MASTER NEGA TWE NO. 91 -8004 / n ff lafirnnfiiiiifir itMi«iigiiiiimiiniii 3iE»i i i SM MICROFILMED 1991 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY L "5 ARIES/NEW YORK 64 as part of the Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project" Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other ^^oductions of copyrighted material... I University Library reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. .41 1 Hot DA \ /WILLIAM ANbbU 7/ PYTHOUSE PAPEn.- n.ACr LONDON /) A / / 1879 Master Negative # COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT ^L 1.1^^12^-1. BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record 942.062 D33 i^'^'v Day, William Ansell, ed. The Pythouse papers : correspondence concerning the civil war, the Popish plot, and a contested election in 1 68o. Transcribed from mss. in the possession of V. F. Benett-Stanford ... Ed., and with an introduction, by William Ansell Day ... London, l^ickers & son, 1879. vii, xcviii, 105, [1] p. 25^''°'. Contains, aniongr others, letters from Charles i to Prince Rupert, from Lord Percy to the King and Prince Paipert, and from AVilliam Betinett to Colonel Benett. Subject entries : Gt. Brit.— Hist— Civil war, 1042-1049. H-6225 Restrictions on Use: Library of Congress, no. V ' DA410.D27. TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA FILM SIZE:__,^rr\_0^_ IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA <® IB IIB DATE FILMED: '^]\ai •A^y', ^^J' ff€ {■ •^"K ;*-:^^lS^- -•^Viv---r»%? ^:^^^-f .«u ■*i<» j^f^ '-'1^ V- I^ r?'>.fc '4:-5-. ^^ ';^'r -#5*.^.; .#-^j^/ • ^:€5m:::..v *P^ '-*^ - *> t«r¥*i M r ^'^ tS^> -^^'1 -L^**,; '■^''MjV..r: I-'i*¥>fSS -^'mmm- f. »'w>^HB W !i.' # w i«^ p tpa i «w ^y-'-M:*r'-.*. vm^mmfmi ' -^SKif WAf'm.mW'^m r " ' " T wi ■ ; i-J -.-i ::^rs^[M]iJla| ^ i i 1 f^ 1 THE LIBRARIES OLUMBIA UNIVERSITY ULNlivAL LiDi\Ai\\ ■ r J Ltd "1. [i-^iM^M^i^^JMr^j^ LI ,m^" ,.„# CORRESPONDENCE COXCHRNlNi, riil- ClX'n. WAR, THE FOPISil PLOT, wp A COXTESTKD ELECTION IN 1680, Transcribed from J/SS. i)i the possession of V. F. BENETT-STAXFORD, Esq, MP. Edited, and witii an Introduction^ by WILLIAM AN SELL DAY, AUTlluK OF "Till': KU6SIAN GOVEKNMKNT IN POLAND. X LONDON : BICKERS & SON, i, LEICESTER SQUARE. 1879. •M »». / L /;■ y "'J 7- -:? WVMAN' AM) <;.>N-s, PRIN'TERS, GREAT gLEEX i-TKia;T, LINCOL.n's 1N\ FIKLUS, LU.NL)0\, W.t. ^ >3 ^ r^^ ! i ♦'«";> ^ I 3 CONTENTS. iMRODrCI ION I.KTIER.^ — I. The King to rrincc Ru}K'rt 12. IS- M- i6. 17- i8. 19. n >» 7? 2. bame to 3. Same to 4. Same to 5. Same to 6. Same to 7. Same to 8. Same to 9. Same to 10. Lord Grandison to Prince Rupert 11. Henry Hastings [Lord Loughborough] to the King Earl of Derby to Prince Rupert Duke of Richmond to Sir Arthur Aston to Ferdinando, Earl of Huntingdon, to Sir Edward Nicholas Sir William Vavasour to Prince Rupert Duke of Richmond to Same to Same to 20. Duke of Newcastle to 21. Sir Jacob Astley to 22. Lord Ethyn [General King] to , 23. J. O. Grandison to 24. Ralph Goodwin to 25. Colonel [Sir Samuel] Tukc to Major General Porter 5J )5 5) ?5 3 Pel). 1643 4 Nov, 1643 12 Nov. 1643 4 ?^Iar. 1644 12 Mar. 1643 15 Mar. 1643 27 Mar. 1643 21 April 1644 24 April 1644 8 Feb. 1643 15 Jany. [1644] 2 1 April [ ] 22 Jan. [ ] ... [ ] [1643] 18 Sept. [1643] ••- Nov. 1643 ••• 25 March [1644] 1 July, 1644 ... 12 Jan. 1645 23 Jan. 1645 ... 7 P^eb. 1645 ... 7 Feb. 1645 ••• I I I 2 o 4 5 5 6 7 8 9 10 10 12 13 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 6259 \ VI THE PVTIIOL-SE PAPERS. CONTEXTS. Vll 26. 27. 28. 29. 3f- 32- 33- 34- 35- 36. Daniel O'Neille to Prince Rupert Finding of the King in Council of War on Surrender of Bristol Anonymous Letter to Prince Rupert . . . Henry Osborne to ,, Sir Edward Nicholas to Prince Ruj)ert Petition from W'estbury, Wilts, to Sir Thomas Fairfax Report on Value of Vicarage of West- bury J • • • ... ... ... Andrew Seymour to Charles II. to Prince Rupert Sir Henry de Vic to Lord YAr.t 2 1 Oct. 1645 • ■-■ [■''-45] r Xov. 1645 • 7 Dec. 1645 28 Feb. 1647 •• Sir Edw. Nicholas to Prince Ru^jcrt Letters fnvn Lord Percy Note on Lord Percy 37- Lord Percy to P mice Ruj)er 38- Same to » 39- Same to »> 40. Same to n 41. Same to »» 42. Same to >» 43- Same to » 44. Same to f» 45 ■ Same to >> 46. Same to i> 47. Same to i> 48. Same to »> 49. Same to the K ing 50. Same to Prince Rupert . . 51- Same to » 52. Same to >f 53- Same to >» 54. Same to » 55- Same to »f 16 July. 1647 ... .8 1)0,;. [ ]... 7 June, 1653 ... 6 Feb. 1656 ... 6 Nov. 1642 ... [21 Feb. 1643] ••• [29 April, 1643] 30 [April, 1643] 8 June, [1643] [3 July, 1643] ••• 6 July, [1643] ••• • a • • • . 2 2 [July, 1643] ... 23 July, [1643] •■• 29 July, 1643 ••• 30 [July, 1643] ... 17 Aug. [1643]... • • • • ■ • J 5 Nov. [1643] ••• 21 March, [1644] 28 [March, 1644] [Same date] ... 8 July, [1643]... ' i 2^ 29 30 32 34 0:) 36 39 41 45 47 47 48 49 5° 5Q 5^ 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 62 63 Letters from William Benett to his Mother. 57- 31 Jan. 1679 58. 10 July, 1679 59- 20 Oct. 1679 60. 6 Nov. 1679 Letters from William Benne:t to Colonel Benett. 6t. I Oct. 1677 62. 13 Oct. 1677 63. 13 June, 1678 64. 7 Jan. 1678 ^>5. 31 May, 1679 66. 15 Jan. 1680... 67. 18 Jan. 1680... 68. 22 Jan. 16S0... 69. 29 Jan. 1680... 70. 6 Feb. 1680 71- 23 Feb. 1680 72. 3 March, 16S0 73- 21 March, 1680 74. No date . . . APPENDIX. r.\(;F. 72 72 73 74 •• ••• ••• >•« •■■ t«* ••■ •■ ** ••* • \ '-•• •(i< ••• ■•■ *■ •■• ••• ■•• •!• •.» ••< •« • • •■• •*■ ••• ■■• •■• •*. ■• 80 81 82 ^3 85 86 86 88 90 93 94 96 98 100 Letter from Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. Bennett... 28 Aug. 1675 ••• ^02 56. The Breviates of the Prince's Letters,.. i INTRODUCTION. HE characters of the men who bore part in the lE^ra! o-reat rebelHon stand prominently befon: ns. 1™^^"^' In the confused chronicles of earlier times the annahst laid on the colours where he chose, he arnm-ed every light and every shade, and with his bus}- pencil created demi-i^ods or imagined fiends. In the contest between the King and his disaffected subjects all the conditions were changed; on every side light streams in upon us ; the fierce political pamphlets and newspapers of the day, the memoirs, letters, and state papers sub- sequently published, and the essays at a yet later date: of historians, philosophers, and partizans, all contribute to that o-reat store of historical lecU'ning on which the in- quirer can draw, and from which he ma)- torm an estimate of the actors in diat eventful strife. It is difficult, however, to write of the past and not to feel like a partizan, and in almost every essay, memoir, or history we refer to, there are traces of a bitterness of spirit and harshness of judgment which are scarcely consistent with a justly poised balance. No doubt the records of the past history of their own land are of exceptional interest to English writers. Inmost * till !1 INI kOI '!;C'l io\. roiintrio th.-rc is a wide -ulf b<:l\V(j<-n ihe past and the [jrescnt ; a syst^mi of i^^ovcrnment existed ; it became nnsuited to the requirements or the will of the nation, and in some political hurricane it was swept away ; a new system was eavcu-d on the old site, and the \-ery foundations of the forn:. i- e'jifice W(a'e rooted up — there was no connecting' link hetwr.-n them, and thou-'h the history of th'^ older structure mi-ht ha\-e som<- .uitiquarian interest it had no real brarin^i; on acii\-e political life. In Kni;-Iand. on th<' contrar\-. revolutions have in UTf^at measure l3een ^'overned by precedent, and it is natural, wh'^n^ the actions of our ancestors may materially affect our ri--hts, that we should r-c,^ard tlKan with an interest similar to that which we feel for the politics of our own time, in which history is bein-' enacted before our eyes by the leaders we Ibllow or their anta'-'onists v.hom we' distrust. IXTROOUC iiox m It !s needless for the [)ur|)ose of illustrating"^ the letters before us to compos;" nn elaborate essav on their authors— yet their characters are interesting-, aaid a fe observations may not be out of place. w Foremost in station, the centre and the mark of all the intrigues and cabals of that stormy epoch, the character of the King is the ilrst subject that commands our attention. Eight generations have lived and passed away since the troubles that beset him commenced, yet his character and career are still the theme on which loyalty delights to dwell and which detraction has made her own. There has been reason alike for panegyric and condemnation ; for the exaggerated adulation of the Cavalier, and for the Roundhead's bitter wrath. No Character in historv is better known to us than is this unhappy King. His stately eftig\- lias been handed down to us on "the breathing CcUivass of Vandyke," his noble eloquence, like some costly jewi^l. has been preserved in the classic setting of Clarendon ; and his memory is reverenced bv everv lo\er of literature and e\er\- student of art. I lis Liood resolutions. his noble language, his loftv bearaiLT. his en(a'Lr\" and laiih commanded the love of his adherents and tardv admiration of his enemies ; while the imshrinking steadfastness of his gaze when he had nought s;ive de:ith to look upon, won him back the love of his peo})le. and secured the eventual triumph of his cause. These qualities and attributes might haxa- formed the basis In another age and under other conditi n.