are also called Ro- mansr^ These were, in fact, the only two names by which the Norman nation was known in the north of Europe, since the last remains of the Danish language had perished at Rouen and at Bayeux. Though the seigneurs of Normandy might still readily prove their Scandinavian descent, in forgetting the idiom which was the visible sign of that descent, they • > ...ad instar i?owrt/Jor»w...per omnia Francigenis, quos et Eomanos dici praetuiimus, ar^similare pracipit. (Hist. S. Canuti, ui sup. p. 350.) • n. » Saga af Olafe Kyrra, cap. viii.; Suorre's Heimskringla, iii. IS.*), ^'llisl. S. Caimti, ut sup. j). 347. 314 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. Ta.d. 1085. had lost their title to the family compact which, despite fre- quent hostilities, tlie result of transient passions, united the Teutonic populations one with another. But the Anglo-Saxons were still entitled to the benetit of this fraternity of origin; and this, say the chroniclers of his nation, the king of Denmark acknowledged; so that if his enterprise was not wholly free from infusion of views of personal ambition, it was at least ennobled by the sentiment of a duty of humanity and relation- ship. His fleet was detained in port longer than he had ex- pected, and, meanwhile, emissaries from the Norman king, able and cunning as their master, corrupted with English gold many of the counsellors and captains of the Danes. ^ The delay, at first involuntary, was protracted by these in- trigues. The men secretly sold to William, and especially the Danish bishops, most of whom allowed themselves to be gained over, repeatedly succeeded in preventing king Knut from putting to sea, by creating all sorts of embarrassments and obstacles. Meantime, the soldiers, tired of a futile en- campment, complained and murmured in their tents.^ They demanded not to be thus mocked, and that they should be either sent upon their expedition, or be allowed to return to their homes, their labours, and their commerce. They held meet- ings, and signified to the king by deputies their resolution to disband, if the order for departure was not given forthwith. King Knut attempted to use rigour in order to re-estabhsh discipline. He imprisoned the leaders of the revolt, and sentenced the whole army to pay a fine of so much each man. The general exasperation far from being calmed by these measures, increased to such a degree, that in July, 1086, there wns a general mutiny, in which the king was killed by the soldiers:* this w^as the signal for a civil war, which spread over all Denmark; and from that time the Danish people, occupied with its own quarrels, forgot the Anglo- Saxons, their servitude, and their wrongs. This was the last occasion on which the sympathy of the Northern Teutons was exercised in favour of the Teutonic race which inhabited England. By degrees, the English, » Hist. S. Canuti, ut sup. p. 351. Torfaeus, Hist. rer. Norveg., lib. vL p. 393. « Hisl. S. Canuu, ut sup. -**>• * lb. p. 352, et seq. A.D. 1086.] NORMAN LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND. 315 despairing of their own cause, ceased to recommend them- selves and their cause to the remembrance and support of the northern nations. The exiles of the conquest died in foreign lands, and left there children, who, forgetting the country of their ancestors, knew no other than the land which had given them birth. ^ Finally, the Danish ambassadors and travellers who visited England, hearing in the houses of the great and wealthy none but the Romane tongue of Nor- mandy, and paying little heed to the language spoken by the traders in their shops, or the neatherds in their yards, imagined that the whole population of the country was Nor- man, or that the language had changed since the invasion of the Normans.2 Seeing French trouveres in every castle and city constituting the pastime of the higher classes in Eng- land, who, in fact, could have supposed that, sixty years be- fore, the scalds of the north had been held in the same favour there?3 England accordingly, from the twelfth century, was regarded by the Scandinavian nations as a country of an abso- lutely foreign tongue. This opinion became so decided, that, in the Danish and Norwegian law of escheat, the English were classed in the rank of the least favoured nations. In the code bearing the name of king Magnus, under the article of successions, we find the following words: "If men of English race, or others even still greater strangers to us — If Englishmen or other men speaking an idiom bearing no resemblance to our own "^ This want of resemblance could not mean mere diversity of dialects; for, even in the present day, the brogue of the northern provinces of Eng- land is to a certain extent intelligible to a Dane or Nor- wegian.^ * Pontanus, Rer. Danic. Hist., lib. v. p. 197. " Lin^a vero in Anglia mutata est, ubi Wilhelmus Nothus Angliam su- begit; ex eo enim tempore in Anglia invaluit lingua Francico — Normannica (Walkska). Saga af Gunnlaugi, cap. vii. (Hafniee, 1775) p. 87. » Gunnlaugus (islandensis)...ad regem (Etbelredum) accessit..." Car- men beroicum de te composui cui vellem audiendo vacares." Rex ita fore annuit, unde Gunnlaugus... recitavit...Eadem turn AngliaB quae (Daniee et.) Norwegiee fuit lingua. (Tb.) * Codex juris Islandorum dictus Gragas. T. de beered., cap. vi. and xviii. ; dissert, de lingua danica, apud Saga af Gunnlaugi, p. 247. ' Tbe principal, indeed almost tbe sole difference, arises from tbe French words, wbicb bave been introduced into it in great numbers. 316 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1086. About the close of the year 1086, there was a general meeting of all the conquerors and sons of the conquerors, at Salisbury, or, according to some writers, at Winchester. Each person of dignity, layman or priest, came at the head of his men-at-arms and the feudatories of bis domains. There were present sixty thousand men, all possessors of at least a portion of land sufficient to maintain a horse, or provide a complete suit of armour.' They renewed in succession their oath of faith and homage to king William, touching his hands and pronouncing this form: " I become your man from this day forth for life, for limb, and for worldly honour, and unto you shall be true and faithful, and bear you forth for the land that I hold of you, so help me God." The armed colony then separated, and it was probably then that the royal herald published, in his name, the following ordinances ;2 " We will and order that the earls, barons, knights, ser- geants, and all the free men of this kingdom, be and hold themselves fitly provided with horses and arms, that they may be ready at all times to do us the lawful service they owe us for their domains and holdings.^ " We will that all the free men of this kingdom be leagued and united as sworn brothers-in-arms, to defend, maintain, and guard it to the best of their power. " We will that all the cities, towns, castles, and hundreds of this kingdom be guarded every night, and that the inha- bitants in turn keep watch and ward against all enemies and evil doers. " We will that all the men brought by us from beyond sea, or who have followed us, shall be, throughout the kingdom, under our peace and special protection; that if one of them be killed, his lord, within the space of five days, shall seize the murderer; if he fail in so doing, he shall pay us a fine, conjointly with the EngUsh of the hundred in which the murder has been committed. " We will that the free men of this kingdom hold their lands and possessions well and in peace, free from all unjust exaction and all tallage, so that nothing be taken or de- * Saxoa Chron., p. 187. Mattli. Westmon., p. 229. ' Order. Vital., lib, vii. p. 049. ■i Seldeu, not. ad Eadmeri Jlist. p. 190. I A.D. 1086.] OPPRESSION OF THE NATIVES. 317 manded from them for the free service they owe us and are bound to do us in all perpetuity. " We will that all shall observe and maintain the law of king Edward with those which we have established, for the benefit of the English and the common weal of the king- dom."' This vain word, the law of king Edward, was all that re- mained for the future to the Anglo-Saxon nation of its an- cient existence; for the condition of each individual had been wholly changed by the conquest. From the greatest to the smallest, each conquered man had been brought lower than his former position: the chief had lost his power, the rich man his wealth, the free man his independence; and he, whom the hard custom of the period had made to be born a slave in the house of another, became the serf of a stranger, no longer enjoying the greater or less consideration which the habit of living together and the community of language had pro- cured for him on the part of his former master.^ The English towns and villages were unceremoniously farmed out by the Norman earls and viscounts, to men who then worked them for their own profit, and as though they were their own property.^ " He let out to the highest bidder," say the chronicles, "his towns and his manors; if there came a bidder who offered more, he let the i'arm to him; if a third arrived, who offered a still higher price, it w\as to the third that he adjudged it.'^ He gave it to the highest bidder, quite regardless of the enormous crimes which the farmers com- mitted in levying taxes upon the poor people. He and his barons were avaricious to excess, and capable of doing any- thing by which they could gain money."^ William, for his share of the conquest, had nearly fifteen hundred manors: he was king of England, supreme and irre- movable chief of the conquerors of the country; and yet he was not happy. In the sumptuous courts he held thrice a * Selden, not. ad Eadmeri, Hist., p. 101. 2 Et jus libertaiis est apreptiim, et jus niancipii coangustatum. (Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, 'ipxd Hickes, Thesaiir. limjnar. Scpteiit., ii. J 00.) He seite liys louues aiid liys londes to ferme we] vaste. (Robert cf Gloucester's Chronicle, p. 387.) « Chron. Sax., p. 188. * Aiiuales Waverleieuses, iii su}>. p. 134. i 313 THE NORMAN CONftUEST. [*•"• ^^^^' year, the crown on hU hea.l, at London, Winchester, or Gloucester, when his companions in victory, and the prelates whom he had instituted, were ranged around hun, ''is coun- tenance was sad and stern; he appeared uneasj »°J f"'l f care, and the possibility of a chanse of fortune haun ed his mind.' He doubted the fidelity of his Normans, and the sub- mission of the English. He tormented himself as to '-f i"t"re career, and the fate of his cl>.ld,c>.; aodconsulted, re»pecting his forebodings, certain men renowned as sages ... < "^P«"Oj when divination wa^ a part of wisdom. An An?lo-No>mai. poet of the twelfth century represents h.ra seated .n he midst of his bishops of England a.id Normandy, f f '"^'""S ^•>^'°' with childish earnestness, to throw some light upon the late "^Afte^'haviS'siibiected the variable and turbulent results of the conquest to so.n.tlm.u' like regular if not legitimate order, Willi:.,.. .,..itt..l K..gl:...d for the tl.inl t.>ne, and crossed the Channel, loLded, say the old historians, w.th innumer- able maledictions.' He crossed it, never »S'"" 'o;^*"^" ; for death, as we shall soon see, k^'P' •'™ «»/ ;« "^be. shore Among the laws and ordinances that he left be- hind him. two only are worthy of being '"""tioned as relating SDeciallv to the preservation of the rule established by the rnquesl* The 'first of these two laws, which i^ "-- X t'>e accomplishment of a p,oclu...at.on al.-eady cited ('t the Pro- clamation itself be not a.iother version of it), had for it, OD iMt to repress the assassinations committed on the members TZ victorious nation; it was --"ed in these terms: "When a Frenchman is killed, or found dead .n any hun- dred,themen of the hundred shall apprehend the murderer and brin^ him to justice within eight days; or in default of this S pay a fine of forty-seven silver marks^ as murdrum. 1 Cbron. Saxon., p. IHO. Kadmer, p. 13. t Contin.ianon du ISr.n .le W.k-,., par un ano..vme ; a-p. thromque. . Leges VV ill. ComiueM. ; I.,?nlt., p. W. [Tbis wa.s ll''/';"™' °' » l^wmXbv kii," K..ut,\vb,,, 1.. p.vwm ihe secret killing of tbe DaBC. etl^d ni« if i"V "i.e v»s killed n,„l ibe sb.yer escaped. ,l,e person killed : "nU be Ik n , be a I.,uie. unless proved .o be F.n.lish by bis fnend. ^l;,! relations ; on failure of such proof, .lie vUl had to pay a ,nurarum. Of fine, of forlv murks.] A.D. 1086.] PRESENTMENT OF ENGLISHERIE. 319 An Anglo-Norman writer of the twelfth century explains the grounds of this law in the following terms: " In the first years of the new order of things, those of the English who were allowed to live, spread a thousand snares for the Nor- mans,' assassinating all those whom they met alone in desert or bye places. To suppress these assassinations, king William and his barons for some years employed punishment and ex- quisite tortures against the subjected people;^ but these chas- tisements producing little eh'cct, it was iecreed that every district or hundred, as the English call it, ia which a Norman should be found dead, without any one there being suspected of the assassination, should nevertheless pay a large sum of money to the royal treasury. The salutary fear of this punishment, inflicted on all the inhabitants in a body, would, it was thouglit, procure safety for travellers, by inducing the men of each district to denounce and deliver up the culprit, whose single fault would otherwise cause an enormous loss to the whole place."^ To avoid this loss, the men of an hundred in which a Frenchman — that is to say, a Norman by birth, or an auxi- liary of the Norman army — was found dead, hastened care- fully to destroy every external indication capable of proving that the body was that of a Frenchman, for then the hundred was not responsible, and the judge did not pursue an inquiry. But these judges soon detected the trick, and frustrated it by a regulation equally singular. Every man found assassinated was deemed a Frenchman unless the hundred could judi- cially prove that he was a Saxon by birth, which had to be proved before the royal judge by the oaths of two men, near relations of the deceased on the father's side, and two women on the mother's.'* Without these four witnesses, the quality of Englishman, Englisherie, as the Normans called it, was not suflaciently proved, and the hundred had to pay the fine.^ Nearly three centuries after the invasion, if we may believe the antiquaries, this inquest was still held in England on the 1 Dialogo de Scaccario, in notis ad Mattb. Paris, i. ad init, 2 Id. ih. 3 Id. ,/,. * FletUy seu Commentariiis juris AngUcani, lib. i. cap. xxx. p. 46. edit, of London, 1085. * Spelman., Gloasar. verbo Englecheria ; tbe Nonnans sometimes pro noanced Aiiglez, Am/lccli, Euglez, cnylech ; aiiglezerie, anyltvheiie. 320 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1086 body of every assassinated man; and, in the legal language of the time, it was called preseritment of EiigUsherie.^ The other law of the Conqueror to which we have referred was designed to increase in an exorbitant manner the autho- rity of the bishops of England. These bishops were all Normans: it was deemed just and necessary that their power should be wholly exercised for the advantage of the conquest; and as the warriors who had effected this conquest maintained it with sword and lance, so the churchmen were called upon to maintain it by political address and religious influence. With these motives of public utility was combined another, more personal with regard to king William; it was, that the bishops of England, although installed by the common counsel of all the Norman barons and knights, had been selected from among the chaplains, the creatures, or the intimate friends of the king.2 No intrigue, during the life of WilUam, ever dis- turbed this arrangement; never did he create a bishop who had any other will than his. The position of things changed, it is trut% under the kings his successors; but the Conqueror could not tV>rt\see the future, and the experience of his whole reign justified him when he made the following law: — '* William, by the grace of God, king of England, to the earls, viscounts, and all the men of England, French and English, greeting. Know, you and all my other faithful subjects, that by the common counsel of the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and lords of my kingdom, I have thought lit to reform the episcopal laws, whicli unfitly and contrary to all the canons have been, up to the time of my conquest, in force in this country.