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 General Library s 
 
SIR 
 
 JOHN HAWKWOOD. 
 
Only Five hundred copies have been printed of 
 
 Sir John Hawkwood, " one hundred reserved for 
 
 presentation to the Public Libraries, the Press, and 
 
 Friends .• and Four hundred numbered copies for 
 
 the Public of which this is 
 
 N° 336. 
 
jS^jA^Mfr 
 
S I It 
 
 JOHN HAWKWOOD 
 
 (/: act TO). 
 
 STORY OF A CONDOTTIERE 
 
 I'KANSLATKI' FROM 11IK ITALIAN 
 
 JOHN TEMPLE-LEADER. Esq. & Sis. GIUSEPPE MARCOTTI 
 
 BY 
 
 LEADER SCOTT. 
 
 ITonbon, 
 T. FISHER UN WIN 
 
 26. PATERNOSTBB SQUARE. 
 
 1889. 
 [AN rights reserved.] 
 
L 
 
 / 
 
 FLORENi i 
 PRINTED BY <■. BARBERA, 
 
 VIA FAENZA, 66 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 nemo ami 
 
 \v- 'INK'S. 
 
 The hi orj of. the mercenarj companies in ttalj ao longer re- 
 mains to be told; if having been published in 1844 by Ercole Ricotti ; 
 howe sive monographs on the same subject hi ve 
 
 produced such a wealth of information from new sources thai Ri- 
 cotti's work, i . • dmosi requires to be rewritten. The 
 
 Archicio Stortco Italiano has already recognised this by dedicat- 
 ing an entire volume to Documents for the history of Italian war\ 
 from tin 13"' to the 16"' centuries collected by Giuseppe Canestrini. 
 
 These re oi Sfreat importance; but even taking into account all 
 we owe to them, and to all thai later historical researches have brought 
 to light, the theme is not yet exhausted: truth is like happiness, and 
 though as we approach we see it shining mure intensely, and becom- 
 ing clearer in outline, yel we can never feel, thai we have obtained 
 full possession of it. 
 
 One of the most celebrated condottieri was the Englishman John 
 Hawkwood, or as contemporary Italian ch) i put it " G 
 
 Acuto ; " whom Filippo Villain proclaims as 'grand master of v. 
 Giovio with elegan con m defines himg acerrimus bellator el cun- 
 ctator egregius, while Muratori recognises him as a " brave and n 
 captain." qualifying his praise however by adding : brig nd of the 
 first rank:" and Ammirato says " by many proofs he showed himself 
 vali.- geous in his own person, astute in reaping advan- 
 
 tages, and a man who could wait the results of action without hurry- 
 ing tu obtain fame." 
 
 As for popular tradition, we have thi my of Ft 
 
 chetti, who (in his l s l~' Novelli l ti tory of certain monks 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 who gave Hawkwood the greeting of "Peace" on which he replied: 
 "May the Lord take awaj your alms." The alarmed monks excused 
 themselves, by saying they " meant only to be kind," and he ex- 
 plained: " Do you not know that I live by war, and that peace would 
 be my undoing?" and the story-teller adds: "It certainly is true that 
 Hawkwood fought in Italy longer than any other man ever fought, 
 and nearly every part of it became tributary to him : so well did be 
 manage his affairs that there was little peaee in Italy in his days." 
 Warrior by trade, in peace his occupation was g This truly charac- 
 teristic story was paraphrased in Latin: De eo qui pads nomine ro- 
 ganti pauperi nihil dare voluit. {Facezie di Filitimo Ermotimo, 1560). 
 
 It was said that if be had wished, he might easily have cut a 
 principality out of Tuscany for himself, or perhaps have become Lord 
 of the whole province, — anew Castruccio or Uguccione della Fag- 
 giuola ; — but either he lacked the ambition, or else he knew the place 
 and the times well enough to realise how impossible it would have 
 been to found a lasting dynasty. 
 
 In any way he was for more than thirty years one of the most 
 effective dominators of Italian affairs, and in her history, — military, 
 political, and social, — he figures as a personage whose character and 
 actions have an importance more than sufficient to justify the simpli 
 curiosity of biographical erudition. 
 
 It is now evident that there is more than a little to add and to 
 rectify in his history ; and — taking into account several inedited do- 
 cuments corroborating that which has, it is true, been already nar- 
 rated, though neither clearly nor precisely — it would seem that a new 
 monograph of John Hawkwood may well be attempted. 
 
 Paolo Griovio gave a place to the English Condottiere in the Elo- 
 gia virorum bellica virtutc illustrium; hut it is a short record with 
 
 more rhetoric than biography in it, — more romance than history: it 
 is a sketch in tine Latin prose with an ugly woodcut, and two un- 
 happy verses by Giulio Feroldo ; and as to truth, the famous bishop 
 of Como always had (since Benedetto Varchi shewed up Paolo Giovio's 
 errors in history) the most justifiable reputation id' giving it quite a 
 secondary importance. 
 
 Domenico .Maria Manni collected many valuable facts edited and 
 inedited, and formed a praiseworthy biography (published in 1760, 
 in Vol. II of the appendix to Reruin Italirnnnii Srrijitart'.s). but it was 
 incomplete and not always exact. 
 
 From the literarj correspondence in 1640-1641 between Sir William 
 Boswell English ambassador to the Hague, and .1. de Lael of Leiden 
 (British Museum, /uhl, tin, ml MSS. 6395) it results that Mr. John 
 
PREFACE. 3 
 
 Maurice bad compiled, and written in English, a life of Sir John 
 Hawkwood, profiting by the Italian authors existing in the ambassa- 
 dor's library, and by Sir William Boswell's own observations. It is 
 possible that this is the MS. biography of Hawkwood, which is pre- 
 served in the Ashmolean Collection of Oxford (N° 74!)). It consists 
 of 100 pages folio, and diverges from the subject in lout; digressions 
 on general contemporary history, complacently quoting Tacitus and 
 other Latin writers. The author thus metaphorically announces his 
 subject on page 21 : " I nowe applie my selfe to my intended theme, 
 the life of the valiant and fam'd Sir John Hawkwood, or rather some 
 few discourses, considerations, and observations on several passages "I 
 his life, and acts, for these we have growing at our own home, anil 
 th" other must chiefly be imported from forraine parts where they yrow 
 too thinne." In any case t lie book would only have a very limited 
 biographical value were it not for the documents which were furnished 
 by the Italian archives. 
 
 Thus if our subject is not without precedent, neither is it yet 
 exhausted. 
 
 For the rest, in narrating and documenting the life of this soldier 
 of fortune, it is enough merely to indicate, and not reproduce entire, 
 those o'eneral facts of the time which are well known, or easily found 
 m accredited histories. Our labours refer to the career of the classical 
 Condottiere in the midst of his soldiers, and to his relations with the 
 princes and republics to whom he sold his sword; ami it will suffice 
 for this, if we. throw some of the modern lights on the social and mi- 
 litary conditions of Italy, during the second half of the 14"' century. 
 
 To simplify chronology wo have indicated tin- dates by marginal numbers. Dates 
 of Hie old Florentine ami Pisan styles have been reduced to modern style. 
 
THE HAWKWOOD FAMILY. — FIRST ENGAGEMENTS IN FRANCE. 
 
 [Mobant, Hist, of Essez [1768] which cites the feudal registers of the Earls of Oxford — 
 Camden's Britannia — Fuller, Worthies of England [1668] — Stowe, Annals — Will 
 of Gilbert Hawkwood existing in the- Harleyan Charters 51 I 1 6, pub. in Gentleman's 
 
 . .. \'m[ :.s, p. 1061 — Filippo Villani, Cronica — Ahhibato, Istorii I 
 tint — Samuel Smiles, Life and Labour — Matteo Villani, Cronica — Becker, 
 Adventurous Lives — Larousse, Uietionnaire universd du XIX siecli — Fboissart, 
 Chroniques — Guilelmus i>e Nam. is. Chronica — Perrens, li'-toii, dt Florence.] 
 
 On the left bank of the little river Colne in Esst-x, in 
 the parish of Sible Hediugham not far from the ancient 
 city of Colchester, there still exists an old house and estate 
 named Hawkwood Manor, — once a feudal dependance on 
 the Castle of Hedingham belonging to the Earls of Oxford, 
 and which was in the possession of the Hawkwoods as far 
 back as the reigns of John Lack-Land and Edward III. 
 
 Tradition says that our John Hawkwood was born here, 
 and we have no reason to doubt it. 
 
 The epoch of his birth is not proved : we only know 
 that, he died very old in 1394, and that in 1360 he was 
 already a captain of assured reputation ; we may therefore 
 conclude that he came into the world in the beginning 
 of Edward the Third's reign, about the year 1320. 
 
 John's father was named Gilbert and he was by trade 
 a tanner ; a fact jDerfectly compatible with his well-to-do 
 condition as a landowner. 
 
 There are not wanting fabricators of marvellous gene- 
 alogies, which make Hawkwood's ancestry originate with 
 
6 His FATHER'S AVILL. 
 
 Memprecius King of the Frisians. On the other hand Fi- 
 lippo Yillani and Ammirato believe Hawkwood to be a 
 personal cognomen, rather than a family surname, recount- 
 ing that " the mother being about to give birth to a 
 child, had herself carried into a forest, and here the boy 
 was born," — hence the name hawk and -wood. 
 
 The Florentine historians were better informed in say- 
 ing that his parents " were well born although not of 
 grand lineage (gentil' huomini mercatanti e antichi borghe- 
 si I." The fact that they used the aristocratic particle " de," 
 and that they possessed lands, goods, and money, is proved 
 by some English documents, among which is the AVill of 
 Gilbert de Hawkwood himself.* 
 
 1340. In this his last testament Gilbert de Hawkwood declares 
 
 his wish to be buried in the church of Sible Hedingham ; 
 then in the first place he leaves 2 solidi to the building 
 fund of St. Paul's in London ; then 17 marks 10 solidi for 
 his obsequies on the day of the funeral, and on the seventh 
 and thirtieth days after it. 
 
 He had three sons : John the elder, John the younger, 
 and Nicholas. The elder no doubt inherited, by right of 
 seniority, the Manor of Hedingham Sible, of which the 
 Will makes no mention, it being only a series of legacies 
 in money, goods or furniture : 
 
 to John senior 10 pounds, the cart and six horses, two 
 oxen, 10 quarters of wheat and 10 of oats ; 
 
 to John junior 20 pounds and 100 solidi ; 
 
 to Nicholas 10 marks ; 
 
 to each 5 quarters of wheat, 5 of oats, with bed and 
 maintenance for a year. 
 
 There were besides four daughters : Agnes and Jane, 
 married ; Alice and Margaret still spinsters, to each of 
 
 * Tommaseo, in his Com tits on the Letters of St. Catherine of Siena, 
 
 has romanced too much in attributing to " Acuto " 1 1 j . - title of (Hunt. 
 
TAILOR OR NOT ? 7 
 
 them Gilbert left 100 solidi and to the two spinsters 
 10 pounds besides, with bed and maintenance for a year. 
 
 Then follows a long list of petty legacies to priests, 
 menservants, and maidservants, abbesses, and nuns ; with 
 a general legacy of " all the remainder " to his executors 
 to be employed in charity and prayers for his soul. 
 
 The executors were his sons, the two Johns, and the 
 Vicar of Gosfield : this indicates that those two sons were 
 both at home in 1340 : in fact the}' obtained, after Gil- 
 bert's death in that same year, the official documents giving 
 them legal possession ami power of administration of the 
 property mentioned in the "Will. 
 
 Of the three sons, the least favored, Nicholas, embraced 
 the ecclesiastical career, with such success that in 1363 we 
 find him in holy orders, and holding a territorial benefice 
 of such value that it placed him on an equal rank with 
 John senior, who as head of the family was Squire of 
 Sihle Hedingham. 
 
 The other cadet John junior, being provided with his 
 2l > pounds and 100 solidi (in those times a considerable sum), 
 lived for a year at his brother's expense, as legally en- 
 joined, — he might even have prolonged the visit in fra.- 
 ternal fashion, — but after that he began to think, as cadets 
 must do, of making a career for himself. 
 
 Now at that time there was war in France, and thither 
 went many Englishmen to seek their fortunes, and gain 
 money, lands, and titles, while King Edward III on his 
 part appropriated whole provinces, — and these temptations 
 induced our hero to become a soldier. 
 
 This seems the most probable version of his story ; 
 nevertheless the tradition was generally accepted in England 
 that John's first weapons were needle and scissors, and 
 that they were wielded during an apprenticeship to a 
 London tailor. Fuller gives this as a fact adding : " Now 
 that mean men bred in manual and mechanick trades, may 
 
s JEAN DE L'AIGI ILLE. 
 
 arrive at great .skill in martiall performances, that Hawk- 
 
 t\ 1. though an eminent, is not the only instance of 
 
 our English nation.'' 
 
 On this account 'a popular modern writer, Smiles, re- 
 ed Hawkwood among the Illustrious men of the work- 
 ing classes in his /.//< and Labour. 
 
 It. is also noteworthy that some French authors give 
 John Hawkwood the cognomen of Jean de L' Aiguille. But 
 all this is not at all authentic, and accords ill with the 
 condition of the family de Hawkwood. As to the real 
 Jean de L' Aiguille, Matteo Villain is our best informant; 
 he says thai after having shewn himself a brave man 
 of great, spirit in feats of arms. Gianni della Guglia, En- 
 glish tailor, in the summer of 1359, got together a com- 
 pany of English plunderers and swordsmen; and either 
 pillaging open lands or protecting them for money, he 
 made a great fortune in a few months, and returning to his 
 allegiance to the King of England placed a great part of 
 the wealth he had accumulated at his sovereign's disposal." 
 
 When in later times Hawkwood appeared as hero of 
 i In- Tuscan wars, Pilippo Villain, who continued Matteo's 
 history, while trying to throw light on the origin of the 
 Condottiere, does not even dream of identifying Giovanni 
 Acuto with Gianni della Guglia: and Froissart, on his side, 
 assures us that in 13G0, Giovanni Hacoude was still " a 
 poor knight, having gained nothing but his spurs." 
 
 Skippon, an English writer, on reading in Florence 
 the name of Johannes Acutus,* translated it literally into 
 
 * The numberless variations in the spelling of this name in ancient 
 documents, contemporaneous chronicles, and later historians is incredible. 
 Everj possible combination of the letters which do or 'In not compose it. 
 as long as thej approximated to the sound of Hacoud, were experimented 
 upon by secretaries, and authors, learned or popular. Even liis own ama- 
 nuensis signing for him (as we see in several letters in I he Archives of Mantua) 
 indulged in the mosi fantastic aberrations of orthography. It would be useless 
 to give a long list, suffice it to stale thai we can ring all the changes betwi en 
 Affiito and Kauchicol and thai S. Antonin istantly calls him Agost 
 
JOHN sum;/'. 9 
 
 English as " John Sharp," without even suspecting that 
 it referred to Hawkwood. Some mistake of this sort may 
 have given rise to the metamorphose of " Acuto * into 
 Giovanni dell' Ago, and thence to the legend of his exploits 
 in a tailor's shop. 
 
 It has been frequently asserted that Hawkwood was 
 enrolled by a press-gang, bttt it has also been said that he 
 made his own choice of the career of arms, and that he was 
 educated for it by his uncle who was an expert warrior. 
 
 Some declare that his first campaign in France in 1348 
 was made as a vassal of John de Vere, 7"' earl of Oxford; 
 and it is probable that lie fought in the famous battles 1346 , : , 
 of Cressy and Poitiers, for it is an accepted tradition, that 
 he so distinguished himself in those actions, as to win the 
 favour of the Black Prince, and receive from the King 
 the honor of knighthood. 
 
 All considered however, there is much less documentary 
 proof for the story of his early career than even that of 
 Ins origin ; while the history of his vocation as Captain 
 of Mercenaries is on the contrary sufficiently recounted 
 by the French chronicles. 
 
 During the war, many companies of mercenary adven- 
 turers had multiplied on the disputed soil of France, some 
 fighting on their own account, others for belligerent po- 
 tentates. 
 
 The peace of Bretigny being concluded, a great number 1360 
 of the troops were dismissed and returned to their homes 
 across the sea. Many of the Englishmen however were 
 too much accustomed to the excitement of fighting and 
 setting ransoms in an enemy's country, to willingly return 
 to peaceful occupations in their own ; thej r preferred follow- 
 ing up the career, and finding numerous adherents, — 
 Germans, men of Brabant, Flemings, Gascons, and French, 
 they formed into companies both great and small, known 
 
10 THE TARDS- VENUS. 
 
 1860. by the common name of Tards-venus, to distinguish them 
 from other troops which had preceded them, or to express 
 that they gleaned the little that was left in France, which 
 had already been devastated by so many years of war.* 
 
 English captains of the higher rank being laden with 
 spoil and full of honors, after victorious campaigns fought 
 for the right ; obej^ed the proclamation of peace, and 
 declined to mix themselves up with the Tards-venus, who 
 therefore elected new leaders, " choosing," says Froissart, 
 " the worst among them." ** 
 
 John Hawkwood may have been " a poor knight," but 
 he must have w r on reputation as a man of war, because 
 one of these companies placed him at their head. 
 
 II. 
 
 THE ENGLISH IN PIEDMONT. — THE " CONTE VERDE." 
 THE DEATH OF COUNT LANDO. 
 
 [Froissart, Chroniques — Matteo Vili.ant. Cronica — Baluzio, History of tin Popes ut 
 Avignon — Martene, Thesaurus Anecdotorwn, li — Chroniqut rf< Sauoit — A.ZAKIO, 
 Croi ittcu — Tlie slaughter of Savigliano in tin* Archivio Storico Italiano, 1st series, 
 v. 13 — GricHEXON, Histoire gmealogique ill la maison de Savoic] 
 
 The Tards-venus under Bernardo de la Sale, after having 
 desolated Champagne and Burgundy, and made a rendez- 
 
 * The ingenuous latin of the chronicler Gnilelmus de Nangis is worthy 
 "i !]imt:iti"ii. Peaee proclaimed, hr writes. <i><tnl.'l"tnt '/nnsi mnnfa ei merito 
 exceptis forsitan illis qui in tempore guerrarum ei in factis earum, aliis per- 
 dentibus, reperiunt magna lucra, sicut sunt arntifactores, ft aliqui alii >j/ti ra- 
 pinas illicitae et <>//fr<t nefaria in tali tempore, Dei titnore postposito, cupiuni 
 exercere t ft </>• rebus non suis sua replere marsupia minus juste; de </nil>t<s in 
 die judicii districtctm eis oportebit r<nl<l<<rf rationem.... 
 
 Item insurrexerunt filii Belial et viri iniqui, videlicet multi guerratores de 
 diversis nationibus, /"»/< habentes titulum aliguem neaue causam aliquos invadendi, 
 nisi proprio tnotu sir<- hequitia affectata sub spe depredandi. 
 
 ** Perrens would give us t" understand thai the nucleus of these com- 
 panies was composed of Gascons ami Normans, who had served England 
 and hence (he name of English. But from their own documents in Italy we 
 
 find thai the element of real English hi 1 existed, es] ially in the knights 
 
 and constables. 
 
THE GREAT COMPANY. 11 
 
 vous at Lyons, descend the Rhone by long nocturnal mar- 1360. 
 ches, surprise the bridge and fort of Saint Esprit, and Decenib 28 
 take it by assault, thereby gaining both women and spoil ; 
 establishing themselves there they command the whole 
 river, and menace Avignon itself; John Hawkwood gives 
 great assistance in this enterprise. 
 
 Pope Innocent VI to defend himself has recourse to 1361. 
 
 n • n a « January 
 
 arms temporal, spiritual and moral : he fortifies Avignon, and ' 
 
 February 
 
 proclaims a crusade with liberal indulgences, writes to 
 Conte Verde atleta e difensore della Chiesa, and other tran- 
 salpine princes, that they may oppose the companies, 
 and prevent their passage ; for already a troop got toge- 
 ther by the Countess of Harcourt to avenge the murder 
 of her husband by the King of France, and another large 
 company of Englishmen are hastening to new prey in 
 Provence. 
 
 The Cardinal of Ostia succeeds in collecting a few men ; 
 but they do not remain staunch, on the contrary several 
 go over to the enemy. 
 
 Not being able to brave the storm, the Pope carefully 
 takes the opportunity of turning it aside, by putting his 
 hand in his purse. He comes to an understanding with the 
 Marquis of Montferrat who requires soldiers to fight against 
 the Visconti : so counselled by Conte Verde,* and backed 
 up by the money of the Church, the Marquis takes into 
 his pay the larger part of the great company of Tards- 
 venus as well as the brigand-paladins of the Countess, — 
 in all 6000 horse. 
 
 How much did this financial operation cost the Pope, 
 besides the plenary indulgence ? 
 
 Froissart says that he advanced 60,000 francs in gold,** 
 
 * Lord of Savoy and ancestor of the royal family of Italy. — (Translator.) 
 
 ** It must be specified that in ancient times two kinds of francs were 
 used in France : the silver one of twenty soldi, and the golden one of six Flo- 
 rentine lire. The Florentine florin of thai epoch had an intrinsic value of 
 about eleven of the modern francs. 
 
12 BATTLE OF BRIGNAIS. 
 
 1861. of which 10,000 were paid to Hawk-wood's brigade. Ba- 
 luzio talks of 30,000, Matteo Villani of 100,000 florins: 
 but Martene's document proves only one of the payment s, 
 — that of 14,500 florins to be consigned to the Marquis 
 et /in- eumdem marchionem armigeris qui Magna Societas 
 juni 6. dicebantur. 
 
 Here then we behold the great English band marching 
 towards the sea; attempting in vain to take Marseilles, 
 they set fire to her suburbs, and pass by the Riviera to 
 Nice; cross the Maritime Alps by the feudal estates oi 
 Malaspina, favored by Simon Boccanegra doge of Genoa, 
 and enemy to the Visconti ; and thus descend into the 
 valley of the Po. 
 
 And did Hawkwood go with them? It seems that he 
 did like the Countess of Harcourt, who after conducting 
 her brigade into Piedmont, returned directly into France, 
 for Froissart assures us that our Condottiere was one of 
 the chiefs in command of the English bands, who under 
 Jacques de Bourbon at Brignais vanquished the troops of 
 the French King. 
 
 The battle of Brignais, which was a pitched battle, 
 1362. took place on April 6, 1362.* 
 
 The English, superior in number, had the extra ad- 
 vantage of prudence. They dissimulated the real extent 
 of their forces so as to mislead Bourbon's spies, and they 
 also occupied the best positions. 
 
 The French troops attempted an assault by an open 
 march, but they were first thrown into confusion by a 
 storm of large stones aimed with singular vigour and 
 precision (the English were expert slingsmen as well as 
 archers), then they were shaken in the flank by a compact 
 
 * Froissart, it is true, gives the date April 12, 1361, but Simeon Luce, the 
 learned editor of the famous French chronicler, has shown t hi.-, t.. be ■■< 
 chronological error. 
 
ENGLISHMAN ITALIANIZED. 13 
 
 mass, bristling with lances six feet long, and finally, routed 1362. 
 and disbanded with great loss, they left many important 
 prisoners on the field. Bourbon, mortally wounded, hardly 
 seded in living to Lyons to die, consoled as well as 
 may be, by the tears of the Lyonese dames and maidens. 
 
 In fact we perceive by this combat that the French 
 had learned little from the terrible lessons of Cressy and 
 Poitiers, and that the English were possessed of very rip- 
 ened tactics for those times: even in brigandage they were 
 artists of war. 
 
 After this signal victory the companies diffused them- 
 selves without obstacles, — some stayed in France, some 
 turned towards the Rhenish provinces, to such effect that 
 Rudolph of Hapsburg had to league eleven imperial cities, 
 to oppose the damages and devices of those villains vul- 
 garly called English ; " a good many more passed or 
 repassed into Italy and among these John Hawkwood. 
 
 V.i ; raccogli ove arato non hai, 
 Spiega 1' ugne : 1' Italia ti do. 
 
 (Go, reap where thou ha qo! owed, 
 Spi'ead thy claws : Italy I give thee.) 
 
 The maritime Alps passed, the English left behind 
 them in France their name of Tards-venus. It is not 
 certain, however, that they formed immediately, as is 
 generally believed, that single "White Company, " or Com- 
 yagnia Bianca, as Matteo Yillani calls the largest of the 
 English band- in 1360. 
 
 The ancient " Chronique de Savoie " speaks of aucunes 
 compagniea d'Anglois which had for leaders Robert Canolle, 
 John Auijutli, and Anuechin de Bongarden. 
 
 As to the last name it is equivocal: Bongarden came 
 with Count Conrad Lando (or Landau) bringing from Apulia 
 two troops of Hungarians and Germans, who were first 
 in the pay of the Marquis of Montferrat, and then hired 
 
11 INCARNATE DEVIL. 
 
 L3i by the Conte Verde : finally they passed into the service 
 
 of tin' Visconti, Lando first, and Bongarden after a ii-v, 
 expedition into Apulia. 
 
 On the other hand, Azario, a most valuable contempora- 
 neous eye and ear witness, certifies that the English com- 
 panies took as general leader a german, Albert Sterz, a man 
 so valorous in the field, as to inspire others with courage 
 (qui virtuosus ad pugnam omnes alios facit virtuosos). It was 
 necessary to have a captain, who knew the country, which 
 was new to themselves, and Sterz suited them, not only for his 
 military qualities, but especially because he spoke English. 
 
 The fact remains that Piedmont was devastated by the 
 Hungarians, the Germans, and lastly by the newly arrived 
 English, and it is difficult to say which were the worst, 
 the cruel horrors of the slaughter at Savigliano by the 
 first, or the equal horrors perpetrated by the others, in 
 proof of which Azario gives the names of many witnesses. 
 
 It is not true that the English brought from beyond 
 the Alps the plague, of which 77,000 people died in Milan 
 alone (?) ; the pest was already in Piedmont, as it was in 
 Provence, — but they brought violation, burning, extortion, 
 rapine, murder, and torture, illusing women in the presence 
 of their husbands, and fathers, and then demanding ransom ; 
 putting men into irons, and drowning those who were not 
 prompt to pay the money demanded. 
 
 The only thing in which the English were less brutal 
 than the Hungarians and Germans was in not roasting or 
 mutilating their victims. Azario, however, does not omit 
 to call them perfidi and scelleratissimi (perfidious and vil- 
 lanous), and from their entrance into Italy they justified 
 the old proverb Inglese italianato c un diavolo incarnato* 
 (An Englishman Italianized is an incarnate devil.) 
 
 * Tli -igin of thi-. proverb is not known, it ihit.-s from before the 
 
 XVI century when Serdonati registers it in his MS. collection with a note 
 
INCENDIARISM IN LOMBARDY. 15 
 
 The "Chronique de Savoie " says coldly almost excusing 
 them, that being many they could not live in Piedmont, 
 without spoiling the country, so that Conte Verde, who 
 had imprudently counselled the Marquis of Montferrat to 
 employ the English, repented, and took arms to defend 
 himself. 
 
 They could indeed boast of an illustrious adversary, 
 but nevertheless under Robert Canolles * they held their 
 own against, him, and after having taken, with other 
 places, the town of Lanzo, obliged him to shut himself up 
 in the castle, which they held in siege, till he was reduced 
 to such extremities that he had to make terms through 
 the mediation of Sir William de Grandson, knight of " the 
 Annunziata, " and agreed to pay an indemnity. By 
 forfeiting the sum of 180,000 florins, Conte Verde obtained 
 the restitution of his lands, and the English passed on 
 to fight the Milanese, under the Marquis of Montferrat, 
 making their head quarters at Sicciano near Novara. Count 
 Landau was then serving Galeazzo Visconti, who being 
 weak in the field tried to defend himself by fire. He 
 burnt twelve castles and villages, thinking thus to cut oft' 
 the enemy's provisions : but the English answered by fire, 
 burning fifty-two places, destroying hundreds of others, 
 and sacking all the territory as far as the rivers Ticino 
 and Trebbia. 
 
 English Proverb." It has some analogy with another saying Inglesi liamio 
 coda di serpe (The English have serpent's tails), referred to by Landino in 
 his commentary on canto XXVII "i' Dante's " Paradise." Strange contrast 
 between tins proverb and Gregory the Great's Non angli sed ungeli ?* 
 christiani forent. Which play on words it is curious to Snd some centu- 
 ries later in a Turkish poet-Fazilbeg, who speaking of the English in Ins 
 'book of women, ' says: Not anglica, /"if an angelic creature. But in the 
 XIV century they were any Hung Imt angels! The Italians- of that age could 
 no more say Gesta Dei per Francos hnt Gesta diaboli per Anglos. 
 
 " This Roberto Canolles or Knolles, a german of low origin, knight and 
 leader of brigands, had as his motto : 
 
 Qui Robert <'itni>l!<> prendra 
 ('•■lit mille moutons gagnera. 
 
16 NEW YEAK's GIFTS. 
 
 In fact the English preliminaries in Italy were terrible. 
 and that first campaign was enough to give them the 
 reputation of being, invincible. 
 
 They easily occupied Castelnuovo at Scrivia for I hi 
 Marquis, and then Galeazzo Visconti sent the counts Lan- 
 dau and Nicholas, to Tortona against them with several 
 Germans, and 500 Hungarians, and eventually dispatched 
 Giovanni de' Pepoli to treat with the English. They re- 
 mained faithful to the Marquis, and the enemy not daring, 
 even with double their forces, to emerge from Tortona. 
 they devastated the surrounding country up to Pavia. 
 mbor. Only Luchino dal Verme opposed them with five hundred 
 barbute* and obliged them to return to the Novara district, 
 where they occupied Romagnano, and five hundred of them 
 died of the plague. 
 
 It appears that they were wanting in cross-bow men, 
 a weapon very important in those days, because when the 
 Doge of Genoa placed 30 bands at their disposal, they 
 again took the offensive, and were able to attack with 
 success several places on the right of the Po. 
 
 it. 26. Conte Verde proposed an alliance with Galeazzo Vi- 
 sconti, with the object of driving out the English from 
 their states, and dividing Montferrat, between them, but it 
 must be admitted that the undertaking to rout the English 
 seemed very difficult to Visconti, for he was at the same 
 time attempting to make a treaty of peace with them. 
 
 Albert Sterz feigned to consent, by which means the 
 
 English succeeded in making a fierce incursion, passing the 
 
 1363 Ticino, and pushing on to within six miles of Milan. It 
 
 January 4. . . ... 
 
 was night, and people m the castles and village 
 keeping the New Year's festivities ; while the Milan 
 nobles were having a merry time, playing at tabulas et 
 
 Barbute, the German name for ' lances." A barbuta consisted o) 
 men, a lance of three. — (Translate, l 
 
THE WHITE COMPANY. 17 
 
 scaccos draughts and chess) unsuspecting and undefended, 1363. 
 so that they were unable to prevent the robbers from 
 taking anything and everything they chose. Luckily for 
 the ladies and maidens they were in a hurry, and con- 
 tented themselves with goods and chattels, abstaining from 
 
 ir usual incendiary proceedings. They made prisoners 
 of over 600 nobles, and would have taken more if ropes 
 and time had not failed them. Some of the gang dragged 
 behind them as mam- as ten nobles, together with their 
 cattle; they could not save them all because they were 
 attacked by Visconti's boats in recrossing the Ticino, but 
 it is said that with the money paid for ransoms, they 
 ] keted about 100,000 florins. 
 
 Eaving returned to their nest, in Romagnano they made 
 fresh efforts to treat with Count Landau, but after their 
 having sacked Briona, the Count lost patience, and met 
 them at the bridge at Canturino, where leaving' their horses April 22. 
 they came to a hand to hand encounter. It appears that 
 tie- Hungarians having quarelled with their German com- 
 rades deserted the field, and the Count, mingling in the 
 melee, had the nose-piece of his helmet broken, and then 
 with a lance-thrust in his face and another under the 
 arm-pit, he was taken prisoner in a dying state. 
 
 Ill's death was deplored even by the English leaders 
 who hoped by his means to come to terms with the Yi- 
 se.airi. when their contract with Montferrat should be 
 fulfilled, but they made good the occasion by crossing the 
 Apennines and carrying their arms into Tuscany. 
 
 There were already Pisan Ambassadors at Novara offering 
 to hire the English Company, which was certainly called 
 at that time Compagnia Bianca on account of their white 
 flags, white vests, and shining arms. They numbered 
 3500 horse and 2000 foot, and were still commanded 
 bv Sterz. 
 
18 
 
 III. 
 
 ENTRY INTO TUSCANY. 
 AGAINST FLORENCE WITH THE PISANS. 
 
 [Bakieri Sahdo, Cron tea Pisana — Consnlti t praticlu fiormtine, of February 29 1353 cited 
 
 Perrens in History «f Florenct — Antonio Pucci, La guerra di Pisa, poem — 
 
 Matteo and Filippo Villani, Cronaclie — Donato Velltjti, Cronaca — Cronaca pi- 
 
 i, by the anonymous author in Muratori — Piscm statt archives, provisions for 
 
 (lie forced loan in 1363 and provisions id' tin- Armani for tin- guard of the Captain 
 
 general, December 1363 — l.u. a di Tott.. da 1'a.\/an.., fragment oi Cltroniclt in the 
 
 Qiornalt storica deglt Archivi Voscani, V — Sozoui ■ Tstorit Gvso I ^ppoxi, Si I 
 
 ■ ItepubbUca di Firetiee.] 
 
 The city of Pisa was engaged in one of her usual wars 
 with Florence. The Pisans had formerly availed themselves 
 of English adventurers, as in 1314 when they took " Messer 
 Folco " of England into their pay, with his 1500 knights: 
 and now wishing to come to some decisive result, they 
 had recourse to the White Company, in which Galeazzo 
 Visconti, who was only too willing to be rid of the 
 scourge, willingly aided them. They therefore hired them 
 for six months at the stipend of 40,000 florins, and to this 
 end a forced loan of 30,000 florins was imposed on the 
 Pisans in June 1363, which was re-imbursed in September.* 
 
 Florence too had former experiences of the English 
 mercenaries (as we find in the Conmdtc e praticlie of 1353), 
 and again at this time might easily have had them on 
 her own side. Friendly commercial and banking relations 
 had existed for some centuries between Florence and 
 England, and the traffic in English wool, — indeed, almost 
 the monopoly, — had survived after the famous bank failure 
 of the Bardi and Peruzzi. Giovanni Boglietti, a Floren- 
 
 • See Document n° I. Pisan Archives. I'll.- treasury had other expenses 
 for tin Company besides the stipends; for example in September 1363 the 
 council of the Anziani absolved tin' Municipality of Sarzana from a debt of 
 Ki florins, their part «■!" :■ mm-. .ml ( a \ .•!' sr>oo florins lcvinl <>n tin Pisan 
 territories, * t.> compensate tin- damages suffered by many private persons - n 
 tin coming of the English Company. 
 
THE FOX AND THE LION. 19 
 
 tine, had been taken as guide to the White Company, who 1363. 
 knew as yet very little of Italian geography, and the 
 Company willing to conclude the suspended treaty with 
 Florence, would have been contented to take from her 
 30,000 florins. 
 
 Galeazzo Visconti favored, and would have facilitated 
 these negociations : and Piero Farnese, the Florentine 
 captain of war, and an expert soldier, insisted on having 
 the assistance of the English whom he considered spirited, 
 brave and clever. 
 
 But the policy of economy, suggested by the Gonfa- 
 loniere Ridolfi, prevailed. 
 
 Or vi diro ; siccome e < 1 1 ragioue, 
 Seppe La volpe qui pin del leone. 
 
 (Now I will tell you how as it might be expected, the 
 fox in this case was wiser than the lion.) 
 
 Thus sang Antonio Pucci, a Florentine of that period, 
 when he put into verse the story of the war between the 
 Florentines and the Pisans, which the two Villani recount 
 in prose. And the chronicler Velluti writes: " To save the 
 evil of present expenses we to our shame and loss spent 
 in the end six times as much, while if we had only engaged 
 the Englishmen for our side we Florentine-- would have 
 been lords and victors in the war." 
 
 Touching at Arona, to which place they were escorted 
 by Giovanni de' Pepoli, on Galeazzo Visconti's account, 
 the English stopped at Pontenure in the vicinity of Pia- 
 cenza, to supply themselves with arms and horses and then 
 pushed on to Pisa. 
 
 Up to this time the war had been going badly with 
 the Pisan "fox," — the Florentine "lion" was hitherto 
 triumphant, but the arrival of the English sufficed to 
 secure to Pisa a decided superiority. 
 
20 SKIBMISHING. 
 
 1363 They even enjoyed the tame in anticipation by a ruse, 
 
 for they secretly dispatched a company of their own sol- 
 diers from Pisa by night, and causing- them to enter next 
 morning covered with dust as from a long march, gave 
 em a grand reception as though they were the English- 
 men, which so intimidated the Florentines that they 
 forthwith raised the seige of Montecalvoli (a neighbouring 
 fori i, and retreated. 
 
 The real English having reached Lucca by way of 
 July. Ltmigiana, rode at once through the Florentine terri- 
 tory by the Pistoia road: and with them was the " Pisan 
 host," making altogether a force of G00O horse, besides 
 infantry and archers. There were also about a hundred 
 itinerant salesmen, provided with tinder and acciaiuolo 
 Hi mid steel i to set fire to the houses, as municipal 
 enmity in those days demanded. 
 
 The Captain general of the Pisans was a Florentine 
 exile, Ghisello Ubaldini ; but on his death a few weeks 
 later Manetti da Jesi succeeded to the command. The 
 general of the English Company was the German Albert 
 Sterz. Some contemporary chroniclers do not mention 
 this, nor does the name of Acuto (Hawkwood) appear in 
 that year, but they all accord in saying that the very 
 backbone of the war was the English contingent. 
 
 It was only an heroi-comic skirmish after all, — tedio&a, 
 ill scaramucce e badalucchi. 
 
 In the first incursion, lasting a fortnight, the English 
 assembled under Pistoia, and threw into it lances, arrows, 
 and bombarde ; " they ran races according to their custom " 
 (afar off prelude to the modern prevalence of English sport 
 in Italy) and then they advanced on Florence. When 
 hearing the bells and trumpets ring out for war, and be- 
 lieving that the people were about, to make a sally, they 
 retired, but the Florentines remained secure withiD their 
 
NOCTURNAL MARCHES. 21 
 
 walls. Albert Sterz dubbed general Ubaldini and others 1363. 
 knights : tbe Pisans migbt have boasted of flinging into 
 the city arrows with the tickets " Pisa sends yon this 
 and of striking Pisan and Florentine money : of hanging 
 a donkey and a dog, while as to burning, " If the English 
 had not forbidden tbem (perhaps they wished by clemency 
 to keep open a way to future contracts with Florence) 
 there would not have remained a house unconsumed, nor 
 a palace which they would not have set tire to. 
 
 The " host " haying returned to Pisa, the English were 
 sent to the Chianti to reconnoitre. The Florentine poet 
 chronicler thus characterises the rapidity and caution of 
 their nocturnal marches: 
 
 E prima ;i Poggibonizi venuti 
 Fur. chc di lor si sentisse niente 
 E poiche i passi tutti ebber vednti 
 Iii notte si partir subitaniente. 
 
 (They reached Poggibonsi before any one had heard 
 of them, and after having reconnoitred the country, they 
 went away quickly by night.) 
 
 Exploring the roads and finding the right one, they 
 reached the upper part of Val if Amo where they took 
 
 Figline. Septenib. 16. 
 
 Pandolfo Malatesta, the accepted friend and counsellor 
 of war to the Florentines, placed the captain general 
 Ranuccio Farnese at Incisa, for its defence, with some 
 peasant bands and 2000 German men at arms under his 
 command. Thejr were brave but youthful and badly armed, 
 — besides which he so enlarged his lines of battle, that 
 500 of the best horsemen were lost sight of and returned 
 to Florence. The English, under pretext of sending un- 
 armed witnesses to a duel between one of their knights and 
 a Florentine, obtained exact information about the eneni}', 
 and the following day gave the assault, in two or three 
 places at once, thus gaining possession of the field. October 3. 
 
u'L> MESSER LUCA I 'I TOTTO. 
 
 1363. Ranuccio was taken and Messer Luca di Totto de' Fi- 
 
 ridolfi da Panzano, knight, succeeded him as lieutenant ; 
 he gives the following account of the action: "In the 
 morning after the mezza-terza (half-tierce, a canonical hour) 
 Incisa was assaulted and conquered, — all day the people 
 were flying without striking a blow, and I was attacked, 
 wounded in the face and taken, — being dragged by the 
 neck, and bound head and foot. On the day that I was 
 taken, I lost my horses, arms, silver belts, and gold rings." 
 The general flight continued as far as Florence. 
 
 The barbarous treatment of the prisoners musl no1 
 however be laid to the English. " The Commune of Pisa." 
 lie says, "spoiled me to dishonour and disgrace our Re- 
 public. " 
 
 Having given out that they intended to attack Florence 
 at the Porta S. Niccolo, they got the Florentines to shut 
 themselves up in the city to wait for them, and in that 
 way secured a free march along the Arno, encountering 
 no opposition except a heavy rain, wich rendered the road 
 so bad that the horses lost their shoes. At night, they 
 dispersed to sack and pillage in the plain of Ripoli, taking, 
 as prisoners, some four hundred people warm from their 
 beds, and nearly a thousand heads of cattle, fresh from 
 their stalls; then raising their standard on the parish 
 church they saluted it with a grand blowing of trumpets 
 and the flames of incendiarism. Malatesta, the new captain 
 general, shut himself up within the walls, allowing the 
 enemy to return, joyful and gorged with prey to Figline, 
 where they kept in their quarters undisturbed for two 
 months, since the Sienese had themselves undertaken to 
 fight the Company of the " Cappelletto," just then hired 
 by the Florentines in the Maremma. 
 
 There were altogether (so Messer Luca di Totto says) 
 600 horse, and 3000 infantry who formed the garrison at 
 Figline, whence they made sallies as far as the Casentino. 
 
WINTER QUARTERS 23 
 
 Several castles fell, into their hands more or less easily; 
 but they fought two days in vain, against the fortress of 
 Tre Vigne, " leaving several killed and wounded by stones 
 and other missiles, while the moat was full of ladders, and 
 the ground strewn with bows and arrows." 
 
 Saving amassed an enormous quantity of spoil, they 
 thought it time to return to winter quarters in Pisa. They 
 spread the report however that on November 11, they would 
 pass under the walls of Florence to consecrate a priest 
 ;it San Salvi, and in fact that morning almost as if they 
 would fulfil the impudent menace, they raised their camp 
 and feigned to take the road to Florence. 
 
 The Florentine spies fled at once to the city with the 
 terrifying news, but the English halted directly, and 
 burning field and town passed on by the Chianti and Val 
 di Pesa, arriving safely at Pisa, while the Florentines 
 ringing their bells to call their men to arms, put them- 
 selves on the defensive at San Salvi and waited to see 
 the enemy descend the heights of Rovezzano. 
 
 There was certainly work to be done in the service 
 of Pisa ; the town of Barga for some time past blockaded, 
 rather than besieged, by the Pisans, still obstinately re- 
 sisted, but the English considered that they were brought 
 there to fight in Florentine territory and would not under- 
 take the enterprise to Barga, except perhaps a few who 
 had as yet got little prey. The greater part well provided 
 for, preferred to winter in Pisa and amuse themselves to 
 " the harm and discomfort of the citizens whom they ou- 
 traged so much, that many sent their women to Genoa 
 and other places for safety." 
 
 So says Filippo Villani, and Sozomeno emphasizes 
 it still more strongly in Latin ; indeed so strongly we 
 refrain from quoting : it is however possible that Villani, 
 a Florentine, and Sozomeno, a Pistoiese, painted in vivid 
 
24 THE PISANS 
 
 colours, so as to vituperate the hated Pisans through 
 their wives. It is certain that the part of the . -ii\ as- 
 signed as quarters to the soldiers did not suffice them, 
 nor did they respect the barriers beyond which the Pi- 
 sans had prohibited them from penetrating or molesting 
 the inhabitants. 
 
 Thej had no feai of cold, " in the middle of the winter, 
 those hardy men did not desist from running aboul and 
 plundering," but this they did at their own will, without 
 heeding the wishes of the Pisans, who end... i I to 
 
 i th inds out under pretext of defending them fn 
 imaginary incursions of the enemy. 
 
 The Pisans were obliged to tolerate every - ■ mce 
 
 of the English, who were so necessary to them in the 
 held, that with their aid they were certain of victory : so 
 they made a new treaty for six months at the price of 
 150,000 florins, with the compact that all other stipendiaries 
 were to be dismissed (perhaps this was because the 
 English desired all the spoil for themselves), and thai they 
 should have the faculty of marching wherever they chose 
 outside the territories allied to, or protected by Pisa. 
 
 The Company also obliged the Pisans to accept as 
 Captain general the man of their choice, — John Hawk- 
 wood, — whose name the Pisau chroniclers italianise as 
 Giovanni Auti, which choice proves that he had distin- 
 guished himself as much during the last year's campaign, 
 as he had previously done in Piedmont and France. From 
 this time forth till his death, we almost always see him 
 as general in chief, in which character he takes a pro- 
 minent pari in the annals of Italy. 
 
 This superior rank must have been conferred before 
 December 1363, for a document of that date determines the 
 monthly pay of the loot soldiers {famuli* stipendiariis ■/ 
 l>(<i< "lately received into the service of the Pisan Repu- 
 
MONNA TANCIA. 25 
 
 blic, and forming the guard of Signor Giovanni A.cuto, i,: 
 captain general of war for I' 
 
 Tin' pay consisted of 20 lire in Pisan money, to the two 
 constables (conestabili) Simone de' Gangalandi and Lodovico 
 di Bernardo da Micciano : L0 Lire to the constables' two 
 pages (ragazzi) and to 38 foot soldiers and their 6 boj's 
 (^all Italians In fad a sufficient and honorable bodyguard. 
 
 The highest in command of the White Company under 
 Hawkwood were tin- German Aiberi Sterz, and an En- 
 glishman named Andrew De Belmonte (styled Dubramonte 
 in Italian);* some chroniclers say the latter was of royal 
 race, and that he was distinguished from the other cruel 
 kiii] ferocious English by his gentle manners. He fell in 
 love at Figline. with Monna Tancia wife of Guido lord 
 of the Forest, and served her with such knightly devotion 
 that he managed to make even his enterprising comrades 
 respect her castle. 
 
 The important office of treasurer was Idled by Gu- 
 glielmo Toreton ** (William Turton?). 
 
 * It is often difficult to guess the authentic ultramontane names, so cu- 
 riously are they travestied in tin* Italian documents of the time. 
 
 * The Pisan archives contain the order ofthe 'Anziani " to the chamber- 
 lain Pellario Griffo, dated October 1364, t<> pay Guglielmo Toreton, treasurer 
 of the Grand English Company, 5000 gold florins of '■'• lire 10 soldi in Pisan 
 money, and 6000 of •"> lire 15 soldi, on i unt of the sum which the Com- 
 pany is entitled t" receive from the Republic of Pisa. The ai imts of the 
 
 Chamberlain with the Company were complicated by frequent anticipatory 
 payments to tin- and that official : for instance, in the same month we find 
 
 100 florins to John Onselos (Onslow?) ami Conrad Sidiomrlien iiltnininiiiaiii. 
 win' are now entering the English Company on the Florentine territory 
 and will remain with it aslong as the said Company is in (ho Pisan serviee 
 — with promise t" repay it within two months (here follow signatures of 
 witnesses). Another entry lias 150 florins to Robert, 100 to Dughino 
 fDuggan?), to to William Prestim Englishmen,— small sums between 20 
 and - II' Tins t'i 108 men, English ami Teutons — ami :? florins t<. Marcuccio 
 and Marc, trumpeters, and to Antonio naccarino (kettle drummer). 
 
20 
 
 IV. 
 
 PLOEENCE MENACED. HAWKWOOD FAITHFUL TO THE PISANS. 
 
 [So torie ~ Leonardo Aretino, Storia foreuiina Monaldi, Diary — D 
 
 Vei.i i 1 1 Cronica — Ammirato, Stoi'it Antonio PtfCC] La 'uerradiPisa Roncioni, 
 
 Storu Pisant — Archivio vtoria - Canestrini's doci rots concerning tl" 
 
 impanies — Anonymous Pisan Chronicle En Muratori.] 
 
 1864. In February 1364 the English, in spite of heavy snows, 
 
 i , .. a J . ■ 
 
 made a sally from Pisa attempting several places. 1 ml fchey 
 found unexpected resistance from the peasants in every 
 part, and the Pistoiese at ^eravalle even attacked them 
 with some success. 
 
 Many of their men died of the intense cold, so they 
 retired with decided losses, and certainly no gains. 
 
 Soon after this a considerable reinforcement arrived at 
 Pisa. Annechin Bongarden, who had gone to Lombardy 
 in the service of Galeazzo Visconti, with the permission 
 March of that prince conducted his 3000 German barbute * to Pisa 
 to share the pay of that Republic, — the Pisan army 
 thus amounted to about 6500 horse, besides a great num- 
 ber of pioneers and native infantry. 
 April. In the spring the campaign was resumed in earnest. 
 
 In three marches the Pisan soldiers reached Prato, 
 where they had the temerity to occupy the drawbridge. 
 They passed close to Florence, so near that three or four 
 of the boldest rode on and knocked at the Port' a Prato, 
 but the body of the forces pressed on at once to the 
 Mugello. 
 
 Here however they encountered the German bands 
 which were in the Florentine pay, led by Pandolfo Mala- 
 testa and Count Henri de Montfort, and in a skirmish of 
 
 * The English introduced t\f manner of reckoning their for bj 
 
 lances' instead of the older na barbute." A lance consisted of ti 
 
 ii. a barbuta of two. 
 
A SAD .MAY HAY. 27 
 
 the vanguards forty Florentines defeated a hundred Pisans: 1364. 
 one good strong German named Heinrich Paer, with his 
 own lance unhorsed ten Englishmen, killing two of them. 
 
 Hawkwood and Bongarden finding some backbone of 
 resistance here, pretended to pass on, but retiring instead, 
 reapproached Florence by the slopes of Monte Morello, 
 where they penetrated into the woody folds of the moun- 
 tain, leading their horses by the most difficult passes, and 
 sacking and burning.... But from this time forth we may 
 spare ourselves the mention of plunder and incendiarism : 
 they were the rule, and are understood as part of the 
 business in a march of the mercenaries, being always 
 practised in an enemy's country, and often in that of their 
 friends. " There was nothing more terrible than to hear 
 even the name of the English." 
 
 It should be noted that the spirited Brunelleschi family 
 victoriously defended their castle at Petraia against three 
 assaults. 
 
 Meanwhile Malatesta finding he was not so much master 
 of the situation in Florence, as he had flattered himself 
 he would be, retired, and the sword of command of the 
 German legion was given to the brave Montfort. 
 
 Hawkwood and Bongarden occupied the hills of Fiesole April 30. 
 while Montfort fortified the suburbs of Florence outside 
 Porta San Gallo, with hastily erected barricades and fences. 
 
 A fierce battle was fought on the l 9t of May, a day 
 which Florence usually gave to popular merry making, 
 and auguries of love. The priors who had to enter office 
 that very day, did so without any of the usual solemni- 
 ties, — they did not appear on the ringhiera outside the 
 palace, no bells were rung, or trumpets blown, because 
 there was fighting at San Gallo. Hawkwood's Englishmen 
 and Bongai'den's Germans made a fierce attack on the bar- 
 ricades and breaking them, penetrated as far as the city 
 
28 l LESOLE. 
 
 fray bee; bloi >dy. < rrimaldi's < : 
 w men on the walls made a great noise and did 
 a little damage; while the English archers, from the 
 houses in the suburb, did a ejreai deal of damage with 
 very little noise; the Count of Montfort paid dearly in 
 his own i" 1 ! m, I ghting hand to hand with Averard the 
 < rermai ' 
 
 In the heal of combat amid smoke, fires, and the ruins 
 of falling houses, Bongarden was created knight and then 
 he conferred the spurs on Averard, and an Englishman 
 
 Mil Cook, besides others who distinguished themselves 
 for t heir valour. 
 
 But the brilliant action had little result, the assailants 
 
 ended by retreating to the hills; and when nighl came, 
 
 celebrated the new-made knights with processions 
 
 of coloured lamps, with games, song and music on the 
 
 piazza of Fiesole. Then they took a fancy to semi 
 
 e drummers and trumpeters down to the Port' alia 
 Croce at Florence, who made such a warlike noise that 
 the city was in a tumult, so that the screeching women 
 put lights in the windows, and got heaps of stones ready 
 on the towers as if the enemies had already entered. 
 
 The mercenaries employed three days in burning hen 
 
 the Fiesole hills,** and on the plain to the right of 
 the Arno, and then crossed the river at a place still called 
 
 Count of Landau, son of Couni Conrad who was killr.l two 
 before in I ibardy, and brother of Couni Lucius, all thr launtless sol- 
 diers, and i ..-ill. i brigands. 
 
 : dition says that among the castles ruined by the English one was 
 Vincigliata, which belonged successivelj !•• the Bisdomini, and to the Albizi, 
 who took the nam.- "f Alessandri; il now belongs to John Temple-Leader 
 
 Esq., who has i ipletelj restored the ruins in the style of the 14 th eenturj 
 
 ■ 11 Graetano Bianchi's frescoes in the loggia ol the cloistei at Vincigliata 
 are entirely in artistic accordance with the medieval style ol the castle. 
 The inscriptions in old Italian beneath them w i mid run thus: "John 
 Hawkwood with his company of Englishmen and the Pisan marauders, 
 moves i" the injury .>t' the Florentines The English with John Hawkwood 
 having taken the liill of Fiesole, disperse over the surrounding countrj and 
 after having destroyed Vincigliata, depart in Mm 1364.' 
 
MERCENARY TREATIES. 29 
 
 la Sardigna." For three more day-; they occupied the 
 hills of Arcetri and Bellosguardo, destroying the orange 
 is, trampling down the green wheat and barley, robbing 
 farmyards, and renewing daring and useless attacks on the 
 barricades of the suburbs of Legnaia and Verzaia. In this 
 last place the English descended the hill in such a mass that 
 the}- looked like ants, and discharged a shower of arrows 
 over the walls into the city. The scuffle might have been 
 fierce, if a heavy rain had not separated the combatants. May 10. 
 
 Thus skirmishing they retreated, and ascended the 
 banks lit' the Arno to Incisa. 
 
 The city of Florence was, or rather had been well 
 defended, but she could not tolerate seeing her enemies 
 masters of all her territories, and not having forces enough 
 to subdue them, she resorted to that " ultima ratio " of 
 Philip of Macedon : — corruption. 
 
 The poet-chronicler Pucci, though Florentine himself, 
 clearly confesses it. 
 
 Allura i Fiorentin tennon trattato 
 
 Con gli Inghilesi e col detto Annichino, 
 
 E que' che fanno fare ogni mercato, 
 
 Concordia fer tra lore e '1 Florentine;. 
 
 (Then did the Florentines propose a treaty with the 
 English and with the said Annechin (Bongarden), and 
 
 some people who would get a profit out of everything, 
 made a peace between them and the Florentines.) 
 
 Ammirato gives a name to one of these mercenary 
 •agents : " Lapo di Fornaino de Rossi," he writes, " was 
 made Podesta of Prato in consideration of his services in 
 making terms with Bongarden's Company." 
 
 Some historians have it that the golden florins were 
 infused into certain flasks of wine, which were sent to those 
 
 * An empty space on the left of the river opposite the Cascine. 
 
10 TREACHERY. 
 
 Lea lers whom they wanted to corrupt. This must have been 
 a small payment on account, for the affair cost Florence more 
 than 100,000 florins: i. e. 9000 to Bongarden, 35,000 to 
 his Germans, and 70,000 to the English, of which 5000 
 were for Belmonte. 
 
 It appears that Bongarden deserted the field outright. 
 with his Germans, while Albert Sterz with Belmonte (in 
 spite of his royal blood), Ugo della Zecca (? — perhaps Hugh 
 Mortimer and the other English leaders limited themsdv- 
 to agreeing to a truce of five months with Florence. 
 
 All were traitors, except John Hawkwood, who tried 
 with bitter reproofs to keep Bongarden to his duty. Tin- 
 fact is certain that when Sterz and Belmonte returned to 
 Pisa with the sanction of Florence to provoke a revolution 
 in favour of Gambacorti who aspired to the tyranny of 
 the city, our hero hastened to warn the " Anziani " of 
 the treachery by a letter. It is true, that with his troops 
 disordered by infidelity, he could no longer continue his 
 tactics on the offensive, the English contingent therefore 
 marched through the territories of Arezzo, Cortona, Siena, 
 Valdinievole, and Lucca, finally halting at San Piero in 
 Campo near Pisa, where they inspected the troops and 
 realized a loss of 600 men. 
 
 None were allowed to enter the city except those whom 
 Hawkwood recommended as faithful. 
 
 Tornando a Pisa, e non possendo entrare, 
 Di fuor la gente d'intomo s'attenda 
 E cominciano a Pisa a domandare 
 Molta pecunia di paga e di menda, 
 l)i che i Pisan gli tenieno in pastura 
 Ed e 1 guastavan d' intorno alio uuira. 
 
 (To Pisa conic. Imt not allowed within. 
 
 The men wait round about tin- city gate 
 And to demand imperiously begin 
 Large sums for pay, and wrongs to compensate, 
 So that the Pisans send them off in haste, 
 And all around thej Laj the lands to waste.) 
 
BROTHERS AND FRIENDS. 31 
 
 Thus perfidiously June was passed, the last month of t3M 
 their engagement, when they ought to have been opposing 
 the Count of Montfort who without let or hindrance was 
 domineering the Pisan territories. 
 
 Hawkwood with only 800 men remained in the Pisan 
 service, while the greater part of the English, being 
 again free and their compact ended, openly treated with 
 Florence, and took Albert Sterz as their captain. 
 
 A solemn act was signed in the Palazzo Vecchio between July 26. 
 the " Signoria " and the representatives of the captain, 
 the constables, and marshals (Belmonte was one of the 
 representatives!. These agreed to serve the Republic of 
 Florence faithfully (?) for six months, fighting against Pisa 
 and Lucca ; they besides swore that after the six months 
 were over, they would observe the peace for six years, 
 towards Florence and all her dependent Communes ; — 
 the Florentines on their side promised to treat them ' as 
 dear brothers and friends." Albert Sterz reserved to himseli 
 the personal faculty of leaving the Company at his pleasure, 
 provided that none of the troops followed him, and that 
 the Company should elect a new captain in his stead. 
 The witnesses on the English side were the Scotsmen 
 AValter and Norman Leslie. 
 
 Thus the " great White Company " was divided. An 
 anonymous Pisan chronicler observes: "It is certain thai 
 if they had not split among themselves, they would have 
 become masters of all Tuscany and all Italy, so brave and 
 powerful were they." 
 
 As to Sterz and his men, they might have had the 
 good-will to serve their new masters better than the old, 
 — but in any case they came too late, — for in those ver\ 
 days the final fate of war was decided near Pisa. 
 
32 
 
 V. 
 
 I Ml DEFE \T AT CASCIN \. I HE DOGE OF PIS \. 
 I HE W LNDERING ENGLISHMEN. 
 
 [Amjiibato — Roscioxi — RanieriSardo — Private Letters to til I il 13G-I 
 
 I'M::., 1 | , . Bo '<■ IMS! 
 
 13G4 Before stretching itself across the wide and fruitful 
 
 plain of Pisa, the winding Arno bathes the feet of thai 
 high and steep mountain which bears the very descriptive 
 name of "Verruca" or " Verrucola " (a wart). This rises 
 straight up on the right bank of the river, and was 
 ancient times crowned by a strong fortress, — no place 
 could be better adapted to survey the whole of the lower 
 Val d" Arno as far as the sea. 
 
 There was no passage then between the river and the 
 cliffs of the Verruca, — in modern times a road has been 
 cut in the mountain, — but on the left side of the Arno, 
 a pleasant stretch of land lay between it and the first 
 undulations of the distant hills, and here was the borough 
 of Cascina, a strategic j>oint, predestined to be the scene 
 of several Tuscan battles. 
 End of July. Galeotto Malatesta, the new Florentine captain general, 
 was encamped there with Count Montfort's Germans, and 
 many civic volunteers, besides the Genoese cross-bow, in 
 fact with all the force Florence had at her disposal : 
 11,000 foot and 4000 horse. They encamped in disorder, 
 and lived negligently, but this was supplemented by the 
 zeal and vigilance of Manno Donati who took care to 
 fortify the front of the town, towards Pisa with entrench- 
 ments, and to place Grimaldi's skilful Genoese cross-bow 
 in the houses. 
 
 Pisa only had in her pay Hawkwood's 800 Englishm in 
 and a few ultramontane brigades, but the approach of 
 
A COUNTRY TOWN BESIEGED. 33 
 
 the Florentine army inflamed the warlike ardour of all 1304. 
 the citizens ; every body took arms who knew how to 
 wield them, and Hawkwood was commissioned to attack 
 the enemy's camp forthwith. He tried to make up for 
 the inferiority of his forces by prudence, and leaving Pisa 
 he encamped at the abbey of San Savino, four miles from 
 Cascina. Here he waited for midday, so that the enemy 
 might have the sun and the dust in their eyes (in the 
 afternoon, a sea wind generally blows from the west across 
 the plain of Pisa), and to deceive them, he preluded the 
 action by three feigned attacks, so that Malatesta believed 
 he did not mean to fight at all. Then he made a move 
 in earnest, sending part of his English troops to the van, 
 and keeping the others with him in the rear. He left 
 his cavalry behind, so that the advance might be lc<s 
 noticeable, and to stir up the energies of his English- 
 men he told them that in the Florentine camp they 
 might make prisoners of three or four hundred young 
 nobles, worth from one to two thousand florins of ransom, 
 and besides, in the name of the Rejrablic of Pisa, he pro- 
 mised double pay for a month if they were victorious. 
 
 This alluring prospect so fired the courage of the 
 mercenary vanguard, that although they were fatigued by 
 a march of four miles in a suffocating heat, and weighed 
 down by their arms and armour, they did not wait a second 
 command, nor even the reinforcement of the Pisan militia, 
 but rushed to the assault of the trenches. 
 
 The horses were unsaddled and the men in the Flo- 
 rentine camp unarmed ; llalatesta was asleep, and had 
 told the bell-ringer of the Carroccio, or war chariot, that 
 he was not to ring the bell under any pretence or he 
 would kick him. 
 
 There was tremendous confusion, and the English coirld 
 not be prevented from breaking the trenches, but Grimaldi 
 was watching, and from the temporary loopholes in the 
 
34 FEDITOBl AND WOUNDED. 
 
 1304. houses, commenced a very tempest of arrows; Count Mont- 
 fort was on guard and he bore that day the standard of 
 the feditori, the most willing of the Florentine volunteers; 
 Manno Donati was also vigilant and with a corps of chosen 
 men of Florence, and Arezzo, with some mountaineers from 
 Casentino, he sallied unobserved from Cascina, made a 
 circuit and fell on the flank of the assailants, who fought 
 desperately to get out of the trap, but being poorly se- 
 conded by the other mercenaries, they were broken and 
 destroyed leaving 30 dead, and 300 wounded men, who 
 had to wait the Pisan doctors before they could get the 
 darts of the Genoese archers out of their flesh.* 
 
 The defeat of the advance troops put the Pisan militia 
 into such disorder that the Florentines, now victorious, 
 captured the waggons of wine sent from Pisa to her army. 
 
 Seeing the day irretrievably lost, Hawkwood, leaving 
 the citizens in the midst, withdrew with his English rear- 
 guard to San Savino where he gathered together his 
 wounded and followed up the retreat to Pisa in good order. 
 
 Malatesta took no trouble to molest him, for he gave 
 his mind to collecting trophies of victor}-, but though he 
 took 2000 prisoners he merety disarmed the foreigners 
 among them, and set them free. He carried the Pisan - 
 (a thousand) back to Florence together with an eagle which 
 had flown from Pisa to the camp where it probably 
 scented prey. 
 
 Florence long retained a memento of those Pisan pri- 
 soners in the Logijia dei Pisani on the Piazza della Signoria, 
 which was constructed by their forced labour. There is 
 too an altar dedicated to S. Victor in the Duomo, ami 
 the feast of that Saint, — the patron of the Gruelphs, — \\ as 
 for many years celebrated with the palio (races) in honor 
 of this victory. 
 
 * They had indeed splendid doctors in Pisa, under the care 't whom 
 a greai many perished in a l. n days ! 
 
A COUP D' ETAT. 35 
 
 The victorious array did not neglect to celebrate the 1364. 
 occasion by passing under the walls of Pisa, where they 
 made reprisals, by returning the insults they had received at 
 the gates of Florence the year before, with even greater 
 spirit and opprobrium than the Pisans had done, after 
 which they marched home. It was not long before peace 
 w r as concluded between these two cities which were starved 
 out to fatten the Germans and English. 
 
 But before peace was concluded, Giovanni Agnello, 
 profiting by the misfortunes of his country, and the 
 ensuing confusion of events, usurped the Lordship of Pisa iugusi aa 
 and took the title of Doge ; Hawkwood in his character of 
 Captain being his principal assistant. 
 
 It is probable that he consented to aid Agnello's ar- 
 rogant ambition, because he, being a rich merchant, gua- 
 ranteed the payment of the 30,000 florins required for the 
 stipend of the martial company. To the soldier of fortune 
 everj^thing gave way to the question of pay. 
 
 It is certain that Agnello, as the chronicler tells us. 
 had * tuned the lyre " (temprato la cetera) with Hawk- 
 wood, for having lulled the vigilance of the citizens to 
 sleep, by means of the most absurd dissimulations, he 
 bravety struck his blow by night, while the English sol- 
 diers occupied the palace and Piazza for him ; and as uni- 
 versal suffrage was unnecessary in those days he declared 
 that the Blessed Virgin had revealed to him in a dream 
 that he must assume the dogeship of Pisa for a year. As 
 soon as the 30,000 florins were paid to the English, and 
 peace concluded with the Florentines, he got himself 
 elected doge for life ; moreover in the following year he 
 nominated his sons as his successors, Francesco the se- 
 cond was named Auti or Aukud after his godfather, the 
 English condottiere, so intimate was the friendship be- 
 tween him and the usurper. 
 
86 MORE COMPANIES. 
 
 » 
 1364. Florence was meanwhile suffering from an embitrrn.- 
 
 <h richesses in the way of stipendiaries, having engaged 
 a multitude just as the need of them ceased. She sent 
 them into the Lucchese territory where the English White 
 Company, and the German " Company of the Flower " 
 encamped separately. For the good luck of the Floren- 
 tines, there was an old hostility between these two bands, 
 who were in their ill humour constantly menacing each 
 other. 
 
 The Florentines had the wit to keep them on such 
 terms, with each other, that they had neither long truce 
 nor time to quarrel, and when things became serious 
 between English and Germans, Malatesta interfered to 
 pacify them. 
 September. Peace assured, the great object was to get them out 
 of the way, — the English were sent to encamp on the 
 Cecina, but they would not stay there. Belmonte and his 
 leaders (Sterz according to his clause in the compact had 
 resigned) complained that their horses suffered in the cold 
 nights of the coming autumn, and they wanted covered 
 quarters. 
 
 For the rest they protested their devotion and willing- 
 ness to fight, saying they would rather take 100,000 florins 
 in war than 300,000 in peace. But it was just peace that 
 was being stipulated. 
 
 Nothing could prevent them from coming to encamp near 
 San Miniato. Here they behaved courteously, paying their 
 way and doing no damage ; very likely they were afraid 
 of Florence favouring the Germans, and setting them upon 
 them, and so they respected the Florentine territory, and 
 unfurled her standard together with that of their own 
 Captain. 
 
 But as to departing, they put it off as long as pos- 
 sible, waiting « their people and things » (lor gente e cose) — 
 
MAREMMA AND SIENA. 37 
 
 probably the women and spoil they left behind when they 1864. 
 went away in the spring. — At the end of September they 
 were still on the lower Val d' Elsa, not without some strug- 
 gles with the peasants of San Miniato, nor losses on each 
 side ; it seems in fact that the populace knew so well 
 how to return blow for blow, that the Florentine autho- 
 rities had to interfere and make them return the horses 
 and other things taken from the mercenaries. 
 
 To complicate the situation Belmonte, the Captain, was 
 absent. 
 
 Florence at last managed to send Bongarden southward 
 with his Germans. Albert Sterz united with him and they 
 formed a strong band called the " Star Company," which 
 turned towards the Eeame (Kingdom of Naples). As to 
 the White Company, just at that moment Cardinal Al- 
 bornoz received the commission to engage 6000 men for 
 '200, 000 florins to fight for the League against Bernabo 
 Visconti, but the project was not carried out ; the Flo- 
 rentines had great difficulty in inducing them to go to 
 the Maremma, and to smooth matters with Siena, but all 
 their efforts could not prevent the English from sacking 
 the land. It was of this that Antonio Pucci santr : 
 
 i s ■ 
 
 Avieno una brigata, che la ferza 
 Per insegna portavano, e d' intorno 
 Facien piu mal tlalla mattiua a terza 
 Che gli altri non facieno in tutto il giorno. 
 Yeggendo come eotal gente scherza, 
 
 I Sanesi pregar senza soggioi-no 
 
 II Fiorentiu che per Dio gli piacesse 
 Di metter quivi accordo, se potesse. 
 
 E' Fiorentini allor dimenticando 
 Le 'ngiurie ricevute dal Sanese, 
 Tosto mandar gli Ambasciadori e quaudo 
 Si ritrovar colla gente Inghilese 
 Trattaro il concio si. civ a pusto stando, 
 Fecion, che quel Comun fu lor cortese 
 Di ventiaei migliaja di fiorini, 
 Co' quali andaron sopr' a' Perugini. 
 
THE BRIGADE OF THE SCOURGE. 
 
 I' nun intendo piu di seguitare 
 Degl' Inghilesi, ne di loro andata; 
 Ma prego Iddio, che ogni loro andare 
 
 Possa essere e sia senza tornata. 
 
 AVlncli may be thus rendered into English rhyme: 
 
 A fine brigade they had, the which a scourge 
 For ensiL;!i bore, and wrought ahout its way 
 More damage in the three first hours of dawn 
 Than other armies worked the live-long day. 
 Now when the Sienese perceived their freaks 
 The Florentines for love of God they pray 
 To draw them off, — to offer terms or pact 
 To procure peace .it any price in fact. 
 
 The men of Florence straightway did forget 
 Old injuries which Siena them had wrought 
 And sent ambassadors who soon did meet 
 And parley with the English host they sought. 
 A treaty they arranged, so prompt, that sunn 
 Siena courteously her peace had bought. 
 Twenty six thousand florins did she paj 
 And to Perugia rode the hands away. 
 
 N<> more do I intend to follow up 
 These Englishmen, nor where they went that day. 
 Put please the Lord where'er they go or stop 
 They'll l!<> and never more return. I pray. 
 
 VI. 
 
 THE ORGANISM OF MERCENARY COMPANIES. 
 
 [Codex of the stipendiaries in the service of the Republic of Florence — Fii.ippo V ill am — 
 Azario — Matteo Vji-i.ani — Canestrini, Documents etc. in the Arckivio Storico Ita- 
 iiano — Ricotti, History of mercenary companies — Gregorovius, Hist, of n 
 Romt — Letter of John Swiler to Hawkwood — State Archives of Florence, Riforma- 
 giotii cl, XIII. .list II — Gataro, Paduan chronich in Mubatori [/.'. I.S.] ] 
 
 We beg the reader to excuse us if we refer at this 
 point to some particulars, which if not directly connected 
 with Hawkwood, are neccessary to show with what kind 
 of soldiery he had to deal, and what was the general 
 aspect of war in his days. 
 
BARBUTE AND LANCES. 
 
 The White Company, like other bands of free-booters, 
 consisted of both horse and foot soldiers. The infantr\ 
 were chiefly archers armed with long and strong bu\\ - 
 made of yew. which they carried on their backs when 
 marching, and rested the point on the ground when taking 
 aim; they had long arrows and were besides armed with 
 swords and knives. Fur defence these famous bowmen, 
 who had subdued the French army, wore an iron helmet, 
 a cuirass, or rather breast piece, and iron gloves. The 
 lances 1 ' were mounted soldiers; the name lance was im- 
 ported by the English, for the hired cavalry used to be 
 called barbuU . front the shape of their helmets. Each 
 "lance consisted of three men, the caporale knight . ' 
 the piatia (squire) and the ragazzo page). The two first 
 rode chargers, and the page had a pony or nag. Five 
 lances usually made a posta posi . and five posts made a 
 bandiera (Standard) : there was generally a decurial leadei 
 for every ten lances. 
 
 With the exception of the Hungarian cavalry. — which 
 were rather archers on horseback, being only armed with 
 bow and arrows, — the English cavalry was lighter than 
 that of other nations. The German, Burgundian, and Ita- 
 lian lances armed their squires lightly, with only sword 
 and knife [coltello), but their knights were much more 
 heavily accoutred than the English. As a rule they car- 
 ried helmet, breastplate with iron framework, cuirass and 
 
 * It is rather difficult to translate this word by a just equivalent in 
 I ngrish. The nearest approach to it is " knight " or " cavalier. ' He was 
 a gentleman of independeni means who gave or sold his services, together 
 with those of his followers or servants; sometimes one leader furnished 
 sevi ral lane.-, in which case all the caporali may not have been knights, 
 until they had distinguished themselves. Sometimes, as Chaucer has repre- 
 sented it. the squire was the son f t li. knight, and became knight in his 
 turn when he had wen his spurs by any great deed of valour. Froissarl 
 and other old chroniclers speak of live or six hundred fighting in 
 
 Edward the Black Prince's army at Cressy and Poitiers, where Hawkwood 
 himself was a squire and probably won his spurs. The general name for the 
 whole troop was " men-at-arms." — (Translator.) 
 
iO TACTK - 
 
 pant rone, greaves, armlets, gauntlets, iron gloves, sword, 
 knife Etnd lance. The English had no pancerone, and wore 
 a cuirass, instead "l a I >r. -a-r plai ■•. with sleeves of' mail ami 
 a gorget. 
 
 The English horsi s were also more lightly capariso 
 than the others: in fact the Codex of the stipendiaries 
 of the Florentine service " which was modified in L369, 
 conceded permission for men of other nationalities to \ 
 armour in the English style, but not so for the horses. 
 
 The English cavaliers generally fought on foot, theii 
 horses served more to expedite and facilitate their mar- 
 ches; in fact they corresponded more to the modern dra- 
 goons, who were originally mounted infantry, and in mosl 
 countries only became exclusively cavalry about the hit 
 half of the last century. In Russia they still retain their 
 mixed character. The Hungarians were a fair represen- 
 tative of modern light cavalry, ami the German and Italian 
 lances of the cuirassiers. 
 
 Filippo Villaui and Azario minutely describe the tactics 
 of the White Company and explicitly tell us they almost 
 always fought on tout, leaving their horses in charge of 
 their pages, who retired fco ambush during action in somi 
 wood or fold of a hill. "When fighting, the knights and 
 squires formed themselves into a circular mass, with theii 
 long and tough lances lowered closely and compactly, each 
 lance being held by both knight and squire. The attack 
 was made by slow- steps, and with fierce shouts. It is 
 true, they had not the advantage of a sudden rush or 
 onslaught, but they gained that of solidity, and were for- 
 midable in thus opposing great difficulty to the enemy 
 who should attempt to disorder tin-; species of porctipine. 
 
 These tactics, analogous to those of the Swiss in the 
 Hi"' century, — being more defensive than offensive even 
 in an attack,- explain the relative incolumity of the 
 
PEOVISIONING 41 
 
 White Company even in a defeat, as well as its indecisive 
 
 victories. It was a convenient method to those who made 
 warfare a mere trade, for they had every reason to prolong 
 hostilities without uselessly exposing themselves. 
 
 In consequence of this style of fighting, they carried 
 neither shields nor bucklers, they had no firearms excepl 
 now and then a bombarda 'mortar?, and were very well 
 disciplined in file and duty, but they were disorderly in 
 quarters, and the difficulty of finding provision and forage 
 obliged them to frequently change their camp. 
 
 As to their appearance, they were a splendid troop, 
 were it only for the diligence of the squires, who polished 
 the arms till they shone like mirrors.' 
 
 That which made them formidable was their custom 
 of nocturnal marches (de du plerumqut dormiunt et de node 
 vigilant) and still more the cowardice of the Italians, who 
 were unused to arms. They were insuperable in a " sack- 
 ing " {furatores excellentiores quibusque aliis prcedatoribus), 
 for plunder was their ordinary method of provisioning, — 
 and in the constant menaces with which they obtained 
 heavy ransoms and large stipends from the Italian cities. 
 For purposes of plunder the} 7 carried a great many scaling 
 ladders made of separate pieces fitting into each other, 
 studia et artificia cid t< rras capiendas quod nusquam aliqui 
 visi fuerunt similes vel cequales," that is to say, to take 
 exposed or ill defended places. Where they found vigilance 
 or valid resistance, they did not attempt to attack a for- 
 tress. In the 14"' century, when artillery had scarcely begun 
 to be known, a castle or walled town presented almost an 
 impregnable obstacle, because the besiegers had usually 
 exhausted the resources of the country before the besieged 
 
 * Here is a recipe of the year 1402 to prevent arms from ever getting 
 rusty: " Cut off all the legs of a goal from the knee downwards, lot them 
 stay in the smoke for a day. then keep them 15 or -•"> days. When you 
 
 require them, break the logs and take out the marrow from the 1 and 
 
 grease the arms with it and they will always keep bright even when wet. 
 
12 \ll 1,1 I \l,"i E( ONOMICS. 
 
 Lad consumed the provisions stored in the city; hence 
 in wars of that time, then; was always great devastation 
 of the country, while the occupation of the cities by the 
 aemy was rare, and as the towns sheltered the inhabi- 
 tants and their wealth, the battles were very inconclusive. 
 
 The funds of the mercenary company then chiefly de- 
 pended on depredation and extortion, and the squires >\ b.o 
 made a business of it, were not at. all accustomed to 
 save their earnings: play, women, luxury, in short .1 ua\ 
 life, consumed quickly, often in anticipation, such ill gained 
 money, which often passed, together with arms and horses, 
 into the hands of usurers. 
 
 This was a serious inconvenience to the republics that 
 hired the companies. Their equipage lost, the soldiers 
 could no longer serve, and reduced to their last shifts, 
 they had more temptation to break their agreements, to 
 sell themselves elsewhere, or to demand more than was 
 in the compact. 
 
 To relieve them from the risks of usury was sometimes 
 a wise provision, and consequently, in 1362, Florence 
 opened a bank for Loans to the stipendiaries* which was 
 reformed on a very simple basis in 13(>7. 
 
 They opened operations by allowing a credit up to 
 1000 lire to each company of 25 lances ; a constable 
 might borrow as much as 600 lire, an ordinary knight up 
 to 100, and it remained with the officials to determine 
 what sums they should allow to the subordinates. No in- 
 terest was extorted, but every loan must be backed by 
 
 * Mattkh Vii.i.am XI, e. 38: " The greedy and disEonesi usurers, under 
 cover of lending help to (In- soldiers of their republic, took away then 
 money, arms, and horses, so thai they could no longer In- 'it use t.. theii 
 employers, for tin* the commune was moved t<> form :i bank which with 
 tin' I'ulilir monej should assist the soldiers. In the month of February 1862 
 it was organized with all its officials, and the republic placed 15,000 florins 
 .a the disposal "I tin' bank with which l" ■ imence operations.' 
 
MILITARY COURTS. 43 
 
 the security of two conestabili (superiors officers, of very 
 high grade). This last condition and the incurable impro- 
 vidence of the adventurers left still a large field to the 
 usurers, so that at the same time severe laws were 
 promulgated against procurators and money lenders, pro- 
 hibiting exchanges, or the negotiation of credits with the 
 stipendiaries: laws which implicated even the loss of poli- 
 tical rights, and remained in force till 1431. 
 
 In the banking books numberless names of constables 
 and knights of every nation are to be found, dating 
 from 13G7 to the end of the 15 th century and even later. 
 There are however few English names after the end 
 of the 14"' century. 
 
 The mode of living of the mercenary militia in Italy 
 during that century, their internal relations, and those 
 with the States employing them, are completely explained 
 by Ricotti and Canestrini, who quote from undeniable do- 
 cuments, such as contracts stipulating their stipends, and 
 the special laws of some Tuscan Republics. The numerous 
 contracts with English Constables up to 1395 which exist 
 in the Florentine Archives of the " Riformagioni " and 
 correspond with those already published, are all made on 
 the same scheme. They frequently contain a clause " not 
 to fight against the King of England " and another " that 
 the leaders of companies are responsible for the crimes 
 committed by the soldiers in camp, while the Commune 
 shall judge those committed in the city, or to the damage 
 of subjects of the Republic." 
 
 That important, curious, and complete codex of the 
 Florentine militia in 1337 with its fifty three chapters, 
 containing the rules, and various conditions for the troops, 
 are referred to and illustrated by the aforesaid authors (Ri- 
 cotti and Canestrini). On his side Gregorovius has given 
 what we might almost call the philosophy of mercenaries. 
 
44 MILITARY COURTS. 
 
 He considers the system as an. organic social disease, like 
 the degeneracy of chivalry, or the rising of the lower 
 classes, massing themselves together against the higher ; 
 it would perhaps be easier and more exact to define them 
 as " military brigands under command." On the other 
 hand his observation is true that the condition especially 
 favorable to mercenaries in Italy was, that the republics, 
 with their democratic mania for exiling their nobles, had 
 lost their military virtue ; but he is silent as to the 
 chief reason, which was that there was much more to 
 plunder in Italy than in other lands, and the hunter 
 chooses the ground that most abounds in sport. 
 
 Their organization favored by circumstances was so 
 complete, that they might almost be qualified as " Nomad 
 Military States:" they elected their captain or freely ac- 
 cepted him if entering a company already formed; the 
 captain had great power, but it was limited by the council 
 of constables and marshals, while in the most important 
 decisions the cavaliers or caporali were called into the 
 deliberations. 
 
 The decisions were not enrolled until they had been 
 accurately debated, and the conditions fixed by the captains : 
 they often demanded pay in anticipation, and security 
 against preceding enmities with soldiers of other nationa- 
 lities whom they might find in the company. In treaties 
 they required a written reply, or if it were a case of 
 parley, they demanded a safeconduct for themselves and 
 their embassy. This is evident from a curious letter from 
 constable Swiler to our John Hawkwood* 
 
 They had a numerous following of women (even nuns 
 carried off by force) and of voluntary courtesans,** and 
 
 s, ,. I 1H i,| [ I. 
 
 ** In the battle of Brentelle, June 25, 1386, the Paduans took 211 of them, 
 
 and crowning them with flowers and putting bouquets in their hands, thej 
 conducted them in triumph to Padua, where they were invited to breakfast 
 in the palace of the ruling Lord Francesco Carrara. 
 
BANKS. 45 
 
 when the soldiers thought it wiser to keep on friendly terms 
 with a district they honestly purchased their provisions. 
 
 They employed usurers and bankers in every city to 
 lend them money or to keep it for them : they had able am- 
 bassadors and eloquent orators to conduct their diplomatic 
 treaties : treasurers to regulate their financial affairs, 
 and attorneys for their private ones, secretaries, notaries 
 and registrars for their correspondence and the due pre- 
 parations of legal acts and documents. 
 
 * The sole reason they did not establish lordship in 
 Italy," observes Gregorovius, " is because the leaders lacked 
 the political idea, and the adventurers the bonds of na- 
 tionality." It is a fact that natives of so many different 
 countries were enrolled in every company that they were 
 called from the majority of the men composing them, 
 English, German, Burgundian, or Breton, Hungarian or 
 lastly Italians. 
 
 As to the leaders, if ever there was one who for talent, 
 constancy, valour, prudence, and resolution might have 
 aspired to the highest aims, but who had the wisdom to 
 moderate his ambition, and practically remain at his post, 
 it was Hawkwood, as we shall see in following the history 
 of himself and his men. 
 
 VII. 
 
 THE PERUGIAN WAR. 
 THE ENGLISH BEATEN BY THE GERMANS. 
 
 [Gbaziani, Cronache pemgine — Gregorovius, Storia (1/ Eoinu net Medio E>o — Machia- 
 
 velli, Storie jiorentine — Deliberations of the Pisau Commune in June 1365, in the 
 Pisan State Archives— Ghirardacci, Storie bolognesi — Bonincoxtri, Annali — " Car- 
 teggio " of the Florentine Signory, Miss. XIII, 40, cited hy Perrens, Histoire de Flo- 
 rence — Sitinst Chronicle, in Muraturi [li. I. S.} — Ariodante Faeretti in the notes 
 on Gbaziani.] 
 
 What between contemporaneous chronicles, posterior 
 historians, and modern commentators, together with the 
 
46 HUGH I>E MORTIMER. 
 
 1304. equivocal dates, and doubtful names which one hears vith- 
 out knowing to whom they belong, the history of the 
 mercenary companies just after the Pisan war is so com- 
 plicated that much of it is undecipherable. Let us see if 
 we can find our bearings in this sea of difficulty. 
 November. Both the English White Company and Annechin Bon- 
 
 garden's German band of " the Star " marched southwards, 
 the latter against the Kingdom of Naples and the former 
 towards Perugia. But on the way they were set against 
 each other as foes, for the Perugians opposed the English 
 invaders by hiring Bongarden's troops armed with long 
 axes and with hand grenades (bombarde <i mano bellissimt 
 /■In passavano ogni armatura). 
 
 This was enough for the English, who, driven also by 
 hunger, were soon brought to terms, stipulating peace and 
 friendship to Perugia, promising not to injure Annechin 
 Bongarden for a j'ear, and to withdraw within ten davs. 
 On this comjmct provisions were conceded them by pur- 
 chase. The treaty was celebrated by a banquet to which 
 the courteous priors of Perugia invited the leaders and 
 knights of both companies. 
 
 Then the tables were turned, for Bongarden, who ad- 
 vanced towards Naples, devastated the Roman campagna 
 by the way, so much that Cardinal Albornoz for the Church, 
 1365. and Queen Joanna of Naples made a contract with the 
 
 January 14. . 
 
 White Company, which bound the latter for the price of 
 160,000 florins, to keep the peace towards the kingdom 
 for five years, and expressly to fight for it against Bon- 
 garden. This act was stipulated by Hugh do Mortimer. 
 Captain General, by the Captain Nicholas Count of Thod 
 (Hungarian) and Andrew Belmonte ; George Brise conesta- 
 bile, Eugene Ecton (Acton ?) and many of the knights. 
 
 The White Company, reinforced by the Hungarians, 
 had evidently elected a new captain to succeed Sterz, 
 Hawkwood, and Belmont. 
 
HAWKWOOD ESCAPES. 47 
 
 Hawkwood remaining in Pisa for the winter made a i3cs. 
 trip to Lombardy, perhaps sent there b}^ the Doge Agnello, 
 who had an understanding with Bernabo Visconti : and 
 from this time may be dated the relations of Hawkwood 
 with this exemplary tyrant and head of the Ghibellines. 
 who sent the English condottiere, in his pay, into Tuscany 
 to assist the Ghibellines. In other words, Hawkwood on 
 Bernabo's account reassumed the command of the AVhite 
 Company which had now returned to menace Florence, 
 and in spite of their treaty attacking the Perugians. He 
 had besides the disposal of a Pisan contingent and was 
 receiving Pisan pay.* 
 
 As soon as the English reappeared on the Perugian July 22. 
 territory, that city recalled Bongarden from the Campagna 
 of Rome and united the city militia with his Germans. 
 Three thousand cavalry and infantry commanded for the 
 Church party by the Bolognese Tommaso Obizzoni, and 
 sent by Cardinal Albornoz also arrived in time to assist. 
 
 The old animosity between the Germans and English. 
 by this time had become bitter and bloody, and rendered 
 the battle decisive. Hawkwood with the Pisan supplement 
 had 6000 horse, but still his forces were very inferior and 
 consequently the English were overcome. 
 
 There have been many exaggerations about this defeat 
 especially regarding Hawkwood. Machiavelli says he was 
 taken prisoner ; Ghirardacci describes the battle as taking 
 place between Arezzo and Cortona, and says that for four 
 hours it was indecisive, and that finally Tommaso Obiz- 
 zoni becoming victorious took Haucud the English captain. 
 
 * In June 1365 in tin- name of the magnificent and potent Lord Gio- 
 vanni de' Conti by tin- grace of God Doge of Pisa, and <>t the Anziani, 
 100 florins on account were assigned to Hawkwood who authorised Janni 
 (Johnny), an English sergeant, to receive them for him, and again in July 
 600 florins were decreed as provision for a year from August 1 ' by the great 
 general Council of the Church and that of the Senate and Credenza, ra- 
 tified by tlie Council of the people of Pisa. 
 
is IMPRISONMENT OF HAWKWOOD. 
 
 i : 5 Even Bonincontri in his Caesaresque " Annals " attributes 
 the merit of victory to Obizzoni, aixl adds that " the En- 
 glish were all taken with their leader Giovanni Acuto and 
 put into prison." We find elsewhere that the Pope liberated 
 Hawkwood from prison. 
 
 These authors evidently romance. Machiavelli is 
 inexact enough to attribute the action to the time of Pope 
 Innocent VI who had then been dead three yeai's. Ghi- 
 rardacci compiled his History of Bologna from chroniclers 
 who were inclined to exaggerate Bolognese achievements ; * 
 he besides imagines Hawkwood fighting against the Flo- 
 rentines, while the Signory of Florence was in fact making 
 offers for his services, and though he would not concede, 
 July i6. was sending these instructions to its ambassadors near him : 
 
 " By the reverence of (iod.... and out of regard to 
 him whom we esteem our dear friend we intend to 
 use towards him and his brigade that courtesy which 
 should satisfy him, though by reason of wars and great- 
 expenses we are much less wealthy and powerful than he 
 esteems us, etc., etc." 
 
 This imprisonment of Hawkwood then becomes very 
 problematical, and we had better turn to chroniclers nearer 
 to the place and the deed. Now the Sienese chronicle 
 relates that having suffered some loss in crossing the Sie- 
 nese territory, Hawkwood arrived near Perugia in July, 
 and here he had to combat the " Stella (Star) Company 
 of Germans under Bongarden," — which battle was a great 
 and bitter strife (aspra <i grande) ; — the Germans won the 
 day, killing many of the English, and Andrew Belmonte 
 
 * In his preface G-hirardacci leasts of diligent fidelity in having followed 
 the most serious authors, ami collated both public and private MSS., and in 
 the dedication t.. Pope Clement VIII he says lie lias consulted ' the public 
 documents of the Vatican Library, authentic MSS. in many archives, as well 
 as personal deeds, especially I hose of the Bologna Archives." And in fact 
 we shall frequently have occasion to refer to him as an authority; for, ge- 
 nerally speaking, he seems trustworthy; bul in tins case the facts and dates 
 weaken his testimony, and so we must refute it. 
 
KNIGHTS I.N PEISON. 49 
 
 and fifty knights were put in prison at Perugia. Hawk- is6i 
 wood fled and got away towards Siena with many others. 
 
 The Perugians sent to tell Siena that John Hawkwood 
 and his English Company were defeated, and the Com- 
 mune of Siena presented the messenger with a scarlet 
 vest lined with silk which cost 26 florins. 
 
 Graziani, the Perugian chronicler, does not even name 
 Hawkwood. He onl_v says that Bongarden and the Peru- 
 vian militia, after two sanguinary but victorious combats, 
 constrained the remnant of the English to retreat to 
 the castle of San Mariano, where after two days, weak 
 with thirst, and faint with heat, being deprived of water 
 or other licjuid, they were obliged to surrender. Sixteen 
 hundred were taken to Perugia as prisoners to await 
 ransom, while of the canaglia some were killed and others 
 set free. Among the prisoners were four knights with 
 their respective .standards, the only one of them named 
 being the most distinguished ; — Andrew Belmonte, " of 
 royal race," the four banners are however heraldically 
 described as. 
 