^ of a great and magnanimous career. Wdio does not kn(n\ however, w ith what dross the pure metal was alloyed '^ With tyranny, with irresolution, with fraud ; with a fatal tend(mcy to make any and e\-ery promise which the exigencies of the hour suggested, and to rei^udiate them as shamefullv, as he had made them rashlv the moment pressure was withdravvii. \^acillating, weak, and distrustful of himself, Charles was peculiarly under the influence of those who were about him, and the man who was most unhesitating in liis advice and the most confident In Insisting upon its adoption, had a prevailing though momentary inHuence on the wa\'erinir Councils of the Crown. With plans thus perpetually shifting it was impossible for his friends to confide or for his enemies to trust in Charles. The promises made in good faith one da)' were broken on the next under the influence of 1 i IV IXTRODUCTIOX. some fresh adviser. The plan of an expedition was settled, and almost ere the- march was commenced an imperative command withdrew Vi larL^e portion of the forces engaged in it, thus reducing the reniainder to inaction. A treaty was negotiated with the l^arliament, and when success was almost attained a letter under the royal h.md con- victed the writer of prt,-\arication and faithh.'sntjss. Thus all was uncertaintv in the roxal counsels, and irritation i/raduallv hardeninuT into inexorable v(Mi!j'eanc(^ in those? of his opponiMits. If we tail \o see great faults on either side we wilfullv blind ourselves to the truth ; if we fail to dis- cern great \'irtues we ignore as needlessly some of the l)rightest characters, and many of the noblest deeds which gem our storm-tossed history. It must never be fon-'otten that, as the stru^'crle continued, the Actors in it changed. It was not II ampden and Falkland only who early perished. On every side the ranks of statesman and soldier-patriots were thinned by death or by causes powerful as death itself. There came a time when the haughtv inteLiritv of Essex, the chivalry of Waller, " the gentle and generous nature" of Manchester animated no longer the popular armies, when the eloquence of Pym was silenced in the grave, and even Fairfax was regarded with distrust by those whose armies he had led to victory. On the royal side Sir Bevil Grevil tell at Lansdown, and thus was lost the inspiration of his courage, and the spell of his bright example : Northampton died a hero's death on Hopton Heath, and Derby perished on the scaffold. Gradually from the gloom of the future figure after figure emerged of men once obscure but destined now to fulfil great purposes ; the gloss on the sword of Rebellion \ I k »/ i iXTKODUCriOX. V had worn off but the weapon retained its temper, and was wielded with unsparing severity and skill. A narrow fanaticism trampled down all trace of chivalrous courtesy, and rested not till it had crushed the cavaliers, and handed over power to a sectarian army and its bigotted l)ut able chir^f. F^oremost among the Cavaliers — conspicuous by birth, by dauntless courage, which neither jjolicy nor prudence ever checked ; l)y stern resolution, which never wavered before difficulties ; by a knowledge of the incidents of war, the marshalling of armies, and the life of camps such as had in those da\s never becMi learned in England — Rupert of the Rhine stands con- spicuous and alone. He was cradled in misfortune and nursed in strife. His father, Frederick, Prince Palatine of the Rhine, was the unequal descendant of a long line of illustrious ancestors. Heir to a great position, he might have been the champion and avenger of the Protestant cause, for the opportunity was his if he had had the courage to grasp and the steadfast firmness to hold it. llut lie was a pedant, a waverer, and a bigot. A brief term of success sufficed to demonstrate his incapacity for rul'^ and many years of adversity failed to wring from his di:]l phlegmatic temperament any sentiment more nol)]e tl^.in a cold unenterprising patience. This man was wedded to one of the be.si and noblest women of her age. The Princess inizabeth, daughter of James I., had every attribute which c:ui make a woman beloved and reverenced. She h:id beauty such as few could boast, she had courage none VI IXTROMTTrox could siir[jciss ; she had the pride which well becomes hiirh birtli and noble nature, when thc\' iwc struoTrJino- with ad\'ers[ty ; and she had a winning- and i^^racious courtes\', which attracted to her the chi\'alr\- of En<>'land, and earned her the lasting- support of the Merchant Princes of Holland. She was popularly known as the '' Oueen of Hearts," and the nauKj was wcil bestowed, for. when her fortunes were at thc! lowest, she reccnx'ed truer and more disinterested homage than crowned Prince or victorious conqueror ever won from hercditar)' subjects or vanquished foes. The people of Thi^land had fouL;"ht and pra\'cd for her success. She was sprung from their Royal house; she was fujluinL-- the battle of their faith ; she had beaut\\ courage, and long descent ; cUid they rendered her the homage which, under such circumstances^ is ever won by unfaltering devotion to a noble cause. Tlie national sympathy, however, outrcUi the s)-mpath\ of the Crown ; the father and brother of hdi/alx-th looked coldlv on, and gave her husband much ad\ice but little aid ; until at length, rett of his dominions, a fugitive and a sup- plicant, he committed his cause to tlie champion of his faith, Gusta\us of Sweden. 'J1ie great Swede had, however, many objects to strive for, and many prizes to win. The restoration of the inefficient b^rederick to his Electorate could have filled only a small space in the dreams of his far-reaching ambition ; and l-"rederick clun^'* to the robes of his patron a courtier and a 'pensionary till death terminated his weak and contemi)tible career. Rupert was the third son of this ill-fated marriasj"e» and from his earliest youth he had been accustomed to the clang of arms, the march of armies, the perils of the INTRODUCTION". VII i, tight, and ex'en the solitude of a dungeon ; but the school of arms in which he had been reared was an ill education for a leader in English war. Sorrowfully, with doubt and hesitation, did the Nobles and Gentlemen of England draw the sword : they W("re to struggle against kindred and friends ; agru'nst men who had mingled in the saaKj |)ursuits, and ])een animated by tlie same (Mids as themselves, and, wliich- ever side w;is victorious, the strife involved much present suffering and future uncertaintw For what were these risks (MTcountenxl ^ On tlir one part for a Kin''- whom no one trusted, and on the other for a l^u'h'ament which had become the mouthpiece of faction [\n<] the tool of unscrupulous and desi''-ninL!" men. Idle letter, often quoted, of Sir William \\\a]ka- to Sir Ralph, afterwards Eord Hopton. expresses in noble language the feeling which prevailed at this moment : — " My affections to you are so unchangeal)k.