^ I order tliat, for henceforth, no bishop or archdeacon shall attend tlie courts of justice, to hold pleads of episcopal causes, or shall submit to the judgment of secular men causes which relate to the government of the soul. I will that whosoever is summoned fur any cause what- ever to ap[M/ar before the episcopal justice scat, >hall go to the house of the bishop, or to some place whicli the bishop shall himself have chosen and named; let him there plead his cause, and do right before God and the bishop; not according ' The law wns not abolished till the reiffn of EJw. III. (in 1341.) - Aiiglia Sacra, and Wilkiris, ConcHia, passim. • Seldcn, not. ad Eadmer, p. 1U7. Dugdule, Monast. Aiujlic, iii. 308. TO 1087.J JURISDICTION OF THE CHURCH. 321 to the law of the country, but according to the canons and episcopal decrees.^ If any one, through excess of pride, re- fuse to appear before the tribunal of the bishop, he shall be summoned once, twice, thrice; and if, after these three con- secutive summonings, he does not appear, he shall be excom- municated, and, if necessary, the power and justice of the king and the viscount shall be employed against him."^ it was in virtue of this law that was effected in England the separation of the civil and ecclesiastical tribunals, which established for the latter an absolute independence of all po- litical power, an independence which they had never possessed in the time of Anglo-Saxon nationality. At that period, the bishops were obliged to attend the court of justice, which was held twice a year in each province and three times a year in each district; they added their accusations to those of the ordinary magistrates, and judged conjointly with them and the free men of the district the cases in which the custom of the age permitted them to interfere, those of widows, orphans, and churchmen, of divorce and marriage. For these cases, as for all others, there was but one law, one justice, and one tribunal. The only difference was that, when they were tried, the bishop seated himself beside the sheriff and the alderman, or elder of the province; and then, according to usage, sworn witnesses testified as to the facts, and the judges determined the law.^ The change in these national customs dates only from the Norman conquest. It was the Conqueror who, bursting through the ancient rules of civil equality, gave power to the high clergy of England to hold courts in th^ir own palaces, and to employ the public power in enforcing the attendance of the contumacious; he thus sub- jected the royal power to the obligation of executing the de- crees rendered by the ecclesiastical power, in virtue of a legis- lation which was not that of the country. William imposed this obligation on his successors, knowingly and purposely, from policy and not from devotion or from fear of his » lidem, ih. « Charta Willelm. i., apud Wilkins, Concilia, i. 369. » Hsebbe man thriwa on gear biirbgemote and twa scyregemote ; and thaer Bcyregemote bisceop and se ealdormau, and thser cegter taecon ge godes rihte ge woruldes rihte. (Leges Edgari regis, cap. v. Selden, notae ad Eadmeri Hist., p. IGG.) VOL. I. Y 'i 322 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1087. bishops, who were all devoted to him.^ Nor had 'the fear of pope Gregory VII. any influence upon this determination. For, notwithstanding the services which the court of Rome had formerly rendered him, the king was ever prepared with a stern denial when the pontiff's demands were not agreeable to him. The tone of one of his letters to Gregory shows with what freedom of thought he considered the pontifical pretensions and his own engagements towards the Roman church. The pope had to complain of some delay in the pay- ment of the Peter's pence stipulated in the treaty of alliance concluded at Rome in the year 1066 ; he wrote to remind William of this stipulation, and the money was immediately sent. But this was not all; in raising the banner of the holy flee against the English, the Conqueror seemed to have a.c- knowledged himself vassal of the church, and Gregory, avail- ing himself of this circumstance, did not hesitate to summon him to do homage for his conquest, and to swear the oath of fealty and vassalage between the hands of a cardinal. Wil- liam answered in these terms: " Thy legate has required me, on thy part, to send money to the Roman church, and to swear fealty to thee and thy successors; I have admitted the first of these demands; as to the second, I neither have nor wiU admit it. I will not swear fealty to thee, because I have not promised it, and because none of my predecessors have sworn fealty to thine."^ ^ , :, , In concluding the narrative of the events just related, the chroniclers of Englisli race give way to touching regrets as io the miseries of their nation. " There is no doubt," ex- claim some of them, "that God will no longer permit us to be a nation, or to possess honour and security."^ Others complain that the name of Englishman has become an oppro- brium;* and it is not only from the pens of contemporaries that such complaints proceed; the remembrance of a great mis- fortune and of a great national shame is reproduced, century after century, in the writings of the sons of the Saxons, I Curialis nimis et aulicus...pro famnlatii suo...stipcndiarii...(Matth. Paris, Vit(E AhbaL S. Albani, i. 47.) Order. VittU., pasmn. « Seidell, uotae ad Eadmeri Hist., p. 1(54. » Salutem et honorem genti Angloruni...abstulerit, ct jam populum non «s«e jusserit. (Joli. Bromton, vt sup. p. 984.) Matth. Westm., Flares Hist,, • Matth. Paris, i. 12. A.D. 1087.] ASPECT OF CONQUERED ENGLAND. 323 although more faintly as time advances.* In the fifteenth century, the distinction of ranks in England was still attached to the conquest; and a monastic historian, not to be suspected of revolutionary theories, wrote these remarkable words: " If there be amongst us such a distance between the various conditions, one must not be astonished at it; it is because there is diversity of race; and if there be so little mutual confidence and affection among us, it is because we are not of the same blood."^ Lastly, an author who lived in the be- ginning of the seventeenth century, recals the Norman Con- quest in these words: the '^ memorie of sorrowe" and uses touching expressions in speaking of the families then disin- herited, and since fallen into the class of the poor, of labourers and peasants;^ it is the last glance of regret thrown back on the past, upon the event which had brought into Eng- land kings, nobles, and chieftains of foreign race. If, retracing in his own mind the facts he has read, the reader would form to himself a just idea of what was the England conquered by William of Normandy, he must represent to himself, not a mere change of government, nor the triumph of one competitor over another, but the intrusion of a whole people into the bosom of another people, broken up by the former, and the scattered fragments of which were only ad- mitted into the new social order as personal property, as clothing of the earth, to speak the language of the ancient acts.* We must not place on one side, William, king and despot, and on the other, subjects high or low, rich or poor, all inhabitants of England, and consequently all English; we must imagine two nations, the English by origin and the Eng- lish by invasion, divided on the surface of the same country; or rather imagine two countries in a far different condition: 1 Amplas Anglorum terras et praedia multa Distribuens, quas adhuc presens videt et dolet aetas. (Hearne, notce ad Guill. Neubrig., p. 722.) ' Henric. Knyghton, vt sup. col. 2343. ' " By which greate violence, suddain and lamentable desolation, it may "wel have come to passe that many beeing anciently of the races and descents of meny worthy families, yea, even of princes, have since become poor arti- ficers and pesants." (Verstegan, A Restitution of Decayed Intelligence in Antiquities, p. 178 ; edit, of 1(505, 4to.) * Vestura, fructus quilibet agro heerentcs. (Ducange, Glossar. verbo Vestura. Spelman, Gloss, verbo Accola.) y2 324 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1087, the land of the Normans, rich and free from taxes, that of the Saxons, poor, dependent, and oppressed with burdens; the first adorned witli vast mansions, with walled and em- battled castles; the second, sprinkled with thatched cabins or half ruined huts; that peopled with liappy, idle people, war- riors and courtiers, nobles and knights; this inhabited by men of toil and sorrow, farm labourers and mechanics; on the one side, luxury and insolence; upon the other, misery and envy, not the envy of the poor at sight of the riches of others, but the envy of the despoiled in the presence of their spoilers. Lastly, to complete the picture, these two countries in a manner are entwined one in the other; they touch each other at every point, and yet they are more distinct than if the sea rolled between them. Each lins its separate idiom, an idiom foreign to the other; the French is the language of the court, of the castles, of the ricli abbeys, of all the places where power and luxury reign: the ancient language of the land is confined to the hearth of the poor, of the serf. Long, from generation to generation, did these two idioms continue to subsist without mixing with each other, remaining the one the token of nobility, the other the token of base estate. This is expressed with a sort of bitterness, in some verses of an old poet, who complains that England in his time offers the Btrange spectacle of a country abnegating its own language. Thus come lo! Engclond Into Normannes honde. And the Normannes ne couthe speke tho bote her o^ve speche And speke French as dude atom, and her chyldren dude also teche-^ So that heymen of this lond that of her blod come K Idc'th alle thulke speche that hii of hem nome, Ac lowe men holdeth to englyss and to her kunde apeclie gut' » Robert of Gloucester, Chronicle, p. 3^4. 1 BOOK VII. PROM THE DEATH OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR, TO THE LAST GENERAL CONSPIRACY OF THE ENGLISH AGAINST THE NORMANS. 1087—1137. Quarrel between king William and Hiilip I., king of France— King William burns the town of Mautes— Last moments of king William— His death —His funeral— Election of William Rufus— The goldsmith Otho. banker of the invasion — Verses iu praise of the Conqueror— Civil war among the Normans — Termination of the civil war — Treaty between William Rufus, king of England, and his brother Robert, duke of Nor- maudv— Revolt of the English monks of the convent of St. Augustin— Conspiracy of the monks of this convent against their Norman abbot — Alliance between the monks and the citizens of Canterbury— Tyranny of the Norman bishops and counts— Fresh vexations inflicted upon the monks of Croyland— New quarrels among the Normans— Moderation of Eudes Fitz-IIubert — Heavy burdens imposed upon the English — Terror of the English on the approach of the king— Severity of the fo- rest laws— Last chase of William Rufus— His death— Henry elected king of England— He addresses himself to the English— Utter insin- cerity of his promises— He wishes to marry an Englishwoman— Opposi- tion of the Norman nobles to the contemplated match— Marriage of the king to Editha, Edgar's niece— More civil war— Revolt of earl Robert de Belesme— His banishment— State of the English population— Re- newed quarrel between the king and his brother Robert— Levy of money in England— Duke Robert becomes his brother's prisoner— The sou of duke Robert takes refuge in France— Foreign abbots installed into Eng- lish monastef>s — Sufierings and complaints of the English monks— Po- pular superstitions— Embarkation of the children of king Henry— Their shipwreck— Indifference of the English to the calamity thus endured by the king and the Norman families— Invectives of the English histonaiiB on this occasion— Mabile, daughter of Robert Fitz-Aymon— Norman anecdote— English anecdote— Trial and sentence of the Saxon Bnhtstan —Anglo-Norman tribunals— Oath taken to .Matilda, surnamed the Em- press—Marriage of Matilda with the earl of Anjou— Festivities at Rouen on the occasion— Election of Stephen of Blois— His populanty with the Norman barons— His rupture with them— Conspiracy of the English— Flight of the conspirators— Subsequent insurrections- Dilfa- culties experienced by the historian. During his stay in Normandy, in the first months of the year 1087, king William occupied himself in terminating an old dispute with Philip I., king of France. Favoured by the I 326 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.D. 1087. troubles which followed the death of duke Robert, the county of Vexin, situated between the Epte and the Oise, had been dismembered from Normandy, and re-united to France. William flattered himself that he should be able to recover this portion of his inheritance without a war ; and, pending the result of the negotiations, he reposed from his fatigues at Rouen; he even kept his bed, by the advice of his physicians, who were seeking to reduce his excessive corpulence by a rifforous diet. Thinking he had little to fear from a man absorbed in such cares, Philip gave evasive replies to the de- mands of the Norman; and, on his part, the latter seemed to take the delay patiently.^ But the king of France having one day said jestingly to his friends : "By my faith, the king of England is very long about his lying-in ; there will be great rejoicing at his churching," this sarcasm, reported to William, offended him to such a degree that he forgot every- thing but vengeance. He swore by his greatest oath, by the splendour and birth of God, that he would be churched at Ndtre Dame-de-Paris, with ten thousand lances for his candles.^ Suddenly resuming his activity, he assembled his troops, and in the month of July entered France through the ter- ritory of which he claimed possession. The wheat was still in the fields, and the trees laden with fruit. Reor- dered everything to be laid waste on his way ; the hai-vests were trodden under foot by the cavalry, the vines torn up, and the fruit trees cut down.^ The first town he came to was Mantes-sur- Seine; it was fired by his order, and he himself, in a sort of destructive phrenzy, rode in the midst of the flames, to enjoy the spectacle and encourage his soldiers. As he was galloping over the ruins, his horse placed his feet upon some burning embers, started, fell, and wounded his rider in the stomach. The agitation into which he had thrown himself by riding about and shouting, the heat of the fire and of the weather, rendered his wound dangerous ;* he was conveyed very ill to Rouen, and thence, unable to sup- ' Cdumniam de Vulcassino comitatu. (Order. Vital., lib. viii. p. 655.) Seditiosorum frivolis sopbismatibus usus est (lb.) » Chron. de Normandie; Rec. des Histor. de la France, xiii. 240. Job, BromtoD, col. 980. » Order. Vitalis, ut sup» * Id . p. 656. i'l 007 A.r. 1087.] LAST MOMENTS OF WILLIAM. Bort the noise of the streets, to a monastery outside the city.' He languished for six ^veeks, surrounded by physicians and Seste and his illness growing worse and worse he sent LTney to Mantes, to rebuild the churches he had burnt; he To sent sums to the convents and poor of England, to ob- Sn says an old English poet, pardon for the robberies he ■ lad' coSed there.