 1. Gules, seme of bezants, or ; 
 
 2. Argent, a chevron gules, starred of the field at point ; 
 
 3. Quartered, dexter argent, charged with griffon, 
 gules, and sinister gules with lion argent ; 
 
 4. Gules, a bend or, charged with a crescent of 
 the field. 
 
 This last must have belonged to the bastard Belmonte. 
 Neither of them corresponds to that of John Hawkwood, 
 which may be seen to this day in Paolo Uccello's fresco, 
 in the Duomo at Florence, and which has for its blazon, 
 " Argent a chevron sable, charged with three escallop 
 shells of the field," nor is there the motto " al falco " 
 which we find on his seal as allusive to his name. 
 
 Andrew Belmonte easily regained his liberty on swearing 
 to respect the Perugian territory for five years, and leaving 
 
 4' 
 
BO ALWAYS IX A KM-, 
 
 1:;.;-. as hostflijvs three captains, viz Hugh Mortimer, Jolm di 
 Breccia (Brise) and Thod the Count of Hungary, who were 
 mosl probably the proprietors of the three other standards. 
 From all this it appears that Hawkwood was defeated 
 but saved himself with part of his men, while the resl 
 were shut up with Belmonte in San Mariano ; and that 
 he was still in a condition to keep the field, for, on 
 August 3 rd , the Commune of Perugia sent part of the 
 August 3. German forces to help Siena contro Mcssei Giovanni Aguto 
 inghilese. Thus says the Perugian chronicler and lie of 
 Siena confirms it, even saying that the Sienese did noi 
 think it superfluous to send both the German leaders. 
 Bongarden and Sterz, against Hawkwood ; and that it was 
 only then that Hawkwood had to beat a retreat, and 
 fighting his way through the Maremma, he passed thence, 
 along the sea shore to Liguria, the Genoese territory. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 A HAWKWOOD, A VISCONTI, AND A HAPSBUEG 
 IN THE COMPANY OF ST. GEORGE. 
 
 [Brief "I Pop< Urban V. 17 February 1364 - Raynaldi, Annals - ' Carteggio" of the Flo 
 rentine Signory, Miss. XII, 54 — Private pontifical letters, vol, 3, cited by Raykaldi 
 A.mmirato — Canestriki, Documents, etc. — Sienest Chronicle ~ Pisati Stati Arclii- 
 i, .. Registro 68, carte 61 tergo — Tschoddi, Siciss songs — Deliberations of tlu Council 
 of the " Campana" March and April 1366, Sienese State Archives— Veliberatioi 
 Florentini Stati Archives, 29 June 1366 — Gbeoobovtos, Hist, of medieval Home] 
 
 The mercenary companies, as we see, were a hydra 
 of a hundred heads, and their captains each like " An- 
 taeus," who, defeated and overthrown, rose up from the 
 earth more enterprising than before. Matteo Yillani, in 
 one of his eloquent outbursts, tells us how the [taliar 
 people suffered under them; astrologers tried to explain 
 the scourge by the movement of the heavens, and conjunc- 
 
REFUSING THE CROSS. 51 
 
 tion of planets ; other folks attributed it To the anger of 
 God. Urban V gave ecclesiastical subsidies to princes, and 1;i1 
 indulgences to the people who would take arms against 
 that multitude of villains of divers nations, associated 
 in arms by avidity in appropriating to themselves the 
 fruit of the labours of innocent and defenceless people : 
 unbridled in every kind of cruelty, extorting money : 
 methodically devastating the country, and the open towns, 
 burning houses and barns, destroying trees and vines, 
 obliging poor peasants to fly; assaulting, besieging, inva- 
 ding, spoiling, and ruining even fortresses and walled 
 cities : torturing and maiming those from whom they ex- 
 pected to obtain ransom, without regard to ecclesiastical 
 dignity, or sex or age; violating wives, virgins, and nuns, 
 and constraining even gentlewomen to follow their camp, 
 to do their pleasure and carry arms ami baggage." February n 
 
 Soon after this, it entered the Pope's head to persuade May 15 
 the English to take up the cross like Christ, and to follow 
 the King of Cyprus to fight the Turks, — so he wrote to 
 the captain and leaders, — but Hawkwood who 'was not 
 a " Conte Verde " remained unconvinced. 
 
 Seeing they were not to be persuaded, the Pope again 
 began to thunder out excommunications against them, and 
 to publish indulgences to those who would fight them. 
 Seeing that neither excommunications nor indulgences had 
 any effect, he thought to entice all the bands on both 
 sides of the Alps, to pass into the East by land or by 
 sea; and for this he formed an alliance with the Emperor 
 Charles IV, the Pope promising money and benedictions, la65 
 and the Emperor undertaking to pay the expenses of the 
 journey, — he who never had a penny to call his own ! 
 
 Cardinal Albornoz was commissioned to attempt the 
 metamorphosis of brigands into crusaders, but the captains 
 naturally laughed him to scorn. The Cardinal was then 
 set to form a league against Hawkwood, who was the most 
 
 \ 
 
52 
 
 TELEMACHUS AND MENTOR. 
 
 August. 
 
 October 12. 
 
 formidable of bhe lot. He treated with Florence, but 
 nothing was concluded, for to destroy the companies it 
 would be necessary to hire more foreigners and thus 
 increase the evil. 
 
 In the mean time, the English and Germans being lefl 
 without pay, wandered about Tuscany sacking wherever 
 they went. Florence could do nothing but send ambas- 
 sadors to one, and then to the other, to smooth them 
 down, and keep them to their word, to find out their 
 intentions and possibly also to edge them on to fight with 
 each other. The Pope, as we find from his secret i <nv- 
 spondence, followed the same tactics. 
 
 Bongarden was in the Lucchese, and intended to pass 
 into Lombardy, but Hawkwood prevented him. The latter 
 had become the effective leader of a new Anglo-Italian 
 Company (one of several which bore the name of St.* reorge 
 which had been hastily formed in Lunigiana, and was 
 commanded by Ambrogio Visconti bastard son of Bernabo 
 Visconti ; — he acting Telemachus, and Hawkwood doing 
 Mentor. 
 
 The Florentines sent out six ambassadors to the diffe- 
 rent belligerents: there were Lapo de' Rossi and Giorgio 
 Scali who went to grant Bongarden free and friendly pas- 
 sage across their territory ; Piero Canigiani and Niccolo 
 Rimbaldeschi to congratulate Bernabo on the promotion 
 of his son to the Generalship ; and Doffo de' Bardi and 
 Giovanni Cambi, to treat with the Company of St. George, 
 which was already on Pisan ground. 
 
 The compact was soon concluded and sinned at Flo- 
 rence, on October 12, 1365, the Company binding itself 
 for the sum of 6000 florins, not to injure Florence or her 
 allies for five years, even though it should change captains. 
 They were besides granted passes, guides, and provisions, 
 (by payment) with permission to hire 300 horsemen from 
 either Siena or Perugia. 
 
TERRIBLE JOHN HAWKWOOD ! 53 
 
 The relative document is mutilated. In the heading, i ■■ ■ 
 figure the names of Ambrogio Visconti. captain general ; 
 < i-iovanni Ubaldini, [talian; Aymond deRundell, and William 
 Boson, Englishmen: Luca di Yalco, Hungarian; Lodovico 
 delle Spade of Parma, counsellers ; Hugh Ethon, English 
 (■unstable; Thomas Merezal (Marshal?), marshal of the 
 English : Bartolommeo da Gaggio, marshal of the Italians. 
 In the context frequent mention is made of a certain 
 Signor Giovanni (Sir John) who can be no other than 
 Eawkwood, for at the end we read " For the observation 
 of the which things, all and single.... in the name of the 
 above, do oblige and pledge themselves, to the above named 
 Signor Ambrogio Captain, and Signor Giovanni Acud...." 
 
 Ami.mg the signatures are the names and seals of Vi- 
 sconti, Ubaldini, Hawkwood, and forty two others, amongst 
 captains and constables. 
 
 Having pocketed the florins, the Company lost no! a 
 day : " time is money ! so they immediately ton October 15) October is. 
 encamped at the Abbey of Isola near Siena. The Sienese 
 sent a few fruitless embassies to offer terms, while they 
 were seeking soldiers to fight them, aud kept two sentinels 
 night and day on their tower called del Mangia. They 
 found eleven companies (bandiere) of Germans at < (rvieto, 
 and finally having got together a good many troops sallied 
 forth to battle. 
 
 But the Company of St. George did not stop to fight! Novemb. 28. 
 riding rapidly night and day, they halted only at Sarzana 
 and then went on to the vicinity of Genoa. The terror 
 they spread everywhere is expressed in a document in 
 the Pisan Archives where a certaiu Francesco Bellebuono 
 explains to the Anziani " that he cannot bring the goods 
 to Pisa, for fear of John Hawkwood." 
 
 The speed of transport of those adventurers is in- 
 credible, as in a search for spoil, or pay, they rushed 
 continually over the length and breadth of the peninsula. 
 
:,! THE FORGET-ME-NOT. 
 
 1304 Among the condottieri then living at the expense of 
 
 and 1365. . . 
 
 Ltaly, were a count Johann ot the illustrious and imperial 
 bouse of Hapsburg, and his brother Rudolf. 
 
 On the other side of the Alps Johann had sustained evil 
 fortunes, and had let himself be captured by the burghers 
 of Zurich, and kept prisoner for three years in the 
 little island (now so lovely in its cool and pleasant shades) 
 where the limpid waters of the Limmat leave the Lake 
 to flow through the city ; and where at that time there 
 rose on a rock a dark fortress tower called the Wellemberg. 
 "While in prison here he composed an elegiac song to the 
 forget-me-not, which began 
 
 Se di mi piccolo fiore azzurro. 
 (I know a tiny blue flowei I 
 
 He found brighter fortunes in Italy, where he and his 
 brother at first followed the banner of Florence. Rudolf, 
 being an effeminate looking man, was called by the Flo- 
 rentines il Conic Menno (the beardless Count); he belied 
 his face however at the battle of Cascina, where he per- 
 formed incredible prodigies of valour, — rose da tacerle, 
 perche hanno faccia di m \nzogna — as Filippo Villani has 
 L366 it. Johann finally allied himself with Hawkwood and 
 Visconti, who had returned from Liguria, to the misfortune 
 of Siena. 
 
 The Sienese tried to conciliate them by presents ol 
 poultry and sweets, providing victuals, and sending to 
 treat with them, but finding the two captains intractable, 
 they tried the tactics of the soldiery, and set fire to the 
 hay all over the country, so that the enemy could not 
 lodge there. At the same time they had recourse to Hawk- 
 wood's old friend the Doge of Pisa, to beg him at least 
 to mediate with the English brigade. 
 March so. But the Company held out, and at length the Sienese 
 
 were persuaded feo put their hands in their purses, — doven- 
 
LOANS AMi RANSOMS. 55 
 
 dosi riparare alia cattiva Compagnia di Sun Giorgio they 1366. 
 made a forced loan, and stipulated on April 20 the " con- April 20. 
 vent ions and accords " between the Commune of Siena on 
 the one part; and Ambrogio Visconti captain, Hawkwood, 
 the Count of Hapsburg and Giovanni da Buda, constables 
 of the Company of St. George, on the other. The price 
 paid by the Sienese was 10,500 florins, of which the firs! 
 instalment of 4000 was to be paid within fifteen days, besides 
 which the Company was to be allowed to pass over the 
 Sienese territory once a year for five years, provided they 
 did no damage nor annoyed the inhabitants. The contract 
 was stipulated by the representatives and attorneys of 
 the two parts, all knights or marshals in the respective 
 brigades. John Quartery, Englishman, sealed it with Hawk- 
 wood's arms, a chevron and three shells, legend indeci- 
 pherable. 
 
 The compact made, it was not easy to get it kept : 
 many of the Company's soldiers entered Siena to celebrate 
 the occasion, and Visconti's men behaved so oadly that 
 the city rose against them, and several we e killed or 
 wounded. 
 
 Having taken the money, Hawkwoord and his good 
 scholar Ambrogio took the road to Pisa, greatly damaging 
 Florentine lands by the way. Florence sent ambassadors 
 to accompany them and keep them in order, one of whom, 
 Doffo de' Bardi got Hawkwood to promise to move on in 
 an amicable manner. This probably meant only a day's 
 march which cost Florence 350 florins paid to Hawkwood, 
 and 55 more for indemnity to Bardi for horses lost {per- 
 duti) on the occasion. Then there was alwaj's the fear July 1*. 
 of worse things, so much so that Giovanni di Porcellino 
 was sent to the Companjr as a spy under pretext of finding 
 certain boys who were said to have run away from Flo- 
 rence, and when Visconti wanted to return to the Flo- 
 rentine states, he (Porcellino) persuaded Hawkwood to pass 
 
56 A THUNDERING BULL. 
 
 wide of the city, sending warnings to all the places on 
 the chosen route. 
 
 These particulars are necessary to comprehend what a 
 terrible scourge these adventurers were, and why Italian 
 potentates, both great and small, were impatient to find 
 a remedy against them. 
 April 18. Pope Urban V had hurled a bull from Avignon begin- 
 
 ning Clamat ad nos de terra multorum fidelium effusus san- 
 guis innoxius, and following up with a highly coloured 
 description of the brigandish achievements of the compa- 
 nies, and invocations to Heaven for their extermination : 
 then he excommunicated the captains who did not disband 
 their armies, and rest <nv the lands they occupied: the princes 
 and republics, who hired them, and the lords and people 
 who served them ; he stained with infamy every one who 
 should take their part, and then with the attraction of ple- 
 nary absolution invited every body to fight against them. 
 After this thundering prelude, the Pope returned to his 
 favourite nostrum, of forming a general league against 
 the companies to expel them from Italy, and oblige them 
 to take up the cross against the Turks. The Emperor 
 Charles IV and nearly all the Italian princes and republics 
 adhered to it. Florence sent to Avignon, as ambassadors 
 for the treaty, personages no less than Francesco Bruni 
 and Giovanni Boccaccio, thus beginning to absolve herself 
 from the censure of having wished to employ the Company 
 of St. George. Even Bernabo Visconti seemed disposed to 
 withdraw his son Ambrogio from that career, and received 
 the approval of the Pope, who offered to annul all the 
 compacts made by different republics with the Condottieri. 
 But it was very difficult to come to any practical con- 
 clusion, for at that same time Florence was sending to 
 make excuses to Ambrogio, who had asked a loan of money, 
 and was also excusing herself to the Pope for her in- 
 ability to enter the league against the existing companies. 
 
AUTHORISED COMPANIES. 57 
 
 They had then to limit themselves to the more modest 1366. 
 object of preventing new bands from descending into Italy 
 or staying there, and they perforce resigned themselves 
 to the ones already existing, almost recognising that they 
 had acquired a right to, or even monopoly of the military 
 stipendiary. 
 
 This admitted, the act of the league stipulated in Flo- 
 rence, on September li), 1366 added : 
 
 The Companies which are at present in Italy are the Septemb. 19. 
 undermentioned and no others : 
 
 The (Jompan3 r of Signor Ambrogio (Visconti ; 
 The Company of Signor Giovanni Acuto (Hawkwood i : 
 The Company of Signor Annechino i^Bongarden) ; 
 The Company of Signor Conte Giovanni (Johann of 
 Eapsburg)." 
 
 But even with this limited scope the league did not 
 last. long. It was dissolved in December of the following 
 year, because Florence would have nothing to do with the 
 Emperor. 
 
 The Company of St. George lasted even less than the 
 league. It was completely defeated in the Kingdom of 
 Naples, and Ambrogio Visconti taken and kept as prisoner i367toi376 
 by Queen Joanna : while the remains of his band went to 
 reinforce Hawkwood, who had reappeai'ed before Siena. 1367. 
 For eight days he had been amicably furnished with pro- 
 visions, and was then obliged to take the usual refuge at 
 Pisa, the base of his operations. Here he was joined by his February. 
 old comrade the royal bastard Belmonte, who on his libe- 
 ration from prison in Perugia had got together a great 
 troop and refurnished them with arms. Thus strengthened, 
 the two Englishmen marched against the Perugians with 
 whom they had to settle an old account, the defeat they 
 suffered two years before. 
 
 At Montalcinello they encountered the Sienese who were 
 reinforced by the Perugians, and provided with Hungarian 
 
58 THE HALL OF BAD COUNSEL. 
 
 1367. and many other soldiers. The Sienese were completely 
 
 March 6. " . . , __ , . 
 
 routed, and their captain, the conservadore Ugolmo, was 
 taken prisoner and obliged to pay ten thousand florins of 
 March 29. ransom. Then the Perugians and Sienese were wholly 
 defeated at Ponte San Giovanni, where 1500 of their men 
 were killed, besides a great many horses. Their captain 
 (that German Paer who had signalized himself in the Flo- 
 rentine service, fighting against the English in the Mugello ) 
 and the Podesta of Perugia remained, prisoners. 
 
 Hawkwood and Belmonte were revenged to the full : 
 so much so that the Hall in which the Perugian magis- 
 trates had decided to give Belmonte his liberty, was called 
 tin' Hall of bad counsel (del mal consiglio . 
 
 IX. 
 
 THE DEFENCE OF BORGOFORTE. - DEFEAT AT AREZZO. 
 VICTORY AT CASCTNA. 
 
 [Cartiggio delta Signoria ttina. Miss. XIII. 38; XIV, 14 42, IS — Arcliiuio Storico I 
 
 liano, Appendix VII, 429 — Raniebi Sardo, Cronica pisana — Cronica pisana in 
 Mukatori [#. /. S.] — Giovio, Elogia virorum bdh<" virtutt illustrium — I.itta, Fa- 
 
 miglii ctlebri, Visconti — Sampson Lennard Eluemantlk, Heraldic I I. in the Rat'- 
 
 leyan MSS. 1178, 49 — Cobio, Storia d> Milano — Ghirardacci, Sloria boUgn 
 
 Mdratori [B. I. S.] — Manni, Diografa dell' Amto in Muratoei [K.l S.], Appendix 
 v. II — Giulini, Memorie di Milano — Donato Vellt/ti, Cronaca.] 
 
 The successes of the English caused great apprehension 
 to the Florentines, who had already sent the usual Doffo 
 di Bardi to hear whether Hawkwood would enter their 
 April 5. service, and to the captain himself they wrote : " Although 
 we have urgent need of soldiers, we are disposed to wait even 
 a month for you." He refused, pledging himself instead 
 to an agreement with Cardinal Albornoz, the Pope's legate, 
 on which the Signoria wrote to the Cardinal and sent 
 instructions to Bardi, and to their Ambassadors at Perugia, 
 
THE POPE AT SEA. 59 
 
 for they were afraid that the English after having drained 1367. 
 the territory of Perugia should turn their attention to the 
 Val d' Arno ; they feared also " the annoyances which such 
 people occasion even against the will of their captain. 
 For these reasons they were unwilling to grant them a 
 passage, even when they promised to make good the da- 
 mages. " Manage," so run the instructions, " that they 
 shall not pass over our territory as M. Giovanni has more 
 than once promised to do, to show the great love which 
 he sa3 _ s he bears us.... At least get them to pass by the 
 route which will do us the least harm, and at every place 
 where they encamp send us a messenger, that we may know 
 their movements." 
 
 After all, as soon as -the Pisan war was finished, rather 
 friendly relations were maintained, between Hawkwood and 
 Florence ; we have seen that the Florentines addressed 
 themselves especially to him in treating with the Company 
 of St. George ; it would seem as though he foresaw that 
 some day or other it would be to his interest to serve 
 Florence. 
 
 On the other hand the Sienese perceiving that the affair April 28. 
 was dragging on, decided to offer him money provided he 
 would quit the country, and as their treasury w T as empty 
 they contracted a loan on the wine duties.* 
 
 In fact he returned peacefully to Pisa where he was 
 accustomed to live at the " Inn of Martino " at Campe- 
 ronesi, an honorable house, apparently, as the daughter 
 of the Emperor Charles IV also lodged there, in 1369. 1369 - 
 
 Here they were preparing great things in honor of 1367. 
 Pope Urban V, who was coming to Itaky bj* sea from 
 Avignon. Pisa being Catholic wished to pay its respects to 
 the Pope — but being also Ghibelline, she took precautions 
 against the head of the Guelpli faction, who was to touch 
 
 * See Documents III. IV, V, VI. 
 
\ I OURTLY WEDDING. 
 
 at the port of Pi^a and land at Leghorn. The doge 
 Agnello therefore went to Leghorn with more than a 
 thousand cavaliers, led by Hawkwood; and the Pope, who 
 had persecuted the condottieri with excommunications and 
 treaties, was so afraid, that he would not disembark. 
 
 A little while after he had stopped the Pope, it fell to 
 Hawkwood's lot to stop the Emperor. 
 
 In 1368 he had returned to the. pay of Bernabo Vi- 
 sconti together with William Boson, conducting four thou- 
 sand Englishmen. His passage into Lombardy was pro- 
 bably connected with the arrival there of Lionel Duk>- 
 of Clarence, son of Edward III, of England ; who came 
 to celebrate his marriage with Yiolante, daughter of Ga- 
 leazzo Visconti and niece of Bernabo ::: and it is very likely 
 that he went to pay homage at the court of his own 
 Boyal Prince ; for we already know that all the English 
 adventurers in Italy stipulated a clause in all their con- 
 tracts affirming their loyalty to the King of England. 
 
 The ceremonials of this marriage, and the rich gifts to 
 the guests, with all other particulars, are amply described 
 by the Milanese chroniclers. 
 
 It was a. splendid wedding — Petrarch and the Conte 
 Verde were there — but to the Duke of Clarence it was 
 an ill-omened day, for by reason of a malad^y contracted 
 by the change of climate, or intemperance in the too 
 snmptrious nuptial banquets, or by other excesses, within 
 three months he had passed into the other world. 
 
 Then arose a contest between the English nobles of the 
 Duke's suite and (xaleazzo Visconti, who demanded the 
 restitution of the marriage portion (Alba, Mondovi, Che- 
 
 * Tlir Milanese annals say in general terms thai Lionel was accompanied 
 by about 2000 English, amongst whom were many archers. Giovioand Litta 
 positively affirm that Hawkwood was in the Duke's party, and the heraldic 
 book of Sampson Lennard Bhiemantle confirms the fact. 
 
[NUNDATIONS. 61 
 
 rasco, Cuneo, and Demonte). There is no sign that Hawk- L368. 
 wood was mixed up in this, indeed such a thing would 
 have been botli imprudent and useless. 
 
 Besides In- was otherwise employed on Bernabo's account. 
 This prince had erected a new bastion at Borgoforte on 
 the Po and stationed an Italian garrison, there, which by 
 reason of old rancours, had disagreed with the German mer- 
 cenaries in Visconti's pay, and was reduced to evil case. 
 so that Bernabo had to ride in great haste to the place, 
 where — order being restored — he placed the bastion un- 
 der the charge of Hawkwood's Englishmen. 
 
 Then the Emperor Charles IV came down from the May. 
 Alps and made common cause with the d' Estes and other 
 Italian princes against the Visconti, persuading them to 
 attack Borgoforte. It must be noted that what between 
 the Imperials (Bohemians, Sclavonians, Poles. G-risons and 
 Swiss i d' Este's Italians, those of Malatesta, and of Queen 
 Joanna; and the Church party which consisted of Bretons. 
 Gascons, and Provencals; as many as twenty thousand 
 combatants presented themselves before that fortress. 
 
 In the army of Visconti were Germans, English, Ita- 
 lians, Burgundians, all with the firm determination to 
 defend the bulwarks ; in those days a small place, well 
 provisioned and manned with a spirited garrison, might 
 defy even " an array sufficient to subjugate Italy." To 
 intercept succour, the d' Este party had launched on the 
 Po a fleet of galleys and other boats, and the river being 
 much swollen by the melting of the snows, the Imperia- 
 lists bethought themselves of breaking the banks above 
 Borgoforte, but the garrison knew how to save itself from 
 the inundation, and returned it by breaking the banks 
 towards the valley by night, thus flooding the plains of 
 Mantua, and the entrenchments of the Imperial camp. 
 Charles IV was obliged to raise his camp, and shut himself 
 up in 3Iantua, after which, on account of the damage he 
 
62 THE FEAST OF SAM VITO 
 
 1308. had suffered, and of the scarcity of provisions, he hastened 
 to agree to Bernabo's terms. 
 
 &' 
 
 Tins brilliant operation completed, Hawkwood was com- 
 missioned to conduct a large force in aid of the Perugians, 
 who had obtained the alliance of the Visconti in a war 
 with Arezzo and the Pope. He crossed the Bolognese ter- 
 ritory and the Romagna, without difficulty, giving it out 
 that he was a captain on his adventures; and pretending 
 that he was dismissed by Visconti and desirous of hiring 
 himself to the Church, lie comported himself " honestly, 
 modestly, and quietly." Guided by a certain Monaldi, the 
 Perugian ambassador, he arrived under Arezzo, but there 
 he was completely defeated. 
 
 Ser Gorello of Arezzo celebrated this rout in endeca- 
 syllabic triplets, but it will be better for us to hear the 
 official report which the commune of Arezzo sent to the 
 June 15 Pope,* from which it results : 
 
 That the English were encamped in the plain near the 
 city, about a mile from the Porta, Buja, that they were 
 attacked by all the Aretian army both foot and horse, by 
 the soldiers of the Church commanded by Simone di Spoleto, 
 and by two German bands, led by Flaxen von Riesach and 
 Johann von Rieten. The combat was long and fierce, the 
 deaths many, even among the higher grades, and finally 
 the English were defeated and almost all taken prisoners 
 including their captain " Signor Giovanni Haud " i Hawk- 
 wood), and many cavaliers, together with the unfortunate 
 Dinolo di Bindo ilonaldi, the Perugian ambassador. 
 
 The honours of the day, according to the popular poet, 
 were given to the saints Vito and Modesto, whose feasl 
 it chanced to be ; but, according to the official relation, 
 they were principally rendered to the German " Rieten 
 
 * See Document VII. 
 
ENGLISH INDEPENDENCE. 63 
 
 who was knighted, " as was proper to his most excellent i ir - 
 valour." 
 
 The poet Her Gorello says that " Messer Giovanni Agudo"' 
 \ Eawkwood 
 
 Sconfitto hi. e tutta sua brigata 
 Con grande mio onor allor fu pn 
 
 (Was defeated, and all his brigade 
 To my great honor was then taken.) 
 
 This would leave the imprisonment of Hawkwood doubt- 
 ful, but the aforesaid official report is too explicit not 
 to be admitted as truth.* In fact for some time the chro- 
 nicles and histories are silent about him. Had he been 
 free, he would not have been so long with his hands in 
 his waistbelt. 
 
 We do not find him mounted again till a year after- 
 wards ; without doubt he was ransomed, and in the mean- 
 time had been reconstructing his Company. English mer- 
 cenaries were everywhere, the Pope had some troops of 
 them, and the republic of Pisa had a great many lances.** 
 
 And here it must be told how the Patriarch of Aqui- 
 leja, who had come to Pisa as the vicar of the Emperor, 
 demanded the oath of fealty from the horse troops, and 
 how all gave it except the English, from whom the Pa- 
 
 * Ghirardacci, Buonincontri ami others refer the pretended imprisonment 
 ■ ■I' Hawkwood t" his battle against the Perugians in 1365 ; they were probably 
 drawn into error by this real captivity following the defeat in 1368 when 
 he marched t" the succour of Perugia. 
 
 ** In fact in March 1369 a ' Ser I'iero notary and public writer to the 
 administration of the cavalry of the Commune of Pisa was, by order of the 
 Anziaui, paid the fees and salary due to him from the English mercenary 
 lens,, troops for his fees on tie- occasion of the " mostre " (show) at Cascina. 
 He was reimbursed 30 lire and 8 soldi, at the rate of one soldo a month 
 for every posts (five lances) and the payments were made for two months. 
 They therefore amounted to 15 lire and 4 soldi a month, which would mean 
 a considerable number of " poste " and brigades. In another Pisan document 
 of the sane year, for the usual anticipation of pay on account, there are 
 many English names among the 16 leaders of brigades specified. 
 
64 A BELEAGUERED PONTIFF. 
 
 1368. triarch had to content himself with a simple promise oi 
 obedience. Italians and ultramontanes recognized the direct 
 or indirect sovereignty of the Emperor, the English on the 
 other hand kept their insular independent nationality, loyal 
 only to their own king. 
 
 Hawkwood's faithful sponsor the Doge Agnello had 
 been exiled from Pisa, and so our hero had to seek else- 
 where the elements to reconstitute his band. 
 
 When the troops were in order, by the commission of 
 
 Bernabo Visconti, whose pay he pretended to accept, he 
 
 actually moved again to aid the Perugians who rebelled 
 
 i 169. against the Pope, and rode into the Papal States. 
 ,in " ' . . 
 
 The Emperor, on hearing this news, wrote bitterly to 
 
 ( ialeazzo Visconti, complaining that he was opposing the 
 
 Church " nephandam illam Sathane congregationem societatis 
 
 Anglicaz, cuius capitaneus Iohannes <1< Acuto dicitur;' and 
 
 he wrote desiring Bernabo to recall the Company. 
 
 Fruitless words. 
 
 The Pope after having been blockaded for some time 
 in Montefiascone, where the English arrows reached him 
 even in the Palace, was able to retire to Viterbo publish- 
 ing solemn condemnations against the Perugians; who 
 August s. under the guidance of Hawkwood responded by encamping 
 at Viterbo, where they occupied Montalto, and burned the 
 vines of the surrounding country under the very eyes of 
 the Pope. 
 
 The' Pontiff promised indulgences to whoever would 
 fight for him, and gave the Byzantine Emperor John Pa- 
 lseologus the faculty to call the Company into tin' East, 
 absolving them from the oaths which hound them to their 
 employers in the West. 
 
 Hawkwood preferred to follow his career in Italy and 
 
 remained faithful to Bernabo who recalled him into Tu- 
 
 End of scany to assist San Miniato which was besieged b} r the 
 
 November. 
 
 Florentines. 
 
AT SAN MINI A I" 65 
 
 The plan of Bernabo was on a vast scale : he intended i369. 
 to take Leghorn, to attempt Pisa, to make war against 
 the Ubaldini in the Casentino, so as to cut off the Flo- 
 rentines from all their commercial roads by mountain, and 
 by sea, and tints to starve her out, while the}' scoured the 
 country. This scheme was discovered by means of an 
 intercepted letter. For the rest, Bernabo would have 
 scrupulously respected the Sienese territory.* The war 
 was tints restricted to the neighbourhood of San Miniato. 
 
 San Miniato " al Tedesco, " the usual seat of the Im- 
 perial vicars in Tuscany, was a place as important to tin 
 Ghibellines as it was to the Guelphs. To put himself within 
 range of it and await an occasion to provide provisions, 
 Hawkwood took up his position at Cascina on the Arno. 
 Here he had been beaten by the Florentines in 1364, and 
 here he now had a chance of obtaining a brilliant revenge. 
 
 Although reinforced by Flaxen and by Messer Anisi di 
 Natene or Rieten (the two German conquerers at Arezzo), 
 up to two thousand horse, he only had at his own 
 disposal five hundred men-at-arms. These were however 
 the " finest and the best-armed men that ever existed and 
 they would fight against a thousand men." The Floren- 
 tines also had a very fine army under San Miniato, — three 
 thousand in all, between cavalry and infantry, and four 
 hundred cross-bowmen. They flattered themselves that they 
 would win a second victory at Cascina, and their commis- 
 saiy at the camp, a certain Cavicciuli, constrained the 
 captain Giovanni Malatacca of Reggio, reluctantly to attack 
 Hawkwood ; — the priors at Florence talked of sending to 
 Malatacca the heart of an ox (hue) ** " as a reproof for so 
 much jmtdence." 
 
 The English had got up a great many boats from Pisa, Decemb.i-< 
 
 * See Document VIII. 
 ** The word " bue " i* used for " ox " and ' dunce." — (Translator.) 
 
THE COURAGE OF WINE. 
 
 to forage on the other side of the Amo, and they were 
 tranquilly preparing their rations, when the alarm was 
 given by the bells of Pontedera ringing a stormo to signify 
 the passage of troops. They were scarcely in time to 
 barricade the trench and place themselves on foot with 
 lances in hand, when the Florentine vanguard of four 
 hundred horse was upon them. They too dismounted and 
 began to use their hands. More than five hundred lances 
 having been broken and about five and twenty men killed, 
 Hawkwood had recourse to one of his favourite statagems 
 to decide the affair. He made believe to retreat and ap- 
 peared to be fording the Amo at any cost, while he had 
 placed his best troops in ambush with orders not to move 
 till the Florentines had crossed. The pages of the English 
 lances " went down to the river with the horses as if 
 to seek the ford ; this being observed by some cavalier-;, 
 was reported to the Florentines, who were thereby per- 
 suaded that the enemy were flying as vanquished. The 
 unlucky Cavicciuli obliged Malatacca to " follow up the 
 victory," that is, to fall into the trap ; eight hundred horse 
 which were sent along the river to take the English in 
 the flank, sank in the soft earth ; and to make the storj 
 short, the Florentines over zealous, over tired, and disor- 
 dered, attacked on both sides, remained in the claws of 
 the pincers. Their captain was wounded, and Cavicciuli 
 with many knights of rank, t wo thousand horses and two 
 thousand men were all taken prisoners. It was said that 
 to give himself courage Malatacca had drunk too much 
 wine at the beginning of the fray and then went through 
 the battle intoxicated, wherefore he vowed an oath and 
 kept it, never to drink another drop — but this was Flo- 
 rentine gossip. 
 
 The state banner of Florence was sent as a trophy to 
 Bernabo who had gone to Sarzana, and who from thence 
 reinforced his troops encamped on the Amo, with a thou- 
 
AN UNLUCKY CHRONICLER. 67 
 
 sand men commanded by Federigo Gonzaga, sending also i> 
 
 the pay due to the troops in action. 
 
 In spite of the victory and reinforcements, the Visconti 
 obtained no conclusive results. They sold their spoil at 
 Pisa and then Laving equipped themselves anew, indulged 
 in their favorite occupations of sacking the land, stealing 
 fodder and cattle, and putting the peasauts to flight, 
 destroying, cutting, and burning. " At my place," sighs 
 the old chronicler Sardi, " they pulled the portico at Ora- 
 toio down to the ground, set fire to the woodwork and cut 
 the poles : they burned a great deal of my stores, with 
 beams, benches, and cupboards, bedsteads, stools, and ward- 
 robes, which were worth altogether more than two hun- 
 dred lire. The Lord destroy them all." 
 
 It was the end of December, the English were making 
 fires to warm themselves ! 
 
 X. 
 
 CAMPAIGN IN LOMBARDY FOR AND AGAINST BERNABO VISCONTI. 
 
 [Letter of Urban V, December 7, in Raynaldi's Annals— Marchionne m Coppo Stefaxi, 
 ChronicU — Lrici Osio, Milanest dip — Ranieri Sarlm>, Pisan c/i**o- 
 
 nicle — Annates mediolanenses in Muhatori [I: I. S ] — Ghirardacci, Storie bolognesi 
 — Ckronicon placeniinum in Muratori [B. I. S.} — Vatican archives, liitroiius et 
 txpensa Camera apostolicce 1373 and Regesti of Gregory XL] 
 
 The victory of Cascina had been no doubt a great 
 achievement for Hawkwood: he had terrified the Pope and 
 other enemies of Bernabo, but the principal object of the 
 campaign had failed : the English managed to get two 
 convoys of provisions into San Miniato, but nevertheless 
 they could not prevent Roberto dei Conti Guidi (the new 
 Florentine captain) from reinforcing the camp which sur- 
 rounded the town ; this inaction was attributed by some 
 to a lack of forage, by a few to want of money, and by 
 
68 A RASH KNIGHT. 
 
 others to bad weather and worse roads; the fact remains 
 that the Florentines, coming to an understanding with 
 the inhabitants, regained San Miniato, town and castle. 
 
 Hence Franco Sacchetti, storyteller and popular poet, 
 sang in one of his sonnets : 
 
 1/ alto rimedio >li Fiorenza mag as 
 Ognor si vede quando e i><>i perduto: 
 Biscia, ne serpe, ne Giovanni Aguto 
 Per sun oprar mm gli dara maigagna.* 
 
 (Grand remedies has Florence! for more greal 
 Does she become, tin- mure thai all seems lost: 
 No viper, snake.** nor e'en great Kawkwood's host 
 Can, by their deeds, work ruin to her high state.) 
 
 Nothing remained to Hawkwood except the satisfaction 
 of riding on under the walls of Florence as tar as the 
 banks of the Mugnone, and the pleasure of running races 
 and creating knights, one of whom, a Milanese named Pu- 
 sterla, had no sooner won his spurs, than he must needs 
 venture rashly beneath the very walls, and was taken. 
 In Florence it was believed that Hawkwood was endea- 
 vouring to produce some rising or insurrection among 
 the citizens of Florence, a thing possible enough, if Ber- 
 nabo had been a tolerant person instead of a- hateful 
 tyrant. 
 
 January 16. Many of the English were taken prisoners at Prato 
 whither they had ventured hoping to find favour. 
 
 January i". Meanwhile in San Miniato, which was again in the 
 hands of the Guelphs, — the Pope, the Florentines, Pisans. 
 Venetians, Genoese, Bolognese, and Perugians. were sti- 
 pulating one of their usual platonic leagues, to prohibit 
 mercenary companies in Tuscany. 
 
 For these lines from the autograph poem, we are indebted l" tie' 
 
 rtesj "l Doctor Salomons Morpurgo who is about to publish i mplete 
 
 edition of ' Franco Sacchetti." 
 
 TIh viper was the ensign of tie- Visconti. ( Translator.) 
 
A.N UNDESIRABLE VISIT. 
 
 In any way Bernabo's army put itself in readiness to 1370. 
 recross the Apennines, and Visconti notified to Lodovico 
 Gonzaga Lord of Mantua, that his captains Federigo Gron- Februarj e 
 zaga, Achud (Hawkwood), h'ieten and Rod, being unwilling 
 to remain longer in Tuscany for lack of provisions, hail 
 demanded and obtained permission to transfer themselves 
 with their brigades into Lombardy, where Signor Ghiido- 
 savina of Fogliano, once their comrade, had promised 
 them supplies; — from this we gather that they were to 
 have paid a " visit " to Signor Guidosavina and his territory. 
 
 Bernabo liked a jest and delighted in ironical language 
 even in diplomacy, but it is certain that the Lord of 
 Fogliano would willingly have done without that visit so 
 politely announced. However this might 1"' the visit was 
 put off. Hawkwood lingered by the way, to make a useless 
 attempt at a coup de main " on Lucca, and on Pisa (this February 15 
 was certainly on account of the exiled doge Agnelloj re- 
 quiting himself by capturing prisoners both male and female, 
 and damaging the country to the worth of 10,000 florins. 
 
 Giovanni Agnello was obstinate in determining to 
 regain his lost dominion in Pisa, and to re-attempt this, 
 he made an agreement with his friend Bernabo. taking 
 into his pay a thousand horse, and twelve thousand foot- 
 soldiers conducted by Johann Rieten and Andrea di Rod, 
 under the supreme command of Hawkwood, who with these 
 forces recrossecl the Apennines in the spring, and encamped May 19. 
 under Pisa, where he tried to scale the walls but in vain. 
 The Pisans even took, quartered and hung on the battle- 
 ments of the walls a ''slave of an Englishman " (uno schiavo 
 degli Inghilesi). 
 
 As a slight recompense, Hawkwood took Leghorn instead 
 of Pisa, and went on as far as Piombino, but having heard 
 that six thousand horse under Rodolfo Varano were con- 
 centrated at Empoli (on the part of the Guelphic league) 
 he recrossed the mountains with the greatest solicitude. Jun« 13. 
 
70 REGGIO BLOCKADED. 
 
 1370. \ isconti was preparing new work i'or him in Lombardy, 
 
 j u iy is. and with his usual hypocrisy wrote to Lodovico Gonzaga 
 that llawkwood, Rieten and Rod, with their comrades, 
 without either his wish or command had entered the states 
 of Parma; hence and in as much as Cardinal Albanesc' 
 and his colleagues of the Church, were opposing him in 
 his pretences to the territory of Reggio, he had decided 
 to make terms with the said companies, giving them money 
 enough to induce them instead of damaging his lands, to 
 aid his captain Wulf von Grovenich. " He concluded with 
 " We then will go to Parma, so that if our enemies want 
 to fight, we may induce them to make a " good fat war " 
 (una buona e pingue guerra). He had blockaded Reggio, 
 where his three thousand pioneers had rapidly constructed 
 two strung bastions or ramparts, a mile away (according 
 August i»'. to the measurement of the time). These were Hawkwood's 
 chief support, and he displayed his resolution to take the 
 city : but he let himself be drawn off by riding with two 
 thousand cavalry to the gates of Bologna. The garrison 
 of Reggio and the members of the league — who, conducted 
 by Manno Donati (the hero of the first battle of Cascina i 
 and by Feltrino Gonzaga, had taken the field to help her — 
 profited by this error ; they attacked and took posses- 
 
 Called Cardinal Albanese because he was bishop of Albano — he is known 
 also :is Cardinal Anglico or Angelico, and as Egidio Grimaldi or Girimoardi ; 
 In' was a certain Grimoaldo of Grisant, of English origin, and lie resided in 
 Bologna as vice-regent of the Romagna for Urban V. lb- bad risen because 
 he was related to Pope Innocent VI, who created him bishop of Avignon, 
 ))iit was not liked in bis office as we perceive from two epigrams which we 
 have read on t be frontispiece of the Kegestum Litterarum Camerariis aposto- 
 lids, 1364-69, in the Vatican archives: 
 
 Anglicus >< tergo caudam gerit t est pecus ergo ; 
 Cum tibi dicit ave, stent ab hoste cave. 
 
 Anglicus angelus est 
 
 Cui nnmquam credere fas est. 
 
 a parody on Gregory the Great's famous play on words. 
 
1371. 
 February. 
 
 FIKE8 OF JOY. 71 
 
 sion of the bastiuns. conducting into the city two hun- 
 dred paii - of oxeu with their respective herdsmen, taken 
 from among the baggage. Hawkwood returned too late 
 fi ']• the success of the action, he fought with valour but 
 "lily just succeeded in retreating and enclosing himself 
 in the fortresses of the Parmigiano. All this occasioned 
 Bernabo immense regret. Hawkwood was unable to regain 
 a. victory till the winter, when Rosso dei Ricci and the 
 Conte Lupo, captains for the league, retreated after a 
 vain attack of Mirandola. He surprised and routed them 
 when fatigued by marching through the snow, and took 
 Ricci prisoner; and this time Bernabo could keep the feast 
 with fires of joy. 
 
 The Florentines next sent the Conte Lucius Landau 
 against Hawkwood with five thousand " barbute " (lances 
 of two men each) and he held his own with success, so 
 that Bernabo was quite content to reconfirm those stout 
 Englishmen in his pay, and was yet more content the 
 following year when Hawkwood, together with Ambrogio 1372 
 Visconti, who had finally been released from his Neapo- 
 litan dungeon, at length routed the army of the league 
 at Rubiera. 
 
 After this victory the two condottieri had gone with 
 four hundred lances to reinforce Galeazzo Visconti at the 
 siege of Asti, and they fought in various bloody frays 
 against Count Verde's followers, who took the field in aid 
 of the town, — in this way they had taken one bastion 
 erected to damage the camp, and had completed two, which 
 placed Asti in great peril. 
 
 Hawkwood had always distinguished himself amongst 
 adventurers for his fidelity; the astonishment was conse- 
 quently universal when it was understood that he had September. 
 struck his tents and deserted with all his band. The cause 
 of this defection is not very clear. According to the Annali 
 
 tune L'. 
 
72 S< i:i\ ENEKS IN (AMP. 
 
 Milanesi, Hawkwood withdrew because he was not allowed 
 
 to make a serious attack on the Conte Verde, even though 
 he felt certain of victory. This was probably because the 
 youthful Conte di Virtu was among the troops with many 
 other young Lombard nobles, and his mother Donna Bianca 
 Visconti had commanded Stefano Porro and Cavallino 
 de' Cavalli his chancellor or notary, not to allow these 
 young sprigs of nobility to run the risk of an engagement. 
 It must have been in this way that 'the advice of " those 
 scribbling notaries " prevailed, and possibly for this reason 
 Hawkwood protested that " he did not choose to regulate 
 himself in military matters according to the counsel .of 
 scriveners " {de escrivcms). We may observe that Bianca 
 Visconti was the sister of Conte Verde, and hence it was 
 most natural that she sought to prevent decisive battles, 
 in which either her son or her brother might be much 
 injured. That the siege failed on account of the departure 
 of the Conte di Virtu is confirmed by many other sources. 
 They add also that Hawkwood just then received orders 
 from Bernabo to ride towards Reggio with his three hun- 
 dred lances and his two hundred archers, and that Galeazzo 
 Visconti complained to his brother that the Englishman 
 had not done his duty before the walls of Asti, not having 
 obeyed orders, and having spoiled the country. 
 
 It seemed to Bernabo a good reason to diminish the 
 pay of his captain. Hawkwood wanted nothing better: 
 he came to an understanding with the Legate of Bologna 
 and passed straightway into the pay of the '' shepherds 
 of the Church " and under the orders of Aymero di Pom- 
 merio and Dondacio Malvicino, captains of the league. By 
 his aid the Visconti were prevented from erecting two new 
 fortresses as they had intended to do near Modena. Borgo- 
 novo was taken, and after a fierce battle Broni also capi- 
 tulated, and all the territory was laid waste between the 
 rivers Panaro and Trebbia. 
 
PAPAL EPISTLES. 73 
 
 Winter quarters were not necessary to ultramontane 1373 
 
 Beginning 
 
 adventurers : they made campaigns in all seasons, and Bo- »i January. 
 logna being menaced by Giannotto Visconti's eight hun- 
 dred lances, Hawkwood hastened thither, where the mere 
 announcement of his vicinity was sufficient to induce the 
 Visconti to retreat. Seconded by the Bolognese, Hawkwood 
 confronted them on the Panaro and after a fierce engagement 
 of one hour, Visconti was completely discomfited, losing 
 two thousand out of his three thousand men, some being- 
 killed and others drowned ; he himself found difficulty 
 in fleeing with only three hundred lances. The victors 
 triumphed at Bologna, on account of the many knights 
 they had taken prisoners, and the abundant spoil, but they 
 did not long remain idle. 
 
 At that time John Brise,* one of Hawkwood' s comrades, 
 being dispatched as ambassador of the Company to Pope 
 'xregory XI, returned from Avignon with two letters from January 15. 
 the Pontiff to his captain. 
 
 In one (the ostensible one) the Pope asserted that he 
 had listened benignly to all that Brise had explained in 
 the interest of the Company, and that his reply would be 
 given by Brise viva voce, adding a warm exhortation to 
 fight the villanous Bernabo (lo scellerato Bernabd); he prayed 
 the English to have patience in the matter of stipends, 
 promising that they should be carefully provided by the 
 Cardinal of St. Angelo. 
 
 The other letter (private) gave notice that the Abbot 
 Berengarius, legate at Piacenza, was planning some sche- 
 mes there, for the execution of which he would require 
 Hawkwood's men ; he therefore prayed him that, on the 
 
 * In the documents at Avignon the name is written Britz, the Perugian 
 chronicler has it Breccia, elsewhere it is Birche, but in the Lucchese Bris 
 and Briz ; therefore we write Brise, a name still known in the county of 
 Essex where Hawkwood lived. — (It might lie also one of the more common 
 names of Brice or Birch. — Translator.) 
 
7 1 SMALL EXPENSES. 
 
 1373. request of the Abbot, he would mount quickly and secretly, 
 with all or a part of his brigade : " in fact it is needful 
 as you know, that this should be kept secret and i^erformed 
 with rapidity." * 
 
 The Abbot had bribed several of the nobles of tin 
 district of Piacenza against Bemabo — they talked of oc- 
 cupying the forts and ruling them for the Church. Tin- 
 February- Pontifical instructions were precisely followed out in spite 
 of very bad weather, and although the Pope did not pay the 
 stipends either punctually or in full. 
 
 Some little money was sent from Avignon — we have 
 a curious document respecting it — the order of the Papal 
 May. treasurer to pay to Issarmida the Jew the small sum due 
 "pro certa tela empta jut cam et pro cotone ad faciendum gar- 
 nichones per portandurn pecunias necessarias pro stipendiariis 
 Domini Paper ad gut nam Romance Eccle&ice /» r partes Italia. 
 
 Hawkwood therefore remained creditor for a large sum, 
 but he resigned himself, well knowing that means would 
 not be wanting wherewith to reimburse himself on the 
 States of the Church, as we shall see. 
 
 XL 
 
 A BATTLE REGAINED. 
 COERESPONDENCE WITH GREGORY XI. 
 
 [Letter of Bernabo \<.><j>Ut to Lodovico Ooneaga in tin. Milam i umei '• pu- 
 
 blished by Luigi Osio — Vatican archives, Hegesti di Gregorio XI ami Introit 
 expensa Camera apostolica 1373 — Watteo de' Gbxfonx, Memorial* storico — Fboxssabt, 
 Ckronicles — Chronicon plactntinum. Chronicon rhegiense, Chronicon sstenst - Ghibab 
 dacci, Stortt bolognesi in Mihatori [B. 1. 5.] — Guichenok, Histoire genealogy 
 la maison ■/( Savoit — Annates mediolanenjes in Mcratobj [H. LS.] I 
 
 To ensure the success of the Guelphic League, a French 
 ■ iirjis led by the Lord ofCouc}- was added to their forces. 
 
 See .1 documents IX and X. 
 
A KING'S DAUGHTER. 75 
 
 Bernabo Visconti however did not lose courage, on tln j 1373. 
 contrary he borrowed some troops from his brother Ga- 
 leazzo, and disposed himself to " requite in good earnest 
 the Lord of Cossi " (Coucy) ami Sir John Hawkwood, as 
 well as the Count vi Savoy. April 20. 
 
 The Conte Verde was just at that time rashly employed 
 in throwing a bridge across the Adda at Brivio ; it was 
 of great importance to the league to disengage their ally ; 
 consequently, at the solicitation of the Papal Legate and 
 the Pope's letters,* Hawkwood, Ooucy, and Aymer de Pom- 
 merio, captains for the Church, left Ferrara and crossed 
 the Po by the bridge of Stellata. Visconti's army inarched 
 against them led by the Conte di Virtu and Annechin Bon- 
 garden, and the opposing ranks confronted each other on 
 the river Chiese. May 7. 
 
 The ranks of the Visconti numbered a thousand five 
 hundred lances chiefly Germans and Hungarians, and four 
 thousand foot. Hawkwood and de Coucy only had six 
 hundred lances and seven hundred archers besides the 
 provvisionati** infantry, and some civic volunteers under 
 a certain Malatesta ; nevertheless Coucy with his French 
 impetuosity did not hesitate to make the attack, and Hawk- 
 wood was constrained to support him ; indeed if we may 
 believe Froissart, he willingly did so " because Coucy had 
 married a daughter of the King of England." After a short- 
 conflict of an hour, the army of the league being discom- 
 fited began to flee, and that of the Visconti, stipendiaries 
 and plunderers, dedicated their attention to spoil. Hawk- 
 wood, taking refuge on the heights of Montechiaro, saw 
 that they might make an attempt to retrieve their defeat 
 and though he only had the provvisionati, the volunteer-, 
 and very few mercenaries under his standard, he reorganized 
 
 * See Document XI. 
 
 : * The provvisionati were peasant infantry recruited in haste, and poorly 
 paid. 
 
76 MATERNAL PRESENTIMENTS FULFILLED. 
 
 1373. them, and with Malatesta fell unexpectedly on the enemy 
 while they vere intent on spoil. His quick glance and 
 resolution changed defeat into victory. Bongarden's Ger- 
 mans gave themselves to flight on the instant ; the Lom- 
 bards made a long and useless resistance. 
 
 Not only the camp remained in the English possession, 
 but two hundred prisoners besides, amongst whom were 
 Francesco d' Este, Gabriotto di Canossa, Francesco di Sas- 
 suolo, and about thirty of the best nobility of Lombardy 
 who had to disburse great ransoms. The Conte di Virtu 
 left his helmet and lance, he was thrown to the ground 
 and he too would have been in the enemy's hands, if a 
 good many of his faithful followers hail not defended him 
 and found him another horse. The maternal presentiments 
 of Donna Bianca were thus fulfilled. 
 
 Hawkwood however was not intoxicated with success: 
 he, coolly considering the superior forces of which the 
 Visconti could yet dispose, the many dead and wounded 
 which the battle had cost the conquerors, the difficulty of 
 finding provisions, and the hostility of the peasants, feared 
 he might be cut off from his base of operations if he 
 advanced. He thought it would be rash to attempt to 
 join Conte Verde, though that would have been the total 
 rum of the Visconti ; so riding day and night he retreated 
 to Bologna to recover his strength and dragged to prison 
 there all the captives who had been unable to pay their 
 ransoms. He justly considered that the effect of the defeat 
 would be enough to prevent the Visconti from attacking 
 the Count of Savoy who was able to rejoin Hawkwood at 
 Bologna, and concert a plan to lay siege to Piacenza, which 
 was not carried out, solely because the Conte Verde fell ill. 
 
 The knowledge of these successes did not reach Avignon 
 
 very rapidly: a certain Francesco, messenger of the Lord 
 
 June 2. of Mantua, was the first who carried the news of victory, 
 
THE POPE'S EMPTY FAVORS. ■' 
 
 and lie got a present of twenty five florins. Then there 
 came the official report, brought by the noble donzcllo Pie- 
 tro di Murles, who had been sent to the camp with a letter 
 from the Pope to exhort Eawkwood to join Conte Verde." 
 Being an employe of the court and of noble birth. Murles 
 had a present of thirty florins: and Hawkwood received 
 an eloquent Papal letter which exalted the triumph ' of 
 the few over the many, of the invaded over the invaders "(?). 
 
 The Pope also added that he had heard of the retreat 
 to Bologna, but he limited himself to expressing his opi- 
 nion that it would have been better to continue the onward 
 march, and besought Hawkwood that he would effect as 
 soon as possible the junction with Amedeo Count of Savoy, 
 captain general of the war, on the upper Milanese terri- 
 tory ; so as " not to give the defeated eneni}- time to take 
 breath." 
 
 He sent no money for the arrears of pay ; he promised 
 however to provide against these, as well as other arrears, 
 assuring Hawkwood that he and the Cardinal legate were 
 engaged on the subject and he recommended the English 
 meanwhile to have filial patience** [JigliaU pazienza). He 
 could hope for little while paying nothing, — besides the 
 victoiy of the Chiese had cost Hawkwood's Company very 
 dear, and therefore in a successive letter, while expressing 
 his astonishment that " Bernabo, that son of Belial, should 
 have lost neither city, fortress or town of any sort," the 
 Pope enlarged into most tender expressions towards the 
 English condottiere: " We have in our own heart to regard 
 with serene countenance and to anticipate at all times 
 with our best favors your most amiable person, who rests 
 nearest to our heart." *** 
 
 This last letter served as a letter of recommendation 
 to the noble Ugo di Rnpe, cavalier and master of the 
 
 * See Document XI. ** See Document XII. 
 
 "** See Document XIII. 
 
78 SIE JOHN BRISE. 
 
 1378. sacro ospizio (knights hospitaller) who was senf to Eawk- 
 wood with verbal instructions, and then the campaign was 
 recommenced. 
 
 July 17. Bernabo wrote to Gonzaga : " AVe have heard that Hawk- 
 
 wood and his brigade are reformed and all united together." 
 In fact the English provided for the defence of the ter- 
 ritory of Piacenza, and entered into the lower Milanese pro- 
 vince thus rendering possible a rebellion of peasants in 
 the Bergamasco, which cost Ambrogiuolo Visconti his life. 
 It cannot be said that Hawkwood failed in his duty ; 
 
 j 1374 ' *' or ' as * n ^ e P rece( ii u g winter, he repeated an incursion 
 in which Castel San Giovanni was taken for the Car- 
 dinal legate, and finding that the Visconti, profiting by 
 his withdrawal, had marched to menace Bologna, he ra- 
 pidly retraced his steps falling on the flank of the inva- 
 ders. They attempted to fly, but having found a broken 
 bridge, they were constrained to fight with the English, 
 and with the populace who had emerged from Bologna, 
 and thus being taken in the midst they sustained a com- 
 plete defeat. 
 
 The Pope on the other hand continued to pay the En- 
 glish with fine words. Hawkwood therefore first sent the 
 noble knight Sir John Brise, then he wrote, and not re- 
 ceiving anything but vague promises * by message or 
 letter he sent his secretary, with instructions to propose 
 some formal agreement. Amongst other things he de- 
 manded that the number of lances should be augmented, 
 which would only have served to increase the amount of 
 arrears. Perhaps this was exactly what he would have 
 liked, hoping to get himself paid in landed possessions, but 
 it was denied. On the other point we only know that the 
 secretary had to give him verbal answers conveying the 
 
 • See Documents XIV and XV. 
 
ST. PETER IN PERSON 79 
 
 good intentions of the Pontiff.* "We may believe that 1174. 
 these were sufficiently satisfactory, as Hawkwood conti- 
 nued in his service. 
 
 A little while after the Pope sent his donzello 1 usher) 
 Giovanni de Canis with ample letters of recommendation 
 and orders to follow out the commissions which this gen- 
 tleman should communicate either verbally or in writing 
 
 Meanwhile the Visconti had laid siege to Vercelli : 
 every day the besieging forces increased, and the city 
 suffered greatly from famine. On this account the Pope, 
 who had at first commissioned Hawkwood to keep in the 
 vicinity of Parma and Piacenza, finding that the enemies 
 in those parts had withdrawn, begged him to fly to the 
 succour of the besieged town, leaving a sufficient garri- 
 son at Bologna, in agreement with Cardinal Sant'Angelo, 
 vicar general; and he assmvd him that "the prince of the 
 apostles in person would accompany him in his march." 
 The Pope wrote a separate letter in the same tenor to 
 John Thornbury marshal, praying him to exhort Hawkwood 
 to the enterprise, he recommended his donzello De Canis 
 to Thornbury as well as to Hawkwood. He had given 
 Pietro de Murles recommendations to several of the other 
 marshals, — Brise for example; and he had written letters 
 like the one to Hawkwood, to both the above, as well as 
 to Cook, constable, and Thomelino de Bellomonte marshal and 
 Guglielmo Martedonis (?) captain, to beg them to be patient 
 in regard to pay, which serves to show that in the English 
 Company, the autority of the captain general was tempered 
 by the counsel and consent of the officers. The inarch to 
 Vercelli was not effected after all. Hawkwood continued 
 to encamp near Piacenza and the lower Parmese territory, 
 spoiling the land " so that the corn could not be sown 
 in the fields, which proved a great injury for the follow- 
 
 * See Document XVI. ** See Document XVII. 
 
 *** See Document XVIII. 
 
80 PEACE. 
 
 1374. ing year." Then, Laving nothing fco do when a truce 
 was concluded between the Church and the Visconti, he 
 passed into Tuscany. 
 
 Ml. 
 
 THE EXHORTATION OF s.ylNT CATHERINE. 
 I HE llni.Y COMPANY. 
 
 [hrtttrs oi Saint Catherine or Siena Tommaseo's edition, v II — D.M. Manni, Biograjia 
 dell' Acuto in MvEATuRT f/i'.7.6'], v. II oi the Appendix — Padre Gazzata I 
 in Muratoei |/i'. /. S ] — <.ka/.i\m Pemgian vkrotiich A.lessakdro Gherardi, I.a 
 tjiu i , a digit otto santi (The war oi the eight saints), [rcliivio storico italiano~- !; I fi] i 
 Saki>", Pisan chronich ~ Oltatt (poem in tines of eight) inserted in the Cltronit ■ oi 
 
 III! A.KOKYMOCS FLORENTINE 111 MuRATOKl [B. 1. S | ] 
 
 And here at length the long account of the incessanl 
 wars with which the foreign mercenaries outraged Italy 
 is interrupted by a few words of peace. She who pro- 
 nounces them is a humble nun, but a worthy woman both 
 in mind and heart, — Catherine of Siena. 
 
 Gregory XI had inherited from his predecessor the 
 idea of liberating the peninsula and the ultramontane 
 countries from the adventurers, by inducing them to go 
 across the sea to fight for the Holy Sepulchre. He thus 
 deemed that in any case, whether they were victorious 
 there, or better still were destroyed by the Turks, Christ- 
 ianity would thereby derive either great benefit, or a 
 great relief. For this object he sent a brief to the Do- 
 minican and Franciscan provincials, and especially to Fra 
 Raimondo of Capua, in order that they should prepare 
 the ground for the Crusade. The influence of the monks 
 was at that time immense, both with the nobles and tic 
 populace. Raimondo of Capua enjoyed an universal repu- 
 tation, and was not less appreciated for his preaching than 
 Catherine of Siena was for her writings. The nun and 
 the monk often worked together for the Church and for 
 
A SAINTLY EPISTLE. 81 
 
 the peace of the world; and by the sole means of moral 1S74. 
 persuasion, sometimes succeeded in moderating events, in 
 an age when brute force seemed to have absolute reign. 
 It appears then that in 1374 Catherine of Siena sent to 
 Uawkwood, by mean? of Fra Raimondo, the famous letter 
 which is one of the most remarkable in her magnificent 
 epistolary. It is addressed a Messer Giovanni condottu ro 
 . capo della Compagnia che venne nel tempo della fame. (To 
 Messer John condottiere, and head of the Company which 
 came in the time of famine.) The ancient manuscript col- 
 lection of her letters does not contain a precise indication 
 of the date ; but the passage of Hawkwood into Tuscany 
 in the summer of 1374 is certain. In company with 
 Count Conrad of Hechilberg, he then appeared on Sienese 
 ground with the pretext of wishing to fight other bands 
 who were hostile to him, and menacing a sack, if the3 r did 
 not use towards him the courtesy which was his due.* 
 The '' Sienese Annals " of Piccolomini (Pope Pius III) saj 
 the same thing: Johannes Haucutus omnium stipendiis libe- 
 ratus, cum suis r,q>ii^ in Etruriam ex Lombardia venit, om- 
 nium hostis futurus qui se pecunia non redimerent.... Annonce 
 interim caritas invalescebat. Meaning that if they often 
 suffered hunger, in that year the suffering was greater, it 
 was indeed " a year of famine." For the rest the date is 
 of little inrportance, we have rather to note from the context 
 of the letter, that it appears that Hawkwood had already 
 engaged himself to go to the Holy Land, and Catherine 
 reminds him of it, wondering that he should now wish to 
 make war here. If anything this engagement dated from 
 the year 1365 when Urban V had commissioned Cardinal 
 Albornoz ** to induce the mercenaries to take the Cross. 
 
 • See Document XIX. 
 
 '* The most authentic biography of the celebrated Cardinal would be 
 that of Genesio da Sepulveda printed at Bologna in 1521. and compiled from 
 the documents preserved in the Archives of the " College of Spain" in Bo- 
 
82 THE SAINT AND THE SOLDIER. 
 
 Contrary to the epistolary custom of St. Catherine the 
 letter is very short. Tommaseo, who is not always very 
 happy in his comments, supposes this to be " because it 
 was written to an Englishman and a hasty soldier perhaps 
 ignorant of the language. " Now Hawkwood, who for 
 thirteen years had fought in Italy, treated with Italians, 
 and had Italians in his Company, besides employing Italian 
 secretaries, attorneys, chancellors and scriveners, should 
 certainly by this time be familiar with the vulgar tongue. 
 Tommaso d' Alviano and Alberic of Barbiano were not 
 known as more patient soldiers than Hawkwood, and yet 
 to them Catherine wrote in her usual diffuse and exube- 
 rant style. The reason of her brevity appears rather to 
 be that St. Catherine sent the letter by Fra Raimondo and 
 begged Hawkwood to listen to him. She merely gave the 
 theme in her epistle, leaving to the powerful eloquence 
 hi' the Franciscan the care of developing it. 
 
 The theme lies entirely in this affectionate exhortation : 
 " Therefore I pray you sweetly for the sake of Jesus Christ, 
 that since God and also our Holy Father have ordained, 
 for us to go against the infidels, — you who so delight in 
 wars and fightings, should no longer war against Christ- 
 
 logna, founded by this Cardinal himself. But Sepulveda, a member of that 
 institution, occupied himself (as lie declares) mure in writing good latin than 
 any thing else after having loosely arranged tin- materials extracted in confu- 
 sion front the Archives, by a Bolognese named Garzoni. There results, however, 
 a confirmation of the facts that in 1365 the Cardinal, availing himself of the 
 services of (o.mez Albornoz his nephew, a soldier by profession and a friend 
 of some of the English, conducted long and repeated treaties with these 
 bands, but only the ephemeral agreement already cited (see page 16) was 
 concluded, so much so that not long after he had to go and defend the 
 Perugians against them. Sepulveda does not talk of a crusade, whilst 
 Raynaldi's Annates ecclesiastici certainly do mention one. for the rest the 
 liingraphy is very concise, and not always trustworthy; he perhaps exagge- 
 rated the part of flu- Albornoz in resisting the English near Perugia, and 
 
 b irtainly errs when he says thai Gomez put to death the leaders of 
 
 the English who were defeated and taken prisoners in that engagement, 
 leaving the others free on giving their word to abandon Italy. We have 
 already seen the very different facts given, even to the most minute parti- 
 culars, by tli.' Perugiad chroniclers is,.,, page I'M. 
 
AX ENGLISH HERMIT. 83 
 
 tans; because that is an offence to God, but go and 
 oppose them (the Turks', for it is a great cruelty that we 
 who are christians should persecute one another." 
 
 The holy woman prayed that he " from being the ser- 
 vant and soldier of tin' devil, might become a manly and 
 true knight." 
 
 Hawkwood might have answered chat that same Holy 
 Father had paid him to fight Christians, and that hence 
 it was the Pope who acted the part of the devil in the 
 Christian republic. However in the Aldine edition of the 
 Letters of St. Catherine oi Siena ' it is said (we do ma 
 know on what foundation) that Hawkwood and his caporali 
 promised Fra Eaimondo to go to the Holy Land, and that 
 the promise was inscribed in a document furnished with 
 their seals.* It was in any ease a mere repetition of pre- 
 ceding promises, which bound them to nothing and were 
 only made out of courtesy. 
 
 As the Saint she\vd between the parentheses of her 
 letter, thorns were not lacking in the career of an adven- 
 turer. Hawkwood had experienced both defeats and cap- 
 tivity, though on the whole, he beheld his fortunes increase, 
 and could still hope much in carrying arms at the expense 
 of the Italians. 
 
 There was another Englishman in Tuscany at that 
 time, "William Flete i Fleet ?) B. A. who dedicated himself 
 tn study in the penitential solitude of the hermitage of 
 
 * Canonico Luigi Balduzzi acutely observes that 'perhaps tin- arms of 
 
 Hawkw 1 — which are a chevron sable charged with three scallop shells 
 
 surmounted by a cross, as we see in 1 1 i -~ effigy in tin- Duomo, — may have 
 some relation t" this affair" (Atti e Memorit deila /.'. Deputazione di Storia 
 Patria pet' la provincia di Romagna, 3 rd Si srii !S, vol. II. fasc. I). Hawkwood 
 however did not use this seal only, which is really tin- arms of his family, 
 and though we cannot always distinguish the seals —till adhering to In- do- 
 cuments, on account of the "Id custom of covering tin- wax with a piece of 
 paper, across which the name was written, yd one can sometimes distin- 
 guish ,,ii a s,-il the figure of a hawk, which would have been a rebus to 
 his name, and which we also see repeated in tin- parish church of Sible 
 Hedingham his native homo and burial place. 
 
si THE TEMPEST BUKSTS. 
 
 I.' cceto, and was a greal admirer and devoted disciple of 
 Catherine of Siena; but Hawkwood no more fell tlie vo- 
 cation to make a holy war for ascetic enthusiasm, than 
 he did to drink vinegar and water to follow the example 
 of his hermit compatriot.* 
 
 Even supposing that St. Catherine and Fra Raimundo 
 had touched his heart, it was not long before a tempesi 
 burst over Italy, provoked by the infamous misgovernment 
 and tyranny which oppressed the people subjected to the 
 fcempox'al power of the Pope; a misrule and tyranny in 
 proof of which we have eloquent documents in these same 
 letters of St. Catherine of Siena. 
 
 The prelates who governed the provinces and cities oi 
 the Church, chosen by the nepotism of the Avignonese Popes 
 to be proconsuls in Italy, being covetous of riches, given up 
 to every excess, and daring to practise the most systematic 
 injustice, were a scourge worse than the mercenaries. With 
 the latter, one might find ground for a compact, — but 
 against the former nothing remained but rebellion. 
 
 Hawkwood having increased his Company to one thou- 
 sand five hundred lances, five hundred archers, and a great 
 number of infantry, and taken as his lieutenant his coun- 
 tryman John Thornbury (which Italian documents vulga- 
 rise as Tornabarile), had gone to winter on the Perugian 
 territory, where they robbed towns and villages, hardly 
 permitting provisions to be supplied even to the city. But 
 the citizens suffered a worse torment within. 
 
 We il" n"t wish to say by this that the eondottieri and soldiers "l 
 that time were incredulous, or that they laughed at indulgence: as the Lu- 
 theran bands of ' lanzenknechts ' did in later days. When the remains "t 
 
 Cardinal Albornoz were transferred fi Assisi to Toledo, and Pope [Jrban V 
 
 granted jubilee indulgences to all who had gratuitously carried him "ii their 
 shoulders from one place to another, many adventurers (says Cardella in bis 
 biographj of the Cardinal) willinglj profited bj the occasion to cam i I a great 
 part of their sins; but I" demand that thej should entirely renounce their 
 calling would have I u too much. 
 
PRIESTLY INIQUITIES. 85 
 
 The Benedictine almoner Gherardo de Puy, abbot of 
 Montemaggiore, was a relative of the Pope and governor 
 of Perugia ; the learned and pious brother in Christ, Gaz- 
 zata, thus speaks, in his description of him : " He did many 
 detestable things, this among others. One of his kindred, 
 enamoured of the wife of a noble, entered her house during 
 her husband's absence and made infamous overtures to her ; 
 she replied : ' Noble signore, as you desire it and lest my 
 husband should discover anything, enter this room, I will 
 send away the servants and come to you.' " It was a stra- 
 tagem to preserve her honour; '' she closed the outer door 
 and tried to pass by the window into the house of a neigh- 
 bour, but fell and was killed." The case becoming known, 
 the citizens complained to the Abbot who contented him- 
 self with saying: " Do you Italians suppose perhaps that 
 all the French are eunuchs ? " and he sent them away. 
 
 The same kinsman, thus encouraged, three days after 
 carried off the wife of another citizen, which being denounced 
 to the Abbot, he interrogated his nephew who confessed. 
 Then the Abbot in the presence of all, condemned him ' to 
 restore to the citizen his wife under pain of death.... within 
 fifty days." 
 
 Other possessions of the Church were not more fortu- 
 nate than Perugia; — now, "he who sows the wind must 
 reap the storm," the exasperated people only waited a 
 propitious occasion. And the occasion came when Cardinal 
 Guillaume de Noellet, pontifical legate, attacked Florence 
 without any plausible motive, and provoked the famous 
 " war of the eight saints " (guerra degli otto santi).* 
 
 The Cardinal had the English Company which had re- 
 turned to Lombardy in his stipend, but he had neither 
 the means wherewith to pay them, nor a fair excuse to 
 dismiss them. 
 
 " Tin' history of this war has been recently well told by Gherardi ; H is 
 en. mull for us to extract .in. 1 lill up that which refers to Hawkwood's pari in it. 
 
THE HOLY COMPANY. 
 
 1375. He asked a loan from the Florentines, but could not 
 
 obtain it, and by reason of the truce with the Visconti. 
 he was unable to throw off the troops across the Po, so 
 lie thought to get rid of them in Tuscany. 
 
 Florence had for some time suspected this peril : when 
 she foresaw the truce which was afterwards concluded, 
 she thought of sending Ambassadors to find out the designs 
 Spring, of Hawkwood. He having received the pontifical instruc- 
 tions from the Legate, and from Biagio of Arezzo, the 
 Church official at Piacenza, in a few days reunited to his 
 own soldiers a great many of the troops of the Church 
 and the Visconti, and forming them into a great Holy 
 Company (Compagnia Santa) manned the fortresses around 
 Piacenza ; and as the Gonzaga had not been willing to 
 put his hand into his pocket, he ravaged the Mantuan ter- 
 ritory along the Po. 
 jum is Bernabo Visconti wrote to Gonzaga promising to inter- 
 
 fere and added : " We hear that the English are waiting to 
 receive a certain sum of money from the ' : pastors," — 
 that is the officials of the Church, — and they assert that 
 they cannot depart until they have received it." 
 
 Hawkwood, instead, had transferred his general quarters 
 to Bologna, and in Tuscany people were trembling at his 
 approach which had now become evident. The Florentines 
 sent men-at-arms to the passes of the Pistoiese Apennines, 
 but they had much more confidence in their florins, and 
 also sent two orators to Hawkwood. These were Simone 
 Peruzzi and Spinello di Luca Alberti,* named della Camera 
 (of the chamber) on account of his office of Treasurer, and 
 hence he was the most appropriate person for the occasion. 
 At the same time the commune of Pisa sent Ranieri Sardo 
 
 * Simone Peruzzi, as following events will shew, was one of the most 
 prudent among the political men of Florence. Spinello belonged t.' the 
 noble family of the Alberti, a very rich commercial company who then pos- 
 sessed, and long preserved, important factories also In England. 
 
SIB JOHN AND HIE AMBASSADORS. 87 
 
 (the chronicler we have often i ited), Oddo Maccaione, and 137s. 
 Lippo Agliata on the same errand of offering money, if he 
 would spare the land. All the gold of Tuscany was thrown 
 at the feet of the Englishmen. 
 
 To the Pisans, Hawkw 1 and Ins leaders responded 
 
 that they must first arrange with Florence ; to the Flo- 
 rentines they replied amicably, but made them understand 
 that the florins must be many; and then they continued 
 their march without breaking off the negotiations. 
 
 Was the Cardinal Legate cognisant of this or not ? 
 A popular Florentine poet answers : 
 
 1 >i-scsi. i>ni che furouo accordati 
 ('In- '1 Cardiiiale ne lu poco lieto : 
 Ma biasmar non poteva il Capitano, 
 Percbi gliel'avea sei'itto di sua inano. 
 
 (They said when ail the term- were fully signed 
 Small pleasure was there in the Cardinal's mind: 
 He could not blame the Captain m command, 
 For In- wrote tin- order with his own right hand.) 
 
 A significant comment on this is found in a letter of 
 the Signoria to Messer Carlo di Durazzo, saving that 
 T by advice of the Ecclesiastics, J lawkwood had demanded 
 a sum which it was believed the Florentines would be unable 
 to pay. Then seeing they consented, they tried to break 
 off the agreement." There was a credible rumour that the 
 Legate and Hawkwood had an understanding that half the 
 money extorted from the Tuscan communes should go 
 towards the pay which the Church owed to Hawkwood, 
 and the other half to the advantage of the Condottiere 
 and his soldiers. 
 
XIII. 
 
 TWO MILLIONS AND HALF IN THREE MONTHS. 
 
 [Letters oj i . i i oys to tin Signoria published by 3 de] Badia hi the 31 
 
 lanta Jtorentina — Arcliit'io storico italiano, documents relating to the Mercenary com- 
 panies published bj Cakestbixi, P sso dei tru i serii Sri, vol. X, 
 
 pari I In Mubatobj 1/.'./ >'. | anonymous Pisan chronich — D. -M. Maim fli'o- 
 
 grafia iM' Acuto — Ranieri Sabdo, i inn - Lucca State Archives, Contract 
 
 of the C>>ni>iiu„, with tin Holy Compuny — Documents in the State Archives oi'Siena.] 
 
 1375. The Florentine ambassadors wrote from Bologna, be- 
 
 June 21. 
 
 s" L '; 
 
 _/bri sunn's* .'/; ///; morning (the urgency of the affair did 
 not let them sleep) a letter to the Signoria, of which 
 a copy, like many other intercepted epistles, went to 
 repose in the archives of Siena.* Very interesting cir- 
 cumstances result from this. 
 
 The Company was encamped near Imola ; it was verj 
 numerous, and well provided with bombarde and with iron 
 implements for use in war against walled towns: the 
 soldiers threatened to take the Italian cities of whose 
 internal discords they were aware, and foretold new in- 
 vasions of companies as soon as peace should be conclu- 
 ded between France and England, then belligerent : they 
 would not specify precisely the object of their imminent 
 march, but the envoys suspected that once the Company 
 had penetrated into Tuscany, they would take the Pisan 
 road or that of Montepulciano where it was thought they 
 had an understanding with the inhabitants. 
 
 The Florentine ambassadors acted in accordance with 
 those of Pisa, and kept them informed how the negotia- 
 tions were going, and the Pisans on their part, knowing 
 that Hawkwood was not willing to come to terms with 
 
 * For precaution t\v< pies of important letters were sent, one by the 
 
 direct route and the other by way of Vernia and the Casentino. 
 
THE PRETENSIONS OF THE COMPANY. 89 
 
 all Tuscany at once (for he shewed himself especially ill 
 disposed towards Pisa on account of arrears of pay and 
 because they had not kept their promise of giving him a 
 fortress), advised the Florentines to make their own agree- 
 ment, reserving the right to aid Pi<a. — which aid it ap- 
 peared they could not deny, because if Pisa were con- 
 quered, Florence and other Tuscan cities would be lost. 
 
 In respect to Florence, the Company had already 
 formulated its pretensions, viz : 130 thousand florins in 
 four rates between June and September : and yet they 
 seemed to repent having asked too little, in comparisoi 
 with what they might have gained by taking prisoners 
 for ransom. 
 
 The personal opinion of the ambassadors was not very 
 favorable to the agreement. According to them, the citi- 
 zens ought to have shut themselves up in Florence and 
 let the Company burn up the country as they chose, 
 because " that which did not take place to-day, would very 
 soon happen" {quelle <■//< non e oggi sarh tosto). In facl 
 some good men had forewarned them that the Company 
 kept its promises but badly, and would not abstain from 
 plundering on the way. At least the ambassadors wished 
 to make the first rate of payment to the English, as small 
 as possible. 
 
 But they had instructions to conclude the compact at 
 any cost, and that same morning went to the camp ac- 
 companied by Pietro di 3Iurles agent of the Cardinal Le- 
 gate, by Ruggiero Cane* and by the Viscount of Savnv 
 ,r captain of Piedmont." which three persons were to take 
 the part of mediators. 
 
 The agreement was concluded, drawn up, and signed 
 
 A- u. shall see, tins Cane took part in many successive negotiations 
 during the war of the ' eighl sunt-, because he was a man much trusted 
 by Bernabo Visconti, anil familiar with Hawkwood. He was the son 
 
 Canis He CasaJi de Luaglj Pedemontium is.t Document XXIVi 
 and perhaps of the same house as He Canis. (he Pope's usher. 
 
90 A DEED 01 < ONTRAl I. 
 
 1375. at the camp near an old bridge on the via Emilia, built 
 by the Countess Matilda. The signatures on the part 
 of the Company were those of Hawkwood captain general, 
 the two marshals, the constable, and twelve more between 
 councilors and c,tj,<,i-<t/i (knights 
 
 This deed is important as a type of those <■<•,, <l,,itr which 
 we might call "guaranteed" or ''reserved;" it will be 
 sufficient to cite the principal clauses : 
 
 " That neither the Company nor- any of its men shall 
 for five years injure the commune, the city, the country, 
 or district of Florence nor her dependent towns unless 
 the Company should be regularly engaged by some lord 
 or commune, and even if legally hired, it shall abstain 
 from hostilities for three months, excepting only in case 
 that the Republic of Florence should make war on the 
 Pop'-. Bernabo Visconti, or the Count of Savoy (because 
 the Pope had an alliance with the one, and a truce with 
 the other i. 
 
 All those who enter into the Company shall be 
 bound to take the above oath. 
 
 The Commune gives in recompense 130,000 tit Tins 
 in gold, of just weight and of the Florentine mint, of which 
 40,000 shall be paid in June, 30,000 in July, 30,000 in August, 
 and 30,000 in September. 
 
 Moreover in case the Communes of Pisa, Siena, Lucca, 
 or Arezzo should come to terms with the Company, the 
 latter may pass over the Florentine territory, on the con- 
 dition of giving four days notice to the Priors and Gon- 
 faloniere, and of marching by reasonable and fit roads, ac- 
 cording to their destination, and under the guidance of 
 those deputed by the Commune for that office: and that 
 they shall pass by amicably, paying the price of provisions 
 and doing no damage, — nevertheless they may take without 
 payment wine, poultry, and litter for the horses. 
 
 That during their march, the knights and men may 
 
UNFORTUNATE MOUNTAINEERS '.'1 
 
 euter Florence so long as not more than one hundred are i ; 
 within the walls at the same time. 
 
 " That the Commune of Florence shall have the faculty 
 of denying passage and provisions to the Company, if it 
 be not in the pa}' of either Pisa, Siena, Lucca or Arezzo, 
 and of subsidizing the said Communes her allies, with monej 
 or troops, against the Company as against any other enemy. 
 Finally that for the said term of five years, the 
 Commune shall not treat of taking any one or more persons 
 out of the Company, to engage them in her own, or other 
 service." 
 
 This agreement was immediately approved by the Flo- June 26. 
 rentine Signoria, — which in consequence deliberated, that 
 the chamberlains of the Commune might pay the sums 
 decided on, either to Hawkwood or to his procurator. 
 
 Meanwhile the Company crossed the Apennines at Firen- 
 zuola. Two new Florentine envoys, Doffo de' Bardi and 
 Giovanni Ducci, accompanied it in the quality of commis- 
 saries. Bardi on account of preceding embassies was already 
 intimate with the English, and Hawkwood seemed, at 
 least in words, to carefully regulate the march in good 
 faith. But in fact, the soldiers only abstained from cap- 
 turing prisoners and from incendiarism, while they rob- 
 bed with a free hand ; " they go wherever they please b}' 
 ones, twos, or threes, finding out every crag of Apennines 
 and cutting down the corn." The mountaineers demanded 
 from the commissaries permission to fight these plunde- 
 rers, but when Spinello Albert! interfered citing the terin> 
 of the compact, the commissaries were obliged to command 
 the mountaineers to abstain from every hostile act, and 
 to sell to the English the commodities they required. It 
 ended of course in the English " taking the commodities 
 and paying no money." 
 
 The Florentine " orators " ventured to speak to Hawk- 
 wood in favour of the Sienese,but the captain loftily replied 
 
92 DEATH TO THE TRAITORS. 
 
 1375. that " the Sienese needed advice, and that he would go and 
 reason with them si. closely that they must needs hear it." 
 
 Thus menacing Tuscan}', and amicable only with Flo- 
 rence, Hawkwood neared Prato. It appears that the Car- 
 dinal had given him the commission, not only to starve 
 out Florence by cutting off her roads, but to occupy Prato 
 where an act of treachery was already arranged. 
 
 At least the Signoria, in a diplomatic manner, afterwards 
 accused the Cardinal of it, while in Prato they arrested as 
 traitors the notary Ser Piero da Canneto, and a grey-friar 
 priest, who, when tried in Florence, were convicted, tortured, 
 and buried alive with their heads downwards. "We may hold 
 that Hawkwood revealed the plot, which would explain how 
 juiy 12. the Signoria " considering the terms " intimately concluded 
 with Hawkwood, " and inasmuch as his nobility and the 
 exercise of his valour might be able in many wa} T s to work 
 for the honour of the Commune of Florence," should have 
 assigned him an annual pension for life of 1200 florins. At 
 the same time, besides liquidating the expense of 77 no- 
 rms, contracted by the Florentine mission of Spinello 
 Alberti and his companions, they deliberated to give 400 flo- 
 rins to the nobleman Gozzo Battaglia da Rimini " for his 
 services and expenses in treating with Haw T kwood on behalf 
 of the Commune." 
 
 The first rate of 40,000 florins was not paid at the 
 time specified, that is in June, perhaps on account of a 
 short absence of Hawkwood, and therefore by a deed si i- 
 
 jmy :). pulated at the monastery of Nicosia in Valle di Calci, it 
 was agreed that the payment should be received by hand 
 of the noblemen John Foy, knight, Bernard Raminisr 
 i Ramsay?), Robert Sever, and William Tilley as procurators 
 of the Company and of its captain general ; and it was 
 
 July 7. paid to them in Hontopoli. 
 
PISAN PAYMENTS. 93 
 
 Thus we see that the English had passed into Pisan 1375. 
 
 territory; and as soon as they appeared on the Serchio, 28 
 
 amidst a rush of fugitive peasants, the great bell of the 
 Campanile of Pisa was rung for the defence, and the citi- 
 zens placed strong guards at the gates, and on the walls. 
 day and night. The inhabitants of the valley of Calci felt 
 themselves secure amidst the folds of Monte Pisano, but 
 ;i squadron of eighl hundred English, passing the mountain 
 from bhe North, fell upon them, and thus assailed above 
 and below, before and behind, they were easily routed and 
 plundered. 
 
 Stai Loning their general quarters at Nicosia, the English 
 at length deigned to listen to Maccaione and Agliata, again 
 sent by the Commune of Pisa, and they agreed for July a. 
 30,500 florins, thus divided : — 3000 to Hawkwood as his 
 pension for five years at the rate of 600 florins a 
 year: 2500 to John Thombury and Cook. Englishmen 
 (the chief lieutenants), these to be paid within a day, 
 — and to the Company 15,500 florins due within ten 
 days, and 12,500 in September. Besides this, the entry 
 into the city was conceded to two thousand five hundred 
 soldiers, provided they were only armed with sword and 
 knife, and that they would leave it again in the evening. 
 
 The Pisans were punctual in payment; the English 
 abstained from incendiarism and from " making prisoners 
 and slaves," — but not from other injuries, — until they 
 passed into the territory of Yolterra. 
 
 Such vast sacrifices of money weighed very heavily on 
 the treasuries of the Tuscan cities. Florence was obliged 
 to have recourse to several extraordinary taxes and forced 
 loans ; for example, Piero de' Corsini was, on that occasion, 
 obliged to expropriate certain rustic possessions, situated 
 outside the walls in a place called in Polverosa, where we 
 shall in future behold Hawkwood as peaceful proprietor. 
 
'.il TAXING THE CLERGY. 
 
 1375. Taxes not sufficing, Florence was constrained to make 
 
 wretched exactions of small sums from debtors, and humi- 
 liating entreaties for subsidies to the Communes allied 
 to her. 
 
 As it was well understood, in spite of the hypocritical 
 protests of the Cardinal Legate, that the English had come 
 down to Tuscany in agreement with him, — the Tuscan 
 republics were induced to turn against the Church, thus 
 breaking the Guelphic Confederation.' 
 
 Florence was the first to decide, and to set the example, 
 June 25 she notified to Pisa, Siena, Lucca and Arezzo that she had 
 leagued herself with Bernabd Visconti " considering the 
 great peril in which we are now- placed owing to the sudden 
 and unforeseen coming of the English Company, and know- 
 ing how formidable and dangerous we may vet expect 
 its stay in Tuscany to be." She did not hesitate to im- 
 pose rates on the clergy, defying ecclesiastical censure : 
 and in this too she was imitated by the Sienese, who hear- 
 in,-- from their ambassador, the notary Ser Iacopo di Ser 
 Gam i. how much money the English demanded, resigned 
 themselves, only attempting to include Cortona and Mon- 
 tepulciano in the ransom and deliberating to raise a tax 
 of 20,000 florins on the clergy, a forced loan of 3 florins 
 on a thousand from the citizens, a loan of 12,001) florins 
 from the Municipalities of the country, and the loan i I 
 a sum not determined, from the feudal lords of the Com- 
 munes and their dependents.* They were even reduced 
 to the extreme measure of putting their hands on some 
 hereditary moneys deposited with the bankers, for example 
 on 300 florins which had belonged to the defunct bishop 
 of Si, -na.** 
 
 We perceive that Hawkwood carried out his threat of 
 being exigent with Siena, for, besides bhe money, he wanted 
 
 Sei Document XX. Si • I oenl XXI. 
 
V CONFIDENTIAL FRIEND. 95 
 
 provisions* and even wine and sweetmeats to feast merrily 1375 
 withal.** 
 
 Having received the money from Pisa, the Company July 31 
 passed to Laterina, where they drew the second rato of 
 the Florentine contract and menaced Arezzo ; the third 
 Florentine rate was paid at Bibbiena after Arezzo had 
 been obliged to compound for 8500 florins. August js 
 
 The English were inexorable in exaction, — would they 
 have been so faithful to their contracts? They much doubted 
 this at Florence, saying " that in mercenary soldiers 
 there is neither faith nor pity. Their hands are venal, 
 and they turn themselves where they can find the greater 
 gain." Nulla fides pietasque virtu qui castra sequuntur, — 
 the quotation is from Filippo Villani. It was reported 
 that Hawkwood would have taken the first opportunity 
 to prove the truth of the intelligence, and even to treat 
 personally with the Pope's Legate. 
 
 To keep him in good faith, the Florentine Signoria, 
 not content with sending Giorgio Scali to him as envoy, 
 thought of calling from Milan that Ruggiero Cane who 
 had assisted them in the treaty of peace, and had a great 
 influence over the English captain, who seemed to have 
 a very reserved and inaccessible manner. " He is the only 
 one," they wrote to Bernabo, " to whom Hawkwood is 
 accustomed to confide his most secret designs, and who 
 knows his weaknesses and his good moments. 
 
 And as Cane was late in starting and then was detained 
 some days by illness at Lucca, the Signoria wrote and 
 rewrote to Hawkwood that he should " patiently put up with 
 the delays of his desired friend, and most faithful coun- 
 selor." At length Cane arrived at the English camp, and 
 soon understood clearly that Hawkwood expected the an- 
 
 - See Document XXII. ** See Document XXIII. 
 
96 ENGLISHMEN APPRECIATED. 
 
 1375 nual pension of 1200 florins would be assured to him even 
 
 Second half 
 
 "i if he should leave Italy. The Signoria immediately con- 
 
 Septeniber. „ 
 
 sented, only making the proviso " except that he enter the 
 service of the Church, when we do not choose to give him 
 anything, " and recommending Scali and Cane to persuade 
 him to enter the service of Florence and Bernabo Visconti, 
 or " at least keep him free from the Church." 
 
 Like their captain, the English soldiers were evidently 
 held in great estimation at Florence, for Scali, the ambas- 
 sador, received the following instructions: "In regard to 
 the other brigade, do the best you possibly can, — especially 
 with the English, — to bring them into the pay of our- 
 selves and Messer Bernabo, on such terms that those who 
 come to us, shall be obliged to serve freely against every 
 other man in the world, otherwise we will not give them 
 a grosso (a small coin)." In fact Cane procured for the league 
 four hundred lances, and four hundred archers, who by 
 their own stipulation must have voluntarily deserted the 
 Company, since their compacts forbade the Florentines to 
 treat with, or induce any soldier to leave it. 
 