\ that hostility itself cannot violate my friendship to \oi:r person , but I must be true to the cause wherein I serv(\ The great God, who is the searcher of my heart, knows with what reluctance I go upon this service, and with what perfect hatred I look upon a war without an eneiuy. The God of peace In his good time send us })eace. iiud in the meantime fit us to receive It ! We are boili on the stage, and we must act the parts that are assigned to us in this tragedv. Eet us do It in a wav of honour, and without personal animosities." The conditions under which Rupert mingled in the struggle were widely different. His only :iim was the preservation of his uncle's throne. He risked no ■--.. ■> V'lll INTkOl'l"''] ION. ^reat possession; he perilled no \ast heritage upon the Tssue. An exile from his own land, he was little better than an adventurer here ; and while he was prepared to devote himself with ener-y and courage to the Royal cause, his training and antecedents rendered the war he wacred sanu'uinarv, wasteful, and licentious. It was unfortuate for Rupert that he was too early trusted with great command. Although he was used to war, he had not the experience ret^uisite to enable hmi to conduct an arduous campaign to a victorious close. A brilliant partizan leader, invaluable in a foray or an assault, he would have admirably accomplished the boldest designs of a skilful header : but his was the hand to execute and not the head to phui. In time, perhaps, his youthful impetuosity and reckless daring might have toned down, and he might ha\c develojx-d the qualities of a great and successful general ; but, ere these qualities had time to ripen, the cause- he struggled (ov was lost, nionarchy was swept away, diid CharU-s had perished on the scaffold. Rupert was not 2;^ years old when the King's Standard was set up at Nottingham in August, 1642, and he came then, at the instance of the Queen, to take the great position of "General of the Horse." He came, thus voun<'-. tO(ommand men who had seen long service, and a stranger to England, to take a leading pcUt in her civil strife. It is not surprising to find that his energy, decision, and daring; soon gave him strong hold on the wavering King. Rupert, ever at hand, trained in arms, always prompt in council and impetuous in the field, -was precisely the man to guide Charles. Then, too, it INTRODUCTION. IX J' 1 was not unnatural that the dazzling qualities of the Prince should win the admiration and reofard of the vouno-er Cavaliers, and, though Statesmen might deprecate his policy, and old soldiers condemn his tactics, he soon had a following of his own— a following which comprised among it some who were dissolute, many who were reck- less, but whose every member was animated by the courage, and inspired by the example of their leader. The first of the letters from the King to Prince Rupert, which is among those now^ for the first time printed is the letter dated from Oxford, 3rd Feb. 1643 (according to the old style, 1642). Two days previously the King had written a letter to the Prince stating that at Cirencester and other places "great quantities of cloth canvass and buckram are to be had for supplying the great necessities our soldiers have of suits," and directing him to possess himself of what .supplies of this character the army needed, keeping an account of them and giving a ticket to the owners, who were subsequently to ''receive such securities for their commodities as they shall have no cause to except against." Meanwhile arrangements had been made by Lord Hertford and Prince Rupert for an assault upon Cirencester, It was made on the 2nd of February, and after a brief resistance, was successful. The victory was stained by bloodshed and outrage, and Clarendon admits that the town *' yielded much plimder, from which the undlstinguishing soldiers could not be kept, but was equally Injurious to friend and foe ; so that many honest men, who were imprisoned by the rebels for not concur- * INTRODUCTION. IXTRODUCTIOX. XI •)r t; tj it H if ring with them, found themselves undone together.""*^ Whitelock, in his Memorials t says, '' A few days afterwards, Prince Rupert, with 4,000 horse and foot, marched by Sudeley Castle to Cirencester : where the magazine of the County lay ; this he took, putting the Earl of Stamford's regiment, and many others, to the sword; took 1,100 prisoners, and 3,000 arms." " These prisoners were led in much triumph to Oxford, where the King and Lords looked on them, and too many smiled at their misery, beincf tied with cords, almost naked, beaten and driven alono; like does." This achievement was of great importance to the Royal forces , for it gave them not only the prestige of victory, and the advantage of securing the stores they required, but it also opened up an uninterrupted communication with Worcester and South Wales, a district from which, by the aid of Lord Glamorgan and his father, they confidently reckoned on most important aid. The letter dated, Oxford 4th November, 1643, speaks of a proposition concerning Lancashire which the King submits to the consideration of the Prince. This proposition was apparently commented on and replied to on the following day, for a letter is inserted in Warburton's Work under the date 6th November, from Mr. Secretary Nicholas to the Prince J, in which he replies to ''animadversions " the latter had made with regard to the proposed military arrangements, and closes with the following passage : — '' Therefore His Majesty * Clarendon, Vol. 3, p. 417, edit. 1826. t p. 167, edit. 1732. X Rupert c^ the Cavaliers p. 327, vol, 2. ' ^ desireb you to send my Lord Byron presently to him, if your Highness can possibly spare him, that this great design may be presently adjusted, for his i\Lajesty thinks it of that weight, that without it not only these countries will be in hazard to be irrevocably lost, but likewise my Lord of Newcastle's army will be put into very great straits as also the Scots are likely to come in with very great disadvantage to the King's service, if this design be not effectually prevented." No doubt the proposition was, in effect, the plan subsequently adopted — in the first place with complete success, but which finally closed in defeat and ruin — the march to the North, for the purpose of relieving the gallant Countess of Derby, then hard beset in Latham House, and subsequently the attack on the Parlia- mentary forces under the Earl of Manchester, and the reinforcement of the Royal army, which, under the command of the Marquis of Newcastle^ was holding York for the Crown. On the 1 2th November, Charles again writes to the Prince, submitting to his judgment the expediency of holding Tossiter (Towcester), and assuring him the report that he was treating for peace was a '' damnable ley." Towcester was at that time of considerable im- portance, and it does not appear that the suggestion of the King was acted upon, for, a fortnight later. Sir Arthur Aston reports that he is still fortifying the place and preparing provisions according to the Prince's order. The town was at this moment threatened by the Earl of Essex, on behalf of the Parliament, who had formed a depot at Aylesbury. xn X'l ROlJrcTIOX INTRODUCTICK XI 11 With reL{ard to the rumoured ne<^otI;ition which the Kinc{ so enero^eticcdlv denied. Whitelocke makes the following remark : '' A paper was communicated to both Houses, which was sent from the Prince Idarecourt to the Earl of Northumberland, by way of i^^eneral pro- posals, for an accommodation between the King and Parliament, and that in the name of the French King, whose Ambassador he was." Clarendon * states that the Count of Harecourt was sent as an Ambassador Extraordinary from P" ranee, W'ith a view to effect a reconciliation between the King and Parliament, and that, the death of Richelieu, and the supremacy of the Queen- Mother and Cardinal Mazarin, led Charles to expect " notable effect from this embassy." It, however, came to nothing. The letters of the 12th and 15th of March, 1643 were written at a critical moment. The Irish Regiment of Royalists had been destroyed ; the Scottish army had crossed the border and held Sunderland : Sir Thomas Fairfax had defeated Colonel Bellasis at Selby ; Lord Derby could no longer *' keep Lancashire in reasonable subjection," and the great stronghold of Newark, threatened by Sir John Meldrum, entreated aid from the K mg:. The importance of this town was evident. If Newark fell, the communication between Oxford and York w^ould be severed, and all the plans of the King deranged. In the meanwhile, everything was wanting, — arms, ammunition, money, and men, so Rupert was despatched into Shropshire with directions to levy what • Vol. 4, p. 325. 