^ He ordered the Saxons and Nor- mans whom he had imprisoned to be set at hberty. Among X fomer wereMorkar, Siward Beorn, and Ulfnoth, brother of kn' Harold, (one of the two hostages for whose dehver- ance HaroM made his fatal journey.)^ The Normans we^ Roger formerly earl of Hereford, and Eudes bishop of Bayeux, William's half-brother by the mother^ side. William, surnamed Rufus, and Henry, the kings two vouncest sons, did not quit his bedside, waiting with impa- Tence for him to dictate his last will. Robert, the eldest of Ae three, had been absent since his last quarrel with h^s £er It was to him that WilUam, with the consent of Ae baron; of Normandy, had formerly left his title of duke; and. SithlnLg th'e malediction he had smce pronounc d upon Robert, he did not seek to divest him of this title, wmcn the wishes of the Normans had destined for him. As to tne kinJIm of England," he said, " I leave it to no one. because I dfd not^nherft h, but acquired it by force, and at the price ^f Wood ■ T replace it in the hands of God, contentmg myself ^Tex^res int^e wish that my son William, who has ever been submissive to me in all things, may ob ain it, if it pLase God, and prosper in it." " And what wiU you give me then, my father?" energetically demanded Hen. y the youngest son. " I give thee," said the tj"?- '^^^ t'^^^^j^X pounds in silver, from my treasury." " But what can 1 do ^ith this money, if I have nekher land nor liouse? Con tent ve mv son, and have confidence m God; aUow thy ewer ^ brothel t^ precede thee; thy time wiU come after their. Henrv immediately withdrew to receive the five thousana founTs ; he had them carefully weighed, and deposited in a cof- fer, strongly banded with iron and supplied with good locks. > Older. Vitalis, ib. ,t, l nt « To bete thulke robberye, tbat bym tliogte he adde ydo. (Kob. Gloucester, p. 369.) , „„ > Chron Saxon., p. 192. 328 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1087. William Rufus departed at the same time for England, in order to get crowned.^ On the 10th of September, at sunrise, king William was awakened by the sound of bells, and asked what it meant; he was answered that they were ringing prime at the church of Saint Mary. He raised his hands, saying : " I commend my soul to Mary, the holy mother of God," and almost immediately expired. His physicians and the other attendants who had passed the night with him, seeing him dead, hastily mounted their horses, and went to look after their property. The servants and vassals of lower rank, after the flight of their superiors, carried off the arms, plate, clothes, linen, and everything portable, and also fled, leaving the body almost naked upon the floor. It remained, thus aban- doned, several hours ;2 for throughout Rouen the people had become as it were intoxicated, not with grief, but with fear for the future; they were, says an old historian, as much troubled as though they had seen an hostile army before the gates of their city. The men ran wildly to and fro, asking advice from their wives, their friends, from the first person they met; they removed and concealed their goods, or endea- voured to sell them at a loss. At last the churchmen, priests, and monks, having reco- vered their senses and their strength, arranged a procession. Dressed in the habits of their order, with the cross, candles, and censors, they came to the corpse, and prayed for the soul of the deceased. The archbishop of Rouen, William, ordered that the body of the king should be transported to Caen, and buried in the cathedral of Saint Stephen the proto-martyr, which the king had built. But his sons, his brothers, all his relations had deserted him; none of his ofiicers was present; not one appeared to take charge of his obsequies; and it was a private country gentleman, named Herluin, who, out of good nature and for the love of God, say the historians of the time, undertook the trouble and the expense of the cere- monial. He hired men and a hearse at his own expense, re- moved the body to the bank» of the Seine, and thence upon a boat, by river and by sea, to Caen. Gilbert, abbot of Saint 1 Saxou Chron., 659. * A prima usque ad tertiam. (Id. ib. p. G(}^.^ A.D. 1087.] THE conqueror's FUNERAL. 329 Stephens, came, with all his monks, to meet the body; many priests and laymen joined them; but a fire which suddenly broke out dissolved the procession, and priests and laymen all hastened to extinguish it. The monks of Samt Stephen alone remained, and carried the body of the king to their ^^The inhumation of the great chief, the famous baron, as the historians of the period style him, was not completed with- out fresh incidents. All the bishops and abbots of Norinandy were assembled for the ceremony; they had prepared the o-rave in the church, between the choir and the altar; the mass was finished; they were about to lower the body, when a man, advancing from the crowd, said aloud : " Priests and bishops, this land is mine; it was the site of my fathers house; the man for whom you are now praying took it trom me by force, to build his church upon it.^ I have not sold mvland; I have not pawned it; I have not forfeited it; i have not given it : it is mine by right, and I demand it.^ In the name of God, I forbid the body of the spoiler to be placed here, or to be covered with my glebe." The man who thus spoke was Asselin Fitz-Arthur, and all present confirmed the truth of what he had said. The bishops made him ap- proach, and agreed to pay him sixty pence for the immediate place of sepulture, and to give him equitable recompence lor the rest of the land. The king's body was without a coffin, clothed in its royal habit; when they proceeded to place it in the grave, which had been constructed in masonry, the aper- ture was found to be too narrow; in forcing the body in, it burst * They burnt abundance of incense and perfumes, but in vain; the people dispersed in disgust, and the priests them- selves, hastening the ceremony, soon quitted the church. William Rufus, on his way to England, learned ^e death of his father at the port of Wissant, near Ca ais. He^ hastened to Winchester, the city where the royal treasure was deposited, and gaining over William de Pont-de-1 Arche, the keeper of the treasure, obtained the keys.^ He had an inventory taken of it, and weighed it carefuUy; he found it ' W. ib. _,. , ' W. ib. » Roman de Ron, ii. 302. Cliron. de Normandie, vt sup. xni. 2iZ * Pinguissimus venter erepuit. (Ib.) A I J, 11^ 6 Dugdale, Monast. Anglic.^ ii. 890 M ■ — ■ fcigfcYgH . 330 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1087. to consist of 60,000 pounds of fine silver, with much gold, and a quantity of jewels.^ He next assembled all the high Norman barons then in England, announced the death of the Conqueror, was chosen king by them, and crowned by arch- bishop Lanfranc in the cathedral of Winchester, wliile the lords who had remained in Normandy were holding a council as to the succession.^ Many of the latter were desirous that the two countries should have but one and the same govern- ment; they wished to give the crown to duke Robert, who had returned from exile; but the activity of William antici- pated them. His first act of royal authority was again to imprison the Saxons Ulfnoth, Morkar, and Siward Beorn, whom his father had restored to liberty ;» he then drew from the treasury a great quantity of gold and silver, which he gave to the goldsmith Otho to be converted into ornaments for the tomb of him whom he had abandoned on his death bed.'* The name of the goldsmith Otho merits a place in this history, because the territorial register of the conquest mentions him as one of the great proprietors newly created .» Perhaps he had been the banker of the invasion, and had advanced part of the funds upon mortgage of English lands; we may easily believe this, for the goldsmiths of the middle ages were also bankers; perhaps, also, he had merely made commercial speculations in the domains acquired by the lance and the Bword, giving to the adventurers, those men-at-arms errant, a class of men so common at that period, gold in exchange for their lands. A sort of literary competition was now entered into be- tween the Latin versifiers of England and of Normandy, for the epitaph which was to be cut on the tomb of the deceased king; it was Thomas, archbishop of York, who carried oflf the honours.*^ Several pieces of verse and prose in praise of the Conqueror have been preserved to our days, and amongst the eulogies bestowed on him by the priests and literary men of the period, there are some very singular: » Ingulf., p. IOC. a Dugdiilp, ut sup. ■ Alnred, Bevcrlac, t,t sup. lib. ix. p. 136. Florent. Wigorn., p. G-1-2. * Order. Vitalis, lib. viii. p. 063. • Doraesdfty Book, ii. p. 97, 1)8. « Solios Thomae — versus ex auro insert! sunt. Order. Vital., ut sup.) A.D. 1087.] OPPOSITION TO WILLIAM RUFUS. 331 « English nation!" exclaims one of them, "why hast thou troubled the repose of this prince, so much the friend of virtue?"^ " O! England," cries another, "thou wouldst have cherished him, thou wouldst have esteemed him in the highest degree, had it not been for thy folly and thy wickedness."^ " His reign was pacific and fruitful," says a third; "and his soul was benevolent."^ None of the epitaphs remain which the conquered nation pronounced upon him, unless we re- gard as an instance of the popular exclamations occasioned by his death, these verses of an English poet of the thirteenth century: " The days of king William were days of vexation and sorrow, so that much people of England thought his life too long."* Meantime, the Anglo-Norman barons who had not concurred in the election of AVilliam Rufus returned to England, furious at his having become king without their consent; they re- solved to depose him, and to substitute for him his eldest brother, Robert, duke of Normandy.^ At the head of this party was Eudes de Bayeux, brother to the Conqueror, who had just come out of prison, and many rich Normans or English-Frenchmen, as the Saxon clironicle calls them.^ The Red king (for so the historians of the time designate him),*^ seeing that his countrymen conspired against him, called to his aid the men of English race, conciliating their support by the hope of some mitigation of their sufierings.* Resum- moned around him several of those whom the recollection of 1 Gens Anglorum, turbastis principem, Qui virtutis amabiit tramitem. (Script, rer. Norman., p. 318.) 2 Guill. Pictav., p. 207. 3 Cujus regnum pacilicum, Fuit atque fructiferum. (Raynaldus Andegavensis, Chron., apud rer. Script, rer. Gallic, et Francic, xii. 479.) * Tber was by king Willame's day worre and sorwe ynon, So that muchadel Engelond tbogte his lyf to long. (Robert of Gloucester, ii. 374.'^ * Chron. Saxon., p. 192. « Tha riceste freucisce men— ealle frencisce men. (/i.) T Li ris ros. (Roman de Rou, ii. 305.) The rede kyng. (Rob. of Gloucest., p. 383.) ■ Chron. Saxon., p. 194. /I' v 232 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1087 their past power still caused to be regarded by the Enghsh nation as their natural chiefs; he promised them the best laws they should themselves require, the best which had ever been in the country;^ he restored to them the right to carry arms, and the right of the chase; he stayed the levy ot mi- posts and of all odious tributes; but this did not last long, say the contemporary annals.'^ For these concessions of a few days, and perhaps also from a secret desire to come to blows with the Normans,^ the Saxon chiefs consented to defend tlie king's cause, and pub- lished in his name and their own tliis ancient proclamation of war, that which once aroused every Englishman capable of bearing arms: " Let each man thai is not a nothing, whether in the town or country, leave his house and come."^ Thirty thousand Saxons assembled at the appointed place, received arms, and were enrolled under the king's banner.^ They were nearly all foot-soldiers; William led them by a rapid march, with his cavalry, composed of Normans, to the city of Rochester, where bishop Eudes and the other recusant chiefs had fortified themselves, awaiting the arrival of duke Robert, to march upon Canterbury and London.^ It appears that the Saxons of the royal army displayed great ardour at the siege of Rochester. The besieged closely pressed, soon demanded to capitulate, on condition of acknow- ledging William for their king, and of retaining under him their lands and honours.^ William at first refused; but the Normans of his army, not having the same zeal as the Saxons in this war, which was for them a civil war, and not desiring to reduce their countrymen and relations to extremity, con- sidered the king too inveterate against the defenders of Ro- chester.® Thev sought to appease him : " We who have aided thee in danger," said they, " pray thee to spare our countrymen, our relatives, who are also thine, and who aided thy father to con- quer England." The king gave way, and at last granted the besieged liberty to quit the city with their arms and horses. 1 Job. Bromton, col. 984. Aunal. Waverleienses, ut sup. p. 136. a /i. 3 Joh. Bromton, tit sup. * Annales Waverleienses, p. ViO. » Order. Vitalis, lib. viii. p. OUT. • Florent. Wigorn., p. G43. ' Order. Vitalis, ut aup. * ^^' I TO 1088.] RECONCILIATION OF THE NORMANS. 333 Bishop Eudes endeavoured further to obtain that the king's military music should not play in token of victory at the de- parture of the garrison, but William angrily refused, and said, that he would not make this concession for a thousand gold marks; the Normans of Robert's party quitted the city which they had not been able to defend, with colours lowered, to the sound of the royal trumpets. At this moment loud clamours arose from the English in the royal army: "Bring us cords," they cried; " we will hang this traitor bishop, with all his accomplices. O king! why dost thou let him go free ? He is not worthy to live, the traitor, the perjured murderer of 60 many thousand men."^ It was amidst these imprecations that the prelate who had blessed the Norman army at the battle of Hastings quitted England, never more to return. The war amongst the Nor- mans lasted some time longer; but this family quarrel gra- dually subsided, and terminated in a treaty between the two parties and the two brothers. The domains that the friends of Robert had lost in England, for having embraced his cause, were restored to them, and Robert himself resigned his pre- tensions to the crown in consideration of large territorial pos- sessions.2 It was agreed between the two parties, that the king, if he survived the duke, should have the duchy of Nor- mandy, and that in the contrary case, the duke should have the kingdom of England; twelve men on the part of the king, and twelve on the part of the duke, confirmed this treaty by oath.3 Thus ended both the Norman civil war and the alliance which this war had occasioned between the English and the king. The popular concessions that the latter had made, were all revoked, his promises belied, and the Saxons returned to their position of oppressed subjects.^ Near the city of Canterbury was an ancient monastery, founded in honour of the missionary Augustin, who con- verted the Saxons and Angles. Here were preserved, in a higher degree than in the religious houses of less importance, the national spirit, and the remembrance of ancient liberty. The Normans perceived this, and early endeavoured to de- etroy this spirit by reiterated humiliations. The primate I Tb, p. 068. « Florent. "Wigom., p. C44 ♦ Nihil poslmodum temiit (iiiod promisit =« Ih. (.Toll. Bromton, p. 084.) i 334 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1088 Lanfranc commenced by abolishing the ancient privilege ot the monks of Saint Augustin, of being exempt from all eccle- siastical discipline but that of their own abbot.