 While his friend Ruggiero Cane was busying himself 
 with Hawkwood on account of the Florentines, the Lieu- 
 tenant John Thornbury was exerting his persuasions on 
 behalf of the Cardinal Legate, Hawkwood resisted for a 
 long time, but in the end he gave in, and Cane was able 
 October 3. to write to the Cardinal: "It has been a serious task to 
 bring back your captain into your service.... he would no 
 longer remember anything he had promised. I remedied this 
 however, and he was satisfied with promises and my word 
 of honour." Hawkwood had found by experience that the 
 money of the Florentines was much more certain than 
 that of the Church ; and precisely at this time the trea- 
 surer Alberti arrived at the English camp at Staggia, to 
 Septenib. 80. effectuate the payment of the last rate. 
 
 In those same days Hawkwood exacted other large 
 
TUSCANY DRAINED DRV. 1)7 
 
 tributes from Lucca and Siena : the agreement with Lucca 
 amounted to six thousand florins, against the usual pro- 
 mises to treat the Lucchese territory in a friendly manner.* 
 We cannot give the exact cipher of the contract with Siena, 
 but it cannot have been less than fifty thousand florins. 
 
 Anyhow, between Florence. Pisa, Lucca, and Arezzo, 
 the English Company had obtained in little more than 
 three months 174,800 florins in gold, which with those of 
 Siena would amount to nearly two millions and a half 
 of francs, — an enormous sum for those times, — without 
 counting the annuity of 1200 florins, assured to Hawkwood. 
 
 Perhaps the latter was persuaded that he had drained 
 Tuscany quite dry, and therefore he decided to treat with 
 the Church. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 A CARDINAL AS HOSTAGE. 
 
 HAWKWOOD As LANDED PROPRIETOR. 
 
 » 
 
 [Gherarlh. la guerra deglt otto santi — Piero Bi oninsegni, Cronaca - Chronicles oj Gub- 
 bio — Chronicles of Rimini — Pol-ih in the Chroniclt of the Anonymous Florentine — 
 
 Archivio storico italiano, l 81 series, v, XVI, part 2nd. Inventory o] the g Is restored to 
 
 the Abbot <>t Monteniaggiore.] 
 
 The Florentine Signoria finding that the greater part septemb. 25 
 of the English remained with Hawkwood in the service 
 of the Church, hastened, by calling on the troops of Ber- 
 nabo Visconti, to put the Genoese, Pisans, and Lucchese 
 on the defence against the probable movements of the 
 Company. 
 
 But the latter marched on Siena instead, and Florence 
 was warned directly, for Euggiero Cane and Spinello Al- 
 
 * See Document XXIV. 
 
98 00 FLOKINS A MONTH. 
 
 1375. berti accompanied the English camp and kept them dili- 
 gently informed of its movements. 
 
 Thus the Sienese received certain intelligence that Hawk- 
 wood had concentrated his forces at Montepulciano, intend- 
 ing to possess himself of that town, and they placed a 
 garrison there, paying 200 florins to him who had revealed 
 the design. 
 
 The Florentines still preserved some hope of seducing 
 Hawkwood, for they hail secret assurances that the Condot- 
 tiere resigned himself unwillingly * to the deceit and 
 treachery which he found in the priests : " and their agents 
 at the camp received these instructions : " If we cannot by 
 any means obtain the service of Hawkwood with one of his 
 brigades, and if he wishes to stay with the Church, do not 
 bring us any of the English, — but let the Church bear the 
 whole burden." They calculated that the Church was not 
 in a condition to pay the stipendiaries, in which case this 
 would have created great embarrassment. They did not 
 know, as we shall soon see, that Hawkwood had already 
 provided himself a recompense for the lacking stipends. 
 
 October is. Alberti returned to Florence with the news that the 
 Church had engaged the English for 30,000 florins a month, 
 the pay to begin from the middle of October, besides two 
 loans and pay in anticipation, and that they were to be 
 enrolled in November. 
 
 November 6. Great was the consternation, — so great that Florence 
 hastened the march of Bernabo's men-at-arms, who had 
 already arrived at Sarzana ; although the faithful Ruggiero 
 
 October 3i. Cane had forewarned them that in eight days Hawkwood 
 intended to pass into the Papal states, whereas if Bernabo's 
 troops should come into Tuscany he would stop to fight them. 
 
 But in the meanwhile nearly all the towns dependent 
 on the Church rebelled, invoking by their deeds that Li- 
 berta» which they inscribed on their standards. It was ne- 
 
THE ABBOT BESIEGED. 99 
 
 cessary for the Legate to employ all his forces to repress 1375. 
 the rebellion, and leave Tuscany in peace. Consequently 
 no worse tribulations awaited her than the violence per- 
 petrated by some sanguinary spirits, who on the occasion 
 of the English invasion had seized the opportunity to join 
 with a number of bandits from the various cities. 
 
 The Cardinal Legate had caused the English to encamp 
 in haste under Perugia, sending a detachment to garrison 
 Citta di Castello, — but even this town rose in insurrection: November?, 
 about fifty of the English were killed, while the rest were 
 blockaded on the piazza and scarcely succeeded in getting 
 off with their arms and baggage. 
 
 The Cardinal immediately sent Hawkwood with all his 
 Company against Citta di Castello, but in those days a 
 resolute defence sufficed for a walled town even with in- 
 ferior force ; Hawkwood could do nothing ; on the contrary, 
 two of his outworks were assaulted and taken before his 
 eyes. Meanwhile, profiting by his withdrawal, the Peru- 
 gians also rebelled, and constrained their diabolical go- 
 vernor the Abbot to shut himself up in the castle where 
 they held him in a state of siege. 
 
 The English being again recalled, encamped under Pe- 
 rugia, but as to any decisive action, they did not even 
 attempt it ; and as the rebellion spread over all the Papal 
 states, they were next sent to the succour of the citadel of i>ecemb. 5. 
 Viterbo. Here the people and militia fairlj- opposed them 
 in open fight, the attempts of the English were vain, and. 
 leaving many dead and wounded in the ditches and trenches, 
 they were obliged to return to Perugia. 
 
 The affairs of the Church were going so badly, and 
 the temporal power was so shaken, that the Otto di balia 
 (the Council of eight) of the Florentines were enabled to 
 write to Bernabo Visconti : " If thej^ have the strength Decemb. 10. 
 to hold out the campaign for a month, the domination of 
 the French and other foreigners in Italv will be made an 
 
LOO A BIRTHDAY PRESENT. 
 
 1375. end of for ever." Moreover they were still afraid that the 
 English not being able to do anything on the Papal ter- 
 ritory should again turn against Tuscany. 
 
 But if the English could not attack Perugia, neither 
 could the Perugians succeed in their assaults on the castle, 
 and so they had to treat openty with the besieged Abbot, 
 taking Hawkwood as mediator. They tacitly established a 
 species of armistice till the end of December, during 
 which time the English frequented the city, and the 
 Perugians risked themselves in the camp. 
 
 In vain the Otto warned the Perugians that B the fo- 
 reigners could not possibly be on the side of liberty," and 
 advised them rather to bargain that Hawkwood should go 
 away, or at least cease from hostilities. 
 
 As a consolation for the siege, the Abbot of Montemag- 
 giore received on his birthday a fine present from his 
 kinsman the Pope, — no less than a cardinal's hat, and the 
 grade of pontifical Legate ! his exemplary virtues could 
 merit no less ! but this did nut suffice to raise the siege, 
 nor was it enough to provision the three thousand men 
 shut up in the castle with him. 
 i3?8. On new year's day he was constrained to surrender 
 
 himself to the Perugians, with the understanding that he 
 was to be permitted to retire to Hawkwood's camp. But as 
 soon as he entered, Hawkwood courteously placed a guard 
 over him as a prisoner, saying, " We want our pay.' 
 
 Avendo Gianni Aguto dal suo lato 
 L' Abate e altri ched eron nella rete, 
 1 lisse : Signor, s' i' non son pagato, 
 Giammai da me vol non vi partirete; 
 Ch'io debbo aver del tempo valicato 
 Cento migliaia o piu, e voi il sapete. 
 
 (John Ilnwkw 1 had within Ins uel our day 
 
 The Abbot, with some others he had caught, 
 And said: "Sir, if you do not quicklj paj 
 
THE ABBOT'S VALISE. 1"! 
 
 3Iy dues, then you and I shall never part. 
 For all my time and labour lost you owe 
 A hundred thousand florins, as you know." I 
 
 Moreover his unlucky reverence lost a great many of 
 his belongings, — according to the treaty, his own baggage 
 with that of his soldiers had been retained by the Pe- 
 rugians, who after ten days consigned them to the En- 
 glishmen. The deed of consignment was made in the 
 cloister of San Martino where Hawkwood had his camp, 
 and there the delegates of Perugia met Marshal John 
 Thornbury, the agent of Hawkwood. An incomplete in- 
 ventory was hastily made, while Thornbury restored the 
 goods to their owners, taking a note of them. " And also 
 a great number of things were without written formalities 
 restored to divers persons and men to whom they were said 
 to belong, which tilings they were not able to describe by 
 reason of the great haste and eagerness," which is to say 
 that anyone who chose, took the goods. Although incom- 
 plete, the inventory is very interesting: we see for example 
 how the mercenaries were clad, for there was returned to 
 an Englishman r a Milanese barbuta (helmet) with its nose- 
 piece, and another with three silver cannonibus ancl a steel 
 neck-piece ; also an old red doublet, with white and green 
 fringes." The list of objects given back to the Cardinal 
 is most edifying, there were man} - sumptuous things, se- 
 veral women's gow r ns(!) and the episcopal mitre and rosary, 
 thrust into the same valise as his shoes and hose ; the only 
 books were a breviary and a little volume of songs. 
 
 The hurry of this operation is accounted for, by the 
 fact that Hawkwood was hastening to raise the camp, taking 
 the Cardinal with him as hostage for the arrears of pay. January 21. 
 Having reached Rimini, Hawkwood on proceeding to Cesena, 
 left the Cardinal under the efficient guardianship of Galeotto January 22. 
 Malatesta, who conceded to the prisoner the use of tin' 
 palace garden (Orto iki Signari), but he kept him in good 
 
102 HAWKWOOD'S LORDSHIP. 
 
 1376. custody, having promised Hawkwood to restore him on 
 demand, under pain of a fine of 130,000 ducats (probably 
 the amount of pay for which his reverence was hostage). 
 And Hawkwood was a man to whom one could not lightly 
 make promises without keeping them. 
 
 He had indeed received enough promises in lieu of 
 money from the Cardinal Legate of Bologna, to whom 
 1375. Thornbury wrote that his captain hesitated to resume the 
 service of the Church " on account of that castle which 
 had been promised him." But now that Hawkwood had 
 another Cardinal in his hands, and he a kinsman of the 
 Pope, the Church was obliged to maintain its promises, 
 and so gave the Condottiere the lordship of Bagnacavallo, 
 of Cotignola, and of the village of Conselice, contiguous 
 estates in the neighbourhood of Lugo in Romagna ; impor- 
 tant enough to constitute almost a little principality, a gift 
 which though it did not entirely balance the credit, yet con- 
 stituted a large sum on account.* 
 
 Many incorrect assertions have been made respecting 
 this domain of Hawkwood's. Domenico ilaria Manni would 
 not admit its existence, saying that " adventurers were 
 paid in money and not in lands." Eicotti in one place 
 speaks of Bagnacavallo and Cotignola, and in another of 
 Bagnacavallo and Castrocaro. Some constantly substitute 
 Castrocaro for Cotignola, others discuss the nature of the 
 dominion, holding that Hawkwood was only the Governor 
 of these places, which he held for the Church, all of which 
 are uncertainties dependent on the various versions of tin' 
 chroniclers. 
 
 Without staying to argue the point, it will suffice to make 
 everything clear if we give the historical succession of 
 
 * The precise date of this event is ii"t given : it was certainly before 
 tli.- 18* of July 1376, on which daj the Cardinal left Rimini, liberated after 
 his confinement. It prohably tools place in the .inly months of the year. 
 
THE ENGLISHMEN PAY THEMSELVES 108 
 
 facts and documents : and meanwhile we will note that 1376. 
 there is nothing to confirm the supposition of Fra Bonoli 
 author of a History of Cotignola, according to which the 
 Pope had conceded those places to Hawkwood as Gonfa- 
 loniere of the Hoi)- Church (! !) with the condition of not 
 alienating them to airy one except to Niccolo II, Marquis 
 of Ferrara. 
 
 It would seem that Bagnacavallo was consigned, as soon February, 
 as the English shewed that if they were not paid, they 
 were determined to pay themselves, by infesting several 
 places in the Romagna, taking Castrocaro, and putting it 
 to the sack, by way of restoring it to its rightful lord 
 A.storre Manfredi. 
 
 These events put Bologna, where Hawkwood and his 
 men were quartered, in a ferment. The Cardinal made 
 the mistake of not giving heed to them, and sent Hawk- 
 wood to take the fortress of Granarolo, occupied by Man- 
 fredi. The Bolognese wished nothing better, and openly 
 rebelled against the Church for the cause of Liberty, aided 
 by a thousand infantry under Count Antonio da Bruscoli, 
 sent to them by Florence. 
 
 Nor did the English succeed in their enterprise at March 20. 
 Granarolo ; the same luck fell to their share as at Perugia, 
 and Citta di Castello, — they were obliged to encamp 
 between Granarolo and Bagnacavallo, both their captain 
 and themselves being, as may be imagined, greatly irritated, 
 the more so because some of them remained shut up in 
 Bologna in the hands of the citizens ; altogether they were 
 but too ready for the worst excesses, and even decided on 
 a reign of terror. 
 
1(1-1 
 
 XV. 
 
 THE SLAUGHTER AT FAENZA.- HOSTILITY WITH BOLOGNA. 
 OCCUPATIONS IN TIME OF TRUCE. 
 
 [Chroniclt oi the Anonymous Florentini in the Documents of Italian history, v. VI — 
 Sienest chroniclt by Neki hi Donato — Della Pugliola, Bolognese chronicle — Ghi- 
 rabdacci, Storii '■ Diary oi See C?addo da Montecatini — Chronit < u 
 
 Mai., hionne Stefani — Consults e praticht of the Commune of Florence, State Archives' 
 of Florence — Bonoli, Storia di Cotignola — Document concerning tin fortifications oj 
 Cotignola, copied from Prof, Domenico Vaccolini .mil cited by Canonico Balduzzi, 
 Acts and memoranda of tin /,'. Deputation of national history for tin provinct i Hi 
 magna, :i r,! series, v. II. fasc. I — Bonincontbi, innal Cobio, Storit milanesi — 
 Giovio, Blogia, ec] 
 
 1876. Here the figure of Hawkwood appears in a sinister 
 
 light, and the only excuse we can make for him is that 
 the authority of the captains over the mercenary compa- 
 nies was not so complete, as in a well ordered army. 
 and so they could not always bridle the excesses of the 
 soldiery, nor be held wholly responsible for them, as for 
 things premeditated and commanded by themselves.* 
 
 The city of Faenza was governed by the bishop of 
 Tarragona with the title of Count of Romagna. He fearing 
 that the people of Faenza might follow the example of 
 their neighbours at Bologna and participate in the general 
 rebellion, called Hawkwood and the English to garrison 
 the town ; — they came, but it was to plunder, not to man 
 the forts. 
 March 24, The bishop-count had scarcely posted them within the 
 
 walls, when he went off, leaving everything to their tender 
 mercies ; and they began to run about the streets crying : 
 " Long live the Church." Hawkwood quickly made a pro- 
 
 * In faci it is only as an exception in some Florentine contracts with 
 
 tin' Cond'ittkTo that we Ami this clause: Thai ai the request of tin ■ - 
 
 tnander tin.' notarj of tin 1 troop shall dismiss those stipendiaries wlm are 
 noi obedient, or do ooi give true service. 
 

 HORRORS OF WAR. 105 
 
 clamation that ever}' citizen or countryman must consign 
 his arms whether or' offence or defence, in the rooms of 
 the fortress, under pain of fine and bodily punishment (pena 
 I' av( r< e la pi rsona . 
 
 And soon after, without loss of time, the Englishmen, 
 crying this time, " Long live Sir John Hawkwood, death 
 to the Church " i Viva Messer Giovanni Agwto, muoia la 
 Chiesa), hurled themselves on the goods and persons; indeed 
 to be more at their ease, they drove out the men, the old 
 people and children, keeping in the city only young women 
 and girls, a loro posta < per vitupero, trattando ignominio- 
 samenti l< vergini e le matrone a guisa di meretrici e di 
 schiave vilmente vi ndute. 
 
 The Sienese chronicle says that two constables fought 
 a duel for the possession of a nun, and that Hawkwood, 
 like a new Solomon, plunged his dagger into the unfor- 
 tunate creature exclaiming: " Half for each." This is pro- 
 bably a fantastic embellishment, the above mentioned chro- 
 nicle being very hostile to Hawkwood, from whom Siena 
 had more than once to suffer oppression, and extortions. 
 If we may believe Marchionne Stefani, the bishop-count 
 was particularly greedy in the matter of this kind of spoil, 
 for standing at the gate where the women went away 
 (for many were spared by the knights, who were pitiful 
 of them), he turned them back saying : Torna addietro : 
 questa sia buona per la masnada, and besides he would 
 not allow the convents to be spared, but had them put to 
 the sack and treated just like the more worldly abodes. 
 
 Other historians and chroniclers, although deploring the 
 excesses of the English in Faenza. do not speak of blood- 
 shed, nor were useless cruelties habitual to those soldiers, 
 who were more than anything avaricious of gain. 
 
 " Everything that was in Faenza was appropriated by 
 the Company," this we can easily believe, the more so 
 that the Company laid claim to large credits for arrears 
 
106 SIR JOHN'S si inn. 
 
 of pay, — while the captain, for his part and account, had 
 obtained the castle and land. 
 
 When this news reached Bologna, the indignation was 
 general, and the temptation to make reprisals was very 
 great, since the citizens had in their hands Filippo Puer 
 one of the principal constables, Cook the cavalier, and 
 several other soldiers, together with the illegitimate child- 
 ren of Puer and two young sons of Sir John Hawkwood, 
 who had remained there when the Company marched 
 forth on the G-ranarolo expedition. But they wen- afraid 
 to take strong measures, and contented themselves by treat- 
 ing them as hostages, confining Puer in the house of Sal- 
 vuccio Bentivoglio, and putting the other soldiers in 
 prison. 
 
 Even this was enough to excite the anger of Hawkwood, 
 and to provoke fierce menaces. The Bolognese sent Ro- 
 berto da Saliceto to try and make terms, but he wrote 
 that " he could do nothing, because there are no worse people 
 in the world (p&rche al mondo non v' e peggior gente), they 
 demanded such tremendous terms that if the}' had been 
 citizens of Faenza they could not have wanted more." Sa- 
 liceto returned to Bologna, terrified out of his wits, and 
 thanking God that Hawkwood had not taken him prisoner. 
 
 The question became grave, so much so as to preoc- 
 cupy also the Signoria of Florence. The Florentines were 
 anxious that the Bolognese should enter into a decisive 
 campaign, as their allies against the Church, and would 
 have wished to procure an agreement between them and 
 Hawkwood, as a preparation towards detaching that valua- 
 ble captain from the ecclesiastical service ; but they feared 
 to make matters worse by interfering, and they moreover 
 doubted whether peace between Bologna and Hawkwood 
 might not mean war to Florence. It was therefore resolved 
 to let Bologna alone, as best understanding her own busi- 
 
FLORENTINE COUNCILS. 107 
 
 ness, and to remind her that the Florentine men-at-arms 1376 
 
 were already in the field. April 21 
 
 " nin - ■ ii " 1 Ma y '' 
 
 This much we hnd from the Consulte e pratiche, or 
 
 report of the business transacted in the councils of Flo- 
 rence, in which there met together with the Signoria (or 
 in war time with the Otto di halia : " : i the Gonfalonieri,** 
 the twelve Buonuomini *** and the Captains of the Guelph 
 party. 
 
 They are therefore documents of great interest, because 
 they reflect, day by day, the public opinion then prevalent 
 in Florence, and reveal the mechanism of government 
 from behind the scenes, and the private reasons of the 
 events in which the Florentine Republic took part. 
 
 Hawkwood, without so many councils, passed directly 
 on to practice. Exhorted thereto by the Cardinal Legate 
 who had taken refuge at Ferrara, he invaded the Bolo- May ie. 
 gnese territory, treating it " wit li fire and the sword," 
 which decided Bologna to formally enter the League of 
 Florence against the Pope. 
 
 The English were encamped at Medicina, and Hawk- May 25 
 wood flashed out from the camp in person, with four hun- 
 dred lances, and for three days rode towards Ponte Mag- 
 giore, sacking, burning, and taking prisoners about four 
 hundred peasants. Thus hard pressed the Bolognese took 
 courage, and this time threw into prison all the English 
 who were in the city, not excluding Hawkwood's two little 
 
 * The Otto <li halia, which was called in war times the Otto di guerra 
 lEinht of war), was a council first created during this very war, ami it t ■ >■ >k 
 the place of the Signoria. or was added to it, in the general war council. 
 Its office was to decide on matters of expense, and means of raisins funds etc. 
 in time of war. In peace, it was a council of eight which ruled the poli- 
 tical economy of the city. — {Translator.) 
 
 " The Gonfalonieri were the heads of the different quarters of the city. 
 Each quarter had four gonfalons or standards, the bearers of which were 
 called into council on special occasions. — (Translator.) 
 
 * The twelve Buonuomini, or good men. was a council formed of three 
 elders (Anziani) from each quarter. Its sittings lasted three months, and it 
 was called into council with the Signoria on especial occasions. — (Translator.) 
 
ins HAWKWOOD As AN ARCHITECT. 
 
 1376. sons. This was all that was necessary ; paternal affection 
 outweighed the fury of the captain. To regain the hos- 
 tages, a truce of sixteen months was accorded — while the 
 prisoners, and even the cattle taken as spoil, were restored. 
 
 Having got his children back, Hawkwood employed the 
 armistice in arranging his affairs and insuring his terri- 
 torial lordship. 
 
 Having by this time squeezed out of Faenza all that 
 was worth having, he decided to cede the empty husk to 
 Alberto d' Este Marquis of Ferrara, some say for 60,000 
 ducats, some 40,000, others 24,000 florins. 
 
 In agreement with the Pope who, above everything, 
 feared the city getting into Bernabo Visconti's hands, the 
 Marchese settled the account with the English, taking from 
 them the pledge which they had in hand : and the cession 
 was made the following year. 
 
 1377. Meanwhile the affair being concluded, Hawkwood took 
 
 April 28. 
 
 up his abode at Bagnacavallo, a well fortified town in 
 which nothing was lacking, and without more ado, he 
 began to enlarge and strengthen his contiguous possession, 
 Cotignola. In those days, fortifications were of the greatest 
 efficacy, as artillery was either not yet employed, or used 
 in exceptional cases and rudimentary form. "We might 
 even say that Cotignola was reconstructed by him from 
 its very foundations ; — hitherto we have only seen him as 
 the rapacious vandal, now we behold him as an architect. 
 A century before this, the people of Faenza and Forli 
 had made a strong fortress at Cotignola, but in Hawk- 
 wood's time it was in a very bad state, perhaps because 
 it no longer corresponded to good military rules, the town 
 being very small and not capable of holding a sufficient 
 garrison. Hawkwood enlarged it to five times the size, 
 surrounding it with new walls, a deep moat, and bulwarks. 
 A plan is still existing in the Archives of Cotignola which 
 
THE ANCESTOR OF THE SFORZA. 109 
 
 minutely describes this rebuilding, and shews us that besides 1377. 
 several small forts, and the various suburbs, he also erected 
 a " large and royal palace with dungeons like a very strong- 
 hold " (magnum et regale palatium cum foveis in modum 
 fortissimi loci). 
 
 According to Bonincontri, an historian little trustworthy 
 in regard to facts, he had even thought how this enlarged 
 town was to be populated, and proposed prizes to immi- 
 grants, — but in practice he seems to have done the opposite 
 thing, seeing that to build the above-mentioned strong 
 palace, he had to take away from Giovanni Attendolo, son 
 of Muzio and father of the Sforza, a possession which was 
 contiguous to his own and imposed a tribute in favour 
 of Giovanni and his descendents on all those who wished 
 to build houses within the new circuit. 
 
 This shews that the English captain was not a tyrant 
 without a sense of justice, capable of expropriating pos- 
 sessions without recompense, and it proves besides that 
 the tradition of the rise of the great family of the Sforza 
 from a poor peasant was unfounded. 
 
 Hawkwood kept for some years the lordship of Bagna- 
 cavallo and Cotignola ; that he had leisure to complete 
 the works we have mentioned, which he began towards 
 the middle of the year 1376, is placed beyond doubt by 
 the map we have cited, in the Archives of Cotignola.* 
 
 Xear Cotignola, arose in those days, the Castle of Cunio, 
 afterwards completely destroyed in the 16 th century; the 
 ruling count was Alberico da Barbiano, whom we shall 
 soon find in the field as condottiere of some troops (Italian 
 
 * Another mention of Hawkwood's dominion might lie perhaps gleaned 
 from Pietro M. Carantho, a learned man of Cotignola, who wrote of the 
 events happening in his native place as he had heard of them from his 
 ancestors, or seen them with his own eyes. Thus says Loanclro Alborti 
 (Descrizione d' Italia), but thi» Carantho does not appear in the Blbliografia 
 storica degli Statlpontlflci, by Ranghiasci, nor do we know whether his history 
 has over been published. 
 
110 HAWKWOOD'S FORTIFICATIONS. 
 
 i37.j. ones at last), and fighting even against the English, and 
 against Hawkwood. In Cotignola there was also that Muzio 
 Attendolo son of the Giovanni mentioned above, who was 
 then a boy of seven years old ; — he began the career of 
 
 1881 arms at the earliest age (Giovio asserts without foundation 
 
 that he was a pupil of Hawkwood'si, and by this career 
 
 the Sforza had the good fortune to found their dynasty. 
 
 Indeed some years after, when Hawkwood, as we shall 
 
 see, was despoiled of his lordship, this same Muzio Atten- 
 
 Hi4. dolo was created Count of Cotignola, by Pope John XXII, 
 and the lordship passed to his descendants the Sforza, who 
 gave to Cotignola the title and jjrivileges of a city, amongst 
 which privileges may be classed the ancient jocose spectacle 
 of the Sega vecchia (old saw) at mid-lent, which has lin- 
 gered to our own days. 
 
 It is probable that Hawkwood fortified and built also 
 at Bagnacavallo, but no memorial of this exists except 
 some possessions left to his heirs and a street which still 
 has the name of Strada Aguta (Hawkwood street). This 
 opens towards the east of the city and terminates in an 
 open space marked on the old maps as Commenda (Com- 
 mandery) di San Giorgio; near there was a fortress called 
 the " Bastion of Villanova," so it must have been a military 
 road opened by Hawkwood, to ensure communication be- 
 tween the capital of his feudal territory, and that rampart, 
 which was perhaps built by himself and certainly was 
 held by him to be important. 
 
 On the other hand, we have at Cotignola a well pre- 
 served monument of Hawkwood, especially interesting from 
 its military character. We may therefore be permitted to 
 linger awhile in this little city, an inheritance of two of 
 the most celebrated condottieri who held the sword of 
 command in Italy. 
 
Ill 
 
 XVI. 
 
 THE TOWEE OF COTIGNOLA. — DOUBLE PLAY. 
 
 [Bokoli, Storia di Cotignola — Litta, Famiglit celebri, Sforza — Baluzio, Ponttfa avigno- 
 — Carteggio of the Signoria of Florence, Miss.— Consult* < praticlu oi the Floren- 
 tine Commune — Gherardi, Guerra degli otto santi — Diary of the Anonymous Flo- 
 rentine published in the Documents for Italian history, v. VI — Ghirardai < i. Stot >> 
 bolognesi — Marchionne di Coppo Stefani, Cronaca.] 
 
 Till towards the middle of the last century, Cotignola 
 retained the circuit of walls, the moats and bulwarks, with 
 which Hawkwood had enclosed it four hundred 3'ears before. 
 The bulwarks however were in a ruined state, and the 
 moat half filled up by the drainings left by frequent 
 inundations of the Senio, a torrent stream at that time 
 badly dyked. 
 
 A weapon of war which had suffered neither siege nor 
 assault, — its fortifications fell slowly into ruin, from mere 
 decrepitude, and no longer served any other purpose than 
 to mark out the square boundaries of the little city. The 
 three gates in the wall stood alwaj's open, the most ancient 
 of them being the one towards the bridge over the Senio. 
 
 In our day neither walls nor bulwarks remaiu, the 
 moats are entirely filled up, and the Senio is tamed with 
 magnificent dykes, behind which the little city, now open, 
 is nearly hidden. To the e^yes of one coming from Faenza 
 nothing is visible but the square tower of the Church, and 
 a round tower, emerging at the southern extremity of the 
 inhabited part. 
 
 This last is all that remains of John Hawkwood's ar- 
 chitecture. The cracks in its masonry testify to its anti- 
 quity, but by the aid of iron clamps it is integrally pre- 
 served, and offers an elegant and curious example of 
 military architecture at the end of the 14 th century. It 
 is built of brick, broken at regular intervals by square 
 
112 HAWKWOOD'S WATCH-TOWER. 
 
 holes, and rises cylindrically on an escarped basement ; it 
 is crowned by a high drum-like gallery without apertures, 
 slightly projecting on light corbels of brick, in the form 
 of reversed pyramids. This is bordered above and beneath 
 by two string-courses of brickwork of pleasing design. 
 
 Below this, at about two thirds of the height of the 
 bower, were once eight sma.ll round-arched windows, now 
 almost entirely walled up, though traces in the masonry 
 still remain to indicate them. 
 
 On the dram are now four pilasters which suppori the 
 roof, and the woodwork for a bell, but this is of posterior 
 construction. 
 
 Hawkwood had erected a watch-tower, in connection 
 with his magnum et regale palatium in modum fortissimi 
 loci, which accounts for the elegance of its construction, 
 — ■ something between the lordly and military, and for the 
 name of Castellina which to this day is given to the 
 locality where the tower rises. 
 
 The turret is now isolated : it may be entered by 
 means of five iron bars in the wall leading to a little door 
 placed at about a third of its height, which gives ingress 
 to an entresol; from here four ladders bring you to a plat- 
 form where the inscription of the fine bell (fused at Bo- 
 logna in 1616) offers almost a resume of the history of 
 Cotignola in the 17 th century : arma — ignem — excubias — 
 Si niunn — sont.es — senatum — jubila.... cano. 
 
 It was no longer in the warlike times of Hawkwood, 
 nor of Attendolo Sforza ; on the contrary by way of mak- 
 ing the bell useful from time to time, the people of Co- 
 tignola arranged that it should ring out its strokes, on the 
 passing by of any wayfarer. 
 
 But although Cotignola does not count more than 
 7000 inhabitants, the tower which they call del Campa- 
 none (the tower of the big bell) and which we call " Hawk- 
 wood's,'' is not the only interesting thing in the place. 
 
A PALACE OF THE SFORZA. 113 
 
 Setting aside objects which do not concern our history, 
 there is a grand old building, which from its architecture 
 might be attributed to the end of the 14"', or beginning 
 of the 15 th century, and which has the merit of preserv- 
 ing almost intact the internal distribution of rooms of 
 that epoch. One might at first sight almost seem to recog- 
 nise that " great and regal palace " of Sir John Hawk- 
 wood ; but on the capitals of two marble columns which 
 sustain the arches of the " Loggia " are sculptured the 
 arms of a lion rampant bearing the quince * of Cotignola. 
 The lion rampant was given by the Emperor Sigismund 
 to Attendolo Sforza in 1401, and in a large terra cotta 
 medallion on the facade at the back of the building the 
 same arms are repeated, with the well known crest of the 
 Sforza, ■ — a winged dragon with a human head. 
 
 So we treat of a palace either radically modified, or 
 entirely rebuilt by the Sforza. 
 
 Hawkwood then was domiciled in his new possessions, 1376 
 and restraining his English Company from spoiling the 
 lands about Faenza, — and here ere long a letter reached 
 him from the Otto, who, in Florence were directing the 
 war against the Church. The letter, which referred to Jimo '■'■ 
 the intentions communicated by Hawkwood through his 
 chancellor Euggiero Cane, and Spinello Alberti, simply 
 expressed a hope of coming to terms ; and added that Eug- 
 giero Cane, the faithful friend, and usual mediator, would 
 explain to him the wishes of the Otto. ** The captain 
 seeing that the Church and her enemies were disputing 
 for his sword, naturally raised his demands, — he could 
 exact the more from Florence and her allies, because a 
 companj'- of fierce Bretons commanded by most ferocious 
 captains, and led by the Cardinal of Geneva who was more 
 
 * The Italian name of quince i-. cotogna. — (Translator.) 
 ** See Document XXV. 
 
1 1 I INTOLERABLE EXPENSES. 
 
 1876. ferocious than captains and soldiers put together, had crossed 
 the Alps on the Pope's behalf; and one of the captains, 
 Jlalestroit, had boasted he would enter Florence as easily 
 as the sun-light could get in, while the Cardinal threatened 
 the Bolognese that he would wash his hands and feet in 
 their blood. In fact he disposed of both Bretons and 
 English.* 
 
 •'>"" " ; Then the Otto wrote to their ally Bernabo Visconti, 
 
 that he should order his dejjendent Ruggiero Cane to obtain 
 for the League " as many Englishmen as he could " even 
 up to 1500 lances and 800 archers. They doubted the result 
 " because Hawkwood had demanded impossible things, and 
 an intolerable price," however they had sent Spinello Alberti 
 their treasurer to begin the negotiations, and were " ready 
 to participate in the expense, because it was important to 
 prevent the union of the Bretons with the English." ** 
 
 June 20. The fear of contracting " intolerable " expenses was very 
 
 soon overcome, for the peril seemed so urgent that it was 
 agreed in consultation that " the Otto should manage to 
 obtain the English brigade at all costs; to which end they 
 should employ every means both secret and open ; that 
 they should make the deeds and remissions, requested by 
 Hawkwood ; and it was only in case they could not pos- 
 sibly get him, that they were to obtain a captain of war 
 and every other possible means of defence." 
 
 On that very day the Signoria wrote to Hawkwood 
 that while acceding to his requests they accorded him 
 full pardon for all past injuries and evils, praying him 
 to reciprocate it.' ' 
 
 * Baluzio cites a codex (56 of the Colbert library in Paris) which contains 
 a prospectus of the men-at-arms under command of the Cardinal, and the 
 payments made t" them bj Domenico Francesco d'Incisa bishop of A.cqui, 
 win. was lieutenant of the 1 >i--ln >j> of Bologna, and the Pope's treasurer ge- 
 neral for Italy. In the first place is nominated '-'. Acuto captain of tie- 
 English, thru cunes Malestroit captain ■ •( the Bretons. 
 
 See Document XXVI. •** See Document XXVII. 
 
THE FLORENTINES IN TREPIDATION. 115 
 
 We may believe that Hawkwood and his Englishmen 1376. 
 did not care to measure themselves with the Bretons, 
 whose " ferocity " they had probably experienced in the 
 French wars. At Florence it was known that negotiations 
 were commenced for an agreement between Hawkwood 
 and the Church, and hence they deliberated : 
 
 f ' That the Otto, as they have hitherto done, shall June 21. 
 use every means to procure that the Bretons and English 
 shall not injure us, providing nevertheless that there shall 
 be no agreement between them. That in this peril the ci- 
 tizens shall be called on to assist the Commune with money. 
 And that they shall use every effort to do this, and the 
 Otto shall provide how and when the companies shall 
 eventually leave the country. 
 
 " That the Otto shall provide for the well-being, liberty 
 and defence of the country, and for the fortifications of 
 the towns." 
 
 "We can feel what trepidation the Florentines were in, 
 we might say hour by hour ; they feared beyond every- 
 thing that Hawkwood would agree with the Bretons, and 
 make one company out of the two. 
 
 Notice arrived that his contract with the Church was June 22. 
 concluded, but at the same time secret assurances to the 
 contrary must have been received. The captain had de- 
 cided to keep both feet in the stirrups — to take money 
 from each side and do nothing serious for either, avoiding 
 the dreaded conflict with the Bretons, and having respect 
 to the Florentines. The latter in fact wrote to Bernabo 
 begging him to corrupt the Bretons at their united expense, 
 whilst they themselves undertook to keep the English 
 at bay. 
 
 And in the Consulte, although foreseeing that they could June 23. 
 hope nothing from Hawkwood's words, and agreeing with 
 the opinion of those who wished to fortify the passes of 
 
116 GOLDEN SEDUCTIONS. 
 
 1370. the Apennines, and make every provision for war, againsi 
 him, as well as the Bretons; yet Filippo Corsini advised 
 them " nevertheless to make haste in consulting about an 
 agreement with Hawkwood." 
 
 rum 25 It being known that the Bretons were at present aiming 
 
 at Bologna, the prevailing idea was, that by closing the 
 passes, clearing out the country, and displaying the cross- 
 bowmen, they could give efficacious aid to Bologna and 
 " yet keep an eye " on Sir John ; — but " meanwhile " (the 
 orders ran) " try to procure a contract with Hawkwood. " 
 To render this less difficult, the Signoria, by means of 
 the Scaligers, persuaded the Marquis of Este not to lend 
 the Church the 30,000 florins necessary for the stipends 
 of the English. 
 
 AVhether this were the cause, or the brave resistance 
 of Bologna had made it clear that the Bretons were not 
 so formidable in war as they were ferocious to the de- 
 fenceless, certain it is that Hawkwood began to yield 
 again to the golden seductions of Florence. 
 
 July in. In conformity to his request the Signoria assured him, 
 
 that they had made arrangements, for his annuity of 1200 
 florins to be paid him in Venice, and continued even if he 
 should leave Italy.* But even this was not enough to 
 decide him : he still maintained such an ambiguous part, 
 that in Florence they gave credence to rumours of the 
 most insidious perfidy on his part. 
 
 ,iuiy 22. News arrived that three Genoese archers (of that troop 
 
 sent to the Romagna by the Florentines, to help Bologna 
 had schemed to give Hawkwood the castle of Granarolo, 
 which lay near his possessions of Bagnacavallo and Co- 
 tignola, and that Giorgio Grimaldi, the captain of the Ge- 
 noese, having discovered the plan, had hanged the three 
 archers by the neck. 
 
 Sei i Hin. nt xwiii. 
 
TREACHERY AT AREZZO. 117 
 
 Then came notice of the discovery of a treaty made 
 
 l 176. 
 July 29. 
 
 by certain men of Arezzo, to betray Arezzo to the Church, 
 for which purpose the traitors had changed the lock of 
 one of the gates so as to have the key ; it was said that 
 " somebody's head was cut off, " and as to the treat} - , " John 
 Hawkwood and the Bretons had a hand in it. " 
 
 But it was all empty talk, for rumours will circulate 
 in time of war for terror. It is more probable that the 
 Florentine Doffo de' Bardi, who had been successful on 
 some previous missions, and was at this time sent to 
 Faenza to confer with Hawkwood, found that the Captain 
 had gone to Medicina to hold an interview with the Car- 
 dinal of Geneva. The Englishman prudently attended 
 this conference with an accompanying guard of five hun- 
 dred lances. The- interview took place in the tower of 
 Giovanni Isolani, and all the day was consumed in parley- 
 ing, without coming to any agreement, so that when 
 the Cardinal presented himself at Faenza with the Bre- 
 tons, he was denied admittance. 
 
 Hawkwood persevered in his double game : he managed 
 to send word to the Florentine captain of war Rodolfo da 
 Varano,* requesting him to send a person of trust : the 
 treasurer was sent, as being the most fit envoy, but he 
 was taken by the Cardinal's men-at-arms. 
 
 Vice versa when the Florentines inflicted a defeat on August 22. 
 the Bretons near Faenza, Hawkwood went out to help 
 them, if not " they could not have held their own. " And 
 then the English and Bretons together attempted Forli and 
 were repulsed. 
 
 * There is a tradition that the Varani, Lords of Camerino, were of Anglo- 
 Norman origin, in common with the English Warrens. Litta however in his 
 " celebrated Families" holds this theory to !»■ unfounded,— it may perhaps 
 have arisen from the fact that towards the year 1260, Gentile da Varan.. 
 obtained assistance from Pope Alexander IV. and was put in command of 
 an English brigade, which had either stopped in Italy after the Crusades, 
 or came when the Pope offered the crown of Naples to the Duke ofLancaster, 
 son of Henry III. 
 
L18 BREAKING UP THE COMPANY. 
 
 1376. Hawkwood, though enriched by the sale of Faenza, and 
 
 well furnished with provisions, yet received very tempting 
 proposals from the Bretons: he might even have schemed 
 to have the overtures made to him, as he was not at that 
 time content with his men, nor were they with him. Then 
 the Florentines, Bernabo, and Bologna agreed to make the 
 attempt to break up the English Company and take into 
 their pay as many as seven hundred lances, and three 
 hundred archers. They made a secret' understanding with 
 Philip Puer (Power), John Berwick and with another 
 ~ Messer Giovanni " to bring their men, promising the high 
 pay of from 22 to '24 florins a lance, but these knights 
 only succeeded in bringing two hundred and fifteen lances 
 and ninety two archers. " And this I know, for I enrolled 
 them, being employed in Bologna on behalf of the Com- 
 mune, " says Marchionne Stefani. 
 
 To sum up, the Florentines had reason in encouraging 
 the Bolognese to resist, for they sent them as captain the 
 expert Eodolfo da Yarano; but they could also persevere 
 with good hope of success in the attempts to deprive the 
 Church of Hawkwood and the English, its best leader, and 
 finest soldiers. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 THE SLAUGHTER OF CESEXA. 
 HAWKWOOD AGAINST THE CHURCH. 
 
 [Sozomeho - Poooio Rii.unoi.iM - St. Aktonikds, bishop of Florence - G. Gobi, in the 
 
 .,,„ storica italiano, now series, v. VI11 - Eiootti, History of tin « nai 
 
 panies - Sietieai chronicU in Mubatobi [II. 1. S.] — Comocio Salutati's Letter writ 
 ten to the A'™-; oj Franci for tin Florentines, quoted in the Annates mediolauensts 
 published by Mi eatoei [B. I S.], t. XVI - Chronicles of Bologna, Estense, and of Ri- 
 mini - Diary of the AMOmrMOUS Fiobehtikk - Ajimibato — Salutati Bpistola.] 
 
 If the English Cortdottiere had more promptly decided 
 to abandon the Pope's service, he would have saved him- 
 
THE WICKED CARDINAL. 119 
 
 self the shame of figuring as an actor, although repugnantly, i.-itt. 
 in one of the most atrociously bloody deeds recorded in 
 history. It is too true that on this occasion he was still 
 under the orders of Roberto Count of Geneva, a Cardinal- 
 priest of the order of the " Holy Apostles," ugly and de- 
 formed of body, whilst in character he could rank first 
 among those Avignonese bishops, who scandalized the 
 world with injustice, simony, avarice, gluttony, lust, luxury, 
 pride, and all the cardinal vices ; adding to these, as an 
 especial characteristic, bestial ferocity, so much so, that 
 catholic ecclesiastical history is pleased to be able to clas- 
 sify him amongst the antipopes, though it cannot cancel 
 the fact that he was first the legate of the legitimate High 
 Pontiff Gregory XI, and commissioned to restore the tem- 
 poral power. 
 
 The Cardinal had failed to enter Bologna, and he re- 
 venged himself by putting all the country under the horror 
 of fire or bloodshed ; rewarding, and absolving with great 
 rejoicings such of his Bretons as recounted to him the mur- 
 ders they had perpetrated, he even blessed and consecrated 
 their bloodstained swords. 
 
 Then he took up his winter quarters with these unbri- 
 dled soldiers at Cesena, the only city in the Romagna which 
 would receive him with " a joyful and reverent spirit," 
 the only one which " benevolently favored " the head of 
 the ecclesiastics ; but the Bretons illtreated the unfortunate 
 Cesena in such a manner as to reduce the citizens to de- 
 spair. The Cardinal gave no heed to their remonstrances, 
 while the captain-general, Galeotto Malatesta, told them 
 to take justice into their own hands. 
 
 The leaders of the Bretons in their turn complained February i«*. 
 that provisions were dear, so the Cardinal gave them leave 
 to procure them without payment ; the soldiers then fell 
 to and plundered the butchers' shops ; — the measure was 
 full, the Cesenese armed themselves and killed a good many 
 
120 CRUEL 'JUSTICE." 
 
 [377 of the brigands. The Cardinal then matured and carried 
 out an unparalleled scheme of revenge. He made a solemn 
 promise of pardon to those citizens who turned to him 
 with repentance for their rebellion, and for that almost 
 excusable man-slaughter on the sole condition that they 
 should consign their arms ; this he swore by his cardinal's 
 hat, and to inspire them with more faith, he asked, and 
 obtained fifty hostages, whom he immediately released 
 again with benign words. Having thus rendered them 
 defenceless (whilst he had called Hawkwood and his En- 
 glishmen from Faenza, secretly causing them to enter the 
 fortress known as la Murata), as soon as night came he 
 gave orders, for the captain to fall on the city and " admi- 
 nister justice." Hawkwood attempted to lead him to milder 
 measures, declaring himself ready to constrain the citizens 
 to disarm, and to promise obedience, but the Cardinal had 
 already attained this, and wanted quite a different thing: 
 — he explained that by justice he meant blood and more 
 blooiL Hawkwood insisted, showing the Cardinal that he 
 ought to look to the result, but he finished by resigning 
 himself to the reiterated commands. 
 
 His repugnance may possibly help to diminish our horror 
 of the part he took in the affair. It arose perhaps from 
 his intention not to compromise the already advanced 
 understanding with the Florentine League, any way it 
 showed that he did not approve of useless ferocities. 
 
 On the other hand was he certain of securing the obe- 
 dience of his Englishmen, if he denied them the chance 
 of a sack? And did not Alberico da Barbiano himself, whose 
 praises are sung by generous spirits and Italian sentiment, 
 take part in the fierce repression of Cesena together with 
 his two hundred lances ? In fact, both Bretons and English 
 threw themselves on the defenceless and trusting city. For 
 three days and nights, they made such horrible slaughter 
 of the citizens that the pen refuses to describe the par- 
 
WHOLESALE SLAUGHTER. I- I 
 
 tieulars. It may be admitted perhaps that authors have 1377, 
 related it with some exaggeration, — for example how are 
 we to believe the Sienese chronicle which calculates that 
 the little town contained 40,000 inhabitants ? But on the 
 whole there is a formidable array of chroniclers, historians, 
 diplomatic documents, and popular poets, all agreeing in 
 describing the slaughter of Cesena as an outburst of insu- 
 perable barbarity. 
 
 The letter of the Florentines to the King of France 
 written by Coluccio Salutati, chancellor of the Commune, 
 is a circular manifesto sent to the different powers, de- 
 nouncing the horrors committed in the name and defence 
 of the Papal dominion, by two bands of robbers. Even if 
 we doubt the interested eloquence of this witness, we may 
 believe Poggio Bracciolini, the secretary of eight Popes, 
 and we may trust the archbishop St. Antonino. The latter 
 without reserve compares the Cardinal to Herod and Nero, 
 and the Bolognese chronicle says : " People no longer be- 
 lieve either in the Pope or Cardinals, for these are things 
 to crush one's faith." 
 
 There is a short latin comedy in four scenes which has 
 been erroneously attributed first to Petrarch, and then to 
 Salutati, the subject of which is a description of " the 
 slaughter of the unhappy city of Cesena." It agrees with 
 many of the chronicles, and asserts that five thousand 
 inhabitants were killed in one day; — the most moderate 
 reports say " about two thousand five hundred Christians.' 
 Naturally the men did not let themselves be butchered 
 like lambs : three hundred of the murderers were killed, 
 a few in the town and more disbanded about the country, 
 but the mass of the citizens, being unarmed, were only 
 able to seek safety by flight. Those who did not flee in 
 haste, or were overtaken, found no quarter. 
 
 The chronicler of Rimini, who is especially trustworthy 
 from his vicinity, says more than all : " As many men, 
 
122 FEROCIOUS BRETONS. 
 
 1377. women, and nurselings as they found, they slaughtered, 
 all the squares were full of dead. A thousand drowned 
 themselves in trying to cross the moats — some fled by 
 the gates with the Bn tons pursuing, who murdered and 
 robbed and committed outrages, and would not let the 
 handsomest women escape, but kept them as spoil; they 
 put a ransom on a thousand little boys and girls, neither 
 man nor woman remained in Gesena. 
 
 " Then they methodically began to plunder — sending 
 the best things in cars to Faenza, and selling the rest of 
 the furniture to the people of the neighbouring towns. 
 
 " By the 15 th of April neither corn, nor wine, nor oil, 
 remained, except what the mountaineers supplied them 
 with, and even they took away a load of blankets or 
 clothes, whenever they brought a load of straw, and so 
 the city was undone. 
 
 " About eight thousand between great and small came 
 to Rimini, all begging for alms, save a few artisans who 
 found work, and thus the said Bretons consumed Cesena 
 inside and out till the 13 lh of August." 
 
 It seems then that the worst was done by the Bretons, 
 who, being naturally fierce, were rendered more so by re- 
 venge for their lost comrades. St. Antonino specifies that 
 the English preferred plunder above everything, and on 
 this account they urged to flight the people of Cesena. 
 Ammirato confirms this, and the Cronaca estense says : " Sir 
 John Hawkwood, not to be held entirely infamous, sent 
 about a thousand of the Cesenese women to Rimini." But 
 even his men did not entirely relinquish atrocities in 
 search of prey. "AH the survivors left in the city were 
 constrained by the English to ransom themselves ; they bar- 
 barously illtreated men and women, to make them reveal 
 where real or supposed treasures were to be found." 
 
 To conclude, the slaughter was such that the following 
 vear when means were taken for the restoration of the 
 
THE HERCULES OF FLORENCE 123 
 
 city, many deep trenches for the conservation of corn, and i 
 two large cisterns were found full of corpses. Hawkwood 
 had hastened to inter the dead in that manner, because 
 his Company was quartered at Cesena. 
 
 Remembering his reluctance to execute the Cardinal's 
 orders, it may not be out of place to suppose that disgust 
 at these doings contributed to his resolution to leave the 
 service of such rulers. 
 
 It is certain that very soon after this, the negotiations 
 which were already begun, to employ him on the part of 
 the League, were brought to a conclusion. This news April 10. 
 seemed to the Florentines " good news, for you have dis- 
 armed the power of the Pope and strengthened yourselves." 
 
 The Pope was so bitter, that he revenged himself by 
 excommunicating and interdicting Florence, and the Flo- 
 rentines replied by obliging their priests to officiate not- 
 withstanding. 
 
 "We have a rhyming echo of the Florentine joy on the 
 conversione of Hawkwood, in a verse of a song composed after 
 the war, by Franco Saochetti, in which he magnifies twelve 
 great enterprises, achieved by Florence in his days, by com- 
 paring them to the labours of the mythic hero, Hercules : * 
 
 Hercole arse il feroce serpente 
 Che, per natura avendo teste molte, 
 Ne rimettea tre, tagliandon' una : 
 Chi combattea con esso era perdente, 
 Ma con fuoco e con stipe assai ricolte 
 Fu morto senza aver potenza alcuna. 
 Fiorenza vaga. quante volte ad una 
 L'ani/lico scrpentel s'e mosso ad arnie 
 Con molte teste, radoppiaudo sempre : 
 E tu, con dolci terupre, 
 Sanza alcun fuoco, a te 1' ai si rivolto 
 Che sotto il tuo vexillo s'e raccolto. 
 
 * Communicated by Sig. Snl'»ii<>in' Morpurgo from his monograph on 
 the poet story-teller. — (Hercules \v:is the patron of the Florentine Republic, 
 whose seal bears his figure.— Translator.) 
 
124 1'I.oRINs AND MORE FLORINS. 
 
 liTT. (Brave Hercules doth burn the fearful snake 
 
 Which nature has endowed with num'roua beads, 
 So that for one cut off, three more awake 
 And he who dares to combat it is dead. 
 But on a fire of gathered sticks he flings 
 
 That Hydra dread, which dies and. no more stings. 
 Fair Florence, ah! how oft thou hast to one — 
 The English serpent — turned thine arms to fight 
 Whose heads increase the oftener they're cut down : 
 But ah! in warm sweet words, how great thy might! 
 Altough no fatal tire tor him doth burn 
 Beneath thy standard doth the dread one turn.) 
 
 Bernabo Visconti, whose influence had been the prin- 
 cipal means of gaining Hawkwood, so disposed, that his bri- 
 gade should be placed at the service of the League between 
 Cesena and Forli; its stipend was fixed for a year begin- 
 ning on the 1 st of May, and it was to be composed of eight 
 hundred lances and five hundred archers (of these two hun- 
 dred with two horses each, and three hundred with one), 
 at the monthly rate of 21 florins each lance, 14 florins for 
 the archers with two horses, and 8 florins for the others, 
 which with 3200 florins for the provvisioni and j*r< mi- 
 nenze of Hawkwood, of the leaders etc. etc. made a sum of 
 25,200 florins a month. Of this sum a third was at the 
 cost of Bernabo Visconti, the other two thirds were divided 
 between the Florentines and the other allies ; and these 
 were apportioned in the following manner by Florence, who 
 kept the accounts for all, advanced the money, and had, it is 
 said, some trouble in getting it reimbursed : Bologna had to 
 pay 9000 florins, Perugia 4000, Siena 3000, Arezzo 2250, the 
 Prefect of Viterbo 2250, Ascoli 600, Forli 1500, Urbino 1340, 
 Fermo 1800, Citta di Castello 600, Guido da Polenta lord 
 of Eavenna 1200, Bartolomeo di Sanseverino 300, Bertrando 
 Alidosi lord of Imola 450, Eodolfo Varauo lord of Came- 
 rino 600 florins. 
 
 This last, who had been until now captain of the 
 League, took offence at being required to cede the supreme 
 
HAWKWOOD'S CLIMAX. 125 
 
 command to Hawkwood, and went over to the Clmrch :i: 137;. 
 not returning to his alliance with Florence till after the 
 death of his rival. In any case half Italy was tributary to 
 Hawkwood, and it being an affair of gold, Florence paid 
 for everybody; it was a lucky day for him when he ar- 
 rived at Bologna to assume the baton of command. May 1 -. 
 
 Together with his magnificent pay Bernabo Visconti 
 had adopted another means of seduction; and to make sure 
 of his brave captain, he gave him one of his daughters in 
 marriage — it is true she was illegitimate, but in those 
 times, even the bastard child of the lord of Milan was 
 considered an honorable match for the son of the modest 
 landowner and tanner of Sible Hedingham. 
 
 A famous Condottiere, rich in pay, lord of feudal es- 
 tates, and now become also the son-in-law of the most po- 
 tent of Italian princes, Sir John Hawkwood here reached 
 the climax of his fortunate career. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 MARRIAGE TO DONNINA VISCONTI. 
 IN THE ROMAGNA AGAINST THE BRETONS. 
 
 [Suit entered by Galeazzo Conte di Virtu U> the memory of Bernabo Visconti in the Anna- 
 tes mediolanenses — Litta, Famiglie cehbri, Visconti — Balduzzi, Bagnacavallo < Gio- 
 vanni Hawkwood in the Documents and Memorials f"e tin statt history of tin provincet 
 of tin Romagna, 3 ld series, v. II, p. I — Moraxt's History of Essex — Brayley and 
 Britton's Beauties of England and Wales — Wright's History of Essex — Oslo, Diplo- 
 matic documents of the Milanese Archiees — Bawdox Brown, Venetian Ctilendar, etc., 
 I. titers of Hawkwood to Gomaga lord of Mantua — Saltttati Epistola — Carl 
 of the Florentine Signory, Missive.] 
 
 Bernabo Visconti's prolificacy was proportionate to his 
 extremely energetic temperament. His wife Beatrice Scali- 
 
 * On account of the defection of Rodolfo, tin- Florentines deprived him of 
 the citizenship, and in several places painted infamous effigies of him with 
 
 a mitre of devils and with figures of the vices on his face. They sent Ci 1 
 
 Landau to tight him, but Hawkwood did not go with him, as Litta asserts 
 in his Famiglie celebri. 
 
126 SIE JOHN'S MOTHER-IN-LAW. 
 
 1877. ger, called Regina, bore him fourteen sons, and he had many 
 others by less legitimate mothers, amongst which his fa- 
 vorite was " Donnina," daughter of Leone Porro, a lawyer 
 and Milanese noble. 
 
 Quadam vice numerati fuerunt Bernabovi quod habebai 
 36 filios vivos it I s mulieres pregnantes. — Quum esset in 
 senili state, constitutus, ut notorium est, tenebat duodenarium 
 vel vicenarium numerum meretricum, inter quas erat una Dea 
 amoeis, videlicet Donnina, quam una cum sorore sua et am- 
 bas sorores in concubinas publice it notorie detinebat. 
 
 This favorite " Donnina " had by him two sons, Lan- 
 cellotto and Palamede (who is indicated as a counsellor) ; 
 her daughters were Ginevra and Soprana, who were un- 
 married at their father's death, and Donnina who espoused 
 Hawkwood, and who by the error of some genealogist has 
 been named as daughter of Montanaria Lazzari, another 
 of Bernabo's " favorites." 
 
 That Hawkwood' s mother-in-law was the favorite of Ber- 
 nabo, is proved by his donation of towns and castles to her, 
 and we shall find other proofs to follow ; but, however this 
 be, the wife of the Condottiere was only a natural child. It 
 would appear that Hawkwood was at the time a widower ; 
 as from the manner in which the chroniclers speak of his 
 13711. two sons at Bologna, it would seem they were legitimate ; — 
 1379. there is besides a document in which he himself speaks 
 of a " son-in-law " * hardly two years after his marriage 
 with Visconti's daughter ; and some memorial, relating to 
 his monument in England (now destroyed),** shews that he 
 was there represented in effigy with his two wives. Still 
 we cannot absolutely affirm that those sons may not have 
 been less lawfully born in the course of canvp life, and the 
 more so that there is no mention of such offspring after his 
 marriage with the Visconti. The only mention of children 
 
 Sei I hapti i XXI. See I I i hapter. 
 
THE BRIDE'S PORTION. 127 
 
 is in the deeds of the Brandolini family at Baguaeavallu, 
 where the heir* of the late John Hawkwood are cited: he had 
 perhaps, on his legal marriage, made provisions for his sons 
 whether natural, or born of more humble wedlock. 
 
 Following this wedding, we hear of several matrimonial 
 alliances with the Visconti which served to insure to the 
 interest of that family the most famous condottieri. Filippo 
 Maria Visconti married Beatrice di Tenda, widow of Facino 
 Cane, so as to get her men-at-arms under his banner, and he 
 gave his relative Antonietta Visconti to the Conte di Car- 
 magnola ; Bianoa Visconti espoused Francesco Sforza : but 
 Bernabo, reserving his legal daughters for princes, made 
 bargains for the others with the condottieri: thus he gave 
 Riccarda to Bertrand de la Sale, one of the leaders of the 
 " ferocious Bretons ; " Enrica to Franchino Rusca da Como, 
 Isotta to Carlo son of Guidosavina of Fogliano, and Eli- 
 zabeth to Count Lucius Landau. 
 
 According to the Annali Milanesi, the last mentioned 
 marriage was contemporaneous with that of Donnina to 
 Hawkwood. 
 
 Bernahos comiti Lucio Lando theutonico Elisabeiham ct do- 1377. 
 
 May. 
 
 mino Johanni Aguto anglico capitaneo anglicorum uliam, ambas 
 ejus filias naturales pulcherrimas,tradidit in uxores in civitate 
 Mediolani. Fortunately Hawkwood obtained a most beautiful 
 woman for his wife. Some English authors call her Domitia . 
 and want to specify even her dote, which they give as an an- 
 nual income of 10,000 florins. The extreme improbability 
 of this cipher, enormous for those times, releases us from the 
 necessity of seeking the origin of information so evidently 
 unfounded. In his will, Bernabo left G000 florins to his 
 unmarried daughters by Beltramola de' Grassi, and 20,000 
 to those by Donnina Porro. To Elizabeth, who married Count 
 Lucius Landau, he gave a dote of 12,000 florins and many 
 jocalia (bride's dress). AVe may then argue that the wedd- 
 
lis THE WEDDING. 
 
 1377. ing portion and trousseau of Donnina would have been 
 equal, or not much superior to those of the last mentioned. 
 As to the marriage, the following letter from the am- 
 bassador of Lodovico Gonzaga at Milan, gives us plenty 
 of information : 
 
 " Last Sunday, Sir John Hawkwood conducted a 
 
 bride with all honors to the house where he was living, that 
 is to say to the house once belonging to Gasparo del Conte, 
 in which the late bishop of Parma lived, and the wedding- 
 was honored by the presence of the lady Duchess, and all 
 the daughters of Signor Bernabo. After the dinner the 
 said lord Signor Bernabo with his Porina * went to the 
 house of Sir John, where there was jousting going on all 
 day. They tell me that after dinner the lady Eegina * ; 
 made a present to the bride of a thousand gold ducats 
 in a vase. The Signor Marco gave her a zardino of pearls, 
 worth three hundred ducats, and the Signor Luigi,*** a gift 
 of pearls of the same value, and in like manner did many 
 of the nobles. So much silver was offered in largesse to 
 the Englishmen, that it is estimated at the value of a 
 thousand ducats. They had no dancing, in respect for the 
 late lady Taddea.**** I have heard that Sir John was near 
 Parma on Thursday, and according to what Signor Ber- 
 nabo told me amongst other things, he will soon be starting 
 towards Modena with his English soldiers ; and when I 
 was in Cremona, there came some provvisionati (country 
 militia) from Signor Bernabo's towns, who they say are 
 
 * Donnina Porro, the mother of the bride. 
 
 ** The legitimate wife of Bernabb had enough superiority of mind to 
 treat the children of her rivals well; this might contribute to explain tin 
 great ascendancy she always maintained over that terrible man. 
 
 *** Marco and Luigi (or Lodovico) were two of the legitimate sons of 
 Bernabb; at that epoch they held Parma as an appanage, in common with 
 their brothers, Eodolfo and Carlo. 
 
 **** Wo do not know what Taddea this can refer to, unless it be that 
 daughter of I'.rrnaho's, who married Stephen duke of Bavaria : if this is the 
 case, Litta erroneously assigns her death to the year [881. 
 
SIE JOHN'S HONEYMOON. 129 
 
 to be quartered there in place of those who were ordered 1377. 
 off. I also understood that they were preparing a great 
 many projectiles and gunpowder (pulvis a sciopis). n 
 
 Other sources also confirm the fact that Hawkwood 
 passed his honeymoon at Cremona, where, besides being oc- 
 cupied by his bride, he was making preparations for war. 
 
 He had for instance to provide for the defence of his 
 possessions, in Romagna, now that he had broken with the 
 Church. For this purpose he asked Lodovico Gonzaga to Ma >' 7 - 
 grant a pass free of tolls through the Mantuan territory, 
 as he had to send by way of the Po a quantity of battle 
 axes, crossbows, and many other things necessary to garrison 
 his castle at Bagnacavallo. 
 
 He also prepared to resume his place at the head of 
 the troops, and therefore requested the same privilege of 
 a free pass for his secretary of war, Giovanni da Cingoli, -May 26. 
 who brought his servant Giovanni da Napoli, with his at- 
 tendants and furniture from Ferrara. 
 
 Everything spoke of an imminent renewal of hostilities. 
 The Florentines reinforced themselves by hiring the English 
 constable Philip Piter (Power) with a hundred and two 
 lances and thirty nine archers, the German Heinrich Paer 
 with seventy five lances, and several other German and 
 English captains of ten and thirty lances, and some 
 Italian caporali with two or four lances ; in fact they took 
 anj-body, in spite of the trouble they had in getting their 
 allies to refund the part which they had advanced * towards 
 the Englishmen's stijjends. 
 
 Although the Bolognese had profited the most by the 
 agreement with Hawkwood — seeing that after the slaugh- 
 ters of Faenza and Cesena, both the English and Bretons 
 were menacing them more than Tuscany — they yet re- 
 
 * Amongst the others, tin- Sienese and the Perugians were in arrears. 
 Saiutati Epistles, July 31 and August 6 1377 and June 2 137S. 
 
L30 HAWKWOOD AT FAENZA. 
 
 1377. fused assistance on the ground that Hawkwood had only 
 
 been engaged in the name of Bernabo Visconti. At this 
 
 the Florentines* marvelled and Visconti was indignant." 
 
 June id. But he soon found a remedy for it by signifying to 
 
 the Bolognese that they must contribute 30,000 florins or 
 give Hawkwood's Company passage and provisions. In 
 fact the English did pass through that friendly country, 
 committing serious injuries which the two Florentine am- 
 bassadors at the English camp were quite unable to pre- 
 vent. Such was the oppression of the country that the 
 
 July 12. Signoria of Florence wrote to Hawkwood, begging him 
 
 * for pity's sake to have some compassion on the poor Bo- 
 lognese, who had been so illtreated the previous year, and 
 that he would at least leave the Bolognese territoiy as soon 
 as possible, and pass into the Romagna against the enemy." 
 
 The letter arrived too late ; on that very day Hawk- 
 wood left the neighborhood of Bologna, and encamped that 
 night at Faenza. Here he helped Astorre Manfredi to 
 recover the dominion of his hereditary city (the English 
 thus wresting from the Marquis of Este the pledge con- 
 signed to him). The following day he constrained the 
 Bretons, who wanted to enter Faenza, to retire towards 
 Cesena ; he was then reinforced by the Company of Astorre 
 Manfredi, and by some infantry from Forli, and finally to 
 August 25. deprive the Bretons of their provisions, he rode toward-; 
 the rich salt-springs of Cervia. 
 
 There the territory of Ravenna had to suffer. Guido 
 da Polenta complained to Florence very resentfully, and 
 the Florentines answered him that * they had recommended 
 all respect to his land, writing with as much earnestness 
 as though Guido himself held the pen, and not content 
 | witli writing they added the authority of Bernabo, by 
 sending his kinsman Ruggiero Cane." 
 
 * Letters of 2 and 1 of July 1377. Sign. Cart. Miss. XVII. State Archives 
 
 • '!' Florence, 
 
3( RIVENERS IN CAMP. 131 
 
 Remonstrances were of little importance to Hawkwood 1377. 
 
 who fulfilled his intentions in spite of them; the Bretons 
 were compelled to evacuate the Romagna and pass into Um- 
 bria ; Hawkwood surrounded them, and wrote to Florence Ssptemt 
 demanding archers, because being only four miles behind 
 tlic enemy he had stopped them from crossing the Tiber, 
 and intended to fight them if they came near him : but 
 instead of archers Florence sent advice. 
 
 It is the celebrated Coluccio Salutati, chancellor of the 
 Commune, cor ct mens curia-, who in his almost Ciceronian 
 letters shows himself the guiding genius of the war against 
 the Church.* He, writing to Hawkwood in the name of the Septemb. 11. 
 Signoria, prays him to avoid fighting, so as not to give 
 the enemy a chance of victory, — " curb the generous im- 
 patience of your men, so near the discouraged enemy, who 
 being already reduced and enraged might fight desperately, 
 — wait till they are more demoralised, or till they rashly 
 risk themselves in an insecure position. — For the rest we 
 trust in your prudence and well-known capacity." 
 
 In the postscript he adds : 
 
 " If you see that the enemy turns towards our terri- 
 tory, then at once with all your energy take the surest 
 and shortest paths as may seem most convenient, and make 
 every effort to precede them." 
 
 These suggestions were reasonable enough, for Hawk- 
 wood did not disdain them as he did those of the escri- 
 vans of Bianca Visconti at Alexandria, nor did he reply 
 as he once did to Andrea Vettori: " Go you and weave 
 your cloth and leave me to guide soldiers." In fact for 
 that time he evaded a battle. 
 
 * The Italian Historical Institute premises at length a complete edition 
 of Salutati'a "Epistolary," ami the programme which Signor Novati has an- 
 nounced in the " Bulletin " of the Institute (n° 6) assures us that the under- 
 taking will prove worthy of that learned man, and confer great benefit on 
 literature and history. 
 
13-2 
 
 XIX. 
 
 HAWKWOOD AS A MEDIATOE FOE PEACE. 
 GROSSETO LIBERATED. - WINTEE QUARTERS. 
 
 [Salutati's Epistles — Sienest chroni i Consultt i i',<it<<l>> of the Commune "t Florence 
 — Diary of the Anonthous Flobentike publislied by Gheraedi in the Document > 
 Italian History, v. VI.] 
 
 1377. Still following up the Bretons in the valley of the Ti- 
 
 ber, the English Condottiere descended into the Perugian 
 territory, where he spoiled the towns which sided with the 
 Church. As to Perugia, altough one of the League, it did 
 not lend itself to the requirements of the captain with 
 t In- expected zeal. This he complained of, writing to Flo- 
 rence that the Perugians " would not furnish him with 
 mounted guides who knew the country, as it was neces- 
 sary to take fresh ones from one place to another, because 
 they are thus familiar with the district, and are able to 
 spy out the intentions and movements of the enemy," 
 and he said that the Perugians had also refused to pro- 
 claim a recruitment of archers, and that they would not 
 even seud some musicians to the camp for a few days < , t(m 
 Septemb. 13. timpanorv/m et classicorum fremitv. in ostentationem solamS 
 And therefore the Florentine chancellor besought the 
 Perugians to reinforce Hawkwood with foot soldiers, horses, 
 and archers: or at least, as it would cost them nothing, 
 that they would oblige him de ostentationis pompa, to ter- 
 rify their enemies withal. 
 En. i "t These enemies took the road through the Sienese Ma- 
 
 September. 
 
 remma, and with a thousand eight hundred lances blockaded 
 (Trosseto. Hawkwood. who had but few forces to dispose of, 
 was encamped in observation, on the narrow table-land 
 
 Chi I /i<:r,T<> <li spie, i ricco di vituperio ; ' Those who are poor in spies 
 are rich in shame," an old proverb praised bj Matteo Villain. 
 
HAWKWOOD MEDIATOR FOE PEACE. 133 
 
 which forms almost a bastion from Montepulciano to 1377. 
 
 San Quirieo. 
 
 Here he remained almost two months " as a friend, and 
 the Sienese ambassadors with many of the citizens were 
 constantly in his camp. The Sienese sent him a horse with 
 caparisons worth a hundred and fifty florins, much confec- 
 tionery and corn, amounting in all to the value of three 
 hundred florins." "Whilst here the Floi'entines sent him Septemb _■:. 
 
 and -''i 
 
 commissions to reassure Siena — which he did — and to 
 assist Grosseto, which was not at that moment convenient 
 to him ; for one reason he did not feel strong enough to 
 attack the Bretons, and for another, because by his means 
 the Church was attempting to commence negotiations with 
 the League. 
 
 This is the only occasion in the career of Hawkwood 
 in which we see him as a mediator for peace — but even 
 this mediation was unheeded. The Signoria answered with 
 badly concealed ill humour, recalling him to his duty of 
 vigorously conducting the war: 
 
 " We have understood the request made by 3 r ou on be- 
 half of the High Pontiff, about a contract of peace and 
 concord with our ' magnificent ' brother Signor Bernabo, or 
 with him and ourselves on one part, and the Roman Church 
 on the other.... We recognise that you have undertaken 
 to establish peace on worthy conditions and that you are 
 moved by sincere and pure intentions ; we thank you for 
 your counsels, but we pray you to pursue the war in the 
 manly way you have commenced it, because this is, — or 
 at least we believe it to be, — the only path which will 
 lead us with honor to the wished for peace." septemb. 27. 
 
 The same kind of " bitter-sweet" was repeated more con- septemb. 30. 
 cisely three days later, with the addition that they had 
 written to Bernabo for advice. 
 
 They informed him besides that his brother-in-law October !■'. 
 
134 FLORENTINE REPROOFS. 
 
 1377. Count Lucius Landau, who was also in the pay of the League, 
 had returned from the March of Ancona and was at Pe- 
 rugia: and that he should hold a conference with hirn, and 
 arrange to give a decisive blow to the enemy, who infested 
 all the Sienese Maremma, and was threatening Florence. 
 Beginning In spite of this it appears that HaAvkwood still pur- 
 
 oi Novemb. c\ r\ • • 
 
 sued his negotiations. He went to ban Quirico to meet as 
 a friend " certain commissaries of the Church, who were 
 coming to make peace, " but who at' the moment had a 
 good reason for not coming. Anyhow the negotiations 
 were broken off, the Bretons besieging Grosseto were obliged 
 to retreat ; indeed in the following year a certain number 
 of them passed into the service of the League. 
 
 On this account the campaign closed in a manner fa- 
 vorable enough, and Florence could joyfully send the 
 treasurer Spinello to the English camp with the usual 
 pay; but he returned bringing very unwelcome news, 
 which was that Hawkwood's brigade intended to winter 
 on Florentine territory under certain given conditions, and 
 that they were making their preparations. In plain terms 
 this was equivalent to having the enemy at their gates. 
 Novemb. is. Without even Avaiting for Spinello to explain the pro- 
 positions, the Signoria sent a dispatch to Hawkwood, re- 
 gretting he had such intentions, as " a thing very dis- 
 pleasing to Bernabo as it would be a cause of exultation to 
 the enemy, and dishonorable to him. What would ho 
 say to the invincible English flying the foe, and seeking 
 repose afar from the Avar? And what will happen Avhen the 
 enemy occupy the confines of the League, as they will 
 lose no time in doing? And would not the Bretons boast 
 of having forced him to retreat? — Dispose then j'our Com- 
 pany to honorable deeds with your usual prudence, either 
 return to the Papal States to help the allies, or go to the 
 Marches where you could stay A'ery comfortably in the 
 
HOLDING COUNCIL. 135 
 
 territory of Camerino or other places. "Whenever you 1377. 
 make your decision, the Florentines will immediately re- 
 move from thence the Germans (of Count Landau) and 
 other troops, so that in those opulent and rich places the 
 English Company may light alone with great slaughtering 
 of enemies, to their glory and advantage." 
 
 The following day Spinello had the opportunity of ex- 
 plaining himself better to the Signoria, and he made it 
 clear that HawkAvood had done all he could to persuade 
 his troops to remain where they were, but that the En- 
 glishmen would not listen to reason, and had obliged him 
 to seek winter cpiarters where they were sure of finding 
 every convenience, — that is, on Florentine ground: — that 
 the captain had still tried to move them, and in any case 
 he gave the best advice to the Signoria how to manage 
 things with the least possible injury to themselves. 
 
 A general counsel was held on this elucidation. The 
 Signoria sustained that the coming of the English would 
 be perilous to the towns, on account of strife and depre- 
 dations, and for words which are often spoken, and many 
 others which might be said, against Bernahb (it would ap- 
 pear that the alliance with the Visconti was not very po- 
 pular) it would be even profitable to spend something to 
 send them elsewhere. 
 
 The Gonfalonieri resigned themselves with heavy hearts 
 to the wish of the English, trusting in the ojiportune pre- 
 cautions of the Otto di balia (Eight of war) recommending 
 them to keep their eye on San Miniato and other towns 
 in the Val d'Arno, besides placing soldiers in towns of 
 proved fidelity and, if possible, to arrange that Sir John and 
 others should stay in Florence, almost like hostages. 
 
 On this last point the twelve Buonomini also insisted, Novemb. 17 
 saying : make sure that Haiokwood remains in the city with 
 as many of his Company as possible; they also advised that 
 the fortresses should be well garrisoned. 
 
[36 EMBASSIES. 
 
 It was deliberated to write again to Hawkwood imme- 
 diately, reiterating the desire that he should march into 
 the Papal States or the March of Ancona ; it' that were 
 not possible, they would be content to follow out his coun- 
 sels and the jdan he had made : they advised however 
 " that he should arrange to preserve from injury the ter- 
 ritories of Florence and her allies, providing that each 
 brigade should quarter in the place destined to receive 
 it, and wdiere such order was established that all should 
 be content." He was also recommended to provide against 
 any scandals, either on the entry of the English, or after 
 it, and to place the smallest possible number in each town, 
 and that one of the Otto should go to Hawkwood in person 
 24. to make the required arrangements. 
 
 The fact was, the Florentines were in great distress 
 at the near vicinity of those dangerous mercenaries, and 
 thev made a last attempt to pass them on to Siena. 
 
 so-i .26. They wrote to Siena that they had heard from Filippo 
 
 Bastari, envoy at the camp, that Hawkwood would wil- 
 lingly quarter his troops in the territory of Montepulciano, 
 observing that during the winter, the country could not be 
 injured by this, and it would be a very useful position 
 enabling him to oppose the enemy, and to protect the Sie- 
 nese and Perugian territories. 
 
 For the rest Hawkwood himself must have conferred 
 with the Sienese ambassadors: they ought therefore to 
 take immediate steps, and if need be, Florence would de- 
 cide the campaign according to "that wise counsel " (a t<i' 
 salutare consiglio). 
 
 However they hoped so little from this, that the same 
 day they discussed the benefit of making the English re- 
 turn towards the enemy, even if it entailed expense (ma- 
 gari spendendo . and whether they should not send one or 
 two of the Otto to Val d'Arno to collocate the English 
 
A I'UIUMl'IIAL ENTRY. 137 
 
 there, and arrange for the fortifications and garrisoning of istt. 
 the strongholds, placing the fewest number possible in for- 
 tified places, and in any case to keep abont three hundred 
 lances of our troops in the city. 
 
 The next day brought the definite resolutions of the 
 Condottiere. Wherefore it was written to Gioannello di 
 Vico Mercato, commissary at the quarters: 
 
 Bastari on his exit from the interwiew with Hawk- 
 wood informs us that the captain is content that the En- 
 glish shall be stationed in our territories of Val di Nie- 
 vole, A T al d' Arno, Pistoia and Prato, and that they will 
 personally swear to the preservation of the towns which 
 are in the hands of our officials. Over and above which 
 Hawkwood himself would write to him and the other officials 
 placing every tiling in his and their hands." The Floren- 
 tines were now obliged to take ill luck with a good grace. 
 Some still wanted to try and get the English away as 
 soon as possible, giving Hawkwood every satisfaction, for 
 he did not seem quite content with the Commune, but 
 Giovanni Dini, one of the Otto, was of the opinion that 
 " with the English it is needful to proceed prudently so 
 that no scandal shall ensue. And as they must remain 
 a long time in our service, we must treat them, and act 
 with them in such a way as not to enrage them, because 
 if they are made to march against their will, they will 
 do things to the Commune which we shall not like — in- 
 deed quite the contrary. Here they have to be stationed 
 for the present ; and we must try and manage that they 
 shall leave spontaneously." Decemb. i*'. 
 
 His troops being thus on their way to winter quarters, 
 regaled by the Pisans with barrels of white wine, confec- 
 tionery and other gifts, Hawkwood celebrated his triumph. 
 
 " To-day Sir John Hawkwood entered Florence with his December 7. 
 Company at the twenty third hour (hour before sunset | 
 and dismounted at the Palace of the Archbishop of Flo- 
 
138 
 
 THE ENGLISHMAN'S CASTLE. 
 
 1377. reuce, and great honor was paid him by our Signoria and 
 other councils, and a great deal of wax, and sweetmeats, 
 and draperies of silk and wool were presented to him. 
 They made a great feast for him and his Company in the 
 Palace of the Signoria. and he was much honored. God 
 give him grace never to injure us, either in goods or 
 person, Amen." 
 
 Decemb. io He departed again the morning of the third day " to 
 
 go to his castles in Eomagna," says' the diarist, adding 
 this ambiguous augury: " May he never return here " (Non 
 ci possa piix tornare). We ma} r suppose he went to see his 
 newly made bride, who had been so neglected in favor 
 of the camp. 
 
 Decemb. 22. But the exigencies of command were such that in twelve 
 days he returned to Florence, and the next morning at 
 ten o'clock he went to his brigade at Fucecchio. 
 
 XX. 
 
 SERVING TWO MASTERS. 
 
 [Saxutati's Epistles — Biaru of the Anonymous Florentine — Consultt i pratiche of the 
 Commune of Florence — letters from Hawkwood to the Difensori of Siena, in the 
 Harleyan MSB., 6989 — Pisan chronicle by Kanieei Sardo.] 
 
 137s. 
 Beginning 
 of January. 
 
 If Hawkwood was a Florentine warrior, he was also 
 the soldier of Bernabo Visconti ; indeed he felt himself 
 especially bound to that prince by his new relationship, 
 therefore in serving the League he paid respect above every 
 thing else to the esioecial views of his father-in-law, aud 
 went to Milan to consult with him. 
 
 Whilst he was there the Florentine Signoria wrote to 
 ask him to speak in favor of the request they had made to 
 Bernabo ; which was, that he would disburse his share in 
 the pay of the troops they had hired in common. They beg- 
 
I RGENT ENTREA LIES, 
 o-ed him also to confirm, even on his own responsibility, the 1378 
 
 ° , . , Jnmi i ■ 
 
 explanations which were given to Bernabo, circa factum 
 Ttoggeri et sociorum. Perhaps this referred to Ruggiero 
 Cane and to some suspected relations with the enemy. 
 Lastly the}- entreated him to return quickly to Tuscany, 
 " otherwise the management of the English will be ren- 
 dered very difficult, and without a leader many things are 
 in disorder." As he delayed, they thus insisted : 
 
 r: Come and command your troops as soon as you can, January 21. 
 especially as the Ecclesiastics have become very strong in 
 the Sienese district, and are doing some injury every day. 
 And as to the English, they were, as you are aware, placed 
 in such narrow quarters that it is now necessary to change 
 them on account of scarcity of fodder and other things ; 
 without you we can neither control them, nor send them 
 to the help of the allies, which may be the cause of con- 
 sequences displeasing both to you and to us." 
 
 He was to come then, to arrange, consult, and effect 
 all that was necessary to the honor of Florence and all 
 the League. 
 
 This letter crossed Hawkwood on the way, and as soon 
 as he returned to Florence he again started to his sol- January 25 
 
 and 27. 
 
 diers' quarters. The soldiers were behaving very badly : 
 fifty plunderers of the brigade commanded by that Cook 
 who had won his spurs under the walls of Florence, rode February 1. 
 to Corliano, insulting and even wounding the peasants ; 
 sacking all the houses, carrying away the cattle large 
 and small, clothes, and everything, just as though they 
 were the enemies' belongings. The Signoria claimed com- 
 pensation from Cook for damages, and warned him that 
 such an occurrence must not be repeated : they also wrote 
 to Hawkwood adding, " that similar things were happening 
 every day, which they were sure would displease him, 
 and Bernabo would be more sorry than if the men were 
 his own subjects. It was the captain's office to imme- 
 
L40 iiTHER THINGS TO Imp. 
 
 i37s. diately repress this scandal, going at once to the place 
 where his presence and prudence would be sufficient to 
 re-establish order."' 
 
 Hawk wood had other affairs to see to ; he was at San 
 Quirico in close contact with the ecclesiastical camp, and 
 requested of the Florentines a pass for himself, and of t lie 
 Sienese a safe conduct for two months, for the Papal am- 
 iiniry 3. bassadors and for their escort of two hundred horse.* The 
 Florentines delaying to send the required permission, he 
 
 February 8. insisted and obtained it. 
 
 Then the schemes for which he had journeyed between 
 Milan and Florence became clear ; Bernabo having other 
 projects of war in view wanted to pi-opose negotiations 
 with the Church by means of Hawkwood, and demanded 
 that the League should give leave to all, or to part of 
 the English to serve him. As to the safe conduct, the 
 Florentines dared not refuse it, indeed they consented that 
 Hawkwood '' should go with other commissaries of Bernabo 
 
 February 12. to the camp of the Church party." 
 
 There were serious apprehensions about dismissing the 
 English ; according to what Piero Canigiani, one of the 
 Buonomini, explained, " this dismissal is very perilous ; 
 firstly, because if Bernabo wishes to invade the Genoese 
 territory with the English troops, that would set the 
 Genoese at enmity with us, and in the same way if he 
 wants to invade the Marquis of Mantua or act against the 
 Veronese, — his aggrandizement is perilous to us. Besides 
 it might be that he has a secret understanding with the 
 Pope and may set the army of the Church on us, or the 
 Sienese. If we really are forced to dismiss tlio English, 
 
 Februarys. we must recall our own troops from all parts.' 
 
 It was besides considered that the Ecclesiastics menaced 
 
 Bee Document XXIX. 
 
A PROPITIOUS HOUR. 141 
 
 the territories of Perugia and Siena, the latter of which 1378, 
 \\ as ill adapted for defence. To ensure himself on that side, 
 Eawkwood proposed to take up his position at San Qui- 
 rico with a hundred lances (the position was in fact very 
 well chosen, and he thought he could thus leave the rest 
 of the Company at Bernabo's disposal). But the English 
 refused to move till they had received their pay for Fe- 
 bruary ; and yet by reason of their continual depredations, 
 their presence on Florentine ground was very annoying. 
 
 To resolve all these difficulties, the Otto, the Buono- 
 mini, and the Gonfalonieri were unanimous in deciding 
 that the English must be paid without ado, anticipating 
 also Bernabo's share, and thus making sure of their march- 
 ing against the enemy without delay. 
 
 Hawkwood having returned to Florence was given to February 24 
 understand this decision, and about the IS" 1 hour (which, February 26. 
 according to Florentine astrology, was the propitious hour 
 to begin a military enterprise) he rode off without delay 
 to take command of his troops. 
 
 According to the plan adopted by the Florentines, 
 Hawkwood was to go to the defence of Perugia, with all. 
 or at least the greater part of the English. The Perugians 
 were therefore written to, that they should prejaare quarters 
 and provisions, and send a commissary to conduct the En- 
 glish as soon as possible to the quarters designed for them. 
 
 But to go to Perugia it was necessary to cross the 
 Sienese territory, and the people of Siena, although allies, 
 would not hear of giving them a pass. On this the Flo- 
 rentines wrote to Siena, greatly marvelling, and reminding 
 them how they had, even with importunity, entreated for 
 the invincible hand of the English, and exhorting them, 
 shewing them the need they had of it ; this dispatch was 
 communicated to Hawkwood, who, if he made difficulties in February 25. 
 starting, was perfectly justified. In any case he would not 
 
142 NO TRUCE. 
 
 1378. have moved, and had in fact scarcely reached the quarters 
 of his troops, when lie began to open treaties for a truce 
 with the Ecclesiastics, going himself to meet the Pope's 
 March 2. ambassadors.* This being known at Florence, there Avas 
 a clash of opposite opinions such as frequently happens at 
 critical moments. 
 
 " That as soon as possible an upright and honorable 
 man shall undertake an embassy to Hawkwood, advising 
 him to leave the negotiation in the hands of Bernabo," 
 was Andrea Salviati's advice. 
 
 " That we send to say that in peace or war the Com- 
 mune intends to do that which pleases Bernabo, — let the 
 captain abstain then from concluding an armistice, but if 
 after all he should have orders from Bernabo, let it be 
 made for a month," proposed Simoue Ranieri. 
 
 The Gonfalonieri wanted to " boldly continue the war " 
 allowing no truce, which is dangerous, because capable of 
 being prorogued. Let a bold envoy be sent to Hawkwood 
 and to the other commissaries of Bernabo, who would 
 explain the great astonishment of the Signoria ; and at 
 the same time dispatch an embassy to Parma (where Ber- 
 nabo was) so that the intentions of the Commune should not 
 be thwarted. 
 
 The Dodici and the Otto put forth a more complex 
 counsel : " Let us signify to the commissaries of Ber- 
 nabo by means of an envoy, that we do not consent to a 
 truce, or at least that the negotiations for it must rest 
 entirely with Bernabo. If they already have his command 
 for it, the truce should be for fifteen days rather than a 
 month. At the same time let Hawwood have orders to go 
 to the frontier on the Perugian side with his men, which 
 will prove whether or not he is free to act," — this was 
 to measure better the projects of Bernabo. 
 
 See Document XXX. 
 
PAPAL NEGOTIATIONS. 1 1 ■ 
 
 Almost as if foreseeing this request, there arrived a 137& 
 letter in which Hawkwood explained his inaction; he wrote 
 that the Perugians had no need of troops, because they 
 had received security from the Pope's ambassadors and 
 that his Englishmen would not mount till they had received 
 their pay. 
 
 To which the Signoria replied with resentful won- 
 derment : 
 
 " How can you possibly make treaties without our 
 knowledge or that of Bernabo ? \Ve admit that you 
 have acted Avith a good object ; but we warn 3'ou it was 
 never our intention to suspend hostilities till peace was 
 concluded, nor to lose time which we can never regain. 
 Let us have no truce ; now that the Pope is unfurnished 
 with means, on account of his discords with the Romans, 
 is just the time to leave the confines of the League and 
 carry the war into the enemy's country, if your men will 
 only mount according to the orders given. Go then at 
 once with your men to Perugia, where all is ready to 
 receive them. Spinello is in Val d' Arno ready to pay the 
 troops as soon as the)' are in marching order. Every day 
 we are having complaints of homicide, violence, and rapine, 
 at which the people already begin to murmur. This is 
 another reason for hastening your departure." March 4. 
 
 In confirmation of this letter Filippo Alamanni, a keen 
 man, was sent as envoy ; but Hawkwood had already 
 gone to meet the Pontifical ambassadors (the cardinal of 
 Amiens, the archbishop of Pampeluna, and the archbishop 
 of Narbonne), who were on their way to Pisa. He es- March «. 
 corted them with Euggiero Cane and some other cavalry 
 soldiers, dismounting at the house of Ser Jacopo d' Appiano, 
 the next morning he continued his journey with Cane to 
 Lucca, thence to Sarzana where the ambassadors found 
 Bernabo and began the negotiations. 
 
Ill THE DISOBEDIENT ENC4LISHMEN. 
 
 L374 " The English had promised the treasurer Spmello to 
 
 commence action as soon as the stipends for February 
 were paid; but when they had received the money, they 
 again refused ; meanwhile the towns they occupy, are en- 
 tirely destitute of forage, and the enemy is still domi- 
 March i';. neering in the Perugian territory greatly to its injury." 
 These were the Florentine last and still ineffectual re- 
 monstrances to Hawkwood, who certainly would make no 
 move now that Bernabo in person was negotiating a peace 
 with the Church, and to render it more easy the death of 
 the Pope took place just at that time. 
 
 Nothing was now left to Florence but to liberate her- 
 self from the disobedient Englishmen : the peril of keeping 
 them in San Miniato and other towns in the lower Val 
 d' Amo had increased, because it was necessary to quarter 
 there some other stipendiaries of Florence, — the German 
 Company of the " Stella " commanded by Count Lucius 
 Landau. If they united, they might put the state in dan- 
 ger, therefore it would be worth while even to give the 
 English their pay for March, on condition that they would 
 go elsewhere, and immediately arrange to remove them 
 from the towns on which they were quartered. 
 
 In one of these towns the English captain Tomellino 
 was dying, and without doubt all the cavaliers would come 
 to his funeral ; this seemed a very good opportunity, so it 
 was proposed to commission Sig. Lotterio to shut the 
 gates upon them everywhere when they had gone away, 
 and to advise the country people not to let themselves be 
 caught in the open country, where the Englishmen might 
 take revenge on them, for the trick. 
 
 But it does not appear that this practical joke, which was 
 suggested by Ghino Bernardi, was put into practice. A bet- 
 ter idea was to keep Count Landau's Germans in the ser- 
 vice as a guard against the English, but first to endeavour, 
 by peaceable means, to send them to serve Bernabo, in 
 
HACK TO LOMBAEDY. 145 
 
 which case they would be contented with an assurance from 1378. 
 them, " not to oppose the Commune in the form of a Com- 
 pany, and for this the proper price would be paid." This 
 was done; Hawkwood came to Florence for the necessary April.!. 
 understanding, and then returned to Lombardy where he April ■■ 
 was preceded, or soon followed by his troops. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 A FATHER-IN-LAW BADLY TREATED BY HIS SONS-IN-LAW. 
 
 i U < praticln oi rh<_ Commune, in tin 1 State Archives ofFlorence — Venetian Calen- 
 dars of State papers, edited by Rawdoh Brown, taken from tin.- statu Archives "1 
 Mantua — Salutati's Epistles — Gataro (father and son), Padunn chronicles in Mtf- 
 satori [R. I. S.] — Vekci, Storia della Marca Trevigiana — Ghirardacci, Storie bolo- 
 gnesi in Mi'ratoui IR. I. S.] — Annates mediolanenses, ibid — Ricotti, Storia 'hilt com- 
 pagnit <li Ventura — Canestriki, Documents etc. in the Arcliivio storico italiano.] 
 