329' i forces he could there, and in Chester, and thence to march to the relief of Newark. This was a hazardous enterprise ; but in the loyal Counties of the West men flocked to the banner of the Prince, and, before the enemy had the faintest idea that he had collected any considerable force, he was on his march to encounter them. Clarendon states ^ that, though the enemy had excellent intelligence, the Prince '' was within six miles of them before they believed he thought of them ; and charging and routing some of their horse, pursued them with that expedition that he besieged them in their own entrenchments with his horse, before his foot came within four miles. In the consterna- tion, they concluding he must have a vast power and strength to bring them into these straits, he with a num- ber inferior to the enemy, and utterly unaccommodated for an action of time, brought them to accept of leave to depart, that is, to disband without their arms or any carriage or baggage. Thus he relieved Newark, and took about 4,000 arms, 1 1 pieces of brass cannon, two mortar pieces, and above 50 barrels of powder, which was as unexpected a victory as any happened throughout the war." With regard to the ^400, in a letter from Arthur Trevor to the Prince, dated Oxford, 24th March, 1644, there is the following observation : '' Your ;^400 I am at last raised to a hope of obtaining for you ; and when I have it I shall keep the same entire until you please to renew your orders upon me, not knowing what directions have been given by your Highness since your first desiring of that money."t * Vol. 4, ]). 444, t Warbunon Vol. 2, p. 387. ? i XIV INTRODUCTION. INTRODUCTION. XV After the victory at Newark Rupert returned to Shrewsbury to prepare for his Northern March. It seemed, indeed, that in the North was this great contest to be decided — Lancashire was to be re-won, Latham House to be relieved, and a junction formed with the Marquis of Newcastle, whose forces were threatened with the combined efforts of three distinct armies. Mean- while all was uncertainty and irresolution at Oxford. Charles shewed physical courage when retreat was im- possible and retractation useless ; but when he had in diflBcult circumstances to consider and decide he was always vacillating, weak, and spiritless. He must have known that Rupert required every man he could gather to his banner when he marched into the Northern Counties, yet he wrote the following letters to his Nephew, arresting his progress and crippling his power. On the 17th of April (the day on which the Queen left him for Exeter) he urges the Prince to advance into the West Riding, and hinder the rebels from advancing northwards, and especially from falling on Newcastle's rear. By another letter, assumed to be of about the same date, he requires Rupert to send 2,000 men to Evesham and march with the remainder of his army wherever he pleases. On the 20th Charles states that, without the assistance he asks of the Prince, he must relinquish those parts of the West where Rupert must remember his Wife has gone. On the 2 ist in addition to the letter con- tained in this correspondence, he authorises Prince Rupert to press levies for 2,000 men to supply those now sent to his Majesty at Evesham. On the 22nd he recommends to Prince Rupert the relief of Lord Newcastle, and on the 23rd he confides the County of Gloucester to his care. On the 24th the King addresses Rupert in a letter which ^' forms a part of this correspondence, and in it he again insists on a supply of 2,000 men. Apparently this reiterated command brought Rupert to Oxford ; for we find him there on the following day, attending a Council of War, breathing his own brave spirit into its uncertain debates, proving to the King that he needed no more troops in Oxford and the West, and completing his arrangemenis for his expedition to the North. Lord Grandison, whose letter to Prince Rupert immediately follows those of the King, was William Villiers, Viscount Grandison, son of Sir Edward Villiers, President of Munster, and Nephew of George \'illiers, first Duke of Buckingham. On the loth August. 1642, twelve days before the Royal Standard was erected at Nottingham, Lords Carnarvon and Grandison received Commissions from the Kine to raise re^^iments of horse for the service of the Crown. Lord Lindsay had previously been made Lieutenant General of the Army, and Sir Jacob Asteley Serjeant Major General. It w^as a time of anxietv and forebodino*. Gathered round the person of their Sovereign were some of his wisest Councillors and some of his ablest Captains, but their was no unanimity in their advice, and no enthusiasm for their cause. They strove as best they might to bear the semblance of a Court, but the ^loomv walls of a dismantled castle chilled their hopes, and frowned into failure every effort at the maintenance ot ill timed state. A chapter of the Garter was held and the name of Rupert was blazoned on its knightly roll, but the formalities were irregular, the ceremonial was shorn of its customary splen- m XVI INTRODUCTION'. dour, and twenty years elapsed ere the proceedino^s of that day were amended and confirmed. The King's standard was erected, but neither regal magnificence, nor heraldic pomp adorned that boding pageant — a few drums beat, a few trumpets sent forth their melancholy wail, and then to a scanty band of Gentlemen, and to an armed force of less than a thousand men, the Royal Proclamation was read, and the King- submitted his cause, his crown, and his life to the stern arbitrament of war. ''Melancholy men," says Clarendon, '^observed many ill presages about that time." The Royal cause indeed seemed hopeless ere the struggle was begun. The Kine had failed to seize on Hull ; he had been ignominiously set at nought before the walls of Coventry ; and now almost ere the strain of his trumpet had died away upon the air, came tidings that Portsmouth was delivered over to the Parliament by Goring, in whom he had fatally reposed his trust. It was not, however, the danger of his cause that damped the spirits of the Noblemen and Gentry around him — some of these might say with Sir Edward Verney, the bearer of that ill omened standard, " For my part I do not like the quarrel, and do heartily wish the King would yield and consent to what they desire ; so that my conscience is only concerned in honour and in gratitude to follow my master. I have eaten his bread, and served him thirty years, and will not do so base a thing as to for- sake him, and choose rather to lose my life (which I am sure I shall do) to preserve and defend those things, which are against my conscience to preserve and defend." i.MROi'LX iiON. A\il W'ritiUL!' from Shrewshurv, on 21st SeiJl. fc^llowin'^, the l^arl of Sunderland thus expresses himself in a letter to his wife, '* liow mucli 1 am unsatisfied with the proceed- ings here. I have at large expressed in several letters ; neither is there wantinu* dailv handsome occasion to retire, were it not for L>-ainino- honour; for let occasion be never so handsome (unless a man were resolved to fight on tlie Parliament side, which for my part I had rather be hanged) it will be said, without doubt, that a man is afraid to fight. If there could bean expedient found to salve the punctilio of honour. I would not continue here an hour. The discontent that I and other honest men receive daily, is beyond expression." Not among the Cavaliers alone was the approach of civil war reciarded with reluctance and dismav. On a motion in Parliament in July, 1642. Whitelock. the historian, thus spoke — '• I look upon another beginning oi' our civil war, God blessed us with a long and llourishing peace, and we turned his o-race into wantoness, and ijeace would not satisfv us without luxurv, nor our ])lentv without de- baucherv : instead of sobrietv and thankfulness for our mercies, we provoked the criver of them l)y our sins and l\-ickedness to punish us (as we may fear) by a civil WcU', to make us executioners of divine vengeance upon our- selves." "It is s^^ranire to note how we have insensibly slid into the beoinninir of a civil war. bv one unexpected accident after another, as waves of the sea, which have brouo-ht us thus far ; and we scarce know how, but from paper combats, by declarations, remonstrances, protcsta- XVlll i \ ; i . U i ' i. * ■ 1 i t J >^ tlons, vottjS, niusSci^ges, an^>u(M"^, cind rtqilir.-^ : wi: circ now come to the question of niisIiiL^' lorce.