^ Although the abbot, at this time, was a Norman, and as such little liable to any suspicion of indulgence towards the men of another race, Lanfranc deprived him of the charge of his monks, which he himself assumed; he then forbad the bells of the monastery to be rung before the office had rung from the cathedral, paying no respect, says the historian, to this maxim of the Holy Scriptures: Where the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty. The Saxon monks murmured at being subjected to this restriction, and, to manifest their discontent, they celebrated the offices late, negligently, and with all sorts of irregularities, such as reversing the crosses, and walking in procession barefooted against the course of the sun.^ " They do violence to us," said they, "in contempt of the canons of the church; well, we will violate the canons in the service of the church."^ They requested the Norman, their abbot, to transmit a protest from them to the pope; but the only reply of the abbot was to punish them as rebels, and to shut up the building, so that they could not go out."* This man, who sacrificed his personal independence out of hatred to the Saxons, died in the year 1088, and then archbishop Lan- franc himself proceeded to the monastery, taking with him a Norman monk, called Guy, a man much beloved by the king.^ He called upon the monks of St. Augustin, in the name of the royal authority, to receive and instal the new abbot forth- with; but all emphatically answered that they would do no- thing of the sort.** Lanfranc, furious at this resistance, ordered that those who refused to obey should immediately quit the monastery. They almost all departed, and the Norman was installed in their absence with the usual ceremonies. The prior of the monastery, named Elfwin, and several other monks, all of Saxon birth, were then seized and imprisoned. Those who had departed at the command of the archbishop * Willelm. Thorn., Chron., apvd Hist Anglic, Script., (Selden) ii. col. 1791. " lb. col. 1792. • Annal. Eccks. Wiiiton. ; Anglia Sacra, i. S98 * Willelm. Thorn., vt sup. » lb. col. 17»3. • Chrou. Sax., p. 179 y A.D. 1089.] THE MONKS OF ST. AUSTIN, CANTERBURY. 335 went and seated themselves on the ground under the walls of the castle of Canterbury. They were informed that a certain number of hours was granted them within which to return to the monastery, but that after that time they would be re- Hist, de episcop. batbon. et wellen?.; An<:fliR Sncrn, i. 559. » Annal. eccles. Winton.; Anf?lia Sacra, i. il{)'). • ...ut majus illos coiisules, qtiam nionacbos, pro funmlorum freqiientiM putares. (Hen. Knyghtou, ut sup. col. 2307.) * lb. col. 2:]72. s jj, • Matth. Paris, Vitde Abbalnm S. Alban'u i. 54. TO 1094.J REVOLT OF DE MOLBRAY. ^^' 1 • ^ ^c i\^i^ o-rfit This was oxiicrienrpd under and oppression ot the grcar. un^ >yi , , i i . ,ii Willi'im Rufus, by the monastery of Crc»yUin.L al.etidy so ill Xr.llX^l^ \\1 of the conquest. After a contlaorat.on which had consumed part of their houses, the Yunnan count Tf the district in which it stood, presuming that the charters of the abbey had perished in the flames, sumnicnu-d th.. moiiks to appear in his court at Spalding, to produce their t; e. On the appointed day they sent one of their number, lug, who took with him their ancient charters in the baxon anguage confirmed by the Conqueror, whose seal was appended, ihe monk displayed his parchments before the count and his officers, who laughed at and insulted him, saying tbat these bar- barian and unintelligible scrawls were of no autlionty. 1 he sicrht of the royal seal, however, produced some efiect; the Norman viscount, who dared not break it or publicly seize fhe cLters to which it was attached, allowed the monk to depart; but he sent servants after him, armed ^it \sticks, o seize him on the road, and take the charters from him. Irig only avoided them by following a bye road. .j, , . The peace which reigned among the conquerors of P.ng and was onL more disturbed in the ye^ar 1094 by the revolt of several chiefs against the king. One of the causes of thi. revolt was the exclusive right to hunt in the forests ot Eng- land, established by William the Bastard and vigorously maintained by his son.^ At the head ot t^ie maleontents vvas Robert, son of Roger de Molbray, earl ot Northumberland who possessed two hundred and eighty manors in t^ngland Robert did not appear at the court of tlie king on one r>t the days fixed for the political conferences ot the barons and Anglo- Norman knights. His absence excited suspicion, and the king issued : proclamation that every great landholder who did not appear at his court at the approaching feast of ^\ hit- suntide, should be excluded the public peace. Robert de Molbray did not attend, from fear of being seized and impri- soned; whereupon William despatched the royal troops to Northumberland. He besieged and took several castles; he blockaded that of Bamborough, to which earl Robert had t Ingull"., p. 107. 2 Willelm. :M!ilmesb., lib: iv. p. 124. > Order. Vitalis, lib. viii. p. ~'':3. VOL. I. k \S8 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1089 withdrawn, but he could not make himself master of it. After many useless efforts, the king constructed opposite Bam- borough a wtwden fortress, which he called, in Ins Norman language Malve'mn, or bad neighbuur, left a garrison in it, ancf returned soutliwards. The garrison of the new fortress surprised Robert in a sortie, wounded and made him prisoner. He was condemned to perpetualimprisonment, and his accom- plices were exiled from EniilandJ The estates of these banished men, in town and country, remained for some time without a master and witliout cultiva- tion. It a|)pcars that the king's favourites allowed them to remain untilled, after having taken from them everytliing of any value, indifferent as to property, the origin of wliich and the uncertainty of political events, rendered it too precarious. On their part, the royal oflicers, in order that tlie exchequer mif^ht lose none of its revenues, continued to levy from the town or hundred to which the vacant property appertained the entire amount of t\w. territorial tax, a charge that fell upon the men of English race.^ The people of Colchester, according to an old narrative, returned great thanks to Eudes Fitzhubert, viscount or governor of the town, for assuming in his own name the lands of the disinherited Normans, and consenting to pay the taxes demanded in n'spect of them.^ If we may credit the same account, this Eudes gained the love of the people of Colchester by his e(|uitable and mild administnrtion. lie is the only chief imposed upon the English by the foreign power to whom history bears such a testimony. This exception to the law of the conquest did not extend beyond one single town; everywhere else things followed their course, and the royal otliccrs, say the chronicles, were worse tlian robbers; tliey pillaged witliout mercy the corn- loft of tlie peasant, ar.d the shop of the trader.^* Oxford was governed by Robert d'Ouilly, who spared neither poor nor rich; in the north, Odineau d'Onifreville seized the goods of the English in his vicinity, in order to compel them to hew » Chron. Saxon., p. '30:1. « Terras damnatonira...et pro culpis eliniinatonim dnra nemo cderet, exigebantiir tamen jtlenaliter fiscalia, et liac de causa popUus valde gi-avn- oamr. (l)ugdidt, Munust. AnrjUc, ii. H!M).) • Id. ib. * Uider. Vital., lib. x. p. 773 TO 1094.] PERSECUTION OF THE SAXONS. 339 and carry stones for the construction of his castle.* Around London, the king also levied by force troops of men to con- struct a new wall for the Conqueror's tower, a bridge over the Thames, and in Westminster a palace or hall of audience, for the assemblies of his barons. " The counties to whose share these works fell," says the Saxon chronicle, " were cruelly afflicted; every year that passed was heavy and full of sorrow, on account of the vexa- tions without number and the multiplied taxes.'"'^ Historians less laconic have transmitted to us some details of the sorrows and torments that the conquered nation suffered. Wherever the king passed in his journeys through England, the country was ravaged by his people.^ When they could not themselves use all the provisions or goods that they found in the houses of the English, they made the owner himself carry them to the neighbouring market, and sell them for their profit; at other times they burned them for amuse- ment, or if it were wine or other beverage, washed the feet of their horses with it. ** The ill treatment to which they subjected the heads of families, their outrages upon the women and girls," adds the contemporary historian, "one would blush to relate; accordingly, at the first rumour of the king's approach, all fled from their abodes, and retired, Avith what- ever they could carry, to the depths of the forest or other desert places."'* Fifty Saxons who, by some happy chance, or perhaps by a little political cowardice, had managed to retain a remnant of their property, were accused, fal^ely or justly, of having hunted in the royal forests, and of having killed, taken, and eaten deer; such were the terms of the criminal charge brought against them. They denied the charge, and the Norman judges inflicted on them the ordeal by fire, which the ancient English laws only sanctioned when demanded by the accused. " On the appointed day," says an eye-witness, " all underwent the sentence, without any mercy; it w^as piteous to behold; but God, in preserving their hands from burning, showed clearly their innocence, and the wickedness of their perse- " Leland, Collcrtanca, iv. 11(3. * Cliroii. Saxon., p. '->()(). " Ut qiwqne pessuudareiit, diiipiMent, et totum lerram devastarent. (Ead- mer, p. 94.) z 2 n. 340 THE WORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1098 cutors." When it was reported to king William that after three days the hands of the accused were unscathed: " What of that," said he; " God is no judge of these things; these matters concern me, and it is I who ought to judge them. The historian does not rehite what the new sentence was, or what the fate of the unhappy English, whom now no pious fraud could save. The Saxons, persecuted by William Rufus for transgress- ino- the laws of the chase, far more rigorously than they had been even by his father, had no other way of revenging them- selves than by calling him, in derision, keeper of the forests, and wild beast-herd, and spreading sinister rumours as to these forests, into which no man of English race could enter armed without risking his life. They said that the devil, under terrible forms, appeared there to the Normans, and told them of the terrible fate that he reserved for the king and his counsellors.^ This popular superstition obtained authority by the singular chance which rendered huntmg in the forest of England, and especially in the New Forest, fatal to the race of the Coiuiueror. In the year 108 1, Richard,eldest son of William the liastard, had mortally wounded him- self there; in the month of May of the year 1 1 00, Richard, son of duke Robert, and nephew of William Rufus, was killed there by an arrow carelessly shot;^ and, singular cir- eumstance, this king himself also met with the same death there in the July of the same year. On the morning of his last day, he held a grand breakfast* with his friends in Winchester castle, and then prepared for the proposed chase. While he was fastening his shoes, jesting with his guests, a workman presented to him six new arrows. He examined them, praised the workmanship, took four to him- self and gave the two others to Walter Tirel, saying: " Sharp arrows for the best shot.'* Walter Tirel was a Frenchman who had great possessions in Foix and Ponthieu; he was the king's most cherished intimate, and constant companion. At the moment of departure there came in a monk of St. Peter s » Th. p. 48. « Simeon Danelmensis, Hist. Buuelm., apud Script, rer. Anglic, (Sei- dell) i. 225. Roger de Hoveden, p. 4G8. ' > Order. Vital, lib. x. p. 780. ■• Eei mane cum suis parasitis comedit. (/&. p. 762.) TO 1100.] [DEATH OF WILLIAM RUFUS. 341 abbey at Gloucester, bearing despatches from his superior. The latter, a Norman by birth and named Serlon, sent word, expre-^sino-' the utmost uneasiness at the circumstance, that one of his^'monks (probably of English race) had had a vision of ill-omen in his sleep; that he had seen Jesus Christ seated upon a throne, and at his feet a woman, who supplicated him savin-: " Saviour of the world, look down with pity upon thy °eople, who suffer under the yoke of William. On heari g this message, the king burst into loud laughter. " Uo they take me for an Englishman, with their dreams.'' said he; "do they think I am one of the idiots that turn bacl! because an old woman dreams or sneezes? Come, Walter de Poix, to horse l"^ , , x. -i i i Henry the kini-'s brother, William de Breteud, and several other lords, accompanied him to the forest: the hunters dis- persed but Walter Tirel remained with the king, and their do2S hunted together. Both were at their post c.ppoMte each other the arrow in the cross-bow and the linger on the trigger,^ when a large stag, turned up by the huntsmen, advanced between the king and his friend. AVilliam pulled the tricrger, but the cord of his crossbow breaking, the arrow did not fly, and the stag, astonished at the sharp sound, stopped and looked around. Tlie king signed to his com- panion to shoot, but the latter did not obey the signal, either because he did not see it or because he did not understand it. Thereupon William impatiently exclaimed: " Shoot, VV alter, shoot, in the devil's name!"^ And on the instant an arrow, either that of Walter or from another hand, pierce^l his chest; he fell without uttering a word and expired. VV alter Tirel ran to him; but finding him without liie, he re- mounted his horse, galloped to the coast, passed over to Nor- mandy, and thence into France. .... At the first rumour of the king^s death, all participating m the chase hastily quitted the forest to see to their aihiirs. His brother Henry galloped to Winchester to the royal treasury;* and the body of William Rufus remained on the ground, abandoned as that of the Conqueror had been. Some char- > Ih. 2 KTivfrhton, lib. ii. uf sxp. col. '2^75. » Traiie, tnihe avcmn, ex ynvie diuboli. {10,} * Order. Vital., id sup ) 342 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1100. coal burners, who fuuiid him pierced with tlie arrow, placed him in their cart, wrupped in rags tiirough which the blood trickled along tlie road.' In this manner were the remains of the second Nornian king conveyed to Winchester castle. Henry, already arrived tliere, im{)eriously demanded the keys of the royal treasury. As the keepers were hesi tating, William de Breteiiil himself, arriving IVom the New Forest, enteixMl all out ot iiivath, and opposed this demand: "Thou and I," he said to Henry, "ought loyally to remem- ber the fealty we swore to the duke Robert thy brother: he has received our oath of homage, and, absent or i)resent, he is entitled to it."