 Florence could congratulate herself but little on Hawk- 
 wood and his services. But this frequently occurs when 
 one is the servant of two masters. In comparison with 
 any other condottiere he might yet pass as a pearl of 
 fidelity, and if there were still much to fear from him, 
 something could also be hoped; hence we do not wonder 
 that the Florentines deliberated to " keep the promises 
 made to Hawkwood, " that is to continue his life-annuity. May is. 
 
 Besides, while campaigning in Lombardy he might favor 
 Florentine interests with Bernabo : in fact they wrote to 
 remind him that the latter with Ruggiero Cane had made 
 an agreement with Florence, about the payment of the 
 Germans, of Hawkwood's own brigade, and of the Bre- 
 tons, that is, of all the mercenaries wdio fought for the 
 League during the preceding campaign. Now Bernabo, — 
 the truce being concluded, and he treating for peace with 
 the Church, — made a show of knowing nothing about it. 
 and therefore Florence applied to Hawkwood " that he 
 
 io- 
 
Between 
 April 16 
 
 and 
 Uigusl 3. 
 
 II.', HAWKWOOD'S WAE COBBESPONDENCE. 
 
 1878. should, as it were, cultivate the alliance between Florence 
 and Bernabo, availing himself of the influence of the 
 illustrious lady Regina or any other personage." 
 
 Bernabo was at that very moment making war. with 
 Hawkwood's help, against the Scaligers of Verona, his 
 wife's family ; and his consort the illustrt Signora Regina 
 herself was, in fact, the one who most violently urged her 
 husband against them; but although the Visconti had hired 
 the new and exclusively Italian Company of /Si« Giorgio, 
 formed 1>v Alberico da Barbiano, it was a long drawn war. 
 
 In the archives of Mantua there exist several letters 
 from Hawkwood, written to the Marquis Lodovico Gonzaga 
 during this campaign : they are severally dated from the 
 " Entrenchments of the camp under Verona," from " Piade- 
 na," from the "camp of Villafranca" from the "camp of 
 Monzambano " and other places between the Mincio, the 
 Adige, and the Po, but none of them refer to military 
 events of any importance. 
 
 We find that Hawkwood had orders from Bernabo to 
 respect the Mantuan territory, but notwithstanding this, 
 frequent violations occurred, which were inevitable, as the 
 Mantuan land lay between that of Milan and Verona. We 
 learn that the Mantuan soldiers sometimes ventured to 
 steal some horses or baggage belonging to the English, or 
 to intercept letters and dispatches, that every now and 
 then skirmishes took place with Veronese freebooters, — 
 the letters therefore treat of excuses, protests, restitutions, 
 indemnifications, and punishments. 
 
 Generally it is Hawkwood himself who writes to explain 
 these " little incidents ; " sometimes it is William Gold, 
 constable-general of the Company. 
 
 There being very good-will on both sid>-s. the relations 
 hi bween Visconti's army and the Lord of Mantua conti- 
 nued to be amicable in spite of the " little incidents," so 
 much so that Gold did not hesitate to ask for special fa- 
 
SUPPLIES FOE BAGNACAVALLO. 117 
 
 vors. For instance, he requested that the custom-house 137s. 
 officials at Mantua would arrest three servants, who had 
 fled from the camp after stealing two horses, with their re- 
 spective breastplates, and a silver flagon; and also a certain 
 Janet his domestic, who had taken the road to Venice with 
 500 of his master's florins. Then finding himself ill pro- 
 vided with forage, he also begged that some might be 
 provided by the captains of the Marquis. 
 
 Amidst his numerous occupations as captain, Sir John 
 Hawkwood did not lose sight either of his possessions in 
 Eomagna, or of interesting events in general politics. 
 
 One of his letters demands a lice pass on the Po for April 7. 
 six boats going to Ferrara laden with arms, woodwork, tools, 
 corn, and other supplies, all destined for Bagnacavallo ; 
 and in the postscript he informs the Marquis of Mantua 
 that he had received notice of the election of the Cardinal 
 di San Pietro (in Vinculis) as Pope (Urban VI). 
 
 At Bagnacavallo some English brigades doubtless held 
 the garrison. In fact Nicholas Clifton, Englishman from 
 Bagnacavallo, treated of entering with his brigade into the 
 service of the Signoria of Florence, which promised him July n. 
 the same terms as those made with another of his compa- 
 triots named Berwick. 
 
 And thus it is confirmed that many of the English 
 fought on their own account in Italy, after having formed 
 part of Hawkwood's Company, and even wdien secure of 
 returning to it. 
 
 Each leader, even of two or four lances, constituted a 
 small independent atom, which disintegrated itself from, 
 or united with the brigade under a conestabile; and each 
 brigade either separated from, or joined with the perma- 
 nent nucleus, according to reciprocal convenience, or to 
 the course of events. 
 
 For example, that John Thornbury who had often acted 
 
148 FLUCTUATING TROOPS. 
 
 1378. as lieutenant to Hawkwood, had passed into the service of 
 
 May. the Scaligers ; was taken prisoner by his old comrades and 
 
 fellow-country-rnen, and obliged to pay a ransom : this we 
 
 find from a letter in which he begs Gonzaga to allow him 
 
 to live quietly in Mantua, and pay expenses at the inn. 
 
 Such extreme mobility in the elements constituting the 
 companies explains how little dependence could be placed 
 on their discipline, and might excuse the frequent breaches 
 of trust, for which history usually holds the captains re- 
 sponsible. And this renders the habitual fidelity of Hawk- 
 wood yet more meritorious. 
 
 It is said that he gave a brilliant proof of rectitude 
 during this very campaign. The " Ten " of Venice, of- 
 fered him .a large sum if he would devastate the Paduan 
 territory, and he refused because he was a friend of Carrara, 
 Lord of Padua. Such delicate regard for friendship seems 
 doubtful, because it is not known that before this there 
 were any relations between the Carraras and Hawkwood. 
 
 The Paduan chroniclers substantially confirm the fact 
 which they also attribute to 1378, but they recount it thus: 
 
 Lucius Landau and Hawkwood being dismissed by Ber- 
 nabo Visconti, the Signoria of Venice wrote officially to 
 them proposing to give them 30,000 ducats to harry the 
 Paduan territory for fifteen days, and 1000 ducats, for 
 every day over that time. They communicated this to the 
 Carrarese, who with " good means " (which is to say mo- 
 ney) so arranged that Hawkwood should go across the Po 
 without touching the Paduan soil. Now since Landau and 
 Hawkwood did not leave Bernabo's service till 1379, the 
 date would contradict this ; in any way the two condot- 
 tieri, honestly and without risk, gained as much, as it had 
 been offered them to gain dishonestly and sword in hand. 
 
 Without doubt the Florentines were in great distress, 
 fearing a new visit from the English Company, and the 
 Signoria wrote in confidence to its annuitant, the captain: 
 
TIIK CONTRACT RENEWED. 149 
 
 * "We understand that Bernabo wishes speedily to send 137s. 
 the English brigade to another destination, asking for 
 transit either by our territory or wherever it is most con- 
 venient to him. We earnestly pray that 3*011 will take 
 the road through Romagna. where there are frequent cities 
 and towns, and where abundant provisions and forage will 
 not be wanting ; while on our lands it would cause great 
 injury to the country and also serious scandals." Augu 
 
 The Florentines were not ill-informed : Hawkwood him- 
 self writing to Gonzaga from the camp of Monzambano, Augusi - 
 on account of the usual damages, confirms the fact of his 
 having to march elsewhere " for certain services required 
 by his masters."' 
 
 It seems he replied to Florence with a variation of the 
 usual song, alleging that the English were their creditors 
 to the sum of 10,000 florins. And whether this credit- August 15, 
 
 . , . _,. September 4 
 
 existed or not, the motion was carried in the Florentine ami is- 
 councils, to "take this measure to content them: " while the 
 proposal to hire them for the city was negatived. 
 
 The usual contract for six months between Bernabo End ■ 
 
 September. 
 
 and the Company having run out, it was renewed, and the 
 forces increased by the German Company of Count Lucius 
 Landau who also passed into Lombardy, uniting with his 
 brother-in-law Hawkwood in the service of their father- 
 in-law Bernabo. 
 
 A considerable force was indeed necessary, for the King 
 of Hungary had sent, first against the Venetians, and then 
 in aid of the Scaligers, five thousand Hungarians conducted 
 by the " Vaivode " of Transylvania and the " Ban !: of Bo- 
 snia, and these had already entered Verona. August is. 
 
 Neither Hawkwood nor Landau prevented the Hunga- 
 rians from domineering as they chose in the Brescian ter- 
 ritory, whence they pushed their way on to Cremona, they 
 were even defeated and put to flight under Brescia, so septemb. i->. 
 
of Octobci 
 
 150 A DANGEROUS POED. 
 
 1378 that Bartolommeo Scaliger was able to attack Brescia and 
 
 take several outworks. 
 
 Bernabo immediately agreed to a truce for forty-five 
 
 days, ami Hawkwood tranquilly placed himself in his 
 
 autumn quarters at Cremona. From thence he sent his 
 
 domestic Pierino della Latta, to provide ten cart-load-; of 
 
 i razzoldo wine for his own use and that of his household. 
 
 The truce expired, the lady Regina in person left 
 ■ ,!u ''- -i ri -ii 
 
 Milan with her eldest son Marco, to take part in the war. 
 
 with a thousand four hundred lances, anil numerous in- 
 fantry. She took with her the companies of both Hawk- 
 wood and Landau, then rode on to Brescia and urged all 
 the troops to devas ate the Veronese country between the 
 lake of (.larda and tin' river A.clige. 
 
 The Hungarians disputed the passage of the river with 
 Hawkwood and Landau ; — there were some killed and 
 drowned on both sides, but the two brothers-in-law crossed 
 safely, and giving themselves to plunder, penetrated as 
 for as Valdagno. 
 
 Meanwhile the Hungarians and the Scaligers in revenge, 
 pushed cm across the river Oglio, returning with six hun- 
 dred prisoners, and twenty thousand head of large cattle. 
 i 379. Hawkwood and Landau were at Oaldiero when the 
 
 news of the enemy's return with such immense spoil 
 reached them. The temptation was too great, they crossed 
 the Aclige by night, lay in wait for the enemy near the 
 river, fell upon them while they in their turn attempted 
 to pass over, and, cutting up their forces greatly, they 
 recovered a good many prisoners. 
 
 In spite of this, rumours were circulated that thej 
 allowed themselves to be corrupted by the Scaligers; at 
 least, it appeared to Bernabo that they did not conduct the 
 war with a zeal proportioned to their immense salaries* 
 
 * The tw<> Companies cost ;ii the rate of 250,000 florins ;i year. 
 
 January 29 
 
A LITTLE MISUNDERSTANDING. 151 
 
 nor yet as behoved two sons to their father-in-law, and 
 hence arose ill humour and discord, which the vehement 
 lady Eegina certainly contrived to fan. 
 
 This explains why Count Landau and Hawkwood wrote Februsu-j i 
 to Gonzaga, that Bernabo denied a pass through his territory 
 to the recently made prisoners. The time to present them 
 at Verona and receive their ransom thus expired; the cap- 
 tains however, with the agreement of their soldiers, deter- 
 mined to prorogue it, sending the noble and prudent Ulrich 
 I Ifsteten, and praying that he might be received at Mantua, 
 and that it might be conceded to him to go and return from 
 Verona with the prisoners, under the necessary escort. 
 
 The next day they wrote again to Gonzaga informing 
 him that " a little misunderstanding had arisen between 
 themselves and Bernabo, but that, with the help of God, 
 they hoped to regain the favor of the \ r isconti, and that 
 whatever should be the result they would keep him in- 
 formed." They sent an analagous communication to Flo- 
 rence on which the Florentines " deliberated " to send an 
 envoy to their camp with the mission of procuring concord, 
 for " it grieved them not to be in harmony with Bernabo : ' : 
 but also to fathom their intentions. March 2. 
 
 If free of engagements those two condottieri might take 
 a course of action which would Lie perilous to Tuscany; — 
 indeed the Visconti had hastened to secure the concourse of 
 the Florentines against his sons-in-law, but they replied by 
 showing him the danger that would accrue if Hawkwood and 
 Landau should unite themselves with the Italian Company 
 of San Giorgio, brought to the Po by Alberico da Barbiano. 
 
 Marchionne Stefani, the chronicler, was sent to them, but 
 he could conclude nothing, and the rupture became com- Beginning 
 plete ; a son-in-law of Hawkwood * left Milan where he had 
 
 * Perhaps that Lancellotto del Maino who according to Corio had married 
 Fiorentina, a daughter of Hawkwood, by his first unnamed wife. See the 
 last Chapter. 
 
152 WHICH WAs RIGHT ? 
 
 1879. lived a long time, and took refuge in the camp of his 
 father-in-law, who sent him to Bagnacavallo with an escort 
 of sixty horse, for whom he demanded a safe conduct from 
 Gonzaga. And the Yisconti's two sons-in-law, Hawkwood 
 and Landau, considering themselves dismissed, provided for 
 themselves by forming an Anglo-German Company of a 
 thousand two hundred lances. 
 
 "Which party was in the right ? Some chroniclers say 
 that Bernabo did not pay the two -condottieri, perhaps 
 calculating that the bond of relationship was strong enough 
 to make them patient creditors. Others would make us 
 believe that the whole was an understood game with Ber- 
 nabo, and that he hoped by the aid of his sons-in-law to 
 subjugate Tuscany, but successive facts do not justify the 
 
 1380 supposition: and later, Bernabo though silent about Haw- 
 kwood, who was not a subject of the Empire, made a formal 
 accusation to the King of the Romans, that Count Lucius, 
 his brother Ebevhard Landau, and other German captains 
 had betrayed him in the enterprise of Verona ; indeed at 
 the time of the rupture the fury of Visconti was so great 
 that he published a reward of 80 florins for every adven- 
 turer whether taken or killed. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 THE COMPANY OF THE TWO BROTHERS-IN-LAW. - HAWKWOOD 
 FIGHTING FOR Ills POSSESSIONS. - A REVOLUTION PREVENTED. 
 
 [i ., ulti I praticlii of the Commune in the State Archives of Florenci I) 
 
 vMors Floeentixe — Graziahi, Perugian chrontclt Carteggi ' the Si 
 
 Missive, XVIII. 15 e 16** — Diplomatic documents, Riformagioni, ttti pnbl id, treatj 
 oi Torrita, June 10 1379 and Provvigiont Augusl I. which ratifies if Ueei 
 
 sato, Sienese chronicle— Letters torn ll.iwkw ! i" Gonzaga in the Archives of Mantua, 
 
 collected in the Venetian Calendars bj R wdob Brows - ChronicU of Marchionni 
 Si i r.wi — Gatabo, Chronicl • s o Padua [acopo Zexo, Ufi 0] Carlo Zeno.] 
 
 1379, The brothers-in-law Eawkwood and Landau, with their 
 
 respective Englishmen and Germans, only stayed a few days 
 
Xn IIIILIUATIOX! 153 
 
 to spoil the territory of their father-in-law ; then having 1379 
 crossed the Po they encamped in the Bolognese district 
 certain of finding good employment ere long. Meanwhile 
 Bologna, to obtain quiet, disbursed them 2500 ducats; and March 19. 
 Peracchino (of Padua"), just then made Cardinal of Santa 
 Cecilia by Urban VI, proposed to the Florentines that 
 the}' should engage them. 
 
 Florence would willingly have done without this new 
 burden, especially as the two condottieri were bound for 
 two years more to respect Florentine property ; however 
 while protesting their own loyalty to this contract, the 
 two captains gave them to understand that there was a 
 danger of Count Eberhard, brother of Count Lucius, 
 moving his brigade against Florence on his own account. 
 Wherefore the good Marchionne Stefani observes: "Thus 
 they broke faith with the city : which thing though not done 
 openly, was yet more than evident. I don't oblige you 
 to buy its again, but, even if you don't want us, you have 
 got to give us money, whether you will or not. (Co$\ rup- 
 <pono fede al Commit': che non fu palese, s fu [itii che j"t- 
 Io 71011 ti fu ricomprare, ma tu mi dai *<>/tlo, e non 
 Jiai bisogno, <> vogli in non voglia.)" At the same time 
 they sought a pretext for litigation, addressing veiled and 
 polite menaces to the Sienese, and to all the cities in 
 Tuscany. On account of this Florence sent a notary to 
 Bologna, together with the Cardinal's envoy, with the 
 mission of verifying the adventurers' intentions, " secretly, 
 and through the medium of trustworthy persons who 
 have access to the Company." * To the Cardinal, they 
 declared themselves disposed to make a treaty if the money 
 were not required immediately, and if he himself would 
 undertake the negotiations, stipulating that the Company 
 should not touch on the Florentine territory. At the same 
 
 * See Document XXXI. 
 
154 ILL HUMOUR IN FLORENCE. 
 
 1379. time debates took place in the Consulh Councils), how 
 i they could be hindered from passing the Apennines. 
 
 [arch. .,..., ,.,, 
 
 Having received the required information, the Floren- 
 tines resigned themselves to sending commissioners to 
 attempt an agreement, but as a precaution they disposed 
 that the peasants should evacuate the open country and 
 the district, taking refuge within the walled towns, and 
 that the fortresses should be garrisoned and manned by 
 archers. By this time the Tuscans were quite accustomed 
 March 31. to measures of this kind. 
 
 The Cardinal of Padua opened negotiations on the base 
 of 250,000 florins a year: but one fine day he unexpectedly 
 departed, leaving everything uncompleted, and the Signoria, 
 who had already disbursed some money, had the trouble 
 ii 22. of finishing the treaties. This office was given, as usual, to 
 the treasurer Spinello Alberti, but this time he did not so 
 easily bring affairs to a conclusion, perhaps because Landau 
 was harder or more particular than Hawkwood. 
 
 End oi -May. Germans and English had passed into the Perugian 
 territory, nominally as friends, but in reality they com- 
 ported themselves more like enemies, not keeping their 
 contracts, even after having extorted 8000 florins from 
 Perugia, and molesting Montepulciano, and Val di Chiana. 
 Much ill humour fermented amongst the people in Flo- 
 rence, which often degenerated into tumults; outside tin 
 city several companies of disbanded adventurers and rebels 
 were raging, so it was urgent that the Signoria should 
 make sure of the two captains. 
 
 May 22. They therefore sent couriers to Spinello Alberti, to 
 
 make the contract at all cost, then they sen! a man on 
 
 niaj 27. horseback with "full powers" (amjria 1><<H<<' in a dispatch 
 in cypher, and orders not to move from tin 1 camp till 
 
 May 28. the matter was concluded; together with other instructions, 
 to the effect that after having signed tin- agreemenl with 
 
A GENERAL LEAGUE. 155 
 
 the condottieri, they should form a defensive League between 
 the Tuscan Communes, and those of Bologna; that the com- 
 panies should be hired in the name of this league, dividing 
 the expense of the pay between the, allies. 
 
 At the same time they wrote longwinded thanks to 
 Hawkwood for all the good "which they hoped from him." 
 
 The diplomatic energy of Spinello resulted in the con- 
 tract concluded at Torrita, between Hawkwood and the two 
 brothers Landau (Lucius and Eberhard), on the one part ; 
 Florence, Perugia, Siena, Arezzo, and Citta di Castello, 
 on the other. 
 
 The agreement was to the effect that each of the cities 
 should take a certain number of lances into their service 
 and at an exorbitant price not including extras. Florence 
 had 450 of them. 
 
 We are minutely informed of the sums paid by 
 tli<' Sk-iiese : — to the two Landaus and to Hawkwood a 
 royalty of 6000 florins promised by Spinello, besides a 
 remuneration of 1600 florins ; to Count Lucius 2000 florins 
 for " damages before time suffered (!) by him on Sienese 
 ground; " to Count Eberhard 100 florins for a palfrey, 
 and 500 for his registrars and procurators; to the Sienese 
 commissioners 200 florins; besides 32,000 florins, for the 
 pay of 200 English and German lances which fell to the 
 share of Siena at the rate of 20 florins a month each lance, 
 from June 4 to February 4, that is to say 100 German 
 lances, 77 English ones under Giovanni Gulione (?) and di 
 Monte, and 23 of Hawkwood's. The latter as usual showed 
 himself relatively discreet. During the hostilities pre- 
 ceding the agreement, a Sienese gentleman, Stefano Maconi, 
 had been taken by Gulione and had bound himself to pa} r 
 a ransom of 100 scudi in gold, but this was remitted by 
 the solicitation of the Senate to Hawkwood* The Com- 
 
 * From a letter dated November 6 1379. written by Francesco Casini 
 • 'f Siena, doctor to Pope Urban VI. and cited by Tummasen in his comments 
 
156 HAWKWOOD'S ESTATES. 
 
 -. •- pany dissolved at Grecciano near Montepulciano. and every 
 one went to his destination. 
 
 Hawk-wood had left (or reconducted thither) the greater 
 part of his brigade in his possessions of Romagna, where 
 his neighbors Manfredi Lord of Faenza, and Polenta Lord 
 of Ravenna, were both hostile to him. He himself writ- 
 July s. ing from Bagnacavallo to Gonzaga, said he had gone there 
 to reside, and added that lie had 300 lances without pay 
 on the Faentine territory, and that Count Lucius had gone 
 to the March of Ancona with 500 lances: the rest of his 
 troops, that is to say 600 German lances and 500 English, 
 were engaged at service in Tuscany. 
 
 In the same letter Hawkwood recommended one of his 
 men Nicholas Taufield, who had gone to Mantua to obtain 
 the consignment, or the ransom of a prisoner who had 
 escaped from Astolfo, one of Hawkwood' s officers, — the 
 said prisoner had been taken in "our territory at Gazzolo" 
 {terra nostra Gazoli). 
 
 "We have thus an indication that, besides his possesions 
 in Romagna, Hawkwood had land also on the Po ; but 
 we do not know at what time, or on what title he had 
 acquired this land at Gazzolo, nor indeed how long he 
 kept it. We cannot even decide which it was of two 
 places, both called Gazzolo, nor can we say it may not have 
 been that Gazzuolo which at the end of the 15 th century 
 belonged to the Gonzaghi, by whom it was adorned with 
 a noble fortress (destroyed by the Austrians in 177'2 1 and 
 with beautiful porticoes which still exist. 
 
 The possession of Gazzolo explains the care with which 
 Hawkwood cultivated friendly relations with the Marquis 
 of Mantua, and of which we also have an interesting do- 
 cument in a courteous letter of thanks ami compliments 
 
 on lb.' letters of St. Catherine of Siena. It- mighl in error have mistaken 
 ill,- Britons Cor Bretons. 
 
THE BEST OF CONDOTTIERI. 157 
 
 written to Gonzaga bv Donnina Visconti of Milan, consort t: .; 
 
 Septembei i 
 
 of Sir John Hawkwood. 
 
 Hawkwood was in open hostility with his neighbours 
 in Romagna, especially with Astorre Manfredi ; so that 
 Florence, who judged that this did not conduce to her in- 
 terests, sent an envoy to attempt making peace between 
 them. By this time Florence had the opinion that Hawk- July 2. 
 wood was the best, and the least false of the condottieri, 
 and as she continued to pay his annuity she wished to 
 have him always at her disposal ; therefore the Signoria 
 wrote also to Bernabo Visconti, to try to reconcile him July so 
 to his son-in-law. 
 
 For his own safety Hawkwood took care to reinforce 
 himself against his hostile neighbours, and to excite other 
 enemies against them. He himself informed his friend 
 Gonzaga * that he had called up a considerable force July 7 
 from the Marches, of which 100 lances entered the service 
 of Bologna, and the remainder consisting of 250 or more, 
 comprising archers, under the command of constable Gold, 
 had gone towards Forli " to certain barons of the Eoma- 
 gna ** who were waiting to make an attack on Guido di 
 Ravenna, and Astorre Manfredi." He stayed at Bagnaca- 
 vallo with about 60 lances, and there he provided himself 
 with provisions and arms, ordering from Gazzolo 500 battle August 1 
 axes and 100 head of cattle, large and small. 
 
 While attending to his own business he did not lose 
 sight of the affairs of Florence, for his bonds of interest 
 with this city were strengthening daily. The govern- 
 ment was at present in the hands of the conservative 
 party, but it was menaced by the chief burghers (popolani 
 grassi) and hj the low populace (cionijii). It chanced to 
 
 * In this letter Hawkwood signs himself ' English knight " {miles atigUms). 
 ** From other sources we find that Galeotto Malatesta, Lord of Rimini, 
 was at the head of these Karon-. 
 
L58 GREAT PLOTS GOING ON. 
 
 1379. come to light, that the Florentine opposition was plotting 
 nothing less than a revolution, and that the leaders of the 
 conspiracy were some exiles at Bologna; the agitation of 
 the Signoria was great when a letter arrived from Hawk- 
 wood saying it had been revealed to him in confidence by 
 a citizen, that there were great plots going on in Florence. 
 He added that he was in relation with a person who 
 knew the whole scheme, and would explain it to him in 
 full, in the presence of an emissary of the Commune ; that 
 he was ready to serve Florence in such a serious emer- 
 gency, but if they wanted the complete revelation of the 
 plans, and of the conspirators he would demand 50,000 flo- 
 rins and the faculty of saving six men — " their lives 
 and property, excepting only exile (per la vita e V avere, 
 eccctto il conjino)." If they were satisfied in knowing the 
 plot without the names of the conspirators, he would be 
 content with 20,000 florins, — the money to be taken to 
 Bagnacavallo where the revelation was to take place. 
 
 The prevailing idea was to spend as little as possible, 
 and the delicate mission was confided to Guccio Gucci. 
 He was a wise man, wealthy and loyal, who would not 
 allow himself either to be deceived or corrupted. 
 
 They thought that Hawkwood wanted too much profit, 
 first on the Commune, and then on those citizens to whom 
 he reserved the right to sell their impunity. Consequently 
 Gucci haggled about the price, although the Signoria in 
 its anxiety sent a man every day to Bagnacavallo for news. 
 It ending by obtaining a reduction of terms : 20,000 flo- 
 rins and impunity for six persons, if everything were re- 
 vealed with the names of the conspirators; and 1.2,000 flo- 
 rins if the names were kept back. The last proposal being 
 accepted, and the necessary understanding arrived at with 
 Hawkwood, the Florentine emissary was introduced by night 
 into Sir John's room, where there was no light except a 
 little charcoal in a brazier, and where the unknown infor- 
 
A SERIOUS REBELLION. 159 
 
 mer, who did not even remain unknown, was admitted : 
 Hawkwood had already him tracked several times in vain, 
 but that night, after the colloquy, with success. 
 
 The Signoria now knew all that was necessary to coun- 
 teract the plot, and did not regret the l - 2,000 florins, 
 especially as it was afterwards confirmed from Count An- 
 tonio da Bruscoli and many other sources, that a very se- 
 rious rebellion was treated of. The Commune was thus 
 able to take precautions, secure proofs, and discover and 
 condemn those who were culpable. 
 
 After this secret and profitable service against the in- 
 ternal enemies of Florence, Hawkwood had soon occasion 
 to lend other service more open and not less lucrative, 
 against the external enemies of the same Republic. To 
 complicate the troubles of Italy a new element was 
 added. Carlo di Durazzo of Anjou came from Hungary 
 to sustain his pretensions to the crown of the Kingdom 
 of Naples, and, in agreement with the Pope Urban VI,* 
 threatened the Tuscan cities who were hostile to the 
 Pope. The prince of Anjou had large forces at his dis- 
 posal, and the chief of them was that Italian Company 
 of Sau Giorgio, with wdiich Alberico da Barbiano had be- 
 come quite an important military power after his famous 
 victory over the Bretons near Rome. 
 
 To provide for their own defence, the Florentines im- 
 mediately turned to Hawkwood, wdiose sword was at pre- 
 sent disposable, his hostilities with the Lords of Faenza 
 and Ravenna being for a time suspended. Venice too, who 
 found herself involved in the critical war of Chioggia, 
 wanted him for her captain, but he refused, for he had 
 a better understandina.' with the Florentines ; so the Ve- 
 
 * Buonineontri [Annali] says, we do not know with what foundation, 
 
 that tli.- Pope called the Hungarian prince of Anjou into Italy, after having 
 held counsel with John Hawkw 1. 
 
L60 THE VENETIAN CAPTAIN. 
 
 1380. netians gave the command to Carlo Zeno instead, and then 
 took into their pay Gold, Cook, and some others of Hawk- 
 wood's tried comrades and compatriots. 
 
 He lent a much more willing ear to the proposals of 
 the Florentines, because his brother-in-law Lucius Landau 
 had also accepted them. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 AGAINST THE COMPANY OF ST. GEORGE. 
 THE CONTEST WITH AsTOREE MANFREDI. 
 
 [Consult epratiche, Provvisioni of the Commune of Florence — Mabchionne Stefani, Cliro- 
 i — Diary of the Anonymous Florentine — Chronicle of Piero Buoninsegnj 
 Register of the Deliberations "I the Signoria and Councils from 1378 i" 1390, cartf 38 
 e1 eq. — Neki hi Donato, Stint se chronicle — D. M. Manni, Biography of H < 
 in v. 2nd of the Appendix to Mcbatori [li.I.S] — ran- ggio "i the Florentine Si- 
 gnoria, Missive, XIX. from s7 to 170; letters of December 2 N 1380; Januarj i ■'■' ■ 
 and 26th; February 24* and 27th; March 2i">; April 27* and 30th; May 3"S, I6'h 
 and 19*, and August 1st 1881, on !]"■ subject of Astorre Manfrodi.] 
 
 Beginning The Company of St. (Iconic, being masters of Arezzo, 
 
 < t March. 
 
 were menacing the neighbourhood of Florence : it was 
 therefore provided to bring the corn into the city, and 
 arm the people, but there were dissentions in the Flo- 
 rentine councils as to the choice of a captain. 
 7, 9 and is The Otto di balia proposed Hawkwood, and would 
 
 .at March. . . . . 
 
 even have received him into the League as a potentate. 
 engaging to induce the Bolognese and Perugians to accept 
 him ; but many others wanted a man of noble birth, 
 faithful, honest, and "not of too much weight" (/(e)/ di 
 troppo gran peso); some resigned themselves to take Hawk- 
 wood, but were diffident about it, they did not want him 
 " in the city, nor to distribute the garrisons in the for- 
 tresses, elsewhere they might make use of him as long as 
 it was necessary." Marchionne Stefani thus explains fche 
 
HAWKWOOD'S ELECTION. 16] 
 
 case: " Those who "were suspected, or had been ammoniti,* isso. 
 and their friends wanted him, and they made the people 
 believe he was necessary to them. Others did not want 
 him, some Kvaiisr ho should not favor the above-men- 
 tioned, and others because they did not want to spend 
 more than they were obliged." 
 
 Thev were doubtful, in fact, of his interfering with 
 the sword, in the civic questions which were continually 
 arising in Florence. Meanwhile they sent him a messenger 
 with proposals, reserving his nomination to the captaincy, 
 until thev had received replies from their allies. 
 
 The approach of the enemy cut short all delays and 
 hesitation. The Signoria passed a motion that thev should -'" -' and 22 
 
 01 J of March. 
 
 themselves conduct the election of a captain, together with 
 
 the councils, and other officials and the capitudini (that 
 
 is a consul elected from each of the twenty three Arti). 
 
 The capitudini being elected, Hawkwood was unanimously March 26. 
 
 proclaimed captain without loss of time; the only dispute 
 
 was that some were disposed to take him with the 300 
 
 lances offered by him. and others only wished for 200, but 
 
 they begged him to make the best terms he could for 
 
 them. There was no time to lose, they had already come April i-\ 
 
 to blows. Eberhard Landau repulsed an attack of the 
 
 Company of St. George taking 70 horses, together with Count 
 
 < riovanni brother of Alberico da Barbiano (in which action 
 
 John of Berwick, a brave Englishman, was wounded); but 
 
 this little success was not enough to reassure them. 
 
 The following day Hawkwood's election as captain-ge- 
 neral for six months was announced to him, and he " en- April e. 
 tered into Florence at the 2 - 2 nd hour of the day about 4 p.m.) 
 with the Signoria and a large company of citizens. Th<- 
 great bell was rung, and he entered with great honor, and 
 
 * To be admomslit/'l or ammonito under the Republic of Florence was to 
 
 I xcluded from the power of holding public office; it was a punishment 
 
 a degree less severe than exile for the disaffected. — [Translator.) 
 
162 THE CAPTAIN-GENERAL. 
 
 1380. sounding of trumpets, and ringing of bells, as our captain 
 of war in the name of God and of good fortune. In the 
 
 April w. morning he received the bdton in the name of God, at 
 the palace of our Signoria, as our captain-general of the 
 war, to the undoing and death of our citizens (exiles) who 
 had come back, and were with that cursed Company (of 
 St. Georgi \. At tierce he rode forth from Florence with 
 all the men-at-arms and they were considered fine and 
 grand troops." 
 
 The fame of his name was enough for the exiles and 
 the Company of St. George who had approached Lucca, with 
 a demand for 20,000 florins, for they hastily compounded 
 for half the sum, ami took the road into the Maremma. 
 Having made the first defensive preparations in the 
 upper Val d'Arno, Hawkwood with many of his men re- 
 
 Apni 20. turned to Florence to regulate the conditions of the <•,.,,- 
 dotta. Now the Florentines were in an economical mood, 
 especially as they had made some proposals towards ;i 
 compromise with Barbiano, and wanted to await his reply. 
 They desired Hawkwood to be content with 130 lances, 
 but rather than let him go away they preferred to grant 
 Apni J?. _>s. him the 300 he wanted, dismissing the other stipendiaries. 
 They had the prudence not to let him guess how much 
 they depended on his services; it was not without good rea- 
 son that they had become the most astute merchants in 
 the world. Thus Hawkwood was induced to accept only 
 
 Aj.rii 29. 200 lances, and 1000 florins a month for his salary ; and 
 on these conditions he was nominated captain-general till 
 
 ,\prii 30. All Saints' clay, accepting the office by a public attestation. 
 
 The Florentines did not wish to attack the army of Carlo 
 di Durazzo now made master of Arezzo. Hawkwood always 
 said to the Florentines: Se voi voleU vi 'l<in'> rutin questa 
 gt ute (If you wish, I will conquer those troops for you) ; 
 and they would not let him on account of the bad eondi- 
 
THE EIGHT OF WAR. 163 
 
 tion of Florence, and out of regard to the King of Hungary 1380. 
 i a kinsman of Carlo . 
 
 The "Eight of war" provided for the defence, the 
 " Eight of peace " for making negotiations with the enemy. 
 
 It has however been noticed in preceding campaigns 
 that Hawkwood always showed a great wish to light when 
 he knew his masters would not give him the means of 
 doing so, and liked to drag out a slow Avar when they 
 wanted decisive action: such little hypocrisies were useful 
 to the reputation of adventurers and served their interests. 
 
 It is probable that in his own mind Hawkwood was 
 very well content that the wishes of the Florentines did 
 not go beyond the defensive, and in providing for this he 
 displayed his undeniable abilities. 
 
 He placed a camp of observation at Hontevarchi, where 
 on all sides, wherever the enemy appeared, he opposed 
 an efficacious resistance, so that Carlo of Anjou was in- 
 duced to make those terms in earnest, which he had at first 
 only proposed to blind the Florentines. 
 
 With this kind of plan of campaign the immediate 
 presence of the captain is not always necessary. Hawkwood 
 was sometimes able to demand and obtain leave of absence, 
 perhaps to run up and glance at his estates in Romagna. May 19. 
 He had finished by gaining the entire trust of the Flo- 
 rentines, who chose him as arbiter in a question (probably 
 that of an armistice for the treaties already begun) with 
 the hostile Company of St. George : they tried to wean June i«. 
 him from the project of entering the service of the Duke July 16. 
 of Bavaria : they recalled his troops into the city and fol- 
 lowed minutely his advice to be as cautious and carry 
 arms, exactly the same as if they were not treating for 
 peace, or as though the Hungarians with whom they 
 treated were their enemies. They accorded him extensions 
 of time in the execution of their orders, nominated him 
 and another Englishman William Chorsal (Kursel?) con- 
 
164 RE-ELECTION. 
 
 i38u. stable of a small brigade, on the same conditions as though 
 they were actually fighting, granting them the itsual be- 
 nefits of toleration about the supply of better horses and 
 ponies, and absolving them from the obligation of regi- 
 August 22. stering the names of pages (with all which little extras 
 October 24 every captain made considerable profit on the pay . 
 Septemb. 24. Hawkwood returned to Florence when the troops of 
 Durazzo moved away towards Siena and Montepulciauo, 
 and notwithstanding this retreat of the enemy he was on 
 All Saints' day re-elected captain-general for another six 
 months. He sent verbal instructions to the Defenders of 
 Siena through his comrade the noble Antonio di Porcaria,* 
 but during the winter, having nothing to do for the Floren- 
 tines he returned against Astorre Manfredi, his own parti- 
 cular enemy, and occupied some towns over which the 
 Commune of Florence asserted a right (the} 7 were probably 
 in the upper valley of Lamone). The Commune discreetly 
 deliberated to provide that those towns should not pass into 
 other hands, unless restored to Manfredi, but above every 
 thing else to extinguish that fire, by hastening to procure 
 
 1381. 
 
 unary 
 February ti. 
 
 January 8. peace between the two combatents. 
 
 The Florentines were anxious to suppress this contest, 
 for, although they disputed how many lances should be 
 paid for, all with one accord wanted Hawkwood as captain, 
 renouncing, if necessary, the services of Eberhard Landau, 
 who had also served them faithfully. They so firmly 
 believed that, he " would have observed and maintained 
 Lis written word," that in their Councils they absolved 
 the Otto in anticipation from all responsibility, in case 
 
 ,';";;;",>• things fell out differently. 
 
 By force of diplomacy, they succeeded in concluding a 
 
 March 20. truce as the Anonymous diarist informs us: "John Hawk- 
 
 * See Document XXXII. 
 
THE MAGNIFICENT CAVALIER. 165 
 
 wood and Astorre Manfredi are coming to Florence ; it is i38i. 
 said that the Signoria have procured peace between them, 
 
 for the honor of the Commune. And if I had anything 
 to do with it, I should pay them off and have done with 
 it, and we needs must have a truce for two years. And 
 so goes the affair. God send peace to all the world." 
 
 This done, the captainship of Hawkwood was imme- 
 diately renewed by the Otto, and because stipulated without 
 the full powers necessary, it was revised and confirmed 
 with an official commission, in which the form is as remark- April 10 
 able as the substance. It solemnly begins thus : 
 
 " The Priors and Gonfaloniere, principally because the 
 men-at-arms of the Commune should be led when occasion 
 requires by a good captain, with sound judgment, also one 
 approved in valour, and circumspect in military arts, 
 especially in feats of arms, of wude experience, and self- 
 confidence, cast their eyes on the magnificent cavalier John 
 Haukcuod Englishman." 
 
 He was nominated captain for seven months with 
 thirty lances at the expense of the Commune. He was 
 not required to serve immediately, it was enough if he 
 placed himself at their disposal, but he could not without 
 leave absent himself more than eight}' miles from Flo- 
 rence. He might however enroll the thirty lances even 
 at Bagnacavallo, where he resided. 
 
 Consequently the pay was less than usual, being fixed 
 at 333 florins, 6 soldi, and 8 danari for Hawkwood himself, 
 — 10 florins and 10 soldi for the lances of three horsemen 
 each, — 6 florins, 10 soldi for the lances and archers of 
 two horses each, — and 4 florins for the archers with one 
 horse. 
 
 If it should afterwards be deliberated that Hawkwood 
 and his brigade were to be wholly at the orders of the 
 Signoria, his stipend was to be tripled and that of the 
 brigade doubled. 
 
166 ENGLISH VETERANS. 
 
 1381. And here ive have an additional proof of the especial 
 
 consideration shown to Hawkwood, for at the same time 
 April is. William Gold (called Coccho), whom we already know as 
 a brave veteran, was hired with fifteen lances on the same 
 terms, except that to him personally the pay was only to 
 be doubled in case of active service. The terms made with 
 another Englishman Richard Romise (? Romsey) were even 
 Septemb. 23. less liberal. 
 
 Every proposition made by Hawkwood was listened to 
 May 4. with the greatest deference. — hence the}' promised him 
 600 florins " for those Englishmen of whom he had 
 written." 
 
 Hostilities were very soon renewed with Astorre 3Ian- 
 fredi ; the truce was not observed : so Florentine envoys 
 were sent into Romagna, to enjoin the two parties to 
 "do nothing new" (non fur novita), and in accord with 
 the Bolognese commissaries, they were to give sentence ;i- 
 May 13. arbiters in the litigation. 
 
 Then they made efforts to arrive at a good treaty of 
 peace, to be stipulated at Bologna or on her territory, 
 inviting the Bolognese to summon the two litigants — 
 proroguing, if necessary, the date of the itmpirage. It 
 was the opinion at Florence, that Manfredi was in the 
 right, but they recommended that justice should be ren- 
 dered if it were possible, and they were also inclined to 
 May 24. maintain the truce, leaving the disputed question in abey- 
 ance. Not coming to any conclusion in Romagna, Man- 
 fredi and Hawkwood had repeated invitations to come to 
 Florence, and with good reasons, leave of absence was re- 
 fused to Hawkwood, who, foreseeing that the arbitrator's 
 juu.. e sentence would be unfavorable, intended to protest by 
 July e.' going farther away. 
 
 The arbitration was conciliative, although when it came 
 to the execution, the Bolognese had orders to punish 
 
SOLDIER OR LOED? 167 
 
 Astorre if he rebelled, and to reassure him if he obeyed. i38i. 
 The Florentines then took on themselves to write to Hawk- 
 wood reproving him for his attempts against his neighbour. 
 Any way this long litigation, and the hostility which 
 had embittered it, convinced Hawkwoocl that it did not 
 suit him to keep his estates in Romagna among such pe- 
 rilous neighbours, and that he could not with advantage 
 be at the same time a feudal lord and hired captain. He 
 must choose between the two positions, and he with prac- 
 tical English sense preferred to continue his lucrative and 
 now honorable career as a soldier, rather than waste himself 
 with his few forces in the poor little principality of Ba- 
 gnacavallo and Ootignola. He liked better to be the first 
 of the condottieri, than the last of the lords of Italy. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 HAWKWOOD SELLS HIS POSSESSIONS IX ROJIAGXA 
 AND HAS FLORENCE AT HIS FEET. 
 
 [Contract between Sir John Hawkwood and the Marquises d'Este, published by Canon Bal- 
 duzzi in the AM e Memorie delta /.'. Deputasiont di Storia patria per It provh 
 Romagna, 3 a serie, v. II, fasc. I — Bonuli, Storia di Cotignola — Canestkini. Docu- 
 ments, etc. in the Archivio storico italiano.] 
 
 Just bej-ond the ford of the river near Bagnacavallo August 10. 
 in the territory of Lugo (either in the open fields or at 
 an hostelry near the ford) the two contracting parties met 
 on the 10'" of August 1381. They were Hawkwood on the 
 one side ; and on the other Tommaso de' Gilli di Terdona, 
 proxy, and the noble Paolo di Lendinara, a confidential 
 friend, both procurators of Niccolo and Alberto Marquises 
 d'Este. There were present the chamberlain, the captain 
 of Lugo, the Englishman John Bayner, and others as 
 witnesses to the legal act which was there stipulated 
 between them, and drawn up as a public document. 
 
168 THE MARQUISES D' ESTE. 
 
 1381. Iii it Hawkwood acknowledged the receipt of (J0,000 
 
 gold ducats from the Marquises d' Este, and promised to 
 restitute the said sum, at any time and before any court 
 the said Marquises shall be pleased to require it. As a 
 guarantee he pledged all his possessions present and fu- 
 ture, but especially the estates of Bagnacavallo and Coti- 
 gnola, with the fortresses, palaces, towers, gates, bastions, 
 and their respective buildings and lands, together with 
 '•very jurisdiction, and every right which had belonged to 
 him ; besides all and every stronghold which at present 
 was held by him, or by others in his name, in the pro- 
 vince of Eomagna, except the bastion of Sezada. 
 
 Further, Hawkwood rendered all the aforesaid posses- 
 sions responsible for the expenses which the Marquises 
 d' Este should sustain for restorations, repairs, and custody 
 of the same, whenever the expenses should outweigh the 
 receipts, in which case the Marquises d' Este might retain 
 and demand legal compensation from any person holding 
 the goods so pledged. We conclude then that Hawkwood 
 declared that he possessed those estates on a precarious 
 title, and promised to restore them to the Marquises d'Este 
 or their agents, in their charge and absolute free power, 
 just as above specified, excepting always the single bastion 
 of Sezada. 
 
 " And this in consideration that the said Sir John is 
 not himself powerful enough to defend the said territories 
 with honor to the Church, from the enemies' incursions 
 and from their persistent machinations ; and observing that 
 the said Marquises have been, and will be, faithful sons 
 and servants of the Pope our Lord, and most true defenders 
 of the Roman Church, and its rights ; and being thus 
 powerful, they know how to defend the said lands to the 
 honor of the Church, and the Pope our Lord." 
 
 Hawkwood besides solemnly renounced all his rights 
 to these possessions in favor of Pope Urban A r I, or his 
 
HAWKWOOD A FEUDAL LORD. 169 
 
 successors and their commissaries ; to the effect that the 
 Marquises d' Este might be invested with those rights in 
 his place, and for this object, he nominated the procura- 
 tors of the Marquises d' Este as his procurators in the 
 contract, pledging himself never to revoke the nomina- 
 tion. And this iinder penalty of 1000 ducats without pre- 
 judice to the validity of the contract. 
 
 All winch, according to this faithful summary, would 
 at first sight appear to be a contract of mortgage, but con- 
 taining certain clauses by which Hawkwood on one part 
 takes 60,000 ducats, and on the other he cedes to the 
 d'Estes all his possessions in Romagna, excepting the ba- 
 stion of Sezada, which doubtless served as a military 
 precaution against Astorre Manfredi. 
 
 If we do not style it a sale, it is a loan agaiust a 
 cession of property, and interesting to us not so much from 
 its legal singularity, as because it renders the fact evident 
 that Hawkwood was in Eomagna a true territorial Lord 
 of feudal chai'acter, under the high domination of the Pope; 
 and it also shows that he resigned this principality because 
 the trouble of defending it was not convenient to him, 
 the expense exceeding the income. The Marquises d' Este, 
 being rich and ambitious, endeavoured to extend their 
 dominion between the Po and the Adriatic by every pos- 
 sible means, and for this the)^ had bought from Hawkwood 
 the possession of Eaenza, and although they did not long 
 retain that place, yet they now risked spending 60,000 
 ducats for Bagnacavallo and Cotignola, where their lord- 
 ship was less precarious. It was they who brought the 
 Jews into Cotignola, allowing them a ghetto with a syna- 
 gogue, and a bank for usury, which lasted till 1598, in 
 that part named Castellina where Hawkwood's ancient 
 tower still rises. 
 
 The d' Estes sent as their commissary to take posses- 
 sion of Bagnacavallo, Cotignola and the annexed village 
 
170 SELLING AND BUYING. 
 
 1881. of Conselice, Filippo G-uazilotti -of Prato, brother of one 
 Alberto Guazilotti, commissary general in Lugo, now de- 
 puted to the government of Faenza.* 
 
 Having sold all his estates Hawkwood was still irri- 
 tated at the little favorable interference of the Florentines 
 in his dispute with Astorre ; they besides delayed in 
 granting him. a sum of money to buy a house at Florence, 
 as he intended to do, now that he no longer had a resi- 
 dence at Bagnacavallo, and they were rigorous in the 
 liquidation of his pay. Hence he formed a league between 
 his Company, that of Eberhard Landau and that of the 
 Ban Johann of Hungary, lieutenant and captain-general of 
 Carlo Durazzo, which he was free to do, as in October he 
 ceased to be at the disposal of the Florentines, and was in 
 every way free from active service. 
 
 End He sent an embassy to the Florentines, to obtain an 
 
 of August ... J 
 
 absolute dismissal ; but by this time they could no longer 
 do without him, and deliberated that it would be well to 
 give him a verbal reply, sending Spinello Alberti, a pleasing 
 person who was well acquainted with him. They did not 
 wish to dismiss him without knowing his intentions, so 
 they would proffer him " sweet and good words " accepting 
 him as a friend and servant. As to the affair with Astorre, 
 they would justify the rights of the Commune in such a 
 manner as to satisfy him, and in agreement with the 
 Bolognese, t\\&y would clear him of every reproach. They 
 would arrange the account of his stipends so as to content 
 him, respond graciously to his good wishes, offer him the 
 
 IiiiMn.i, sinriii ill C'llii/milti. This author says that Hawkwood was 
 induced to sell the estate for lack of money, after having spent too freely 
 in the fortifications of Cotignola, and not being able to pay his soldiers, who 
 had now for some mo nt lis been bis creditors. But although he cites an ancient 
 MS. in the librarj of the Duke of MouVna ami another MS. of the Signori 
 Trotti, one can put little trust in a writer who nial.es one affair of the two 
 sales, that of Faenza in 1376-77 and this of 1381, uiviiis; the date as lo.se p. 
 
LEAC4UEB WITH THE BAN. 171 
 
 house he required, rather than pay out the price of it, and 1381. 
 endeavour to re-nominate him as captain, or at least to 
 bind him not to injure the Commune, her allies, or the 
 Lord of Milan. 
 
 In fact Florence threw herself at his feet ; and yet as 
 a precaution she prepared men-at-arms and defences as 
 though Hawkwood's Company was to be her enemy. 
 
 But on hearing of the league with Landau and the Ban, a i 
 
 ° ° t and follow- 
 
 and that they threatened to ask a loan (!), they sent Spi- mgdays. 
 nello at once with secret instructions to break the league, 
 and bring away Hawkwood, taking him into their pay as 
 captain, and to quiet Count Landau with smooth speeches. 
 
 Spinello did better, he succeeded in making an agree- October 3. 
 ment, concluded at Isola Romanesca near Assisi, where 
 Landau and Hawkwood were encamped. They stipulated, 
 also in the name of the Ban, to keep the peace with 
 Florence, taking the oath for three months as stipen- 
 diaries (in modum stip< ndii) and for eighteen months as 
 good friends <iu minium societatis). Five thousand florins 
 were paid them (which proves the)^ had not a large brigade) 
 and they were granted a pass on the aforesaid conditions. 
 
 A little after this, Siena and Florence were obliged to Novemb. is. 
 disburse 30,000 florins to the great bands of St. George, 
 of the Uncino (Hook) etc., who were encamped near Arezzo. 
 This was enough to convince Florence that she must by all Deeemb. 19. 
 means have Hawkwood as her captain, and he was re-elected 
 captain-general for six months, but this time it was for 
 active service, and consequently with the more favorable 
 conditions contemplated in the " provvisione " of April 10 
 (see page 165) and besides with the faculty of taking as 
 many as ninety lances as his brigade, and with the 
 extraordinary power of dismissing them. 
 
 For the time during which he delayed presenting 
 himself in Florence he was to receive the third of his 
 
172 SONS AND DAUGHTERS. 
 
 i38i. pay and his men the half. Moreover he was accorded 
 ten per cent on all which was gained in war by the sti- 
 pendiaries of the Commune under his command. 
 
 Xo condottiere had ever obtained like favors; he was 
 
 at the same time drawing more money from the Sienese, 
 on his own account, and that of Count Landau and the 
 Ban.* Nevertheless there flashed across him the longing 
 for his native country, since he had expressly reserved 
 the faculty of returning to England,' or to cross the seas, 
 even during his engagement with Florence. 
 
 In truth the 60,001 ) ducats recently received from the 
 Estes must have rounded into a very tvspectable fortune 
 in his hands, and the prospect smiled upon him of peaceful 
 enjoyment in his own country, if it should please < rod, after 
 he had been purged from his sins by fighting his last fight 
 against tin.' infidels beyond the seas, thus accomplishing 
 tin 1 vow and promises sealed by him in answer to the 
 exhortations of St. Catherine of Siena. 
 
 But habit and circumstances are often stronger than 
 our resolutions, and always more so than our intentions. 
 One who has a business well started cannot easily decide 
 to leave it. Moreover Donnina Visconti had already made 
 him the father of several children both sons and daugh- 
 ters, without counting his other offspring legitimate or 
 otherwise preceding that marriage. Nobody ever seems 
 to have enough means when there are children. 
 
 Hawkwood therefore stayed in Italy, and at Florence he 
 had a part to sustain in the service of the public order; the 
 part of a man-at-arms in the tumults which too frequently 
 afflicted that democracy. It was his office to provide for 
 the internal peace, as well as the external defence of the 
 Commune, and this was the reason the Signoria had made 
 such efforts to have him in Florence and quickly. 
 
 " s. .■ li.ii-iiim-iit XXXIII. 
 
173 
 
 XXV. 
 
 HAWKWOOD MAINTAINS OEDEE AND CHECKS THE COMPANY 
 OF ST. GEORGE. ENTEES THE FAY OF THE POPE. 
 
 [Gino Cappoxi, History of the Republic oj Florenci — Diary ol the Anontmous Florentine — 
 Ammirato, Storit ftorentint Sei Naddo da Montecatini, Fragments ofChronidt — 
 Ricotti, History of tin mercenary companies — Consulte e pratiche of tin- Commune 
 of Florence, and the Proveis o«f.] 
 
 Serious disturbances broke out in Florence, provoked i3 82 . 
 by the rebellion of Giorgio Scali, Scatizza, and their com- 
 panions. To assist the captain of the people in arresting 
 the rebels, Hawkwood appeared on the Piazza of the Si- 
 gnoria with his ninety lances. The sight of those three 
 hundred veterans on horseback was enough to intimidate 
 
 the mob. January 16. 
 
 The tumults were renewed at night; and in the morning, 
 behold Hawhwood fully armed again arrived on the Piazza 
 with a great many soldiers and the seven consuls of the 
 greater "Arti." Unable to maintain order, the captain of 
 the jDeople threw away the baton, and said " he resigned 
 his office ; " on which Hawkwood with his men-at-arms 
 " went all round the city shewing themselves " so as to re- 
 establish peace, and if nothing else, he managed to make 
 an end of the excesses of that brutalized mob. He met 
 a brigade who had mortally wounded Simone di Biagio, 
 and with a halter were dragging him to execution and 
 he said : " Lead him away " (menatelo via). 
 
 The enemy profited by these disorders : the Company January a. 
 of the Uncino, commanded by Villanozzo at Roccafranca, 
 which formed the avant-guard to St. George, had approached 
 as far as Marcialla, a few miles from the city. It was rpuckly 
 decided that Hawkwood should defend it if possible ; if 
 not, that he should come to terms, taking care not to 
 compromise the State ; that he should fight 011I3- if he 
 
17 1 " HALT THERE ! " 
 
 1 182. were certain of success, and in any case they would hear 
 
 January jo. his opinion before negotiating. 
 
 With these instructions, with 800 lances, 200 archers, 
 and 600 infantry, Hawkwood immediately left the city, 
 attempted in vain and with some loss to make himself 
 master of the hill of Marcialla, and encamped at Santa 
 Maria Nuova where he fortified his position and awaited 
 reinforcements. The two camps entrenched and fenced, 
 faced each other as though they would come to action. 
 At the end of three days the Company of the Uhcino was 
 obliged to commence a retreat, which they continued, 
 masking it by skirmishes of the rearguard. Hawkwood 
 followed them as far as Berardinga where he had orders 
 to retire to Val d' Arno. 
 
 The report of Piero Buoninsegni " that Hawkwood had 
 had speech with the corporals of the Uncino w dues not seem 
 to be justified, neither does that which Marchionne di 
 Coppo Stefani wrote " it was thought he did not do as 
 much as he could in the service of the Republic." On 
 the contrary we have numerous documents, showing his 
 activity in organising and conducting the defence, bringing 
 forward also the Sienese forces, and procuring good sol- 
 diers for the united service, and watching that their jaay 
 was adequate,* and if the Uncino Company was able to 
 retreat with spoil and prisoners, while it seemed to the 
 good Florentine citizens that they had them in a trap, Hawk- 
 wood, it must be remembered, had instructions not to run 
 any risk. It was the Signoria who, seeing the internal 
 
 February 15. condition of the city, wanted to have him at hand. 
 
 In fact, when the burghers and populace again in- 
 vaded the Piazza, they were once more stopped by the 
 " halt there " of Hawkwood with many soldiers both horse 
 Marci. in. and foot. Then at the sound of the hammer-struck bell, 
 
 See Documents XXXIV to XI, V. 
 
HUNTING DOWN THE REBELS. 175 
 
 every man took arms. " Moscone with the other misguided 1382. 
 men, ready to do evil," led on by the aristocratic party, 
 'made a rendez-vous at St. George," intending to increase 
 their numbers ami fortify themselves on that hill, " but 
 finally Sir John Hawkwood managed to get them into the 
 Piazza." The rebels being thus hunted down, they were 
 soon brought back to their duty. 
 
 These experiences persuaded the Signoria that the 
 stipendiaries might render invaluable service to them in 
 maintaining public peace, and therefore in a contract with April 12. 
 two English constables of sixty lances, is this unusual clause 
 inserted : 
 
 " Item, if the aforesaid constables or any of their com- 
 pany shall be informed of anything which treats of, or is 
 designed to, the prejudice, injury, or offence of the Com- 
 mune, or of its peaceful condition, he shall immediately 
 by letter or messenger notify the same in good faith, as 
 soon and as fully as possible, to the Priors and Gonfalo- 
 niere etc." 
 
 Relative peace being established in the city, the Si- 
 gnoria desired Hawkwood to march into the Arezzo ter- 
 ritory with one or two hundred lances; he had also some April 10. 
 infantry, but with such poor forces he could accomplish no- 
 thing. The " Anonymous Florentine " explains the secret : 
 Hawkwood was only to place himself on guard at the 
 frontier, and the treasurer Spinello went with him to 
 buy the Company of St. Georgi if it were possible. 
 
 "What a quantity of florins had by this time passed 
 by means of Spinello, from the pockets of the Florentines, 
 into the hands of the mercenaries ! Stefaiii exclaimed with 
 reason : " This is the blessing of Florence, the money of 
 the Florentines is so sweet that everybody wants it." 
 
 St. George wanted too much of it, so Hawkwood and April 15. 
 Spinello returned to Florence without having concluded 
 
176 THE DUKE OF AX.IOU. 
 
 1382. anything, and now the Florentines burned with unusual 
 ardor and wanted to make every effort at the frontier. 
 If Hawkwood felt secure in doing so, he might extermi- 
 nate the Company without coming to any terms ; 1500 lan- 
 ces were to be put together against it, and if Hawkwood 
 May 2 and 4. approved, he could also attack AVilhelm Filibach, a German, 
 who among the many mercenaries, had made himself a 
 nest at Arezzo. 
 
 And in fact from his camp at "Civitella, Hawkwood 
 anxiously asked the Sienese to join him in the attack on 
 their common enemy, and to send all their troops to Lu- 
 cignano, where he would meet them and thus attempt 
 some decisive action* But the warlike fit was of short 
 duration, even a few hours sufficed to change the wind, 
 May 5. and then the Signoria wrote to Hawkwood to do nothing- 
 fresh, nor to take the field, but limit himself to resisting 
 if Filibach attacked him ; finally they adopted a middle 
 May 8. course, and gave him faculty to make an attack, informing 
 him of the enemy's numbers. 
 
 Amidst these uncertainties, an event happened which 
 carried the war elsewhere. Louis due d'Anjou, a formi- 
 dable rival to Carlo Durazzo, came down into Italy, with 
 doubtful claims but strong forces, to wrest from him the 
 crown of Naples. Hence all the troops which were war- 
 ring in Tuscany for Durazzo, were recalled to the defence 
 of the Kingdom of Naples, — the Tuscan cities could breathe 
 again, and Hawkwood might sheath his sword. 
 
 But new openings for war were offered to the Condot- 
 tiere, this time by the Pope, who, as High Sovereign, had 
 espoused the cause of Durazzo regarding the crown of Naples. 
 
 The Florentines were informed that Urban VI intended 
 to ask for their captain and his soldiers, and they had 
 
 * See Document XLVI. 
 
THE POPE WANTS HAWKWOOD. ITT 
 
 some trouble in deciding whether to let him go: they 1382. 
 were so well satisfied with Hawkwood that they had ac- 
 corded him the benefit of " ten dead lances," died lance 
 morte (i. e. pay in the same proportion as though they 
 were effective lances), for as long as the price of the house 
 which he desired, — and which had been promised him in 
 Florence, — remained unpaid ; but on the other hand they 
 did not want to offend the Duke of Anjou ; they would, 
 if possible, only have given leave to Hawkwood when the 
 Duke had passed Romagna on his march towards the 
 Kingdom of Naples, and then on condition of his pro- 
 mising to return in case of need. 
 
 Meanwhile they consulted on the eternal dispute with 
 Manfredi, endeavouring to make an end of it once for all, 
 and to induce Hawkwood to purchase a certain bastion 
 which was the cause of the litigation (probably that Se- 
 zada which he had kept back in the cession to the d' Estesl. - ] " l r 2:! 
 
 1 and 31. 
 
 They even offered him 4000 florins if he would leave it August zs 
 to Astorre, who would in return guarantee to furnish the 
 Commune with 1000 moggia of corn. 
 
 The uncertainty lasted till the middle of August. In 
 the Councils they wanted first to know whether the 
 Poj)e were in Rome, and if the Romans would give a good 
 reception to Hawkwood. There were some who maintained 
 that to dismiss him would prove the destruction of Flo- 
 rence : in any case such a grave affair as this ought not 
 to be discussed except in a full Council, at which all the 
 Consuls of the Arts and man} r citizens and artisans would 
 intervene, forming almost an universal suffrage. "V,',fa w. 13 
 
 At length the ambassadors arrived from Rome bringing August 20. 
 the following brief from Pope Urban VI : juiy si. 
 
 " For a long time we have desired that our beloved 
 son the noble John Hawkwood knight should with six 
 hundred lances militate in the service of ourselves and of 
 the Roman Church. And inasmuch as it conduces no less 
 
 12* 
 
and 23. 
 
 178 [S HE TO GO 
 
 to our benefit, honor, state and well-being than to that 
 of your city, whether the said knight fights in your ser- 
 vice or in ours, we pray most urgently, that as soon as 
 i he time shall come to prove the sincerity of your devo- 
 tion and to display it in your deeds, you will efficaciously 
 and without delay arrange that lie shall enter our servh , ■. 
 and every thing which you shall pay as stipend to him 
 shall be deducted from the debt which you owe to us and 
 the Church." 
 
 The war of the " Eight Saints" being ended, the Pope 
 had remained creditor of the Florentines for an indemnity, 
 and thus suggested to them the mode of paying the debt, 
 for which they were still under an interdict. 
 August 22 There were great discussions in the Councils, and seeing 
 
 there was not money enough to pay the Pope, the general 
 opinion was that "his request should be granted. 
 
 There were besides a great many merchants decidedly 
 partial to entering into a league with King Carlo Du- 
 razzo, but they wished to do so in a manner not to com- 
 promise themselves with the Duke of Anjou, ita honestt 
 quod nemini displiceatur. 
 
 The following wary subtilty was suggested by Simone 
 Peruzzi — that they should give the Pope's envoys a writ- 
 ten reply, refusing the dismissal of Hawkwood requested 
 of them, but if Hawkwood himself should demand it, in 
 another written document, alleging the contracts of the 
 condotta I which in fact did not exist), the resignation should 
 be accepted. When once Hawkwood was placed in a con- 
 dition to act as he chose, and to go where he pleased, who 
 could blame the Florentines if he passed into the service 
 of the Pope ? 
 
 It was so decide. 1. and IVrnalx'i Visconti, as seen as lie 
 heard a rumour of the affair, wrote protesting against the 
 Condottiere hired by the Florentines, passing into the ser- 
 vice of an enemy to himself — their ally; they answered 
 
GOES TO ROME. 179 
 
 him immediately that cm their own account they had re- 1382. 
 
 ' " August 30 
 
 peatedly retused Hawkwood to the Pope and the King ot 
 Naples, but that according to the contract he had a right 
 to go. And when Bernabo again attempted to raise the 
 same objection, he received the same answer. ., , 1383 , 
 
 •> February 13. 
 
 The affair being arranged, Urban AT authorised Oosi- i ; 
 
 ° » » ^ September 6. 
 
 mo G-entili, clerk of the chambers, to give the Florentines 
 a receipt for the sum which they would in succession pay 
 to Hawk-wood, up to the amount of the 40,000 florins, 
 they owed. 
 
 But before leaving for the camp Hawkwood wished October 2. 
 to arrange his affairs in Florence and .settle his wife 
 there. 
 
 Such was the devotion of himself and Donnina his 
 consort to the Commune, that they intended to reside in 
 the city and its neighbourhood, and to possess property 
 there, which they could leave to their heirs, demanding 
 as foreigners the necessary privileges, and subjecting 
 themselves to the taxes on the contract they were about 
 to make. 
 
 The Englishman Richard Romsey (hired together with 
 Tyliman and 333 lances) made the same petition, alleging 
 that he had contracted marriage in Florence, although 
 with an Englishwoman, and that he wished to collocate 
 there the greater part of his property. 
 
 The general Council of the Captain and People con- 
 sented with 211 affirmative notes against a minority of 
 only 12. Hawkwood requested a loan of money on interest. o.t.Ki 3. 
 from the Commune, but it was not granted, neverthele>s 
 it is probable that the purchase of the houses outside 
 Port' al Prato may be dated at this time. 
 
 Everything being in order, he took the road to Rome October 22. 
 with 2200 horsemen, stopping a moment at the Abbey 
 of Isola to demand from the Sienese 14,000 florins, of 
 which he declared himself their creditor from the preceding 
 
1382. 
 
 180 THE SIENESE COMPLAIN. 
 
 year, when in league with the Ban of Hungary.* The 
 Sienese complained to Florence, bnt they ought to have 
 applied to the Pope by whom he was now engaged. 
 
 XXYI. 
 
 DEEDS AND AFFAIRS OF HAWKWOOD IN THE KINGDOM 
 OF NAPLES. 
 
 [Chronicon siculwn vaticanum — Diurnali of the Iuke of SIoxteleohe in Mubatori [!•'. I. ^. | 
 — Capponi, History of tin Republic of Florence — Bonincontki, Annali — Sistorica 
 Archives for the Neapolitan provinces, 12th year, extracts from tin- Anjou Registers 
 
 of tin Chancellor's office — D. M .Manxi, Life of Hawkw 1 in Muratobi [It. /.>']. 
 
 v. II. Appendix — Consults < praticlu oi the Commu i Florence — Summontj . His- 
 tory of iln city ""<' kingdom of Naples — Marchionne Stefani, Chronicle.] 
 
 October. AVith a rapid march Hawkwood, accompanied by Car- 
 
 luccio Brancaccio and Andrea Carafa, arrived at Naples,** 
 bringing a brief from Urban VI to the archbishops of 
 Naples and Capua which presented dilectum filium nobilem 
 virum Joanni Agut militem Anglicanum, as condottiere in 
 the pay of the Church. 
 
 His intervention in the war seemed of such serious 
 injury to the French Anjou party, that the Duke of Anjou, 
 
 See Document XXXIII. 
 
 ** In fact tho FL n iiit ii hronicler Marehionne Stefani --ays that Hawku 1 
 
 stayed in Rome some days, that tin Pnpo gave signs of going t" the crusade 
 of Naples with him, or of returning to Corneto, for greater security from 
 the Duke of Anjou : that then the Roman populace went to tin- house •>! Dies- 
 sit Giovanni Acuto " ami because he was taking away the Pope, they threat- 
 ened him that if he iliil not go away at once, they would do him some injury. 
 So mi the 6* h of November Sir John Hawkwood left Rome and went to Naples. 
 But the authority of the chronicler 1"s.n much of its value by treating 
 of things which happened so far from his own sight, ami it would seem 
 wiser I" believe rather the Neapolitan Diarist, the Duke of Monteleone, who 
 determines the dati and thi mpany of Hawkw 1 on bis arrival at Na- 
 ples. Phis would exclude tie' possibility of his staj in Rome, and the hostility 
 
 of tin' i pie there, which Stefani was willing to believe, as be was of the 
 
 opposite opinion when the Council discussed the question of favouring the 
 Pope and King Carlo, by giving the leave to Hawkwood. 
 
AKISTOCRATIC DEBTORS. 1M 
 
 without much heeding the subtle distinctions of Simone 1382. 
 Peruzzi, wrote orders to France that reprisals should be 
 made on the goods and persons of the numerous rich Flo- 
 rentine merchants in that Kingdom. 
 
 With his concourse the army of King Carlo reached the 
 number of 14,000 horse. The Duke of Anjou only had 7000, 
 concentrated at Maddaloni, whence the superiority of the 
 enemy, together with cold and hunger, compelled him to 
 move into Apulia, losing on the road a good half of his 
 forces. 
 
 It is to be supposed that in this retreat Hawkwood 
 followed obstinately at the heels of the Anjou army, and 
 made not a few prisoners of rank, for he afterwards 
 boasted of being the creditor of Iacopo di Capri, Ugo di San- December. 
 severino, and Antonio Carracciolo, for 1000 florins each; 
 of two others for 500 ; seven more for 400 each ; of twenty- 
 one for 300 ; and finally four more for 200 florins each. 
 The greater number of the debtors bore the most distin- 
 guished names of the Anjou faction, and were qualified as 
 miiiti (knights). These circumstances, together with the 
 round numbers attributed to each debtor, and the grada- 
 tion of the sums in proportion to the importance of each, 
 whether military, political, or economical, leave no doubt 
 that taxes under the form of ransoms are treated of. 
 
 Hawkwood had granted liberty to the prisoners on re- 
 ceipt of promissory notes. When these fell due there was 
 a deficiency of an aggregate sum of 10,900 florins ; and 
 he appealed to the King against his thirty-seven debtors, 
 and in fact obtained from King Carlo a mandate to Do- Deeemb. u. 
 nato d'Arezzo, judge of the Supreme Court, that the debtors 
 should be constrained to pay. 
 
 Here then we see our Condottiere involved in the dif- 
 .ficulties of the forum, and in the tedious delays of a law- 
 suit. But for him Themis and Astraea showed themselves 
 resolute and solicitous, thanks to the personal intervention 
 
182 THE KING'S MANDATE. 
 
 1382. of the sovereign. The jurisdiction of the civil causes did 
 not pertain to the judge of the Magna Curia (Supreme 
 Court), but the King's mandate gave Donato d'Arezzo the 
 necessary competence and special jurisdiction. It was ne- 
 cessary to cite the debtors, but it was not possible to 
 administer the summonses to all of them. The Neapolitan 
 ushers could not reach Ugo Sanseverino who was out of 
 the Kingdom, nor Iacopo da Capri, who was imprisoned at 
 Nocera, nor Aserello da Capri among the rebels at Ischia, 
 nor Andrea da Messina in the army of Louis of Anjou. 
 Hawkwood again appealed to the King, who commanded 
 
 1383 
 
 January u. the judges to cite them by public edict. 
 
 Hawkwood succeeded in getting a great part of the 
 10,900 florins if not all, for the same year he sent his 
 savings to Tuscany where he invested them in landed 
 property, buying from Baimondo Tolomei of Siena a pos- 
 session, composed of house, tower, and a palace, with se- 
 veral poderi (farms) in a place called la Eocchetta in tin:' 
 parish of Santa Maddaleua, in the Commune of Poggibonsi 
 near the river Elsa. 
 
 Although it is said ' r out of sight out of mind," Flo- 
 rence showed the same regard to him as if he had been 
 near ; it was discussed whether he should be called on 
 to pay the property tax, and by common consent it was 
 decided that if he were not a citizen he was exempt by 
 right, but if they considered him a citizen (on account of 
 January 7. his purchases), they should exempt him by favor.* 
 
 * Like the captain, the other Englishmen wire always the mercenaries 
 preferred by the Florentines. Wo find that on February l-" 1 1383 they en- 
 gaged tlie constables John Berwick with 30 lances; John Beltoft with (15 lances. 
 3 fliers ami a trumpeter; ami Johnny (Gianichino) Swin. Johnny Boutillier 
 (Butler), and (Izochino (Iloskyn or Iludgekiii '. J l Norton with -"IT lances. On 
 October •"• ' 1384 John Gulion, John Cokum, Thomas Ball, and Richard Sticklei 
 were engaged as constables with loo lances and I trumpeters. Robin Cor- 
 beck, and Johnny Harry witli 5o lances, John Liverpool with in ; and on 
 lie I'.' 1 ' .it October, John Trickell with loo lanes, and •„' trumpeters. 
 
THE KING AND THE DUKE. 188 
 
 The winter being over, the King wished to advance to 1383. 
 meet the enemy, and left Naples with all the troops now April 4. 
 increased to 16,000 horse and a great number of foot. After 
 the Count Alberico of Barbiano, the commander in chief, 
 the chroniclers give the first place amongst the foreign 
 captains to Hawkwood who had the official title of captain 
 general of the Church : but none of them had to fight in 
 earnest. The King having arrived at Barletta sent the April 12 
 gauntlet of battle to the Duke of Anjou, who accepted 
 the challenge: the two armies were displayed in battle 
 array, but by the advice of Otho of Brunswick the King- 
 let prudence prevail, and it all ended in an insignificant 
 skirmish of a few cavaliers. 
 
 There was a battle at Pietracatella instead, but it is not 
 stated whether Hawkwood took part in it. 
 
 Moreover while in these troubled waters the Duke of 
 Anjou was taken away by a natural death; and King 
 Carlo, who had garrisoned Apulia, returned towards the 
 capital. He employed his men-at-arms to keep his ally October 4. 
 Pope Urban VI almost as a prisoner at Aversa, for five 
 days, while he imposed his will on that Pontiff, who had 
 thus unluckily arrived on the scene of action; he then re- 
 entered Naples, and Hawkwood seeing that there was no- Novemb. i<-. 
 thing conclusive to be done down there, again drew near 
 to the beloved and fruitful Tuscany, accepting in his com- 
 pany two first-rate soldiers, the Italian Giovanni Azzo degli 
 Ubaldini. and the Englishman Richard Bomsev. 
 
 *■) 
 
 His first menaces were for the Sienese, who sent three December 7. 
 ambassadors to him hoping to escape for 3000 or 5000 
 or at most 8000 florins,* but they had besides to resign 
 themselves to giving him a year's pay, at the rate of Decemb. 12. 
 100 florins a month, and thank him into the bargain for 
 
 * See Document XLVII. 
 
January 
 
 184 A NEW TAX. 
 
 i3s-.\ his services.* The Florentines had paid him on account 
 
 -i pti mb. ii. 
 
 1383. of the Pope, first 12,000 florins, then 8000, but the captain 
 
 March 3. i i J > i I 
 
 mb- 28- asked for another ten thousand. At first they wished 
 
 to refuse, but afterwards they thought better of it, and 
 while they maintained that he could uot demand any of 
 the King's money,** they judged it wise to pay him, still 
 on the Pope's account, provided that he should obtain ab- 
 solution from the interdict which the Pontiff still kept su- 
 spended over the Florentines since the war of the * Eight 
 Saints, " and that he should ensure Florence from injury 
 by his Company. 
 
 1384. From all this it results that Hawkwood, serving King 
 Carlo directly, and the Pope indirectly, was not content 
 with holding out his right hand for the pay of the Church, 
 but he extended also the left for the pay of the Kingdom. 
 
 January 28. King Carlo had ordered the immediate exaction of the 
 new tax called the tar\*** in the Principato Citeriore and 
 in Basilicata**** declaring it to be necessary for the pay 
 of John Hawkwood's Company. "We must suppose that as 
 Hawkwood tried to make the Florentines pay him with the 
 King's money, the tart of those two provinces was insuf- 
 ficient, and in making up the accounts he remained credi- 
 tor, so much so that in exchange for his credit the feudal 
 village of Carinaro in Aversa and other properties in Capua 
 and Naples were conceded to him. 
 
 In leaving the Kingdom, he left the administration of 
 these rural lordships to his procurator the Sienese Recu- 
 
 See Document XLVIII. 
 ** What tliis King's money was is explained by Marchinime St. lain. It 
 was a sum of 38,000 florins deposited with the Commune at Florence, by 
 tlie Duchess of Durazzo, when she found herself in the enemy's power, 
 with orders not to dispose of it in favor of anj person, as long as she were 
 not free and in safety, or dead. And therefore although King Carlo's am- 
 bassadors alleged new and different orders from the Duchess, the Commune 
 would not infringe the primitive conditions of the deposit. 
 
 •** Tin) or Tarena was the nam.' of a small Sicilian coin worth about 
 fourpence. — I Translator.) 
 
 •*•* Two of the Neapolitan provinces. — (Translator.) 
 
APPEAL Ti> THE QUEEN. 185 
 
 pido Lazzari; Recupido ! — an ill-omened name for an 
 agent ! Nevertheless Lazzari showed himself zealous. Ru- 
 mours having been circulated that Hawkwood had been 
 murdered in Florence, these feudal estates were without 
 delay assigned to three of the great functionaries of the 
 Kingdom, viz: the Almirante 'admiral) Giovanni Stendardo, 
 and (riacomo Gaetano. The new lords soon hastened to 
 disturb Lazzaro in possession, and he appealed to the 
 Queen Margherita di Durazzo (King Carlo being deceased, 
 his widow became regent for her son King Ladislao a 
 minor), showing that his master was alive, and declaring 
 him to be always ready for loyal service. The Queen 
 accepted the petition, and ordered that Lazzari should be 
 kept in possession. 
 
 1384. 
 
 1 185 
 January 4. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 THE CATASTROPHE "F BERNABO VISCONTI. 
 
 [ConsnlU < pratichi ->t the Commune oi Florence — SUnest chronicU in Muhatobi [B.I.S.] 
 — Ricotti, History of <<<< rcmary companies — GtIuliki, Mt inorit >h Milano — See Naddo 
 da Mostecatini, Fragments of a chroniclt — Diary of the Anonymous Florentine — 
 Oslo Diplon ; \ment . taken from the Milanese Archives — Annates mediola- 
 
 ntti e.s in Mueatori [R.I. 5.] 
 
 The inquietude of the Perugians, on the reappearance 
 of Hawkwood in central Italy, was very great : they in- 
 voked the good offices of Florence, and got the Signoria to 
 deliberate on recommending them to his mercy by letter, 
 or, if necessary, by means of an embassy. Xor was the 
 intervention in vain. The Florentines had reason to send 
 and thank him for his doings towards the Perugians and to 
 Assisi. In growing older Hawkwood became somewhat 
 more humane and tractable, as about the same time the 
 Florentines dared to excuse themselves for being unable 
 to disburse money, and to neglect to give an answer 
 about some certain places which he had taken, and which 
 he probably offered for sale. 
 
 May 18. 
 
 June l s! 
 
ISC, SIB JOHN 18 PACIFIED. 
 
 1384. It is nearly certain that this referred to the castle of 
 
 Montecchio, the fortresses of Migliari in the valley of the 
 Ambra, and of the Abbey at Pino, which we shall see 
 later were possessed and sold by Hawkwood, though there 
 is no documentary evidence of the epoch, or probable oc- 
 casion of the acquisition. 
 
 But if he were tractable towards Florence where hi 
 now considered himself almost as a citizen, he was not 
 equally so with others. This time the blows fell on Siena, 
 which refused to pay new extortions, and wanted to hinder 
 him fi'om spoiling the land; Hawkwood reinforced by tin ■ 
 Prefetto of Viterbo, and a new band formed by his col- 
 jimo 12. league Giovanni Ubaldini, routed and completely defeated 
 the Sienese troops, taking prisoner the captain Niccolb di 
 Messer Galeotto (MalatestaPi whom, to the astonishment of 
 every one, he released a few days afterwards. 
 
 On their side the Florentines deliberated to continue 
 the promised payments to Hawkwood, and also to interpose 
 between Sir John, Avho declared himself creditor, and the 
 Bolognese, who denied the debt, so that they should not 
 come to a rupture, 
 juiy 9. He having arrived at Florence, and being well received 
 
 by the Signoria, they again took up the discussion on the 
 still smouldering question with Astorre Manfredi, procuring 
 juiy 29. a truce for two years and arranging things in his favor, 
 also replying graciously to Bernabo Visconti, who protected 
 Manfredi with the ardor of a father-in-law at discord with 
 his son-in-law. 
 
 These councils kept him some time in Florence, 
 whence being pacified towards the Sienese, he wrote to 
 Septemb. 3. recommend to them Pietro Boncompagni, doctor of laws 
 and his protege, as candidate for the office of Syndic* 
 
 Then he joined the camp above Cortona, forming 
 
 * See Document XLIX. 
 
THE COMPANY OF THE ROSE. 187 
 
 there together with Richard Romsey, and Giovanni Ubal- 1384. 
 
 dini, the Company of the Rose * with the money drawn 
 
 from Siena.** Septemb. 23. 
 
 With this then he must have gone into Romagna, 
 where, as some historians say, he united with Lucius October. 
 Landau, and was able to take Ravenna and put it to the 
 sack, selling it afterwards to the Malatesta. 
 
 But the Florentines did not lose sight of him : indeed 
 they thought of hiring him together with Romsey. and 
 before negotiating with others, they wanted his advice. 
 and asked him to give information about the men-at-arms, 
 trusting entirely in his judgment : they acquiesced in his 
 counsels, and begged him to come soon. Moreover they 
 dreamed of stipulating a league between Hawkwood, Flo- 
 rence and Perugia, thus considering him almost as a po- 
 tentate.*** 
 
 Meanwhile a very serious event took place in Tuscany ; 
 the Sire de Coney, that French adventurer and great ba- 
 ron*' * whom we have already seen fighting with Hawk- 
 wood for the Church, had returned to Italy for the Anj olivine 
 wars, and had taken Arezzo. It was a ease for action on Septemb. 28. 
 the part of Florence : a number of men-at-arms were imme- 
 diately engaged, and Hawkwood, though still receiving his 
 pay. being employed beyond the Apennines, Giovanni degli 
 
 * This title of " the li">.' appears several times in the mercenary 
 companies: there was one in Provence in 1357; another of 300 lances, lasted 
 from 1398 t" 1410, it extorted money from Siena in 1104, and is cited as the 
 last company which had a nam-' of its own, not taken from its captain. 
 ** See Document L. 
 
 ** A note from the Signoria to Donato Acciaioli, Bartolommeo Ridolfi. 
 
 and Jacopo de' Medici, ambassadors, perhaps rotors to this. See Document LI. 
 
 '* The castle of Coney still exists in French Flanders (near St. Gobain\ 
 
 and among the noble armorial ensigns, similar to that noted in Rohan, is 
 
 recorded 
 
 Roi «e suis 
 
 Prince ni comte a 
 
 Je suis Is So-.' ill- Cowcy. 
 
188 BERNABO VISCONTI IX PRISON. 
 
 Obizi was taken as captain of war. But as Coucy let 
 himself be persuaded to sell Arezzo to the Florentines for 
 " ready money," the worst was over; — all that remained 
 was to assure their possession of the new territories, to 
 wrest from the Signori Tarlati the places they held on 
 the confines between Arezzo and Florence, for which slighl 
 Between duty it did not seem necessary to take a captain of such 
 and May. valour and expense as Hawkwood. 
 
 The Florentines contented themselves with his coun- 
 sels, and confided the execution thereof to Giovanni degli 
 Obizi and Vanni di Michele di Vanni. 
 
 On the other hand the fall of Arezzo left Hawkwood 
 undisputed Lord of Montecchio and other towns recently 
 occupied by him in the Aretian territory, of which the 
 Florentines did not even dream of contesting his posses- 
 sion. He had a little leisure to see to his own affairs, 
 to liquidate his debts and credits * and he was reposing 
 in the bosom of his family, in Florence, when there reached 
 May 9. him the most astounding news, which was of the greatest 
 importance to him, his family and also to Florence. This 
 was, that G-ian Galeazzo Visconti, the Conte di Virtu, 
 nephew of Bernabo, had disloyally overcome his uncle and 
 ruling lord, and shut him up in the castle of Trezzo, and 
 was now over-running Milan on his own account, usurping 
 the lordship** without opposition, and that one of Bernabo' s 
 sons, the young Carlo Visconti, had fled to Crema and 
 thence to Cremona. The other young men and Donnina 
 Porro (just now married or about to be married to Ber- 
 nabo, whose wife Regina Scaliger had died a year before) 
 shared the prison with their father and consort. 
 
 Together with this serious intelligence Hawkwood re- 
 ceived entreaties to assist his father, mother, and brothers- 
 
 • Sue Document LII. 
 
 * The official annoui merit of this dynastic coup d'eiat was received 
 
 by the Signoria in a letter from Gian Galeazzo on May 13. 
 
BERNABO'S DEATH. 189 
 
 in-law in this catastrophe. Among the brothers-in-law, 1385. 
 Carlo especially wrote that he held the citadel of Orema 
 in his own hands, as well as the fortress of Porta Ro- 
 mana at Milan, and was ready to pay him well, beseeching 
 him to come in person as soon as possible, with as many 
 men-at-arms as he could collect. * 
 
 In this urgent case it is easy to conceive that Hawk- 
 wood's wife Donnina exerted herself warmly to send her 
 husband to the succour of her relatives, but nothing pre- 
 vailed, and Bernabo very soon died at Trezzo of rage or 
 poison, while no one dared move a finger to help him. 
 
 In the first place Hawkwood, as we know, was in 
 absolute discord with his father-in-law; next, although a 
 brave soldier and a famous condottiere, he never could 
 have held his own against the new Lord of Milan; and 
 finallv, we must allow, that besides resentment and caution, 
 the very vulgar reasons of self-interest appeared to rule 
 his mind. 
 
 Papers will speak ! from the contracts stipulated at 
 Villa di Cavazzo near Modena, in the house where Hawk- 
 wood was then residing, we find that he had before that 
 time promised and sworn fidelity and homage to Gian 
 Galeazzo for 1000 florins ! 
 
 Now that shameful contract was to be improved upon, 
 and Hawkwood recognising Jus oath already sworn and qua- 
 lifying himself as the most beloved kinsman of the illustrious 
 lord Signor Galeazzo Visconti, with solemn oath on tin holy 
 Gospels, corporeally touching the holy scriptures with his hand 
 promised and agreed : 
 
 " That if the Count should request his personal ser- 
 vice, he would hold himself obliged to go to him, excepting 
 that he should be in the pay of any other Commune, lord or 
 
 * See Document LIU. 
 
 .luly 1" 
 
L90 HAWKWOOD'S SCHOLARSHIP. 
 
 1385. prim e, to whom he were so bound that lie could uot with 
 honor leave his service: but as soon as the time for this 
 contract should be completed, he would feel himself bound 
 to personally serve the Count whensoever he pleased. 
 
 " The Count on his side should give him a salary of 
 300 florins a month, and the faculty of leading 30 lances, 
 to which the Count should give the same stipend as his 
 i it her lances. 
 
 " Ity order of the Count, Hawkwobd might also conduct 
 a greater number of lances, who in that case would be paid, 
 and bound like the others who were in the Count's pay. 
 
 " If Hawkwood — his service being required and he 
 being free of other engagements — should not present him- 
 self for the Count's active service within four months, the 
 Count shall not be obliged to paj- the 1000 florins offered 
 by his procurator in the preceding act of fidelity. ..." 
 
 The accessories in this contract are very interesting: 
 for example, among the usual concluding formula;, the 
 following is noteworthy: * the tenor of the clauses written 
 herein has been read and vulgarized in the common tongue, 
 to the full understanding of Sir John." He therefore knew 
 no latin, but could speak italian perfectly. Besides this 
 the act was not only written by Martino, quondam Gia- 
 como de Robbis di Citta di Castello, Hawkwood's notarj 
 and secretary, but also signed by the same notary at the 
 request and order of Hawkwood, whose usual seal was 
 appended to the deed — a sign that Sir John Hawkwood 
 did not know how to write. 
 
 But it is the subject of such a stipulation that most 
 astonishes us. It seems impossible that Hawkwood, who 
 was accustomed to put quite a different price on his sword, 
 should needlessly and for mediocre gain sell himself to 
 one who so seriously compromised his own interests, and 
 even his family peace, since Gian Galeazzo, to justify his 
 usurpation, made a kind of legal process ,/, vita et morions, 
 
A CUEIOTJS ACCUSATION. 191 
 
 and sent out into the world a formal act of accusation i3ss. 
 against Bernabo, alloying in it a curious species of incesto 
 concubinario, pretending that the marriage of Bernabo ami 
 Donnina de' Porri was nidi and void : 
 
 Cognovit carnaliter Donninam de Porros et Johannam 
 ejus Donnine sororem; de qua Donnina /</?//■<;> habuit natos: 
 postea i]>,<<im Donninam desponsavit que nihilominus n<>n potent 
 esse uxor sua. 
 
 Thus the legitimacy of Hawkwood's wife, ensured by 
 subsecpient marriage, became impugned. It might be that 
 Hawkwood, being a most astute man, wished in this sur- 
 render to lull the natural suspicions of Gian Galeazzo, 
 reserving to himself to act as an enemy against him on 
 a better occasion: and the fact remains that he never 
 was in the effective service of Gian Galeazzo, and it was 
 against him that he schemed so long and, as we shall see, 
 conducted the last and most brilliant of all his campaigns. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 WAR BETWEEN THE CAERAEAS OF PADUA 
 
 AND THE SCALIGERS OF VERONA. 
 
 [ProttKi'iiti of the Commune of Florence — Rawdoh Browh, Venetian Calendars of Statt 
 papers— Paduan chronicles by Galeazzo and Asdbea Gataeo in Mubatoki {R. 1. S.] 
 — Diary of the Ahokymous Florentine edited by Alessandbo Gherakdi — Belibera- 
 
 t 1 and Condoitt of the Commune of Florence — Chronicon Estenst in Muratori 
 
 [/,'. /. A'.] — Mineebetti, Chronicle — Vebci, Storia 'I'll" Marca Trtvigiana.] 
 
 In the spring the Florentines, having ensured the acqui- 
 sition of Arezzo, were undecided whether or not, to hire 
 their favorite captain (so that in the summer he began 
 negotiations with Siena*); but in the autumn they adopted 
 
 * See Document LIV. 
 
192 DONNINA A SUPPLIANT. 
 
 1885. the more economical course of satisfying him with words 
 ami with some favors. 
 
 "We know that lie was exempted from the estimo (pro- 
 perty tax) which was an ordinary tax, but he was not so 
 from the extraordinary rates, and it is not to be wondered 
 at, that he belonged to the category of backward payers, 
 so that fines and penalties would have fallen to his share, 
 had not the government exempted him from its nsual 
 rigorons rules, thus tempering it's fiscal refinement: 
 
 "Considering that Sir John Hawkwood is registered in 
 the prestanze and prestanzoni (forced loans) of the city in 
 the gonfalon of the Golden Lion (quarter of San Gio- 
 vanni) and that, whatsoever the cause, he has nut paid up 
 to this date, but declares himself ready to pay, if the pe- 
 nalty shall be condoned; Ave hereby concede this, on con- 
 ootober 27. dition that he pay within IT) days." 
 