^, cinJ luuning a General, and officers of an army. ''We must surrender up our laws, liberties, pro- perties, and lives into the hands of insolent Mercenarie.-:), whose raL^e and violence will command us. and all we have, and reason, honour, and justice will leon of 300 men, and a few small pieces of ordnance. Shortly after his victory at Nantwich Sir Thomas Fairfax received peremptory orders from the Parliament to undertake the siege of Lathom, and accordingly on 28th P^'ebruary, 1644, he summoned Lady Derby to surrender, in a letter which was courteous as well as firm. She replied and by many ingenious devices contrived to delay the Parliamentary General, while she was completing her arrangements for the coming siege ; \vhen they were sufficiently formed she broke ofi all neofociations, declaring- that *^ though a woman and a Stranger, divorced from her friends, and robbed ol her estate, she was ready to receive their utmost violence, trusting in God for protection and deliverance." In the meanwhile, Sir Thomas Fairfax was sum- moned to a nobler service than besieging a lonely lady in her Manor House ; his Cousin, Sir William Fairfax, succeeded in command, but he too left on 24th ?^Iarch, and thenceforth the siege was left in charge of one Colonel Rigbv. Colonel Rigby was a ]^Iember of Parliament for Wiiran. " He was a lawyer, and a bad one" says a contemporary, and he seems to have been quite as un- successful as a soldier as he had previously been in the law. XXIV INTI^OI'LC 1 lux. IXTRODUCTIOX. XX V His first act was ac^^ain to suninion ihc Countess and her reply shews her estimate of hini and his courtesy. When she received his letter she ton; it up and exclaimed that the proper reward for Ri.i^hy would be to hang him at her ^''ate. '' Tell that insolent rebel/' she continued, "he shall neither have i)erson, goods, nor house ; when our strene'th and i;rovi>ions are spent, we shall hnd a hre more merciful than Rigb\- : and then, if the providence of God prevent it not, my g(jods and house shall burn in his si^-ht ; and mvself, children, and soldiers, rather than fall into his hands, will seal our religion and loyalty in the same flame." Next niorning. al four ()'cl(_)ck. the soldiers sallied out upon the enem\-. "There; was one UKjrtar piece which had raked them [)it^ously and which they feared more than all the enemv's gun^ "•' ''■ " the lu'st thing they did was to make for the trench where this mortar piece lay guarded by tifty soldiers. After a quarter of an hour's lighting, they won the sconce, gained the rampart, levelled the ditch, and drawing up the iron monster by ropes dragged it into the house. The historian of the siege says, "Now neither ditches, nor ought else troubled our soldiers ; their grand terror, the mortar piece, which had frightened them from their meat and sleep, lying like a dead lion, quietly among them ; everv one had his eye and foot upon it, shouting and rejoicing as merrily as they used to do with their ale and bagpipes. Indeed, every one had this estimation of the service, that the main work had been done, and what was yet behind was a mere pastime.""''" The unhappy lawyer, on ist May, wrote a piteous letter to the unsympathislng deputy lieutenants of Lan- cashire — he had been compelled, he said, to borrow great and considerable sums of money both upon his Avord and bond for the public use. '^ We have had many nights together alarms, and beaten them into the house six and seven times in the nls^ht, and bv these alarms and great numbers in the house, and by our losses, my soldiers have been inforced some to watch and stand upon the guard in the trenches for two nlg^hts toi^^ether, and others two nights in four, in both which kind my son hath performed his duties as the meanest captain ; and for myself I almost languish under the burden, having toiled above my strength." He concluded a long appeal by plainly intimating if they did not assist him that he should abandon the enterprise. Receiving no aid, on 27th May, he threw himself with his soldiers into Bolton. The following day Rupert and Derby attacked the town, and after a fierce contest carried it ; the Roundheads hung a royal trooper early In the day, and his death was sternly and bitterly revenged. Sixteen hundred of the garrison paid the penalty, and a few- hours later twenty-two of the rebel colours which had waved in menace before Lathom House, were presented to the Countess to grace the stronghold she had so loyally and well maintained. At a later date, when the great possessions of the House of Stanley were confiscated bv the Parliament, the Isle of Man was granted to Sir Thomas Fairfax, ''In public gratitude of his high deserts, and not as the Issue of his own desires." He was a generous enemy, and declined to profit by the ill fortune of a noble race. He received the income of the Estates thus granted him. Li ll XXVI IMKuDL'CTIOX. but accounted to the Countess for every shilling he received ; so that in after life she said she never received her rents with such regularity from her own agents. Fairfax never benefitted by the misfortunes of his Country, but declining to profit by the losses of others lived and died on the Estates bequeathed him by his predecessors. Sir Jacob Astley (sometimes described as Ashley, and sometimes as Lord Astley or Ashley by the his- torians of the period) was the very type of an English Royalist. Descended from an ancient and honored race, he was the second son of Isaac Astlev, of Hill Morton and Melton Constable, and was born at the latter place in 1579. When only 19 years of age he joined the forces which were sent by Queen Elizabeth to aid the people of Holland in their struggle against Philip of Spain. His distinguished gallantry led to his attaining at the hand of Maurice, Prince of Oran^'-e. the hlirhest rank in his profession. In 1621 he associated himself with the gal- lant band of English gentlemen who fought nobly but in vain for the Elector Palatine ; and ten years later he accepted a commission from the Duke of Hamilton, who fought under the banner of the great Protestant Cham- pion, Gustavus of Sweden. In 1 64 1 he was summoned home to take a com- mand in the expedition against the Scots, and when that breach was for the moment healed, he was given the Government of Plymouth, as a position of ease, honour, and emolument. Already, however, the clouds were gathering which \ INTRODUCTION. XXVll were destined to break in the thunderstorm of civil war, and when the King's Standard was unfurled at Nottingham no truer or abler soldier ranged himself beneath it than the old soldier who, as a mere stripling, had 43 years before distinguished himself at the battle of Nieuport and the siege of Ostend. In that noble series of characters which Clarendon has o-iven us of his contemporaries we find Sir Jacob Asdey thus described : — *• He was an honest, brave, plain man, and as fit for the office he exercised, of Major-Gencral of the Foot, as Christendom yielded ; very discerning and prompt in giving orders, as the occasion required, and most cheerful and present in any action. In council, he used tcw, but very pertinent words ; and was not at all pleased with the long speeches usually made there, and which rather confounded than informed his understanding ; so that he rather collected the ends of the debates, and what he was himself to do, than enlarged them by his own discourses ; though he forbore not to deliver his own mind." " He was purely a soldier and of a most loyal heart," writes another historian, and every trace of his career confirms these estimates of his character and con- duct. At the battle of Edgehill Sir Jacob Asdey had the command of one of the divisions of Infantry, and did good service on that day of chequered fortunes and baffled hopes. The hostile armies were in sight of each other, and the Kincr addresso^l his own. '' I have written and XXVlil ix^rRO:. I'd ION TNTRODUCTION. yxix nte-nch 1 1 al\\XL\-^ 1 i I i 1 ! ; 1 1 (.1 4 i I 1 ^. >- a declared." said hr, ■ that I i and defend the Pretfstant ridi^-iun, thf ri-iit> and vileges ot ParHanicnt, and the hhrrt\- ei' the suiiic^t. an now I must t)ro\'e m\- words h\- th*' ccnxancin^- ar^^unitau ot the sword. Let Ilcaxx-n show its [>ower b)- this da) 's victory to declare nvj JList ; and as a lawful, so a loving- King- to my subjects. The best encouragement I can give you is this : that come life or death, vour Kino- will bear you company, and e\-er keep this held, this