- A violent (juarrel ensued; Henry drew* his sword, and, with the aid of his attendants, who flocked in, took possession of the treasure and of the royal ornaments. It was certaitdy true that, in the terms of the treaty of peace concluded between William and duke Robert, and sworn to by all the Anglo-Norman barons, the crown was due to the duke; but he was then far from England and from Nor- mandy. The exhortations of pope Urban 11. to all Chris- tians to recover the Holy Land, had produced a powerful effect upon his adventurous spirit, and he was among the first who liad departed with the great levy en masse made to the cry of Biett Iv Vcut, in tlie year 1096, and which, three years after, attained the object of its pilgrimage in the capture of Jerusalem. When the death of his brother William hap- pened, Robert was on his return to Normandv; but, little suspecting what the delay would cost him, lie 'stayed some time to prosecute a love affair at the court of one of the Norman lords settled in Italy. Tiius taken by surprise, and without a leader, his {)artisans could not withstand those of Henry. The latter, master of the royal treasure, came to London, where the princif)al Normans assembled; and, three days after the death of his brother, he was elected king by them and solemnly crowned/* The prelates favoured him, because he was greatly attached to them and to the literature of the period, a circumstance which procured for him the surname of Clerc, or Beauclerc.^ It is even said that the * Willelm. Malraesb., de Gestis, &c., lib. iv. ut sup. p. 126. • Order. Vital., ut sup. Chron. Saxon., (Gibsou) p. 208. « Joh. Bromton, coi. 997. A.D. 1100.] HENRY I. CONCILIATES THE ENGLISH. 34-- Saxons preferred him to his competitor, because he had bee born and brought up in England^ He promised at his coro^ na ion to observe the good laws of king Edward; but declared thThe would, like his father, retain the exclusive enjoyment -- £* A. l-» g-K 4- >-w ■»* ^ C i" Q Kins Henry, the first of the name, had neither the faults nor the good qualities of his eldest brother Robert. The latter was volatile and fanciful, but generous and of good faith; the other was an able administrator, greatly g've" to dissi- mulation. Notwithstanding the facility with which lie had ascended the throne, he thought it prudent not to rely too entirely on the faith of those who had elected him. He sus- pected the fidelity of the Normans, and resolved to create for himself in England a power independent of the™, ^d to arouse, for his own purposes, the patriotism ot tl^e Sa^^? He extended his hand to the poor conquered natives, who were ever flattered in the hour of danger and crushed when that hour had passed away. He convoked ^eir leading men and, by an interpreter, addressed them in the foUowing terms * ■ . " My friend.H and liegemen, natives of this country, in which I was myself born. You know that my brother won d have my crown. He is a haughty man, who cannot live m repose; he openly despises you, holding you as cowards and gluttons, and would trample you under his feet. But 1, a mild and pacific king, propose to maintain you in all your ancient liberties, and to govern you by your own counsel, with moderation and prudence. I will give you, if you re- quire it, a writing to this effect, signed with my owi. hand, and will confirm it by oath. Stand firm, then by me; for, sup- ported by English valour, I fear not the mad menaces oi the ^lormins The wiiting promised by the king to the English, or, to use the language of the period, his royal charter, was drawn up; as maify copies of it made as there were Norman coun- tie in EngUvnd, and, to invest it ^itV'''.?°> 4'ThrooDies new seal, made for the purpose, was affixed to it." The copies . GuiUdm. Neubrig., p. 297. ' 3oh. Bromton, ut sup. 3 Matthew Pans, i. 0^. . « Thomas Rudbome, HisL Major. Wiuhm. Anglia Sacra, i. 274. 314 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1100. were deposited in the principal church of each county, but they did not remain there long; all were removed when the king retracted his promises, and, in the phrase of an ancient historian, impudently falsified his word.* Three copies only remained which escaped by chance; one at Canterbury, one At York, and the other at Saint Albans.^ 1 Matthew Paris, loco citato. « [" This charter, which hiid the foundaiion for the subsequent charters of Henry's successors, is entitled JnstUutiones Htnrici Primi. Matthew Paris lias twice recited this charter, namely, under the years 1100 and 1213, and two copies of it are entered in the Bed Book of the Exchequer, one of which is prefixed to king Henry's laws, puhlished by Lambard and Wilkins. It is likewise printed in Richard of Hugustald's history of king Stephen, and a copy of it, taken from the Text us Kotfensis, has since been published by Hearne, and afterwards again by Mr. Justice Blackstone in his Law Tracts This is acknowledged to be the most correct copy of any, being compiled by Eniulf, bishop of Kochester, who died a.d. IIU." — Crabbe, H. of English Law, p. .W.] The following translatiou is adopted from Mr. Thomson's Historical Essay on Magna Charta, one of the most valuable contributions to historical literature ever made: "In the year of our Lord's incarnation M. C. L, Henry, the son of king William, after the death of his brother WiUiam, by the grace of God, king of the English, to all his faithful subjects, greeting. Know ye, that because through the mercy of God and the common council of the barons of all England, I was crowned king of the same, and because the kingdom hath been oppressed by unjust exaclious,— for the honour of God, and the love which 1 have towards you all, I have firstly set at liberty the Holy Church of God, so that I will neither sell, nor let out to farm, nor upon the death of any archbishop, or bishop, or abbot, will I take any thing from the lord- ship of the church or its tenants until a successor shall have been admitted to it. And 1 also take away all evil customs with which the kingdom of England has been unjustly oppressed, and which are here in part set down. If any of my earls, or barons, or others who hold of me, shall die, his heir shall not redeem the estate as he wits wont to do in the time of my brother; but shall relieve it by a just and lawful relief. In like manner shall the tenants of my barons reheve their lands of their lords by a just and lawful relief. And if any of my barons or other tenants, will give his daughter, sister, niece, or kinswoman in marriage, he shall treat with me about it ; but I will neither take anything of his for that licence, nor will I prevent him giving her in marriage unless he be willing to join her to my enemies. And if upon the death of a baron, or otlier of my tenants, there remain a daughter and heir, I will give her in marriage, together with her lands, by the counsel of my barons. And upon the death of a man, if his wife be left without children, she shall have her dower imd marriage-portion; and I will not give her again in marriage excepting by her own consent. But if the wife be left with children, she shall then have her dower wid marriage- portion whilst she lawfully preserves her body ; and I will not dispose of lier in marriage, but according to her own will. And of the lands and / A.D. 1100.] MARIUAGE OF HENRY I. 345 The same policy that induced Henry I. to take this step with the English, led him to adopt another still more decisive; this was to take a wife of Anglo-Saxon race. There was then in England an orphan daughter of Malcolm, king of Scotland, and of Margaret, sister of king Edgar. She was named Edith, and had been brought up in the abbey of Rum- children, there shall be appointed guardians, being either the wife or some near kinsman, who ought to be just. And 1 also command that ray barons conduct themselves in like manner towaids the sons, daughters, and wives, of their tenants. The common miutfige of money which was accustomed to be taken in cities and counties, though not paid in the time of king Ed- ward, 1 do wholly forbid to be taken for the future. If any coiner or other person shall be taken with false money, due justice shall be done upon him. All pleas and debts which were due to my brother, I forgive, excepting my just farms; and excepting those things which were covenanted for concern- ing the inheritance of others, or for those which properly concerned other men. And if any have engaged anything for his own inheritance, that I forgive; with all reliefs which were agreed upon for lawful inheritances. And if any of my barons or tenants lie sick, and he will give, or designs to bequeath his money, I grant that it shall be disposed of accordingly. But if, being prevented by war or sickness, he should neither give nor dispose of his money, his wife, children, or relations, and his lawful tenants, shall di- vide it between them for the good of his soul, as it shall seem best to them. If any {of my barons or tenants) shall forfeit, he shall not give a pledge in forbearance of the fine, as was done in the time of my father and brother, excepting according to the manner of the fine : so that it shall be satisfied as it was wont to be before the time of my father, in the time of my other ancestors. But if he be convicted of perfidy or any other wickedness, he shall make a due satisfaction for it. Also I pardon all murders, from the day in which I was crowned king: and those which shall hereafter be com- mitted shall have satisfaction according to the laws of king Edward. I have, by the common council of my barons, retained in my hands all forests in the same manner as they were held by my father. I also grant of my own free-will to l-nights who defend their lauds by their habergeons, {that is to say, tenants by military sen^ice,) that their demesne lands and carri- ages shall be free from all guilds and payments to works : so that being so greatly relieved, they may the more easily provide themselves with horses and arms, better fitting my service and the defence of my kingdom. I also establish firm peace in the whole of my realm, and command it to be held for the future. I also restore to you the law of kiug Edward, with those amendments with which my father improved it by the counsel of his barons. If any man hath taken anything of mine, or the goods of another, since the death of king WUliam, my brother, the whole shall speedily be restored without any other satisfaction : but if he shall retain anything, he shall pay a heavy recompence for it. — Witnessed by Maurice, bishop of London, and bishop Gundulf, and William, bishop elect of Winchester; and earl Henry, oarl Simon, Walter Giflord, Robert de Montfort, Roger Bigot, and Henry de Port ; at London, when I was crowned.' 346 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1101. Aej, in Hampshire, under the cure of another of Edgar's sis- ters, Christina, who, after taking refuge in Scotland with her brother had assumed the veil in the year 1086. As a king's daughter, many ol the high Norman barons had sougiit Edgar's niece in marriage; she was demanded of William Kufus by Alain de Breton, lord of Richmond, in Yorkshire; but Alain died before tlie king had given her to him. William de Garenne (Warennej, earl of Surrey, then sought her; but for some reason or other the marriage did not take place.^ It was this lady whom king Henry's ablest counsellors pro- posed to him as a w it'e, with a view thus to gain the support of the whole Anglo-Saxon race against Robert and his partisans. On their part, many of the English conceived the futile hope of witnessing tlie return of the old Saxon times, when the granddaughter of the Saxon kings should wear the crown. Those who had any relations with the ianiily of Edith went to her, and intreated her not to refuse this union.^ She showed much re{)iignance, it is not precisely known for what reason; but they who urged her were not discouraged, and so beset her, says an ancient author, that she at last said yea, out of sheer weariness of saying nay. " Nohle and gracious lady," they urged, '' it is in thy power to retrieve the ancient honour of England; thou wilt be a sign of alliance, a pledge of reconciliation, but if thou persist in thy refusal, eternal hatred will remain between the two races, and blood will not cease to flovv."^ As soon as P^dgar's niece had given her assent, they changed her name, and insti ad of Edith, she was called Matilda, which sounded more agreeably in Norman ears.^ This was not the only precauUon that became necessary; for a strong party was formed against the marriage, principally composed of those who opeidy or secretly favoured duke Robert, whose numbers were augmented by many who, from national pride, thought it unworthy of the conquerors of England to have a Saxon woman for their queen. Their ill will raised up all * Willelra. Malmesb., de Gestis, &c., lib. v. ut sup. p. 1G4. 2 Order. Vlians, lib. viii. p. 702. 3 Matthew Paris, i. bS. • Iiistantes enim importune dicebimt: O mulierum generosissima ao grati8sima...qiiod si non feceris, cauaa eris pereiiiiis iuimiciiiae gentium di ■ Teraarum, et sauguiue liumani effusiouis irrestaurabilis. (/i.) • Order. Vital., ut sup. A.D. 1101.] ANSELM. 347 sorts of unforeseen obstacles; they alleged that Matilda, brought up from her ini'ancy in a convent, had been conse- crated to God by her parents; it was reported that she had been seen publicly wearing the veil, and this report sus- pended the celebration of the marriage, to the great joy of those who were opposed to it.^ There was at this time, in the archiepiscopal throne of Canterbury, a monk of Bee, named Anselm, a man of learning and virtue, to w horn the historians of the period render this honorable testimony, that tlie native English loved him as though he had been one of themselves.^ Anselm had come by chance to England, in the reign of the hrst William, at the time when Lanfranc, seeking to destroy the reputation of the saints of P^nglish race, was fiercely attacking the sanctity of archbishop Elfeg, murdered by the Danes. Entirely ab- sorbed with his project, the primate conversed with the Nor- man monk on the history of the Saxon Elfeg, and what he called his pretended martyrdom. '* For my part," answered Anselm, " I think this man a martyr and truly a martyr; for he preferred to die rather than injure his country. He died for justice, as Saint John for truth, and both for Christ, who is truth and justice."^ Become primate in his turn, under AVilliam Rufus, Anselm persevered in the spirit of equity which had inspired this answer, and in his good will towards the English. He was one of the most zealous partisans of the marriage sought by the latter, but when he learned the reports respecting Edgar's niece, he declared that nothing should induce him to take from God one who was his spouse, to untte her to a carnal husband. Wishing, however, to assure himself of the truth, he ques- tioned Matilda, who denied that she had been consecrated to God; she even denied that she had ever worn the veil of her own accord, and offered to prove this before all the prelates of England. " I must confess," she said, " that I have sometimes appeared veiled; but only for this reason: in my youth, when I was under the care of my aunt Christina, she, to protect me, as she said, from the libertinism of the » Eadraer, Hist. Nova, (Selden) 56. ' Ih. p. 112. • Martyr, inquit, videtiir egregius qui mon maluit...Sic ergo Johannea pro veritate, sic et Elphegiis pro justitia. fJoli. Sarisburiensis, de VitA Amelmi ; Auglia Sacra, ii. IGii 'k I I f 348 THE NORMAK CONQUEST. [a.d. ] 102. Normans, who assailed the honour of every woman they met, used to place a piece of black stuff on my head, and when I refused to wear it, she treated me harshly. In her presence, I wore this cloth, but as soon as she left me, 1 threw it on the ground, tmd trampled on it in childish anger."