 1386. Following this, in Hawkwood's absence, Donnina ex- 
 
 plained to the Signoria that her husband had made two 
 loans, lending 400 florins to the Englishman William Bo- 
 son, and 1000 to Wilhelm of Corbrich, and that now his 
 property was charged with the payment of the duty re- 
 lative to the said contracts and that he as a foreigner 
 had nothing to do with such a tax, that neither to him, 
 nor to others for him, was any notification given until the 
 last few days; she supplicated therefore that without being 
 required to prove her statement, it may be conceded to 
 her to effect the payment within 15 days without the ag- 
 gravation of a penalty. And this was graciously granted. 
 
 Whether Hawkwood were fighting, or where he stayed 
 during the early months of 1386, is not clearly shown. 
 According to Bonincontri (whom we have seen however 
 that we cannot trust at all), he went as far as Hungary ; 
 according to the Paduan chroniclers he was in the service 
 of the Pope. 
 
THE BLACK PRINCE'S BROTHER. 193 
 
 We must look lor him where there was fighting', and 1386. 
 precisely at that time war broke out between the Car- 
 raras of Padua and the Scaligers of Verona, and nume- 
 rous condottieri took part in it. on one side or the other, 
 amongst whom there was in the Veronese camp a half 
 brother of the Black Prince, exiled from England for as- 
 sassination.* 
 
 In fact the Anonymous and diligent Florentine diarist May 11. 
 registers that Antonio Scaliger was defeated by the Car- 
 raras who had also Hawkwood in their camp. The latter 
 could not have taken an important part in that campaign 
 which was commanded for the Carraras by Giovanni degii 
 Ubaldini, and decided by the battle of Brentelle,** since. Jum . 
 at that time the Commune of Florence was endeavouring May 28. 
 as usual to conclude a general league, — and equally as 
 usual concluding nothing, — against the mercenary com- 
 panies; and hired Hawkwood as chief constable of eighty- 
 two lances, who were paid at the rate of 18 florins each a 
 month, with ten days benvenuta** * on entering the service. 
 
 Florence negotiated the league foreseeing that the war 
 in Upper Italy would not last long, and that then the 
 three thousand or more lances engaged in it would soon 
 return to their usual brigandish proceedings. In fact 
 
 * English adventurers continued to pass one by one into Italy, for many 
 years after tin- first comers, up to the 15"' century, but we need not be- 
 lieve that all those styled Anglici in documents of the time were really ol 
 English birth. The phrase means, merely, that they were in the rank of 
 lances all' Inglese or organised on tin- English system. In fact in 1397 Bo- 
 logna had in her pay: about 1100 men qualified as English, and yet not an 
 English name is to he found amongst, the constables and caporali of these 
 troops at the general review held at Mantua. 
 
 * To speak correctly. Galeazzo Gataro in his Paduan chronicles makes 
 Hawkwood take part also in the battle of Brentelle, but we must note that 
 this chronicle, which is in Muratori, presents a great confusion of dates and 
 of places, and an evidently erroneous repetition of facts. On the other hand 
 the chronicle of Andrea Gataro. who completed and rectified his father'.-- 
 work, does not mention Hawkwood in the campaign of 1386. 
 
 ** Benvenuta (welcome) was a kind of bounty money given to soldiers 
 on entering service. — (Translator.) 
 
 13- 
 
r.U AX AMICABLE \ 1-1 1 
 
 ll.-iw kwoi .1. leaving the honest Florentine pay, had again 
 moved to menace the Sienese, as 1 riaking the noble 
 
 Antonio di Porcaria the bearer of his intentions. They 
 
 i sent a certain Monaldi with soothing words,* then a 
 man named < !oltini to see if Sir John would be content with 
 500 florins and the liquidation of his credit with Niccolo 
 Piccolomini.** At the same time they hastily recalled an 
 embassy from Cortona, perhaps fearing it might be taken 
 in hostage,*** and demanded succours of troops from Flo- 
 rence, from Perugia, Pisa, and Lucca;**** but fori 
 too well the replies they were likely to get, they accorded 
 at once 800 out of the 1000 florins demanded by the cap- 
 tain.**** !! Things being thus arranged, Hawkwood paid an 
 amicable visit to Siena with an escort of 40 or 50 horse- 
 .ixT. men, ****** thence he passed into Romagna, but some of 
 his men still remained to molest the Val d'Ambra, obliging 
 the Sienese to apply for Florentine intervention. ***** 
 
 However, before the year was over, the Lord of Verona 
 engaged Lucius Landau ; and the Lord of Padua on his 
 side hastened to hire Hawkwood, with five hundred lances, 
 and six hundred archers. We are inclined to believe that 
 he had provided himself with this considerable brigade in 
 the service of Queen Margherita of Naples, as we find that 
 ili" Signoria had refused a loan of 4oi>:> florins asked by 
 July its. the Queen for Hawkwood. 
 
 Carrara first wrote, and then senl Giovanni Ubaldini 
 his captain-general in person, to stipulate the contract 
 with Hawkwood, wdio was then in Faenza. The best rela- 
 tions existed between these two leaders: they had together 
 beaten the Sienese, and Hawkwood looked on Ubaldini as 
 the most experienced captain of the times: bui ye1 he, 
 
 See I >'M -urn. Hi l.V. ' See Document I. VI. 
 
 *** See Document LVII. **** See Document I, VIII. 
 
 ***** See 1 ui.i.ni- I. IX and LX. ****** See Document 1AI 
 
 ******* See Document LXII. 
 
THE CAMP AT CEREA. 195 
 
 who without doubt ranked first among the condottieri in 13S6. 
 Italy, would nol easily have consented to serve under the 
 orders of another ; on the other hand lie could not expect 
 thai after the recent brilliant victory of Brentelle, Ubal- 
 dini should cede him the command. We believe it was 
 to regulate these difficulties that Ubaldini undertook the 
 journey, and that he found a way to arrange it by attri- 
 buting the honor of supreme command to the prince, i. e. 
 Francesco Novello, the brave ami youthful son of the Lord 
 of Padua; and in reality reserving the effective direction 
 of operations to Hawkwood and himself, he nominally 
 holding the baton as captain-general; — in fact they under- 
 stood each other. Besides Hawkwood, Ubaldini hired in 
 Romagna Giovanni di Pietramala with 1000 horse, has- 
 tening las march, because they wished to follow up the 
 campaign vigorously during the winter. 
 
 Tin- body of the Paduan army had already crossed the isst. 
 
 Beginning 
 
 Adige, and taken up its position at Cerea : soon after, Pie- ofjanuarj 
 fcramala and Hawkwood arrived, and posted their men at 
 Montagnana : they, with the principal persons of the band, 
 stayed at Padua, where they were honorably received, 
 loaded with gifts, and lodged by the lord, Francesco the 
 elder ; between whom and Hawkwood many colloquies took 
 place to concert the plan of the campaign. 
 
 All being arrange'!. Hawkwood and Pietramala returned 
 to the camp, escorted by Messer Rigo Galletto; between 
 Este and Monselice, Francesco Xovello came to meet them, 
 and taking up the troops at Montagnana, they all together 
 directed their steps to < 'astelbaldo, where a chain bridge 
 spanned the Adige. Finding the bridge broken, they crossed 
 the river at another place, and concentrated themselves at 
 the camp of Cerea. 
 
 A council of war was held immediately, in which Ubal- 
 dini (perhaps it had been already concerted) spontaneously 
 
196 A PRIMITIVE MITRAILLEUSE. 
 
 tss;. ceded the baton as captain to Hawkwood. The array was 
 of a strength of 7500 horse, besides 1000 foot: they then 
 resolved to march boldly into the Veronese territory and 
 in fact pressed on to close under the city, spoiling every- 
 thing without hindrance. 
 
 Antonio della Scala on his side, although lie had lest Lu- 
 cius Landau, who had been corrupted by the Garraras, had 
 put together 9000 horse, 1000 foot, and 1600 between ar- 
 chers and crossbowmen, without counting a great mass of 
 peasants, — who in reality counted for nothing. He had 
 also some artillery, that is to say, three machines which we 
 might call mitrailleuses, composed of 402 bombarde (small 
 mortars) disposed at different levels on eacb car, and which 
 threw " great stones as large as hen's eggs." The Scali- 
 gers" captain-general was Giovanni degli Ordelaffi, but the 
 effective condottieri were Ugolino and Taddeo dal Verme. 
 
 While the Carrarese army rashly pressed forwards, that 
 of the Scaligers took a long round, and descending along 
 the right bank of the Adige, ended by finding itself on 
 the enemy's line of communication, thus threatening to 
 cut them out, and without delay cutting oft 1 their means 
 of provisioning. 
 
 Very soon the Garraras found themselves unprovided 
 with bread and wine, and reduced to meat and turnips : 
 finally they had to eat their horses. This lasted some 
 days, and then they retreated in good order of battle, 
 towards the Adige, where they would have found abundance. 
 
 The situation was critical. Hawkwood however was 
 expert enough to evade a disaster. 
 
 Antonio della Scala sent to him and Ubaldini a certain 
 man named Pulliano, with the apparent office of inducing 
 them to persuade Francesco Novello to propose that his 
 father should make negotiations of peace. Hawkwood 
 discovered the spy under the disguise of envoy, and there- 
 
HAWKWOOD WORKS MIRACLES. 197 
 
 fore kept him closely shut up in his tent the whole day, 1387. 
 not allowing him to speak with anyone, and when night 
 came he dismissed him with his answer, and sent him away. 
 
 Indeed if we may believe the Paduan chroniclers, Hawk- 
 wood must literally have worked miracles in that retreat. 
 Galeazzo Grataro says that when at length the army again 
 n ached Cerea, they found that all the wine had been 
 poisoned, but Sir John Hawkwood with his ring put it 
 right again. " Andrea G-ataro even embellishes the fable 
 recounting that the water of the wells was poisoned and 
 many died of it. "Hearing this, Hawkwood who had with 
 him an unicorn five feet long, which I saw and touched with 
 my own hands, had it let down into the wells, and cutting 
 it in many portions, he gave it as a drink to those injured, 
 and thus remedied the cursed scheme of the enemy. : 
 
 Continuing to retreat, the Carraras found themselves March 11. 
 at the longed-for banks of the A.dige, before Castelbaldo, 
 where by the care of the Lord of Padua a great quantity 
 of provisions were amassed, and the bridge rebuilt. 
 
 But the Veronese army also arrived still intact, and 
 we may believe the chroniclers when they tell us, the force 
 was four times that of the Paduans, if we choose to reckon 
 as combatants the lfi,000 peasants who formed a rear-guard 
 
 It is not to be wondered at that people in those days believed in the 
 marvelous virtue of the unicorn, as a test and antidote for any kind of 
 poison. Another oondottiere less antique than Hawkwood. i. e. Bartolom- 
 meo Alviano. took as his device an unicorn in the ; i l- t of bending his head 
 and putting the horn in the water with the motto Venena peilo. Two cen- 
 turies after Hawkw 1's time, the unicorn still enjoyed the greatest credit; 
 
 princes disputed for the rare specimens of it at their weight in gold. Pope 
 Julius 111 paid 12,000 seuili for the headless body of one, hence it is credi- 
 ble that the unicorn used by Hawkwood belonged to the treasure of the 
 Carraresi, and that Francesco Novello had carried it to the camp, for amongsl 
 its other virtues is attributed that of preserving its possessor from mortal 
 wounds. 
 
 (From L'Alicorno, a discourse by the excellent doctor and philosopher 
 M.Andrea Bacci, in which he treats of the nature of the unicorn and of its 
 most excellent virtues to the most serene Don Francesco de'Medici, grand- 
 prince of Tuscany. Florence, 1573 and 1582.) 
 
198 i ROSSING THE ADIGE. 
 
 of plunderers to Hie real army. They certainly had the 
 advantage of arriving fresh to the attack of an enemy who 
 were in the last si raits after a long and difficult retreat, and 
 they were moreover strongly entrenched in a g 1 position. 
 
 To cross the Adige under such circumstances was a 
 serious risk for the army of Carrara. Hawkwood perceived 
 immediately that it would result in a disaster : it would be 
 better to fight, but on the other hand, to attack the enemy 
 within its strong entrenchments seemed a desperate mea- 
 sure. 
 
 However it was necessary to decide ; several brigades, 
 having arrived in sight of the river and bridge, deserted 
 
 their st lards to hasten to the provisions prepared at Ca- 
 
 stelbaldo. Novello, not having succeeded in retaining them, 
 crossed the river himself to try and get them to return 
 to their posts, and to bring provisions back to the camp. 
 Meanwhile Hawkwood and Ubaldini, badly seconded, re- 
 mained steady round the standards, discussing with the 
 other captains the best mode of acting. Novello having 
 returned, he found that the council of war had decided to 
 come to an engagement, and in this he honorably wished 
 to take part himself, although Hawkwood exhorted him 
 to retire to a distance and not in his own person to risk 
 the state. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF CASTAGNARO. 
 
 [Paduan chronicles of Galeazzo and Ajtdrea Gatabo in Mubatori [I! I. $.] — Chroi 
 
 estense, ditto — Mini i;r.i:ri i, ChronicU Vebci, Sloria di Ua Marca Trtvigiana — Cronica 
 iii Treviso — Ricotti, History i enary companies — Consult* - pratictu of the 
 
 ( ommune of Florence — Bokincontbi, Annals — stair Archives of Florence, Di'i i &< 
 bnlia, Legazioni, v. 1.1 
 
 Having assumed the responsibility of giving the orders 
 of combat, Hawkwood commanded that every man should 
 
A THESSALIAN CHARG1 R 199 
 
 first eat and drink ; and then armed at all points, should 
 go each to his repectiye standard. Then he arranged the 
 men-at-arms in eight battalions, of different strength ac- 
 cording to the number of the contingent which each con- 
 dottiere had at his command. Some numbered as many 
 as L500 horse, some did not exceed 50(1. Hawkwood kepi 
 in the front lines with his BOO lances anil 600 archers; 
 then followed in succession: Qbaldini, Pietramala, Ugo- 
 lotto Biancardo, Francesco Novello, Broglia and Brando- 
 lino, Biordo and Balestrazzo, and Filippo da Pisa. 
 
 The two last battalions remained mounted, forming a 
 reserve of 1600 horse, placed at a distance and commanded 
 to guard the Carroccio* the Carrarese ensign of the C\ r, 
 the other standards, and the council of the camp. The 
 other six dismounted, forming two lines of about 3000 
 men each, distant about two arrows" flight the one from 
 the other; the pages were sent under cover with the horses, 
 at a considerable distance. 
 
 Hawkwood also placed in reserve the thousand native 
 foot soldiers (provvisionati) commanded by Cermisone of 
 Parma, extending them in two long squadrons along a 
 bank from which a moat was dug out, and over the bank 
 he had improvised a pavesata** which could oppose a solid 
 resistance, and was garrisoned by 600 cross-bowmen. 
 
 Mounting a Thessalian charger (destriero tessalico) he 
 did not fail to invoke St. Prosdocimus, St. Anthony, St. Ju- 
 stina, and St. Daniel, the protectors of Padua; and to 
 incite every man to his duty, he gave the golden spurs 
 to five Paduans whom Francesco Novello then created 
 cavaliers, and on his own side he knighted some En- 
 glishmen. 
 
 The( 'arroccio was a species of war chariot with the bell on it.— I Translator.) 
 
 ** Pavesata, ;\ temporary palisade formed of the large shields or pavese 
 
 used by foot soldiers in the l-l" 1 century. They were of a square form with 
 
 tlie upper corners eut "It. .ma so high as t<> almost entirely cover tin- soldiers 
 
 who used them. — (Translator.) 
 
200 I II l!i E \A Ui C'KIES. 
 
 All this was quite easy; the difficulty lay in making 
 the Veronese army abandon its excellent position, and in 
 this he succeeded by sending to the attack the taceomtuuii 
 and other light militia, mounted on horseback for the oc- 
 casion: those, allowing themselves to be overcome and 
 yielding their ground, drew the Veronese first outside, and 
 then far away from the entrenchments, so that little by 
 little their flank was exposed to the Carraras. 
 
 The manoeuvres commenced, Hawkwood with Dbaldini 
 and Ugolotto Biancardo proceeded to survey the ground 
 towards the enemy, and perceiving that this lent itself 
 very well to the plan, with a rapid march moved the camp 
 beyond the canal of Castagnaro, which is derived from 
 the Adige, supporting his troops with its banks. He thus 
 inverted the position, and the Carraras gained the advantage 
 si i lightly lost by the Scaligers. He had calculated so well, 
 that the new position was scarcely taken when the Scali- 
 gers attacked them with the cry of Scala! Sea/,/.' 
 
 The enemy was already fatigued and disordered by 
 chasing the saceomanni. It was still much superior in 
 force, amounting in fact to twelve battalions of cavalry, 
 besides a superiority of number, in archers and cross- 
 bowmen. The melee having begun, Hawkwood confided 
 the lieutenancy of his own battalion to Pietramala, and 
 followed by his page rode rapidly round the field to give 
 another general glance and see how the affair was going. 
 
 The moment had come " to close the pincers : " he 
 caused the band of Francesco Novello to change its po- 
 sition, for as this prince persisted in fighting, Hawkwood 
 did not wish him to be too much exposed, he would at 
 least leave a way of escape open to him. Then throwing 
 his b&ton amongst the enemy, drawing his sword and 
 crying to his men not the usual Carrol Carrol (Car), bul 
 the ferocious Carnal Came! (Flesh), fell with his men- 
 
VICTORY AT CASTAGNARO. 201 
 
 at-arms and infantry on the flank of the Scaligers, already 
 engaged too far forward, whilst his clever archers showered 
 their arrows from the bank, till it seemed to be raining. 
 Ordelaffi and Ostasio da Polenta, who with 2500 horse 
 constitnted the reserve of the Veronese, made an effort 
 to come to the rescue, but found the road alreadj' closed 
 by Hawkwood's interposition. 
 
 The action was rapid in the extreme and the effect 1387. 
 instantaneous ; the enemy was driven back upon its stan- 
 dards which were thrown to the ground. Francesco Vi- 
 sconti, who guarded them, lost his own flag and was un- 
 horsed. Ordelaffi captain-general, Ostasio da Polenta, the 
 two dal Verme, Pacino Cane, many other captains, and 
 about eighty cavaliers of rank, were nearly all taken pri- 
 soners. A thousand nine hundred of the cavalry took to 
 flight, but being energetically followed up they were nearly 
 all taken. 
 
 A corps of infantry and Veronese peasants commanded 
 by Giovanni da Isola remained intact on the field. Hawk- 
 wood ordered them to yield, but they answered that they 
 would resist, and so they were cut to pieces. 
 
 Relatively to the success there was but little bloodshed 
 in that battle (716 dead and 846 wounded), but the number 
 of prisoners was extraordinary: in all there were 4620, of 
 whom 2621 > were soldiers forming part of mercenary com- 
 panies, and 284 men-at-arms: besides the three famous mi- 
 trailleuses cars with their respective bombarde which had 
 not had occasion to throw their Ikd'* eggs. 
 
 We have a proof that the conflict was as short as it 
 was decisive : in the dispatch sent to Treviso by Francesco 
 Xovello, and dated " from Castagnaro, in my fortunate army 
 on March 11: an hour after sunset" (a un' ora di nott 
 which says that " the fight began an hour before sunset " 
 [alle ore 23). 
 
202 HAWKWOOD'S GOOD QUALITIES. 
 
 1387. The, Padnan chronicler says : 
 
 " Thus by the skill of the knight Sir John Hawkwood 
 was Messer Francesco da Carrara victorious over 14.0)0 men. 
 horse and foot." 
 March 13. The victorious army returned triumphantly to Padua : 
 
 the old Lord Francesco da Carrara went to the gate of 
 the city to embrace the captains, and re-entered with Hawk- 
 wood on one side, and Ubaldini on the other, their ensigns 
 being very much applauded.* There was a great feasting 
 of the people on the Prato della Valle, a great supper at 
 Court, fires of joy and martial noises all night. It had 
 indeed been a great victory, all the more valuable ;is it 
 remedied a very critical military situation. Hawkwood 
 had shown the finest qualities of a first-rate captain: — 
 constancy in peril, rapidity in conceiving a good solution 
 to a problem, and in modifying the plan chosen according 
 to circumstances, resolution in action, a judicious use of 
 the different arms, an exact valuation of the opposing 
 forces, above all things a conscientious study of the ground, 
 and knowing how to make use of it to attain his object, 
 together with the personal courage to lead his men-at-arms 
 at the decisive moment. 
 
 Hawkwood was at that time nearly seventy years of 
 age, and yet he thought and acted with the vigour of the 
 most spendid youth. 
 
 Having rendered such signal service to the Lord of 
 Padua, he had a perfect right to expect some recognition, 
 but things turned out differently. In his own interest 
 
 • The chronicler describes them in this manner: " n white and blue 
 striped standard, in which is the device of cockle-shells (which pilgrims 
 wear round their hats) and a blue flag with two white deer's horns with a 
 golden star in the centre." He attributes i • > > 1 1 1 these to Hawkwood, but the 
 latter notoriously belongs to the Ubaldini; nremt; then question the exactness 
 
 of the colors in the standards which should have oorresj ded to the arms 
 
 of the English Condi >tt itir (si-., nuti-. pagi' 83). 
 
FRIENDS TURNED ENEMIES. 203 
 
 Francesco da Carrara did not fail to ask Hawkwood's best i.jst. 
 advice how to carry on the campaign, and by following 
 his instructions the Veronese territory again passed into 
 the power of the Paduans ; while Francesco Novello who 
 would insist, contrary to his opinion, in passing the for- 
 tified moat of San Bonifacio, suffered considerable losses. 
 
 There were however serious dissentions between Car- 
 rara and his captain. The Chronicle of Tn viso goes so 
 far as to assert that if the Florentines had not intervened, 
 Hawkwood would have been beheaded by Carrara, — an 
 incredible statement. 
 
 According to Ricotti, the disgust of Hawkwood wos 
 occasioned by an alliance of Carrara with Visconti, towards 
 whom, Sir John maintained rancour, — a doubtful state- 
 ment.* 
 
 The Paduan chroniclers, instead, simply say, that the 
 contract of Hawkwood terminated at the end of April and 
 that he was obliged to return to Florence where he was 
 made captain-general, — an incomplete statement. 
 
 During that campaign the Florentines had not forgot- 
 ten their favorite captain : they endeavoured to show in 
 many ways that they preserved their faith in him and 
 cultivated his friendship, having a care for his private 
 interests besides punctually handing him the pay contracted 
 for. They wrote to him not to make another contracl 
 with the Carraras without first giving them notice, so that January 10. 
 the)- might take the necessary measures, and at the expi- 
 ration of the term he did not fail to place himself at their 
 disposal. 
 
 Then some would have preferred to dismiss him with 
 thanks, promising to give him the first choice whenever 
 
 * In fact, in consequence of the alliance the captains Ubaldini and Ugo- 
 lotto Biancardo must have come to the aid of Carrara, but we know thai 
 they were in his service from 1386. Hawkwood had already left Padua when 
 the alliance took place, by means of which the I onte di Virtu was enabled 
 to cheat the Carrara family out of the state, and wrest their power from them. 
 
204 HAWKWOOD SELLS HIS POSSESSIONS. 
 
 1387. they should need a captain: but as the necessity might 
 May !■'. unexpectedly arise, the decision to elect him for six months 
 prevailed. 
 
 This was pleasing to Hawkwood, for he was disgusted 
 with the Carraras. That he was not duly paid his salary 
 we cannot believe: in such a case he was not the man to 
 go away without obtaining it by force. It was more pro- 
 bable that he was displeased about the ransoms of bhe 
 numerous prisoners of rank made at Oastagnaro ; for three 
 days after the battle Carrara had published an edict that 
 the mercenaries were to give the names of all the pri- 
 soners, and not to dispose of them without his permis- 
 sion ; then Carrara wanted them all at his own disposal, 
 paying the ransoms it is true, but perhaps not so high 
 as those demanded by the captor to whom they belonged. 
 
 It is certain that Hawkwood left the service of Carrara, 
 feeling himself in some manner defrauded of his right. 
 .Time 16. In fact the " Ten " of the Florentine balia wrote to the 
 Lord of Padua recommending, with trust in his justice, 
 the rights of Hawkwood, whom they had always found an 
 upright and faithful man. 
 
 < In its own account the Commune of Florence lent 
 itself very willingly to favor the interests of Hawkwood, 
 January i". by facilitating the sale of his possessions, after having 
 however verified that his title as proprietor was a just 
 one ; but the relative proceedings are too interesting not 
 to be made the subject of a special chapter. 
 
205 
 
 XXX. 
 
 LIQUIDATION OF PROPERTY. 
 THE ENGLISH IN THE SERVICE OF THE POPE. 
 
 [Protvigieni of the Commune of Florence in the State Archives — Historical Arcliices fo\ 
 tin Xeapolitai , I2tli year, extracted from the registers of the Anion chan- 
 
 cery - Conmlti ( praticlte, Deliberation! i condotti oi the Commune of Florence - 
 Geeoorovics, History of Hook in tin MiddU Iges - state Archives of Florence, Diici 
 ,li balia, Legasioni, v. I.] 
 
 During so many years of war, between stipends, fees, 1387. 
 annuities, profits on the pay of the soldiers, tithes on 
 spoil, and direct plunder, ransoms of prisoners, with every 
 kind of means * (some of which would not be edifying, 
 and besides it would be useless to discuss their legi- 
 timacy), Hawkwood must have made a fortune more than 
 sufficient for the needs of his family. He had thus been 
 able to invest considerable sums in landed property, with- 
 out counting Montecchio and other fortresses taken and 
 held by him on the territory of Arezzo. 
 
 But if we may believe the declarations made before 
 the Priors of Florence in an authentic document, he found February 5. 
 himself hampered by a considerable debt. Nor do we wonder 
 at his pecuniary embarrassments : for a man of his stamp 
 it was easier to make much money, than to keep that which 
 had been gained, whether it were ill gained or well. We 
 know that adventurers after having made extortions, from 
 city and country, generally fell easily into the net of the 
 usurer. Now there were in Florence usurers with a ca- 
 pacity to spirit away from Hawkwood those glittering 
 florins which Spinello the treasurer had so often counted 
 out to him on the part of the Commune. 
 
 "We will sum up the tenor of the document according 
 
 * We do not know for what especial merit a certain Gngliehno di Andrea 
 of Avignon left Hawkwood a legacy of 20 gold florins in his will dated 
 August l(i 138.... 
 
206 PAYING Ills CREDITORS. 
 
 ;-. tu the text preserved amongsl bhe Provvigioni of the Flo- 
 rentine i lommune : 
 
 John Hawkwood and his wife Donnina Visconbi repre- 
 it to the Priors, that John being in debt for a very 
 large sum of money to several Florentine citizens, whom 
 he desires to pay according to honor and duty, but is 
 unable to do so without selling the undermentioned pro- 
 perty, which they cannot sell because they can find no 
 ' one who will guarantee the sale, by standing bail for 
 bhem (as strangers): they therefore supplicate that the offi- 
 cers of the diminution of debts on the monti of the Com- 
 mune * shall be retained in the quality of syndics of the 
 Commune for selling and alienating; — that tne said official 
 syndics — or even two parts of them whenever the ethers 
 shall be absent or not forthcoming — may proceed to the sale 
 in the manner and form which seems best to them, and 
 receive the price, or cause it to be received: and that they 
 shall charge John, his wife, and heirs, and the respective 
 possessions, for the expenses of evictions and defence; — 
 that with the price received they may bin able to pay the 
 creditors of the said John (with his consent however), 
 and those shall lie considered creditors and to the amount 
 which shall be declared by the aforesaid officials, and the 
 residue, if any, shall be given to the said John; — that if 
 the latter should not consent to the payment of the cre- 
 ditors declared as such by the syndics, these shall keep 
 the money in hand until they shall agree together: — thai 
 the sales so effected shall enjoy all tin/ privileges and 
 advantages of other sales hitherto made by the officials 
 or syndics deputed by the Commune to superintend the 
 affairs of absent ami fugitive persons ; — thai thus the pro- 
 pi rty sold shall nut on any plea be taken away from bhe 
 purchasers nor shall they be evicted or their right lie in 
 
 \ti was a communal debl like our national debt, of which the 
 ipital ws 11 >i paid back, but interest paid to the shareholders. - I Translator.) 
 
LANDED PROPERTY . 
 
 any manner contested, and that they shall not be molested 1387. 
 in the proprietorship or possession of th< j said property: 
 — that the magistrates shall not admit or lend ear to 
 any one who dares to act contrary to this, but shall abso- 
 lutely repulse the art ion under penalty of 500 lire of 
 small florins, besides the nullification of the act. 
 
 Excepting that any one who considers himself wronged 
 by the said sales may have recourse to, and get redress 
 at the office of the Mercanzia, provided that he make the * 
 appeal within 15 days from the sale publicly announced 
 by the herald of the Commune. The counselors of the 
 Mercanzia, within three days from the appeal shall eleci 
 and add to themselves two merchants" citizens and Guelphs 
 at pleasure, for each of the five greater arts, under penalty 
 of 50 lire of small florins. 
 
 The which counselors and adjuncts, or even two parts 
 of them, together in concert, shall under penalty of 1000 lire 
 of small florins, examine and decide within one month 
 from the appeal. And that the decision shall not be de- 
 layed by their absence, the official Judge of the Mercanzia, 
 on the petition of the appellants, shall assemble in his 
 own house the counselors and their adjuncts until the de- 
 cision be made, under penalty of 100 lire of small florins. 
 But the aforesaid 15 days having elapsed, all appeal shall 
 be inadmissible. 
 
 Here follows the description of the property : 
 
 r A podere (farm) with houses both high and low, 
 courtyards, loggia, dove-cot, garden, and walled stables for 
 the master, with two separate houses for the workmen ; 
 together with arable laud, vineyards and cane plantation, 
 with trees, fruit trees and others, in the parish of San Do- 
 nate di Torre near Florence, in the place called in Polve- 
 rosa, bounded by moats the first and second on the Via 
 di Polverosa, the third on the high road. 
 
208 PALACES AND VINEYAKDS. 
 
 1387. " A piece of arable land with a house facing the 
 
 aforesaid podere, with the Via Polverosa between them, — 
 the podere and the bit of ground together is said to be 
 of a hundred and fifteen sestari an ancient Roman mea- 
 sure) or nearly so by line. 
 
 " A podere with houses, tower, and arable land, vine- 
 yards, and plantations in the place called hi Eoechetta, in 
 the parish of Santa Maria Maddalena, in the Commune 
 of Poggibonsi, near the river Elsa. 
 
 " Two other poderi with houses and trees in the same 
 parish and Commune, in the place called Castiglioni. 
 
 " Another palace, with vineyards and other poderi, 
 together with pieces of wooded land in the Piano di Campi, 
 parish of San Lorenzo: these other j"«ii ri are seven in 
 number; one with a house in the place called Migliarino, 
 another in Petriccio, two near the river Elsa. and one in 
 a place called Gaselle or Maltraversi. 
 
 From this it appears that all these lots formed depen- 
 dencies of the farm and residence of Rocchetta. 
 
 They were in fact two considerable possesions, that of 
 San Donato near Florence * and that of Rocchetta in the 
 Commune of Poggibonzi in the Val d' Elsa. 
 
 In conformity to the dispositions of the Signoria already 
 affirmed, the Priors consented to the request, probably already 
 agreed to with the procurators of Hawkwood and Don- 
 nina, adding only that the consent of the conjugal couple 
 should precede, concur with, and succeed the sales. 
 
 From ulterior documents it results that the sale was 
 not effectuated. Hawkwood must have made an arrange- 
 ment, and have silenced the creditors with the conside- 
 rable gains of successive campaigns, or perhaps he found 
 it sufficient to realise the urban lordships he possessed at 
 
 * It is very near the locality "ii tin- right of the Mugnone which in our 
 days forms the princely suburban residence of Demidoff. 
 
ENGLISH VETERANS DISPERSED. 209 
 
 Naples, Capua and Aversa : for almost at this same time 1387. 
 he demanded of the Crown there the license to sell some 
 6cm burgensatici to the Admiral Giacomo di Marzano, to 
 be able to pay a debt of 2930 florins which lie bad bor- 
 rowed from the Admiral : this license was granted to him. October v>. 
 
 From this Florentine " deed " we gather that part of 
 the property was in the name of Donnina Visconti, perhaps 
 acquired with her wedding portion. 
 
 No house is cited within the walls of Florence ; which 
 would lead us to suppose that Hawkwood bad no property 
 in the city, and that he was inscribed in the gonfalon of the 
 Golden Lion only for the payment of extraordinary personal 
 taxes;* of which we shall find a confirmation later.** 
 
 After the victory on the Adige, Hawkwood returned 
 to the banks of the Arno where he wielded his captain's 
 baton in peace; there was a thought of giving him some- 
 thing to do. to make use of him as it were, by sending him 
 with Rinaldo Ursini ami a few troops to conquer the city 
 of Naples for their ally Queen Margherita of Durazzo, who 
 asked for money, but nothing was done. j„iy 6. 
 
 He was instead paid 1200 florins for the fourteenth Septemb. 18. 
 year of his life annuity, and another 1200 for the new 
 contracts of the present condotta, and it is noteworthy that 
 in the analogous warrant he is designated olim capitaneo 
 comjpagnice anglicorum in Italia militantium. 
 
 Thus we have the official confirmation of a fact veri- 
 fied some time since, that from an English condottiere 
 Hawkwood had become captain of war to the Florentines. 
 
 The veterans of the "White Company were dispersed, 
 and served in this field or that, either individually or in 
 small brigades. 
 
 The Englishman Beltoft had gathered together several 
 
 * See pages 1S2 and 192. ** See pages 274 and 275. 
 
 14- 
 
210 I UK BRIGADE FINED. 
 
 1387. of his countrymen in the service of the Pope, and these 
 were totally defeated by Rinaldo Orsini and Bertram! de 
 la Sale, the Gascon (the former leader of the Bretons), so 
 that the Englishmen John Guernock, Johnny Boutillier 
 
 Butler?), Johnny Trichil (?), John Liverpool, Richard Gus 
 I ross?) and others, abandoning Beltoft, passed for the con- 
 sideration of 7800 florins into the service of Florence, and 
 under the command of their glorious old countryman ; and 
 Septemb. is. another Englishman Nicholas Payton followed them. 
 
 October. The Florentines now began to discuss another arrange- 
 
 ment in hiring Hawkwood ; they would have liked to 
 augment his salary, and only pay it when they needed 
 his services, but once more prudence overcame parsimony, 
 
 October 1 20. and he was engaged for another year as captain of war. 
 Successive commissions established the monthly stipend 
 at 500 florins, without prejudice to other higher sums 
 which might be accorded to him, and without any obli- 
 
 N utorr! r gation to find men or horses. 
 
 December. It was a wise course, for Bertrand de la Sale came 
 
 plundering on the Pisan territory, and Hawkwood had the 
 charge of keeping him at bay and not allowing him to 
 treat Florentine territory in the same way, which charge 
 he fulfilled. 
 
 1388. His personal brigade was small and not in good order : 
 it only numbered eighty two lances, and for defects and 
 fines, resulting from the review (which was held periodi- 
 
 March w. cally for the stipendiaries), 104 florins, 16 soldi, and 8 da- 
 nari were confiscated from the pay. As captain of war 
 however he had the disposal of sufficient forces, so that 
 he was able to concede a hundred lances to the Pisans 
 who were menaced by Beltoft. 
 
 With the new year the latter had put together a strong 
 company in which Germans predominated, and having made 
 a league witli Bertrand de la Sale and the German Ave- 
 rard (Landau?) della Cawvpana, they extorted 34,000 florins 
 
AN AMBASSADOE ARRESTED. I'll 
 
 from Siena, Lucca, and Pisa : then encamping on Perugian 
 ground, they were making negotiations to enter the pay 
 of Pope Urban VI, who had come through Genoa from Avi- 
 gnon, with a numerous escort in which the five hundred 
 horse furnished by Beltoft soon figured. 
 
 This constituted a peril to the Florentines, who sent 
 Hawkwood to encamp between Cortona and Perugia with 
 orders to hold all the men-at-arms equipped and ready 
 to march, ami at the same time they dispatched Vieri di 
 Pepo, ambassador at Perugia, to see if he could come to 
 an understanding with Beltoft and take him into their 
 pay. But by order of the Pope the Florentine ambassador 
 was arrested and ill-treated. 
 
 The Signoria then sent the commissary Vanni Vecchietti May 8. 
 to Hawkwood with instructions to beg him to write to 
 Beltoft communicating the event, showing the blame which 
 would be attributed to him, and urging him to seek satis- 
 faction. 
 
 Then Vecchietti was to make Hawkwood give him an 
 escort of thirty horse to Perugia, where he should seek 
 Beltoft, and sj)eak to him to the same effect, and thus 
 fulfil the mission which Vieri di Pepo had been unable 
 to execute. 
 
 The scheme had its effect; the Company of Beltoft was June, 
 hired by the Pope, who wanted to attempt that enter- 
 prise at Naples which for centuries was the cause of so 
 many Italian wars and foreign invasions, but he held him- 
 self bound also to the Florentines in certain circumstances. 
 
212 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 i A.BLO VISCONTI AND THE POPE'S ENGLISHMEN 
 UNDEK HAWZWOOD'S OEDERS. 
 
 [Miherbetti, Chronicle — Cottsulte e praticlit of the Commune "i Florence — lit 
 
 I 1 1) t i | . ,. Gbaziani, Pi i '".■' '" ' Itronicli — Dia 
 
 tin- Anonymous Florentim Ghirakdacci, Storit bologneai — Ahhirato 
 history — Florentine stair Archives, Dii I ■ i ■ rol. I.] 
 
 AVhilst Hawkwood was in camp near Cortona, his bro- 
 ther-in-law Carlo Visconti, the son of Bernabo, was ad- 
 vancing- in that direction, on his return from Germany 
 where he had attempted to get together some soldiers 
 for an attack upon the usurper the Conte di Virtu. 
 
 At the time he only had sixty mounted soldiers with 
 him and on his way he had stayed a few days in Flo- 
 rence in an hostelry where he acquired a character i>1 
 being a stupid ><u<l Inn- !.i;/<l of man, and the Florentines 
 with their usual prudence, not wishing to compromise 
 themselves with the Lord of Milan, for the sake of a 
 pretender who had not very high prospects in view, hail 
 not associated much with him : on the contrary they had 
 given the commissaries instructions to draw him away. 
 
 At Cortona he doubtless tried to ingratiate himself with 
 his brother-in-law, and to plan out the revenge which 
 the} r shared in common, and it is probable that Uguecione 
 de' Casali, Lord of Cortona, in entertaining him so kindly 
 did so more in respect for the condottiere, than pity for 
 the exile. Besides being a condottiere. Hawkwood was 
 moreover a formidable neighbour, and owned the Castle 
 of Montecchio near Cortona. 
 
 The Florentines themselves thought that Hawkwood 
 would yield to Carlo's arguments; for &\ the end of May 
 he asked for leave of absence, but although there was no 
 longer danger from Beltoft's Company, they would nut 
 
SUBTILTY AND SUBTERFUGE. 213 
 
 grant it, because it seemed he wanted to insult the Conte 1388 
 di Virtu, which would be dangerous. In fact the Count, 
 might have held the Florentines responsible if they had 
 granted him leave. On the other hand, not to offend 
 Hawk-wood, they determined not to inform the Count of 
 what they were doing on his behalf, and to ask Hawkwood 
 how long he wished to continue his engagement as captain 
 at 500 florins a month, and what guarantee he desired. May 30. 
 
 Xmv where snbtilty and subterfuge were concerned they 
 were iii their element: still they did not know precisely 
 what the captain's ideas were, only they began to doubt 
 whether he intended to go into Apulia against the French June. 
 Anjou party for Queen Margherita. 
 
 Some wished to dismiss him, because his troops were 
 doing all kinds of damage, besides which it was very 
 expensive.* Others feared the enmity of the King of France 
 if he should go into Apulia, and the hostility of the Count 
 di Virtu, if he went into Lombardy. But the majority 
 were inclined to let him go, provided that the Commune 
 should make sure of having a captain in case of need. 
 
 Not being able to acquire this assurance in any other 
 manner, he was for the time being refused leave of absence 
 by the Requisiti. 
 
 Later on this matter was again discussed, and it was July. 
 decided to let him go, but secretly, so that he should seem 
 to be making use of his rights, as he had done before. 1382. 
 
 Meanwhile a very numerous company was gathering 1388. 
 around Hawkwood. Urban YI had started from Perugia August 2. 
 towards Tivoli with Beltoft's stipendiaries, declaring his 
 intention of marching upon Naples. There were a thousand 
 
 * 5600 florins were paid to Hawkwood for the month of June, and on 
 the 1" of July lie received 12,000 more for three months, as the pay of 
 ton lanees ami 500 between fool soldiers ami cross-bowmen, without bringing 
 into account 1200 florins paid him on July 9 th , for the 15 th year of his annuity. 
 
214 THE POPE IN A.RMOTJR. 
 
 1388. lances, many of them veterans of the " White Company," 
 and the Pope, in order to flatter them, rode with them, 
 armed, in a white coat, with his baton in his hand, jnst 
 as if he were their real captain. 
 
 But scarcely had they reached Narni, when discord broke 
 out amongst the Englishmen : either through a sentiment 
 of loyalty for their engagements, or because they mistrusted 
 the Pope's promises of payment, all the caporali (com- 
 manders) refused to follow Beltoft and the Pope, alleging 
 as their reason that the Company had agreed to be at the 
 service of the Florentines, under certain circumstances. 
 Now if they passed into the Kingdom of Naples, they 
 would not have been able to fulfil this eventual obligation, 
 for this reason more than two thousand of them set out 
 to Perugia: Beltoft and his brigade, consisting of two 
 hundred men, alone remaining with the Pope. 
 
 From Perugia they passed on to Cortona, where they 
 proclaimed as their captain Sir John Hawkwood, who Mas 
 already captain of war to the Florentines. He however 
 was not pleased at seeing his Company increase in this 
 way, for after he had accepted the baton of command, 
 many Italians and Germans had joined it. 
 August is. Therefore the " Ten of war " commissioned Biliotto Bi- 
 liotti to go and tell Hawkwood that the number of English 
 brigades being excessive, they preferred to obtain permis- 
 sion from the Signoria and Councils for Hawkwood to go 
 and perform the services already discussed with him. And 
 if they should not be able to obtain permission, they would 
 send another commissary with orders, which would satisfy 
 the brigades. 
 
 Meanwhile Biliotti was to be sure and flatter the knighl 3, 
 
 "to keep them amiable with fair speaking," and to inform 
 
 the Signoria how he found them disposed, and how many. 
 
 August 21. and who, they were. The Councils and Signoria were 
 
 unanimous in wishing to grant the dismissal proposed 
 
POISONING. 215 
 
 by the "Ten'' : the only condition they made was, that isss. 
 Hawkwood should promise not to injure the allies of Flo- 
 rence, and to obtain the same pledge from as many as he 
 could of the highest officers. 
 
 The adventurers had no difficulty in making these 
 promises, but as for keeping them, that was quite another 
 thing. 
 
 In fact while the " Ten " were sending detailed instrue- Septembei-6. 
 tions to Biliotti, concerning the payment of 3000 flo- 
 rins to Hawkwood and his brigade, so that they cottld 
 pass from the district of Cortona, and Citta di Castello, 
 suggesting to him minute precautions so that the procure* 
 of the knights, or of whoever was to receive the pay for 
 them, should be according to rule, they added : " Reprove 
 Hawkwood, because by means of letters and also perso- 
 nally, he had requested 4000 florins ** from Siena, thus 
 breaking his word, and tell him that he may now do 
 whatever he likes with his brigade as we can make no 
 further use of it." And in fact, whilst Hawdvwood was 
 passing Citta. di Castello, and was on Perugian territory, 
 the Florentines prepared to dismiss him, always however, Septemb. 16. 
 doing it in such a manner as to evade the enmit3 r of the 
 King of France, and of the Count of Yirttt. The latter was 
 very suspicious of Carlo Visconti's doings at Cortona, and 
 it seems he attempted to remove his cousin by one of his 
 favorite practices — poison. 
 
 They relate that having promised and deposited 30,000 
 florins, Maestro Gioioso, the physician of Casali, Lord of 
 Cortona, let himself be induced to put some poison into 
 certain figs which were brought to Carlo for breakfast. 
 At the moment when he was preparing to eat them, a 
 letter was brought to him from Hawkwood which put him 
 
 * Power of Attorney. — (Translator.) 
 ** See Documents LXIII and LXIV. 
 
I'M THE POISONER TORTURED. 
 
 1888. ou his guard against poison for himself, and for the Lord 
 of Cortona, without naming the traitor.* 
 
 Maestro Gioioso being discovered and convicted, was 
 put to the torture on a car all through Cortona and then 
 ngnst 8. quartered. 
 
 Carlo Visconti having put together a numerous brigade 
 had united with Hawkwood, so that the latter had more 
 than 4000 cavalry at his disposal, but the hour was not 
 yet come for revenge on the Conte di Virtu, and those 
 loiiit horsemen dispersed, damaging Tuscany, the Papal 
 States, Umbria, and the Marches.** 
 
 In spite of reproofs the Florentines could not resolve 
 to do without a man whom they judged to be most capable 
 of defending them in any eventuality, and they were less 
 disposed than ever since the proceedings of the Conte di 
 
 * From tlii-- and other facts already known to the reader, ii results that 
 
 Hawkw 1 had a well organized police. From his castle at Montecchio he 
 
 could easily superintend all that was going on at Cortona. 
 
 "" Here, according to the learned Rawdon Brown, should he recorded 
 the exploit of 800 Englishmen, between men-at-arms and archers, who calling 
 themselves the "brigade of St. George" sent Sir Robert Felton (a noble- 
 man in the suite of the reigning Queen of England) from the camp at Serra 
 near Fabriano, to offer their services a long way off to John of .Moravia 
 patriarch of Aquileja, knowing that he had to light with his rebels (in truth 
 lie too wanted to wrest something from the Carraras of Padua, ah-eadv re- 
 duced i" great straits by the hostile coalition of the Count of Virtu and the 
 Venetians). Felton passing by Venice procured recommendations from Pietro 
 Jtorosini. The letter of proposal is signed In Sir John Armsthorp, John 
 Barry, Robert Lock, Roger Baker, and Richard Swinford; and Brown wonders 
 
 that no mention is made of Hawkw 1 who had been latelj elected captain 
 
 general of the English. 
 
 But Brown seems to have mistaken the tacts. There still exisl in the 
 
 Archives of the Chapter-] se at Cividale the above mentioned letter of 
 
 August 28"', and that of Morosini dated September IT" 1 , as usual with no in- 
 dication of the year. It cannot however be 1388, because Morosini's letter 
 refers to relations already established in several affairs \\Hh the patriarch. 
 and he did not come to Italy till September 23 ' of thai year. With more 
 foundation, the Ahhe Bianrhi, a well-known historian of 1'riuli. assigns the 
 
 date 1393 to both letters; hei those son English a had nothing to do 
 
 with Hawkw I. but belonged to the great Companj of St. G 'ge which 
 
 was formed in April and dissolved in September 1392. 
 
HAWKWOOD AT ANY PRICE. 217 
 
 Virtu, whose unbridled ambition it was easy to imagine, 1388. 
 after his having caused the total ruin of the Carraras of 
 Padua, 'hi account of these fears and in accord with the 
 Bolo.n'nese , to whom Hawkwood had given the good counsel 
 not to come to fighting with Ubaldini's Company, but rather 
 to make a composition in money), they paid 3764 florins October 30. 
 for a month's stipend for L800 horses and 10,000 florins for 
 their pledge not to injure, — in the form of a company, — 
 either the Commune or its allies for two years. 
 
 At the end of the month the danger of hostility on 
 Visconti's part seemed to increase, and in the Florentine 
 councils very few could now have preferred sending Hawk- 
 wood to Naples by giving him money. Most of them insisted 
 warmly on the expedience of retaining him at their di- 
 sposal ; preferably at a low price, then a fair stipend, but 
 finally at any price. Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi said: "Don't 
 dismiss him or the Lord of Padua will be discouraged; 
 and Franceschino degli Albizi used evangelical language 
 saying : " lie vigilant because ye know not the hour, and 
 take care that ye have oil in your lamps ; " in other terms 
 the famous admonition of Oliver Cromwell. 
 
 Meanwhile Hawkwood moved slowly towards the King- 
 dom of Naples, where Queen Margherita, regent for her 
 son Ladislao, offered him high terms. He was near Trevi Novemb. 10. 
 ami was making negotiations to take Beltoft under him, 
 with two hundred lances of his brigade, for which he 
 asked 5000 florins from the Florentines. They sent Boc- 
 caccio Alamanni to tell him that 1000 florins had already 
 been paid to his procurators Johnny Trekell and Pierotto 
 Fedini ; and that the other 4000 were ready at Perugia 
 and would lie paid as soon as it was made clear to them 
 that Beltoft was effectually under his orders. 
 
 Alamanni was also commissioned to make Hawkwood 
 restore a load of skins and the mules seized by the English 
 from certain Florentine muleteers. 
 
218 A STOLEN MULE. 
 
 1388. He must have received oral instructions to search out 
 
 the Condottiere's intentions : and it is certain that Ghino 
 
 Early <ji Euberto was sent to Hawkwood's camp with written 
 
 in December. J- 
 
 instructions of great importance, besides the order for the 
 restitution of a mule belonging to Donato Acciaioli which 
 was taken by Carlo Visconti's soldiers now included in his 
 brother-in-law's Company with his brigade. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 THE NEAPOLITAN ENTERPRISE. 
 
 [Consult! f pratichi of the Commune of Florence — D. Maria Manxi, Biography of Hawk- 
 wood in -MrRATom [R. I. S.] t v. II of the Appendia Suhmoxte, History of Naples — 
 
 aIim 1:1:1 in, Ckronich — Ci ticon sicitlum vaticanum —state Archives ft' Florence, 
 
 Died ili balta, Legazioni, v. I.] 
 
 The instructions to Ghino di Ruberto were to the effect 
 that he should with the opportune information "confirm 
 Hawkwood in his good resolution not to pass into the King- 
 dom of Naples." The Signoria had in truth reason to doubt 
 him, but they dissimulated ; in any case the orator had to 
 touch a very delicate note in intimating to the Condottiere 
 that the events in Lombardy and Tuscany were entangling 
 themselves in such a form that, the event which he hail lon<j 
 desired, would soon happen, and if he stayed in this country, 
 good would accrue to himself ami in his friends. They showed 
 by this their knowledge of the profound hatred against 
 Gian Galeazzo cherished by Hawkwood and that he now 
 intended to make common cause with his brother-in-law 
 Carlo, who had entered into his Company and that bis 
 day-dream was a great war against the Conte di Virtu. 
 
 Ghino di Ruberto was besides instructed to suggest to 
 Hawkwood tha r instead of going into the Kingdom of 
 Naples, he should send to Otho of Brunswick (who was 
 
VAIN PERSUASIONS. 219 
 
 already fighting there against the Anjou party) to withdraw 1388. 
 him from thence and take him into his company: they two 
 together would «'<> great things, considering tin- valour of Mes- 
 ser <>ilm and his enmity t<> the Conte di Virtu. 
 
 Ami he was to inform him that without going elsewhere, 
 he might winter in the March of Romagna, where th n 
 was good living, and that the Count of Urbino had promised 
 to receive them amicably and find them provisions. 
 
 If Hawkwood displayed a wish to follow up the march 
 towards Naples, he was to try and frustrate it, discouraging 
 the English knights by alleging the famine and discords 
 down there. On his return lie was to bring news whether 
 Beltoft had entered the Company, and all kinds of infor- 
 mation as to the state of the troops. 
 
 The impressions brought back by Ohino were that " the 
 Englishman was inclined to go into the Kingdom ; indeed 
 he made no mystery of it, " saying " that in the affairs of 
 Lombardy one mux! act and not merely make a show (in truth 
 he spoke wisely) alleging that we might always have him 
 back again, and that he Avould return stronger and with a 
 better brigade." 
 
 Therefore the Signoria dispatched Giovanni Orlandi, Decemb. 17. 
 who to distract Hawkwood from his projects was to give 
 amongst other reasons " that little honor would accrue to 
 him from it, and considering how much he had talked of 
 going into Lombardy in past times, it would seem he was 
 postponing it from cowardice or some other cause." 
 
 If Hawkwood demanded money in return for his consent 
 he was to politely decline the request, observing that in the 
 preceding month the Commune had lent him 5000 florins 
 merely to oblige him, and strengthen his troops ; so he 
 must now be obliging in his turn. 
 
 But the mission of Orlandi was fruitless, so much so 1389. 
 that Niccolo Ricoveri deplored that it had become difficult 
 to retain Hawkwood, as every one desired. 
 
■2-20 PERA'S MISSION. 
 
 1389. Thev made still another attempt: Pera Baldovinetti was 
 
 I ebruary 6. ~ 
 
 sent, with instructions minutely mercantile. If Hawkwood 
 
 insisted on having money, Pera was to endeavour cautiously 
 to find out how much he expected, and to reduce it to 
 the lowest possible figure, rather lending than giving it, 
 and thus to extract a promise from him not to act until 
 he had received an answer. If he hold out, then promise 
 him 5000 florins as "a loan, — and if he be not contour 
 with a loan, then offer 3000 florins as a gift; but oh Pera ! 
 take great care ! rt before you offer him money, hear 
 from himself what he wants, and do not offer the snid 
 sum all at once." If in spite of all this he persists in 
 wanting to go, stop him by ashing time to hear from Flo- 
 rence, whether she wants to hire him for herself. 
 
 These were the instructions dictated at the Palazzo 
 Vecchio, but thought out in Calimala ; * there was however 
 one added of a secret-police character: "shew him the 
 letters which we give you, and which are written by an 
 English person, so that no one may cause him to break 
 up his brigade. And tell him that Beltoft was here, and 
 wanted to be released from his obligations to us, saying- 
 he wished to go with the other Englishmen. And that 
 then he went to the Conte di Virtu, offering to draw 
 away from Hawkwood the greater part of the English 
 troops now with him : " which information was not best 
 adapted to persuade Hawkwood to bring his men, where 
 he ran a risk of seeing them bribed to leave him. 
 
 Any way with two thousand lances hired by Qiieen 
 Margherita till May, he marched rapidly towards Naples 
 to help Alberico da Barbiano, and Otho of Brunswick in 
 conquering that capital. 
 
 * A street in Florence where the "Arte" of the Wool Staplers had it- 
 In'. nl quarters.— [Translator^ 
 
A GLORIOUS SKIRMISH. 221 
 
 He arrived at Capua with 1300 horse, Otho of Brmi- 1389. 
 
 x Beginning 
 
 swick was at A versa with another 3000. By orders given of March, 
 in the Queen's letters they concentrated at Caivano and 
 marched with 5000 combatants towards Naples. 
 
 The capital was held for Louis d'Anjou by the viceroy March u. 
 Montjoye, a man resolute to defend himself, although the 
 garrison (for the most part composed of the Gascons of 
 Bernard de la Sale) did not exceed 1100 horse, and had to 
 blockade Castel Oapuano, where the flag of the Durazzo 
 had been raised. The citizens however were well disposed 
 to resist, so Montjoye was able to make a sally from Porta 
 Nolana and menaced the flank of the enemy as they 
 marched, having now reached as far as a place called Li- 
 burna; here they halted two or three hours, sending forward 
 a recognition : when seeing the danger from Montjoye's 
 offensive movement Brunswick sounded the retreat, and 
 they drew back to encamp between Afragola and Aversa. 
 
 The identical advance and the identical retreat were March 23. 
 repeated, perhaps they calculated on a sally of the little 
 garrison shut up in Castel Capuano. 
 
 Then the fleet of Durazzo (four galleys and five bri- March 31. 
 gantines) conducted by Luigi di Capua appeared in the 
 gulf, and took up its position behind Posilipo : the follow- 
 ing night it approached Ponte Guizzardo and was placed April 2. 
 in communication with the army. At the hour of tierce 
 next morning, there were Otho and Hawkwood again at 
 Liburna scouring the plain of Casanova up to Naples. 
 Two hundred horse and as many foot came out of the 
 city, and a glorious skirmish took place (pulcerrimum ba- 
 daluctum). The troops of Durazzo left two knights pri- 
 soners, and re-entered the camp at Afragola without honor. 
 
 The garrison at Castel Capuano meanwhile was in great April s. 
 straits : the}^ engaged to surrender if no succour arrived 
 within five days. At dawn on the day before this time April 12. 
 
222 CASTEL CAP1 A.NO SI RRENDERS. 
 
 i 89 was fulfilled the Durazzo part)- attempted a general action, 
 and the army menacingly approached; Otho and Hawkwood 
 attacked the city at Casanova, at San Pietro ad Ara, and 
 in Borgo Nuovo. About forty of the bravest men risked 
 a sally from Castel Capuano, but some of them were 
 killed, others taken prisoners, and the rest had the good 
 fortune to be able to re-enter the fortress. The infantry, 
 crossbowmeu, and saccomanni, came out of Naples against 
 the assailing forces, and they came to blows in a skirmish, 
 in which the troops of Otho and Hawkwood were repulsed 
 with sensible loss on all the line, and constrained to make 
 a fourth fruitless retreat to Afragola. The army on its side 
 could do nothing, and the attack on the town having 
 failed, they placed themselves further back at a distance 
 of two arrows' flight from the city. To sum up, it was 
 a decisive failure, so much so that Castel Capuano surren- 
 dered to the Anjou party next clay. 
 
 Meanwhile the Florentines recommended " Hadame's 
 state " (Jo stato di Madama) to Hawkwood, for they fa- 
 voured Queen Margherita rather than the French Anjou 
 February 25. branch. A certain Benedetto di Nicola, to whom this mis- 
 sion was confided, was told also to insist, in praying Hawk- 
 wood to come to an understanding and unite with Otho of 
 Brunswick, saying clearly when he could come to Florence 
 and with how large a brigade. 
 
 The rupture with the Conte di Virtu was felt now to 
 .March e. be inevitable, so the Bequixiti recommended the " Ten " 
 to recall Hawkwood by all means, sending him orders and 
 money so that he could bring with him other troops be- 
 March 15. sides his own. Donato Strada was sent to him on the follow- 
 ing embassy : " for reasons which regard his honor, utility 
 and state, he (Sir John Hawkwood) must come to this 
 country without delay, to do those things which he has always 
 desired. As he has promised, sworn, and sealed (without 
 
A CONFIDENTIAL MESSENGER. 223 
 
 ilmibt in answer to Benedetto di Nicola), we wish him to be 1889. 
 in our service with a company, for four months, commencing 
 from the day he arrives in the plain of Viterbo and Mon- 
 tefiascone (the Tuscan frontier), when the contract will 
 be given, and sworn, and the review held. Let him be 
 in the aforesaid place on the l 8t of May with troops up 
 to 1000 lances, with foot soldiers and cross-bowmen, in all 
 amounting to 5000." 
 
 If Strada could not see him before the 11"' of April, 
 he was to give Hawkwood twenty days to arrive at the 
 place assigned. The money would be brought by a com- 
 missar}' to Viterbo. 
 
 He was to recommend him to accept in the brigade 
 Messer Piero della Corona, Ivon Giovanni Brigante, Pansart 
 and some other knights " who are great friends of his, 
 and have sent a confidential messenger from Naples to 
 say they would willingly enter the service of Florence." 
 Excepting Corona, all those who thus offered to pass into 
 the service of the enemy were Bretons hired by the Anjou 
 party for the defence of Naples. 
 
 Finally Strada must agree with Hawkwood on the 
 best method of hiring also Otho of Brunswick, trying mean- 
 while to procure from the latter the release of a Floren- 
 tine named Iacopo di Zanobi, who had been taken by his 
 brigade. He was not to speak of his commissions to any 
 person in the world, and the paper of demands to Hawk- 
 wood must be drawn up by a notary. Taking into con- 
 sideration that, owing to the distance and the war, the 
 messenger might meet with misfortunes, an identical com- 
 mission was given also to Ghino di Ruberto, only he was March 23. 
 authorised to name another meeting place instead of 
 Viterbo. 
 
 Although the enterprise of the conquest of Naples 
 might by this time be considered a failure, Hawkwood did 
 
224 HAWKWOOD LEAVES NAPLES. 
 
 1389. not hurry to move at the request of the Florentines. He 
 sent envoys to excuse himself, and as to Delia Corona and 
 the Bretons from Naples, he proposed that Florence should 
 treat directly with them, and hire them into her own service! 
 
 April 2i. Then Guido Cavalcanti was dispatched to renew, by a 
 
 legal act, the recall of Eawkwood within twenty days: 
 and agree that the Bretons should be comprised in the 
 thousand lances granted to him. In this he ought to find 
 no difficulty as he had only five hundred at present; if he 
 wanted money, he would find a month's pay at Rome (less 
 if possible), but he must be made to start without delay. 
 In fact, after receiving 3000 florins he took leave of 
 
 May 16. Queen Margherita, and moving his brigade slowly and re- 
 luctantly to Aversa and Borne, he then took the Orvieto road, 
 not without promising Urban VI to respect the territory 
 juno land 3. of the Church and especially that of the Perugians.* Ca- 
 valcanti was in a letter desired to complain to Hawk- 
 wood of his dilatoriness, which was not in conformity 
 with his contracts, and by way of hastening the captain's 
 movements he was told to say that the rest of the money 
 would be paid after the review of the troops, because be- 
 fore that " they could not decide how many they would 
 have to pay for," and that the review must be held in 
 the plain of Trevi or at Borgo San Sepolcro. " And take 
 great care how you have given, or will give the money." 
 
 June s. An ample comment followed these recommendations in 
 
 minute instructions to the commissaries Vettori and Ia- 
 copi ** about the hiring and inspecting of the soldiers, above 
 
 * The pontifical brief relating to this pledge \\as published bj i.hizzi 
 in his Historical notes <ut ///.' castle of Montecchio; the last sentence is note- 
 worthy: Iin veils attendere cum effectu proinde faclurus quod finem tuam decet, 
 sfil ei nobis non mediocriter placiturus; in these words Urban VI seems I" 
 allude l" Ilawkw 1's projects against Sian Galeazzo Visi ti, and in a mea- 
 sure to approve of them. The address is also interesting: Dilecto filio, nobili 
 viro Joanni TIaukeudwod dido Ac it non nulla rum gentium armorum capitatteo. 
 
 We report them entire in !><>,■ m l,\Y. as thej serve to give an 
 
 exact idea of the usual proceedings in such circumstances. 
 
A NEW CONTRACT. 225 
 
 all insisting that the commissaries should in all these ope- 1889. 
 rations make a point of the personal presence of Sir John 
 Hawkwood, Johnny Butler, Liverpool, and several other 
 worthy knights. 
 
 The inspection over, Hawkwood was requested to come 
 to Florence and consult with the Signoria : and in fact 
 he came, since it was to treat of hiring him (for four June 10. 
 months, in form of <t comjjany), or at least to detain him 
 on Florentine territory in such a manner as not to pro- 
 voke the enmity of other Tuscan cities, which otherwise 
 his soldiers might have injured. 
 
 They soon came to an understanding and " provided " June 15. 
 to take 10,000 florins of the imposts on the Distrettuali 
 (i. e. the inhabitants of the Florentine district ami to put it 
 into the fund of the cowlutta to satisfy the engagement 
 made with Hawkwood. 
 
 The contract was the engagement of the Company for 
 six months, at the rate of 500 florins a month for the 
 captain; '■> florins for each of the 400 lances; 3 florins 
 for each of the 500 between foot soldiers and cross-bowmen. 
 None of the Company shall, during the term of contract 
 and the month succeeding it, be in any way molested for 
 debts contracted or misdemeanours committed before the 
 term (civil and criminal privileges in fact). Each one shall 
 have the faculty to obtain his dismissal within fifteen days, 
 on condition that he swear to return to his native country 
 or go beyond the seas. Hawkwood and his officers shall 
 be obliged to inform the Signoria of all that might come 
 to their knowledge, which is injurious to the Commune, 
 and, at Hawkwood's requisition, those who are disobedient 
 or do not serve dutifully, shall be expelled the ranks. 
 
 This concluded, the captain left Florence to join his j u i y 7. 
 troops between Cortona and Perugia. 
 
226 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 WAK IN TIME OF PEACE. 
 
 [Vek. , !.' ' Trtvigiana — State Archives oi Florence, Died di balia, 
 
 I ' nsulte e pratiche of the Contra i oi Florenci - Greoorovh 
 
 . , , in Mid&lwiges — Mini i:m rn, i ftronii «.] 
 
 1389 Gian Galeazzo Viseouti Count of F<VM could not have 
 
 borne a title more inappropriate to his merits. Pre- 
 tending an alliance with the Carraras and to aid them 
 against the Scaligers, he had possessed himself of Verona 
 and Vicenza, and had treasonably wrested from them their 
 dominions, and the hereditary lordship of Padua. < 'Id 
 Francesco da Carrara, after having abdicated in favor 
 of his son Francesco Novello, had become more the pri- 
 soner than the guest of Visconti ; and Francesco Novello 
 in his turn had been obliged to renounce in favor of Vi- 
 sconti the dominions usurped by him. He was thus able 
 to save his life and by dissimulating prepare his revenge. 
 
 Francesco Novello experienced the most romantic vi- 
 cissitudes in that hazardous journey from Lombardy to 
 Florence, where he hoped to obtain valid support in at- 
 tempting the recuperation of the State, but they do not 
 enter into our subject; it is enough to say that he arrived 
 safely in Florence with his wife, children and all his family, 
 End oi April, and with money and jewels to the amount of 140,000 ducats. 
 
 Here he was joined by his brother Conte Carrara and 
 they remained a long time, fomenting in the Florentines 
 their hostility to Gian Galeazzo; but although Florence 
 was justly suspicious of the aggrandizement and ambition 
 of the latter, they were not yet disposed to become open 
 partizans of the Carraras, — that is to say to wage a war 
 with Visconti. 
 
 Francesco Novello comprehended that he. must bide bis 
 
A MEETING AT COETONA. 227 
 
 time, and meanwhile he thought of passing into Croatia 
 tn secure the concurrence of his brother-in-law Stefano 
 Count of Segna, but first of all he wished to take counsel 
 with two famous enemies of the Conte di Virtu, — Carlo 
 Visconti, and John Hawkwood, the former of whom was 
 at Cortona, and the latter in his camp near there, or at 
 his neighbouring castle of Montecchio ; so Carrara with his 
 brothers Conte and Eodolfo, and twenty horsemen went to 
 Cortona. 
 
 Carlo Casali lord of Cortona, and Carlo Yisconti not 
 only received him well, but they also invited him to enter 
 Hawkwood's Company with 200 lances. He excused himself 
 on the score of wishing to travel to Croatia, and proposed 
 instead that his brother Conte, also a good knight, should 
 be engaged with 100 lances if Hawkwood were content. 
 They were to give 50 ducats a lance, and he would find 
 the remainder of their pay. Hawkwood, being called to 
 Cortona, came at once from his castle at Montecchio, 
 paying great respect to the Carraras; indeed he promised 
 to Conte the baton of Marshal, not only of the Company, 
 but of all the field, when they should fight against the 
 Conte di Virtu. 
 
 Thus the insolent career of Clian Galeazzo was secretly 
 being undermined by many who had suffered from him, and 
 who were already preparing arms while waiting their op- 
 portunity. Francesco Novello, resuming his perilous wan- 
 derings, passed into Germany, and to his sister the Countess 
 of Segna at Modrussa in Croatia ; from there he wrote 
 to his brother Conte, to Carlo Visconti, and Hawkwood, 
 recounting the progress of his schemes against their com- 
 mon enemy. 
 
 Meanwhile it was necessary that Hawkwood's Company 
 should live at some one's expense. By means of 13,76-4 
 florins disbursed to him and Count Landau, the English 
 
228 FIGHTING AT SIENA. 
 
 1389. captain was bound not to molest either Florence or Peru- 
 gia nor any other commune, and they were earnestly re- 
 July, minded of this compact by the " Ten " i Dieci di balia . 
 
 It was therefore inevitable that he should inflict himseli 
 on the Sienese, the more so as the soldiers of Count Conrad 
 Landau were added to his own troops. The Florentines 
 themselves had managed that this brigade should unite 
 July 25. with Hawkwood, and the two proceed together; they were 
 in all 3000 horse and 1000 foot, and the Commune paid 
 them 20,000 florins for six months. 
 
 But the Florentines wished, at least in appearance, to 
 preserve good relations with Siena, and could not openly 
 consent to allow their condottieri to injure the inhabilants ; 
 August 2. Simone Altoviti was therefore sent to Landau and Hawk- 
 wood with the embassy of preventing them from overriding 
 the territory of the Sienese, " who might impute the action 
 to Florence;" but they added "at least spread the report 
 that they were asked to do so by the Count of Soana (who 
 was in open hostility with Siena) or else that the Sienese 
 are collecting men-at-arms of the Conte di Virtu to do them 
 injury, and that they will not tamely wait to be beaten.' 
 
 Matteo Arrighi and Lorenzo Machiavelli were sent with 
 August 3. analogous instructions. 
 
 The two condottieri, although ultramontanes and illite- 
 rate, easily comprehended the machiavelican Italian, and 
 without ado fell upon the people right up to the Avails of 
 Siena,* replying to the Signoria that " they did not intend 
 to oppose the Sienese, but to go against the troops of the 
 Conte ill VirtU, who had offended them by their insolent vi- 
 tuperation. It seems true that the Sienese, knowing the 
 feeling of Florence and Hawkwood towards Gian Galeazzo, 
 took as their war-cry in the skirmish " Long live the Count 
 of Virtu, Count of Sii no!" Ami Hawkwood's men responded, 
 
 * They attempted, says Malevolti, to s.-l lire to the gate of San Marco 
 and t" penetrate into the city. 
 
SECRET INSTRUCTIONS. 229 
 
 crying Long liv< tin Count of Florence and Messer Carlo"" i389. 
 
 (Visconti ! i. 
 
 Tin 3 Florentines, who always wished to keep up ap- 
 pearances with the Sienese, insisted on openly reproving 
 Hawkwood and Landau for these cries, denying that their 
 men had a right to call themselves Florentine "seeing that 
 they do so with the bad object of making mischief between 
 us and our neighbours." Then they asked them, sinci they 
 had avenged their honor against the said people to respect 
 tli^ territory of Siena, as well as to desist from menaces 
 to gain money from Pisa and Lucca." In short, Florence 
 made a display of having nothing in common with the 
 enterprise of those bands against Siena, and even blamed 
 them publicly: i. e. in the official instructions which passed 
 through Siena to inform the Priors. August 14. 
 
 With extreme duplicity they gave Ormanno Foraboschi 
 that same day the following secret commission : " When 
 you are with Sir John Hawkwood and the Count 1 Landau), 
 ay to them alone and in secret, that as they are on Sie- 
 nese ground and the people are so ill-disposed, we beg 
 them to stay on the territory for a month, doing as much 
 damage as possible." For this they offered a backsheesh 
 of 1000 florins, reinforcements, provisions, and precise in- 
 formation respecting the Sienese forces, from whom the 
 companies should gain some towns and not come to terms 
 without first giving notice. Only they were to respect 
 Pisa and Lucca. August is. 
 
 To the commissary Francesco Rucellai they added " that 
 the Company might by payment have provisions on the 
 Florentine territory, although he must make a show of 
 only conceding this by force, and if it should come to a 
 fight and Hawkwood's army should get beaten, which God 
 forbid.' then he (the commissary) was to aid and assist them, 
 by hastening the work of an hydraulic engineer (maestro), 
 who had gone to Hawkwood to cut off the water from the 
 
230 A MYSTERIOl S AFFAIR. 
 
 1389. city of Siena, where corn and bread were already wanting." 
 That Mas how Italian communes treated each other in time 
 of peace ! * 
 
 Beginning The difficulty was in making the troops respect the 
 
 oi Septemb. _ • _ & . 
 
 Florentine territory while devastating the Sienese. Com- 
 plaints, either mild or severe, were of no use, nor wen' 
 the efforts of the coinmissarii's Matteo Arrighi, Guido di 
 Tommaso, Biliotto Biliotti, and Lorenzo Maehiavelli, to 
 keep them at least six or eight miles from the confines 
 of Florence ; some of the adventurers seemed disposed 
 to pass into the Mareinma, but the English knights would 
 not. hear of it, and it finished by consenting that the troops 
 might approach Florentine bind when they needed provi- 
 Septemb. 26. sions, as long as they kept the camp on that of the Sienese. 
 
 The truth is that between Florence and Siena tin' ma- 
 rauders stole so much that they were able to sell 1500 oxen 
 by auction. 
 
 The two condottieri had commenced some mysterious 
 and delicate affair with the Florentine Signoria, a business 
 concerning which Guido di Tommaso and Lorenzo Maehia- 
 velli had secret instructions, both oral and written, for 
 Hawkwood and Landau had asked for a citizen to whom 
 they wished to confide certain things; we only know that 
 Maehiavelli was sent to hear them, endeavouring to extract 
 the truth and sometimes holding separate interviews witli 
 each in turn. 
 
 We know on the other hand that those famous brigands 
 were not all good fighting soldiers, and it required great 
 October i". caution in those who hired them to get them equipped 
 according to their compacts. i: " 
 
 While the Val d'Elsa was t bus being devastated, another 
 company of Englisb, Germans, ami Italians led by 1 »• ■ 1 1 < ■ I "t . 
 
 * See ;i!so Document LXVI, s > e Document I. XVII. 
 
DISSOLVING THE COMPANY. 231 
 
 after having damaged the territory of Pisa for thirty 1389. 
 thousand florins, extorted thirteen thousand more to retire; 
 then Grambacorti lord of Pisa proposed the usual useless 
 remedy — a general league against the companies. To this 
 the Conte di Virtu, the Florentines, Sienese, and Bologm-si' 
 adhered, and amongst the compacts it was decided to dissolve 
 the great Company which was then under the orders of 
 Hawkwood and Landau. The Bolognese took 500 lances 
 at their expense, and the Florentines 300 with Count Lan- 
 dau and other knights. 
 
 As to Hawkwood, the following proposal was made in October n. 
 the Florentine councils, by Alessio Franceschi in the name 
 of the " Ten of war," and the other ambassadors from 
 the congress of Pisa: ''Considering the tame of Sir John 
 Hawkwood, the Signoria will to-morrow convoke the 
 councils (collegi) to deliberate on his condotta, and if the 
 Signoria deem it well, they will also call some citizens 
 into council, and the " Ten " {Died di balia) will also 
 assist." 
 
 His presence was not judged to be necessary, — on the 
 contrary they officially proclaimed the league against the 
 companies, so that he again went towards Apulia to re-enter 
 the service of the house of Durazzo. October 19. 
 
 But 'ere long the relations of Florence with the Conte 
 di Virtu became so strained that no objection was made 
 to the proposal of Alessandro Niccolai : " Let us provide December a. 
 ourselves a captain, and let him be one in whom the Com- 
 mune can trust, — and the Commune has faith in Sir John 
 Hawd-cwood." 
 
 He was at Gaeta when the Florentine proposal reached 
 him ; the moment he had so long desired had come : the 
 war with Gian Galeazzo now seemed inevitable, and the 
 Florentines turned to him to conduct their army, knowing 
 him to be the greatest leader of the times, and besides a 
 special enemy of the Count, and they entreated him to 
 
232 THROUGH THE MAREMMA. 
 
 bring with him his brother-in-law Carlo Visconti, hoping 
 that he would be of service in exciting rebellion among 
 the subjects of Gian Galeazzo. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 FIRST OPERATIONS AGAINST GIAN GALEAZZO. 
 
 [Ammirato, History o ;■' irenci D. Maria Manm, Biography of Hawkwood in Jli m- 
 
 roRi [R. I. S.] t v. n of the Appendix — Dieci di balia, Dt ' lorn > condotU, State 
 
 Archives oi Florence — Consult* e praticlu of the Commune of Florence, ibid. — 
 
 P no Bracciolini, History — Della Pdslioia, Bolognesi chronicle ■ Helisit degli 
 
 trudlti, v. XVI. Letter of the Florentines to the Duke of Bavaria — Ghirardacci 
 Storie boltignesi — Promisiom of the Commune of Florence — Acciaioli papas, Ash- 
 burnham MSS., Laurentian Library Florence— Letters of Pies Paolo Vergerio.] 
 
 1390. The Count of Virtu had Carlo Malatesta in his pay as 
 
 captain general, with Iacopo dal Verme, Facino Cane, 
 Biancardo and Ubaldini, almost all the most noted con- 
 dottieri : Hawkwood only was wanting, who in his own 
 person was capable of outweighing all the party and this 
 made him not a little anxious. 
 April. Hawkwood on his parr, having reached Borne without 
 
 opposition, was with reason doubtful whether the Sienese 
 or some other partisans of Visconti might not hinder him 
 from arriving in Florence; he escaped the difficulty with 
 his usual foresight, and sent men to several places to ask 
 for safe conducts, while he with long marches and greal 
 fatigue took the unusual road through the Maremma in- 
 stead. He lost a good many horses by the way. but ar- 
 rived safe and sound at Volterra ami then at Florence, 
 April 80. where he was received with great joy by the citizens. 
 
 He was engaged for a year with two hundred lances, 
 and on the compact that if the request were made be- 
 fore the last thirty days of the agreement, ho should be 
 obliged to serve also the following year. Among the other 
 
FIFES AND TRUMPETS. 233 
 
 obligations he assumed, he was bound to supply sentinels 1390. 
 and guards, for night or day, as should be commanded. 
 For the two years succeeding his engagement, he pledged 
 himself not to act against the Commune, comi compagnia" 
 
 i. e. as the captain of a company, and for six months not 
 even as a stipendiary or as holding any commission. 
 
 For the rest they made the same conditions as on May 
 3 rd 1387, with the addition of fifes and trumpets, for we 
 have already seen that Hawkwood with good reason held 
 to these accessories of military pomp. 
 
 Altogether we perceive that the Florentines were tak- 
 ing precautions, as though foreseeing a long and great war, 
 and ere long they sent Hawkwood with his brigade and 
 500 cross-bowmen to the aid of Bologna and Romagna, 
 where the arms of Visconti were beginning to make them- 
 selves felt, and the " battle was imminent.'' 
 
 These reinforcements were followed by another En- 
 glish brigade which was at Volterra, and the men-at-arms 
 were called up from Sienese — the defence of the territory 
 and its towns being entrusted to native infantry. They 
 reserved a more convenient time to hire Beltoft and send 
 him against Siena. jiay 9. 
 
 Hawkwood however insisted that they should keep a 
 strict guard on that side, because Giovanni Ubaldini was 
 there, — a condottiere of whom Hawkwood had a great opi- 
 nion, deeming him to be worth a thousand of the best 
 lances in his own person,* and he did not leave until he 
 had planned a very wide strategic moat from Montopoli 
 
 * Giovanni Cavalcanti, an almost contemporaneous writer, mentions the 
 advice of Hawkwood among tin- anecdotes published in tin- Appendix of his 
 Florentine history, in the " Documents of Italian history ' saj ing : " This excel- 
 1> nt man went most mornings to consult with the 'Ten of war.' and more 
 often than not it fell out that the said captain gave advice to the Ten instead 
 of the Ten giving orders t<< him. His attending the meetings shewed that. 
 he especiallj- desired the geod of th.- city.' Cavalcanti besides confirms the 
 fact that the English Condottiere had organised a diligent service of mili- 
 tary spies. 
 
234 A CHALLENGE. 
 
 1390. to the Arno for the defence of the lower valley of the 
 Arno.* 
 
 May i4. He arrived at Bologna with only an escort of 15 lances 
 
 and forthwith betook himself to San Giovanni in Persi- 
 ceto, where under Giovanni da Barbiano 1200 lances and 
 >' ' K) infantry were assembled at the expense of the Flo- 
 rentines and Bolognese. The rumour of his arrival wa.s 
 enough to make the Visconti army abandon Crevalcuore, 
 where the\' were really very well fortified. He pro- 
 fited by this to ravage the Modenese and Reggio lands, 
 making raids for prisoners and cattle, and when Iacopo 
 dal Verme, taking courage, had pressed on the Visconti 
 June 20. army, as far as Samoggia a few miles from Bologna, he 
 was soon on the defensive and encamped at the bridge of 
 the Reno on the Via Emilia. 
 
 There, still in accord with Barbiano, he did not negled 
 to guard himself on all points, taking the best position, 
 and garrisoning Casalecchio,' occupying the bridge and 
 pebbly bed of the Reno : — the enemy on his side for- 
 tifying himself with banks and deep moats. 
 
 Having obtained the consent of the Bolognese senate, 
 Hawkwood sent Zuzzo the trumpeter to Dal Verme with 
 a blood-stained glove, challenging him to come out to 
 battle. Dal Verme declined the challenge twice with 
 fierce abuse ; the third time he kept the trumpeter pri- 
 soner for a night, but not feeling very safe, or from want 
 of provisions, he removed from his position.** Hawkwood 
 quickly followed, and overtook him, constraining him to 
 
 * They had in those 'lays great faith in this kind of defensive obstacle. 
 (See Matteo Villani, book IX. c. VIII: "On the many moats made by tin- 
 lords of Lombnrdy in the det'em I' their territory.") 
 
 ** The fox would not meet him, and at night on 24"> heslylj went away. 
 I " Non voile la rolpe, an/i adi i'l ili notte si parti di furto. i Letter of 
 June 27 th from the "Ten of war to Donato Acciaioli commissary in Val 
 d'EIsa. i I.aurentian Library, Ashburnham M^ v . 
 
BEJOICINGS A I PADUA. 235 
 
 fight, while Barbiano attacked him on the flank; so tliat 1390. 
 within two hours Dal Verme was heaten and put to flight, 
 leaving as prisoners Pacino Cane, Anghelino da Padnle, 
 fifty men-at-arms, and two hundred and twenty horses. 
 
 Not long after this a very important and pleasing piece 
 of news arrived at the camp — i. e. that Francesco No- June 21. 
 vello had victoriously entered iuto Padua, thus regaining 
 his city : a notice which was celebrated by large bonfires, 
 blowing of trumpets, and other signs of rejoicing. There 
 was indeed a great desire to meet the enemy again and 
 give him battle, to which Bologna would have consented, 
 but Florence prudently opposed it, holding that one should 
 only fight when one is compelled to do so, or is perfectly 
 sure of victory. 
 
 The Florentines instead deliberated how they could di- July 29. 
 minish useless expenses, discharge those stipendiaries who 
 did not serve as well as they ought to do, and reinforce 
 Hawkwood with troops and monej', so that he could hold 
 the field as far as the Po, or even cross it. On the other 
 hand the progress of Carrara's army towards Yicenza and 
 Verona had constrained the Conte di Virtu to recall his 
 troops from beyond the Po ; so that with 1000 lances, 
 and 500 foot soldiers, Hawkwood could freely override Lom- 
 bardy (Cispadaua), and he pressed on as far as Parma, 
 regularly furnishing himself with provisions and respect- 
 ing the inhabitants of the country, because he hoped by 
 this means to induce them to shake off the tyranny of 
 Gian Galeazzo. 
 
 Two pennons waved in Hawkwood's brigade, — the 
 arms of the King of France, and those of the Duke of 
 Bavaria. 
 
 The King of France was always considered as the head 
 of the Guelph party, and had received and favored Fran- 
 cesco Novello da Carrara when he passed the Alps to 
 
-:!•; 
 
 A DUCAL DESERTER. 
 
 1390. initiate a general movement against the Visconti, who 
 were entirely Ghibellines. Besides this the Florentines 
 were already negotiating for the French army to enter 
 Italy and decide the war which had commenced. 
 
 The Dnke Stephan of Bavaria, who had married Tad- 
 dea daughter of Bernabo Visconti, and was therein]-.' t ho 
 natural enemy of G-ian Galeazzo, being solicited and well 
 paid by the Florentines, had come with a considerable 
 force to Italy aiding Carrara to besiege the fortress of 
 Padna, and regain his other possessions. 
 Augusts. The Florentines wrote informing the Duke of Hawk- 
 
 wood's march and praying him to unite with him : but 
 instead of doing so, the Duke sent ambassadors to the 
 Florentines, to ask that Eawkwood might come to join 
 him ; meanwhile autumn set in. and the rivers swelled 
 to such an extent that the operation was difficult and 
 the Duke of Bavaria, having pocketed the Florentine pay 
 for the fourth month, returned back across the mountains, 
 not without a suspicion of an understanding with the 
 Conte di Virtu. 
 
 Having returned from the incursion on the territory 
 
 September, of Parma, Hawkwood together with Barbiano sustained a 
 
 most cruel fight with 300 of Carlo Malatesta's infantry. 
 
 Contrary to the custom of war among the mercenaries, 
 
 they, this time, fought "like barbarians, and each side made 
 
 a miserable slaughter of the other." The victory was at 
 
 length gained by the two captains of the League, who 
 
 doubtless having superior forces at command were able to 
 
 take the fierce but numerically few enemies on the flank. 
 
 Then having crossed the Po, Eawkwood gave assistance 
 
 to Francesco Novello, who was fighting vigorously in Po- 
 
 lesine, where he constrained the Marquis of Ferrara to 
 
 October 3. leave the Visconti party and enter into the League. On this 
 
 the bells were with good reason merrily rung at Bologna 
 
A HUNDRED GOOD BOWS. 237 
 
 ami Florence: for Grian Galeazzo, who at the commence- 1390. 
 ment of hostilities was master of all the subalpine ter- 
 ritory as tar as Friuli and also menaced Bologna, was now 
 rednced to defending 'himself on the banks of the Adige. 
 
 Florence was especially able to boast of her captain, 
 and in fact she treated him with every loving-kindness. 
 
 The Signoria confided to him their good reasons for 
 not wishing that Carlo Visconti should figure in the Stall. 
 indeed they begged Hawkwood to keep him at a distance 
 from the camp. They assigned to Sir John the lances 
 they had denied to that Visconti, and excused themselves 
 for not being able to take into their service all the 
 knights he had recommended ; besides which they made 
 him a gift of a hundred good Lucca bows to arm his 
 archers, and remitted his imposts. 
 
 In a letter from the " Dieci di balia " to Donato Ac- Novemb.11. 
 ciaioli and Niccolo da Uzzano, ambassadors at Bologna, 
 we read : 
 
 " As to Giovanni Balcano, we are content that he 
 
 shall have 30 florins a month for five months between us 
 and the Bolognese, but in regard to John Guernock we do 
 not want to give him anything at all. And t ■■■■11 Sir John 
 not to give us so many worries on other people's account, 
 for his own are enough for us. We are content to give 
 Sir John those hundred bows which he had, and will 
 take them off his account. AVe will send to Lucca for 
 the best kind of bows, for they are not good here, then 
 we will send them at once to Padua. Respecting Messer 
 Carlo, we must beg j"ou to urge Sir John to try by all 
 means not to let Messer Carlo go to him there, for within 
 the last few days certain persons from Milan have come 
 to us secretly, telling us plainly that if Messer Luchino * 
 goes with the brigade the Milanese will let him enter, 
 
 * Luchino Visconti junior, called also Luchino Kovello or Luchinetto, be- 
 lieved to be son of Luchino former lord of Milan. 
 
238 MESSEE CARLO'S LANCES. 
 
 1390. but if Messer Carlo goes, they will not turn, but will keep 
 steadfast to the Count. They assign their reasons for this, 
 which are perfectly true. On this account we are content 
 1" give Messer Carlo a salary of 150 florins a month for 
 four months, between ourselves and the Bolognese. Those 
 twelve lances of Messer Carlo can go to serve Sir John 
 unless Messer Carlo wishes to keep some of them with 
 him, in which case you can cancel .them. This " provvi- 
 sione " is made only in case he does not go with Sir John, 
 otherwise it is void. Sir John's forced loans and imposts 
 shall be taken off: we have already seen the Signoria — 
 von can tell Sir John so." 
 novemb. is. And in fact the Commune " out of regard to the brave 
 knight, John Hawkwood, so prudent in affairs of war as 
 to be superior to almost all those of his time in Italy, so 
 devoted a friend and captain-general of war to the Com- 
 mune — wishing to treat him with liberality, holds him 
 free from every fine, impost or residue, and also from the 
 great dues which are called prestanze di liberth or vulgarly 
 prestanzoni, which he should have paid, and also from all 
 the penalties for payments omitted." Equal privileges were 
 accorded to his wife, his sons, and daughters. 
 
 Fearing lest Alberico da Barbiano should eventual ly 
 accept G-ian Graleazzo's offers, the Florentines were dis- 
 posed to engage also that condottiere, and commissioned 
 Donato Acciaioli to go and meet him at Ravenna and enter 
 into negotiations, but in this they wanted to secure the 
 concurrence of Hawkwood. These were his orders : 
 
 " In conclusion request Barbiano that it may please him 
 to be our captain-general together with Sir John Hawkwood, 
 not because we wish to keep them together, but in diffe- 
 rent camps, each with an honorable brigade of Bolognese 
 and our own troops, saying that, we will give him such 
 provvisione (salary) and men-at-arms as shall be requisite. 
 
A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN. 239 
 
 and contrive to draw out his intentions and inform ns ot 1390. 
 them. If he wants to have a decisive reply, tell him at 
 last that we are content to take him for six months, and 
 six more at the pleasure of the Bolognese and ourselves, 
 giving him the same pay as that to Sir John Hawkwood, 
 i. e. 500 florins a month for himself and two hundred 
 lances. If he be not content, and wants greater things, do 
 not break off with him, but give him good hopes without 
 binding yourself, signifying Ins last intentions to us.* 
 
 They could have managed without Barbiano, but in 
 fact the Florentines had engaged in the war with ex- 
 emplary energy, and were preparing a grand coup, i. e. 
 while Hawkwood with all the army then fighting for them, 
 and for the Bolognese, Carraras, and other allies, should 
 attack the States of Gian Claleazzo from the east ; the 
 Comte d'Armagnac, who had been persuaded by his brother- 
 in-law Carlo Visconti, and convinced by the good pay of 
 the Florentines, was to descend from the Alps with 2000 
 lances, and 3000 infantry, and attack him on the west. 
 Gdan Galeazzo on his side had arranged to oppose d'Arma- 
 gnac with the troops under Iacopo dal Verme, while Ugo- 
 lotto Biancardo was sent against Hawkwood. 
 
 The latter was on his arrival at Padua lodged with Novemb. u. 
 all honor in the court of Francesco Novello, his men being 
 quartered some at San Martino and the rest at Monta- 
 gnana. Here the captain was met by the treasurers Mes- December, 
 ser Lotto, and Messer Niccolo, who, as we gather from the 
 following letter to Acciaioli, brought him the money for 
 the pay, and a handsome Christmas present. Deccmb. is 
 
 We wish you to say to those lords of Bologna that 
 
 they must recognise how useful Sir John is to lis, and how 
 much good or ill it lies in his power to do us, seeing that 
 he carries in his hands our State and theirs too, and that 
 
 * Tin- " Ten of war " to Donato Acciaioli and NiccnUi da Uzzano, Octo- 
 ber 6 U > 1390, the third hour of night. 
 