place, and this day's service in his grateful remembrance." And then, before the battle joined, the simple prayer of Astley rose fervently to Heaven, as the veteran said aloud, '' Oh, Lord ! Thou knowest how busv I m.ust be this day ; if I forget Thee, do not Thou forget me ; '' —and with that rose up, crying out, " .ALirch on, boys." It has indeed been too much the custom to imagine that there were some broad, coarse lines of character and conduct which infallibly distinguished the Roundhead from the Cavalier. We can Hnd none such ; — the former counted among their number many a cant- ing hypocrite, the latter included in their ranks many a godless and licentious knave,-— thus it will ever b(: with the extremes of opposing parties,— and it is the worst or the weakest men who belong to them who generally exaggerate their own expressed opinions in the hope of inducing others to believe in their sinceritjx To judge, however, that the quaint language and Scriptural [)hrases and images which the Roundheads employixl were necessarily an evidence of hypocrisy would be a very transparent error. There was but little reading- in those days among the masses, but the Bible was intensely studied ; had any general literatun* or any historical knowl'^V^' ^'^--^^i widelv -.la'cad air ong iht-ni, u i^ ra-obalae tht;ir \-r>calni]arv would ha\-(^ been cxtrnd'il .aid ih«-r n insi)ircd lusinrw As it u loiilldcd i was, tho Biblr- \\;i:~> to thoni iho sole standard o! rigiu and wrona". andi tho onl\- hi^torica^ ijarallels to wliicli tlioy could apijoal wore contained in it. The result was the exao-o-erated lan"uau'e whicli thi^ Xonconte)rm!sts em- ploved, and which sounds so strange to us. That it was frequently used for e\-il ends, we doubt not; luit in itselt it was the natural result of the strained religious ieeling and imperfect edtication of the period. If it be necessary further to support this view of the case, we would refer the reader to the common conversation of the Dissenters of the present day, and indeed to many of the Church- o-oers, in East Sussex ; he will find there very similar causes have produced kindred effects, and that the same exclusive study of the Bible has induced a tone of thought and language which is in many respects curiously analoo-ous to that which it effected in the i jth century. The period was a deeply religious era, and there. is no reason for attribtiting to the stipporters of the Parliament anv monopolv of scaaous and conscientious thought. No doubt, as time went on, and as feelings became (aiibittered, each i)arty strove to create or detect differences which might distinguish it from the other, and then the Sectaries became more and more selt-righteous in their tone, and the followers of the King made it a matter of pride to scoff at their hypocrisy and cant, untd the n-iost violent among the former party might ha\(: graced a modern revival meeting, and the latter nught have rivalled the frequenters of a betting booth. This was, however, the Qradiial result of civil war XXX INTRODUCTION. — of all Strife the one most calculated to embitter the feelinofs and debase the actions of those who engao-e in it. The hii^h-minded chivalry which marked Hopton, Grenville, Falkland, Astley, and many another noble gentleman who fought for the King, was equalled though it could not be surpassed by Essex, Fairfax, Denbigh, and Manchester, who strove for the Parliament. On both sides v\as the same great courtesy; on both the same stern resolution to do their duty ; on both the same firm reliance on the justice of their cause ; and the same solemn conviction that God would hold the balance and decide in favour of righteousness and truth. When, therefore, Sir Jacob Astley uttered his prayer on the held of Edgehill, we give him credit for unfeigned religious faith, and hold the act to be consistent not simply with his pa^t life but with the spirit and convic- tions of the men among whom he had cast his lot. The annals of the civil war are full of records of Astley : he was present in most of the more important battles, and his efforts to restrain the excesses of the Royalists, to secure sup[jlies for and to attend to the comforts of his own soldiers, and to carry on the strife with humanity as well as with effect, are evidenced in numerous letters which are yet [)reserved. We will only pause to give a single extract from his letters. Writing to Rupert on the nth January, 1644-5, he expresses himself thus quaintly : — '' Affter manie scolisietations by letteres and mesendgeres sent for bet- ter paiement of this garison, and to be provided with men, armes, and amonition for ye good orderinge and defence of this place, I have reseeived no comfort at all. So y"- in littell time our extreamieties must thruste the IXTRODUCTIOX. xxxi souldieres eyther to disband or mutiny, or plunder, and then y^ fault thereof wil be laied to my charge. God send ye Kinge mor monnie to go throw with his great worck in hande, and me free from blame and imputation." Asdey was, at different times, made Governor of various Royal Garrisons, and after the defeat of Naseby he was appointed Lieutenant General of the Royal forces in the West and on the Welsh Marshes. At Worcester, many mondis after Rupert had sur- rendered Bristol, he collected a force of 3,000 men, with which he determined to join the King at Oxford, but his letters were intercepted and Sir Wm. Brereton and Colonel Morgan met him with an overwhelming force at Stow in the Wold, where, says Whitelocke, " after a sore conflict on both sides, Sir Jacob xAstley was totally routed, him- self taken prisoner, and 1,500 more horse and men, all their carriages, arms, and baggage taken. ^Morgan's word was " God be our guide," Asdey's word was ' Patrick and George." ''^ '" * Sir Jacob Astley, after he was prisoner, told some of the Parliament Officers, ' i^ow you have done your work, and may go play, unless you fall out among yourselves.' " And so it was — for there was now no army in the field to batde for the Crown— the high spirit of the Cavaliers was broken ; there was discord in their councils and indecision in their Court. Henceforth the banner of the King might float for a brief period over an isolated castle, or a remote town, but the struggle was virtually over, and the defeat of Asdey was the immediate fore- runner of the final overthrow. In a letter of 6th June, 1646, the King, wriung to him, says '^the greatest of my I f. XXXll TVTROr>UCTION. misfortunes is that I cannot reward so Lfallant and loval a subject as I ouL^dit and would." He had, indeed, created him l^aron Astlev of Reading, (a title selected from th(! circumstance that he was descended from Thomas liaron dc Astlev, who was slain at the battle of Evesham in the rei'-n of Henrv III.) but beyond that empty honour he had nothing to bestow ; a fugitive in his own Lmd, a wanderer amonQf his own people, he was soon to become the captive of his enemies, and the victim of his most relentless foes. Astley remained some months a |)risoner. and then was amnestied by the Parliament. He never drew the sword again, but was gathered to his fathers at a ripe old age, leaving behind him a name honoured by nien of both parties, and a reputation which calumny itself never ventured to asperse. Henry Hastings, Lord Loughborough, was a nian of a widely different stamp. A son of the Earl of Hunt- ingdon, he had all the advantages which rank and wealth conferred in those days on a great family. He enjoyed some popularity in his own neighbourhood, and amono- his own retainers, and his character was fertile in re- sources, enterprising, and undaunted. He appears to have combined in a singular degree loyalty to the King with regard for his own interests ; and the feud between the houses of Huntinofdon and Stamford was carried on bv him verv effectual Iv when he took un arms for the Crown. He fortified his father's house at Ashby de la Zouche, and in a short time raised a force sufficient to enable him to hold in check Lord Grev, the eldest son of the Earl of Stamford—the " Kinir's service." 