* Anselm, unwilling to act in this great difficulty upon his own judgment, convoked an assembly of bishops, abbots, monks, and lay-lords, in Rochester. Several witnesses cited before this council confirmed the truth of the girl's state- ment. Two Norman archdeacons, William and Humbault, were sent to the convent in which Matilda had been edu- cated, and on their return, deposed that the public voice, as well as the testimony of the sisters, agreed with her declara- tion.2 At the moment when the assembly was about to deli- berate, archbishop Anselm withdrew, that he might not be suspected of using any influence upon it; and when he re- turned, he who spoke for all the rest announced, in these terms, the common decision: " We think that the girl is free, and may dispose of her person, relying herein upon the authority of a judgment pronounced in a similar case, by the venerable Lanfranc, at a time when the Saxon women, who bad sought shelter in the nunneries, through fear of the great William's soldiers, demanded their liberty." Archbishop Anselm replied that he fully concurred in this decision, and, a few days after, celebrated the marriage of the Norman king and the niece of the last king of English race; but before pronouncing the nuptial benediction, desirous of dissipating all suspicion, and disarming malignity, he ascended a platform raised for the purpose in front of the church door, and related to the people the inquiry that had been made and the decision that had been given in accord- ance with it. These facts are stated by an eye-witness, Edmer, a Saxon by birth and monk of Canterbury. All these precautions could not overcome what the histo- rian Edmer calls the heart-malice of certain men,^ that is to say, the repugnance of many of the Normans to what they deemed the misalliance of their king. They amused them- selves at the expense of the newly-married pair, calling them Godrik and Godiva, employing these Saxon names by wa/ Eadmer, pp 56, 57. » U ib. Id. ib. A.D. 1102.] RECONCILIATION OF ROliERT AND UENRY. 349 of d(»rision,^ " Henry knew it and heard it," says an ancient chronicler, " but he affected to laugh at it heartily, adroitly concealing his anger."^ When duke Robert had landed in Normandy, the irritation of the malcontents assumed a more serious character; many Anglo-Norman lords crossed the Channel to support the rights of the dispossessed brother, or sent him encouraging messages, inviting him to hasten to England, and assuring him of their fidelity, pursuant to the compact formerly concluded with William Rufus.^ And accordingly, on Robert's landing in England, his army was rapidly augmented by a great number of barons and knights; but the bishops, the common soldiers, and the men of Eng- lish race, remained on the king's side.'* The latter more espe- cially, with their old instinct of national hatred, ardently desired that the two factions should fight. There was no battle on the duke's disembarkation, because Robert landed on the coast of Hampshire, while Henry awaited him on that of Sussex. Some days elapsed before the armies could meet, and the least inveterate among the Normans of both parties, availing themselves of the interval, interposed, and appeased this quarrel between brothers and countrymen. It was ar- ranged that Robert should once more renounce his pretensions to the kingdom of England, for an annual pension of two thousand pounds of silver, and that the confiscations made by the king upon the duke's friends, and by the duke upon the king's, should be restored.^ This treaty deprived the English of an occasion of satisfy- ing with impunity their national aversion to the conquerors, and of killing the Normans under the covert of a Norman banner. But, ere long, this occasion again presented itself, and was eagerly seized. Robert de Belesrae, one oi' the most powerful earls of Normandy and England, was cited before the general assembly to answer to forty-five charges. Robert appeared, and demanded, as was the custom, permission freely to seek his friends and take counsel with them as to his defence; but once out of the council-hall, he mounted his horse, and » Willelni. Mulmesb., de Gestis, kc, lib. v. nt sup. p 150. Vocantes eiim Godrych Godc/ndyr. (Kuyghton, lib. ii. col. 2375.) * Aiidiebat haec ille et formidabiles cacbimios, iram diflerens, ejiciebat. (Willelm. Malinesb., loco citato.) > Florent. Wigorn., p. 050. * Id. ib. * Id. ib. 350 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1103 hastened to one of his strongholds. The king and lords, who had vainly awaited his answer, declared him a pubhc enemy unless he presented himself at the next assembly. But Robert de Belesme, preparing for war, supplied with ammunition and arms his castles of Arundel and Tickhill, and the citadel of Shrewsbury, which was in his keeping. He also iortifaed Bridgenorth, near the Welsh frontier; and it was towards this point, that the royal army marched to assail him. Kin" Henry had been besieging Bridgenortli three weeks, when the Norman earls and barons interposed to terminate the war, and to reconcile Robert de Belesme with the king. » For tl'iey tliought," says an old historian, '* that the victory of the kinn' over earl Robert would give him the means to bend them al! to his will." Tliey came in a great body to Henry, and demanded a conference, or, as it was termed in the French tongue, a parlement, to treat of peace. 1 he assembly was held in a plain near the royal camp. On the side ot the neic'hbouring hill was a body of three thousand English, who, knowinc^ the object of the conference of the Norman chiefs, were greatly excited, and cried: " O king Henry, believe them BOt; they seek to lay a snare for thee; we are here, we will aid thee, and make the attack for thee; n-ree to no peace with the traitor until thou holdst him fost, ilciid or alive. For this once, tlie Normans did not succeed in their attempt at conciliation; the siege of Bridirenortli was vigorously pro- secuted, and the fortress taken; the capture of that of Shrews- bury soon followed, and Robert de Belesme, compelled to capitulate, was dispossessed and banished.' Tlie vanity of the English enrolled under the royal banner mifi^ht be ilattered by tlieir military successes against the in- surgent Normans, but tlie nation at large derived no reliei from it; and, if it was avenged on some of its enemies, it was for the protit of anotlier enemy. Though the king had mar- ried a Saxon wife and had rreeived a Saxon nickname from the Norman chiefs, he was a Norman at heart. His favourite minister, the count de jNIeulan. was consi)icuous among all the other foreign dignitaries for his hatred to the natives.'-^ It is true that the popular voice surnained .Matilda the good quern; she counselled the king, it is said, to love the people; but » Order. Vilul., p. Huf>. S',)7 IT . 04. TO 1105.] EXPEDITION AGAINST DUKE ROBERT. 351 facts reveal no trace of her counsels or of her influence.^ The following is the manner in which the Saxon chronicle of the monastery of Peterborough prefaces its account of the events that followed the so eagerly -desired marriage of Henry with Ed^rar's niece: *' It is not easy to recount all the miseries with which the country was afflicted this year, by the unjust and constantly-renewed taxes. Wherever the king travelled, the people in his train vexed the poor people, and committed in various places murders, and set fire to places." Each suc- ceeding year in the chronological series is marked by a repe- tition d" the same complaints, set forth nearly in the same terms, and this very monotony gives an additionally gloomy colouring to the recital. " The year 1 lOo was most miserable, owing to the loss of the harvest, and the taxes, the levy of which never ceased.^ The year 1110 was full of misery, owing to the bad season, and the taxes which the king raised for the portion of his daughter." This daughter, named Ma- tilda, after her mother, and who was at this time five years old, was married to Henry, fifth of the name, emperor of Germany. " All this," says the Saxon chronicle, "cost the Enghsh nation dear."' That which cost it still dearer, was an expedition which king Henry undertook against his brother, the duke of Nor- mandy. Personally, Henry had no motive to be the first to break the peace that existed between himself and Robert, since the latter had renounced all pretensions to the kingdoni of England. But a short time previous, the duke had paid a visit to his brother, as to a dear friend; and had even, in re- turn for the hospitality he received, given to his sister-in-law Matilda the pension which, in the terms of their treaty, the king was to pay him.^ This act of courtesy was not the only good otVice that Henry had experienced on the part of his eldest bi'other, th<'. most generous and least politic of this family. Formerly, when Henry was without lands, and dis- contented with his condition, he had endeavoured to seize » Mold tlie gode qiieene gaf in conseile To Inf liis folc. (Robert of Bruunes Chronicle, v- 98.) Bobert of Gloucester a Chronicle, p. V.V-L t Chron. Sa^on., p. 210. ' If. v '^' '^>-^^^- * Order. Vitulis, lib. xi. p. ^05. 352 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1106 Mont Saint-Michel in Normandy. » Robert and William Huf\is besieged him there, and closely pressing him, reduced him to a want of water. The besieged sent to entreat his brothers not to deny him the free enjoyment of that which belongs to all men, and Robert, touched by this appeal, ordered his soldiers to allow those of Henry to supply them- selves with water. Hereupon, William Rufus was enraged with Robert: "You show great skill in warfare,"' said he, **you who supply your enemy with drink; you have now only to furnish him with meat too."—" How!" answered the duke, " should I leave a brother to die of thirst! what other brother have we, were we to lose him?"-^ The recollection of this service and of this fraternal affec- tion vanished from Henry's mind as soon as he became king. He essayed by every means to injure Robert, and even to avail himself of liis heedless character, facile even to im- prudence, and which rendered the duke of Normandy quite unfit to manage his affixirs. Many abuses and disorders were in- troduced into his duchy, aiul, as a consequence, there were many malcontents, whom Robert's volatility prevented him from heeding and his easy nature from punishing. King Henry art- fully availed Idmself of these circumstances to interfere in the quarrels between tlie Normans and their duke; at first in the character of an intercessor, and then, removing the mask when discord recommenced, as the protector of Nor- mandy against the ill government of his brother. He called upon Robert to cede the duchy to him in exchange for a sum of money. " Thou hast the title of lord," he said to him in his message, "but thou art no longer a lord in reality; for they who should obey thee, scorn thee." The duke indig- nantly refused to accede to this proposition, and Henry at once proceeded to compass his brother's downfall by force of arms.^ Preparing to depart for Normandy, he ordered a great subsidy of ^oney to be raised in England, to defray the ex- penses of this expedition; and his collectors exercised the > Thomas Rndborne, «/ sup. p. 263. « Willelm. Malmesb., de Grstis, rcg. Angl. &c., lib. ir. vt sup. p. 121. • Order. Vitalia, p. 820. DEFEAT OF ROBERT. \0Z TO 1106. J most cruel violence towards the Saxon citizens and peasants.* They drove from their poor cabins those who had nothing to give; they took out their doors and windows, and carried off even the least article of furniture. Against those who appeared to possess anything, fi'ivolous charges were insti- tuted: they dared not appear before the courts of justice, and their property was then confiscated.^ " Many persons," says a contemporary, "saw nothing new in these grievances, know- ing that they existed during the w^hole reign of William, brother of the present king, not to speak of what passed in the time of their father. But, in our days, there was a reason why these vexations were more hard and insupportable than ever: it was that they were employed against a people de- spoiled of all, utterly ruined, and against whom their masters were furious because they had nothing."^ Another writer of the period relates that troops of labouring men used to come to the king's palace or meet him on his rides, and throw be- fore him tlweir ploughshares in token of distress, and as if to declare that they renounced the cultivation of their native land in despair.'* The king departed for Normandy, conquered duke Robert, and made him prisoner, with his most trusty friends, in a battle fought near the castle of Tinchebray, three leagues from Mortain. A remarkable incident in this victory was, that the Saxon king, Edgar, was among the prisoners.^ Having renounced all hopes for his country and for himself, he had settled in Normandy with duke Robert, whom he soon loved as a brother, and whom he even accompanied to the Holy Land.6 He was brought to England, and the king, who had married his niece, granted him a small pension, upon which he lived for the remainder of his days, in the country. > NuUus in collectoribus pietatis aut miseriqordite respeotus fuit, sed crudelis exactio super omnes desaevit. (Eadmer, p. 83.) • Aliis atque aliis miserabilibus modia afifligi et cruciari...Nova et excor jritata forisfacta objiciebantur. lb. » • n. * Dialogus de Scaccario ; Seldeni notse ad Eadmeri, Hist., p. 216. * Chron. Saxon., p. 214. • Diicem... quasi collactaneum fratrem diligebat. (Order. Vital., lib x. p. 778.) ' ' A A 354 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1006 solitary and obscure.^ Duke Robert experienced, on the part of bis brother, more rigorous treatment; he was sent, under a strong guard, to Cardiff castle in South Wales, opposite Gloucester, in a district recently taken from tlie Welsh. Robert, separated from Enirland by the Severn, at first enjoyed a degree of liberty; lie could walk about the adjacent country; but one day lie attempted to esca[)e, and seized a horse; lie was pursued, and brought back to his prison, which he never again quitted. Some historians, but of the following century, relate that his eyes were put out by order of his brother."- At tlie time of his defeat, Robert had a son still under age, named William, whom king Henry endeavoured to get possession of, but wlio was taken to France by one of his father's friends.^ Louis, king of the French, adopted him, and had him brought up in liis palace; he gave him horses and armour, according to the custom of the period, and feign- ing to take an interest in his iiiisto: tunes, converted him into a means of disquieting the duke-king his neighbour, whose power gave him umbrage. In the name of this son of Robert, the king of France ioniied a league which was joined by the Flemings and tlie Angevins. King Henry was attacked on every part of his Norman frontier; he lost towns and castles one after another; and, at the same time, the friends of duke Robert cons]Hred !iL'^ain>t his lif»\'* For several years he never >lept without liaviuii' a sword and buckler at his bed's- head.' l>ut however formidable the confederation of his ex- ternal ami internal enei ■ it did not prevail against the power which he derived uvul combined Normandy and Eng- land. Robert's young son continued to live on the wages of the king of France, as his vassal, and to follow this king in his wars. Tliev went together to Flanders, after a sedition in which had perished the duke of Flanders, Karle or Charles, ' Pedctfiitini jiro i?,M>:ivi!i...«'OTif«'miif i lt:ilicri c:rp<'t...iiiinc remotus et ttieitiis, c:iiios Mios ill agro coiiMiinir. (Willehii. Miiliuesl)., tie Gcslis, &c., lib. iii. p. lOo.) 2 ]\r;Ktli. ?)M . :. r:5. » Onk'r. Vir.!:i , ! i.. xi. |.. ' ;W. < Th. y Suj^eiiiis, vita Li'd<>vki Cirussi, I'pud Script, re.-. GalJic. et i'jaiit'ii'., xii 4.4. * lb TO 1107."] FAVOUR SHOWN TO THE CHURCH. 3o5 son of Knut, king of the Danes, who had himself also been killed in a revolt.^ The king of France entered Flanders, with the sanction of the most powerful men of the country, to punish the murderers of the late duke: but, without such sanction and solely by virtue of feudal suzerainty (a right greatly questioned), he placed young William on the throne of the late duke, in furtherance of his object to render him powerful and then to oppose him to king Henry. There was little resistance to this unpopular king, so long as the king of France and his troops remained in Flanders; but, after their departure, a general revolt broke out against the new lord imposed upon the country by foreigners. The war proceeded with various success between the barons of Flan- ders and the son of Robert. The insurgents placed at their head the count of Alsace, Thiedrik, of the same race with themselves, and a descendant of one of their ancient dukes. This popular candidate attacked the protege of the king of France, who, wounded at the siege of a town, died shortly afterwards. Thiedrik of Alsace succeeded him, and king Louis found himself obliged, despite his lofty pretensions, to acknowledge as legitimate duke of the Flemings, the man whom they had themselves chosen.