1391. 
 January 2:2. 
 
 240 A GRAND REVIEW. 
 
 moreover it appears expedient to us, that we should 
 jointly make the aforesaid Sir John a Christmas gift of 
 a thousand florins, they paying a third of it, and we two 
 thirds. In case they consent to do so, cause their share 
 to be sent to Padua, and write by our commission to Mes- 
 sers Lotto and Niccolo, that they may pay our share of it. 
 But if the Bolognese will not agree, then write to tin- 
 said Messers Lotto and Niccolo, that they give the said 
 Sir John five hundred florins on our own part " 
 
 During the month, at Padua the Count Giovanni da 
 Barbiano joined them with two hundred lances, Count 
 Conrad Landau with another two hundred, and Astorre 
 Manfredi with fifty. (The arrival of Manfredi could not 
 have been very welcome to Hawkwood after the intermi- 
 nable disputes of which we have spoken.) Add to these 
 the troops of Carrara, and it made a fine and strong armv 
 for those times, so fine that the celebrated Pier Paolo 
 Vergerio, Carrara's secretary, wrote with great magnilo- 
 quence to his friend Doctor Giovanni da Bologna after 
 he had seen them reviewed in a field outside Padua, and 
 had witnessed them manceuvering with flying banners, 
 and executing a mock battle. As to their number, he 
 estimated it at nine thousand horse, and five thousand 
 foot, without counting the multitude of saccomanni. No 
 one could say precisely how many they were, but the 
 expert Galeotto Malatesta suggested this method for an 
 approximate calculation: "take the mean between the ma- 
 ximum given by exaggerators, and the minimum by de- 
 tractors, and deduct a third." 
 
 This is more elocpuent than any discourse, to make us 
 understand that if the very captains who led them could 
 not calculate the number of their forces from one day t< 
 another, they must have been even less able to depend on 
 discipline and on the obedience of the mercenaries. 
 
AN OCTOGENARIAN GENERAL. 241 
 
 As to leaders, Vergerio particularly mentions Francesco 1391. 
 Novello lord of Padua as generalissimo, Conte da Carrara 
 as commandant of the Paduan contingent, Astorre Man- 
 fredi and Giovanni Barbiano, while the Florentine troops 
 are led by "Signer Giovanni Aucud, — who is so cele- 
 brated for the remembrance of his worthy achievements, 
 and with this victory about to give the last and greatest 
 elevation to his fame." 
 
 And in truth Hawkwood, now nearly octogenarian, pre- 
 pared to undertake what was indeed the last and most 
 splendid of all his campaigns. For more than fifty years 
 he had been a soldier, a condottiere, and a captain, but 
 he never displayed such energy, such promptness, such 
 constancy, and such courage as we shall now see him do, 
 in most difficult circumstances. One might say that be- 
 fore sheathing his sword for ever, he had called up at one 
 time all his military virtues. And as in the sorry trade 
 of a mercenary he had in comparison with others been 
 almost an honest man, we may be allowed to contemplate 
 him with almost reverent admiration in these his last feats 
 of arms. 
 
 XXXY. 
 
 THE MARCH TO THE BANKS OF THE ADDA. 
 
 [The AcciaioH papers, Ashburnham MSS. in the Laurentian Library — Letters of Pier 
 Paolo Vebgekio — Andrea and Galeazzo Gataro, Paduan chronicles in Muratori 
 [ft. I. SJ] — Verm, StoHa dtUa Marco Tnvigiana — Minerbetti, Chronicle — Pietro 
 Bigazzi, Diplomatic Utters (of the Florentine Balia), edition for a marriage gift. Flo- 
 rence 1869 — Leonardo Aretino, Florentine history — Chronicon hergomense, in Mr- 
 ratori [ft. /. $.] — Giulini, Memorie 'h Mihnw.] 
 
 In 1387 the Carraras began a war with the Scaligers, 
 and to complete their ruin they allied themselves with 
 Gian Galeazzo Visconti, who, after having taken away Ve- 
 rona and its state from the men of the Ladder (quei della 
 
 16- 
 
I'll' A MIXED ARMY. 
 
 1391. Scala), wrested Padua and that state from those of the Car* 
 (quei del Carro) : it was indeed with good reason that lie 
 himself bore the ensign of the voracious serpent. Now the 
 old enemies were leagued together against the usurper : 
 Samaritana della Scala, as mother and guardian of her son, 
 invoked and obtained the aid of Carrara, that he, having 
 regained Padua, should assist her to recover Verona. 
 
 After many councils with Hawkwood and the other 
 captains it was decided to encamp on the A r eronese ter- 
 ritory without delay : and all preparations with regard to 
 provisions and other necessaries being completed, the army 
 
 January ii. made its exit from Padua two hours before sunrise, accord- 
 ing to the advice of the astrologers. The numbers were 
 soon multiplied, — we will not venture to say reinforced, — 
 by a great many troops, Paduan, Vicentine, Veronese, citi- 
 zens and countrymen, dwellers in the plains, hills, and 
 mountains, who altogether brought up the number of foot 
 soldiers to 15,000. 
 
 January is. A part of the army marched along the lower Adige to 
 cross it at the usual bridge of Castelbaldo, which they 
 accomplished, the lady Samaritana riding amongst them 
 in knight's attire : thence they ascended the river banks 
 towards Verona : and the body of the army, with Francesco 
 Novello in the van-guard, took the Vicenza road, of which 
 movement Donato Acciaioli, then Florentine ambassador at 
 Padua, was informed by this note from Francesco himself: 
 Magnifice frater carissime, ut viarum mearum habeatis 
 processus, significo vobis me kucusque cum gentibus mcis et 
 maioriparte felicis exercitus Ugce alogiasse in villa Barber ani, 
 et aliis villis circumstantibus Vicentice civitatis, ibi exjpectans 
 adventum spectabilis militis domini Johannis Augudh, qui 
 /iodic hue iijijilienil, ubi invenimus gentes et habitantes locorum 
 bene dispositos et unde crasdoman iliscedentes versus Veronam 
 
 * The Ladder [Scala) was the ensign of the Scaligers, the Car (Carro) thai 
 
 of the Carrara family. — (Translator.) 
 
A LADY IN BATTLE. 243 
 
 procedemus, allogiaturi crasdepo iuxta Lunicum etiam di 
 
 rumitatu 1 ici'iitto', .-y rang in Domino quod feliciter incepta 
 dc bono in meliug secundabit, nam habeo a quampluribus fide- 
 dignig hosteg valde trepidare, et igni necessaria qucequce expo- 
 suisse ad ugug hominum et equorum supra territorium tarn 
 Vicentice quam I eroiKe existentia.... Datum in villa Barberani 
 13 January hora vesperarum. 
 
 They occupied the open borough of Illasi, and having 
 found the fortress to be impregnable, unless under a regular 
 siege, they left in the borough only a weak garrison (which 
 a little while after was cut to pieces by the inhabitants 
 in concert with the garrison of the fortress), and descended 
 towards Verona taking a hundred and fifty prisoners and 
 killing several of the Viseontese, who shut themselves up 
 in the city and in their fortresses. 
 
 Beneath Verona the two invading armies united, pitch- 
 ing their camps on the two banks of the Adige, in sight 
 of the city, while they scoured the valleys and plains for 
 forage (they were bound under pain of the gallows to ab- 
 stain from taking any thing except hay and straw from 
 the peasants), and trying to excite tumults by the cry of 
 Sqala! Scala! Long lite Gnu Francesco .' the young Scaliger. 
 
 But Ugolotto Biancardo had a few months back fiercely 
 repressed an attempted rebellion and had wisely provided 
 every defence : so that there was no probability of a fa- 
 vorable result. Therefore the Lord of Padua, Francesco 
 Novello, at the instance of Hawkwood, left the supreme 
 and honorary command to Conte da Carrara, and returned 
 to Padua with an escort of three hundred horse. The old 
 captain was unwilling to have reigning or hereditary princes 
 in the army, for he considered them as hindrances to the 
 operations and battles ; and would joyfully have sent to 
 the devil even the lady Samaritana, who kept the army 
 at making fruitless attempts on Verona and her fortresses, 
 and who had hired his mortal enemv Astorre Manfredi. 
 
I'll THE TEX ARE URGENT. 
 
 1891. The news of such a slow war could uot be very welcome 
 
 to the Florentines, who were spending so much on it. They 
 would have liked a rapid march towards Milan, where it 
 February 10. seems they had an understanding. 
 
 The " Ten " wrote to Donato Acciaioli and Francesco 
 Allegri ambassadors at the court of Carrara, wondering 
 that " our troops.... linger over such trifles, and leave the 
 great deeds and good fortune which are prepared for them 
 towards Milan, for he who will not when he may, cannot 
 when he will.... Hasten the captain, our commissaries and 
 the others, that they go to Milan without delay." 
 
 The same day duplicating the letter they said: "Hasten 
 the brigade, and send it towards Milan, and not remain 
 wasting time about little castles, — for the expense is 
 great, and the hopes of success will become less if we do 
 uot act quickly." 
 February 13. And again : " Work day and night that the troops cross 
 the Adige." 
 
 Hawkwood was of the same sentiment, and had fore- 
 stalled the exhortations : he made his army cross the 
 February 9. Adige, and encamp at Santa Lucia; which rejoiced the 
 February 23. Florentines, who wrote to Acciaioli: " We are content with 
 the news, provided the troops follow up the march towards 
 Milan, where from certain things of which we have had 
 secret intelligence, we have great hopes...." 
 
 But the extraordinary rigor of the winter rendered 
 provisioning and marching very difficult.: many volunteers 
 were already disbanding, and instead of crossing the Mincio, 
 the camp approached to within a few miles of Mantua, plun- 
 dering the farms of cattle, and intimating to Gonzaga that 
 he must either adhere to the League, or suffer the penalty 
 of a general sack. 
 
 The Marquis of Mantua asked for time to decide. These 
 new delays rendered the Florentines very impatient; they 
 
AN ENEMY IX ('AMI'. 245 
 
 wrote again to Acciaioli: " Let the Lord of Padua proceed 1391. 
 
 .... iiii i • -i -ii • -, February 24 
 
 boldly, ana hold no parleying either with Agostmo Lane, 
 or any other enemy.... We have written to the camp by 
 two of our couriers, urging that no discussions shall be 
 held, and that they start at once, we have scolded and 
 abused t hem well, and have made the Bolognese do 
 the same." 
 
 Meanwhile Hawkwood discovered that Astorre Man- 
 fredi had held a midnight interview with certain peasants, 
 and suspecting treachery, he raised the camp and returned 
 to between Verona and Vicenza, thence on the Paduan 
 hind. Therefore the following orders from Florence to 
 Aeriaioli were useless: "Exert yourself and see that the March i-'. 
 troops do not on any account leave the enemies' country, 
 and that they hold themselves prepared and ready to turn 
 back towards Milan, which we intend them to do at all 
 costs. And we have arranged to send money immediately, 
 so that the troops have no cause for any excuses." 
 
 Hawkwood maintained that Astorre was plotting to 
 murder both him and Francesco Novello, and said so much 
 that Astorre was obliged to return to Faenza. 
 
 It is but too true that treacher)' was at that time so 
 common a thing that it created no astonishment. The 
 Count of Virtu by means of deceit induced Gonzaga of 
 Mantua to order that his wife (Agnes daughter of Bernabo 
 ami thus a natural sister-in-law to Hawkwood 1 should be 
 beheaded, as being implicated in the plot of Carlo Visconti, 
 against the life of her husband. 
 
 But it might be that Hawkwood was ill-advised by 
 reason of his old hatred. Vergerio, alluding to these re- 
 ports, writes thus to his friend Giovanni da Bologna : July 19. 
 
 In this retreat some were, as I believe, falsely ac- 
 cused of infamous felon}- ; it often happens that in great 
 things if the result does not correspond with one's hopes, 
 that is lightly called a crime which is really only inca- 
 
246 WINTER INC1 RSIONS. 
 
 i39i. pacity, and one attributes to the few that which is a 
 general fault." 
 
 From these words we can comprehend that at Padua 
 the want of success of that ill-attempted winter campaign 
 was very displeasing. 
 
 As to Florence, the chancellor Ser Benedetto Fortini 
 Marc], is. wrote to Acciaioli : "All the good people and others here, 
 think very ill of the way in which the troops have turned 
 back from their object, for we had hopes of great doings. 
 I know from certain signs in many ways, that it' tin' 
 army had neared Milan, the city would have revolted. 
 Great things are expected from the coming of the Count 
 d' Armignac. 7 ' 
 
 News had been heard that d'Armagnac was to come down 
 into Piedmont towards the end of May. All that was 
 necessary then was that Hawkwood should make a move 
 in time to attempt a conjunction, which would have been 
 most fatal to Grian Galeazzo. 
 
 The end of that winter was employed in reinforcing 
 the army and preparing it for the coining campaign. 
 To keep it in exercise Hawkwood made frequent incursions 
 into the Vicentine and Veronese provinces, inspiring the 
 inhabitants with such respect that many of them took the 
 trouble to buy provisions to supply his soldiers. 
 May lo. In May seeing the time was propitious, because the 
 
 corn and oats were already high, and some, being already 
 in ear, gave abundant forage, he issued from Padua with 
 the army in marching order. Well provided with pay and 
 food, he was content with the preparations, for which he 
 gave Carrara great credit. This time he had the com- 
 mand-in-chief himself, Conte da Carrara, Lodovico Yi- 
 sconti, and Count Conrad Landau being under his orders: 
 L400 Florentine lances, 600 from Bologna, 200 from Pa- 
 dua, 1200 cross-bowini'ii and a gnat many infantry consti- 
 
CROSSING TWO RIVERS. 247 
 
 buted a considerable force. These numbers are given by i.wi. 
 Minerbetti. Vergerio says 5000 chosen cavalry, and 2000 
 foot soldiers, adding that the red lily of the Florentine 
 preceded all the other standards ; then came the "Car" of 
 the Carraras, the red cross and lily of Bologna, and then 
 the ensign of the captain and the other condottieri. 
 
 The Adige being shallow was crossed without any Ms 
 other delay than that of putting to flight an exploring 
 party of the enemy, consisting of 300 lances and some 
 infantry. Another obstacle was presented by a wide and 
 deep moat excavated by Antonio della Scala in 1386. 
 Hawkwood made his men fill tip a space large enough 
 for the passage of the troops and rapidly marched on 
 towards the Mincio. 
 
 [fwe may believe Vergerio, the captain on that occasion 
 made an eloquent speech to exhort his soldiers to great 
 deeds, which capricious invention we will leave to the 
 fantastic rhetoric of the humanist. For we think it more 
 likely that he hid them abstain from incendiarism, and 
 from taking the peasant-; prisoners, because it was to the 
 interest of the League to win the friendship of the popu- 
 lation subject to the enemy. 
 
 The Mincio was also crossed without hindrance, and 
 Vergerio relates that on Brescian territory Taddeo dal 
 Verme opposed them with 9000 horse and 3000 foot, all 
 hired .soldiers, with a large number of peasant troops, and 
 countrymen, besides a great many carts and mules. This 
 time Vergerio has probably neglected to follow the golden 
 rule of Galeotto Malatesta, for Leonardo Aretino's account 
 is much more probable; which is, that the greater part of 
 Visconti's forces had been sent towards Piedmont to oppose 
 the now much talked descent of d'Armagnac, and that no 
 troops were left in Lombardy except the garrisons alone, 
 leaving the country freely open to the invaders. 
 
 Taddeo dal Verme, coming out of Brescia with seven 
 
24S TADDEO CAUGHT IN THE MIDST. 
 
 1391. hundred horse, placed himself on the bank, watching his 
 opportunity to attack Hawkwood, who accelerated his 
 march. The best moment seemed to be when lie had 
 crossed the Oglio at Rudiano, and a great part of the 
 allied army was already on the left bank. Hawkwood 
 had however calculated on this, and prepared his trap 
 by placing Conrad Landau in ambush with 300 lances. 
 
 Taddeo found himself caught in the midst, and had 
 great fortune in being able to dee, leaving about a hundred 
 prisoners, and three hundred between killed and drowned. 
 He returned with the mass of his army, but by that time 
 the allies were established on the other bank, and recom- 
 menced their rapid march towards the Adda. 
 
 Hawkwood halted at Trescorre without molestation. At 
 Colognola, under Bergamo, a fruitless attack was made on 
 him by five hundred chosen cavalry from that garrison; but 
 they were easily made an end of by an energetic counter- 
 attack of Conte da Carrara, who was slightly wounded, 
 and the Count of Anguillara, who was knighted as though 
 to seal the victory. 
 
 Then they dispersed in the valley of San Martino, always 
 having due regard to the inhabitants, and amicably buying 
 provisions, so that a knight of that country joined the 
 League bringing with him a thousand men-at-arms. 
 
 Thus they safely reached the Adda, and descended for 
 three days along the left bank vainly seeking a ford, and 
 having arrived at Pandino and the woods of Bofalora (Ber- 
 nabo Visconti's hunting ground and refuge from the plague) 
 they pitched their camp, intending to decide on their 
 forward march, as soon as they had notice from d'Arnia- 
 gnao, with whom they were to effect a conjunction on the 
 Po, either at Pavia or Piacenza. Taddeo dal Verme was 
 near them, having followed slowly behind, and Hawkwood 
 did not hesitate to challenge him to a battle. After an 
 
SIXTY CHAMPIONS. 249 
 
 exchange of cartels and messages, it was agreed that each 
 army should choose four captains of note, and sixty men 
 who were to fight in an enclosed field. This was a remnant 
 of chivalric military customs, which the mercenary soldiers 
 cherished by tradition, but rarely used. The champions 
 were already chosen, the first on the part of the League was 
 Michele da Rabatta, but Vergerio does not give the names 
 of the others. Hawkwood moved his camp a little for better 
 convenience of forage and provision ; and the Viscontese 
 made this a pretext for declining the combat, unless the 
 allied army would return to their first position. Hawkwood 
 however was not so shortsighted as to renounce a positive 
 advantage ; and hence, instead of the challenge, irecpient 
 indeed almost daily skirmishes took place : and when the 
 Viscontese made prisoners, instead of agreeing as usual on 
 a ransom, they deprived them of arms and horses so that 
 they could not take the field again. In this way they tried 
 to weaken the enemy, on which the allies took to fighting 
 with extreme resolution, and as usual became victors freeing 
 themselves at the same time of useless arms and mouths. 
 
 So they steadily kept their favorable position on the 
 Adda, and on the fete of St. John (the patron of Florence) 
 they triumphantly ran the palio* according to Florentine 
 usage, with festive shouts to the great shame of the enemy 
 who were constrained to take the most extreme precautions. 
 
 Gian Galeazzo ordered that 300 Milanese citizens should 
 go to reinforce the garrison of Lodi ; being very devout, 
 he ordered public processions for three days, and being 
 timid and anxious to provide for his personal security, 
 he armed another 1200 citizens, chosen among the most 
 able men, as a body guard. 
 
 * It was an ancient Florentine and Tuscan custom t<> have races on the 
 occurrence of civic solemnities and as an insult on the territory and under 
 the walls of the enemy : such races were run by horses or feet soldiers or 
 the courtezans of the army. — (Translator.) 
 
2a i 
 
 XXXYI. 
 
 THE RETREAT ACROSS THE ADIGE. 
 
 Go&o DAT] Chronicle — Minebbetti, Chrow i < nicl o Gubbio — Letter Di Pieteo 
 
 Paolo Vebge] R i i — m 1 1 
 
 lini. History — CI Gai - chronicle — Cobio, '. 
 
 < pratiche of t!>t i 
 - fate A_r< hives of I 'Ion nc< 
 
 Hawkwood had carried out his part in the general plan 
 of campaign excellently : he had reached the Adda. B 
 there liad for several days awaited the right moment to 
 bring about a juncture with d'Armagnac, who was leisurely 
 coming from France, and was still a long way off. In 
 vain did Hawkwood urge him on by means of letters 
 and embassies, and advising and begging him to acce- 
 lerate his march. Gian Galeazzo was therefore able to 
 bring nearly all his forces against Hawkwood, recalling 
 Iacopo dal Verme from Piedmont, with 1st )0 lances and 
 10,000 infantry : together with Taddeo's troops they then 
 were nearly 26,000 men, of whom 10,000 were trained 
 soldiers. The French condottiere's delay rescued Vis- 
 conti from the danger of a simultaneous attack on both 
 sides, and allowed him to fight the two hostile armies in 
 turn, at his own convenience. For these reasons, and 
 owing to the difficulty of procuring provisions, Hawkwood 
 was positively compelled to beat a retreat. But even a 
 retreat was a difficult matter to accomplish, in the face of 
 an enemy much stronger than themselves, and with seve- 
 ral large rivers to cross. 
 
 iacopo dal Verme was so confident of turning it into 
 a disaster, that he wrote thus to his master: " Write and 
 tell me how you wish me to settle them." And here 
 
 Hawkw 1 proved himself a greal captain, knowing in 
 
 the first place thai if he wished to procure relative liberty 
 
THE FOX FINDS His WAY OUT. 251 
 
 of action for himself, he ought to instil respect into his i89i 
 enemy, and give him a lesson : he therefore marched in an 
 oblique direction between the Adda and the lower Oglio, 
 but stopped at the castle of Paterno Fasolaro, where he 
 strongly entrenched himself, and forbade his men to leave 
 the trenches. Visconti's army encamped a mile off, and 
 for four consecutive days advanced beyond a small stream 
 running between the two camps, and offered battle. Hawk- 
 wood remained ensconced in his camp, leaving them to 
 vent their anger in making provoking demonstrations. 
 
 By way of a practical joke Dal Verme sent him a fox 
 in a cage. Hawkwood answered the enemy's envoy who 
 brought the cage: " I see that the animal is not dull, which 
 means that he will discover a way out, 1 ' and breaking one 
 of the bars of the cage, he set the fox at liberty. 
 
 On the fifth day, when Visconti's soldiers were at their 
 usual game, and thought they would follow it out, Hawk- 
 wood and all his men suddenly left their entrenchments, 
 and fell vigorously upon the enemy whom they chased to 
 their very camp ; twelve hundred of Visconti's men were 
 made prisoners, and there were fifteen hundred between 
 killed and wounded. 
 
 In his turn Hawkwood offered battle by sending to 
 Dal Verme a blood-stained gauntlet, a challenge which 
 was accepted for the following day, but in the evening 
 Sir John abandoned the camp leaving the banners tied to 
 the tops of trees, and telling the trumpeters to sound the 
 reveille till da}--light, and then to forsake the banners 
 and to go about their own business, moreover he managed 
 to leave several beasts of burden along the way. 
 
 In this manner, by means of victory, deceit, and with 
 the temptation of bootj r , he hindered the enemy, and having 
 procured the necessary rest, he hastened to the river Oglio, 
 which he reached at Soncino, with the intention of ascending- 
 its right bank as far as the known ford of Rudiano. 
 
■252 CONTRADICTORY CHRONICLES. 
 
 Visconti's soldiers prudently kept them back, making 
 entrenchments, and skirmishing in such a manner, that for 
 .iuiy 2 to 4. two days and for two nights there was a continual march- 
 ing ami sharpshooting, during which days by means of an 
 ambuscade ('mint Oonrad Landau again distinguished him- 
 self, and Facino Cane, one of Visconti's knights, wms se- 
 verely wounded. 
 
 After all, if Hawkwood suffered fatigue in this most 
 difficult retreat, it is very wearisome for us to search out 
 t he most probable details, amongst the incomplete and often 
 contradictory narrations of the chroniclers, which offer se- 
 rious discrepancies; so that it is not to be wondered at if 
 Ricotti fell into the error of placing this retreat after the 
 defeat of d'Armaguac, and to explain it as being the result 
 of that rout, which took place on the 25 th of duly, when 
 Hawdcwood was already in safety on the left bank of the 
 A.dige. For example, if we, are to believe the story of 
 Ghirardacci, it would seem that Count of Virtu in person, 
 leaving the territory of Bologna, came to fight the allies 
 on the Oglio ; that Hawkwood, on account of inferiority of 
 forces, was unwilling to risk a battle, but accepted it as 
 a point of honor ; that, after a couple of hours' fierce fight- 
 ing, Visconti, seeing that his men were in disorder, took to 
 flight with a few horses and much anxiety : and when lie had 
 found and reorganised a few cavalry and infantry troops, 
 he attempted a rescue, lying in ambush at the pass of 
 Rudiano ; that when Hawkwood and his soldiers reached 
 that place they were attacked by Iacopo dal Verme, Ugo- 
 lotto Biancardo, Carmignuola, and G-uglielmo Pusterla, 
 and that having met hand to hand, they put fco the sword 
 almost all the assailants, naming especially Carmignimla 
 and Pusterla; that the victorious Englishman made twenty 
 of his bravest men cavalieri aurati (knights of the golden 
 spurs) on the very field of battle: they were Francesco 
 
FORDING THE OGLIO. 258 
 
 and Ettore Visconti, Count Hugh (of Montfort, a German , 1391. 
 Filiberto and Febo della Torre (who would only wear a 
 single gold spur), Ugo Guazzalotti, Conrad Prospergh, Count 
 Bolsomino, Fritz, a German, Donino, an Italian, Bapp, a 
 German, Berlingliiero (Beringer '?), an Englishman, Count 
 Micatinio, Guernock, an Englishman, and Martin, a German.... 
 These particulars of dates and names cannot be imaginary. 
 
 Still neither Bracciolini, nor the chronicles of Este, nor 
 those of Gubbio, or Gataro's Paduan ones, nor Corio, nor 
 Ammirati say anything of all this ; only Minerbetti remarks 
 that Hawkwood, after having challenged Dal Verrae to 
 battle, knighted ten warriors. 
 
 Pier Paolo Vergerio, in a letter, written a short while 
 after these events, proposing to relate them in full, '■' 
 merely says that, being attacked in the midst by Conrad 
 Landau, a hundred of Visconti' s most imprudent soldiers 
 were slain ; that, after two days' fighting, the army of the 
 League having found a ford, — difficult indeed but prac- 
 ticable, — near a mill on the lowi r Oglio (and therefore not 
 at Eudianoi, they prepared to cross. When a part of them 
 had crossed, Visconti's soldiers made their attack, but 
 Hawkwood, always on the alert, had sent forward the ar- 
 chers, and bowmen, with the baggage, and had placed 
 them in a lofty position on the bank, with orders to shoot 
 fiercely at the enemy whenever they came within range ; 
 these orders were carried out, and thus a crossing was 
 effected without much harm being done. 
 
 There is no doubt, that the Oglio was successfully passed: j u iy 4 
 and that Hawkwood must have maintained absolute supe- 
 
 * It is a great pity that Pier Paolo Vergerio. who left us some parti- 
 culars of tliis campaign referring to the uncertain rumours which Men- 
 being circulated at Padua, did not put into effect the plan of writing a 
 history of it. after finding out the facts from reliable sources. If he some- 
 tunes gives way in his letters to the temptation of rhetoric, a moderati 
 judgment, and the analytical spirit, which are the guarantees of truth, are 
 generally to be observed. 
 
L':,l SWIMMING OUT OF CAMP. 
 
 1391. riority over Dal Verme in the battles fought with him, 
 seeing that be was able to cross even the Mincio without 
 molestation, and reach Castagnaro and Castelbaldo on the 
 Adige, places where in 1387 he had gained the must bril- 
 liant of all his victories, on the borders of the Paduan 
 territory, and thence to the gates of his home. Moreover, 
 d'Armagnac had crossed the Alps and was although some- 
 what tardily approaching Alexandria. Gian Galeazzo was 
 for this reason compelled to turn his best forces against 
 him, as well as Iacopo dal Verme. 
 
 But at the very moment when he was reaching safety, 
 Hawkwood saw himself threatened by a most serious and 
 unexpected danger. He and his whole army were very 
 nearly drowned, for the Visconti's army had taken the 
 precaution to break the embankments of the Adige, so 
 as to submerge for several miles the plain in which the 
 Leagued armies had pitched their camp. It was night 
 time, and the men were resting, and getting ready for 
 their last march. Being awakened by the noise of the 
 waters, they would probably have been seized by a panic, 
 if Hawkwood had not kept his presence of mind ; he im- 
 mediately made the cavalry mount on horseback, and the 
 foot soldiers climb up behind them, and knowing the ground, 
 and trying to find out the fords by the tops of trees emerg- 
 ing from the water, he lost not a few of his men, but 
 saved the greater part, and succeeded in reaching a point 
 where the water was not deeper than the horses' bellies, 
 and in this manner having advanced ten miles, he reached 
 the banks of the Adige below the rupture, where he did 
 not find it difficult to cross. In this almost miraculous 
 manner he placed his troops in security at Castelbaldo near 
 July 12. Padua, and then at Montagnana. 
 
 The retreat was accomplished, and to this day it is 
 greately praised by the historians of the art of war. 
 
A VICTORIOUS RETREAT. 
 
 i 'omit of Virtu while sending to the Pope the copy of a 1391. 
 letter from Iacopo dal Verme, announcing his own signal 
 victory over d'Armagnac, spoke casually of the retreat, 
 in the following words : " Swift and precipitous flight of 
 signor Giovanni Acuto, and of the forces of the League from 
 my territory, which was of such a kind, aud brought about 
 sueh a massacre of people and horses, and such a loss of 
 baggage, that it might more fitly be termed a rout than 
 a retreat.'' 
 
 And truly a great part of the infantry and many of 
 the horses were lost ; but Vergerio, the Carrara's secretary, 
 judged more accurately that a retreat carried to the end, 
 under the conditions which we have seen, was to be con- 
 sidered as a victory. If the splendour of a battle won on 
 the field were lacking, it is plain that Hawkwood, owing 
 to the great inferiority of his forces, was not in a posi- 
 tion to attempt it without risk ; on the contrary, we cannot 
 even blame Dal Verme for not having attempted it, although 
 he was much stronger, because he had to reserve himself 
 for his encounter with d'Armagnac, and content himself 
 with getting Hawkwood's army out of the way. 
 
 In conclusion, we have here the strange case of each 
 of the hostile parties contemporaneously attaining their 
 own object : — Dal Verme of causing the retreat ; Hawk- 
 wood of accomplishing it ; and his success deserves more 
 praise, because great difficulties were placed in his way. 
 
 And the fact that Hawkwood made twenty cavaliers, 
 from amongst those who had greatly distinguished them- 
 selves in this glorious campaign, was no vain ostentation. 
 
 Hawkwood stopped several days at the court of Fran- 
 cesco Novello, where he was received with the applause 
 due to the captain, who had carried out his part nobly, 
 and had saved the army; and Ugolotto Biancardo, who 
 had become captain of Visconti's soldiers on the Adige, 
 although reinforced by Antonio Porro and Balestrazzu, 
 
256 
 
 DEFEAT OF D'AKMAGN \< . 
 
 i39i. did not even dare to attack the states of the Carrara as 
 long as Hawkwood defended them. 
 
 The Florentines, before their captain undertook the 
 expedition to the Adda fas we shall see when the account 
 May 2. of the war is finished), besides re-electing him for a year 
 with 220 lances and the same pay, had been munificent 
 in their kindness to him and to his family; he had solemnly 
 promised to fight bravely (like a man).; now the Florentines 
 themselves, judging that he had kept his word, discussed 
 July 27. about writing him a letter of praise; and sending him the 
 5000 florins he had asked for. 
 
 Meanwhile d'Armagnac had been utterly routed and 
 mortally wounded in the predestined plain of Marengo: 
 this fact raised the fortunes of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, 
 and permitted him to make preparations for transporting 
 the war into Tuscany. But only vague rumours of this 
 August 2. were heard in Florence, as it was there being determined 
 " to take care that Hawkwood should be able to keep the 
 field beyond the Po, and at the same time lend a helping 
 hand to d'Armagnac's troops, to warn him not to tempt 
 fortune, but to proceed cautiously and safely moreover 
 to send him reinforcements in case d'Armagnac should be 
 already beaten." 
 
 August 13. When a true statement of the case was heard, they 
 sent him the reinforcements. And a short while after, when 
 thej' saw that Iacopo dal Verme was passing into Luni- 
 giana, they recalled him in great haste. 
 
 septemb. 12. Hawkwood set out from Padua accompanied as far as 
 the gates by Francesco Novello, who after many embraces 
 took leave of him outside them. Now we shall see him 
 again at arms with Dal Verme, conducting himself with 
 the same prudent firmness in the Yal d'Arno which he had 
 displayed in the Valley of the Po. 
 
257 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 THE WAR IN TUSCANY. 
 
 [State Archives of Florence, Consu U < praticlu <>t the Commune — 
 Mdtehbetti, Clironiclt — - Chroniclt of '•'ibbio.l 
 
 With 1200 lances ami 100(3 bowmen, Hawkwood hurried is9i. 
 on by forced marches, crossed the Apennines by the hill 
 of Sambuca, and thence he hastened to San Miniato al 
 Tedesco by way of Pistoia. There Count Giovanni da 
 Barbiano joined him with 600 lances and 700 cross-bowmen 
 from Bologna, and then came 1500 lances and 2000 between 
 foot soldiers and archers, who under Luigi da Capua were 
 fighting for the Florentines against Siena and Perugia, 
 the allies of Visconti. Thus Hawkwood had 3300 lances 
 and 3300 infantry, while Dal Verme reinforced with Sie- 
 nese and Pisans by the Visconti had 3000 lances, and 
 5000 infantry; the forces were nearly equal, so it was easy 
 to foresee that neither of the two captains would lightly 
 risk a great battle. 
 
 They faced each other, Dal Verme at Cascina, and 
 Hawkwood at Montopoli ; the former passed by a march 
 at the flank to Casoli, the latter distributed his men in 
 the strongholds of Poggibonsi, Colle, and Staggia with the 
 understanding that a single march was to bring them all 
 to him, as soon as the enemy aj^peared. 
 
 Dal Verme ventured to the foot of the fortress of 
 Poggibonsi ; Hawkwood, who had 1000 lances there, let 
 him pass, only molesting him with skirmishes, without 
 hindering his sacking, and incendiarism, nor the pitching 
 of his camp on the Elsa. Then quickly gathering all his 
 troops in the plain of Poggibonsi, Hawkwood encamped 
 in a strong position three miles in the rear of the enemy. 
 
 The Visconti army raised their camp by night, and the 
 next evening, after a very fatiguing day (being much mo- 
 
258 FLORENTINE COUNCILS. 
 
 i i9i. lasted in their march, and that not without loss), they pitched 
 their tents on the confluence of the Elsa and Arno. And 
 Hawkwood, aiming to cover Florence, took an opposite po- 
 sition between Empoli and Montelupo. 
 
 Dal Verme passed the Arno at Fucecchio, crossed the 
 Between hills of Pietramarina and halted at Poggio a Caiano. 
 and 2i'. Hawkwood in his turn traversed the Arno at Signa, 
 
 and rounding the plain placed his .camp at Tizzana. It 
 was a game of chess played by two brave champions, but 
 this procrastination served Hawkwood's purpose, as it gave 
 him a better chance of being reinforced. There was na- 
 turally great anxiety in Florence, but they knew how to 
 keep down their impatience. Filippo Corsini said in the 
 Septemb. 21. Consultc « pratiche : 
 
 " Let us take measures to save our towns and people. 
 We must press closely on the enemy while reinforcing the 
 camp with foot soldiers, and not oblige the captain to give 
 battle." 
 
 And Filippo Cionetti advised : " Let us make a last 
 effort to reinforce the camp, and end the affair honorably. 
 "We should collect all the distrettuali,* and for this they 
 should send one from each house." 
 
 Ranieri di Luigi Peruzzi was of the opinion that " we 
 should reinforce the camp with citizens, peasants and di- 
 strettuali, and also exhort Hawkwood by reminding him of 
 his own words, that with 500 lances, 2000 infantry, and 
 1000 cross-bowmen...." here the document is mutilated, but 
 it certainly means to say that those forces would have 
 sufficed for the undertaking. 
 
 During the two succeeding days the Florentines sent 
 no less than 10,0(30 men to reinforce the camp. They were 
 nearly all peasants, but we shall see them behave like 
 spirited and brave soldiers. 
 
 * Country militia, called out from all the district of Florence in tun,, 
 of war. — (Translator.) 
 
DAL VERME VANQUISHED. 259 
 
 In the night, news was brought to Hawkwood that the 1391 
 
 ' . ii- Septemb.23 
 
 enemy was making a move. He thought their march and 24. 
 was directed towards Pistoia, and took up his position 
 accordingly, disposing his men in three battalions in tin- 
 best order, and under their respective ensigns. Daj'-liglit 
 proved that the enemy had taken the road up Monte Al- 
 bano, to' pass into the Val di Nievole ; so he immediately 
 detached 1000 lances to follow and attack them in the rear ; 
 and sent all his infantry by a side route of mountain 
 paths to get in front of them, while he followed more 
 slowly with the main body of lances and archers, in order 
 of battle : and as he was doubtful of some ambuscade he 
 made the troops keep a vigilant look-out. 
 
 Taddeo dal Verme, who commanded the rear-guard of 
 the Visconti army, was obliged to face about and give 
 battle ; and in a very short time was routed and defeated : 
 2000 foot, almost all Sienese and Pisans, remained dead 
 on the field ; and 1000 were taken prisoners. Of the 
 men-at-arms about 400 were killed, and 200 taken captive, 
 amongst whom were Taddeo himself, Gentile Varano da 
 Camerino, and Vanni d' Appiano. 
 
 Meanwhile the Florentine infantry l'eached the mass of 
 the Visconti army at the foot of Monte Vettolini, and 
 endeavoured to hinder them by skirmishes, but nightfall 
 overtook them sooner than Hawkwood did ; — his troops 
 being very tired, and destitute of provisions and forage. 
 
 Dal Verme on the other hand spurred on by danger, 
 after having repulsed a last attack of the too spirited in- 
 fantry at Pieve a Nievole, hastened through the valley at 
 the foot of Montecarlo, where he arrived four hours after 
 sunset. There he halted a short time, and at midnight 
 again marched on. After refreshing his troops at Lucca, 
 he did not pitch his camp till he could fortify himself in 
 the already strong position of Ripafratta. 
 
260 RIJOICINGS AT FLORENCE. 
 
 1391. As soon as day broke Hawkwood presented himself in 
 
 order of battle at Montecarlo ; lie found some lame and 
 hamstrung horses, a great deal of baggage, several bom- 
 barde and tents, but no enemy! They had to stay two 
 days on the Pescian territory to recover themselves, and 
 when they reached Lucca, they found that the enemy was 
 impregnable at Ripafratta. Then having returned into 
 Val d' Arno, Hawkwood thought to. guard against any 
 eventuality by encamping under San Miniato, and in fact 
 Dal Verme re-appeared, and fortified himself at Cascina. 
 At Florence many fires of rejoicing were lit on the 
 palace of the Signoria and all the other prominent places, 
 to celebrate the victory of Tizzana, and a jubilant letter 
 was written to Pope Boniface IX ; but as "appetite comes 
 with eating," they now wanted the total destruction of 
 the Visconti army or nearly so. 
 
 They did not reflect that Hawkwood might with reason 
 fear an ambush at Tizzana, and even with his extreme 
 daring irreparably lose the day. 
 
 As to Dal Verme, after the experience of his marches 
 and counter-marches following the defeat, he must by 
 this time have been convinced that he could not suc- 
 ceed in getting the upper hand, and still wished to 
 attempt a coup-de-main by surprising the town of Santa 
 Maria a Monte. He hoped thus to mislead the adversary. 
 and induce him to withdraw his garrison from that place : 
 
 October n. he left Cascina, and moved towards Fabbrica. Hawkwood 
 changed to Castel Fiorentino, but took care that a good 
 guard should be kept on all points. 
 
 October H. Dal Verme abandoned Fabbrica by a quick march, crossed 
 the Arno, and vigorously attacked Santa Maria where the 
 garrison held firm; the enemy maintained the siege for 
 four hours, but having suffered serious losses wit hunt 
 gaining anything, and fearing lest Hawkwood should come 
 
COMMERCE INTERRUPTED. 261 
 
 on them from the rear, they left their scaling ladders on 1391. 
 the walls, and recrossed the Arno in haste, encamping 
 between Caseina and Pisa. Hawkwood had in fact returned 
 to San Miniato. 
 
 The chronicle of Gubbio says that Hawkwood had treated 
 with the Bretons who were in Visconti's army, ami agreed 
 on a betrayal, that this treaty was discovered, ami all the 
 Bretons put to death: but when we remember that the 
 chronicler estimates the Bretons at five thousand, it is time 
 to ask whether Dal Verme had enough faithful soldiers to 
 kill the traitors ! 
 
 Dal Verme, it is true, could do very little good, and 
 the autumn being now far advanced, he retreated into 
 Liguria ; while Sir John Hawkwood took up his quarters 
 in the fortress of Val di Nievole. 
 
 Hostilities however did not entirely cease : for not being 
 able to do anything better, Gian Galeazzo Visconti tried 
 to interrupt and injure the Florentine commerce, knowing 
 that would strike them on their most vulnerable part. 
 This he did by means of the Genoese galleys, which cruised 
 before Leghorn and the port of Pisa : and as the Floren- 
 tines opposed to them, with good success, the galleys of a 
 certain Gargiolli, a Florentine pirate, he by favor of the 
 Pisans and Lacopo d' Appiano was allowed to place his 
 troops in the valley of Calci, in Monte Pisano, whence 
 he could easily intercept the road through Val d' Arno 
 between Florence and the sea. 
 
 It was therefore Hawkwood's business to guard the road 
 and protect the merchants, and in fact as a large convoy 
 of five hundred pack-horses laden with grain and other Decemb. ie. 
 merchandise was to go from Pisa to Florence, John Beltoft 
 was sent to escort it with two hundred lances and five 
 hundred foot soldiers, together with Hugh Montfort and 
 about a hundred horsemen. 
 
262 BELTOFT RUNS AWAY. 
 
 1891. The convoy and its escort followed the road which to 
 
 this day runs along the left of the Arno; the river was 
 very full, however Iacopo d' Appiauo informed the Yis- 
 conti's army, which was esconced beyond, of all that was 
 going on, and indicated to them a ford which though dif- 
 ficult was quite practicable. 
 
 The convoy having nearly reached the country-town 
 of Cascina, lo ! two thousand of Visconti's cavalry plunged 
 in the stream, and swimming across with great difficulty 
 threatened an attack; and behold! Beltoft without waiting 
 for them, shamefully took to flight with his two hundred 
 English lances, leaving the convoy, infantry and Count 
 Hugh's hundred horsemen in the clutches of the enemy ! 
 Montfort opposed a desperate resistance, but was at last 
 taken and his soldiers nearly all killed or captured. Some 
 five hundred loads, and two hundred mules were lost, worth 
 altogether 15,000 florins. 
 
 This event Avas very displeasing to Florence, especiallv 
 because the Sienese and Pisans rejoiced over it. The 
 brave Count Hugh was ransomed by the Florentines, and 
 received with great honors on his return, while Beltoft, 
 blamed and driven away by them, passed into the service 
 of the Pope, and soon after, being taken by the Orsini, 
 he was beheaded. 
 
 Hawkw T ood too had his share of responsibility in the 
 affair, either for not caring to inform himself of the forces 
 of the Viscontese, or for having sent an insufficient escort. 
 It seems he excused himself to the Signoria by letter, and 
 proposed to vindicate that injury by attacking the "\ 'is- 
 contese. 
 Decemb. is. In the Consulte Filippo Corsini proposed: " Let us reprove 
 Hawkwood for the error he has committed, but incite him 
 to the enterprise of which he has written, which will recupe- 
 rate both his honor and that of the Commune; re info re in. n 
 him as well as we can. Let him encamp near Cascina." 
 
1 192. 
 
 PEACE. 263 
 
 But Donato Acciaioli more calmly counselled: " Let us 
 incite and even commend Hawkwood for what lie has writ- 
 ten, but moderate him, so that he proceed with caution and 
 prudence, not to put the State of the Commune in peril. 1 ' 
 
 A general peace was soon after concluded at Genoa, January 20 
 and solemnized in Florence with fires of joy and illumi- February is. 
 nations, with a Mutt- for -peace in Santa Maria del Fiore 
 (the Duomo), and notice was given of a great tournament 
 which was to come off on the calends of May. 
 
 The captains of war gave up their ensigns, and mea- 
 sures were taken to relieve the Florentine tax pavers, 
 now almost exhausted by the heavy weight of the 
 2400 lances and the 3500 infantry then in their pay. By 
 compositions according to the time for which they were 
 hired, the lances were reduced to less than 1000, and the 
 infantry to about the same number. of February. 
 
 However before Hawkwood could take his final rest, 
 he had still to make a last expedition. 
 
 The peace left many adventurers unoccupied, and they 
 immediately gave themselves up to brigandage. Azzo da March. 
 Castello had already formed the nucleus of a company on 
 the territory of Urbino. Broglia, Brandolini, Biordo dei 
 Michelotti, and a great many others being dismissed by 
 Grian C4aleazzo, wished to join Azzo as he passed by Bo- 
 logna from Lombardy, and they commenced their march 
 in that direction. The Bolognese demanded help from 
 the Florentines, who soon sent 500 lances under Hawkwood 
 and Count Hugh. The adventurers took the road by Sar- April, 
 zana and the Maremma, but they hurried so much for 
 fear Hawkwood should overtake them, that they left a 
 great number of their horses by the way. 
 
 Thus the military fatigues of Sir John Hawkwood 
 ended with a modest expedition on behalf of public secu- 
 rity, and he retired to quiet life in Florence. 
 
264 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 MARRIAGES OF JANET AND CATHERINE HAWKWOOD. 
 
 [Capitolt of the Commune of Florence, v. I, in the state Archives <>i Florence — Inven- 
 tory and Registers of the above mentioned Capitoli — I>. M. Manni, Biography of 
 Hawkwood in the II v. of the Appendix to t lit- R.I.S. of Muratori — Ghtaar- 
 dacci, Bolognese history — Books of the customs on contracts in tin- National Library 
 <■(' Florence, Strozzi Collection — Aeciaioli papers, from the Ashburnham Mss. in tlie 
 
 Laurentian Library — Cavalcanti, \ dotes in tin- Appendix to Florentine hi 
 
 published among the Documents of Italian History.] m 
 
 1891 "We have said that Florence showered signal favors on 
 
 Hawkwood during the campaign. 
 
 Before undertaking the dangerous expedition from 
 Padua towards the At It la, he, with due reflection on his 
 advanced age, obtained from the Florentines a certain and 
 sufficient provision for the latter years of his life, toge- 
 ther with ample wedding portions for his daughters, and 
 a pension to his wife after his death. 
 April 8. These facts result from the Capitoli* agreed between 
 
 Giacomo di Borgo della Collina, Hawkwood's procurator, 
 and the Signoria of Florence, of which the following is 
 a summary : ** 
 
 " The ' Ten of balia,' considering the great war of Flo- 
 rence and her allies against Clian Galeazzo and the Sie- 
 nese, and judging that the worth}- and in deeds of arms 
 most approved and valorous knight John Hawkwood, who 
 has fought for a long time with extreme probity, pru- 
 dence and good fortune, and has long been a devoted 
 friend to the Commune of Florence, whose wars he has 
 faithfully conducted, — recognising also the offers made 
 on his part in negotiating for the said war against the 
 enemies of the Commune, and chiefly considering his brave 
 
 Capitoli, Pacts or conventions made between two States or two bel- 
 ligerenl armies; the word i> also used for Statutes "1 Companies or Con- 
 fraternities. I Translatoi .i 
 
 " Manni also published an extract, which agrees with that contained in 
 the Inventario e Regesto dei Capitoli del < Firenze. 
 
PEXSIOX-S AND PRIVILEGES. 265 
 
 1 Is iu the said war, and above all diligently taking ism. 
 
 heed to the felicity and prudence with which for so long- 
 he has kept, conducted, and governed the men-at-arms, and 
 to what happy and prosperous results all the warlike 
 affairs have proceeded under his hands, — and though he 
 be already remunerated as captain of war, they (The Ten) 
 recognise the expediency of encouraging him still more 
 with the under mentioned benefits, pensions, favors and 
 privileges. 
 
 That prudent man Griacomo di Piero di Borgo della 
 Collina, having entered the presence of the 'Ten' to say 
 in the name and stead of Sir John Hawkwood, that the 
 said Sir John always intends to be a devoted friend of 
 the Commune, and that in the said war, as he has done 
 before, he will give himself in the best manner for the 
 defence of the Commune, and the offence of her enemies, 
 overriding in a hostile manner the territories of the Conte 
 di Virtu, and manfully combating against him and his 
 adherents. 
 
 " Having taken the votes of the Signoria, the Gonfalo- 
 nieri and the twelve Buonomini, they deliberate : 
 
 " That Hawkwood together with his wife and family 
 shall be received as a perpetual friend of the Commune, 
 and deputed its captain of war; 
 
 " That besides the pension of 1200 gold florins con- 
 ceded since 1375, he shall, during his life, receive a new 
 annual pension of 2000 gold florins, without any deduction, 
 and the first year of this new annuity shall begin with 
 May l 8t 1392; 
 
 " That the annuity shall be paid every three months, 
 without the necessity of ulterior formalities ; 
 
 " That to the first three daughters, whom Sir John 
 at present acknowledges, and whose names are given 
 below, shall be given as portions, when they many, or 
 shall be of a marriageable age (i. e. at least 14 years old), 
 
266 HONORARY CITIZENSHIP. 
 
 1391. 6000 florins of gold, — that is to say 2000 for each: — the 
 chamberlains shall pay these portions to their respective 
 husbands, or their procurators, on presentation of the ma- 
 trimonial contract, and providing it be made with the 
 consent of Sir John, if he be alive, or his procurator ; 
 
 " And as it is asserted that one of the said daughters, 
 that is to say Janet, has at present completed the age of 
 14 years, from this time hence, whenever it shall please her 
 father that her marriage shall be contracted, the payment 
 of the portion shall be immediately made. — Janet is the 
 first of the daughters, Catherine the second, Anna the third ; 
 Moreover after the death of the said Sir John, — which 
 God grant may be a peaceful and happy one after a long life, 
 and meanwhile may he give him good fortune, and direct 
 his steps happily, — that the noble Lady Donnina, wife 
 of Sir John as long as she is a widow, and remains in the 
 city, country or district of Florence, with the son or daugh- 
 ters of herself, and the said Sir John, shall have even- 
 year of her widowhood the pension and gift of 1000 gold 
 florins, in honor of the memory of that noble and brave 
 man her husband ; 
 
 " Whenever however she lives away from. her son or 
 daughters, or out of the city and country, the pension 
 shall be deducted pro rata of the time ; 
 
 " And that the said Sir John, with his sons and de- 
 scendants in the male line, born, or yet to be born, shall 
 enjoy the privilege of Florentine citizenship, and shall 
 only be excluded from the power and ability of holding 
 office in the commune or city." 
 11 '-' The war ended, these Capitoli were accepted and ra- 
 
 March 14. x l 
 
 tified by Hawkwood in a public deed. 
 
 Then he gave his attention to marrying his daughters 
 honorably ; Janet was fifteen years of age, and Catherine 
 scarcelv fourteen. 
 
JANET HAWKWOOD'S WEDDING. 267 
 
 He found a husband for the eldest in the very noble 
 family of the Counts of Porcia in Priuli. This was the 
 young Brezaglia son of Count Lodovico, formerly praetor 
 and captain of the people at Bologna, next podesta of Fer- 1391 
 rara, and then captain of the people at Florence.* 
 
 The marriage was celebrated by the following deed St . 1(1 ', ;,',-;„, , 
 drawn up by Ser Giovanni di Sirnone : 
 
 r Performed in the house inhabited by sir John Hawk- 
 wood (Sig. Giovanni Haucut i situated in the district of 
 Florence in the popolo (parish) of San Donato a Torre, the 
 witnesses present being the noble gentlemen Guido son of 
 ,/,< late signor Tomaso knight, Andrea di Neri Capponi, and 
 Ser Benedetto di Ser Lando notary of Florence, together 
 with the citizens and others especially bidden and invited. 
 
 " The noble gentleman Brezaglia son of the magnifi- 
 cent lord signor Lodovico Count de' Puziliis (of Porciglia 
 or Porcia) on the one part ; and the noble lady Janet 
 — daughter of the magnificent and potent knight Sir John 
 Hawkwood of England — Florentine citizeness, on the other; 
 who with the consent of the said Sir John her father, here 
 present, consents to be the said wife. 
 
 " The required questions and answers by word of mouth 
 i verba de presenti) having been spoken, and the ring given 
 and received, legal matrimony is contracted between them. 
 The said Brezaglia with the said lady Janet as his spouse 
 and legitimate wife, and the said lady Janet consenting 
 to take the said Brezaglia as her husband and legitimate 
 spouse." 
 
 The receipt for the 2000 florins, which was paid by Novemb.19. 
 Hawkwood as Janet's wedding portion, was given in a deed 
 drawn up by Ser Lorenzo, the procurator of the Porcias, 
 (i. e. Count Lodovico, with Iacopo and Brezaglia, his sonsj. 
 
 * In the Italian republics the offices of podesta (civil governor) and captain 
 of the people were always held by strangers from other cities who had ii" 
 kinship with the city they ruled — the offices were held yearly.— ( Translator.) 
 
268 THE HEKo OF TOURNAMENTS. 
 
 A note of this is also to be found in the books of " cu- 
 stoms on contracts " for the taxes which we should call 
 " registration fees." 
 
 For his second daughter Catherine, Hawkwood chose 
 a man of his own profession, the German Conrad Pro- 
 spergh, a brave 3 - oung soldier of fortune. The documents 
 do not prove him to have been of noble family, although 
 some chroniclers call him Count. Florence had hired him 
 
 1390. for the League with two hundred lances, and Hawkwood 
 
 1391. himself had given him his spurs, during the retreat on 
 the Oglio the year before. 
 
 Decemi» i While Hawkwood was campaigning in Tuscany, Pro- 
 
 spergh being detained in tin' pay of Bologna, commanded 
 >ix hundred lances on the territory of Eeggio, and showed 
 himself a good disciple of his future father-in-law ; for he 
 was able to draw the Visconti into an ambuscade, and to 
 capture sixty men-at-arms, a hundred saccomanni, and two 
 hundred horses. 
 
 1392. When the war was over, a tournament was held on the 
 public square of Bologna, on February 28 th to enliven the 
 citizens and soldiers. 
 
 " After dinner in the presence of all the people, the 
 famous captain Conrad Prospergh appeared with a band 
 of thirty four Italian soldiers, equipped in white armour 
 with his grand white ensigns. The opposite band was of 
 thirty three German horsemen with red doublets, who were 
 commanded by Prendiparte della Mirandola. They tour- 
 neyed worthily with lance and sword. The senate distri- 
 buted money to the soldiers, and a cap entirely covered 
 with the finest pearls to each of the captains." 
 May i->. And in Piazza Santa Croce at Florence when a tourna- 
 
 ment to celebrate the peace was held in May, Prospergh 
 again won the highest honors. Kightv knights divided 
 into two brigades, were armed for the joust : the rod nom- 
 
BETROTHAL. 269 
 
 mantled by Prospergh, the white by Count Antonio Guicli. 1392. 
 The victor in each brigade was to receive as a prize a 
 little lion covered with pearls: Conrad Prospergh won the 
 prize for the " red " side. 
 
 We may suppose that Hawkwood and his ladies as- 
 sisted at this tournament, and a romancer might with- 
 out too much boldness imagine that the young Cathe- 
 rine's heart palpitated in sympathy for the victorious 
 knight. 
 
 The fact remains that, by a legal document. Hawk- Novembers, 
 wood promised Catherine in marriage to Conrad Prospergh, 
 German knight and captain, and to assign her such a 
 portion and in the manner which shall be determined by 
 the arbiters, which are the Signoria of Florence, and that 
 of Bologna. 
 
 The intervention of these sovereign arbiters is a proof 
 of the high consideration in which Hawkwood was held, 
 and of the great honor shown him in the marriage of his 
 daughter. The rank of the witnesses contributed not a 
 little to this, one was Milano de' Eastrelli of Asti, for- 
 merly a Florentine stipendiary in 1376, then marshal, and 
 who in due time was honorably interred in Santa Croce, 
 in the south aisle of which might once have been seen 
 his banners, targets, shields, his tunic with his emblema- 
 tical arms, and a memorial tablet with some funereal ver- 
 ses ; * the second was also a marshal, named Bartolomeo 
 dei Gherardacci di Geri of Prato, surnamed Boccanerct (black 
 mouth i, formerly exiled, and then in 1382 pardoned by the 
 Florentines, after which he became their captain-general : 
 the third was no less a personage than Messer Ugolino 
 de' Preti da Montechiaro of Bologna, at that time captain 
 of the people in Florence. 
 
 * We take these particulars from the monograph by D. Maria Manni. 
 The numerous ensigns and memorials of the soldiers of the Commune in 
 ancient times were removed from Santa Croce in our days. 
 
■::>t CATHERINE'S MARRIAGE. 
 
 1898. The marriage was celebrated some weeks after the be- 
 
 trothal ; in fact a public act signed at Hawkwood's resi- 
 january 20. dence at San Donato in Polverosa (witnesses amongst 
 others Ser Francesco da Milano, Hawkwood's chancellor, 
 and Ermanno of Acqni his usher) declares that Hawkwood 
 had on that day married his daughter to Conrad Pro- 
 spergh ; who on his side acknowledged the receipt of tin' 
 wedding portion of 2000 florins disbursed for Hawkwood 
 by the chamberlains of the Commune. The chamberlains 
 on behalf of the bride Catherine, </«<;• quidem asseritur esse 
 cetatis annorum quatuordecim, acknowleged the receipt from 
 Prospergh of 50 lire of MonjeiHjab,* according to the 
 custom of German weddings. The civil laws were less 
 strict and more easily satisfied in those days. 
 
 Nor is the relative note lacking in the book of " customs 
 on contracts." An entry under the date of Duomo 1392 (by 
 the Florentine style the year 1392 ended on March 24 th 1393) 
 is thus worded: " To the noble and worthy soldier Conrad 
 Prospero German, captain and stipendiary of the Commune 
 of Bologna, 2000 florins for the ilote of the generous lady 
 Catherine, — daughter of the magnificent and potent knight 
 Sir John Hawkwood, captain-general of the Commune of 
 Florence, — and now wife of the said signor Conrad." 
 
 Hawkwood however did not intend to expend his own 
 wealth in marrying his daughters. He might perhaps have 
 provided the necessary trousseau, but gorgeous dresses and 
 other accessories to celebrate the wedding festivities were 
 considered by him as superfluous. The mother had to 
 provide them, and she was obliged to turn to her son-in- 
 law. Strange as it may appear, we have a proof of it in 
 
 * TheMorgengab i^ a presont from tin- bridegroom to the bride the mor- 
 ning after the wedding: it i-- an ancient Teutonic custom. — (Translator.) 
 
A BRIDEGROOM'S APPEAL. 27] 
 
 the following letter of the bridegroom Prospergh to Do- 1392. 
 nato Acciaioli. 
 
 Magnifico et potenti militi dno Donato di Acciaiolis 
 de Florentia ImTi et pirfii car." 10 
 
 Magnificent and powerful uavalier, with due recom- 
 mendations I pray you for the love of myself and the 
 good fame of Sir John Hawkwood* that you will use 
 your influence with the honorable Signoria of Florence 
 
 * Donato Acciaioli, one of the most illustrious Florentines of his age 
 1 he translated Leonardo Brum's history of Florence from the Latin, held high 
 magisterial offices, and fulfilled important embassies), was . .11 good terms 
 with several of the English knights and especially with Sir John Hawkwood. 
 
 Manni (177o| speaks "f several letters from Hawkwood to Acciaioli pre- 
 served in the Archives of the Certosa (near Florence — and founded, as all 
 know, by the Acciaioli). At the time of the French suppression the Archives 
 of the Certosa passed to the State, and in 1853 to the State Archives of Fin. 
 renee. The indices of these Archives register some letters and other Ac- 
 ciaioli papers; but posterior annotations say 'missing' or "other things. 
 There are also two imposing parchment envelopes with the words: Letters 
 addressed to tlis magnificent knight Donato Acciaioli^ in a tine border in the 
 style of the 16 th century, illuminated in colours on the back. One contains 
 some insignificant monastic papers of the 17 th and 18 th centuries ; the other is 
 connected with the Acciaioli, but contains only certain accounts relative to 
 the feuds in the Neapolitan states ; the rest of the papers being copies of 
 papal bulls, privileges, etc., entirely extraneous to the Acciaioli. 
 
 The letters were therefore abstracted, before the Certosa documents were 
 transferred to the State Archives, and it is very likely that they ended in 
 the celebrated collection of Sig. Libri, and then in the not less celebrated 
 Ashburnham collection, of which the greater part of the Italian element 
 returned to Italy on their purchase by the government, and was deposited 
 in the Laurentian Library. Here there really exist fifteen large envelopes 
 containing papers and letters of the Acciaioli ; on one of the envelopes is 
 written on the front and back with pencil the indication " Sir John Hawk- 
 wood " and on the other envelopes is marked "Letters and papers concern- 
 ing Giovanni Aeuto — relating to Gfc Acuto " extracted in the date 1873-74 etc. 
 Had there been perhaps a special pile formed of all that related to our Con- 
 dottiere? We cannot assert this, none of the fifteen envelopes contain the 
 letters, seen by Manni himself ; but we have found, instead, some documents 
 relative to him, and a note from the Englishman John Beltoft, which recom- 
 mends his comrade John Liverpool to Donato Acciaioli. Therefore without 
 absolutely excluding the hypothesis that the Ashburnham collection has been 
 sifted on behalf of English libraries or archives, and Hawkwood's letters 
 kept in England, we may with more probability hold that Manni was mis- 
 taken about the above mentioned papers " relative to Acuto." 
 
272 MONEY FOR THE WEDDING. 
 
 1392. that I may have 1000 florins which are owing of my 
 pension, either in money or in note of hand, that Madonna 
 Donnina may dress my wife for the wedding on the 24"' 
 of this month. Madonna Donnina writes that nothing is 
 wanting except the money to dress her. I have ordered 
 them to make great fetes, but they have put off so long 
 the purchase of gowns for the maiden, who from what 
 Madonna Donnina writes is more to . you than your own 
 child, and she tells me that for her there is no one like 
 you, for she owes you more than her own father. I am 
 always prepared to obey your every command. 
 " Bologna, January !»"'. 
 
 " COXRAD DE PROSPERGH 
 
 knight and captain." 
 
 This document in good truth makes us doubt whether 
 Hawkwood, now an aged man, had not given way to the 
 sordid passion of avarice, which when it becomes habitual 
 is often apt to increase in the old age of men who have 
 gained and accumulated much in life. On the other hand 
 we know that if Hawkwood had gained much, he had saved 
 little, for his patrimonial condition is noted and docu- 
 mented. Facts are not wanting to prove that he knew 
 how to be liberal with his money ; Cavalcanti recounts 
 that in one of the frequent occasions in which Hawkwood 
 had to treat with Spinello Alberti, when the compact was 
 concluded he made a present of 6000 florins to Spinello, 
 who religiously passed it into the treasury of the Com- 
 mune ; but even if we choose to imagine the anecdote 
 inexact, and that the 6000 florins had been saved by the 
 ability of Alberti* in making negotiations, there is nothing 
 
 * It is certain that the honestj "I I he t reasurer Alberti was exemplar} : 
 in tlic Chronicle of Giovanni Morelli we read: "He was loyal and faithful 
 to our Commune, ami after liis death his portrait was placed in the Chaniher 
 of the Commune to do him honour. He died so poor that bis family could 
 not give him the honorahle funeral that he well deserved.' [Translator.) 
 
HAWKWOOD'S ECONOMY. 273 
 
 in the life of Hawkwood which authorises us to see m 
 him the avarice of a Harpagon. Prospergh's letter miglit 
 rather contribute to prove that which we have already 
 seen, and shall find Hawkwood himself asserting, that his 
 financial position was not at all a brilliant one. 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 MONUMENT TO THE LIVING HAWKWOOD. 
 
 [Consulte i pruticht e Provvisiom of the Commune, in the state Archives oi Florence 
 L>. 31. Manni. Biography of Hawkwood in v. II of the Appendh to the /. T. S, ol 
 Ml i-atoki — Giovanni Cavalcanti, Anecdotes in the Appendix to his J/oni / en 
 tint published amongst the Documents for Italian history — Ru ha, Historical notices 
 of the Florentint churches — Ghegohovius, History at Some in tin Middle-uges — 
 Franco Sacchett] Xovelle — ChronicU of 'freviso - Letter of Pieb Paolo Vehgekio.] 
 
 The old Condottiere was now drawing near the end of 139 .;. 
 his life, and the Florentines, though they could not expect 
 any more signal services from him, were yet generous in 
 shewing him honor and conferring favours. 
 
 " Let a proper provision be made to reward Hawk- 
 wood's services, in a manner which will display the gra- 
 titude we owe him ; we will give him 25 lances, and March. 
 observe all the compacts stipulated with him; and let the 
 Signoria make this provision as soon as possible." 
 
 In fact he was immediately hired with twenty five lan- 
 ces including archers. April 2. 
 
 There was a general feeling, that not only ought all 
 the agreements made with him to be observed, but that 
 it would be right to procure him some prerogative besides. April 6. 
 
 Meanwhile he gave his attention to regulating the 
 affairs of his patrimony in the best manner, as one who 
 feels death approaching is anxious to leave his family 
 without embarrassments. He had a settling of accounts June 2. 
 with his former secretary Ser Francesco da Milano, and 
 
 is- 
 
l'74 FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIKs. 
 
 [393. on the same day, at San Donato in Polverosa, his wife 
 Donnina Visconti with her husband's order and consent 
 signed an act of notary nominating Donna Agatina, daugh- 
 ter of Messer Cuccolo da Giussaiio, as the agent for her 
 affairs at Milan; a choice which Hawkwood ratified in Ins 
 own name. 
 
 These interests at Milan, — whether referring to her 
 marriage portion, or hereditary or. other possessions, 
 must have been very unsafe under Gian Galeazzo Visconti. 
 December 2. Hawkwood also gave a power of attorney to Antonio 
 di Porcaria to receive certain sums not yet paid him by the 
 Commune of Bologna. Nor were property taxes and finan- 
 cial difficulties lacking to Hawkwood in Florence. 
 July n He represents to the Priors that on the 10"' of Septem- 
 
 ber 1392 the extraordinary accountants of the Commune 
 had declared him to be debtor to the Commune for the 
 sum of 1834 florins, on the original sum of 3000, of which 
 he had paid the rest with the money received during his 
 stay in the Kingdom of Naples, and they had intimated 
 to him that " the 1834 florins must be paid within three 
 months and fifteen days under penalty of a quarter of the 
 sum in addition." 
 
 He added that he had not been able to pay, because 
 the Commune had not disbursed to him the annuity of 
 2000 gold florins. He therefore asked that the debt against 
 him should be annulled, that the cancelling thereof should 
 be free of charge. He also explained that he had in pledge 
 at Venice and Bologna some worked silver and jewels <>| 
 no slight value, for which he paid very heavy usury, 
 but from want of money was unable to redeem them; 
 that considering the innumerable daily expenses his in- 
 come was nut sufficient for the support of his family, 
 lie was therefore obliged to sell his property, and having 
 no bail for the sales he prayed that Guido Idppi, Davan- 
 zato Davanzati, Andrea Vettori, Xiccolo da Uzzano and 
 
A COMPROMISED PATRIMONY. 275 
 
 Ser Benedetto di Lando might be made syndics for the 
 purpose. 
 
 AVe remember that in 1387 Hawkwood had made an 
 analogous request to the Commune, but he could not in 
 the meantime have effectuated any sale in Tuscany, as 
 the description of the property alleged in this petition 
 of 1393 is identical with that of 1387,* the only difference 
 in the more recent catalogue being that some of these 
 possessions are placed in the name of John, son of Hawk- 
 wood, or in that of Donnina his wife. It is not strange 
 that the alienation should be difficult, if we reflect that 
 the continuous and costly wars had impoverished the ci- 
 tizens, either on account of the imposts or the suspension 
 of commercial transactions. 
 
 From these documents it would appear that at the end 
 of a career, apparently lucrative, Hawkwood had only a li- 
 mited and compromised patrimony : that Tuscany and Italy 
 had given him means to live in good style with his nu- 
 merous family and to marry his daughters well, but his 
 military habits had not allowed him to save much capital. 
 Or he might also have sent some of his savings to invest 
 in his own country. 
 
 * Neither is there in this second appeal any sign that Hawkwood pos- 
 sessed any house or habitation within the walls of Florence, are! tins is 
 confirmed by what Giovanni Cavalcanti says: "This esteemed man stayed 
 in Santo Antonio inside the Porta di Faenza." That is to say that when 
 he visited the city from his suburban residence of San Iionato. lie lodged at 
 Sant'Antonio, which was a vast convent, belonging to the regular " canons 
 hospitaller" of Sant'Antonio of Vienne in France. The prior of Sant'Antonio 
 had the title of commendatore : the fraternity possessed a largo block of houses 
 with gardens and fields and every convenience just within the Faenza gate. 
 Both church and hoiisp wore magnificent and noble buildings : among others 
 
 Buffalmacco and Lippi painted ties s in them. A bull of Calixtus III (1455) 
 
 distinguished the monastery, the hospital, the mansion and the annexes. Wo 
 understand then that it served as a free hospital for the poor, and as an 
 hostelry for those who were able to give alms as an equivalent. The Com. 
 iniiiio of Florence had taken Sant'Antonio under its protection; Cardinal 
 Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Leo X, was its commendatore. But it was 
 completely destroyed in 1534 by Duke Alessandro to build there that fortress 
 tin basso which still remains as a monument of Medicean tyranny. 
 
276 GKEAT HONORS 
 
 1393. However this may be, the Florentines, before he died, 
 
 displayed an affection, gratitude and honor, so solemn and 
 extraordinary, that the most sordid of mercenaries must 
 have been touched; — how much more then must it have 
 been appreciated by him, who, on the scales of conscience, 
 had always given good weight of fidelity and honor com- 
 patible with his calling. 
 Augusi .'_■ In the Council of the Podesta and Commune the follow- 
 
 ing deliberation was carried by a majority of 177 votes, 
 against a minority of 8 — almost unanimously in fact : 
 
 * The magnificent and potent Lords, the Signori Priors 
 of the Arts, and G-onfaloniere of justice of the people and 
 Commune of Florence, being desirous that the magnificent 
 and faithful achievements of the here-written Sir John, 
 his fidelity to the honor and grandeur of the Florentine 
 Republic, should not only be rewarded by remuneration 
 during his life, as was done in his pension, but perpetually 
 shown to his glory after death ; and above all that brave 
 men may know that the Commune of Florence recompenses 
 true service with her recognition and beneficent gratitixde.... 
 deliberate that the members of the Opera (Board of works) 
 of Santa Reparata, i. e. the greatest of the Florentine 
 churches — or even two parts of them if the other should be 
 absent, or not forthcoming, or dissentient, or unwilling,— 
 shall as soon as possible, beginning at the coming 3'ear, cause 
 to be constructed and made in the said church, and in a 
 conspicuous place, high and honorable, as shall appear 
 best to them, a worthy and handsome tomb for the ashes 
 of the great and brave knight Sir John Hawkwood, English 
 captain-general of war to the said Commune, and who has 
 more than once in the wars of the said Commune been 
 captain-general. And the said sepulchre, in which the body 
 of the said Sir John and no other body may be placed, 
 shall be adorned with such stone and marble figures and 
 
DANTE AND HAWKWOOD. 277 
 
 armorial ensigns as shall seem convenient, either to the 
 magnificence of the Commune of Florence, or to the honor 
 and lasting fame of the said Sir John. And they may and 
 ought to spend.... as much, how and whensoever they will.' 
 
 Here Gregorovius exclaims with indignation, that " Flo- 
 rence who denied Dante a resting place, should erect an 
 honorable monument in her Duomo to that robber of a 
 Hawk wood ! " 
 
 But though this action may at first sight seem monstrous, 
 there is nothing in it which should excite our wonder. 
 The exiled Alighieri was not to his fellow-citizens and 
 contemporaries that Dante who in years to come was to 
 subdue the universe by admiration of his "divine Comedy; " 
 he was a man of great genius, much culture, bold character 
 and above all a man who, implicated in the political con- 
 tests of his Commune, was left among the vanquished and 
 exiled ones, who in exile continued to agitate for the re- 
 storation of the ghibellines in his city where the great 
 majority were guelphs. 
 
 As to Hawkwood, we may judge his trade of a mer- 
 cenary to be dishonest, but in those times it was a necessity 
 created by circumstances: the Italian states were not ac- 
 customed to provide for their political needs by any other 
 means. Hawkwood had several times efficaciously defended 
 the Florentine Republic against external enemies, and more 
 than once had he secured internal order; he had done his 
 duty almost conscientiously, and certainly to the satisfaction 
 of the Florentines who hired him. It would be an exag- 
 geration to say that the Florentines considered him as a 
 patriotic hero, but it would be unjust to pretend that 
 they ought to consider him as a brigand. 
 
 It is also certain that sensible people knew how much 
 better it would be for the Italian princes and communes 
 not to be subjected to the forced services of condottieri. 
 Franco Sacchetti thus concludes his 181" Novella, which 
 
278 FRANCO SACCHETTI'S OPINION. 
 
 we have already referred to, and which speaks oi'Hawkwood 
 by name : — " Woe to those men and people who trust, 
 too much in men of this kind. In them there is neither 
 love nor faith. They often do more harm to those who 
 pay them, than to their adversaries' soldiers ; and this 
 because, although they make a show of wishing to fight 
 and combat one against the other, they love each other, 
 better than they like the people who hire them, and they 
 seem to say: You rob on that side, I will rob well on this." 
 
 Hut this same Sacchetti, in his 36"' Novella, must needs 
 ridicule the stupidity of the Priors of Florence in the war 
 of 1363, when Hawkwood fought for the Pisans, recognising 
 that ™ those who are used to commerce can never know 
 what war is, and therefore the Communes who do not live 
 in peace are undone." Now, municipalities did not know 
 how to keep the peace, and being composed of merchants 
 knew not how to make war; they were therefore constrained 
 to submit to the mercenary and untrustworthy arms of 
 adventurers. 
 
 Hawkwood's general reputation as captain of war in 
 Italy is easily gathered from the exaggerations of chroni- 
 clers and contemporaneous rhetoricians. The " Chronicles 
 of Treviso " sa}' that Hawkwood " had fought in Italy 
 twenty three times in regular battles as a leader of men- 
 at-arms, and had always been victor except once when lie 
 was vanquished." 
 
 Vergerio proclaims him " a man of generous spirit and 
 long experience," and does not hesitate to compare him " for 
 valour and glory almost equal to the ancient Imperators." 
 
279 
 
 XL. 
 
 THE CASTLE OF MONTECCHIO. 
 
 [Pier Paou- Vergerio, Letttrs — I>. U- Manxi. Biography oi llawkw ] in \ II oi the 
 
 Apptndix to the H.I.S oi Muratori — 'REPETSi^Sior/rapliical, physical mid historical 
 dictionary of Tuscany — Franco Sacchetti, A'ovellt — Gil si i i i Ghizzi, foi nt *ti>/i< i 
 sopra il castello d\ Xontecchio-Yesponi and '/• Communt 1874 — Pignotti, Histt t 
 
 Tn-niti/i.) 
 
 It is for a curious reason that Pier Paolo Yergerio hesi- 
 tates to rank John Hawkwood quite on an equality with the 
 great captains of classical antiquity. Being, as all the 
 humanists were, a fanatic on the subject of Latin, he 
 cannot forgive Hawkwood's being born elsewhere than 
 in Italy. 
 
 However he adds, " from all that is indicated in his 
 actions and customs, he has no longer a remnant of foreign 
 blood, for after having exhausted it in man} - wars, he has 
 become regenerated more strong and more sound in fibre, 
 and has reconstituted a new body under the more genial 
 skies of Italy." * 
 
 In writing thus, Vergerio yields a little to the love of 
 ingenious conceits and graceful phraseology, but he doubt- 
 less writes on a foundation of truthful observation. Being 
 Carrara's secretary he had occasion to be near Hawkwood 
 during the winter of 1391, and after the campaign of 
 that year : and we need not marvel that the Englishman, 
 after thirty years unbroken residence in Italy, and after 
 having founded a family and established his personal in- 
 terests there, should appear almost more Italian than 
 English. 
 
 * Auchud vir generosi spiritus •'t larga experientice, quern utique sine anii- 
 quitatis invidia nun temere priorum Imperatorum virtuti et glorite proximum fa- 
 cerew nisi alienigenam accepissemus ; quamquam ut res t moresque indicant, nihil 
 jam externi sanguinis habet. Eo enim frequentibus bellis exhausto, foytior saln- 
 briorque sub moderatiore ccelo Italio3 7 innovato jam corpore, fibris regenitus est. 
 
280 SIR John SELLS HIS ESTATES. 
 
 ism For the rest, the mild climate of Italy could not render 
 
 him immortal, neither could his interests, kinships and Ita- 
 lian habits cause him to entirely forget his native country. 
 
 In 1394 Hawkwood must have been nearly an octoge- 
 narian, and one might say he had lived in continual wars. 
 
 Now he only thought of providing for his children, 
 and arranging his affairs, so that he could return to England 
 and finish his days in peace there. 
 February 7. jj e augmented his daughter Janet's wedding portion, 
 and in case of restitution,* her father-in-law Lodovico 
 Porcia promised to renomice the " benefizio del foro " as 
 had been agreed. The augmentation was of 1000 florins.** 
 
 To return home it was necessary to liquidate his landed 
 property in Italy: from documents which we shall see later 
 it would appear that he himself effected the sale of the 
 suburban possessions at Florence and near Pnggibonsi, 
 which had been projected from the year 1387, perhaps 
 reserving his house at San Donato in Polverosa during 
 the remainder of his stay. 
 
 But besides these he possessed a group of buildings 
 which formed a little military dominion in the territory 
 of Arezzo, i. e., the castle of Montecchio, the strongholds 
 of Badia al Pino and those of Migliari. These small forts 
 could not have been very important, they were simple 
 bastions or temporary fortifications, constructed by Hawk- 
 wood, or which he. had used in his frequent sojourns with 
 his brigade between Arezzo and Cortona, or in his cam- 
 paigns against the Sienese. They might also have served 
 for outposts, for the better security of Montecchio towards 
 the territory of Siena. There are no existing remains of 
 
 * When the wife dies without children, the wedding portion is returned 
 
 to her family. I Translator.) 
 
 * T This appears in a marginal reference I" a le.tc relative to the dote in 
 th e Bool s ■/ ' " '-""■ on contrat '■■■. D 
 
THE ABBEY OF PINO. 28] 
 
 fortifications either at Migliari or at Pino, and we only 1394 
 have these slight mentions of the places ; that Migliari 
 in Val d' Ambra was a village dependent on the neigh- 
 bouring Abbey of Agnatic till 1384, in which year the 
 Abbey (tinder the date of May 9 th ) placed itself under the 
 Florentine Republic which soon after become master of 
 Arezzo. 
 
 The Abbey of Pino was a more important possession. 
 In the 10"' century it was a dependency of the Abbot of 
 Santa Fiora, was raised to a Commenda* in the 15"' cen- 
 tury ; after that it passed to the nuns of St. Bridget in 1734. 
 the Pian di Piipoli and finally to the Florentine hospital 
 of Bonifazio. 
 
 We have already seen that Hawk wood, on returning 1384. 
 from the Kingdom of Naples into central Italy, and fight- 
 ing against Siena, had taken "certain places," regarding 
 which he had made some proposals to the Florentines which 
 they at the time excused themselves from answering. 
 
 It is very likely he had proposed to sell them, and 
 that the places treated of were Migliari, del Pino, and 
 Montecchio. The latter is in our own days a most remark- 
 able and well preserved monument of ancient fortification, 
 and as Hawkwood liked to stay there, as we see in Franco 
 Sacchetti's 181 st Novella, it merits a short description. 
 
 The castle of Montecchio-Vesponi rises above a hill on 
 the northern boundary of the Val di Chiana, between the 
 town of Castiglion Fiorentino and the city of Cortona. *' 
 It was already existing in the beginning ot the 11"' cen- 
 tury, and during the 13"' was enlarged, so that the " au- 
 
 A Commenda was land belonging to the Church, the income of which was 
 given to a priest or a knight. — (Translator.) 
 
 * The traveller who goes by rail from Florence towards Perugia and Rome 
 cannot fail to see, <>n hi- left hand, between the stations of Castiglion Fio- 
 rentino and Cortona, the beautiful view of Montecchio with its picturesque 
 battlemented towers. — ( Translator.) 
 
282 THE CASTLE OF MONTECCHIO. 
 
 cient " and " modem parts were distinguishable one 
 from the other, and it enclosed within its walls as many 
 as fifty six habitations which were rented bj r tenants, the 
 little church of San Biagio and a communal palace with 
 the relative courts ; it had, in its dependencies, moats and 
 carbonaie* suburbs and outskirts, fields and woods, land 
 and vines, and belonged to the Commune of Arezzo. 
 Towards the middle of the. 14 th century it was, like Ca- 
 st iglione, held by the Perugians, and it is probable that 
 having been damaged in the preceding wars, it was ;it 
 
 1351. that time transformed and fortified so as to take the 
 distinct character of a fortress which it still preserves, for 
 it sustained a long siege by the Tarlati of Arezzo, the 
 Casali of Cortona, and the troops of archbishop Visconti, 
 after which it returned into the power of Arezzo. 
 
 Pignotti evidently errs when he states that the Flo- 
 rentines became masters of it in 1360 and confided the 
 government to Hawkwood, — who had not then crossed the 
 Alps. We are on the contrary confirmed in the opinion 
 
 1384. that Hawkwood assumed the lordship on his own account, 
 and witli the consent of the Florentines, for the Signoria 
 
 1387. commanded the Podesta of Castiglione to allow three mule 
 loads of armour and implements which Hawkwood intended 
 to send to Montecchio to pass without toll. And when 
 Florence, after Hawkwood's renunciation, obtained posses- 
 sion of Montecchio, she absolved this Commune from the 
 customs, taxes and fees which it should have paid to Arezzo, 
 as well as from all denunciations, condemnations and re- 
 prisals before the month of December 1384. 
 
 From the Capitoli relating to it we also find that 
 Hawkwood, as lord of Montecchio, received the introits of 
 customs, imposts, contracts, duties, loans, taxes, and a no- 
 minal toll, which w.'is however rathiT important., on cattle 
 
 1394. 
 
 May. 
 
 Carbonaia, i. • . dry-ditch, in Latin Pomcerium. -{Translator), 
 
VICISSITUDES OF A TOWER 283 
 
 and sheep, for the receipts of three years wore destined 
 to make a moat and other enclosures in the neighbourhood 
 oi Arezzo ; that the keep of Montecchio was kept well sup- 
 plied with ammunition and provisions: that a syndic pre- 
 sided over the Commune and that the inhabitants made 
 regular provision of salt and wine, and possessed large and 
 small cattle of their own. and a soccida* with the people 
 of Cortona. 
 
 Whether Hawkwood in the ten years of his dominion 
 worked at the restoration and modification of the walls, 
 towers and keep of Montecchio is not proved ; in any 
 case the fortress preserved a certain military importance 
 almost to the end of the 17"' century. At that time, owing 
 to the changed conditions of strategy, it became too an- 
 tiquated and useless to form a good weapon of war: so 
 the keep with its lofty tower, which some years before had 
 been esteemed at 500 lire, was sold for 100 lire to a ser- 
 geant named Orazio Nocci. 
 
 In 1641 Montecchio was raised to a marquisate by tin- 
 Grand Duke Ferdinand II in favor of Tommaso Capponi ; 
 but his son the Marquis Lorenzo dying without offspring, 
 Montecchio reverted to the State, and in the succession 
 of governments in Tuscany it remained the property of 
 the Crown until in our da3's it was purchased by the noted 
 financier txiacomo Servadio together with vast demesnial 
 estates in the neighbouring hills, and in the plain below, 
 and it now belongs to his heirs. 
 
 A description written in 1575 mentions that the tower 
 had several stories with vaulted ceilings and a good roof; 
 it contained a dove-cot, and a bell ; that it was a square 
 tower, the sides of which were eight braccia ** wide, and 
 
 * A soccida is a contract for hiring out cattle on a .similar principle to 
 that adopted by our dairymen on English farms. — [Translator.) 
 " The braccio is about 23 inches. — (Translator.) 
 
-M IN RUINS. 
 
 the height, fifty braccia ; it was well preserved, and in good 
 condition. The keep, which was joined to the tower on 
 one side, measured on the other sides, respectively twelve, 
 twenty, and twenty five braccia; the rooms which first 
 existed there had been already demolished. The moats 
 outside the walls surrounded the castle on all sides except 
 the west, where the gate was situated. They were 
 fifty braccia wide and occupied a superficies of twenty 
 thousand square braccia. 
 
 Another description dates from 1040 and gives a circum- 
 ference of four hundred and fifty braccia to the external walls 
 and a diameter across of a hundred and forty seven braccia. 
 The fortress contained nineteen fimchi (hearths or family 
 dwellings) and fifty three souls, the greater part under the 
 cure of a vicar, — all being peasants except the sergeant 
 Nocci who lived on a private income at the tower. The 
 people went to work in the fields lying below, and exercised 
 no industry, excepting that the women spun wool and flax : 
 three of the inhabitants were inscribed in the infantry 
 militia, but were more adapted to peace than to arms. 
 
 Inside the. circuit were two churches, the pieve (vi- 
 carage) of San Biagio, and the " company " of the Eoly 
 Sacrament. For the rest there was much poverty, good 
 air, abundant hunting and fishing in the plain. \s to 
 
 the habitations inside the fortress they are almost all huts, 
 low, dark, and very ill kept, and in many places they are 
 in ruins. There is a small house for the officials, which 
 serves also as a council chamber, and is very bad." 
 
 On this picture if we allow for the wear and tear of 
 the elements, and the permanent neglect of men, I'm- ano- 
 ther two centuries, we may have an idea, of what Mon- 
 tecchio has become in our day. Its last proprietor restored 
 the great tower which had been split by a thunderbolt, 
 and replaced the Grhibelline battlements of the boundary 
 walls and seven towers which rise from them; thus from 
 
THE ANCIENT KEEP. 265 
 
 without, the fortress even now presents an imposing aspect, 
 both military and picturesque, high on that hill covered 
 with olives and pines, and thick underwood, in which the 
 wild pomegranate predominates. But the moat is filled 
 up, and within the enclosure the aspect of poverty disputes 
 the space with the ruins. No more over the arched gate- 
 way are seen the figures of the protecting saints of 
 Montecchio, St. Biagio, Martin and Egidio ; they have 
 completely disappeared. The parish church, which served 
 also as a cemetery, has been dismantled ; nothing re- 
 mains of the keep but its walls, and we can hardly find 
 a trace of the projecting galleiy with its piombatoi* which 
 anciently defended the gates. By a broken stairway we 
 may with difficulty ascend to the only part of this gal- 
 lery which remains on the boundary wall, towards the 
 west, in which loop-holes had been pierced at the epoch 
 when fire arms were first used. A very good wooden 
 staircase entirely modern conducts us to the platform oi 
 the tower, from which the view is magnificent. It over- 
 looks the Val di Chiana as far as Monte Amiata, across 
 a branch of Lake Thrasymene, and the picturesque country 
 town of Castiglione Florentine, but the bell no longer 
 disturbs the rest of the pigeons, falcons and swallows whose 
 abode it is. 
 
 The few poor houses surrounding it are as miserable 
 as possible ; only two human families reside there, with 
 some fowls and a donkey, who may chose his meals among 
 the chestnut burrs, acorns, poppies and nettles in the 
 shadow of the wild ailanthus. Some vines, figs, and olive 
 trees seem to vegetate there only to emphasize, by reminding 
 one of fruitful culture, the almost sepulchral loneliness oi' 
 that place, where, between one campaign and another, the 
 
 Piombatoi were a species of loop-holes made in the floor of a projecting 
 gallery in the battlements of an ancient fortress for the purpose of throwing 
 down stones or heavy missiles on the assailants. — {Translator.) 
 
286 BRIEF REPOSE. 
 
 old English < Jondottiere repaired for brief repose and to 
 refurbish bis arms, and where charity was denied to the 
 monks who dared fco ask it in the name of peace. 
 
 XLI. 
 
 HEATH AND FUNERAL OBSEQUIES. 
 
 [Provvisiom ■■/■-. ' ipiio o1 th< Coiunium in the State Archives of Florence — 
 
 Piero Mikerbetti, Clironicli Maria Manni, Biography of Hawkwood in the 
 
 II v of the Appendix to Muratori [H l >' Somj on .'/,, -',»//, ,.- i/, fftovantit 
 
 Ijuio published by Antonio Medin in tho Wcl mo oi l ssr ' <;,,,,- 
 
 »i Benedetto Dei.] 
 
 1394. The Commune of Florence had favorably received the 
 
 proposal of Hawkwood as fco the alienation of Montecchio, 
 and of his other fortresses in the province of Arezzo, bu1 
 the negotiations were complicated, as be wanted at the 
 same time to liquidate his annuity for a fixed sum. 
 
 Alter many discussions the affair was concluded by the 
 provvisione, approved by the Council of the Commune with 
 181 votes against '24:- here is the substance of it: 
 
 "Considering that Hawkwood, weary by reason of his 
 great age, and, as he asserts, weighed down by infirmity, 
 wishes to return to his old country, and to dispose of his 
 pension, as well us the under mentioned among others of his 
 possessions, and hence to make an exchange or composition 
 (staglum) ; taking into account the negotiations which for 
 seme months we have been making, both on the part of 
 the Commune and on that of Sir John : ami wishing to 
 dispose of them as seems mosl advantageous to the Com- 
 mune, the council of the Gonfalonieri together with thai 
 of the twelve Buonomini after serious deliberation ordain, 
 " Thai the recipient Commune shall by public act 
 be liberated and absolved from the here written pensions 
 and sums due to Sir John, in such a manner thai thej 
 
AN IMPORTANT EXCHANGE. 287 
 
 shall not last longer than the present month of March, 
 and from thenceforward shall no longer be due, but from 
 that moment the Commune shall be free of them : 
 
 "The chamberlains of the Commune shall pay to 
 Sir John or bis procurator six thousand golden florins 
 without any deduction, and without other formalities except 
 the present provision, the payment of which sum shall 
 be made as will be declared below : 
 
 " With the addition, however, that the herein men- 
 tioned fortresses, strongholds and possessions -hall be held 
 by the Commune, and to this end that all the rights ap- 
 pertaining to them shall be conceded by Sir John or his 
 
 procurator, placing the I ''immune in their p ---ion and 
 
 custody. 
 
 I < \nsions and sums owing, abovt mentioned. 
 
 1" of 1200 gold florins annually for the duration 
 of his life, granted in 1375 : 
 
 2 oi 2000 gold florins yearly for his life, conceded 
 on April V 1391 ; 
 
 3" 1 of 1000 gold florins granted to the Lady Donnina 
 wife of Sir John, as long as she lives with her children 
 in the city, country or district of Florence (April ditto) ; 
 
 4 th sum of 2000 gold florins assigned as -dote' to 
 the third daughter of Sir John (April ditto 
 
 Fortresses and Places. 
 
 Castle of Montecchio ; 
 
 Stronghold or Castle of the Abbey of the Pino ; 
 
 Stronghold of Mii/lim is ; 
 with the rights, jurisdictions, appurtenances, tribunals, 
 men and persons etc. 
 
 1 If the said sum of six thousand gold florins two 
 thousand to be paid immediately, the other four thousand 
 
288 DEATH OF HAWKWOOD. 
 
 1394. in three rates, the first within four months, the second 
 within eight months, the third and last within a year. 
 
 " Moreover, as it is said that Sir John wishes to leave 
 us, and with his family to go to England whence he had 
 his origin — that the Signoria shall appropriate a thou- 
 sand gold florins to purchase the objects with which they 
 think well to honor Sir John and his son, according to 
 the credit and magnificence of the Commune. 
 
 " That the sums to be paid as above cannot in any 
 manner or for any claim be sequestered under penalty of 
 a thousand small florins. 
 
 " All questions which might arise, concerning the exe- 
 cution of that which is above mentioned, shall be settled 
 by the Signoria and their decision shall have absolute force. 
 
 " That the Signoria shall dispose as to the custody, 
 government and administration of the three castles which 
 are ceded. 
 
 " Finally, that the contracts or acts which arc stipu- 
 lated in order as above shall be free from all and every tax." 
 