'i I INTRODUCTION. xxxni says Clarendon, " being the more advanced there, by the notable animosities between the two families of Hunt- ingdon and Stamford, between whom the County was divided passionately enough, without any other quarrel." Clarendon notices his acts on three or four occasions; but Hastings does not figure in the ^stately portrait gallery the great historian has limned. We must gather our estimate of him from his acts, from the ap- preciation of his contemporaries, and from the letters which, written hastily and on the impulse of the moment, tell much of his disposition, hs temper, and his aims. The silence of Clarendon is unfortunate. A man in the position of Hastings, and taking an energetic part in the war, was the natural object of more than a passing comment. Yet beyond admitting his activity, and the local Importance of his adhesion to the Royal cause, there is hardly a word about him in the History of the Rebellion. Warburton, however, regards him as deserving all admiration, and thus expresses himself of his favourite hero. " Hastings was neither poor nor personally in- jured, it is true. He entered on the war with all the energy of a man who finds himself unexpectedly called upon to exert his peculiar talent; he was the model of a partlzan leader ; he kept the whole country round his father's stronghold at Ashby de la Zouche in awe. He possessed no scruples ; he bore a blue banner blazoned with a furnace, and the candid motto, '' Qui ignis con- flatoris "—well suited to his fiery and destructive career. The Parliamentary Journals call him " that notable thief and robber." E J L-. XXXI V IXI i ODUCTIOX. We confess very reluctantly to have come to the conclusion that the Parliamentary was the more correct estimate of Hastin;^s ; and, althou'^^h we find in War- burton and elsewhere evidences of his audacity and zeal he appears to have deserved the opprobrium he earned and failed to redeem his character by any striking deed of successful darini^-. One of the acts of this determined partizan leader was to enter Leicester on 22nd June, 1642, '^ with ban- ners displayed and matches burning, and to read the King's Commission of Array." The Sheriff immediately read the Parliamentary decree against this Commission, and two messengers from the Parliament endeavoured, though without success, to capture Hastings. The scene is thus described by the messengers :— " Then the Cavaliers and the rest of the soldiers ioininted to command their armies. In short, an aristocrat at heart and a patriot from principle, he was too honest to conceal his sentiments, and too proud to pander to the follies and \-ices of his Employers. On 24th August Essex mustered his army on Hounslow Heath; his forces numbered about 15,000, but in great part they were men hastily levied, imper- fectly drilled, and unused to the toils and perils of war. With this army of conscripts he marched for Gloucester.* Through a country devastated by friend and foe ; over wide plains where the cawalry of tlie enemy might have cut off his supplies and possibly destroyed his army ; and in face of a victorious enemy and their exasperated * The date given by Warburlon in Rupcri and the Cavaliers i.-, 241I1 Aiigu>i, vol. 2, p. 285. In the Hves of the Devereux, Karls of E>>cx vol. 2, p. 37S, the mu,->tcring at Hounslow is dated l5Lh Aug., and the Mareh fiuui Aynhuc 2ud .^cpt. In Carlyle's Cromwell the dale (A ilie niarLbi i> given 2( :h Aul:.. \< I, j'. 145, eau. 1873. Whitelocke p. 72, edit. 1732, >Lilc> L>^e\ liiarchcd ir.jni A\lc.-bu;-y on 29th March, and Clarendon, without givnig the [aeei>e dale, apjareiiily ee^utirnis \V hitelocke. r* b Kino-, Essex marched and fouuht his way. On the even- ing of September 5th his signal fires blazed from the heio-hts of the Cotswold hills, and the boom of his cannon announced to the beleaguered city that succour was at hand. The roval armv burned their huts that night, and on the 8th Essex entered Gloucester. A few days longer delav would have been fatal, for the defenders were well nigh worn out, their provisions were exhausted, and their store of gunpowder was reduced to the last barrel. The city might probably have been taken by storm when Lord Percy's letter was written, but the KincT shrank from the bloodshed such a step would have involved, and wasted his men and his resources on an ineffectual blockade. Rupert, who with characteristic impetuosity, had urged an assault, declined to l)e responsible for a course he disapproved, and acted during the siege only as Commander of the Horse. A determined attack on the Parliamentary forces when thev were toiling across the open country on their wav to Gloucester would probabl)- have been successful ; the Kincr and his advisers, however, miscalculated the purposes and power of their enemy. Charles had gravely replied to the deputies from Gloucester, '* If you expect help you are deceived ; Waller is extinct, and Essex cannot come ;" and even when it was known that the latter General was on the march, he supposed it was a mere demonstration, and that its only purpose was to threaten Oxford, and induce him to march in its defence and thus to raise the siege. When at length the King realized the fact that Essex seriously purposed to relieve the city, he still was unconscious of the imminence of the ii ,r xliv 1X1R0DUCTI0X ) dano^er, for on ^th Se|jteml)cr, the very clav on which Essex reached the hills abo\-(: IVestburv, Charles in a letter dated '^ Matson, 5th September. 10 morn." thus wrote to Prince Rupert* " The General is of opinion that we shall do little c^ood upon this town, for they bei^n'n to counter- mine us, which will make it a work of timt? ; wherefore he is of opinion, to which T fully concur, that we should endeavour to flight with Essex as soon as may be, after WQ haye gotten our forces toq-ether, which I hope will be to-morrow, those from Bristol beinL»; already come ; the greatest care will be to meet with him before he can reach the hedges ; now if this be your opinion, as it is ours, which I des're to know with all speed. I desire you to do eill things in order to it that no time be lost." Before this letter reached the Prince, Essex must haye gained the enclosed country where the royal Cayalry could annoy him but little, — and Gloucester was saved. Urged by the fatal importunity of Rupert, Charles resolved to give battle to the enemy and cut off his return to London. By means of forced marches which fatigued his troops, he intercepted Essex at Xewbury, and fought a disastrous battle there. In vain did the impetuous Cavaliers charge time after time the dense masses of the city train bands ; valour, chivalry and long descent could not give them the victory over the stubborn cour- age oi those n:a.^sed pikemen : and every charge saw their numbers lessen, and the steady courage of their foe confirmed. At last night fell and the Kine withdrew^ his forces INTRODUCTION. :h XiV » Rupert and the Cavaliers, v, 2, p. 2S6. into the neighbouring Town. Then, indeed, he had time to think upon his losses, though he had not the oppor- tunity to count his dead. Falkland was among the slain, and found that peace at length for which his weary spirit had vainly sought on earth ; Sunderland had satisfied ''the punctilio of honour," and the ''great parts, the virtue," and the varied powers of Carnarvon slept in his early grave. The Kino- Is stated to haye lost 2,000 men upon that fatal day, and aUhough both parties claimed it as a victory, Essex remained in possession of the field, and gave orders for the burial of the dead. Sullenly the royal army withdrew, leaving the road open to their enemies, and in a few days time Essex entered London in triumph. The letter (No. 19) of the Duke of Richmond of the 25th March, 1644, relates to the relief of Newark, a deed which was most worthy of panegyric, but which has already been referred to. We have already stated that Rupert largely increased his army in Shropshire and the Western Counties. It must not, however, be supposed that men of less energy and singleness of purpose would have been equally successful. Before his arrival the Royalist leaders uttered nothing but complaints ; every thing was required, nothing was to hand. Disputes among themselves seem to have occupied whatever time their enemy allowed them to enjoy, and the only sentiment they shared in common was an anxious desire for the arrival of the Prince, and the consequent shifting of res- ponsibility from their shoulders to his. On 25th January the Prince wrote to Sir Francis xlvf INTRODUCTION. Ottley, Governor of Shrewsbury, annoiincino^ that the Kine had Intrusted to his care his army in Shropshire and the Counties adjacent, toQ^ether with his