^ Prior to his departure for the Continent to sustain the pro- tracted war which his nephew and the king of France had ex- cited against him, Henry had, with the consent of his bishops and barons, introduced an extensive creation of abbots and prelates. According to the Saxon chronicle, there had never been so many abbots made at once, as in the forty-first year of the reign of the French in England.^ At this period, while the daily intercourse with the church Iield so great a place in men's lives, such an event, altliough of little moment in our eyes, was far from uninfluential upon the destiny of the English population, in as well as oat of the cloister. " Of these new sheplierds," says the contemporary Edmer, '•' most were rather wolves than shepherds. We must su[)|)ose that such was not the king's intention ; and yet this were more probable, had he selected at least a few of the natives of the country. But if you were English, no degree of virtue or merit could * Joban. Iporins, Chron., apiid Scriju. rer. (iallie. et Fiiiufic, >;iii. 4(^0. » lb. 3 Cliiou. .SiixoiK. i>. "Jit. A A 2 350 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1107 procure you the lowest employment, whilst a foreijjner by l)irth was, as such, judged worthy of any position. We liv. ill evil days.''' Amonj? the new abbots instituted by king Henry, in the year 1107, was conspicuous a certain Henry de Poitou, who iiad come to England because it was a country in which l)nests made their fortune more speedily than elsewhere, and lived under less restraint. This Poitevin obtained from ihe king the abbey of Peterborough, and "he demeaned himself there," says the contemporary chronicle, "as a liornet in a hive, seizing upon all he could find to take in the convent and out of the convent, and transmitting all he got to his own country." He was a monk of Cluny, and had promised tl»e superior of that order, by oath on a relic of the true cross, to procure for him the entire property of the abbey of Peterborough, with all its possessions in land and goods. At the time the Saxon chronicler wrote, the abbot had made liis request to the kinjr, and the royal decision was pending; "May God," says the Saxon author, "have mercy on the monks of Peterborough, and this unfortunate house! truly it is now tliat they need the aid of Christ, and of every Christian nation."'-^ These sufferings, to which we cannot refuse our compassion, since they were undergone by men, and that the foreign "•overnment rendered them common to both priests and lay- men, by daily depressing more and more the hearts and minds of the English, appear to have increased in them the superstitious tendencies of their nation and their time; they seem to have derived some consolation from imagining that God from time to time revealed his anger against their op- pressors by terrible signs. The Saxon chronicle affirms that, when abbot Henry the Poitevin entered Peterborough, there appeared at night, in the forests between the monastery and the town of Stamford, black huntsmen, tall and of fearful forms, who, leading black dogs with glaring eyes, and mounted on black horses, chased black hinds : " People worthy of belief have seen them," says the narrator, " and for forty nights consecutively the sound of their horns was heard."^ At Lincoln, on the tomb of a Norman bishop, Robert > Eadmer, p. 110. " Chroa. Saxon., pp. '^*«"», '^-iO. » lb. 232 TO 1120.] TERMINATION OF THE WAR. 35 Bluet, a man infamous for his debaucheries, other phantoms were visible for several nights.^ Accounts were circulated of terri^ e visions, which, sitid the story, had appeared to kmg mnry in his sleep, and so terrified him that three times in the sLe night he had sprung from his bed and seized his sword" rt%vas about this time that the pretended miracles at the tomb of Waltheof were renewed;^ those of king Fdward whose beatification was not contested by the Normans, Tn account of his relationship to William the Con- queror, also occupied the imagination of the l^"gl^f/. ^^"^ Lse ^ain fireside stories, these superstitious regrets for he men and days that were past, gave the people neither relief for the present, nor hope for the future. The son of king Henry and Matilda inherited none of his mother's good wil! towards the English. He was heard pub- iTcTy to say, that if ever he reigned over f ose miserab^^^ Saxons he would make them draw the plough, like oxen. When fhisTon, named William, formally received 1^-^-8^^^;-^' all the Norman barons accepted him as successor to the king, ^d swore fealty to him. Shortly af\er this, he married the dathter of Foulques, earl of Anjou. This union detached the Antevins from the confederation formed by the king of France,%ho himself ere long abandoned the war on condi- tion th^t William, son of Henry, sliould acknowledge himsel his vassal for Normandy and do him homage for it. Peace bein- thus completely re-established, in the year 1120, n thT beginning of winter, king Henry, his legitimate son Willhim, seve'ral of his natural children, and the Norman lords of England, prepared to return home. The fleef was aLmble.l in the month of December in^^ port of Barfleur. At the moment of departure, one l^om^ Fitzstephen came to the king, and offering hnn a gold mark, > loci custodes ,,oet..rnis i.mbris exnplntos. (K.ijgluou. col. 23(S4.^ « lb. col. ■-':)«). , „ . „ . devi martyris. (Petri Blesensis, CoMimwt. L'r'IJ'' «' '"''■ T" ' '"•' s Knvghton. col. 2382. Joh. bToU'; col. lOKi. Thomas Walsinghan,. Tpocl,,ma Keustruc, ap„d Camden, -^"f J'';: *";•• l';,*„"„o„i,erat. (An« • SicBt BoUo, primus Normanms dux, jure perpeiuo pio nymus, apiid Script, rer. Gallic, et Frnncic, xiv. ly ' ' '^ ' Order. Vital., lib. xii. p. H(n. u5S THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.Dl 1 TiO. said: "Stephen, son of Erard, my father, served thy fatlier all his life upon the sen, and it was lie who commanded the vessel which bore thy fatlier to the comincst; lord-kinir, I entreat thee to grant me in fief the sameofihc: I have a vessel called La Blanche XiJ\ fiily provided."^ The kinjr answered that he had already chosen a vessel for himself, i)'it that to nieet the request of Fitzstephcn, lie wotdd confide to his charge lus two sons, his dau^diter, and their suite. The vessel which bore the king saih-d first, with a south wind, at sunset, and next mornin- reached Enghind in safety'-^ Some- what later in the ex eniiin. La Blanche Kef >vt sail; the sailors who manned it had asked tor wine previous to their departure, whitrihuted in profusion. The vi»A was worked by fifty rowers: Thomas Fitzstephen held tlie hr-lm, and the ship went rapidly on, in the moonlight, along the coast near liartlenr.^ The sailors, ••xcited by the wine, maik^ every effort to overtake the king's shi[). Too intent upon this object, they heedlessly involved themselves among the breakers at a [.lace then called the Bas de Cafh; now known as the Bas de CattevUlc.^ The Blanche JVef, going at Iier utmost speed, struck on a rock, which drove in her left side: the crew sent forth a cry of distress, which was heard by the king's v. >s.'ls, already on the open sea; but no one susi)ected its cause.' The water poured in, and the vessel sank with all in it, to the number of three hundred persons, among whotn were eighteen women.*^ Two men alone clung to the main-mast, as it floated on the water: a butcher of Rouen, named Berauld, and a young man of higlier birth, named Godefroi, son of Gilbtrt de Laigle.7 Thomas, the niast«M- of /.a lUt, - And tlie king's son," said he, "what has become of him?"— *• He has not a|>peared, neither he, nor his sister, nor any of their comj.any." " Woe is me!'* exclaimed Fitzstephen; and he plunged beneath the waves. This December night was extremely cold, and the most deli- Ib. lb. 868 « Ih. * Will. lin. (Jrmct.. p. 297. ^ Onl.T. Vital., /oc. ril. • /A.— Willelm. M .!.Msh., >/e 6V.v/,., ,.,„,. j,„j^^ ji^. y. p. 1G5 • Oiil. r. \ iml., ut SHjK A.D. 1120. J DENUNCIATION OF THE NORMANS. 359 cate of the two survivors, lo.Mug his strength, relinquished his hold on the mast that supported him, and sank, commendmg his companion to the mercy of God. Berauld, the poorest of all, still supported himself afloat, in his jacket of sheep-skm, and he alone again saw the day; some fi.>hermen picked him up in their boat, and it is from him that the details of the event were learned.^ Most of the English chroniclers, in relating this cataslroplie, so grievous to their masters, express but little compassion for the misfortune of the Norman families. They call it a Divine vengeance, a judgment of God, and discern something super- natural in this shipwreck in fine weather and a calm sea.^ They recal the contemptuous and malignant language of young William with reference to the Saxons. " The proud man said, I shall reign" exclaims a contemporary; "but God said, Lt shall not be, impious one, it shall not be; and the brow of the wicked, instead of wearing a diadem of gold, has been dashed against the rocks."^ They accused the young man, and those who perished with him, of infamous vices, unknown, they said, to England, before the arrival of the Normans.* The invectives and accusations of these writers, indeed, often exceed all bounds; as in other cases do their flatteries and their obsequiousness, manifesting them men who at once hate and fear. " Thou hast seen,'' says one of them, in a letter which was intended to remain secret, " thou hast seen Robert de Belesme, that man wlio made murder his most agreeable recreation; thou hast seen Henry, earl of Warwick, and his son Roger, the ignoble soul; thou hast seen king Henry, the murderer of so many men, the violator of his oaths, the gaoler of his brother Perhaps thou wilt ask me, why in my history I so highly praised this Henry: I have said that he was remarkable among kings for his wisdom, his courage, and his wealth; but these kings, to whom we all take the oath, » Order. Vitalis, nt sup. 2 Alanifestura Dei apparnit judicium.. .mare tranquillo perienmt. (Ger- vfts. Cautuar., Chroii., apud Hist. Ano^l. Script.. (Selden) ii. col. l;330.) Enormiter in mari tranquiUissimo. (Mattb. Westmon., p. 240.) » Henric. Himtind., Epht. de contemptu mtiridi ; Angha Sacra, ii. b.)b. * Superbia turaidi, luxurise et libidinis omiiis tabe raaculati. (Gervas Cantuar., he. cit.) Scelus Sodoraae noviter in bac terra diviilgatum. (Ead- men-, p. 24.) Nefandum illud et enorme KormaDnorum crimen. (Angha Sacra, ii. 40.) 360 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1120 before whom the very stars of heaven seem to bow, and whom the women, the children, and the idlers among men, gaze at on their way, rarely throughout their kingdom is there one man to be found so guilty as they; and this has given rise to the expression, royalty is crime .''^ According to the old historians, king Henry was never seen to smile after the shipwreck of his children. Matilda, his wife, was dead, and reposed at Winchester, within a tomb, the epitaph on which was partly in English, a circumstance that for many years did not recur on the monuments of the rich and great of England.* Henry married a second wife, not of Anglo-Saxon race, which had now again fallen into contempt because the son of the Conqueror no longer needed it. This new marriage of the king was sterile, and all his tenderness was now concentrated upon a natural son, named Robert, the only son who remained to him.^ At about the time this son became old enough to marry, it happened that one Robert Fitz-Aymon, a rich Norman, possessor of great domains in Gloucestershire, died, leaving as heiress of his property an only daughter, called Aimable, and familiarly Muble or MabUe. King Henry negotiated with the relations of this girl a marriage between her and his son Robert; the relations consented, but Aimable refused, and persisted m her refusal for a long time, without explaining the motives of her repugnance, until at last, driven to extremity, she de- clared that she would never be the wife of a man who had not two names. The two names, or the double name, composed of a Chris- tian name and a surname, either purely genealogical, or in- dicating the possession of an estate or the exercise of some office, was one of the signs by which the Norman race m England was distinguished from the other race.^ In bearing only his own name, in the centuries which followed the con- quest, a man incurred the risk of passing for a Saxon; and the provident vanity of the kjiress of Robert Fitz-Aymon » Hen. Huntind., nt sup. p. 699. " Hie jacet Matildis reginm ab Anglis vocata Mold the good queen. (Thomas Rudborne, Hist. Maj. mnton.; Ang. Sacra, : 277.) > Willelm. Gemet., p. 606. * Htcksius, B'mertaiio £phtolarh : Tbeaauras Linguarom S-ptent. U. 27. TO 1 124.1 OPPKESSIOIN OF THE SAXONS. 361 was alarmed at the idea that her future husband might be confounded with the mass of the natives. She fairly con- fessed this scruple in a conversation she had with the king, and which is related in the following manner, by a chronicle in verse: — " Sire," said the young Norman, " I know that your eyes are fixed on me, much less for myself than for my inheritance; but having so great an inheritance, were it not great shame to take a husband who has not a double name? In his lifetime my father was called Sir Robert Fitz-Aymon. I will not be- long to a man whose name does not also show whence he comes." " Well said, damsel," answered king Henry; " Sir Robert Fitz-Aymon was the name of thy father; Sir Robert Fitz-Roi shall be the name of thy husband." " A fair name, I grant, and honourable for him all his life; but how shall be called bis sons, and his son's sons?" The king under- stood this question, and immediately answered : " Damsel, thy husband shall bear a name without reproach for himself and his heirs; he shall be called Robert of Gloucester, for I will create him earl of Gloucester, him and all who shall de- scend from him."^ By the side of this anecdotal illustration of the life and manners of the conquerors of England, may be placed some others, less amusing, of the fate of the natives. In the year 1124, Raoul Basset, chief justiciary, and several other Anglo- Norman barons, held a great assembly in Leicestershire; here they summoned before them a number of Saxons, charged with highway robbery; that is to say, with partisan warfare, which had succeeded to more regular defensive operations against the foreign power. Forty-four of these, accused of robbing with arms in their hands, were condemned, by judge Basset and his assessors, to death, and six others to lose their eyes. " Persons worthy of credit," says the contemporary chronicle, " attest that most of them died an unjust death; but God, who sees all, knows that his unhappy people are oppressed beyond all justice; first, they are despoiled of their goods, and then they are deprived of life. This year was hard to bear* he who possessed anything, however little, was robbed of it, by the taxes and the decrees of the powerful; he who had nothing, died of hunger."'-^ » Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle, p. 431, et seq. 2 Clirou. Sax . p. 228. 