 Man proposes and God disposes : five days after this 
 provvisione, Hawkwood, who had for some time been re- 
 duced to pass his time between the bed and the couch, 
 instead of setting out for his fatherland, departed for that 
 journey which has no return. 
 
 How Mcssev Giovanni Acuto captain of war of th Com- 
 muni "/' Florence dial, mid koiv the Commune /><iid him the 
 greatest honors and hi was interred in Santa Maria del Fiore; 
 thus runs the title of a chapter in the chronicle of Piero 
 Minerbetti, which assigns the date of March 16"' as the 
 day of his death, while the 17"' results from documents. 
 It may have been during the night between the 16 th 
 and 17"'. It says that Hawkwood was ill at his place 
 outside the city (without doubt it was San Donato), Inn 
 that he died from a stroke of apoplexy. 
 
 The Priors elected a commission of citizens to order 
 
Ills FUNEEAL. 289 
 
 and provide splendid obsequies, without regard to expense, 
 and they proved really grand. 
 
 All the priests of the citv attended, meeting in Santa 
 Maria del Fiore ; the catafalque was gorgeous: the choir, 
 and other convenient places of the church were full of 
 lighted torches. 
 
 The Signoria provided handsome black dresses for his 
 son, wife and daughters, and all the numerous household. 
 
 The bier, adorned with very rich drapery of crimson 
 velvet and gold, was first placed on the Piazza della Si- 
 gnoria, where the funeral procession formed, and to which 
 all the magistrates contributed; i. e. the Signoria sent 
 a hundred large wax torches, a banner with the arms of the 
 Commune, another with the arms of the people, a stan- 
 dard with the arms of the Commune, and the shields per- 
 taining thereto, a helmet with a golden lion with a lily 
 in his claw as a crest. This was a Florentine ensign, and 
 would seem to symbolize the valour of the Condottiere who 
 was so faithful to the Commune. 
 
 The captains of the Guelph faction sent twenty wax- 
 torches, a pennon with the Guelph arms, and a helmet 
 with the same design as a crest. 
 
 The " Six of the Mercanzia " sent twenty wax torches, 
 and moreover they personally attended, together with the 
 consuls of the Arts. 
 
 The soldiers of Hawkwood's lances with fourteen capa- 
 risoned horses carried several flags and pennons with his 
 arms, his helmet with its crest, and the pennon with the 
 Harpy (au ensign almost too eloquent ), his sword and his 
 shield. 
 
 The bier was raised by the cavaliers of Florence, none 
 of whom were missing, as it was to do honor to such an 
 illustrious comrade, and was carried to fetch the corpse 
 where it lay (probably from San Donato it had been placed 
 in some church in the city). Tt was laid on the open 
 
 19- 
 
■J'."' [NTERMENT 
 
 1394. bier robed in cloth of gold, and the cavaliers carried it to 
 San Giovanni (the Baptistery) and placed it on the holy 
 baptismal font covered with cloth of gold. Here Hawk- 
 wood was wept for by tic women* in the presence of a 
 great crowd, for all the shops of Florence were closed. 
 
 He was then carried into the Duomo, and placed under 
 the catafalque, where the clergy recited the office, and a 
 funeral oration was pronounced. 
 
 Finally he was interred in the place temporarily or- 
 dained, and the Signoria** and people returned to their 
 houses. 
 
 The place chosen was in the choir, and here Manni 
 
 observes: "This was not the present choir but the first 
 and more ancient wooden one," and supposes every ves- 
 tige of the sepulchre was lost, either when the new choir 
 was made, or when the pavement was re-covered with 
 marble (1519-1524). 
 
 But it is also likely that the temporary place of se- 
 pulture in the choir bad no especial mark, the definite 
 tomb having been decreed seven months before. It was 
 not built however, as the remains were sent to King Ri- 
 chard II in England. 
 
 Minerbetti's description in prose is precisely analogous 
 to that of a contemporaneous Cantare in rima ottava. 
 
 Manni observed how Dante desired similar solemn fi ral rites in the 
 
 Baptistery, when he said in Paradlso XXV: 
 
 ed in sul fonte 
 
 Del mio battesmo prenderb il eappello. 
 
 He rioted the error of t In.-.- who arbitrarily amplified the women «•■• p- 
 
 ing (donne piangenti) over Hawkw 1's bier into noble matrons {nobili ma- 
 
 trane); these were nothing i '<■ than ;i derivation from the R an jpi'eficte, 
 
 and the custom is still kepi n|> i an) places on the Meditern an. 
 
 ** The diarist Simone della Tosa observed thai the Signoria were accus- 
 tomed never to go oul of the Palace unless on occasions of the greatest 
 solemnity . 
 
FUNEREAL BANNERS. 291 
 
 If the Obsequies and honors made for Messer Giovanni 
 Aguto our captain of war furnished the argumenl for 
 popular poesy, and inspired a poem of ingenuous but de- 
 cidedly elegiac character, it shows that the man was sin- 
 cerely loved and esteemed in Florence. There was nothing 
 now to hope or to fear from the dead man: the sump- 
 tuous official observances decreed by the magistrates might 
 have been the fruit of political prudence, to shew to fu- 
 ture condottieri, that the Commune, knew how to value 
 and recompense their fidelity; but the verses correspond 
 to a heartfelt sentiment, to the sincere opinion of the 
 cit Lzens. 
 
 This is the more valuable in that the verses retained 
 their popularity for many years afterwards. Benedetto Dei, 
 who wrote his chronicle late in the 1.')"' century, remarked 
 that he knew them by heart. The poet is not known, 
 but this matters little: he was the interpreter of all the 
 people. 
 
 To the details described by Minerbetti the Cantare 
 adds his own, from which we learn that the ensigns, flags, 
 and helmets with crests were carried on large war char- 
 gers, draped with housings and breast plates; it is spe- 
 cified that the flags offered by the wife and family of 
 Hawkwood were six in number: that the general closing 
 of shops was ordered under penalty, and many men dresst d 
 in black by the Commune followed the bier with their 
 heads covered with hoods, as a sign of great grief; and that 
 a multitude of priests walked behind bearing torches and 
 candles and singing psalms. There were the minor friars, 
 the Servite monks, those of San Marco, Ognissanti, Monte 
 Uliveto, the Dominicans, the monks of the Angioli, the 
 Carmine, San Miniato and " all the rest " (tutti quanti), 
 and all the bells rang out a death peal. 
 
 At the holy font of the Baptistery, the corpse was 
 exposed on the bier, which was surrounded by thirty wax 
 
292 ENTOMBMENT. 
 
 torches; a drawn sword was laid on the breast, and the 
 baton of command in the hand. 
 
 The obsequies iii the Duomo being finished, the priests 
 carried the body into the sacristy. 
 
 Tie' Cantare ends b} r invoking from the Lord and the 
 Madonna eternal life and supernal glory for him who had 
 lived under the wings of victory. 
 
 XLII. 
 
 THE MONUMENT IN SANTA MARIA DEL FIORE. 
 
 [Provvisiom "i tbe Commune in the State Archives "t Florence — Cavallucci, Documen- 
 tal history of Santa Maria del Fiore — D. Maria Manni, Biograph) of Hawkfl I 
 
 in v. 11 of the Appendix t" Mlhathiii [H. I. S.] v,\s\ki, Lives etc, Fossohbhokj, 
 Memoria sul »/ot<> degli animali — Cicognara, I1i*t<>>ii »( painting Becker, idven 
 turous Mves — Familiar letters of See Lapo Mazzki published by i'i.saki; Guasti — 
 Ricotti, History of tin mercenary companies.] 
 
 April 1 1. The state ceremonials of Hawkwood's funeral were costly 
 
 in proportion to their grandeur : the account was made 
 up, w it! a result of 410 gold florins, 1 lira, 11 soldi. There 
 still remained to provide the monumental tomb, in con- 
 formity to tin- deliberations taken during Hawkwood's 
 life, and as in those days no public work of any impor- 
 tance was admitted in the city unless it fulfilled the exi- 
 gencies of art, the following " provision " was taken, 
 1395 which is mentioned by C. I. Cavallucci: 
 
 Being desirous of renewing in a more decent manner 
 tin- mini) of Piero Farnese* and satisfying the provision of 
 
 Piero Farnese, .i worthy captain, died, in the service of Florence againsl 
 the Pisans, in 1362 the year before tin- English came into Tuscany. 1 1»- also 
 was bonored bj the Florentines with a sepulchral monumenl in Santa Maria 
 del Fiore: linn' i-- Mill seen Ins marble sarcophagous over the Srsi lateral 
 door in the right, adorned with the lilj ami the cross of Florence, the arms 
 of the Guelph partj and tin' Farnese lilies: Formerlj the sarcophagous sup- 
 ported a canopj over (In- statue of Piero Farnese mounted on a mule, t" 
 
THE KING OF ENGLAND DEMANDS. 298 
 
 the Commune respecting the monument incliti militis 'Domini i895. 
 Jnh. Augut olim honovati capitanei guerre Comunis Florentu 
 et honoris et ^tutu* ipsius communis iamdiu continui et solliciti 
 defensoris — the operai * wishing to place the said tombs 
 in the facade which is lietween the two doors towards Via 
 dei Cassettai *'* will cause to be made honorabiliter quan- 
 tum, decet, deliberaverunt : Primo in ipsa facie ij>sas sepolturas 
 designari 'per pictores bonos, ut omnibus civibus ad ipsam 
 ecclesiam venientibus ostendatur et super eas maturius et ho- 
 norabilius c,t rum deliberatione omnium volenti um consulere, 
 postea ad ipsarum perfectionem procedatur : and they com- 
 mission Agnolo di Taddeo Gaddi and Givdiano d' Arrigo, 
 painters, to design and paint them for the price of thirty 
 florins." 
 
 But then a request came to the Commune of Florence, 
 which truly honored the memory of John Hawkwood : the 
 King of England demanded that the body of the warrior 
 should be restored to his native country ; and the Com- 
 mune did not refuse it, perhaps remembering that a little 
 time before his death Hawkwood was arranging everything 
 for his return home. The consent of the Signoria was 
 given in the following letter dated June 3 rd 1395:* 
 
 " Most serene and invincible prince, most reverend 
 lord and our especial benefactor. 
 
 " Our devotion can deny nothing to the eminence of your 
 highness. "We will leave nothing undone that it is possible 
 to do, that we may fulfil your good pleasure. And therefore. 
 
 record that in the day of his victory over the Pisans his horse had been 
 killed and he had continued to fight mounted on a mule; but both statue 
 
 and canopy, which were of w 1 painted and yilt. tumbled to pieces in 1842 
 
 when they were removed to clean thf inner walls of the Cathedral. 
 
 Members of the "Opera ' of the Duomo, a large society of influential 
 citizens, artists and architects, who superintended the works of the Duo- 
 mo. (Translator.) 
 
 ** On the north side of the Cathedral. 
 *** The text has been published bj Manni. 
 
294 POSTHUMOUS RETURN HOME. 
 
 1395. although we hold that it reflected glory on us and on 
 our people to keep the ashes and the bones of the late 
 brave soldier, and most remarkable leader Sir John Hawk- 
 wood Haukkodue) who, as commandant of our army, fought 
 most gloriously for us, and whom at the public expense 
 we interred honorably in the principal church of our city, 
 nevertheless, according to the tenor of your request, we 
 freely concede permission that his remains shall return to 
 his native land, so that it shall not be said that your 
 sublimity has uselessly and in vain demanded anything 
 from the reverence of our humility...." 
 
 The ashes of Hawkwood having been transported to 
 
 England, it no longer appeai'ed urgent to erect his tomb 
 and that his memory would be sufficiently honored by the 
 fresco which had been painted to serve as a model on the 
 wall of the Duomo. Time went on to 1436, when they 
 were setting the Duomo in order for the solemn consecra- 
 tion which was to be given by Pope Eugene IV who was 
 in Florence for the famous council. Either because the 
 picture had suffered or they wanted it to be a little more 
 decorous, the " operai '" deliberated '' to repaint the figure 
 of Sir John Hawkwood in the same manner and form as it 
 
 May 26. was before painted." A few days afterwards the idea pre- 
 vailed of erecting the monument : " Let us make the tomb 
 of Signor Giovanni Hauto according to the decisions of the 
 councils of the People and the Commune of Florence, and 
 hasten them in the work for the honor of the Commune 
 and the Opera." 
 
 But this proposal only lasted a few hours ; lor reasons 
 
 Maj so it is allowable to suppose of economy, they returned to 
 the idea of the fresco: and Paolo Uccello was commis- 
 sioned in pain! the figure of Hawkwood in terra verde 
 (a colour that imitated bronze) where it was at first, and 
 with the salary which shall be determined. 
 
 1436. 
 May 18 
 
PAOLO I OCELLI'S PAINTING. -"■'•"> 
 
 Neither ability nor reputation were wanting in Paolo u 
 Uccello ; lie was however unfortunate, as we read of him 
 in Vasari : he executed the commission rapidly it is true, 
 but with little success. In fact it was deliberated in 
 council : " That the head master of the works of the Jun. - 
 Duomo should cause the horse and figure of Sir John 
 Hawkwood done by Paolo Uccello to be destroyed, because 
 it is not painted as it should be." We must admit thai 
 some kind of merit was acknowledged even in that first 
 work, for the commission was renewed to the same artist. Ms " 
 " Paolo Uccello shall again paint and portray in terra 
 vercle the figure of Signor Giovanni Hauto and of the 
 horse of the said Sir John, for the salary and price which 
 shall be established." This time Uccello employed an extra 
 fortnight and no objection was raised : the " operai " com- August 3] 
 missioned two of their number, Francesco di Benedetto di 
 Caroccio Strozzi and Simone di Noferi Bonaccorsi, ' to 
 put a price on the picture of the horse and person of 
 Sir John Hawkwood, painted in the principal Florentine 
 church." 
 
 " This work," says Vasari, " was then thought, and is 
 still considered, one of great beauty of its kind ; and if 
 Paolo had not made the horse move his legs on one side 
 only, which horses do not naturally do, since they would 
 fall if they did (which happened, perhaps, because the 
 artist was not accustomed to ride, or to see so much of 
 horses as of other animals', the work would have been 
 perfect. The proportions of the horse, which, as has been 
 observed, is of immense size, are extremely beautiful. On 
 the basement are inscribed the following letters: Pauh' 
 Uccelli opus. v * 
 
 For the rest the criticism of Vasari on the horse does 
 not hold, as Fossombroni and several other competent 
 
 * Bohn's edition of Vasari, vol. I. page 356. — (Translator.) 
 
296 HAWKWOOD'S PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 
 
 observers cited by Cicognara liave shown : Eawkwood's 
 horse lias the pace of the ambio (amble). 
 
 The fresco was transferred to canvas about 1845 and 
 moved from the northern to the western wall of the Duomo 
 over the lesser door on the left, while above the right 
 door is, also in fresco, the equestrian figure of another 
 condottiere much esteemed in Florence — Niccolo To- 
 lentino. 
 
 Paolo Uccello's grand picture of Hawkwood, with a stone 
 cornice in the style of the decorations of the Duomo, occupies 
 almost all the wall; the cornice rests on two half capitals 
 with rich foliage of acanthus leaves. The equestrian statue 
 stands out from the reddishpurple back-ground, framed in 
 a wide and elegant frieze of " grotesques," and other re- 
 naissance mouldings painted in grey " chiaroscuro " on 
 gold colour. Hawkwood has a cap on his head, and a short 
 doublet over the armour; he holds in his right hand the 
 baton of captain of war. A sarcophagous, resting on a fine 
 architectural base of two grades, serves as a pedestal for 
 the statue. The whole is in a monotone bronze green, 
 except the arms, the housings and harness of the horse 
 which are of a scarlet colour with large silver bosses. 
 So this picture gives no authority for the assertion that 
 Eawkwood was of a ruddy complexion, with brown hair 
 and eves : we can only see that he was of more than 
 medium height, with broad shoulders, powerful chest, 
 and the very build of a warrior. His face seems to have 
 
 I n entirely shaved (a custom taken probably from the 
 
 Bretons in Lombardy. where the word britonare long re- 
 mained, meaning " to shave," but the usage was general 
 in Tuscanv a long while before the English came there). 
 
 We may admire the regular and sculpturesque features, 
 in which the English may recognize not only the type of 
 their own race, but see thai in character they especially re- 
 semble bhe hereditary physiognomy of the Stanley family. 
 
HE LIVED IN TRADITION. 297 
 
 The epigraph, composed by Barfcolommeo di Ser Filippo 
 
 Fortini, says : 
 
 JOANNES ACUTUS EQUES BRITANNICUS 
 
 DUX .ETATIS Sl'.K CAUTISSIMUS ET REI 
 
 M11.1TARIS PERITISSIMUS HABITUS EST. 
 
 It is a modest and reserved epigraph, whose truth- 
 fulness we cannot doubt, and to which we, who have studied 
 the life of the Condottiere, may even find something to 
 add. It is decidedly preferable in every way to the bom- 
 bastic epigram with which Griulio Feroldo pretended to 
 celebrate the imaginary portrait of Hawkwood, published 
 among the " Illustrious warriors " by Paolo Griovio. 
 
 The short biography compiled by the famous bishop 
 of Como is merely fantastic, but it proves that the fame 
 of the English adventurer survived for several generations 
 in Italy. 
 
 Nor was the memory of Ins achievements soon extin- 
 guished in the popular tradition : for several years after 
 his death his name * was not only still extolled, but the 
 details of his feats of arms were generally known. 
 
 " I like a man who is subtile and long sighted. Perhaps 
 that is what my friend does when he quotes to me the 
 ruse of Sir John Hawkwood when he wanted to flee (lo 
 spianare di Messer Giovanni Aid" quando volea fuggire....) 
 
 " .... You who give out that T like to live in disorder, 
 do you not remember that story of Sir .John Hawkwood! 
 (quella novella di Messer Giovanni Auto). 
 
 " .... Is it not true.... that John Hawkwood was not 
 
 * We have already noticed ami the reader of this story will have verified 
 the multitude of variations with which the documents ami tin- contempora- 
 neous chroniclers wrote the name "I' Hawkw 1. Some chroniclers even 
 
 mistook his nationality: the Chronicle >>f Rimini called him " a great German 
 commander." — Ami even learned men "I' modern times had a difficulty in find- 
 ing the orthography of the esotie surname : Miehele Luigi Malpeli, publishing 
 in 1806 the Dissertations on th* ancient history of Bagnaeavallo, speaking of Acuto, 
 observes in a note: "This English surname was Karcoitd.* — [Translator.) 
 
298 LETTERS OF SEE LAPO MAZZEI. 
 
 worth 500 lances (ch Messes Giovanni Auto non valesse 
 jit r cinqm cento lance....) 
 
 These allusions are found here and there in the in- 
 teresting " Familiar letters of Ser Lapo Mazzei " written 
 at the beginning of the 15"' century. 
 
 In fact the best Italian condottieri who bore arms in 
 Italy after Hawkwood, i. e. Alberico da Barbiano, Attendolo 
 Sforza, Braccio da Montone, not less than Carlo Malatesta, 
 Paolo Orsini, and Mostarda, may be considered as his dis- 
 ciples in the art of war, for it' not wholly pupils they fought 
 with or against him. As Ricotti justly observes: " I do not 
 know if Giovanni Acuta were the last of the foreign con- 
 dottieri or the first of the Italian ones, that is the first, 
 who designed and perfected those military factions with a 
 certain science. Next in rank came Braccio and Sforza 
 with their two schools," the Braccesque and the Sforzesque. 
 
 XLIII. 
 
 HEREDITARY LIQUIDATION. 
 
 [Consults e pratiche and Provvisioni of the Commune, in the State Archives ol Florence 
 Article "ii the death of John Hawkwood by Antonio Meihn in the Archivio storico 
 
 italiano, 1886 — Larousse, Dictionary of tin I'.i'h century, article Hawku I - Re 
 
 gisters oi the Chamber of the Gomm ol Florenci Capitolt of ditto.] 
 
 The illustrious Condottiere being honorably interred, 
 the Florentine Commune gave its attention to the execu- 
 tion of the compacts made with him almost in articulo 
 mortis. The mercantile spirit of the citizens suggested 
 the expedience of procuring some advantage, some prt ro- 
 gative, while giving effect to those stipulations, seeing that 
 chi muori giace (he who dies lies still), they thought it 
 urgent beyond everything to go directly and take posses- 
 Apni'e. sion of the Castle of Montecchio. 
 
CONSIGNMENT OF MONTECCHIO. 299 
 
 They easily induced the widow Donnina to write to 1394. 
 the castellan that he should consign the fortress to them, 
 
 and accompanied the letter with the following message 
 which we translate : * 
 
 To Richard Kell, castellan oi Montecchio. 
 
 " Our well beloved! According to the agreement which 
 we made not long ago with the magnificent Sir John 
 ' Haucud ' when he was in this life, his noble consort 
 the lady Donnina writes that yon may concede to us the 
 fortress of Montecchio, with its guard and garrison. We 
 require therefore that you consign the same, with all the 
 munitions of war which it contains, to Antonio Materio, 
 our well-beloved familiar, whom we send for this purpose, 
 and who will receive it in the name of our Commune by 
 public act of notary. Then, as soon as may be without 
 inconvenience to yourself, we beg you to come into the 
 presence of our Signoria, to the effect that we may know 
 what is due to you for stipend and provvigione, which we 
 shall pay integrally, and send }*ou without delay." April 25. 
 
 We see that if Florence demanded her dues, she did 
 not refuse to give the same to others. The last contract 
 was to the effect that the engagement of the twenty five 
 lances, and the stipend of 1200 florins, and. the pension of 
 2000 florins would not cease till the end of March. 
 
 Tt was therefore requested of the Signoria on behalf 
 of his children that the payment might be effected for the 
 whole month, although Hawkwood died on the 17"', .sub- 
 tracting only the payment of the fifteen lances, who -were 
 serving the Commune at Mantua, and were there directly 
 paid by it ; and that the required payments should be made 
 to any procurator of the late Sir John, who should have per- 
 manent power of attorney since his death. The petition 
 
 * See the text of Document LXVIII. 
 
300 DID HAWKWOOD MAKE Ills WILL? 
 
 1394. was made " so that the said children may pay the expenses 
 of the funeral and the domestics who had served Hawk- 
 wood during his life." On the whole it was a claim founded 
 April 27. on justice, and was accepted with 188 votes against "28.* 
 
 Had Hawkwood made a will V It was asserted that he 
 had, and it was even added (for example in the "Diction- 
 ary of the 19"' century ") that he left a legacy to 
 found in Home a hospital for English pilgrims, as though 
 in expiation for the rapacity of his career, and for not 
 having taken the cross against the infidels as he had pro- 
 mised. It is certain that this problematic foundation had 
 not a canonical institution. If lie ever made a last testa- 
 ment, he did not make it in Florence ; the archives of 
 Florentine notaries exist in a complete and well-arranged 
 condition, classified by quarters ; the indices of the testator's 
 name drawn up in Florence after L350, were taken from 
 the " Opera of the Duomo," which exacted a small tax for 
 each will. We have found a mention of the will of John 
 Berwick (Giovanni Berichie) anglicus stipendiarius comunis 
 Florentice in 1385, but no sign of that of John Hawkwood. 
 
 Nor does his name figure in the registers of the hos- 
 pital of St. Maria Nuova, to which it was the custom in 
 those days to leave some alms in every will. 
 
 But although he intended to return to England, he 
 feared his end was drawing nigh ; a deed executed on Ja- 
 nuary 10"' 1395, of which we shall soon see the substance. 
 commenced by recalling the transaction of March L394, 
 with these particulars, "that Hawkwood, weighed down 
 by old age and a certain singular infirmity (?) which almost 
 continually keeps him in bed or in the house, not being 
 able to fulfil his military or other duties, but rather fearing 
 ,i speedy death, is prudently induced " etc. 
 
 ♦ Provvisione published bj Antonio Medin. 
 
THE FAMILY TRUSTEE. 301 
 
 Nor did Hawkwood die without Leaving a general power 1394. 
 of attorney in the interest of his children, to Giovanni 
 di Iacopo Orlandini : and his faith was fully justified, 
 
 for Orlandini executed the trust with much zeal. 
 
 The final compact with Hawkwood reserved to the 
 Signoria the resolution of eventual questions, and these 
 were not long in rising up. 
 
 By force of that contract the Commune was to paj 
 
 1000 florins to honor the departure of Hawkwood, who 
 
 intended to go to England: death prevented the journey, 
 
 — ought those 1000 florins to be paid notwithstanding ? 
 
 And how could they pay the 2000 florins of wedding- 
 portion to Anna third daughter of the deceased ? as she 
 was under age, and had no guardian or possibility of 
 having one, and being a minor she was not empowered to 
 give a receipt ? In every way the Signoria and the Coun- 
 cils, acknowledging the propriety of faithfully observing 
 the agreement, deliberated to consider Orlandini as procu- Decemb. is. 
 rator of Anna the minor, and to pay to him her portion 
 and the donation of 1000 florins. 
 
 Through Orlandini's zeal and the good will of the 
 Signoria, the liquidation of accounts between Hawkwood's 
 heirs and the Commune proceeded expeditiously. The 
 Commune decided "that the nobleman John fils, and the Decemb. 22. 
 daughters of the deceased John Hawkwood, and therefore 
 his inheritance and estates, and the estates of the said 
 John his son, shall not at any time nor by any claim be 
 summoned, taxed or molested either in the city, country 
 or district of Florence, by any one who is not of Floren- 
 tine birth or of Florentine parentage on the male side, 
 for any obligation contracted in his life by the aforesaid 
 quondam John Hawkwood." 
 
 This was according to international private right, as 
 it then existed, but it might happen that some Florentine 
 
302 SUNDRY LEGALITIES. 
 
 would buy the credits and in that case the benefit would 
 all go to the usurers. 
 1395 The widow Donnina, to obtain power of administration, 
 
 January 10. 
 
 declared that she required a tutor (mundualdus) who could 
 
 authorise her legal acts instead of her deceased consort, 
 ami begged that the notary would allow Orlandini to be this 
 legal guardian. This being done and drawn up, she, " with 
 the consent, authority, and permission of the guardian, 
 being certified by the notary of her rights, and of that 
 which she was about to do, accepted the transaction of 
 .March 12'", inasmuch as regarded her annual pension of 
 1000 florins, and gave a receipt in full with a promise 
 mi pcrpetuo never to demand it again, under penalty of 
 2000 florins. 
 
 It is noteworthy that the deed was executed " in the 
 house of habitation of the before mentioned lady — in the 
 parish of Santa .Maria di Quarto, pievi di Santo Stefano 
 in Pane. She lived then in the suburbs, but not at San 
 Donato, which confirms that Hawkwood must have ef- 
 fected the sale of his possessions in preparation for his 
 intended return home, only reserving the temporary 
 use of San Donato. Correlative to the above, Griacomp 
 Orlandini as agent to the deceased Hawkwood gave 
 January ti. on the following day a full receipt and promise never 
 again to demand the annual pensions of 1200 and 2000 flo- 
 rins, nor the 2000 florins for Anna's wedding portion and 
 the 1000 florins of yearly pension to the widow Donnina. 
 Ee moreover ceded and transferred to the Commune the 
 proprietorship and possession of the fortresses in the 
 Arezzo territory. The said Orlandini beside-;, of his own 
 spontaneous will, moved thereto b\ affection for the son 
 of Sir John for whom he had long conducted negotiations, 
 and so that the 1000 sold florins might be paid by the 
 Commune besides the G000 (according to the contract of 
 March 12 th and the declaration of December 15"' 1394), en 
 
JOHN HAWKWOOD JUNIOR. 303 
 
 gaged that Anna's wedding portion of 2000 florins should 1 
 never be required of the Commune, he being himself the 
 guarantee to hold the Commune indemnified for any preten- 
 sion to the whole or a part of this churn. 
 
 A last, difficulty arose, derived from a new law of De- 
 iber 1394, respecting the payment of stipends, which 
 was resolved by abrogating this law for the occasion ; con- February 25 
 sequently, recognising that to the late (plim) John Hawk- 
 wood 7000 gold florins, in all, are due. of which his agent 
 has Ms yet received 5000, the chamberlains are authorised 
 to place on the side of expenditure the payment of the 
 entire sum. 
 
 In fact the registers of the Chamber show that the 
 payments, begun October I s ' 131)4, were completed and regu- 
 lated under the two dates of March 4'" and 10 th 1395, i. e. : 
 
 March I florins 2000 
 
 » L333 soldi <> danari 8 
 1333 6 » 8 
 
 March 10 th » 1000 
 
 » 1333 » 13 - 4 
 
 6999 » 25 » 20 
 
 The 1000 florins, as we know, were those destined 
 to compliment the departure of Hawkwood for England : 
 but in the register of the chamberlains they are entered 
 to honor tin son of Sir John. 
 
 And in truth Hawkwood's son was flattered and favoured 
 by the Commune in regard for the merits of his father. 
 Whilst the suits relating to the liquidation of the pa- 
 ternal estate were pending, Giovanni Augud junior was 
 engaged with two lances, comprising his own person and 
 lance, from January 4 th to the end of March 1395, with a 
 stipend of 16 gold florins a month each lance. There is 
 nothing to show that he was already a man of war, and 
 this appears to be merely a mark of honorary courtesy. 
 
:i"i THE WIDOW AND ORPHANS. 
 
 1395. Having terminated the arrangements of the patrimonial 
 
 affairs in Italy, the widow Donnina decided to go to En- 
 gland with her children (i. e. John and the young girl 
 Anna), for her husband had also left possessions in his 
 native land, which required the eye of a master in those 
 times which were so hard for orphans and widows. 
 
 The Signoria of Florence did not fail to introduce 
 the widow and her children to the King of England by 
 the following letter vi recommendation, which we here 
 translate : * 
 
 To th' King <</' England. 
 
 Most serene and most, glorious prince, and our lord 
 and singular benefactor. 
 
 We cannot in any way neglect the posterity of 3-our 
 subject, the noble and brave knight Sir John Hawkwood, 
 who for a long time has faithfully and with true honesty 
 fought in our service, nor may we omit to render honor 
 and service to him in every possible manner, the more so 
 that the progeny of that man, whose glorious celebritv 
 reflected honor on all the English nation,** are left far 
 away from their fatherland, and since the death of that 
 worthy sire find themselves as strangers and pilgrims in 
 Italy, although for the merits of the father, our city is 
 disposed to embrace them, and welcome them as our own 
 children. Therefore it is that their mother — a consort 
 truly worthy of such a husband — having decided, as soon 
 as the age of her children will allow of it, to transfer 
 herself with them to England; we with all possible devo- 
 
 See the text "t Document I. MX. 
 "* How much Hawkwood's achievements raised the reputation of tin 
 English in (lie Florentine minds, is seen in the negotiations (see Documents 
 l..\.\ and LXXI) about tin- hiring "l Nicholas Clifton, recommended b) the 
 King of England, and »li" li.nl before been in tin- Florentine service !--''>' 
 Chapter XXI). 
 
A STATE EPISTLE. 305 
 
 tion recommend the children and family of the aforesaid 
 Sir John to your Highness, with every reverence, and with 
 all the affection in our power, supplicating the clemency 
 of your Sublimity, that from the height of your exalted 
 state you will deign to receive these wards with benevo- 
 lence, and aid their undertakings with your royal favor. 
 And verily the estates under wardship are those of the 
 widow and orphans, whom divine laws ordain shall be 
 taken care of by the princes of the world, and judges of 
 the earth. Therefore we add that it becomes your royal 
 majesty to remember with grateful memory, even after 
 death, the virtue of those subjects who shed honor on your 
 country, so that the minds of others may be inspired to 
 show themselves equally great, and the reward of their good 
 works may be transferred to their heirs ; so that they 
 may hope to live in fame even after death, seeing that 
 by the merits of their fathers the children of the brave 
 receive especial favors and grace. As to us and our de- 
 votion, most benevolent prince, we cannot express how 
 acceptable and pleasing any thing which may be done 
 for the family of the aforesaid Sir John will prove to us. 
 " Given from Florence, March 29 th . Ill indiction (1395)." 
 
 XLIV. 
 
 HAWKWOOD'S DESCENDANTS. - THE TWO ROSES. 
 
 [D. Mania Ma.nni. Biography <>t Hawkwood in v. II of Appendii !■> Mcratori [li I s\ 
 Transactions of the Essex Archcsological Society, v. III - Ancient wills by H.W.King, 
 The will of Sir Thomas Tyrell of Heron Knight ob. 1476 ~ Cobio, Milanese history 
 Wright's History of Essex — Muii.man's History of Essex — Gough, Additions to Bri- 
 tannia — John Weever, History of Essex — Mobant, Ancient funeral monuments - 
 Fuller, Worthies of England — Parliament Rolls — Feet of Fines County diverses — Close 
 Rolls, Ioti> year of Henry IV — Letters of St. Catherint of Siena, commentated by Nic- 
 COLb Tommaseo — Shakespeare, First poet of Henry 17, art II, scene IV; Measitrt 
 for measure, act I, Bcene 11, edition 1623.] 
 
 Notwithstanding the warm recommendation of the Flo- 
 rentines, it is not known precisely whether Donnina Yis- 
 
 20' 
 
306 CRAVING ROYAL PAVOBS. 
 
 1395. conti put into effect that removal into England which she 
 had planned. The letter in which the Commune of Flo- 
 rence granted * to King Richard the remains of John 
 Hawkwood for which he had asked, concludes with the 
 .inn. ;s». following expressions, without mentioning the widow : " The 
 son and the posterity of the said Sir John, who rendered 
 famous the name and glory of Eglishmen ** in Italy, and 
 also our merchants and citizens, we recommend to the 
 benevolence of your highness with all due reverence and 
 with all possible supplication." 
 
 Perhaps the widow remained in Italy, where her kinship 
 and the high esteem inherited from her husband *** enabled 
 her to marry her third daughter as well as the others. 
 The latter in fact (as we know from a book of Riforma- 
 gioni of 14l!S cited by Manni) married Ambrogiuolo di 
 Piero della Torre, of the great Milanese family, a relative 
 of Buonamico della Torre, who was captain of the people 
 at Florence in 1420, and podesta in 1431 ; the marriage was 
 not ill-assorted, as the Torriani had already fallen not 
 only from the Signoria of Milan, but also from the suc- 
 cessive patriarchal splendor of Friuli. 
 
 Manni supposes that from this same Anna was born 
 another Donnina, who afterwards married the Milanese 
 r:iptain Giovanni Casati, and was the mother of the human- 
 ist Scipio Casati : but Manni was sometimes at fault in 
 his suppositions, as for instance when he thought that 
 Hawkwood was the son of a certain Anizzo because he 
 had sometimes found the name A nisi united with that of 
 
 * See Chapter XLII. 
 ** Just as Hi'- aame Francesco in Italy increased after Italian intercourse 
 
 with tin- French, so the military predominan if tin- English in the sec 1 
 
 half of tin- It" 1 century gave rise t" the names InghiUsco and IngMleae; 
 a daughter of Bernabb Visconti was also called Inglesia. 
 
 *** From Document I. IX it seems that llawkw I askr.l Niccol teofthe 
 
 illustrious and rich Sienese family of the Salimbeni t" be godfather i<< one 
 Ins children, ami in- friendship with A.cciaioIi is also well-known. 
 
APOCRYPHAL DAUGHTERS. 30; 
 
 John Hawkwood in matters of "war; but we know thai 
 this was no other than the German Anisi di Rieten. 
 
 And wen- there not some romancing g< n< alogists who 
 
 wanted to trace tin- descent of the Lords of Montauto 
 and Anghiari from Hawkwood? 
 
 It is not known whether Hawkwood's race was perpe- 
 tuated in Italy through Catherine wife of the valiant 
 German Conrad Prospergh. As to Janet, who had married 
 Brezaglia di Porcia, some documents in Friuli (which from 
 her place of residence call her Zannetta di CasteW alto), 
 state that in 1425 she was left a widow without children. 
 
 In the " Transactions of the archaeological society of 
 Essex" we find named as the wife of Sir William de Cog- 
 geshall " Antiocha, daughter and heiress of the famous 
 warrior Sir John Hawkwood, and of Aufricia his wife, the 
 natural daughter of Bernabo Duke of Milan." Let us pass 
 over the fact that Bernabn was not a duke, let us pass over 
 the name of Aufricia given to the wife of Hawkwood, 
 and merely note that the silence of the Florentine do- 
 cuments entirely excludes the existence of a fourth daughter 
 from that marriage. 
 
 For the same reason we cannot admit a fifth, Floren- 
 tine), who, according to Corio, was married to Lancelot of 
 the noble Milanese family del Mayno. Perhaps Fin re id! mi 
 was the daughter of Hawkwood's first wife, whose name 
 is entirely unknown, and who is not documentally proved 
 to be his legitimate wife. That she was a legal wife 
 rather than mistress is however confirmed by the memorial 
 on the monument erected to Hawkwood in his native place. 
 
 At Sible Hedingham, near Hawkwood's Manor, in the 
 parish church of St. Peter, may be still seen a part of 
 a canopy under an arch, where there once rose a noble 
 cenotaph ; the arch bore the allusive heraldic decoration 
 of a hawk flying amidst trees (Hawk-wood), and several 
 
308 FAITHFUL FRIENI'S. 
 
 figures of hawks are sculpured in other parts of the church. 
 This .suffices to make it clear that the monument belonged 
 to a Hawkwood, and that the church, whose architecture 
 answers to the epoch of Edward III, bill whose founda- 
 tions are much more ancient, was rebuilt or restored, at 
 the expense, or by liberal contributions from one of the 
 Hawkwood family, in the last half of the 14 th century. 
 There seems no doubt that the monument was precisely 
 the tomb of our John Hawkwood. 
 
 It had been for some time destroyed for the substitu- 
 tion of benches in 1631, when John Weever wrote, but 
 both he and Morant agree that with the abundant (?) money 
 yielded by the heritage of Hawkwood. and sent to England, 
 Ins friends erected the cenotaph: and Morant (who must 
 have seen some old design) adds : " From the effigies on 
 this monument it would seem that he had two wives." 
 
 Weever even gives the names of these zealous friends, 
 who were Robert Rokeden sen.', Robert Rokeden jun. r and 
 John Cook, — perhaps the man whom Italian chroniclers 
 called Cocco and who was amongst the leaders in Hawk- 
 wood's Company. And not content with perpetuating the 
 memory and providing a tomb for the captain, they also 
 took thought for his soul, by founding a ehapelry in the 
 same church, and another in the Priory of Hedingham 
 castle " to pray for the souls of Sir John Hawkwood, and 
 of Thomas Oliver* and John Newenton Esquires, two of 
 his comrades who died in Italy. 
 
 The priest of the ehapelry of Sible Hedingham lived 
 in a house close by, called the Hostage (anciently Hostel- 
 age 1 ) because it formerly served as a hospice for pilgrims. 
 
 Thus the man who in his life time had always re- 
 nounced peace, had solemn repose after death with many 
 prayers and requiems. 
 
 * There are -til! Olivers in Essex. 
 
THE SON BECOMES ANGLICIZED. 309 
 
 As to liis son, the father's reputation and the recom- 
 mendations of the Florentines, united to his patrimonial 
 heritage, rendered him good service in his fatherland. 
 He was created knight and naturalized in the eighth year 
 of King Henry IV, as appears from the Record Johannis 
 filius Johannis Hawhewood, milt's, natus in jxwta'&ws Italia', 
 factus indigena anno 8' Henrici IV : mater ejus nata in par- hot, 
 tibus transmarinis, and from the textual privilege which 
 we publish among the documents.* 
 
 These favors, like the homage rendered by King Ri- 
 chard II to the memory of Hawkwood, in asking the Flo- 
 rentines for his remains, shew that if there had been cir- 
 cumstances in the fortunate life of the Condottiere which 
 caused him to fall into disgrace with his natural sovereign, 
 the position achieved by him in Italy had entirely rehabi- 
 litated him. 
 
 We speak thus because in the English Parliament 
 Rolls, in the 51 st year of Edward III, is registered a " pe- 
 tition of Sir John Hawkwood to the King demanding a i.)Tb-7j. 
 patent of pardon as the King has promised to Sir Robert 
 Knolles,* v /u/- God and charity." "We must however confess 
 that there is no proof of the result of the petition, nor 
 even whether it received an answer, and that we are not in 
 a position to throw any light on the cause, or significance 
 of the facts to which it refers, for at that time Hawkwood 
 had been fighting fifteen years in Italy, where the King 
 of England had no rights, nor interests, or disputes. We 
 can only risk a supposition : we already know that when 1368. 
 the Duke of Clarence, son of Edward III, died in Lom- 
 luirdy a short time after having married Violante Visconti, 
 and her father Galeazzo lost no time in retaking posses- 
 sion of the places in Piedmont which had been given her 
 
 S< e Document LXXII. 
 ** Respecting Knolles, Hawkwood's comrade, see page 15 
 
310 M." MARGARET HAWKWOOD. 
 
 as her portion, Hawkwood, without mixing himself in the 
 contest, continued to serve the Visconti elsewhere. It 
 might be that his conduct in this circumstance being con- 
 sidered by Edward III as incompatible with the loyalty 
 of ;i subject, may have been declared to be criminal and 
 punished as such, for example by banishing Hawkwood 
 from the Kingdom. 
 
 It is not probable that the petition was from John 
 Hawkwood the elder brother of our Condottiere, because he 
 would have been distinguished as senior : there is in fact 
 1370-71 a document of the 45"' year of Edward III, referring to 
 a judicial sentence, respecting divers possessions, between 
 Thomas de Vere Earl of Oxford and his wife Matilda on 
 (me part, and several persons qualified as usurpers on the 
 other, J'lhn de Hawkwood senior being named among the 
 usurpers. 
 
 To return to Hawkwood' s son, who unlike his father had 
 no history after his elevation to knighthood, we only 
 1409. learn from English papers that in the 10"' year of Henry IV 
 he had possessions to let at Padbury in Buckinghamshire, 
 and that he married a certain Margaret with whom he 
 lived to extreme old age. In 1464 the couple were still 
 alive at Sible Hedingham, where they enjoyed the life- 
 hold possession of eighty acres of land, probably under 
 the high dominion of the Earls of Oxford. 
 
 l 6* 
 
 At that epoch there were neither adventurers, condot- 
 tieri, knights nor lances of English birth in Italy. The 
 military forces were in the hands of Italian companies. 
 France on her side had ended by repelling the invasions 
 (perhaps legitimate but not national) of England, who was 
 now wearying herself in the civil wars of the " two Roses.'' 
 
 Apropos of this, it was asserted that the emblems of 
 the white and red Roses were brought back to England 
 by the adventurers returning from Italy. 
 
WHITE AND KED ROSES. 311 
 
 Catherine tit Siena, writing to Queen Johanna of Na- 
 ples, deploring the schism and war between the partisans 
 of Pope Urban VI and the antipope Clement, added: "Alas! 
 how can you help your heart breaking when you think- 
 that they are divided on your account, and that one holds 
 a white rose and the other a red ? " 
 
 And Niccolo Tommaseo. the saint's commentator, notes: 
 " They do not seem to be translated ensigns but real 
 ones, there are no other mentions of them ; and we only 
 know that the arms of one of Urban's nephews were six 
 red roses ; perhaps Clement's French partisans had taken 
 the white rose for opposition or in memory of the lily. 
 Burlamacchi suspects that the English adventurers, dis- 
 persed from Count Alberico, carried those ill-omened ensigns 
 to England after Hawkwood*s death." 
 
 All these are mere fantasies : the lily of France was 
 a golden one, not white : Count Alberico da Barbiano di- 
 spersed the Bretons and not the English : the Prignani. 
 nephews of Urban VI, had not six roses for their arms. 
 We do not know the origin of the symbols to which Ca- 
 therine of Siena refers; and onl}' find that white and red 
 roses were taken as factional emblems in several of the 
 southern Italian cities, for example at Benevento and Amalfi. 
 
 As to the origin of the two English roses, the history 
 has been well told, and put on the stage with exquisite 
 elegance by Shakespeare. 
 
 As we are quoting this universal poet, we may find 
 in him a passage exactly applicable to John Hawkwood. 
 
 " Lrcio. Thou concludest like the sanctimonious pirate, 
 that put forth to sea with the ten commandements but 
 scraped one of them out of the table. 
 
 " 2 Cent. Thou shalt not steal ? 
 
 " Lucio. Aye ! that he raz'd. 
 1 Gent. Why ! 'twas a commandement, to command 
 
■ ill' MEASURE FOR MEASURE. 
 
 the Captaine ami all the rest from their functions : they 
 put forth to steal. There's not a souldier of us all, that 
 in the thanksgiving before meate, do rallish the petition 
 well, that praies for peace." 
 
 But Italy, who had received from England the curse 
 of rapacious companies, and did not render T Measure for 
 Measure," found her compensation some centuries later, 
 when in the great enterprise of re-establishing her national 
 unity, the English gave her a moral and political support 
 which was truly valuable. And now the two people are 
 the most sincere supporters, in Europe, of that peace whose 
 very name John Hawkwood refused to hear invoked by 
 mendicant friars. 
 
DOCUMENTS. 
 
Among the numerous unedited documents, that have served for this history 
 of John Hawkwood, and which could have been cited, those only have 
 been selected of which the tixt could add something I" the narration 
 and better colour the particulars. 
 
[1363.] 
 
 Octavo ydus septernbris prime indictionis. 
 
 Providerunt domiui Anthiani pisani populi, partita facto inter ens 
 ad denarios albos et giallos secundum formam brevis pisani populi, 
 utentes in hiis generali bailia eis a comuni et populo pisauo concessa 
 ut supra constat quod.... 
 
 Bindus Agliata civis pisanus, partitor prestantie florenorum trigin- 
 tamilium auri impositorum in civitate pisana hoc anno de mense iunii 
 proxime preteriti pro stipendiando magnam societatem anglicorum pro 
 comuni pisano, possit teneatur et debeat ipsam prestantiam restituere 
 omnibus et singulis illis pisanis civibus qui illam prestantiam solverunt 
 et comuni pisano mutuaverunt, in ilia pecunia tantum tie qua mutuum 
 ipsum factum fuit ; videlicet illis qui mutuaverunt tlorenos teneatur et 
 debeat. restituere florenos et illis qui mutuaverunt monetain in ea spetie 
 pecunie sive mouete quam mutuaverunt comuni pisano. non obstante 
 in hiis quod florenus auri sit maioris valentie quam tempore dicti mutui 
 comuni pisano facti. Et ad hoc, ut nulla deceptio sive fraus commicti 
 possit iu valentia florenorum, ex dicta bailia et auctoritate quam a co- 
 muni pisano habent, plenarie commiserunt Pellario Grifo camerario 
 camere pisani comunis et dicto Bindo ut singula edomade cuiusque 
 meusis in principio ipsius edomade provideant et deliberent de valentia 
 floreni, et similiter et concorditer determinent et declarent quant o 
 pretio florenus auri ipsa edomada debeat computari, habito respectu 
 ad indempnitatem pisani comunis et illorum qui de prestantia supra- 
 scripta solverunt, vigore presentis provisionis contrarietate aliqua non 
 obstante. 
 
 (Pisa, State Archives, Archivio del Comune, Prowieioni degli Anziani, Reg, 58 
 
 c. 103 (.) 
 
316 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 II. 
 
 Sicut locutus fui una vobiscum a Pysa, notifico vobis quod veniam 
 ad vos cum quinquaginta lanceis, si vos vultis michi acomodare mille 
 Horenos aurei et dare michi supra istos quingeutos Horenos aurei pro 
 me ipso. Et oinnes mei sotii, et ego, quos ducam mecum sint et esse 
 debeant securi et liberi ab omnibus, tarn Anglicis quam Theotonicis 
 quam etiam Ytalianis, quascumque rixas vel inimicitias haberemus cum 
 ipsis vel aliquo ipsorum. Ita quod omnis inimieitia sit totaliter remota 
 et placata. Et ea que intenditis facere super ista rescribatur michi per 
 presentium latorem quam citius potestis. Et si ista intenditis facere 
 que ibi superius continent, faciatis ut habeam securitatem veniendi ad 
 vos cum octo sotiis et conferamus ea que intendo et posso adimplere. 
 
 Vester Johannes de Eberhart Swii.er. 
 Data in Peruscio die xii.i" mensis novembris. 
 (A tergo.) 
 Magnifico et Potenti militi Domino Johanni Achuto. 
 
 (Siena, State Archives, Carte di partieoluri, Agut.) 
 
 (Tliis and the numerous successive documents of the Sienese Archives were 
 communicated to us bj favor of the director signer Alessandro I.isini.) 
 
 III. 
 
 1367 
 
 die xxviii mensis aprilis. 
 Convocato et congregato consilio infrascriptorum prudentiuiu viro- 
 rum in consistorio palatii residentie dominornm duodecim de mandato 
 prude] it is viri Francisci Johannis prions dictorum dominorum duode- 
 cim, facta deinde proposita de infrascriptis per dictum Franciscum 
 priorem de consensu sotiorum suorum, consulente domino Andrea Fran- 
 cisci de Piccolominibus de Senis, fuerunt in plena concordia stantiandi 
 et reformandi et stantiaverunt et reformaverunt quod domini duodecim 
 et capitaneus populi quam citius possunt procurent cum effectu mictere 
 Nannem serVannis de Senis in ambaxiatorem et. pro ambaxiatore comunis 
 Senarum domino Johanne Agud et aliis caporalibus sotietatis Anglico- 
 ruiu cum ilia ambaxiata quam domini duodecim et capitaneus populi 
 eidem commictent ad procurandum iuxta posse quod dicta sotietas vel 
 pars qisius non intrecl m teritorio comunis Senarum; et si ei fueril 
 
DOCUMENTS. 317 
 
 possibile hoc facere bene quidem, sin autem possit dictus Nannis de 
 pecunia communis Senarum dare et solvere dicto domino Johauni Agud 
 et aliis caporalibus ut sibi videbitur usque ad quantitatem \ rlorenos 
 auri, non abergando vel stando dicta sotietas vel pars ipsius in conai- 
 tatu Senarum nisi una nocte et duobus diebus et non aliter vel alio 
 modo. Et predicta stantiaverunt et reformaverunt omni via iure et 
 modo quibua melius potueruut. 
 
 (Ibidem, Deliberazioni di Conciator* | 
 
 IV. 
 
 [1367.] 
 Die tertia mensis niaij. 
 
 Convocato et congregate Consilio.... 
 
 Laurentius Mini Jacopelli unus ex domiuis memoratis mandato dicti 
 prioris proposuit : cum ad presens verisimiliter formidetur de perverse 
 sotietatis Anglicorum incursu et vestri territory inimicabibter invasione, 
 et stipendiary Comunis Sen. non sint ad equitaudum habiles propter 
 pecunie eorum stipendii inopiam, et ad presens in comuni Sen. nulla 
 sit pecunia, quod dicto Consilio et consiliariis videatur et placeat provi- 
 dere ordinare et reformare super predictis ; in Dei nomine consulatur. 
 
 Super quibus et cet. 
 
 Petrus domini Jacobi de Tbolomeis unus ex consiliariis dicti con- 
 silij. in ipso surgens consilio ad arengheriam, arengando dixit et con- 
 suluit supra dicta proposita : quod per dominos Duodecim et Capitaneum 
 populi inveniatur et indagetur modus ut eis placuerit et videbitur con- 
 venire quod supra kabella vini comunis que veuit et restat exempta 
 a prestam restituendo in fine presentis mensis maij vel circa, acqui- 
 rendi mutuo supra eadem pro illo costo quo melius potuerint usque 
 in quantitate iij Hor. aurei etc. 
 
 In reformatione et secunda etc. consilii, i'acto et misso partito et 
 scruptinio per dictum priorem ad lupinos albos et nigros ut est nioris, 
 obtemptum reformatum fuit ad dictum et secundum dictum et consi- 
 lium supradicti Petri consultoris per xxxj ex consiliariis dicti con- 
 silii, etc. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
318 DOCUMENT*. 
 
 V. 
 
 L367.] 
 
 Die liij inensis maij. 
 Magnifici viri domini Duodecim etc. 
 
 Similiter ad scruptinium, proposita precedente. eligerunt et nomina- 
 vci'unt infrascriptos prudentes cum uno equo pro quolibel ail eqiii- 
 tandum per comitatum supra festino exgombero occasione incursus et 
 iuvasionis sotietatis Anglicorum nostri territorij. Quorum hec sunt no- 
 inina etc. 
 
 i Ibidem.) 
 
 VI. 
 
 Ll3fi7.] 
 
 Die v niensis maij. 
 
 Consilio magnifieum et honorabilium virorum dominorum duodecim.... 
 convocato et cougregato. In quo prudens vir Petrus Ciuuczij uuus ex 
 dictis doniinis de mandato supradicti prions proposuit et dixit: Cum 
 audiveritis ambaxiatam prudenter per Nannem ser Vannis a BOtietate 
 Anglicorum retractam circa compositionem perverse sotietatis predicte 
 cum comuni Sen. disponentem, quod dicto consilio videatur et placeat 
 providere, ordinare et reformare super eandem: in Dei nomine consulatur. 
 
 Super quibus etc. 
 
 Ser Franciscus ser Mini Tnre onus ex consiliariis diet) consilii, in 
 ipso surgens consilio ad dicitorium, arengando dixit et consuluit supra 
 proposita, quod plene remaneat et sit in dominis D. et capitaneo po- 
 puli quod circa presentem materiam et compositionem tractandam cum 
 sotietate Anglicorum seu domino Jobanne eorum capitaneo per medium 
 Nannis ser Vannis seu cuiuscumque alterius prout sicut et quomodo 
 eis videbitur et placebit et pro ilia quantitate florenorum que eis vi- 
 debitur et placebit. Et circa predicta habeant plenam baliam et po- 
 testatem etc. Qui debeant, omni tarditate posposita, operam dare 
 quod dicta compositio liat extra uostrum territorium si potest, sin aut 
 nun, quod tunc et eo casu curetur quod quam eitius potest uostrum 
 territorium egrediatur. 
 
 In reformatione et secunda etc. consilii, facto et eelebrato partito 
 per priorem predictum supra consilio predicto ad lupinos albos et 
 nigros ut est moris, obtentum ei reformatum fuit a<l dictum et secun- 
 
DOCUMENTS. 319 
 
 Jura dictum et consilium supradicti Ser Francisci consultoris per xxxj 
 ex consiliariis dicti consilii.... 
 
 Quibus omnibus pro parte domini prioris et capitanei populi pre- 
 ceptum fuit secretum, scilicet per sacramentum et sub maiori pena, el 
 sic iuraverunt in manibus Prioris. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 VII. 
 
 [1368. | 
 
 Exultet Sancta Mater Ecclesia et pro tauta victoria devoti ejus 
 gaudeant universi, sed pre ceteris afrluat in letitia et applausu felicis- 
 simus populus aretinus in cujus gremio datura est celitus de hostibus 
 triunphari. Sane siquidem hodie xv hujus mensis mague sollicitudinis 
 nostre cura celeriter accersiti magnifici et egregii viri fortes dominus 
 Simon de Spoleto capitaueus geutis Ecclesie, dominus Flaxen de Risach 
 et dominus Johannes de Iiieten cum gente strenua bellatorum una cum 
 nostris universis gentibus equestribus et pedestribus, in planu Arretii 
 super strata porte Buje per umim miliare proxime civitati contra com- 
 pagniam perniciosam et temerariam Anglicorura castraraentatara ex 
 adverso in campis, et aciebus bine inde instructis manibusque consertis 
 ad prelium, bellum terribile inierunt ; denique decertato, ipsam debel- 
 larunt et miserunt forti brachio victoriosis ictibus in conrlictuni in 
 quo multi numero et qualitate mortui ceoiderunt, ceterisque quasi 
 omnibus captivatis inter quos est capitaneus dominus Johannes Hand 
 capitaueus dicte compagnie et plurimi caporales, ac ictitatus est infelix 
 Dinolus Bindi Monaldi orator comunis Perusii qui dictam compiaguiam 
 de partibus Ligurie ad tantum eccidiura hue conduxit ut tanta temeritas 
 perusina, sic confusa discat, mansuetudine licet tarda, Christi Vicario 
 obedire. In dictoque prelio dictus dominus Johannes de Rieten deco- 
 ratus est cingulo militari sicut decebat ejus excellentissimam probita- 
 tem. Que jucundis animis et mentibus Beatitudini Vestre nuntiare cura- 
 vimus ad suppositum gaudium omnium gaudiorum. 
 Arretii xv juni. 
 
 (MS. formerly Redi in the Marucellian library, Florence.) 
 (This document was indicated to us by professor Gamurrini, and the copy 
 communicated by signor Pasqui, communal librarian of Arezzo.) 
 
320 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 [1369.] 
 
 Magnifici et Generosi Domini. Noveritis per presentes quod Ma- 
 gnificus et Excelsus Dominus Noster domiuus Bernabos afficitur toto 
 corde ad Comunem Senarum eius territorium et districtum tamquam 
 ad pupillam oculi sui; et ideo vos rogo precibus quibus valeo quod 
 amore et contemplatione Domini antedicti abstinere velitis a quibuscum- 
 que dampnis et noxiis novitatibus iuferendis' hominibus territorio et di- 
 strictui Civitatis et Gomunis Senarum, scientes a certo quod a Domino 
 nostro prefato ultra oomendationem gratam et benevolam eritis lau- 
 dabilibus muneribus recomissi. 
 
 Vester Albertus de Pesauro ) „ . ,. . , 
 
 M... . , . . , ., ,,. . ,. J oems ilie xxi.i decembns. 
 
 agnmci uomim a. B. \ icarius generahs i 
 
 I A tergo) 
 
 Magnificis et Potentibus Viris 
 
 et Militibus dominis Johanni Agud 
 et Anexe de Ritene etc. 
 
 (Siena, State Archives, Carte di particolari, Agut.) 
 
 IX. 
 
 [1373.| 
 
 Dileoto filio nobili viro Johanni Aguti militi, Capitaneo gentis armi- 
 gere Anglieorum pro Romana ecclesia in partibus [talie exiatentis, sa- 
 lutem etc. 
 
 Dilectum filium nobilem virum Johannem lint/, militem, ambaxia- 
 torem tuum tuorumque sociorum, tain mittentium quam missi conside- 
 ratione gratanter recepimus sepeque audivimus graciose et ad ea que 
 nobis pro parte tua et ipsorum sociorum exposuit benigne respondimus 
 prout ipse miles tibi referet oraculo vive vocis. Quare nobilitatem tuam, 
 de qua plene conlidimus et sperauius, rogamus attentius el hortamur, 
 quatenus in negotiis Romane ecclesie tamquam vir fidelis el strenuus 
 studeas continue laborare, hostea ipsius ecclesie, presertim sceleratum 
 Bernabovem, qui adhuc in tanta guerra terras nun perdidit, fortiter 
 impugnando, itaquod ipsorum hostium cito sequatur depressio el optata 
 victoria; tuque provide preter premium retributoris eterni, pro cuius 
 laboras ecclesia, apostolice sedis amorem et favorem, ac perpetuam 
 
DOCUMENTS. 321 
 
 gloriani valeas reportare, eandemque ecelesiain de stipendiis tibi et 
 genti tue ac eorumdem sociorum debitis, curu veliraus, prout rationis 
 est, et tota solicitudine procuremus quod ea cito habeatis, velis filiali 
 patientia supportare, quia dilectus filius noster Guillelmus Sancti An- 
 geli diaconus cardinalis, quein nuper loco dilecti tilii nostri cardinalis 
 Bituricensis redituri ad Romanam Curiam nostrum Yicarium ordina- 
 vimus geueralem, super liiis providebit in partibus illis ad quas venire 
 celeriter se disponit. Et ad supportationem huiusmodi dictos socios 
 et gentem velis inducer e pro vidis modis tuis. — Datum Avinione, xv Kal. 
 ian. anno tertio. 
 
 (Vatican Archives, Regeatum 269 (Gregorii XI) fo). 100".) 
 
 (This and the successive documents extracted from the Vatican Archives were 
 communicated to us by favor of the Archivist, the very Reverend Don Gregorio 
 Palmieri.) 
 
 X. 
 
 [1373.J 
 
 Dilecto filio nobili viro Johanni Aguti militi, capitaneo gentis armi- 
 gere Anglicorum pro Romana ecclesia in partibus Italie existentis, 
 salutem etc. — Cum dilectus filius Berengarius Abbas monasterii Le- 
 satensis, Rutenensis diocesis, apostolice sedis nuncius in partibus pla- 
 centin., sicut audivimus, habiturus sit aliquos tractatus in partibus illis, 
 pro quorum perfectione erunt necessarie gentes tue, nobilitatem tuam 
 rogamus attentius et hortamur, quatenus cum idem nuncius super hiis 
 te requisierit velis secrete ac subito equitare cum tota tua gente, aut 
 eius partem mittere sine dilacione ac difficultate cpiacumque ; oportet 
 enim, sicut nosti, talia secretissime teneri et fieri festinanter. — Datum 
 Avinione, xv Kal. Januarii, anno tertio. 
 
 (Ibidem, fol. 100 b .) 
 
 XI. 
 
 [1373.] 
 
 Dilecto filio nobili viro Johanni Acuti militi, Capitaneo gentis armi- 
 gere Anglicorum in partibus Italie nostris et Romane ecclesie obse- 
 quiis insistentium salutem. etc. 
 
 Quantum honoris et laudis tibi et aliis gentibus armigeris Angli- 
 corum in partibus Italie nostris et Romane ecclesie obsequiis insisten- 
 tium, quantumque utilitatis et exaltationis eidem Romane ecclesie ac 
 
322 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 rei publice provenit de tua et ipsarum gentium armigerarum solicitu- 
 dinibus et laboribus indefessis, quos contra iniquitatis filios Bernabovem 
 et Galeatium de Vicecomitibus de Mediolano ac alios viros et eiusdem 
 Ilomane ecclesie inimieos, tamquam ipsius ecclesie pugiles et virtuosi, 
 in preliis exhibuistis hactenus, et exhibentur incessanter tua et ipsa- 
 rum gentium armigerarum strenuia et magnifica opera manifesta. In 
 hiis igitur nobilitatem tuam cum gratiarum actiouibus multipliciter 
 commendantes, ipsam rogandam duximus et bortandam, quatenus bene 
 cepta prout plene eonfidimus pugili cura continuans, ubieumque po- 
 teris predictos inimieos impugnes, et ad dilectum filium nobilem virum 
 Amedeum Comitem Sabaudie, una cum dietis gentibus armigeris, cum 
 hoc summe cordi nobis sit, accedere non postponas. Dilectum autem 
 filium nobilem virum Petrum de Murlis, domicellum, familiarem no- 
 strum ad partes illas destinamus, cui in hiis que ex parte nostra 
 tibi dicet plenam fidem adbibere sinceritas tua velit. 
 
 Datum apud Pontemsorgie, Avinionensis diocesis, vn Idus Junii, 
 anno tertio. 
 
 (Ibidem, fol. 175'.) 
 
 XII. 
 
 [1373.) 
 
 Dilecto filio, nobili viro .Tohanni Agud, militi Anglicano, capitaneo 
 gentium Anglicanarum servientium Romane ecclesie in partibus Lom- 
 bardie salutem, etc. 
 
 Gum letitia ingenti audivimus dilectum filium nobilem virum Petrum 
 de Murlis, domicellum, Magalonensis diocesis, nuncium tuum, narratam 
 nobis victoriam de crudelibus tirannis hostibus et persecutoribus Ro- 
 maue ecclesie tibi et gentibus dicte ecclesie ab exercituum Domino con- 
 donatam, que tanto gratior nostris venit affectibus, quanto mirabilius 
 et ex maiori Dei gratia noscitur processisse dum pauciores de pluri- 
 bus, invasi de invadentibus, it transeuntes de incolis in suo districtu 
 reportavere triumphuni. Letare igitur. lili. quod in obsequiis Dei sueque 
 ecclesie fideliter strenueque militans, famosam gloriam ea adeptus, quam 
 indesineuter persequendo prefatos hostes donee deficiant, cum in ruina 
 sint positi, efficies longiorem ut in tuo glorioso nomine egregia tua 
 posteritas delectetur. Cum autem audivimus te el dictas gentes versus 
 Bononiam remeasse, et magis censeatur expediena ijuod iter continuares 
 liiicptum, et dilecto filin imliili uri. Amcileo Comiti Sabaudie, guerre 
 superiorum partium que lit contra dictos hostes capitaneo generali, in 
 
DOCUMENTS. 323 
 
 Mediolanensi territorio coniungaris celeriter, ne hostes ipsi vires resu- 
 mant et a pressura imminenti respirent, nobilitatem tuam rogitamus 
 attentius et hortamur, maiidaiites quatenus ubicumque sis non differaa 
 ad prelibatum Comitem proficisci, et ad hoc ef'ficienduin celeriter gentes 
 ipsas inducas, ut sicut proinde ordiuatuin est, hostes ipsi absque mora, 
 que ad se fcrab.it grande dispendiutn et forsau periculum, intermissio- 
 nis procedimento quatiantur. Ipsasque gentes velis exhortari efficaciter 
 ex part..' nostra quod de stipendiis eis debitis et in futurum debendis, 
 si vero non solvantur eis celeriter ut ea debent habere, velint nos et 
 dictam ecclesiam ac dilectum filium nostrum Petrum tituli Sancte Ma- 
 rie in Trastiberim presbiterum cardinalem in nonnullis terris prefate 
 ecclesie vicarium generalem, patienter et filialiter supportare, tenentes 
 pro certo quod omnia ipsa stipendia, quam cito fieri poterit. solventur 
 eisdem. Et pro parte nostra dictique cardinalis super hoc omnimode la- 
 boratur. — Datum Avinione, xt Kal. Junii. anno tertio. 
 
 (Ibidem, fol. 51".) 
 
 XIII. 
 
 [1373.] 
 
 Dilecto iilio nobili viro Johanni Acuti. militi, capitaneo gentis armi- 
 gere Anglicorutn, in partibus Italie nostris et Romane ecclesie stipendiis 
 militancium salutem etc. — Clare devotionis titulis insignitus, more de- 
 votissimi filii Romanam ecclesiam revereris ut matrem, sicut operuni 
 effectibus manifestas, dum iniquitatis filios Barnabovem et Galeacium 
 de Vicecomitibus de Mediolauo ac alios nostros et eiusdem Romane 
 ecclesie inimicos, tamquam ipsius ecclesie pugil ac virtuosus, in preliis 
 potenter expugnas, et ea que ad nostrum et ipsius ecclesie honorem 
 pertinent procuras fideliter et utiliter operaris. propter quod aposto- 
 lice sedis et nostram gratiam sic meruisse dinosceris ut personam 
 tuam in visceribus caritatis gerere debitum reputemus. Leteris igitur 
 in Domino quod talia de tua bonitate sentimus, quod nomen tuum laude 
 dignum ostenditur, et quod in te secure quiescimus ubi prees, confiden- 
 tes ymmo pro certo tenentes quod ad ea que nobis sunt placita libenter 
 intendas. et salubrem statum eiusdem Romane ecclesie, tamquam ipsius 
 exaltationis zelator sincerus, desideras multipliciter et aft'ectas. Verum 
 miramur quamplurimum quod ipse Belial filius Barnabos supradictus 
 nullam civitatem fortalitium sive terrain adhuc perdiderit. et cum de 
 strenuitate tua ac tuorum specialiter confidamus, nobilitatem tuam. 
 quam in adimplendis votis nostris promptam semper invenimus et pa- 
 
324 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 ratam, rogamus et hortamur in Domino, earn attentius deprecantes 
 quatenus, pro nostra et apostolice sedia reverentia et. sicut nobis pla- 
 cere desideras, rnodis omnibus quibus tibi magia expedire videbitur, 
 contra predictoa perditionis filios viriliter insurgere, ac sinceritatis et 
 strenuitatis tue et tuorum aliquod notabile faciendo vires ostendere. 
 Ac dilecto filio nobili viro Hugoni de Rupe, iniliti, niagistro hospicii 
 nostri, quern ad partes illas preseutialiter desfcinamus, in hiis que ex 
 parte nostra tibi dicet fidera plenariam adbibere sinceritas tua velit; 
 gerimus enim in animo personam tuam nobis peramabilem inter nostra 
 precordia recumbentem vultu sereno prospfcere diguisque semper favo- 
 rilms prevenire, ut apud Deum et ipsam ecclesiam pura devocione pre- 
 clarus sis et esse possis aliis in exemplum.— I latum Avinione. mi Xo- 
 nas Julii, anno tertio. 
 (Ibidem, f'ol. 184.) 
 
 XIV. 
 
 [1374.] 
 
 Dilecto filio nobili viro Jobanni Acuti, militi, capitaneo gentis armi- 
 gere Anglicorum in partibus Italie pro Romana ecclesia militantis. 
 salutem etc. — Sicut dilectus filius nobilis vir Johannes Bridie miles, 
 socius tuus, nuper tibi debuit parte nostra referre, super oportuna 
 tuarum et aliorum nostris et ecclesie Romane sub te militantium obse- 
 quiis solutione pagarum provisionem solertem facimus adhiberi. adeo 
 quod infra breve, Deo previo, poteritis inde merito contentari, nobili- 
 tateni tuam precordiose rogantes cpiatenus, tua fidelia continuando 
 servicia, super territoriis emulorum in partibus placentinis et parmen- 
 sibus remauere velis donee aliud habueris in niandatis, plenam (idem 
 adhibens eis que dilectus filius cardinalis Bituricensis tibi dixerit vel 
 nuntiaverit nostri parte, sicque ipsius cardinalis monitis et rogatibus 
 de mente nostra prodeuutibus acquiescens, quod inde tilji felicia laudis 
 et honoris proveniant incrementa, nostramque et apostolice sedis bene- 
 volentiam pariter et gratiam adhuc uberius tua sinceritas mereatur. — 
 Datum Avinione. nonis Januarii, anno quarto. 
 
 (Ibidem, fol. 221.) 
 
 XV. 
 
 [1374.] 
 Dilecto filio et nobili viro Jobanni Agut, militi. capitaneo gentis 
 Anglicorum existentium in Lombardia ad servicia nostra et Romane 
 
DOCUMENTS. 325 
 
 ecclesie, salutem etc. — Litteram tuam propriam in villa Romagueri 
 die xxvim decembris datam nuper benigne recepimus, in qua repe- 
 tebas ea que per dilectum filium nobilem virum .Tuhannem Briz, mi- 
 litem, arabaxiatorem tuura nobis duxeras intimanda; ad quam quidem 
 literam respondemus quod ad ilia omnia per dictum militem, qui a nobis 
 ante festum nativitatis Domini proxime preteritum recessit et eum nunc 
 tecum esse credimus, respondimus seriose et taliter quod, ut sperarnus, 
 debebis esse eontentus. Tuam igitur nobilitatem de cuius tidelitate pru- 
 dentia et strenuitate sijecialiter contidimus et speramus, hortamur et 
 rogamus attentius quatenus, tua laudabilia et magnifica opera pro reve- 
 rentia Dei cuius servis ecclesie ac honore tuo perpetuo conservando, ut 
 semper babeas eiusdem ecclesie aniorem et favorem, indesinenter con- 
 tinues hostes ipsius ecclesie viriliter impuguando, et succurrendo in 
 tractatibus et aliis cum et prout ab officialibus dicte ecclesie fueris re- 
 quisitus, et ad hec Caporales gentis tue ipsamque gentem exborteris 
 iugiter et inducas. — Datum Avinione, Idus Januarii, anno quarto. 
 
 (Ibidem, Regetl. 270 (Gregorii XI), fol. 3 b .) 
 
 XVI. 
 
 [1374] 
 
 Dilecto filio nobili viro Jobanni Acuti, militi, nonnullarum armige- 
 rarum gentium nostris et ecclesie Romane militantium obsequiis ca- 
 pitaneo, salutem etc. — Yisis capitulis que nobis dilectus filius seere- 
 tarius tuns v.resentiurn exhibitor nuper pro parte tua porrexit, licet 
 votis obtemperare tuis, prout nobis possibile fuerit, intendamus ; que 
 tamen ad petitum per te lancearum augmentum, propter incumbentium 
 expensarum sarcinam qua pro nunc Camera nostra premitur supra 
 modum, ad presens tibi nullo modo possumus complacere, prout idem 
 secretarius tuus latius declarabit. Cui etiam super aliis capitulis plene 
 aperuimus mentem nostram, tibi per eum verbotenus referendam, te- 
 nens a certo quod sicut beneplaoitorum nostrorum cooperator studio- 
 sus existis, teque speramus in huiusmodi fidelitatis vigore continuatione 
 laudabili permansurum, sic jiersonam tuam et tuos intendimus favori- 
 bus prosequi gratiosis, adeo quod, favente Deo, tandem letaberis nostris 
 et ecclesie Romane serviciis insudasse. — Datum Salon, in idus Maii, 
 anno quarto. 
 
 (Ibidem, fol. 214.) 
 
826 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 [1374.| 
 
 Dilecto lilio nobili viro Johanni Acuti, militi. capitaneo nonnullarum 
 gentium armigerarum in partibus Italie pro nobis et Romans ecclesia, 
 salutera. 
 
 Cum dilectum tilium uobilem virum Johannem de Canis, domicel- 
 liiin, ad partes Italic pro certis arduis negociis per nos ei commissis 
 presentialiter destinemus, nobilitatem tuani rogamus et hortamur at- 
 tente, quatenus eidem Johanni in hiis que pro parte nostra tibi dicet 
 vel scribet plenam fidem adhibere et ea adimplere. et pro honore no- 
 stro et Romane ecclesie, prout plene confidimus, in boc salubriter pro- 
 viders sinceritas tua velit. 
 
 Datum Sallon. Arelatensis diocesis, vi Kal. iunii, anno quarto. 
 
 (Ibidem, fol. 109.) 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 [1374.1 
 
 Dilecto filio nobili viro Johanni Acuti, militi, capitaneo nonnullarum 
 
 gentium armigerarum in partibus Italie pro nobis et Romana ecclesia. 
 salutem etc. 
 
 Anxiatur nos, fili dilectissime, magnus exercitus quern illi Belial filii 
 et iniquitatis allumpni Barnabos et Galeacius de Vicecomitibus de Me- 
 diolano in obsidione contra nostram civitatem Vercellensem, in nostrum 
 et Romane ecclesie ac nostrorum fidelium vituperium ac scandalum plu- 
 rimorum, prout ad tuam credimus devenisse notitiam, tenent de pre- 
 senti ; sed inter anxietates huiusmodi non modicum doloris addit con- 
 cursus gentium armigerarum tam de Parma quam de aliis terris quas 
 iidem Barnabos et (raleatius detinent ad dictum exercitum cotidie ve- 
 iiii'iiiiuni, penuriaque victualium quam habent gentes nostre in eadem 
 civitate existentes que, prout fertur, cito, quod absit. deficerent, nisi 
 celeriter succurreretur eisdem : ideo, confidentes in illo qui clata con- 
 teret cornua superborum, nobilitatem tuam que, aborrens delicias et 
 otia fugiens, ardua querere et appetere strenua consuevit, rogamus et 
 hortamur in Domino, earn attentius deprecantes ac pro speciali mu- 
 nere jiostulantes quatenus, que promisimus infra catholici tui pectoris 
 claustra revolvens, ac etiam considerans quod iidem Barnabos et (ia- 
 leacius in terris nostris propiinjuis paucas gentes armorum, sicut nobis 
 
DOCUMEX IX 327 
 
 relatum est. pro nunc tenent, que eisdem terris nostris nocere possuut 
 de presenti, pro nostra et apostolice .-(.'(lis reverentia ac etiam tui ho- 
 noris et publice utilitatis intuitu et sicut nobis placere desideras, ad 
 tollenda opprobria eiusdem Romane ecclesie ac nostra et iniurias pro- 
 pulsandas, zelum ilium quern ad no- el ipsam Romanam ecclesiam ge- 
 rere dignosceris per effectum ostendens, ad levandiun predictum exer- 
 cituin et succurrendum celeriter predicte Civitati in tanta necessitate 
 constitute, tanquam bellator fortis et vir strenuus quern hactenus omni- 
 potens Dominus gloriosis deeoravit victoriis, cum tuis gentibus armi- 
 geris et aliis que iuxta dispositionem dilecti lilii nostri Guillelmi Sancti 
 Angeli diaconi cardinalis in eisdem partibus pro nobis et eadem ec- 
 clesia in temporalibus vicarii generalis, haberi poterunt, dimissis ali- 
 quibus pro custodia civitatis nostre Bononiensis et circumvicinarum par- 
 tium. iuxta consilium dicti cardinalis, cui in dicendis ex parte nostra 
 adhibere velis plenam fidem, sub spe divini auxilii et favoris persona- 
 liter accedere non postponas : confidimus enim in potentia Domini et 
 de beati Petri apostolorum principis, cuius causam gerimus, meritis 
 et intercessione spieramus quod sub tua virtute et poteucia huiusmodi 
 adversariorum nostrorum elidetur superbia, et quod idem princeps 
 ajwstoliei ordinis tui erit comes itineris ac pro illius directione felici 
 et salute tua el'ticax apud Dominum et perpetuus intercessor. Ceterum 
 in animo gerimus hoc gratum servicium, si nobis illud, prout plene 
 confidimus, feceris, nunquam oblivioni tradere, sed personam tuam 
 nobis peramabilem intra nostra recumbere precordia, atque tuos vultu 
 sereno prospicere, dignisque semper favoribus et gratiis, quantum cum 
 Deo poterimus, prevenire. - Datum Novis, Avinionensis diocesis, 
 xvn Kal. Augusti. anno quarto. 
 
 I Ibidem, fol. 212.) 
 
 XIX. 
 
 [1374.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini amici carissimi. Xe magnificentia vestra 
 admirationem asumat de adventu istius societatis notificamus vobis nos 
 audivisse maguam gentium armorum quantitatem ad fronterias vestri 
 territory fore congregatain ut nobiscum preliarent, hacque de causa 
 hue accessimus visuri si facta dictis consouabunt. Ex quo si domina- 
 tioni vestre placet huic societati curialitatem alicjuam impendere prout 
 mos est gentibus armigeris fieri debere, abstinebimus a dampnis et 
 territorium vestrum quanto plus poterimus indempne conservabimus : 
 
328 DOCUMEN Is. 
 
 sin autem dimitemus Sachomanos istius sotietatis facere prout voluerint. 
 Super quibus incenium vestrum nobis indillate placeat inclinare 
 
 Johannes haecod et ) . . 
 
 ,, ! capitanei etc 
 
 l/ONRADUS COMES HEOHILBERG 1 L 
 
 Datum Montispolis viij augusti xij InJictione. 
 
 (A terg .i 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus dominis dominis Prioribus Civitatis Sena- 
 rum aruicis carissimis. 
 
 (Sienn. State Archives, Caru di pnrtieolari, Agucl.) 
 
 XX. 
 
 [1375.] 
 
 I lie tertio Julii. 
 
 Viri Magnifici domini Defensores et Capitaneus populi Cmtatia Se- 
 naruin nee nun quidam viri sapientes et honorabiles cives Senenses 
 electi per dictos dominos Defensores vigore dicti consilii supra retenti 
 et consilii generalis exinde secuti, de quo patet manu Ser Johannis 
 Ture de Prato, in consueto consistorio palatii comuuis Sen. conyo- 
 cati pro factis et negotiis dicti comunis peragendis et in eos comrais- 
 sis expediendis, coneorditer facta prius de infrascriptis proposita et 
 supra ea diligenti partito ad lupinos albos et nigros secundum for- 
 mam statutorum et ordinum comunis Sen., fuerunt in plena concordia 
 deliberandi et providendi, et providerunt deliberaverunt et decreve- 
 runt : Quod cum compagnia domini Johannis concordia et compositio 
 tiat pi'o meliori sen minima quantitate florenorum qua lien poterit, el 
 quod maxime includatur terra de Montepolitiano et de Cortonio si pos- 
 siKile est, etsi ultra quantitatem declaratam per Ser Jacobum ser Gani 
 ambaxiatorem opporteal dare dicte compagnie. et cum aliis pactis el 
 tantum utilioribus et honorabilibus pro comuni quantum poterit fieri. 
 Et ipiod Ser Jacobus predictus redeat ad dictam sotietatem ad eoncor- 
 di.-iin predictam firmandam. 
 
 Eodem modo et forma domini defensores et capitaneus populi ac 
 sapientes predicti coneorditer deliberaverunt et decreverunt pro habenda 
 pecunia pro solvendo et dando dictis de compagnia hoe modo. videlicet, 
 vigore consilii generalis supradicti, 
 
 In prhnis quod cum bona personarum ecclesiasticarum ileleiulanlur 
 ct I'edimantur ab ista i'eroci compagnia quomodo civium Sriiensiiini .'I 
 
DOCUMENTS. 329 
 
 suppositorum Comunis Sen. predict], et sic sit conveniens quod ipsi 
 clerici et persone ecclesiastice conferant cum corauni in hac gravedine, 
 i|uod, seito modo et. habita forma quo et quam Floreutini teueiit in im- 
 poneudo clericis, quod solvant pro dicta eadem causa, (juod tunc per 
 ilium modum seu per eamdem formam imponatur clericis nostris et 
 persouis ecclesiastieis Civitatis Gomitatus et iurisdictionis Senarum vi- 
 delicet quantitas xx norenorum auri pro redimendo se a dicta sotie- 
 tate domini Johannis Agud. Et quod domini defensores et cajiitaneus 
 populi eligant quos voluerint ad predicts excipieuda. 
 
 Item quod ponatur et posita sit presta civibus Sen. et conferentibus 
 cum civitate ad rationem trium florenorum pro jr que solvi debeat 
 in terminis et cum modis et modificationibus ac conditionibus quibus 
 solvi debet presta predicta posita per dominos et defensores et capi- 
 taneum populi in offitio proximos precessores. 
 
 Item quod jjonatur et jwsita sit comitatinis et comunitatibus comi- 
 
 tn 
 
 tatus Senarum solventibus taxationibus quedam presta xij flor. auri, 
 quam solvere teneantur in paghis et terminis et cum modificationibus 
 declarandis per dominos defensores et capitaneum populi vel per alios 
 quibus ipsi domini commissionem facerent de predictis. 
 
 Item quod ponatur et posita sit quedam presta censualibus et re- 
 comendatis pro redimendo a dicta sotietate, illius quantitatis quam vi- 
 debitur et placebit dominis Defensoribus et capitaneo populi seu illis 
 quibus committent, solvenda in termino et cum conditionibus declarandis 
 per dictos dominos seu commissarios supradictos. 
 
 Die viiij Julij commiserunt banditoribus quod banniant prestam. 
 
 (Ibidem, Deliberazloni di Concistoro.) 
 
 XXI. 
 
 [IS?:,. 1 
 
 Die dicta [.Inly 30'J. 
 Viri Magnifici et potentes domini domini Defensores et capitaneus 
 populi civitatis Senarum convocati et congregati insimul in consueto 
 consistorio palatii Comunis Sen. pro eorum offitio honorabiliter exer- 
 eendo. Facta prius proposita de infrascriptis 2 3el ' virum prudentem 
 priorem dictorum dominorum Defensorum cum consotiorum eius assensu, 
 et super ea facto et celebrato solempni et secreto scruptinio inter eos 
 ad lujainos albos et nigros et obtenta deinde per duas partes et satis 
 ultra secundum formam statutorum Seuensium, facientes hec omnia in- 
 frascripta vigore et auctoritate balie eis concesse a generali consilio 
 
330 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 campane comunis Sen. maim ser Johannis Ture notarii, pro habenda 
 aquirenda et procuranda pecunia occasione concordie compagnie Angli- 
 coruni domini Johannis Agud et omni via iure modo quibus magis et 
 melius potuerint, fuerunt iu plena concordia providendi et deliberandi. 
 Et decreverunt et providerunt quod sotietas Johannis ser Dini vide- 
 licet Filippus Sardini FranciscusVannis Bertini etalij sotiisolvant iij flor. 
 auri et deponant penes camerarios Bicberne Coniunis Sen., quos ipsi 
 de dicta sotietate babuerunt in depositum de pecunia domini Jacobi 
 episcopi olim senensis : cum boc sit quod procedat de voluntate do- 
 mini Senensis episcopi. Et quod predicti sejventes debeant conservari 
 yndempnes a Comuue Sen. de dicto deposito, facta dicta solutione per 
 eos camerario Bicherne. 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 XXII. 
 
 [1375.] 
 
 Die xij Julij. 
 
 Viri Magnifici domini Defensores poprali civitatis Sen. in consueto 
 Consistorio convocati concorditer ut moris est eligerunt infrascriptos 
 supra victualia procuranda et mictenda ad dominum Jobannem Agud 
 et eius compagniam. Quorum bee sunt nomina etc. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 XX111. 
 
 [1375.] 
 
 Nos .... Defensores et capitaneus populi civitatis Senarum babentes 
 ad infrascripta plenam et largam baliam a generali consilio Campane 
 Comunis Sen. significamus vobis Camerario et Quatuor Provisoribus 
 Bicherne Comunis Sen. quod detis et solvatis Symoni Mei custodi Bi- 
 cberne Comunis Sen. de pecunia comunis Sen. sine aliqua detractione 
 kabelle infrascriptas pecuniarum summas et quantitates (pias solvit 
 nii'rascriptis personis pro pretio infrascriptarum mercantiarum et rerum 
 mandato nostro. Et que quidem res date et tradite fuerunt pro parte 
 Comunis Sen. domino Jobanni Agud et aliis caporalilms de compagnia 
 Anglicorum et dicte compagnie secundum compositionem et concor- 
 diam \>er uostros Ambaxiatores et syndicos factam cum dicta compa- 
 gnia et pro dicta concordia perficenda et consumanda. Et sic per nos, 
 vigore dicte babe nobis concesse a dicto consilio generali campane Co- 
 
DOCUMENTS. 331 
 
 munis Sen. circa prediota et ab eisdem dependentia, constat in a mi Sei 
 Johannis Ture Notarii Reformationum dicti comunis, fuit et extit so- 
 lempniter stantiatum. Datum in nostro Consistorio die xxx Augusti 
 Indictione xiij. 
 
 In primis, pro duobus modiis et duobus stariis vini rubei empti ad 
 rationem sedecim flor. pro modio a Ventura Lenzi vinaiuolo et a Ser Ar- 
 
 rigo Nerini, trigintatres tlor. auri et vigintisex sol xxxiij flor. 
 
 xxvj sol. 
 
 Item, pro tribus modiis panis cotti in xxxvij taschis emptis in campo 
 fori et a pluribus fornariis, in totum xlv lib. 
 
 Item, pro Ix lib. confectorum inter morsellectos et Rageiam trasmis- 
 sorum in sotietate predicta, in totum lxviiij lib. 
 
 Item, pro xviiij barilibus datis cum dicto vino dicte sotietati et pro 
 duodecim taschis datis cum dicto pane et pro funibus datis cum dictis 
 
 rebus quae solvit, scilicet pretiorum dictarum rerum, in totum 
 
 xxxiiij lib. xvij sol. 
 
 Item, quaa solvit pro iiij schatolis magnis et duabus corbellis et 
 pro ehanovaccio et pro cordis pro ligando dictos confectos inissos et 
 
 datos dictis de compagnia, tres lib. et quatordecim sol 
 
 jii lib. xiiij sol. 
 
 Item, quos solvit pro portatura barilorum ad celleria in quibus erat 
 vinum missum compagnie et illis qui iverunt ad carichandum et pro 
 palea pro turacciis et pro expeiisis factis illis qui caricaverunt panem 
 et dictas salmas. in totum quadraginta quatuor sol. et quatuor den .... 
 ij lib. iiij sol. 
 
 Item pro vectura xxvj bestiarum et sedecim homiuum qui eas duxe- 
 runt cum dictis rebus ad dictam coinpagniam pro duobus diebus, se- 
 decim sol. pro homine quolibet et pro bestia qualibet vj sol., in totum 
 viginti lib. xij sol. . . . xx lib. xij sol. 
 
 [Ibidem, Apodisst .) 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 [1375.] 
 
 In nomine Domini Amen. Strenuus magnificus et potens miles do- 
 minus Johannes Haukeddod anglicus Anglicorumque Societatis in parti- 
 bus Ytalie nuper militautium Capitaneus generalis per se ipso et vice et 
 nomine dicte societatis Anglicorum, cum consensu presentia et voluntate 
 nobilium militum dominorum Johannis Torneberi, domini Johannis Briz 
 ipsius Sotietatis mereschalcorum. Guilly Gold conistabilis eiusdem comi- 
 
SS2 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 tive et mfrascriptorum Caporaliam et Consiliarioram, videlicet domi- 
 nonim Johannis Bistou, Johannis For, Philippi Puer, Johannis Cliil'ortd, 
 Petri Stoneer milituni, nobiliumque virorum Ricciardi Romisey, Roberti 
 Selver. Guillelmi Tilli, David Rozze, Johannis Dent, Niccolai Tansild, 
 Johannis Maberve oonsiliariorum. Et ipsi Capitaneus Mariscalchi Coni- 
 stabiha et Consiliarii et quilibet eorum in solidum habentes cum eodeni 
 domino Capitaneo plenam auctoritatem et bayliam a dicta Sotietate 
 hec et alia fatiendi. Pro qua sotietate promiserunt Lpsi el quilibet eorum 
 in solidum et convenerunt de rato in singulis capitulia infrascriptia. Sub 
 pena obligata infrascriptis hoc publico lnstrnmento fuerunt consessi et 
 publice guarentaverunt Nobili viro Rugerio filio nobilis viri Adoazzi 
 Cauis de Casali de Iaiagij pedemoiitium present] et stipulanti vice et 
 nomine Comunis lucani et michi Jocobi notario tamquam persone pu- 
 blice officio publico fungenti stipulanti et recipienti vice et nomine 
 comunis lucani et singulorum ipsius comunis et eorum successorum et 
 omnium quorum interest seu interesse posset, habuisae et recepisse 
 sexmilia Horenorum auri boni et recti ponderis tempore debito et pro- 
 misso : quos honorabiles cives Franciscus Busolini et Iuffredus Cen- 
 nami sindici et Ambassiatores lucani Comunis, de quorum mandato 
 publice dixerunt contineri manu Ser Petri Saraeeni de Luca notarii 
 et tunc cancellarii dicti comunis, vice et nomine dicti lucani comunis 
 promiserunt et convenerunt dicto domino Capitaneo stipulanti vice et 
 nomine dicte sotietatis et per se et dicta sotietate, pro eo quia dictus 
 dominus Capitaneus marescalchi conistabihs et consiliarii pro se ipsis 
 et dicta sotietate promiserunt suprascriptis Francisco et lufl'redo quod 
 predicti Capitaneus Mariscalchi conistabihs et conailiarii Sotietatis Ca- 
 poralea et alii de dicta sotietate preseutes et futuri inde ad ipiiuque 
 Annos proxime futuros habebunt tenebunt el tractabunt lucanum Co- 
 munem et eis aubditoa pro amicis et amicabile et ipsum lucanum Co- 
 mintern aut terras vel tentorium seu subditoa eius non invadent vel 
 occupabunt seu offendent per modum Sotietatis. prout de predictis con- 
 tiuetur et apparet publico instrumento manibus Ser Andree quondam 
 Contis de Lugiano facto et rogato anno uactivitatis millesimo trecen- 
 tesimo septuagesimoquinto die tertia Julii sive sub alio tempore vel 
 1 1 it a et facto reperiretur. Ren n nipt iantes prefati Capitaneus Mareschalchi 
 et Consiliarii per se vice et nomine sotietatis predicte et quihbet eorum 
 in solidum exceptioni dictorum scxmiliuin Horenorum non habuitorum 
 non receptorum non ponderatorum et non numeratorum et penes eos 
 non remansorum et omnibus aliis exceptioni bus juris vel facti et defen- 
 sionibus quibus se possent a predictis quoquomodo tueri vel juvari. Qua- 
 propter dictus dominus Capitaneus mereschalchi et Constabilia et Consi- 
 liarii predict] per se ipsis et vice et nomine sotietatis prelate liberaverunt 
 
DOCUMENTS. 333 
 
 et absolverunt lucanum Comunem et eius subditos et omuia eorum et 
 cuiuscuruque ipsorum bona presentia et futura et suprascriptum Ruge- 
 rum stipulautem vice et nomine lucani cumuuis et me Jacobum notariimi 
 infrascriptum stipulautem et recipientem ut supra de dicta quantitate 
 sexrailium florenorum auri : tantum per aquilianam stipulatiouem prece- 
 dentem et acceptillationem legiptimis vei I us juris propositam et legiptime 
 subsecutam ; fatiens supradictus dominus Capitaneus et alii prelibati 
 et quilibet eorum in solidum dicto Rogerio presenti stipulanti et reci- 
 pienti vice et nomine lucani Comunis et michi notario infrascripto ut 
 supra stipulanti et recipieuti finem remissionem refutationem quieta- 
 tionem absolutioneni et pactum de ulterius in perpetuum non petendo 
 seu amplius imbringando, ymo semper eiunt taciti et conteuti de pre- 
 dicts et quantum pro quantitate antedicta, reservato omni jure quod 
 haberent ad maiorem quantitatem vigore pactorum predictorum. Que 
 quidem omnia suprascripta et infrascripta promiserunt et convenerunt 
 supradicti dominus Capitaneus mariscalchi couistabilis et consiliarii 
 nominibus quibus supra suprascripto Rugerio presenti et recipieuti et 
 michi Jacobo notario infrascripto ut supra stipulantibus pro lucano 
 Comuni perpetuo firma rata et grata et incorrupta habere et tenere et 
 contra non facere vel venire in judicio vel extra de jure vel de facto 
 sub infrascriptis penis et obligationibus. Pro quibus omnibus et sin- 
 gulis sic firmiter observandis firmis et ratis habendis et tenendis et pro 
 dampnis et expensis contingentibus suprascriptus dominus Capitaneus 
 meresehaleln couistabilis et consiliarii et quilibet eorum in solidum per 
 se et vice et nomine suprascripte Sotietatis obligaverunt dicto Rugerio 
 et michi Jacobo notario infrascripto pro lucano comuni stipulanti ut 
 supra sese ipsos dictam sotietatem et eorum et cuilibet eorum succes- 
 sores et bona omnia presentia et futura ad penam duppli suprascripte 
 quantitatem florenorum sollempui stipulatione premissa. Constituentes 
 et sjjeciali pacto promictentes predicta omnia et singula actendere et 
 observare et solvere Luce Pisis Janue et alibi ubicumque locorum et 
 fori ubi predicta fuerint postulata, nulla originis vel domicilii aut in- 
 competentis exceptione per eos vel alterum ipsorum modo quolibet op- 
 ponendo. Renumptiantes fori privilegio benefitio solidi de duobus seu 
 pluribus rei debendi, epistole divi Hadriani autenticorum novo iuri et 
 desdemissoribus et mandatoriis et omni legum et statutorum auxilio 
 quo se a predictis vel aliquo predictorum tueri vel juvari possent: et 
 rogaverunt me Jacobum notai'ium infrascriptum ut de presentibus pu- 
 blicum presens facerem Instrumentum quod eorum consuetis capitanei 
 mareschalcorum et couistabilis sigillis iusserunt ad maiorem tidem fir- 
 missime roborari. Et quod supra in undecima linea presenti coraputato 
 interliueatum et hoc verbum mea propria manu scripsi. 
 