362 TllK ^ORMA^• CONQUEST. [a.d. 1124 A circumstance wliicli occurred some time before this may throw some liiilit upon thise (l»'cr(^es, which despoiled the un- happy 8axuu> ot all. In the sixteenth year ot* the reigu of Henry 1., a man nanicil lirithtslan, iivini^' in Huntin^don- t^hire, wished to d«nutc himself, with all he possessed, to the monastery of St. Ethel ride. Robert JMalartais, the Norman provost of the hundred, conceived that the Ku^lislmian only desired to become a monk, iti order to escape the puni.-hment of some secret otfenee aniinst the foreign power, and he here- upon accused him, as it wouM appear, alto^L^'tlier at random, of having found a treasure and a{»prupriated it to his own use, which was an infringement upon the king's rights; for the Norman kings claimed to be born-poss(^ssors of all money found underground.^ jMalartais, in the king's name, forbad the monks of Saint Ethehide to receive Brithtstan into their monastery; he then seized the Saxon and his wife, and sent them before the justiciary Raoul Basjiet, at Huntingdon. The accused derded the crime imputed to him; but the Normans called him liar, insulted him for his short stature and his ex- cessive eorpulenee, and pronounced a sentence which adjudged him and all tluit lie possessed to the king. Immediately after sentence, they demanded from the Englishman a declaration of his property, real and personal, Avith the names of his debtors. Britlitstan gave it; but the judges, not satisfied with the statement, told him several times that he was an impudent liar. The Saxon answered in his language : " My lords, God knows that 1 speak th(_' truth;" he repeated these words patiently several times, >ays the historian, " without any- thing further.''-^ His wife was obliged to give up lifteen pence and two rings that she had about her, and to swear that she retained nothing. Tiie condenuied man wa< then taken, bound and and foot, to London, thrown into prison, and loaded with on chains, the weight of whieh exceeded his strength.** The sentence of the Saxon Brithtstan was pronounced, ac- cording to tlie testimony of tlie ancient historian, in the assembly of justice; or, as the Normans called it, la cour da comte^ the county court of Huntingdon. Tliesf. courts, in which all causes were tried, except those concerning the high * L»:,M-< Urtirici, i. cup. x. § i. ' Wat, min lamrty tjodul mililin live srife sod, respondrtbat. (Order, Vital., p. 629.) » lb. G3U. TO 1126.] THE rOUNTY COURT. 363 barons, which were reserved for the King's Bench, were pre- sitled over by the viscount of the county, whom the English called sheriff, or by a circuit judge, ajifsflcicr errant, as it was called in the Norman tongue.^ In the county-court sat, as judges, the possessors of free tenements, whom the Nor- mans called Franc tenantSy and the nnii\e^fran/iluig.% adding a Saxon termination to the French adjective.^ The county- court, like that of the king, had periodical sessions, and those who failed to attend them paid a certain fine for having, as the legal acts of the time express it, left justice without judgment.3 None had a right to sit there, unless he wore the sword and baldric, the insignia of Norman liberty, and unless, moreover, he spoke French.'* The judges attended girt with their swords, and thus kept away the Saxons, or, in the lan- guage of the old acts, tlie villeins, the country people, and all men of ignoble and low race.^ The French language was, so to speak, the criterion of a capacity to act as a judge; and there were even cases in wdiicli the testimony of a man, igno- rant of the language of the conquerors, and thus betraying his English descent, was not considered valid. This is proved by a fact posterior, by more than sixty years, to the period at which we are now^ arrived. In 1191, in a dispute affecting the abbot of Croyland, four persons gave evidence against him; these were Godfrey de Thurleby, Gaultier Leroux de Ilamneby, William Fitz-Alfred, and Gilbert de Bennington. " The false testimony given by them was registered," says the old historian, "and not the truth spoken by the abbot; but all present thought that the judgment would be favour- able to him, because the four witnesses had no knightly fief, were not girt with the sw^ord, and one of them even could not speak French."^ * Justitinrii irineriuites. Sec Spelman, Glof^s., verbo Jusfitia. * Fraiici tenentes. The terniiiiation Huff, in the Germanic langnat^es, indi cates resemlhuice or filiation. When the English ceased the practice o+ strongly aspirating their language, the word J'rankUng became franklin. See Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. • Quod justitiara sine judicio dimiserunt. (Leges Ilenrici, i. cap. xxix. §i.) * Glossar. ad ]\ratth. Paris, verbo Assisa. ' Villani vero vel Cotseti vel Ferdingi, vel qui sunt istius modi viles vel inopes persoute non sunt inter legum judices nnmerandi. (Leges Hen. .. lac. cit.) • Petrus Blesensis, ut sup. p. 458 1 364 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1120 ^ Of king Henry's two legitimate children, Matilda still lived, the wife of Henry V., emperor of Germany. She became a widow in the year 1 126. and returned to her father: notwithstanding her widowhood, the Normans continued in courtesy to style her empress.^ At Cliristmas, Henry held his court, in great pomp, at Windsor castle, and all the Norman lords of both countries, assembled by his invitation, promised fealty to Matilda, both for the duchy of Normandy and for the kingdom of England, swearing, alter her father's death, to obey her as they had obeyed him.2 The first who took this oath was Stephen, son of the earl of Blois and of Adele, daughter of William the Conqueror, one of the king's most intimate friends, and almost the favourite.^ In the same year, Foulqnes, earl of Anjou, seized with the new enthusiasm of the century, became what was called a soldier of Christ, assumed the cross, and departed for Jerusalem. Uncertain as to his return, he gave the earldom to his son Geotfroy, sur- named Plante Genest, from his habit of wearing a sprig of flowering broom in his hat, instead of a feather. -» King Henry conceived a great liking for his young neigh- bour, earl Geoffroy d'Anjou, for his personal attractions, the elegance of his manners, and liis valour; he became his knightly godfather, and defrayed, at his own cost, the cere- mony, at Kouen, of his admission to chivalry.^ After the bath, into which, according to custom, the young knight was immersed, Henry gave him, as his knightly godson, a Spanish charg^^r, a suit of mail, lance and sword proof, gold spurs, a shiela :5mblazoned in gold with tlie three lions, a helmet set with jewels, an ash lance with a head of Poitiers steel, and a sword, of temper so fine that it passed for the work of Waland,6 the fabulous smith of northern traditions.^ The » Quoad vixit sibi nomen retineus iniperatricis. (De Orig. comit. Ande gav. ; apud Script, rer. Gallic, et Fraiicic, xii. 537.) • Mtittb. Paris, i. 70. ' Et primus omnium comes Blesensis. (76.) * Senpt. rer. Gallic, et Fraucic, xii. 581, iu notac, ad calc. pag. Cbroa de ^o^nandie, ib. xiii. 247. ..* Jobarmes Monac. Major. Moiiast., Hist. Gaufredi ducis Nomiann., ib. 111. 520. • Galannus ; ibe Volundor of tbe Scandinavian Edda, and tbe Wayland Snutli of the legends of England and Scotlund. ' Jobannea Mouacbus, loc. ciL DEATH OP HENRY I. 365 TO 1133.] kin"- of England's friendship was not confined to these proofs, and^he resolved to marry the earl to his daughter Matilda, the empress, and the union was celebrated, but without the previous consent of the lords of Normandy and England; a circumstance attended with most serious consequences to the fortunes of the married pair.^ Their nuptials were celebrated in the Whitsuntide of the year 1127, and the rejoicings con- tinued for three weeks.^ On the first day, heralds in their state costume went through all the squares and streets of Rouen, making this singular proclamation: "By order of kino- Henry, let no man here present, native or foreigner, rich or poor, noble or villein, be so bold as to absent himself from the royal rejoicings; whoever takes not his share in the entertainments and sports, shall be held guilty of offence to- wards his lord the king."^ Of this marriage was born, in the year 1 133, a son who was called Henry, after his grandfather, and whom the Normans Burnamed Fitz-empress, son of the empress, to distinguish him from the elder Henry, whom they caWed Fitz- Guilliaume' Conquereur, On the birth of his grandson, the Norman king once more convoked his barons of Normandy and England, and required them to acknowledge as his successors, the chil- dren of his daughter after him and after her; they outwardly consented, and swore fealty. The king died two years after, in Normandy, thinking that he left an undisputed crown to his dautrhter and his grandson; but it happened far otherwise; on the first intelligence of his death, Stephen of Blois, his nephew, sailed for England, where he was elected king by the prelates, earls, and barons, who had sworn to give the kingdom to Ma- tilda.* The bishop of Salisbury declared that this oath was void, because the king had married his daughter without the consent of the lords: others said that it would be shameful for 80 many noble knights to be under the orders of a woman.^ Stephen's election was sanctioned by the benediction of the primate of Canterbury, and, what was highly important at this period, approved by a bull of pope Innocent II. t Willelm. Malmesb., Historic Novdla, lib. i. apud rer. Angl. Script., (Savile) p. 175. _^^ « Job. Bromton, col. 1010. » JobaD. Monacbus, ut sup. p. 521. * Mattb. Paris, i. 74. » Fore nimis turpe si tot nobiles faeminae subderentur. {Ib.) i 366 THE NOKMAN CONQUEST. [a.d. 1135. " We have learned," said the pontiff to the new king, " that thou hast been elected by the common voice and unanimous con- sent of the lords and people, and that thou hast been crowned by the prelates of the kingdom. » Considering that the suffra^^es of so great a number of men cannot have been combined in thy favour without a special co-operation of the Divine grace; that besides thou art a near relation of the late king, and that thou didst promise obedience and reverence to Saint Peter on the day of tliy coronation, we admit all that has been done for thee, and adopt thee specially, with paternal affection, for the son of the blessed apostle Peter, and of the holy Roman church. 2 Stephen of Blois was very popular with the An"-lo-Nor- mans, because of his tried valour, and his attlible and generous disposition. He promised, on receiving tlie crown, to give to each of his barons the free enjoyment of the forests which had been appropriated by king Henry, after the example of the two Williams, and to secure by proper instruments the liberties oi the church and of the nation.^ Tlie first portion » Epist. Innocent. Pap®, apud Script, rer. Gallic, et Francic, xv. aOl. « lb. a!)t>. / tr \T^\l '^""*? ""."'"^ ^'^^ *'^"''" ' ''^ '^'^^ ^y^^as in manu sua retineret. (Matth. Paris, i. 74.) " THE CHARTER OF KINO STEPHEN CONC 1 UNINO THE LIBERTIES OF THE tnunCH AND KINGDOM OF ENGLAND. " 1, Stephen, l.y tlie grace of God, and by consent of tlie clergy and peo- ple, king ot Eiigluud, and consecrated by William, arebbisbop of Canter- bury, aLd b-mte of the holy Koinan cbi.rcb; and afterwards confirmed bv hii.ocenr, pontiff of the boly Koman see ;-do bereby grant, in respect and love of (M..1, ihat tbe boly cburch sball be free; and I confirm all reve- rence due to It. I promise to act noibiu- in tbe cburch, nor in ecclesias tical afbiirs, simoniacally, nor will I j.fMniit it to be done. I defend and confirm that the power, justice, mid dignities, of ecclesiastical persons and all < Ink., and lb.' distribution of their goods, sball be in tbe bands of the bishops. I gnuit and establish, that tbe diguitit s of churches confirmed by their privileges and the viwum^ hvU by auci.-nt tenure, sball remain in- violable. All tbe possesMoiis and tiiiiires of churches, which they held on that day when king William my graudfmher was „live and dead, 1 rn-«nt to be free and absolute to tbem, without any U\.v rrelamation : but if tbe cburchsln.il hereafter claim any.-ltlH,,.. .hi,i..s uM. ii une possessed or enjoyed In-fore the death of the Kin.,-, and uhirli it now may want, I reser^'e that to my ludulg.-nce and disp,>n^alion, to be either di^cJssed or restored But whatsoever bath t . m l-.towrd upon it since the king's death, either by tbe liberality of the king, or the gift of grnit peisons, or tbe oblauon, A.D. 1135.] ACCESSION OF STEPHEN. 367 of the new reign was peaceful and happy, at least for the Norman race. The king was lavish and magnificent in his purchase, or any excbange, of faithful men, I confirm, and shall be conferred upon them. 1 promise to preserve peace and justice in all things to the utmost of my power. The forests which William, my grandfather, and William, my 'uncle, have made and held, I reserve to myself: but all the rest, which king Henry had superadded, I restore, and grant, quit, and dis charged t.") the churches and the kingdom. If any bishop, or abbot, or otlier ecclesiastical person, shall reasonably distribute his goods before his death, or appoint them to be so distributed,*! grant that it shall remain firm : but if he be prevented by death, distribution of them shall be made by consent of his church for the good of his soul. Whilst episcopal sees shall remain vacant of pastors, both they and all their possessions shall be committed to the power and keeping of clerks, or other honest men of the same church, until a pastor shall be canonically substituted. All exactions, injustice, and miskenniiigs, wickedly introduced either by sheritis, or by any others, I to- tally abolish. The good and ancient laws and just customs in murders, pleas, and other causes, I will observe, and do hereby establish and com- mand to be observed. But all this I grant, saving my royalty and just dig- nity. Witnesses: William, archbishop of Canterbury, Hugh, bishop of llouen, Henry (de Blois), bishop of Winchester, Roger, bishop of Salisbury, Alexander, bishop of Lincoln, ^^igel, bishop of Ely, Everard, bishop of Nor- wich, Simon, bishop of Worcester, Bernard, bishop of St. David's, Audoen, bishop of Evreux, Richard, bishop of Avranches, Robert (de Bethun), bishop of Hereford, iEthelwulf, bishop of Carlisle, an.l Roger, the chancellor, and Henry, the king's nephew, and Robert (consul ), eari of Gloucester, William, eari ofWairen, Ranulph, (Randle de Gernons,) earl of Cht-ter, Robert, (Roger de Newburgh,) earl of W^arwiek, Robert de V.mc, and Milo de Glou- cester, Bryan Fitz-Earl, Robert DOyly, tlie constable, William Martell, Hugh'Bigod, Humphrey de Bobun, Simon de Bi-auebamp the Sewer. Wil- liam de Albini, Eudonius Martell the Butler, R.d)ert de Ferrers, WilHam Penr', of Nottingham, Simon (!<■ Saintliz, Williani de Albain, Payne Fitz- John, Haraon de St. Clare, and Ubert de Eacy. At Oxford, in the year from the Incarnation of our Lonl, IF'Ui, namely the iirst of my reign." The other Charter of Liberties granted by tliis sover<'i-u, was a short general one for tbe whole realm ; it was also written in laitiii, yiihout date, and is preserved in an ancient iiitiy in the Cottonian niann-eii|it, Claudius 1). II., Art. 25, fol. 15. or (is b, whence the following transbuion lias been made: " Steplien, by tlie grace of God, king of En-1 md, to the justiciaries, sberitVs, barons, and all his ollieers and faithful ^u1>j.'cts, Frencli and Eng- lish, gree'ing. Know ye that I have granied, ami by this piesent charter ha\e eonth-med to all my barons and people of Iji-land, all tbe liberties and good la\^s and customs,\vliieh Henry, my unci". f,^ave and granted to them, which were had in the time of king Edward. Wlietei'ore I will, and strictly comtnand, that they have and hold all those good laws iirid liberties of me and of my heirs, for tbem and for their In-irs, freely, fully, and seeurcly, and prohibit ay oiu- to cause any molestation or iinpedinient ui-on tbem, — ut)oti my forfeiture Witnessed by William Martel, at London." — Thomson, Eamy on M