334 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 Actum in Abatia Ysule comitatus Senarum iu campo antedicte sotie- 
 tatis. millesimotrecentesimo septuagesimoquinto quartadecima indictione 
 secundum modum et cursum civitatis lucaue die septimo mensis Octu- 
 bris, preseutibus nobilibus viris Spinello quondam Luce Alberti civi flo- 
 rentino et Dionisio quondam Francoli de la Strata, Zannino quondam 
 domini Petri de Octobellis de Alexandria cancellario prefati Rugerii, 
 Emont Ubit et Jobanne Gubiono Anglicis de Anglia et pluribus aliis 
 ad ha?c vocatis et rogatis. 
 
 Ego Jacobus Taddei Simonis de Terrincba vieinatus l'etrasantc, 
 publicus imperiali auctoritate notarius et judex ordinarius et nunc 110- 
 tarius et cancellarius prefati domini Capitanei Sotietatis et in bac parte 
 ipsiua t'omunis lucani, predictis omnibus et singulis interfui et roga- 
 tus sic bene scripsi signum quoque meum apposui consuetum et ad 
 fideui premissorum me in testem subscripsi. Et quod est in quadragesi- 
 masesta linea interlineatum et hoc verbum notarile inea propria manu 
 scripsi 
 
 D. capitan. D' Johasnis toknebeki D..Toiianms Bris Gvilli gold conistabilis 
 
 (L.S.) (L.S.) (L.S.| (I..S.) 
 
 (Lucca, State Archives.) 
 
 XXV. 
 
 [1376.] 
 
 Domino Johanni Ilaucud. 
 Octo. 
 Magnifice miles, frater et amice karissime. 
 
 Intelleximus que nobis pro parte vestre nobilitatis exposuerunt no- 
 bilis vir Roggerius Canis nee non Cancellarius vester et Spinellus. Et 
 circa ea providimus prout idem Roggerius vobis plenius referet viva 
 voce, cui tamquam nobis placeat in omnibus credere et fidem plenis- 
 simam tribuere. Sperantes per nos ordinata talia tore, quod poteritis 
 merito contentare; et certissime tenendo quod ea omnia sine defectu 
 faciemus firmiter observari. 
 
 Dat. Florentie die vin mmsis Junii xim lndictionis m i OLXXVI. 
 
 (Florence, State Archives, Signori, Carteggio H\ — . Cancelhria, »° 15, c. 66.) 
 
DOCUMENTS. 335 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 [137.;.! 
 
 Domino Bernabovi. 
 
 Octo. 
 
 Magnifice et excelse Domine frater karissime. 
 
 Licteras spectabilitatis vestre ad nostra brevia responsivas tauto 
 letius accepimus, quanto quotidie vestrum perfectum animuni olarius 
 intuemur. Et quoniam opus est facto non verbis, nobis videtur quod 
 si conducere possumus Dominum Johanuem Haucud, simus extra cunta 
 perieula, et quod adventus Bretonurn sit futurus ad eorum confusionem : 
 et ideo placeat vobis Roggerio Cani resoribere quod eonducat et firniet 
 dictam gentem in minori quantitate quam poterit usque in lanceas 
 mille quingeutas et arcerios octingentos, et pro minori tempore ac mi- 
 nori stipendio quam poterit, dummodo congruis pactionibus couducan- 
 tur. Et quamvis vos offeratis etiam ultra quam tangat banc expensam 
 facere, de quo vobis regratiamus, tamen nos sumus jjarati subire una 
 vobiscum exjiensarum onus pro rata, secundum lige taxationem 
 
 Sed quia visis capitulis Anglicorum satis vobiscum dubitamus ipsos 
 nobiscum ad concordiam non venturos quia res omnino denegabiles 
 postulant et nos in intolerabiles sumptus inducunt, attamen utile cre- 
 dimus quod commodis et habilibus conventionibus conducantur ; ad 
 quod faciendum Spinellum nostrum secretarium transmittimus, et ideo 
 vos super hoc quod expediens visum fuerit Roggerio placeat intimare : 
 et quo simua in into, firmare nobis necessarium videtur Ducem Au- 
 strie cum sua ISrigata, ut celeriter turori IJritonum opponatur. 
 l»:it. Floren. xvi Junii xim Indie, mccclxxvi. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 [1376.] 
 
 Magnifico et Egregio militi Domino Johanni Hauchwd, Cajjitaneo 
 Societatis Anglicorum ad presens Italie militantium, Priores Artium et 
 \ T exillifer iustitie Populi et Communis Florentie, salutem et prosperos 
 ad vota successus cum honorum felicibus incrementis. Quoniam vestra 
 nobilitas exigit declarari quod, omissis oblivionique traditis iniuriis 
 damnis et offensionibus quibuscunque quas hactenus Commune nostrum 
 a vobis vel vestris gentibus recepisset, sincerum erga vos animum osten- 
 
330 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 damus, Ecce quod tenore presentium orunes ofl'ensiones contra nos et 
 nostrum Commune aut nostros subditos quotnodocuiique et ubicunque 
 tcrrarum et loci, per vos aut gentes vestras, dicto vel facto, persona- 
 liter vel in bonis factas quomodolibet Tel illatas usque in presentem 
 diem, sub modo et titulo societatis seu ad aliena stipendia militando, 
 vobis plene remittimus, et ab eisdem vos integraliter absolvimus et li- 
 beramus. Kecrpientes vos, omnibus deposit-is rancoribus, in nostram 
 gratiam et in auimorum nostrorum sincerissima caritate. Nobilitatem 
 vestram affectuosissime deprecando, quatenus similem nobis rernissio- 
 nem facere placeat versa vice. In quorum testimonium has litteras no- 
 stras patentes per Coluccium scribam nostre Cancellarie notari fecimus 
 et nostrorum sigillorum impressione munitas in nostris aetis pubblicis 
 registrari. Dat. Florentie die xx mensis Junii, x:v Ind. mccclxxvi. 
 (Ibidem, e. G9.t 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 [1376.] 
 Domino Joanni Haucud. 
 
 Nobili ac egregio militi Domino Jobanni Haucud Capitaneo Socie- 
 tatis Anglicorum in Italia militantis. 
 
 Priores Artium et Vexillifer iustitie Populi et Communis Florentie 
 salutem cum bonorum felicibus incrementis. Maiestati nostri Populi 
 congruit viros strenuos probitatis atque virtutum luce consjiicuos hono- 
 rare, ut quantum in nobis est egregias mentes ad studia virtutum ar- 
 dentius animemus. Quo circa, amice carissime, cum anno preterito, de 
 mense Julii, vobis quamdiu essetis in partibus Italie provisum fuerit 
 per nostra oportuna consilia quod amnios mille ducentos florenos auri 
 a nostra Camera percipere deberetis, nos provisionem predictam tenore 
 presentium, sicut vestra virtus exigit, ampliantes, vos toto tempore 
 vite vestre, ubicumque terrarum, citra montes vel ultra montes vos 
 contigerit militare, in provisionatum nostri Communis, libera et mera 
 nostra voluntate, et ex certa scientia solemniter acceptamus harum 
 viitute litterarum vobis mille ducentos auri in Civitate Yenetiarum 
 singulis annis de mense Julii numerandos, nostri Communis nomine 
 deputantis, sublataque omni alia provisione quibuscunque verbis vobis 
 per Commune nostrum aut nostros antecessores hactenus constituta, 
 et omnibus ad presentem reductis ; pro predictis observances, vobis 
 erarium nostrum publicum ac Commune Florentie efficaeiter obliga- 
 mus. In cuius rei testimonium has nostras patentes litteras per Coluc- 
 cium Pieri scribam nostre Cancellarie registrari i'ecimus atque scribi. 
 
DOCUMENTS. 337 
 
 nostrorumque sigillorum apprensione iussimus roborari. Dat. Florentie 
 die deciraa ineusis Julii, xmi Indictione Anno Domini mccclxxvi. 
 (Ibidem, n" IT. c. 45.) 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 [1378.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes Domini tainquam fratres carissimi. 
 
 Significamus vobis quod Dominus Summus Pontifex nobis rescrissii 
 quod pro ambassiatoribus ipsius procuremus habere uuum salvum con- 
 ductum a vobis et a Domiuis iiorentinis per omnibus gentibus Lige, 
 quod ipsi possint adcedere per quascumque terras Lige cum ducentis 
 equitibus armis valisiis et rebus aliis quibuscumque indeque Romam 
 redire, valiturum duobus mensibus ; quare Magnificentiam vestram de- 
 precamur quod dictum salvum conductum nobis mittere non tardetis, 
 in tali forma et ordine quod aliquid in eo opponi non possit. Data in 
 Sancto Quiricho die in Februarii. 
 
 Johannes Haukcavod 
 
 Capitaneus etc. 
 (A turgo) 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus Dominis, Dominis Def'ensoribus populi Ci- 
 vitatis Senarum i'ratribus carissiinis. 
 
 (London, British Museum, Harleyan MSS., 6989, f. I.i 
 
 XXX. 
 
 [1373.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes Domini, honorandi amici carissimi. Habemus 
 a certo per literas egregii militis domini Johannis Torneberi, Thome 
 de Edwarston et Almerici de Interminellis quod hoc sero ambaxiatores 
 Domini Summi Pontifficis Radicoffanum applicuerunt, et eras in prandio 
 venient Sanctum Quiricum bona hora, quibus obviam ibimus usque 
 ad Hospitale Valdurze bona hora, que vobis significare curavimus per 
 presentes. 
 
 Apud Sanctum Quiricum, xxvn Februarii, bora 3' noctis. 
 
 Johannes Haucwod 
 
 Capitaneus etc. 
 (A tergo) 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus Dominis, Dominis Defensoribus Civitatis 
 Senarum honorandis amicis carissimis. 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
338 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 [1379.] 
 
 Magnifici e( potentes domini ; ut noscatis nos in omnibus vigilare, 
 sentimus et a certo habemus quod vos una cum aliis comunitatibus 
 Tuscie nostram procuratis omnino recipere oomitivam et nonnullos ox 
 nostris ad vestra stipendia recipere, de (juo amiratione multa movemur, 
 (ill quod rogamus ut nullos ex nostris accipere vellitis doner vobis 
 aliqua utilia vobis et nobis rescribemus. Nam si tantum omnes gentes 
 istas ad vestra stipendia reciperetis non propterea defieerent nobis 
 alie gentes in numero grandiori quas undecumque habere possumus: 
 de quibus vos reddere volumus provisos et munitos ut eligere possitis 
 quod vobis videbitur pro meliori. Data in campo nostro Luliani xxj martij 
 
 Lucius comes de Las t j . 
 
 T I apitanei etc. etc. 
 
 .lollANNKS I1AI M IN \ ' 
 
 (A tergo) 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus dominis dominis defensoribus Civitatis Se- 
 narum amicis nostris Carissimis. 
 
 (Siena, State Archives, Carte di pnrticolari, Agucl ) 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 [1380.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini et fratres carissimi. Mictirnus ad vos 
 nobilem virum Antonium de Porcaria sotium nostrum presentium osten- 
 sorem, de nostra intentione super quibus vestre dominationi horetenus 
 explicandis plenissime informatum, relatibus cuius tanquam nobis pla- 
 ceat indubiam dare fidem. Parati ad omnia grata vobis. Data Floren- 
 ce die \ in octobris. 
 
 Johannes hatjkcwod 
 
 capitaneus etc. 
 (A tergo) 
 Magnificis et potentibus dominis dominis defensoribus civitatis Se- 
 narum fratribus carissimis. 
 
 Amerycus. 
 illiiilem.) 
 
DOCUMENTS. 339 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 [1381.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini et fratres carissimi. Quia dominus 
 Johannes Ban us venturus est Florentie per mare vos rogamus ut ordi- 
 nare vellitis quod pecunia vestra que est provisa veniat Florentiani ut 
 quando ipse venerit possitnus negotium expedire, rogantes etiam vos 
 ut supra materia comitis Conradi de Lando ut vobis scripseruni amba- 
 sciatores vestri vellitis assumere bonum partitum, quoniam cognoscimus 
 quod ipse eum brigata sua erit bonus pro vobis; et de ipsis plaeeat 
 nobis respondere. Offerentes dos ad grata vestra. Florentie xxvm de- 
 cembris. 
 
 Johannes haukutd 
 
 capitaneus etc. 
 ;.\ tergo) 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus dominis dominis defensoribus eivitati- Se- 
 narum ut fratribus precai'issimis. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 [1382.] 
 
 Magnifici ft potentes domini et amici carissimi. 
 
 Recepimus licteras vestras ut vobis significaremus nova de progres- 
 silms ytalicorum, quibus respondemus quod, ut credimus vos audivisse, 
 Arizzium redierunt; nos autem speramus omnes gentes nostre [haberi?] 
 in partibus vallis Ami de supra ut advenienti simili casu in una jios- 
 simus die esse insimul. Ex quo rogamus ut vestras gentes armigeras 
 mittere vellitis versus Lucignanum et Ambram ut in casu necessitatis 
 possimus insimul subito conveniri. Et alia non scribimus quia vestri 
 serilmut aniliassiatores. ail jilenum parati perpetua ad beneplacita vestra. 
 Dat. Florentie die xj Januarij 
 
 JnWNF.S HAUKUTD 
 
 Capitaneus generalis. 
 
 (A t.')!_"l) 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus dominis dominis Defensoribus Civitatis Se- 
 narum dominis et amicis Carissimis. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
340 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 XXXV 
 
 [1382.] 
 Magnifici et potentes domini et amici carissirai. Juxta informationem 
 vestrorum ambassiatorum firmavimus xx lauceas bouas que sunt parate 
 quaiidocumque habuerint peeunias ; et immo placeat providere quod pe- 
 cuuias solvatur ipsis bic (sic) prestantia et venient siue mora ; sed si 
 placeret habere plus usque in xxv vel xxx lanzeas uobis rescribatis et 
 inictemus usque ad nuinerum prelibatum; ultra vein hie iam diu virum 
 strenuum Heuricum Actimbergh retinuimus; et si placeret ipsum ad ve- 
 stra servitia habere cum centum vel lxxx lanzeis nobis rescribatis et 
 ipsum facemus cum bona brigata venire. Et de omnibus placeat per Go- 
 da nlum latorem presentium respondere. Parati ad grata vestra. 
 
 Florentie xxij Januarij 
 
 Johannes iiaukutd 
 
 Capitaneus generalis. 
 
 (A tergo) ' 
 
 Magnifiois et potentibus dominis dominis Defensoribus Civitatis Se- 
 narum amicis cai'issimis. 
 
 (IbideiD, Lettere al Conciatoro.) 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 [1382.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini el amici carissimi. Jam per plures 
 
 nostras literas magnificentie vestre rescripsimus supra liberatione egregii 
 
 militis domini Petri de (lactams de l'isis et nunc percepimus ipsum fore 
 
 antedicto (sic) captivatum quern credebamus vos iam relapsasse. Et ob id, 
 
 cum noster sitintimus amicus et carus, magnificeutiam prelibatam grate 
 
 rogamus quod licet in aliquo f'et'ellerit, quod nullo modo credere pos- 
 
 sumus, eundem ex gratia et dono singulari petimus et personam suam 
 
 postulamus quantum afi'ectius possumus, nam gratiam ipsam quam cre- 
 
 dimus apud amicitiam vestram liberaliter obtinere nuuquam nostris 
 
 tradebimus temporibus oblivioni. Et pro buiusmodi liberatione vobis et 
 
 comunitati illi ad queque gratuita et honoranda obtulimus ecce nos 
 
 paratos. Datum Florentie xxiv Januarii. 
 
 Johannes iiavkftii 
 
 capitaneus generalis. 
 (A tetgo) l 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus dominis dominis defensoribus civitatis Se- 
 
 narum amicis nostris carissimis etc. 
 
 (Ibidem, Cartt di particolarii Agnd.) 
 
DOCUMENTS. :J41 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 [1382.] 
 Magnifici et poteutes domiiii. Quia nuper inteleximus gentes so- 
 cietatis Italicorum Saucti Georgii Aretium exivisse et equitasse versus 
 territoria vestra, Magnificentiam Vestram rogamus actente ut nobis 
 scribere placeat iter eorurn, ut si equitassent versus partes maretime 
 statim exire contra eos possimus in vestri auxilium. Et si citra Senas 
 equitassent ordinetis quod gentes vestre se reducant versus Podio Bo- 
 nizum et alias partes ad finem quod ipsos ibidem invenire valeamus. En- 
 super, ut alio Magnificentie Vestre scripsiruus. digneuiini nobis ex gratia 
 largiri dominum Pet rum de Gaytanis vestris carceribus mancipatum. 
 Parati ad singula gratuita votis vestris. Dat. Florentie xxiiij Januarij 
 bora ij noctis. Et taliter providere q_uod vestre gentes parati sint quod 
 veniendo nobiscum ad fronterias ad faeendum honorem nostrum et 
 vestrum {sic). 
 
 Johannes hauci d 
 
 Capitaneus generalis etc. 
 (A tergo) 
 
 Magnificis et potentis dominis. L). Defensoribus Civitatis Senarum etc. 
 
 (Tin- seal bears the impress 01 a hawk.) 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 [1382.1 
 
 Magnifici et poteutes domini et amici carissimi. Recepimus literas 
 vestras quibus respondemus quod infra duos dies cum omnibus gen- 
 tibus venire erimus certe parati, iuxta tamen mandata dominorum no- 
 strorum. ex gratia et dono preterea petentes personam domini Petri de 
 Gaytanis. Datum Florentie xxv Januarii. 
 
 .bill INNES HAl Mil' 
 
 capitaneus generalis. 
 (A tergo) 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus domiuis dominis defensoribus civitatis Se- 
 narum amicis carissimis. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
342 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 [1382.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini. Etecomendatione premissa. Quia no- 
 bilis vir Henricus Cher est cum Ciono Sandri tjuem cognoscimus probuni 
 virum, ipsum si gentes faceretis totis affectibus commendanuis. Nam 
 ab ibso fructuosa servitia reportabitis. Et honore parati ad singula 
 M. V. grata. Dat. Florentie xxv. January 
 
 Johannes haucud 
 
 Capitaneus Generalis etc. 
 
 (A tergo) 
 
 Magnifiois et potentibus dominis dominis Defensoribus Givitatis Se- 
 liarum dominis precarissimis. 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 XL. 
 
 [1382.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini. I't novistis pridie, pro firma illarum 
 nx lancearum miximus ad vos Conradum de Laudebach latorem pre- 
 sentium quern, ut reportavit, benigniter firmavistis ad vestra servitia; 
 et pro incurso casu istorum inimicorum ipsas xx lanceas in campo nobi- 
 scum retinuimus, nunc vero ad vestram presentiam destinamus partem ; 
 it alia pars ibit Florentiam pro rebus et bonis eorum, ventura illico 
 Senas; et ob id ipsos magnificentie vestre affectuose recomendamus ut 
 ipsis pro damnis receptis in campo fieri facere vellitis prestantias duo- 
 rum mensium et facere subito ipsos scribere et collocare prope con- 
 lims istos, ut iii casu quo inimici equitarent possimus contra ipsos vi- 
 riliter equitare. Et similiter placeat semper gentes vestras equestres et 
 pedites ac balistrarios in punto equitandi retinere, quoniam si venerinl 
 versus partes vestras aut Florentiam, inteiidimus, f'avente altissimo, con- 
 tra ipsos nostras vires demonstrare ; rogantes ut propter dilationem 
 eorum nun ammictant stipeudium ; parati semper ad beneplacita re- 
 stra. Dat. apud Oastrum Novum die primo februarii. 
 
 Job \nnks eaukutd 
 
 capitaneus generalis. 
 (A tergo) 
 
 Magniiicis et potentibus dominis dominis defensoribus eivitatis Se- 
 narum dominis et amicis carissimis. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
DOCUMENTS. 343 
 
 XLI. 
 
 [1382.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini. Recomendatione prernissa. Sentientes 
 vestram Magnificentiam gentes velle facere de presenti, Ecce ad pre- 
 sentiam vestram se transferet vir uobilis atque probus Rubinus de 
 Borset Britonus qui cum lanzeis xx fideliter dominationi vestre servire 
 curabit. Lpsum eidem dominationi tutis affectibus commendantes. 
 Dat. Florentie xxiiij februarii. 
 
 Johannes havcud 
 
 Capitaneus generalii i I a 
 
 (A tei*gO) 
 
 Magnificis ft potentibus dominis dominis Defensoribus Civitatis Se- 
 narum dominis precarissimis. 
 
 (Ibidem ) 
 
 XI. II 
 
 [1382.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini. Recomendatione premissa. Audientes 
 Magnificam dominationem vestram gentes velle firmare ad sua servitia 
 de presenti, Ecce Miles Egregius et in armorum ministerio compro- 
 batus dominus ('">: theutonicus Iator presentium ad vestram se dirrigit 
 presentiam, qui cum certa quantitate brigate vestre dominationi ser- 
 vire fideliter procurabit. Quern contemplatione nostri digneraini suscipere 
 comendatum. Dat. Florentie xxiiij februarij. 
 
 Johannes ii.m cud 
 
 Capitaneus generalis etc. 
 |.\ tergo) 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus dominis dominis defensoribus Civitatis Se- 
 narum dominis precarissimis. 
 
 ( Ibidem.) 
 
 XLII1. 
 
 [1382.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini. Sentientes vestram magnificentiam 
 gentes armorum veile facere de presenti, Ecce ad presentiam vestram 
 accedit vir nobihs atque probus Aymericus uugarus qui cum certa bri- 
 
344 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 gata vestre magnificentie fideliter servire curabit; ipsum dominationi 
 
 ti tre totis affectibus comendantes. Datum Florentie die xxiv februarii. 
 
 Johannes hattci i> 
 
 capitaneus generalis etc. 
 
 (A teigo) 
 
 Magnifiois et potentibua dominis dominis deffensoribus civitatis Se- 
 narum dominis precarissimis. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 XL1V. 
 
 [1382.] 
 
 ZMagnifici et potentes domini fratres carissimi. Oonquesti sunt nobis 
 Anglici qui de anno preterito et presenti ad servitia vestra fuere, 
 quod in eorum ratiouibus tempore firrae finite fuerunt f'ortiter defal- 
 cati et dapnificati contra formam pactorum indebite et iniuste. Quod 
 contra vestri conscentiam processisse putamus si verum est M. V. care 
 precantes ut Dionixio de la Strata Cancellario nostro mittere placeat 
 unam literam fidantie per quam venire valeat Senas et inde redire cum 
 sex equitibus, contradictione aliqua non obstante et aliqua molestia 
 sibi quomodolibet inferenda octo dierum spatio duraturam, quamquam 
 frustratoriam nobis videatur ; dispositi semper ad singula M. V. grata. 
 Dat. Florentie xxvij Aprilis. 
 
 Johannes haucud 
 
 Capitaneus generalis etc. 
 (A tergo) 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus dominis dominis Defensoribus Civitatis Se- 
 narum fratribus precarissimis. 
 
 (Ibiaem.) 
 
 XLV. 
 
 [1382.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini fratres carissimi. 
 
 Pridie scripsimus Magnificentie vestre eandem M. rogitando ut 
 
 pro Dionixio de la Strata cancellario nostro mittere debeatis unum 
 
 salvum conductum cum quo venire tute valeret Senis pro conferendo 
 
 cum fraternitate vestra super quibusdam. Iterato rogamus ut ipsum 
 
 iilviim conductum concedere placeat et Carolo Speziario consignare. 
 
DOCUMENTS. ;i:, 
 
 Parati et dispositi ad quelibet consona votis vestris. Datum Floren- 
 ce xj May. 
 
 Johannes hatjci d 
 
 Gapitaneus etc. 
 [A tergo) 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus dominis dominis Defensoribus Civitatis Se- 
 
 narum fratribus precarissimis. 
 
 [Ibidem.) 
 
 XL VI. 
 
 [1382.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes Domini et. amici oarissimi. Providendo logia- 
 menta istarum partium lmc appullimus, dispositis in vestris partibus 
 omues gentes armigeras. Et, ut advenienti casu possimus subito esse 
 insimul vos rogamus ut omnes vestras gentes equites pedites et ba- 
 listrarios in niaiori quo potestis numero mittere velitis sub ductu vestri 
 Capitanei ad partes Lucignani et aliorum vestrorum locorum quum 
 facta Arizzii procedunt per modum quod poteritis contentari. Et in hoc 
 vestram festinam sollicitudinem imploramus vice ista parati ubilibet ad 
 grata vestra. Datum Civitelle primo Maji. 
 
 Johannes Hauktjtd 
 
 Capitaneus generalis ec. 
 
 (A tergo) 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus Dominis Dominis Defensoribus Civitatis 
 Senarum amicis carissimis. 
 
 (London, British Museum Cottonian Charters, IV 16.) 
 
 XLVH. 
 
 [1383.] 
 Die vjj mensis decembris 
 Magnifici et potentes domini, domini defensores Capitaneus Populi, 
 
 Prior Reformationum et septem ex octo offitialibus Comunis Sen 
 
 Pro evidenti utilitate. In more, comodo Comunis et populi Civitatis 
 Sen predicte et pro reparatione quam plurium scandalorum et peri- 
 culorum que pro futuro de facili posseut contingere, etc. Fuerunt in 
 plena concordia deliberandi et deliberaverunt quod sit remissum ex 
 nunc in Ser Ghanum Biondi notarium, Mannoccinm Guidi de Ranconi- 
 
846 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 bus de Senis et Bencivennem Gani, ambaxiatores dicti comunis, ituros ad 
 (lorn ilium Johannero lugut capitaneum Sotietatis {interruption in the MS.), 
 qui ambaxiatores possint libere cotnponere et pacisci et compositionem 
 el concordiam facere cum dicto domino Johanne A.ugut e1 cum Johanne 
 A/./.i et cum omnibus aliia caporalibus dicte societatis, cum illis capi- 
 tulis pactis articulis et limitationibus quibus t-t prout el sicul dicti 
 ambaxiatoribus videbitur el placebit, de non offendendo Civitatem vel 
 Comitatum Sen. durante pro ill" tempore el modis quibus eisdem am- 
 baxiatoribus placuerit etc. El pro dicta compositione fienda et Con- 
 cordia habenda, possinl vice et nomine Comunis Sen. dictis Domino 
 Johauni capitaneo et aids caporalibus dicte sotietatis pro se et pro 
 dictis de Sotietate etc promictere dare et solvere tria millia vel quinque 
 millia florenorum auri et etiam promictere usque ad quantitatem et 
 summam otto millia florenorum auri inclusive prout et sicul eisdi m 
 ambaxiatoribus videbitur et placebit ; et quidquid per eos in predictis 
 factum fuerit et compositum sive gestum valeat et teneat ac si factum 
 esset per dittos de balia predicta etc. 
 
 (Siena, State Archives, Deliberation* di ConcUt I 
 
 XI. VIII. 
 
 [1383.] 
 
 l>ie xjj de mense decembris 
 Magnifici et potentes domini, domini defensores, Capitaneus populi, 
 prior Reformationum Civitatis Sen. et septem ex otto offitialibus Comu- 
 nis Sen. super Balia deputati, in solito consistorio congregati, solepni- 
 tatibus debitis osservatis etc. vigore eorum balie etc. fuerunt in plena 
 concordia deliberandi et deliberaverunt quod Dominus Johannes Agut 
 Capitaneus Sotietatis (interruption in (he MS.) habeat provisionem a Co- 
 nmni Sen. pro tempore nnius anni proximi secuturi, incipient*' dicto anno 
 in calendis decembris proximis preteritis et ut sequitur finiendo, ad 
 rationem pro quolibet mensi dicti anni centum florenorum auri nepto- 
 rum sine aliqua detractione kabelle: et hec pro remuneratione quam- 
 plurium servitiorum factorum per eum Comuni Sen. etc. et ut ejus ani- 
 mus in posterum ferventius sit ad serviendo dicto Comuni, uiaxime 
 nunc in pace et concordie et compositione fienda inter ipsum Commie 
 ex una parte et eumdem Dominum Johannem et ejus caporales et so- 
 
 tietatem ex altera parte, que nunc tractatur etc. 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
D0C1 UENTS. 347 
 
 XI. IX. 
 
 [1384.] 
 
 Magnifici ei potentes domini fi tres carissimi. Recomandatioue pre- 
 missa. Exigunt virtuosa opera sapientis viri domini Petri de Boncom- 
 paguis de Pinu legum doctoris dignis honoribus sublimari; considerantes 
 igitur prefati domini Petri nobis intimissimi sufficientiam, audemus pro 
 ipso tanquam benemerito apud magnificentiam vestram interponere 
 partes nostras; magnificentiam vestram, quam erga nos semper inveni- 
 mus liberalem, non cessamus cordialiter deprecari ut eidem domino 
 Petro, nostri amoris intuitu, de officio sindicatus vestre nobilissime ci- 
 vitatis pin semestri et tempore ellectionis primere begnigniter suliw- 
 nire. Tenentes a certo quod quicquid eidem nostra gratia et amore 
 impensum fuerit personis propriis ascribemus. Ideoque erga ipsum ta- 
 liter se babere dignetur magnificentia antedicta quod idem dominus 
 Petrus mediante vestro suffragio gaudeat nostras literas destinasse 
 vestreque dominationi teneamur grata vicissitudine respondere. Super 
 quibus placeat per latorem presentem destinare vestrum gratiosum 
 responsum. Parati semper ad quelibet conformia votis vestris. Dat. 
 Florentie m septembris. 
 
 JO iNSES II \ I'lli 
 
 capitaneus generalis etc. 
 
 I A ! ■ I - i 
 
 Magnificis et potentibus dominis dominis defensoribus civitatis 8e- 
 naruin fratribus precarissimis. 
 
 (Ibidi ' a rfi particolari, Agud.) 
 
 L. 
 
 [1384.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini. Mittimus ad vos ser Guicciardinum de 
 Bononia cancellarium nostrum cum pleno mandato pro ilia pecunia 
 (juain nobis dare debetis ex causa vobis nota, quern placeat ad nos re- 
 mittere expeditum et cum dicta pecunia, quia ipsa ut plurimum pre- 
 
348 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 sentialiter indigemus. Dat. in campo nostro in comitatu Cortone 
 xxtii septembris vn indictione. 
 
 Johannes hauchtjtd miles \ 
 
 Johannes de ubaldinis ', capitanei societatis rose. 
 
 KlOIARDUS KOMCSEN / 
 
 (A tergo) 
 Magnificis et potentibus dominis defensoribua populi eivitatis Sena- 
 rum dominis carissitnis. 
 (Ibidem. I 
 
 1,1. 
 
 [1384.] 
 
 Priores artium et vexillifer Iustitie populi et Communis Florentie. 
 
 Vogliamo e comandiamo die voi messer Donato rimagnate a fare 
 quello che aveste in commessione e perche il ragionamento di messer 
 Giovanni Aguto per lo quale foste mandati voi. Bartolomeo e Jacopo, 
 non vengono a dire nulla, fate che vedute le presenti tornate alia no- 
 stra presentia. Dat. Florentie die 27 octobris vn Indict. 
 
 (Florence, Lanrentian Library, Ahsbiirnham ^ISS. n" 1701 of thi catalogue.) 
 
 L1I. 
 
 [1384.] 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini et amici carissimi. 
 
 Ad vestre presentie Magnificentiam accedit vir nobilis Vituccius de 
 Pisis mercator lator presentium cui sum in certa pecunie quantitate 
 veridice obligatus; et ob id ad ipsam vestram dominationem necessario 
 cogor confidenter recurrere, rogans ut ipsi Vituccio dare facere vellitis 
 illos quingentos florenos quos pro resto illius mee provixionis milii 
 dare debetis. Nam erit mihi tantum gratum quod licteris explicare non 
 possem. Et exinde ero vobis in omnibus obligatus ; queso intuitu meo 
 deficere non vellitis. Paratus ad singula grata vestra. Dat. Florentie 
 
 primo Novembria vij Ind. 
 
 Vester Joiiaxnks iiAi'KVTri miles etc. 
 
 (A tergo) 
 MumiImi- ft potentibus dominis iloininis Defensoribua Civitatis Se- 
 narum dominis et Amicis precarissimis. 
 
 (Siena, State Archives Carti h particolari, Agud.) 
 
I " Ml Mi:M-> 34'.' 
 
 I. III. 
 
 [1385.] 
 
 Copia lictere tra.smi.sse per dominum Carolum Vicecomitem etc. 
 domino Jobanui de Agud. 
 
 Maguiiioe et extrenue amice uostri carissime. Notificamus vobis quod 
 hodie summo mane dominus comes Virtutum in Mediolano cepit et 
 detenuit magnincum et excelsum domiimm dominum genitorem nostrum 
 et magniticum fratrem nostrum carissimum dominum Lodovicum Vi- 
 cecomitem etc. Nos liberi sumus in Crenia cittadella nostra et castrum 
 Porte Komaue tenetur nostro nomine. Quare i'raternam probitatem 
 vestram affettuose rogamus ut statim cum illis gentibus armigeris quas 
 a vobis et ab amicis recuperare poteritis veniatis personaliter nobis in 
 subsidium per Parmam ; et denarios opportunos in quantitate babemus 
 paratos pro numerari faciendos prout ordinabitis ; tempus est enim ut 
 ostendatis virilitatem vestram et quod scitis facere et estis consueti 
 Kescribentes statim etc. 
 
 Datum Creme die vi maii. 
 
 Caeolus Vicecomes etc. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 LIV. 
 
 [Ion:.. 
 
 Magnifici et potentes domini carissimi. Recomendatioue premissa. Ad 
 Magnificientiam Vestrarn providuru et discretum virum Ser Jacobum de 
 Petrasanta carissimum meum de meis intentione plenarie informatum 
 trasmicto, cui tamquam proprie persone mee placeat fidem credulam 
 hadibere. Paratus et dispositus ad omnia vobis grata. Datum Florentie 
 xvij Augusti millesimo ccclxxxv 
 
 Johannes iiaucud 
 
 miles, Anglicorum etc. 
 (A tergo) 
 Magniticis et potentibus domiuis dominis Prioribus et Vexilliferis 
 Iustitie civitatis Senaruin dominis precarissimis. 
 (Ibidem, Luitere id Concisloro.) 
 
350 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 l.V. 
 
 L1386.] 
 Die quinta settembris. 
 
 Convocato certo consilio richieste centum octo civium civitatis Sen. 
 in dicto nuraero predictis dominis prioribus computatis, ad rieliiestam 
 factam per famulos eorumdem dominorum fuit in dicto consilio de li- 
 centia propositi per Andream Francisci Purghiani de mirnero dictorum 
 dominorum priorum dictum et propositum iii hac forma, videlicet: Cum 
 audiveritis licteram e< ambaxiatam domini Johannis Agud super quibus 
 et contentis quarum alias in simili consilio fuit propositum. Et quod 
 cum Antonio de Porcari post dictum retentum consilium fuerii habita 
 cei'ta pratica el colloquio, quibus comprehendi potest quod dominus 
 Johannes Agud hiis temporibus venturus est ad partes nostri comitatu. 
 [terum et de novo supra predicta materia petiit sibi pro comuni Sena- 
 rum sanum utileque consilium exiberi. 
 
 Ventura Andree unus ex consiliariis dicti consili, surgens in dicto 
 consilio et ad consuetum existens dicitorium, supra dicta proposita et 
 contentis in ea dixit ei consuluit: quod Monaldus -Mini Monaldi am- 
 baxiator jam electus pro predictis vadat et mictatur per dominos priores 
 ad dictum dominem Johannem Agud, qui eidem clarificet et dicai im- 
 possibilitatem nostram et nostri comunis Sen . qua mediante excuset 
 Comune Sen. quod sibi de petitis per eum mm potest sibi complacere 
 solummodo per nostram impossibilitatem. Qua exposita ambaxiata, 
 dictus ambaxiator actente audiat quod respondebitur per dictum do- 
 minum Johannem et oinneni eius quantum possit presentem intentio 
 nem, et omnia que habuerit et presumserit referat et notificet dominis 
 j hi. nil his : et quod dictus Monaldus v;idat quo citius poterit enm dicta 
 ambaxiata vel alia qua domini priores per se v.-l per illns in quos 
 comictere volunt super predictis. 
 
 In cujus summa consilii et reformatione, dato, facto et misso so- 
 lepni scrutinio ad lupinos albos et uigros secundum formam statuto- 
 nim Sen., fuit in dicto consilio obtentum et solepniter reformatum per 
 centum tres consiliarios qui reddiderunt eorum lupinum album pro 
 sic. uon obstantibus quinque eorum qui reddiderunt nigros lupinos pro 
 non, ipiod predicta omnia f'aciantur et exequantur prout superius con- 
 tinetur. 
 
 (Ibidom Deliberation* di Conciatoro.) 
 
DOCUMENTS. 351 
 
 LVI. 
 
 [1386.] 
 
 Die primo mensis novembris. 
 
 Viri magnifici et honorabiles domini domini priores Comunis et Po- 
 jmli Civitatis Sen. et offitiales balie in sufficienti numero convocati et 
 congregati in consueto consistorio palatii comunis Senarum, residen- 
 tia dictorum dominorum priorum, pro eorum offitio laudabiliter exer- 
 cendo, de mandato viri prudentis Jacobi Fei honorabilis propositi 
 dictorum dominorum, facta prius super infrascriptis solenni et diligent i 
 proposita per dictum Dominum propositum de assensu suorum colle- 
 garum, et super ea dato facto et misso secreto partito et scruptineo 
 inter eos ad lupinos albos et nigros secundum formam stat-utorum Se- 
 narum, uniformes couformes et unanimes statuerunt et decreverunt : 
 quod Georgius Coltini de Senis, electus in ambassiatorem iturus ad do- 
 minum Johannem de Agut ex parte Comunis Senarum, omni postposita 
 mora equitet et se transferat ad dictum Dominum Johannem eidemque 
 referat quod quantitas florenorum de auro, quos teneturet debet habere 
 a Niceolao domini Spinelli de Piccolominibus, est protinus preparata. 
 Nee non roget eundem dominum Johannem ex parte et intuito Co- 
 munis Senarum quod eidem placeat quod iter suum non fiat per ter- 
 ritorium Senarum per se vel suos complices. Et in quantum idem Domi- 
 nus Johannes velit aliud iter carpere quantum per Comitatum Senarum. 
 quod tunc et eo casu diet us Georgius orator possit et sibi liceat lar- 
 giri eidem Domino Johanni de Agut. in quantum aliud iter ipse et sui 
 complices caporales et sequaces tenere velint quantum per comitatum 
 Senarum, usque in quantitatem quingentorum florenorum de auro de 
 florenis et pecunia comunis Sen. sine aliquo suo preiudicio. Et quod 
 qise Georgius habeat ed ducat pro honore Comunis Senarum et sue 
 persone tres equos. Et hec fecerunt et decreverunt vigore eorum bai- 
 lie et omni via jure modo et forma quibus melius poterint. In cujus 
 reformatione consilj dato facto et misso partito, fait victum optentum 
 et reformatum quod plene sit fiat et exequatur prout et sicut superius 
 continetur, per sedecim lupinos albos del si, non obstantibus duobus 
 lupinis nigris del no in contrarium. 
 
 (ibidem.) 
 
352 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 LV11. 
 
 [1386.] 
 
 Die quarto mensis Novembris. 
 
 Viri magnifici et honorabiles doinini domini priores et offitiales de 
 bailia civitatis Senarum, in consueto cousistorio palatii comunis Sena- 
 rum convocati pro eoruui offitio laudabiliter exercendo, vigore eorum 
 bailie, concorditer decreveruut, respectu habito ad inoppinatum adven- 
 tum domini Johannis de Agut cum suis complicibus armigeris: quod, 
 omni postposita mora, per proprium gerulum scribatur ambassiatoribu.s 
 comunis Senarum qui in civitate Cortonij moram trahunt quateuus, 
 ipsis inspectis licteris, se cum omnibus stipendiaris comunis Senarum 
 celeriter Senas transferant primo cum domino Cortonense licentia bene- 
 vola ac curiali capta. Et hec decreverunt etc. 
 
 I Ibidem.) 
 
 LVIII. 
 
 [1386.] 
 
 Die vij mensis novembris. 
 Viri magnifici et bonorabiles domini, domini priores Civitatis Sen. 
 et offitiales de bailia ejusdem Civitatis in consueto cousistorio, palatii 
 comunis Sen. convocati pro eorum offitio laudabiliter exercendo, vigore 
 eorum bailie etc. decreverunt quod ex parte comunis Sen. gratis re- 
 quirantur comunia Florentie, Perusii, Pisarum et Luce de ipsorum et 
 cujuslibet ipsorum potentia armigera equestri, eisdem comuuibus noti- 
 ficando adveutu domini Johannis de Agut cum sua armigerum comi- 
 fciva in territorium Jurisdictionis Sen., consulente Checo petri Guccii 
 uno ex dominis prioribus et optentus per sedecim del si, nemine in 
 contrarium disponente. 
 
 III. idem.) 
 
 I. IX. 
 
 [1386.] 
 
 1 >icta die (november T). 
 
 Viri magnifici et honorabiles domini, domini priores et officiales bailie 
 
 civitatis Sen. in consueto cousistorio palatii comunis Sen. convocati pro 
 
 eorum offitio honorabiliter exercendo, vigore eorum balie concorditer 
 
DOCUMENTS. 
 
 decrevemnt, quod cum Geoi'gius Coltim de Senis, comunis Sen. era- 
 tor translatum ad Doininuin Johaimeni de Agut, redierit et eisdein 
 doininis retulerit dictum Johannem pr< fatum protinus velle quod suis 
 caporalibus armigeris et complicibus suis aliis fiat a comuni Sen. eu- 
 rialitas de mille flor. auri. sibique etiam ilia curialitas que comuni Seu. 
 placet et videtur, et ab hijs comune Sen. non valeat resilire sine 
 maximo danno sui comitatus, quod dominus Niccolus de Salhnbenibus 
 scribat (idem domino lohanni. quia conpater suus est, ista forma: vide- 
 licet quod, eodem ipso domino Niccolo ad pedes dominorum priorum 
 Civitatis Senarum, inter numerum quorumdam quandam bailiam haben- 
 dum pro quibusdam debito fine in comuni Sen. terminandis, interfuit 
 cuidam relationi Ambassiate ipsius domini Johannis relate eisdem do- 
 minis pi'ioribus per Georgium Coltim de Senis, referentem ipsum do- 
 minum Johannem petere Comuni Sen. nomine curialitatis mille flor. 
 auri pro suis complicibus et pro sua persona id quod Comunis Sen. 
 placeret et videretur. Igftur cum comune Sen. occasione iniqui retrohacti 
 regiminis reformationis ad presens impotens sistat den.,sibi Duo Johanni, 
 gratia et comtenplatione sui, placeat remanere contento de quingentis 
 flor. auri quos idem Dominus Niccolus vere de suis propria den. et flor. 
 mutuat comuni Sen. Et nihilominus Georgius Coltini orator predictus, 
 in quantum dominus Johannes nun staret contentus probationi domini 
 Niccoli, plenam habeat auctoritatem et bailiam se pro comuni Sen. 
 componendi cum dicto domino Johanne usque in quantitatem mille 
 flor. de auro. si et in quantum ipse dominus Johannes et sui compli- 
 ces non ingrediantur in comitatum Senarum. Et hoc fecerunt etc. ut 
 patet latius etc. 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 LX. 
 
 [1386. 
 Die xij mensis novembris. 
 Viri Magnifici et honorabiles Domini. Domini priores et oflitiales 
 Bailie Civitatis Sen. consueto consistorio pallatij Comunis Sen. convo- 
 cati pro eorum offitio honorabiliter exercendo, vigore eorum bailie con- 
 corditer decreverunt. cum Georgius Coltini civis ambassiator et com- 
 missarius comunis Sen. redierit a domino Johanne de Agut et cum e<> 
 composuerit sibi domino Johanni et suis complicibus et armigerum 
 comitive nomine curialitatis largin de pecunia et florenis comunis 
 Senarum octingentos florenos de auro. Et eumdem dominum Johannem 
 et suos caporales et complices eidem Georgio promisisse pro comuni 
 
;.~,i DOCUMENTS. 
 
 Sen. recipienti non ingredi comitatum Senarum aeque invadere neque 
 in ipsura territorium intrare usque ad unum annum proximum ven- 
 turum. et Senas idem Dominus Johannes miserit Bartholomeum de Gon- 
 zaga et Johachinum Bartalato caporales suns pro dictis octingenti 
 ftorenis auri. Quod camerarius et quatuor provisores biccherne comunis 
 Sen. dent et solvant eisdein caporalibus de pecunia et florenis comunis 
 Sen. sine aliqua detentione kalielle et sine aliquo eorurn danuo peri- 
 culo vel preiudicio, dietos octingentos fiorenorum auri. Et hec fece- 
 runt etc. ; at patet latius etc. 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 LXI. 
 
 [1386.] 
 Dicta die (uoveniber 12). 
 
 Viri magnifici et horabiles domini, domini priores et otfitiales de 
 lialia Civitatis Sen. in consueto consistorio palatii Comunis Sen. convo- 
 cati pro corum offitio honorabiliter exercendo etc., decreveruut quod 
 domino Johanni de Agut fiat salvum cunductum pro sua persona et 
 xl vel 1 sotiis equestribus quod libere possint accedere ad eivitatem Sen. 
 et inde discedendi pro eorum libito voluntatis tute et sicure etc. Hn- 
 fecerunt etc. ut patet latius etc. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 LXII. 
 
 [1386 
 Die xv mensis decembris 
 Viri magnifici et honorabiles domini, domini priores gubernatores 
 reipublice civitatis Sen. et otticiales de balia civitatis ejusdem in con- 
 sueto consistorio pallatij comuuis Sen. convocati pro eorum officio lauda- 
 biliter exercendo. vigore eorum balie concorditer decreveruut quod ex 
 parte dominorum priorum scribatur Jacobo Johannis Arighecti am- 
 bassiatori pro comuni Sen. Florentie moram trahenti. quod pnstulet 
 comunis Sen. parte prioribus florentinis quod aut separari faciant gentes 
 armigeras de partibus vallis Amlire domini Johannis de Augud, aut 
 nobis prestent in nostrum subsidium de eorum gentibus armigeris eque- 
 stribus. Et hec fecerunt etc. ut patet latius etc 
 
 (ll.nl. III. I 
 
DOCUMENTS. 355 
 
 1AII1 
 
 [1388.] 
 Die tertia mensis settembi'is. 
 
 Convocato et congregate certo consilio richieste quorumdam civium 
 Civitatis Sen 
 
 Cum audiverit legere quamdam licteram et narrare quamdam am- 
 baxiatam pro parte doniini Johannis Agud transmissas. quibus m eti'ectu 
 ipse dominus Johannes Agud requirit comune Senarum de quatuor 
 millibus florenorum mutuo, et posse stare cum eius brigata per usque 
 decern dies supra territorio Senarum etc. 
 
 Super quibus omnibus Dominicus Guiducci Ruffaldi unus ex consi- 
 liariis dicti consilii in dicto surgens consilio ad dicitorium consuetum, 
 dixit et consuluit quod ad dictum dominum Johannem Agud destiuetur 
 unus ambaxiator comunis Senarum, qui eidem domino Johanni excuset 
 comune Sen. pro presenti est irnpotens et eius cives sunt multum gra- 
 vati et quod etiam comitatini nostri comitates sunt multum oppressi 
 multis gravedinibus maxime sotietatum et gentium armorum, quod 
 .-idem non potest nostrum comune subveniri de hiis que petit; et 
 quani plus potuerit verbis placabilibus excuset de predictis dictum no- 
 strum comune Sen. adeo quod remaneat contentus. Hoc addito consilio 
 dicti domini per Meium Johannis Juntini iiiium ex dictis consiliariis, 
 videlicet quod si dictus ambaxiator, habito response a dicto domino 
 Johanne, comprehenderet ipsum non fore contentum, possit dictus am- 
 baxiator componere cum dicto domino Johanne componere et concor- 
 dare non intrando in comitate Sen. usque quantitatem mille vel duorum 
 milium tlorenorum, possit in hoc spendere et eidem promietere et dare 
 quantitatem predictam 
 
 In cuius summa Consilii et Reformatione dato facto et misso so- 
 lepni partite ad lupinos albos et nigros secundum forroam statutorum 
 Senarum. victum et obtentum fuit solepniter et reformatum 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
 Die dicta. 
 
 Magnifici domini, domini priores supradicti, more solito coaduuati 
 in eorum solito consistorio. volentes exequi supradicti consilii stabilita, 
 precedentibus solepnitatibus opportunis cum precedenti solenni scrupti- 
 neo, de ipsorum plena concordia eligerunt in eorum et comunis Sena- 
 rum ambaxiadorem qui vadat ad dominum Johannem Agud. infra- 
 scriptum civeni Sen. cuius nomen hoc est : Monaldus Mini Monaldi. 
 
 (Ibidem.) 
 
356 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 l.XIV. 
 
 [1388. ! 
 Die dicta (septenibei 5) 
 
 Magnific) Domini.... coadunati etc.... 
 
 Simili modo domini priores el sapientes consistoi % ii predicti delibe- 
 raverunt 
 
 Scribatur ambaxiatoribus comunis Sen. Florentie existentes ea que 
 dominus Jobannes Agud petit comuni Sen. in mutuo quatuormilia flor. 
 et .stare iii comitatu Sen. cum ejus comitiva per aliquos dies. Et quod 
 de predictis dicti Ambaxiatores conferant in comuni Florentie. qui ro- 
 gent priores Florentie quod velint assitere eia in talibus petitionibus, 
 rendo dictis dominis prioribus quod se certos reddunt quod si in 
 hoc se voluerit intromictere comune Florentie, ipse Dominus Johannes 
 desistet ab hujusmodi petitionibus, et cessabit talis petitio dicti domini 
 Johannis, etc. 
 
 i Ibidem 
 
 LXV. 
 
 [1389.] 
 
 Nota e informatione a voi Andrea Vettori e Giovanni di Giovanni 
 lacobi di quello che avete a fare con messer Giovanni Aguto, fatta 
 per li Dieci della Balia del Comune di Firenze nel mcccLxxxvim 
 adi vm di giugno. 
 
 Andrete a ritrovare messer Giovanni Aguto. il quale colla sua Bri- 
 2 ..i.i dovra essere verso il ISorgo a San Sepolcro o Citta di Castello. 
 E dopo le saluti gli direte come noi ci maravigliamo dell., essere egli 
 tant.o soprastato a venire avendo avute da noi tante richieste e per 
 tanti nostri Ambasciadori, dicendogli che quests non e la speranza la 
 quale noi abbiavamo in lui. che pensavamo come essendoci egli obligate) 
 che dovesse venire a nostra ricbiesta, non che avendo i patti si chiari 
 con lui. 
 
 E dipoi direte come voi andate per scrivere lui e sua Brigata e 
 redere la mostra, e in modo di Compagna. E cosi farete. 
 
 E il modo dello scrivere sin questo come e d' usanza, cjoe che mes- 
 ser Giovanni pu6 fare scrivere infino in Lance nolle, s' egli Pa seco, 
 computati uli arcieri, e infino in v tra fanti e balestrieri. E cosi stanno 
 i patti. E intendesi la Lancia di tre buomini e tre cavalh per Lancia, 
 
DOCUMENTS 357 
 
 e non femine. E alio scrivere e alia mostra farete d'avere continua- 
 niente con voi present] messer Giovanni Aguto, Gianichino Bottigliere 
 e parecchi altri Caporali huomini da bene e tra gli altri Liverpol, pre- 
 gandogli che proveggano ehe noi non siamo ingannati, perciocche aven- 
 dogli a adoperare, tornerebbe pur a lorn danno e vergogna non avendo 
 la gente che dessono a divedere. 
 
 Poi procederete nello scrivere; e comincerete a messer Griovanni e 
 subsequentemente a gli altri Caporali. mettendo i nomi e soprannomi 
 ili'' Caporali e la quantita delle Lance e Arcieri che diranno avere ve- 
 ramente : e farete jurare ciascuno di serviiv bene e lealmente e obser- 
 vare 1 patti, e che nella mostra eglino avranno loro cavalli e non al- 
 trui. e che non presteranno i loro a persona, tie faranno la mostra 
 piu clie una volta. E cosi farete de' fanti e balestrieri. 
 
 E fatto questo scrivere e dati i giuramenti, ordinerete uno luogo 
 dove s'abbia a fare la mostra, che sia tale die vi ,-i passi strecto e 
 ch'e' cavalli passati non possino ritornare a mostrarvisi piu che una 
 volta. E questo sia o ponte sopra fiume o qualche foce di valli stretta. 
 E se vi bisognasse fare qualche sbarra, fatela fare. E di questi tali 
 luoghi pigliate informatione da' paesani. 
 
 E cominciate questa mostra una mattina per tempo, si che in uno 
 di sanza fallo si spacci, tegnendo ogni modo che saprete perche siamo 
 ingannati ll meno che si puo. E annovererete tutti 1 cavalli e ronzini, 
 scrivendo il nuinero a piedi di ciascuno Caporale. E simile si scriM.nu 
 i muli e ronzini. 
 
 E porrete mente che cavalli eglino anno e come sono armati, e tra. 
 I'altre cose farete notare per scriptura quanti bacinetti e armature di 
 capo saranno nella detta Brigata. 
 
 E questo fatto, tornerete alia nostra presentia. dicendo a. messer 
 Giovanni che lasci la Brigata in buon'ordine, e venga a noi prestamente 
 con parecchi Caporali con mandato pieno e sufficiente, perche con lui 
 vogliamo fare alcuno ragionamento. 
 
 E se messer Giovanni dicesse volere scrivere le mille Lance e desse 
 indugio. direte che scriva quelle eh' egli a al presente, che secondo i 
 patti non si dovrebbero scrivere se non quelle ch'egli avesse quando 
 fu richiesto. E quando egh sara qua, noi ragioiierenio con lui di questa 
 materia e d' altre cose 
 
 Pregheretegli strettamente che non offendano Castello ue Cortona 
 ne Montepulciano, e ancora in singularity Perugini nostri fratelli. 
 
 Fl State Archives, Clam x. iltsi. 3. «" 1. — Died di Balla, Legazioni, 
 
 troi. i. c 197.) 
 
358 DOCUMENTS 
 
 1.XV1. 
 
 [1389.] 
 
 Pietro di Barna da .Siena. Pietro di Biagio da Moutepulciano de- 
 vono avere a di primo di settembre fior. venticinque den. netti di ca- 
 bella, e quali den. sono per remuneratione premio e provisione de la 
 presura che fecero d' Antonio d'Abisso corriere e raesso del Comune 
 ili Firenze e Giannino di Larginino e di Goro di Broglio del contado 
 di Fiorenza. e' quagli di mandato del detto Comune di Fiorenza por- 
 tavano brevi a la compagnia di misser Giovanni Aguto e del conte Cu- 
 rado ostegianti in sul contado di Siena e quali erano in pericolo e 
 danno del Comune, e quali presi condussero nella t'orza del Comune. 
 Avemone poliza da' Priori et official! di Haifa. 
 
 : .; State Archives, Tliccherna, MemoriaH delli ■>■■ ■ 
 
 LXVI1. 
 
 [1389.] 
 
 Nota e informatione a te Matteo di Iacopo Arrighi di quello ai a fare 
 con messer Giovanni Aguto e col Conte Currado, fatta per li Iiieci 
 della Balia del Comune di Firenze nel MCCCXXXXvmi adi primo 
 d' ottobre. 
 
 Andrai a detti messer Giovanni e Conte Currado, e dopo le saluti, 
 dirai loro come tu vai per scrivere e vedere la mostra delle loro bri- 
 gate in forma di Compagna come furono richiesti 
 
 U Conte Currado deve scrivere in fino in Lance CCCC. 
 
 E messer Giovanni Aguto insino in Lance vc, avendole ora, inten- 
 dendo tre huomini e tre cavalli per lancia, e non femine. E alio scri- 
 vere e alia mostra farete d' aver present] i Capitani e parecchi Caporali 
 de' migliori, pregandoli cite proweggano che noi non siamo ingannati, 
 per loro honore e per fortificatione della Brigata 
 
 E dirai a,' Capitani clie. I'atfa la decta i-riptura, mandino qua loro 
 procuratori o della Brigata, e noi daremo loro le lore paghe. E se di- 
 cessono volerle prima, dirai che ne si pu6 ne si dee fare, perd che, aon 
 
DOCUMENTS. 359 
 
 sappiendo il nuinero de' Cavalli ehe souo, non sapremmo quanti danari 
 avessimo a dare. 
 
 Sollicitagli quanta puoi eh' eglino escano del nostro terreno. E se 
 per questo bisognassono danari, mandino i loro procurator] per essi. 
 
 Avrai teen a far la mostra Cocchi Albergotti. 
 
 (Florence, State Archives, CTctsm \. diet. 3, n° 1. — Dieci h liaUn, I.eyazioni, 
 vol. i. . 218 
 
 I. XVIII. 
 
 [1394.] 
 
 Riccardo Cbel Castellano Monticulj 
 Carissime noster. Secundum concordiam quam hactenus fecimus cum 
 magnifico domino Johanne Haucud cum degeret in humanis. nobilis 
 quondam uxor sua Domina Donnina tibi scribit quod arcem custodian] 
 atque presidium Monticulj nobis tradas. Ea propter volumus quod 
 ipsarum cum omnibus munitionibus que sunt ibidem, nomine nostri 
 comunis Antonino Materio, familiari nostri dileeto. quam ob hanc cau- 
 sam mittimus, debeas consignare, faciens fieri de cunctis pubblicum 
 instrumentum. Deinde quanto citius commode facere poteris ad presen- 
 tiam nostre dominatioms accedas. Quicquid enim pro tuis stipendis et 
 provvisione recipere debes tibi faciemus integre solvi et. ne tenearis in 
 tempore, celeriter expediri. 
 25 aprilis. 
 
 (Ibidem. Cnrtegyio chUa Sigttorin, letters inte>-?ie.) 
 
 LXIX. 
 
 [1395.] 
 Regi Anglie. 
 Serenissime atque gloriosissime princeps et singularissime bene- 
 factor et domine noster. Non possumus posteritatem nobilis et strenui 
 militis domini Johannis Haucud fidelis vestri, qui longis temporibus 
 fideliter multaque curr probitate in nostris servitiis militavit. aliquo 
 modo diserere et ipse utilitatem et honorem non modis omnibus pro- 
 curare, et eo maxime quia tanti viri progenies, qui tarn celebri gloria 
 totani liny nam anglicam honoravit, extra patriam est. et post illius 
 
I6i DOCUMENTS 
 
 optimi parentis obitum in Italia degunl tamquam hospites ef peregrini, 
 quamvis propter patris merita disposita sil nostra civitaa ipsos amplecti 
 e< tamquam ex aobis genitos oonfovere. Qaamobrem cum decreverat 
 ip orum mater, uxor veraciter tanto digna marito, quum primum etas 
 filiorum patietur, cum ipsis in Angliam transfretare, filios prefati do- 
 mini Johannis eiusque familiam celsitudini vestre quanta rum devo- 
 tione possumus commendamus, omni cum reverentia quantaque cum 
 iffectione valimus sublimitatis vestre elementie supplicantes quod di- 
 gnetur vestri culminis altitudo pupillos istos cum benignitate recipere, 
 '•i ipsorum negocia regiis favoribus communire. Res equidem pupil- 
 laris est orfanorum et vidue, quibus iubent divinarum legum oracula 
 mundi principes el terre iudices providere. Accedit ad lice quod decet 
 mi majestatem virtutis suorum fidelium qui patriam honorave- 
 nuit etiam | >■ i^t mortem grata rum memoria reminisci, uf accendant 
 animos aliorum at se tales exhibeant quod in heredes ipsorum favor 
 bonorum pperum transfudatur, et sperent etiam post mortem se per 
 famam vivere cum viderent virtuosorum filios, ob parentum merita, 
 agulares favores et gratiam impetrare. Nobis autem et devotioni 
 nostre, benignissime princeps. din mm posset quantum erit acceptum 
 itum quicquid familie prefati domini Johannis fueril impensum. 
 Datum Florentie die 20 martii in indict. 
 
 (Ibidem. Miss. 23.) 
 
 LXX. 
 
 [1395.] 
 Regi A 1 1 _■ 
 Serenissime atque invictissime princeps ei onorandissime domine 
 benefactor noster benignissime. Quum serenitas vestra concesserit no- 
 luli et strenuo militi domino Nieolao Clyfton, fedeli sacratissimi vestri 
 dyadematis, facultatem atque licentiam ad nostra servitia venendi, vi- 
 demus a benivolentia regali quam semper erga nostram renpublicam 
 habuistis hoc processisse. E( ob id devotis affectibus dignissimas gratias 
 culinini vestre celsitudinis agimus et habemus. Nunc atqui, quum per 
 iln gratiam in pace sunius, nun est neeessarium nobis centos aliunde 
 
 conducere nee majoris potentie brachium implorare. Nulla quidem in 
 orlie terrarum gens esl quam per armorum gloria et fidelitate servitii 
 libentius (|uam Antflicos sumeromus. quorum prestantissima in hello 
 virtus domesticis el externis experientie non ignoramus exemplis. Qua- 
 mobrem si necessitas imminebit, prefatum dominum Nicholaum. vestre 
 
DUCT MEN IX 
 
 3ublimitatis respectu suarumque eonsideratione virtutum el amore gentis, 
 super omnes alios requiremus. 
 
 Data Florentie die I augusti in indict. 
 
 lem.) 
 
 LXXI. 
 
 1395.] 
 
 Dm i nicholao Clyfton 
 Xoljilis et strenue miles. Quanta sit erga nos vestra dilectio facil- 
 lime patuit per ea (pie Simon Salesburi nobis explicavit. Et ob id oerta 
 -it vestra nobilitas quod quoties in rebus arduis ad qualia nos requiri 
 convenerit maiorem potentiam gentibus egerimus, linguam rogabimus 
 anglicam super oranes et amicitiam vestram curabimus honorare. Quam 
 per tarn gratis oblationibus digni gratiarum persequimur actiom Dai 
 at supra (august i). 
 
 [bi l' m 
 
 LXXII. 
 
 i oi Henry IV [1407] 
 Per Johannem tilium Johannis Hawkw 1 militis. 
 
 Rex omnibus ad quos. etc.. salutem. 
 Sciatis quod de gratia nostra speciali coneessimus dilecto nobis 
 Johanni filio Johannis Hawkwode militis defuncti, qui quidem Johan- 
 nes filius in partibus [talie natus et procreatus extitit. quod ipse de 
 cetero homo ligeus noster et indigena existat et pro tali in omnibus 
 tractetur et teneatur. et quod ipse maneria terras sen redditus servicia 
 feuda advoeaciones franchesias libertates et alias possessiones quascun- 
 que intra regnuni nostrum Anglie de quibusoumque personis et de 
 tanto valore prout silii placuerM m feodo simplici seu in feodo talliato 
 ad terminum rite vel aliter adquirere, ac etiain impetitare et impeti- 
 tari in quibuscumque Curiis nostris <-t alibi infra regnum nostrum 
 predictum, ac hereditatem et alia emolument;! quecumque taliter et 
 eodem modo sicut aliqui ligeorum nostrorum intra regnum nostrum 
 predictum oriundiorum tenere possit, eo quod predictus Johannes filius 
 et Donnina mater sua intra dictum regnum nostrum nati et procreati 
 
362 LiuCl MEXTS. 
 
 non extiterunt aut aliquo alio statuto seu ordmacione in contrarium 
 
 facta nun obstante; in cuius etc. HR apud Westminster tertio die No- 
 
 vembris. 
 
 per lire (?) de privato sigillo et per quadraginta solidis solutis in 
 
 Hanaperio.* 
 
 (Patent Rolls.) 
 
 ■ Hanaperio from the English Hamper 0] Hamper (basket 1 . 
 
 In the ancient simplicitj "I forms, the papers and patents relating to the affairs 
 oi private poisons susceptible ol taxation by the imposition ol the royal seal, wen 
 pi ed in a basket: those relating to affairs in which the Crown was directlj 01 
 indirectly interested were placed in a little sack [parv6 barg&) petty bay. 
 
 Hence were derived the two departments, Hanapi - <• ind Peth • < 
 which, according to English tenacity in matters of tradition, still have the same 
 ii 1:111s in thi Courts "/' Cornwall Law, and Chancery. 
 
 I II I. END. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Preface Pao-t 
 
 I. — THE HAWKWOOD FAMILY. - FIRST ENGAGEMENTS IN FRANCE. . 5 
 
 His father's will - Tailor or not ? - Jean di V iigutUt - John Sharp - Th< 
 Cards-t tnus. 
 
 II. — THE ENGLISH IN PIEDMONT.- THE Coilte Verde. - THE DEATH 
 
 OF COUNT LANDO 10 
 
 The great Company — Battle oi Brignais — Englishman Italianized — Incarnate 
 devil — Incendiarism in Lonibardy — New Year's gifts — The White Company. 
 
 III. — ENTRY INTO TUSCANY. - AGAINST FLORENCE WITH THE PISANS. 18 
 
 The fox and the lion — Skirmishing — Nocturnal marches — Messer Luca di 
 Totto — Winter quarters — The Pisans — Monna Tancia 
 
 IV. —FLORENCE MENACED. -HAWKWOOD FAITHFUL TO THE PISANS. 26 
 
 A sad May day — Fiesole — Mercenary treaties — Treachery — Brothers and 
 friends. 
 
 V. —THE DEFEAT AT CASC1NA. - THE doge OF PISA. - THE WANDER- 
 
 ING ENGLISHMEN 32 
 
 A country town besieged — Feditori and wounded — A coup d'etat — Mori 
 Companies — Maremma and Siena — The brigade oi the scourge. 
 
 VI. —THE ORGANISM OF MERCENAR1 COMPANIES 3S 
 
 Barbittt and I. hut-, — Tactics — Provisioning — Military ei onomics - Military 
 courts — Banks, 
 
 VII. — THE PERUGIAN WAR. - THE ENGLISH BEATEN BY THE GERMANS. 45 
 
 Hugh de Mortimer — Hawkwood escapes — Imprisonment of Hawkwood - 
 Knights in prison — Always in arms. 
 
 VIII. — A HAWKWOOD, A VISCONTI, AND A HAPSBURG IN THE COM- 
 
 PANY of St. George 50 
 
 Refusing the cross — Telemachus and Mentor — Terrible John Hawkw i 
 
 — The forget-me-not — Loans and ransoms — A thundering bull — Authorised 
 Companies — The Hall oi bad counsel 
 
m CONTENTS. 
 
 IX. —THE DEFENCE 0] B0RG0F0RTE. - DEFEAT AT AREZZO. - VIC- 
 
 TORY \T CASCINA 1';il< 58 
 
 rhe Pope at sea — A courtly wedding — Inundations — The feasl ol 
 Vito — English independence \ beleaguered Pontiff — At San Miniato -The 
 courage oi wine — An unlucky chronicler. 
 
 X. —CAMPAIGN [\ LOMBARD! FOB LND AGAINST BERNAB6 VISCONTI. 67 
 
 A rash knight —An undesirable visit — Reggio blockaded — Fires ol ioj 
 Scriveners in camp — Papal epistles Small expenses. 
 
 XL —A BATTLE REGAINED. - CORRESPONDENCE WITH GREGORY SI. 74 
 
 A King's daughter — Maternal presentiments fulfilled — The Pope's emptj 
 rs ~ sir John Brise — St Peter in person. 
 
 XII. — the exhortation OF saint CATHERINE. - THE Holy Com- 
 pany 80 
 
 !;.,,, - A saintly epistli - Hn saint and th< soldiei i.n English hermit — 
 The tempest bursts— Priestly iniquities — The Holy Company — sir John and 
 ■ h, ambassadors. 
 
 Kill. — TWO MILLIONS AND BALF IN THREE MONTHS 88 
 
 The pretensions oi the Company — A deed of contract — Unfortunate tn 
 
 taineers — Death to the traitors — Pisan payments — Taxing the clergy - A 
 ■ ■ ■!. ntial friend — Englishmen appreciated — Tuscany drained dry. 
 
 XIV. —A CARDINAL AS HOSTAGE.-HAWKWOOD AS LANDED PROPRIETOR. 97 
 
 30, florins a month — The Abbot besieged - A birthday present —The 
 
 Vbboi g valise — Hawkw L's lordship — The Englishmen pay themsi Ives 
 
 XV. — THE SLAUGHTER AT FAENZA. - HOSTILITY WITH BOLOGNA. - 
 
 OCCUPATIONS IN TIME OF TRUCE 104 
 
 Horrors of war — sir John's sons — Florentine councils — Hawkw I as an 
 
 architect — The ancestor of the Sforza — Hawkw l's fortifications. 
 
 XVI. —THE TOWER OF COTIGNOLA.- DOUBLE PLAT Ill 
 
 Hawkwood's watch-tower — A palace of the Sforza — Intolerable expenses — 
 The Florentines in trepidation Golden seductions Treachery at Arezzo — 
 Breaking up the Company, 
 
 XVII. —THE SLAUGHTEB OF CESENA. - HAWKWOOD LGAINST THE 
 
 CHURCH 118 
 
 The wicked Cardinal — Cruel "Justice" Wholesale slaughtei Ferociou Bre 
 tons — The Hercules o1 Florence — Florins and more florins — Hawkw I'a climax. 
 
 XVIII.— MARRIAGE TO DONNINA VISOONTI. - IN THE KOMAGNA AGAINST 
 
 THE BRETONS 125 
 
 Su John's mother-in-law - The bride's portion — The wedding Sir John's 
 ■ moon Hawkw 1 at Faenza Scriveners in camp. 
 
I i i\ rENTS. 
 
 XIX. -JIAWKW'iinii AS A MEDIATOR FOB PEACE. - GROSSETO LIBE- 
 
 RATED. - WINTER Ql ARTERS Page 132 
 
 Hawkw I medial peao -] i utine reproofs — Holding council - 
 
 ssies — A triumphal entrj rhe Englishman's castle. 
 
 XX. — SERVING TWO MASTERS 138 
 
 it entreaties - Other things to do — A propitious hour — No truci 
 Papal n . Englishmen — Back to Lombai dj 
 
 XXI. — A 1 AT1IEK-IN-LAU BADLY TREATED in HIS SONS-IN-LAW. . 145 
 
 Hawkwood's war correspondence — Supplii Bagnacavallo — Fluctual 
 
 troops — The contract renewed — A dangerous ford — A little inisunderstai 
 ing — Which was right ? 
 
 XXII. — Till: COMPANY OF THE TWO BROTHERS-IN-LAW.- HAWKWOOD 
 
 FIGHTING FOR HIS POSSESSIONS. - A REVOLUTION PRE- 
 VENTED 152 
 
 ■ I 'ligation ! — 111 humour in I orenci \ general leagu< — Hawkwood's 
 estat* bi si oi condottieri — Great plots going mi — A serious rebellion 
 
 — The Venetian captain. 
 
 XXIII. — AGAINST THE COMPANY of St. George. - THE CONTEST WITH 
 
 ASTORRE MANFREDI 160 
 
 Hawkw 1's election — The captain-general — The Eight of war — K< -eh 
 
 — Tlit- magnificent cavalier — English veterans — Soldier or lord - 
 
 XX1Y. —HAWKWOOD SELLS HIS POSSESSIONS IN ROMAGNA AND HAS 
 
 FLORENCE AT HIS FEET 1<)7 
 
 The Marquises d' Este — Hawkwood a feudal lord — Si lling and buj ii £ 
 Leagued with the Ban — Sons and daught< rs 
 
 XXV. —HAWKWOOD MAINTAINS ORDER AND CHECKS THE COMPANY 
 
 of St. George. - enters the pay of the pope 173 
 
 " Halt there! " — Hunting down the rebels — The Duki t Anjou — Thi I 
 wants Hawkwood — Is he to ■-■ G ■■■- to Rome — The Sieuese complain, 
 
 XXVI. — DEEDS \NI' AFFAIRS OF HAWKWOOD IN THE KINGDOM OF 
 
 NAPLES 180 
 
 Aristocratic debtors — The King's mandate — The King and the Duke — A 
 new tax — Appeal to the Queen 
 
 XXVII. — THE CATASTROPHE OF BERNABO VISCONTI 185 
 
 Sir John is pacified — The Company of the Rose — Bernabd Visconti in pri- 
 son — Bernabb's death — Hawkwood's scholarship — A curi . isation. 
 
 XXV1IL— WAR BETWEEN THE CARRARAS OF PADUA AND THE SCALI- 
 
 GERS OF VERONA 191 
 
 Donniiia a suppliant —The Black Prince's brothei — An amicabh visit — 
 Che camp it Cerea —A primitive mii a. <•<-• - Hawkwood works rairai i 
 Crossing the Adigi 
 
366 I ONTENTS. 
 
 ■JT 
 
 XXIX. — THE BATTLE OF CASTAGNAKO Page 198 
 
 A Thessalian cbarger -- Pierce war cries — Victory at Castagnaro - Hawk- 
 wood's good qualities - Friends turned enemies — Hawkw 1 sells his pos- 
 sessions. 
 
 XXX. — LIQUIDATION OF PROPERTY. - THE ENGLISH IN THE SER- 
 
 VICE OF THE POPE 205 
 
 Paying his creditors — Landed property — Palaces and vineyards — English 
 veterans dispersed— The brigade fined — An ambassador arrested 
 
 XXXI. — CARLO V7SC0NT1 AND THE POPE's ENGLISHMEN L'NDER 
 
 HAWK\VOOI» ? S ORDERS ■ 212 
 
 Subtilty and subterfuge — The Pope in armour — Poisoning — The poisoner 
 tortured — Hawkwood at any price — A stolen mule, 
 
 XXXII. — THE NEAPOLITAN ENTERPRISE 218 
 
 Vain persuasions — Pera's mission — A glorious skirmish — Castel Capuan.> 
 
 surrenders — A confidential messenger — Hawkw 1 Leaves Naples — A mw 
 
 intract. 
 
 XXXIII. — AVAR IN TIME OF PEACE 220 
 
 A meeting .it Cortona — Fighting at Siena Secret instructions — A mysfr 
 rious affair — Dissolving bhe I onipany. 
 
 XXXIV. — FIRST OPERATIONS AGAINST GIAN GALEAZZO 232 
 
 Through the Maremma — Files and trumpets — A challenge — Rejoicings at 
 Padua — A ducal deserter — A hundred good hows — Messer Carlo's lances — 
 A plan of campaign — A grand review — An octogenarian general. 
 
 XXXV. — THE MARCB To THE BANKS OF THE ADDA 241 
 
 A mixed army — A lady in battle — The " Ten " are urgent — An enemy in 
 camp — Winter incursions — Crossing two rivers Taddeo caught in the midsl 
 — Sixty champions. 
 
 XXXVI. —THE RETREAT ACROSS THE AD1GE 250 
 
 Che t'>x finds his way out — Contradictory chronicles — Fording the Oglio — 
 
 Swimming out of camp — A victorious retreat — Defeat of d'Armagnai 
 
 XXXVII. — THE WAR IN TUSOANT 257 
 
 Florentine councils — Dal Vernie vanquished — Rejoicings at Florence — Com- 
 merce interrupted — Beltoft runs away — Peace. 
 
 XXXVIII. — MARRIAGES OF JANET AND CATHE1UNE HAWKWOOD. . . . 20'4 
 
 Pensions and privileges — Honorary citizenship — Janet Hawkwood's wed 
 ding — The hero "t tournaments — Betrothal — Catherine's marriage — -A bride- 
 groom - appeal - M y for the wedding -- Hawkw I's economy. 
 
 XXXIX. —MONUMENT To THE LIVING HAWKWOOD 273 
 
 Financial difficult i. - \ empromised patrimony — Great honors Danti 
 mil Hawkw 1 ■ Franco Sacchetti's opinion. 
 
CONTENTS. 367 
 
 XL. — the castle of montecchio Page 279 
 
 Sir John sells his estates Chi abbej oi Pino — The castle of Montecchio — 
 Vicissitudes of a tower — In ruins — The ancient keep — Briel repose. 
 
 XLI. — DEATH AND FUNERAL OBSEQUIES 286 
 
 An important exchange — Death of Hmvkw 1 — His funeral — Interment — 
 
 [ unereal banners — Entombment. 
 
 XI. II. —THE MONUMENT IN SANTA MARIA DEL FIOKE 292 
 
 The King of England demands — Posthumous return home — Paolo CJceelli's 
 painting — Hawkwood's personal appearance — Hi' lived in tradition — Letters 
 oi Ser Lapo Mazzei. 
 
 XLIII. — HEREDITARY LIQUIDATION 298 
 
 Consignment of Montecchio — Did Hawkwood make his will ? — The family 
 trustee — .Sundry legalities — John Hawkwood junior — The widow and orphans 
 A state epistle. 
 
 XI. IV. — HAWKWOOD'S DESCENDANTS. - THE TWO ROSES 305 
 
 Craving royal favors — Apocryphal daughters — Faithful friends — The son 
 . 'Mines anglicized — M. 1 - Margaret Hawkwood — White and red roses — Mea- 
 sure for measure 
 
 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 I 1363. Septembei S — Proviso (Proviisiom i oi the Anziam of Pisa t" make a 
 forced loan of 30,000 florins for the purpose of hiring the White Company for 
 six months Page 315 
 
 fl, ' November 13. — Letter of the Constable Johann de Eberhart Swiler to John 
 
 Hawkwood about his * cbndotta " ami that oi other mercenaries 316 
 
 III. 1XH7. Apnl 28. — Deliberate 'I the I onsistory <>t the Signoria of Siena about 
 
 sending an ambassador to Hawkwood ib. 
 
 IV M"'t 3. — Deliberation of the same court to contract ;i loan on the cu- 
 
 stoms "ii wine, and gain money t.> offer tt> Hawkwood 317 
 
 V May 4. — Another deliberation about evacuating the territory 318 
 
 VI — May .J. — Another deliberation "ii tin compositions" to be made with 
 Hawkwood ib. 
 
 VII. 7365, ./"».' 15. — Letter from the Commune of Arezzo t<> the Pope, relative to 
 
 Hie defeat sustained by Hawkwood under Arezzo 319 
 
 VIII. 1369 Dectmber 92. — Letter from Alberto da Pesaro t<. John Hawkwood and 
 Anexe (Annisi de Rieten) on the intentions "t Bernabb Visconti in favor of the 
 siene.se territory 320 
 
 IX. 7373. January Jo. — Papal letter from Avignon to tell John Hawkwood to tight 
 Bernabb energetically, ami he patient about his pay tb. 
 
 X Januury 75. — Another papal letter to beg him to be at the disposition 
 
 of Abbot Berengarins 321 
 
 XI — June 7. — Letter from the same, hastening Hawkwood tn aid Conte Verde 
 
 in the Lomhardy war ib. 
 
368 
 
 I ONTENTS. 
 
 XII. Another papal letter, in which the PoutiH congratulates 
 Hawk wood "ii In- victory ; insists on his joining Conb S f ei ves &m 
 promises in regard to paj P 
 
 XIII. July 4. — Ditto congratulatory ami exhorting him t.. press on tin wai 
 
 againsl Bernabb 
 
 XIV. 1374. Jurnwtry 9, — Ditto, with vague promises as to paj 
 
 XV. January. — Ditto 
 
 XVI. May 8 - Ditto 
 
 XVII. Jnui 6 Ditto, in which the Pontifl recommends his usher Giovanni 
 di Canis to Hawkwood and accredits liini as being entrusted with hie i 
 niissn.ii> 
 
 XVIII. August 17. — Ditto, to exhort Hawkw t t< succour Vercelli, which is 
 
 besieged by the Visconti, and assui'ing him oi celestial protection 
 
 XIX. — August 6 - Letter from Hawkwood and Count Conrad oi Hechilberg 
 to tli. Signoria oi Siena demanding the " required courtesy * undi 
 
 ■ acl: 
 
 XX 1375. July 3. — Deliberation oi tin Signoria oi Siena relative to tin pi'eten 
 sions of the English, and providing for them with forced loans and inrpi -i 
 tions -ii 'l"- priests 
 
 XXI. July 30 - Ditto, in. which the Signoria decides to make use of an here 
 
 ditarj ■ leposited with the bankers 
 
 XXII. July 12. — Ditto, al t the charge oi provisioning Hawkfl I and his 
 
 Company 
 
 XXIII August 30. — Ditto, to liquidate the expenses incurred bj thi officers 
 of the Commune of Siena, in regulating Hawkwood's I i tupany 
 
 XXIV. October «". — Public deed by which Hawkwood and the supt rioi officers 
 
 of his Company pledge themselves to the Signoria oi Lucca to treat the terri- 
 tory of thai republic amicably, in consideration oi a ransom oi 6000 florin 
 
 XXV. 1376. Junt 8. - Letter from the ' Council oi eighi " [Signori otto) to Hawk- 
 wood to introduce their mediatoi Ruggero Cane 
 
 XXVI Jum 16. — Letter from the same to Bernabb Visconti. aboul hiring 
 
 mercenaries for the League, and the exaggerated pretensions oi Hawkwood 
 
 XXVII. Junt SO. — Ditto, to Hawkwood, conceding him full pardon foi pasl 
 injuries and damages 
 
 XXVIII. July 10. — Ditto, respecting the annua] pension of 1200 florins assigni cl 
 
 to Hawkwood by the Florentines, saying thai ii should be paid at Venice 
 and continued even it he left Italy 
 
 XXIX. 1378. February 8. — Letter from llawkv. i to thi Signoria oi Siena to pro 
 
 cure a sat'.' conduct foi the Pope's ambassadors ami their escort 
 
 XXX --■ February 27. — Ditto, («• inform that Signoria that he is going to meet 
 the Pope's ambassadors 
 
 XXXI. 1379, March 21. — Letter to the Signoria of Siena from Count Lucius Landai 
 
 and John Mawkw I containing veiled and polite menaces to Sii as and othea 
 
 Tuscan cities 
 
 XXXII. 1880. October 8. — Letter from John Hawkwood to the Sienese Signoria to 
 introduce his messenger Am o di Porcaria 
 
 XXXIII. 1881. Decembei 28 Letter as above bo hasten the payment oi the Bums 
 owed by Siena to Hawkwood, Count Landau, and thi Ban oi Hungary . . . . 
 
 XXXIV t8S ' January // - Ditto, to inl i tin Sienese oi the events ol the war 
 
 and demand their concurrence 
 
 XXXV. fanuarji Ditto, to recommend Heinrich Actimberg and other 
 mercenaries 
 
 ib. 
 
 € 
 
 121 
 ib 
 
 328 
 329 
 
 : 
 
 ib. 
 
 331 
 
 3 14 
 ; ; 
 ib. 
 
 
 836 
 
 337 
 
 ib. 
 
 339 
 
CONTENTS. 369 
 
 XXXVI. 1882. January 94, — Litter Eroni John Hawkwood to the Sienese Signoria 
 
 to demand the liberation of Pietro de Gaetani from his prison at Siena. Page 340 
 
 XXXVII. January 24. — Ditto, to the same effect and to concert a military- 
 action with the Sienese :i41 
 
 XXXVIII. January :'■). — Ditto, similar subject ib. 
 
 XXXIX. January 25. — Ditto, to recommend Henry Ker and Cione Sandri mer- 
 cenaries 342 
 
 XI,. February i. — Ditto, to recommend Conrad von Laudebach and his 
 
 twenty lances ib. 
 
 XI. I. — February 34. — Ditto, to recommend Kubinu de Borset (Reuben Dorset) 
 
 and his twenty lances 343 
 
 XLII. February ?4. — Ditto, to recommend Herr Goz, a German mercenary, ib. 
 
 XXIII. - — February 24. Ditto, to recommend the Hungarian Aimerich and his 
 
 brigade ib. 
 
 XLIV. April 27. — Ditto, to ask a sale conduct tor hi* chancellor who is to 
 
 go to Siena with the mission of obtaining the re-adjustment of the stipends 
 not integrally paid to the English 344 
 
 XLV. May 11. — Ditto, to the same effect ib. 
 
 XLVI. May I. — Ditto, to invite the Sienese to a decisive action in common. 345 
 
 XLVII. 1383. December 7. — Deliberation of the Signoria of Siena about sending 
 
 three ambassadors to make a treaty of agreement with Hawkwood ib. 
 
 XL VIII. December 12. — Ditto, pensioning Hawkwood for a year 346 
 
 XLIX. 1384. September 3. — Letter from Hawkwood to the Signoria of Siena to re- 
 commend Piero Boncompagni as candidate for the office of Syndic 347 
 
 L. September 23. — Letter from the Signoria of Siena to John Hawkwood, 
 
 Ubaldini, and Richard Rouisey captains of the " Company of the Rose," to re- 
 ceive a sum of money placed to their credit ib. 
 
 LI. October 27. — Letter of recall from the Signoria of Florence to Do- 
 
 nato Acciaioli, Bartolommeo Ridolfi, and Iacopo de' Medici, their ambassadors 
 
 at Hawkwood's camp 348 
 
 LII. November 1. — Letter from Hawkwood to the Signoria of Siena, respect- 
 ing his credits witli that Commune ib. 
 
 LIII. 1385. Man 6. — Letter from Carlo Visconti to Hawkwood to inform him of 
 
 the usurpation of Gian Galeazzo, and invoke his aid 349 
 
 LIV. August 17. — Letter of credit from Hawkwood to the Signoria of Siena 
 
 to introduce to them his envoy Iacopo da Pietrasanta ib. 
 
 LV. 1386. September 5. — Deliberation of the Signoria of Siena on sending Mo- 
 
 ualdo Monaldi as ambassador to Hawkwood 350 
 
 LVI. November 1. — Ditto, on sending a second envoy with a commission to 
 
 treat with the same 351 
 
 LVI I. — — November 4. — Ditto, to recall an embassy from Cortona fearing lest it 
 
 be taken as hostage 352 
 
 LVLU. November 7. — Ditto, to ask the aid of men-at-arms from Florence, Pe- 
 rugia, Pisa and Lucca ib. 
 
 LIX. — November 7. — Ditto, partly accepting Hawkwood's conditions ib. 
 
 LX. November 12. — Ditto, on the same subject 353 
 
 LXI. November 12. — Ditto, to grant a safe conduct to Hawkwood that he may 
 
 enter Siena with 40 or 50 cavaliers 354 
 
 LXII. December 15. — Ditto, to charge Iacopo Arrighetti Sienese ambassador 
 
 at Florence to invoke the intervention of that Commune j6. 
 
 24' 
 
370 CONTENTS. 
 
 LXIII. 1388. September •'•'. - Deliberation of the Signoria of Siena on iLiwkv. 1- 
 
 demand of 4000 florins and on sending ambassadors to treat with the same. Page ■ 
 
 LXIV. September 5. — Ditto, to inform the Signoria of Florence of the above, 
 
 and beg them to make Hawk wood desist from his pretensions. lol 
 
 LXV. 1389. June 8. — Notice ami information to Andrea Vettori, and Giovanni Jacobi, 
 
 regarding the review of ilawkwood's Company by the Commune of Florence, ib. 
 
 LXVI. - September /. — Memoranda of expenses for the remunerations conceded 
 by the Commune of Siena to tin.se who had arrested three .couriers, carrying 
 Letters from the Commune of Florence to Hawkwond 358 
 
 LXVII. October J. — Notice and information to Mattoo Arrighi on his securi 
 
 ties as coiitiniss;ii-y t'..r the Commune of Florence to the Company of Hawk- 
 wood and Count Landau. ib. 
 
 LXVIIl. 1894. April 85.— Letter from the Signoria of Florence to Richard Sell ca- 
 stellan of Montecchio, respecting the consignment of that castle to Am. mi" 
 Bffaterio. who is employed by the Commune to receive it 
 
 LXIX. I-Vtii. Mar.it ?,9. — Letter from the Signoria ol Florenee to the King oi En- 
 gland to recommend Ilawkwood's widow and children ib. 
 
 LXX. August 4. — Ditto, relative to the hiring of Nicholas Clifton, recom- 
 mended by the King of England 36()f 
 
 LXX1. August 4. — Ditto, to Nicholas Clifton on the same subject 361 
 
 LXXU. 1407. November 3.— Privilege of naturalisation as English subject, conceded 
 
 fco John Ilawkwood's son. by Henry IV of England ib. 
 
 
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