Interest there. He referred to some plot for the betrayal of the town to the enemy, and then added, ^' but I do not hear they (the conspirators) are brought to justice by any pro- ceeding- against them, so that the punishment may be to some — the example and terror to all." and he intimates that the Town will be his head quarters and that he re- quires certain alterations made in th^- Castle to fit it for the reception of stores, together with the erection of huts as lodoflnsfs for the or-arrison. On the receipt of this letter the Governor prevailed upon the Inhabitants to assess themselves at ^1,000 for the service of the King. Sir John Mennes, however, a few days later, states that " his Highness must be seen here, and I think felt too, before this hard hearted people will believe he Is coming." The same luckless gentleman remarks In another letter '' money Is a thing not spoken of, neither do I perceive your Highness' last letter prevailed at all with them ''^ ''' I must crave pardon If I quit the place for I have not wherewithal to subsist any longer, having received but ^22 now in eleven months, and lived upon my own without free quarters for horse or man. The fortune I have is all in the rebells' hands, or in such tenants as have forgot to pay." The truth was that all parties, save those who hoped to gain personally by It, were very weary of the war. The lonofer It continued the smaller seemed the chances of eventual peace. Armies traversed the country, assailed and battered down castles, burned towns and villages, and laid waste woods and corn fields. There was the excitement of the conflict for those engaged in 1 I INTRODUCTION. xlvH it, fierce exultation for the victor, and possibly hope for the vanquished, but what had the peaceful citizen to gain by all this confusion and blood ? What cared the yeoman whose farm steading was committed to the fiames for the doubtful claims of Royalist or Parliamentary com- batant ? What knew the husbandman of precedent or privilege, of the rights of the people, or the prerogative of the C rown . 4 The first burst of enthusiasm on either side was over, and the prosaic realities of war came home to an impoverished and heartsick people. It is well for men who regard war as a pageant and not as a reality, to WTite in glittering language of glancing banners and towering crests, to tell us that the trumpet call of Rupert was worth a thousand men, and to compare the freebooters, W'ho rano-ed themselves beneath his flag, with the mythical combatants of a more chivalrous era. How did these facts present themselves to the men who without taking part in, were sufterers by the war ? The Parliament had great pecuniary advantages over the King, yet the pay of the soldiers was constandy in arrear, and '' outrages, which no authorit)- under such circumstances could restrain, continued to spread dismay through the country." The condition of the army of the Crown may be gathered from a thousand sources, everywhere there is the same complaint, " our soldiers' pay is in arrear, our own means are exhausted, without money we cannot continue th(! strueele unless indeed we make the war support itsclt.' Eloquent is the accidental testimony of the actors in this o-rc^at trau'odx', and such exi^ressions as those of Lord Grandison, " these arc the reasons tha: keep me a day lono-er in this burnt and plundered quarter," penned as they were with a far difterent purpose, show us how 1. xlvili IXTRODUCTION much the country suffered at the hands of the com- batants. The time had arrived when Rupert was to measure himself ao'ainst the armies of the North. In Lancashire, Lathom House was besieged by the enemy, and its fall would have injured the cause of Charles far more than its real Importance merited, for It would have been construed into an evidence of Incapacity on the part of the King to protect one of the m.ost important and loyal families in the land Rupert, as we have already seen, accomplished this design, and thus far preserved his character for valour and success. He now had an enemy to face of another kind from Mr. Rigby of Preston, and his routed forces. Sir Thomas Fairfax was a soldier, a patriot, and a gentleman, he was as brave as Rupert, without his rashness ; as honest as Hampden, and as generous as Newcastle. A stern disciplinarian, he shrunk from no peril or hardship to which his soldiers were exposed, and obtained ovgr them the mastery which indomitable couraire, orenerosltv, and klndlv feelim^ ever win from men who have the heart to recoi^nlze and the discernment to honour them. Fairfax was no Statesman, and at Westminster others won the prizes in ambitions fevered race, he did not covet them, and stood proudly aloof from every cabal. His cause was his country's good, his sword was ever at her service, and through evil report and good report he followed the dictates of his honour and his conscience. Lord Leven commanded the Scotch and the Earl of Manchester (under whom served Crom- well) commanded an independent army which had recently taken Lincoln. The combined forces of the three Generals Is estimated to have amounted to about 30,000 men, and they laid siege to York. IXTRODUCTION. xlix. 'i1ic Prince inarched ra|)id[y on ^ ork, unitc-d Gorini4"'s troops with Iv's own, ;iv()ul;/d tlic h<>-^ti](,' ^irinu-s, and entered the citv without a battle, lliis success might well have contented him. The si'jge was raised. the enemy out-generalled, and if he had reinforced the li'arrison his armv was free for other enterprises. The Marquis of Newcastle was a man A mark and valour; his second in command. General King Lord Eythin, was a soldier of approved reputation and skill, ^^ork might well have been left to their care, and Essex and \Vall(-r mi'eht have felt the weiij^ht of Ru])ert's sword. lUit no ! ever impetuous, ever rash, ever anxious lor bcUtle the Prince would listen to no counsel, and be guided by no experience save his own. Within a very short time alter the letter from Newcastle was received Prince Rupert met him in York. Newcastle urged him to be satisfied with the success he had achieved ; " discord he said was working in the camp of the enemy ; the Scots were on bad terms with the English, the Independents with the Presbvterians ; Lieutenant General Cromwell with ?vIaior General Crawford ; If he must fight let him at least wait for a reinforcement of 3,000 men which must shortly arrive." With scantv courtesv Ru])ert overruled tlie }^larquis, alleging the King's command was that he should fight in any event, and, ordering the troops to march, he accompained them to INLirston Moor. The letter on which the Prince relied was couched in the following terms : '*Ticknell, 14th June, 1O44, '' Nepheu^' '* First I nuist congratulate with you, for yo' eood successes, assuring vou, that the things themselves '* Evclvn'- l)iarv and Cunc-i'i'-i'dicc, vol. 4, p. I41 11 ( 1 I INTKODUCTIOX. are no more welcom to me, then that your are the meanes. I know the importance of supylying you with powder, for wh''' I have taken all possible wayes, have sent both to Ireland and Bristoll. As from Oxford this bearer is well satisfyed that it is impossible to have at present, but if he tell you that I may spare them from hence, I leave you to judg-e. havini^ but 36 left ; but what I can o-et from Bristoll (of w''*' there is not much certainty it being threatned to be besieged) you shall have. " But now I must give you the trew state of my affairs, w'^ if their condicion be such as enforces me to give you more peremptory comands then I would wil- lingly doe, you must not take it ill. If York be lost, I shall esteeme my Crown little lesse, unless supported by your suddain march to mee, and a miraculous conquest in the south, before the effects of the northern power can be found here, but if York be relieved, and you beat the Rebels' armies of both kingdoms w'^ are before it ; then, but otherwise not. I may possibly make a shift (upon the defensive) to spin out time, untill you come to assist me. Wherefore I comand and conjure you by the duety and affecion w'^ I know you beare me that (all new enterprises layd aside) you immediately march (according to yo' first intention) with all your force to the reliefe of York ; but if that be either lost, or have freed themselves from the besiegers, or that for want of powder you cannot undertake that work ; that }-ou immediately march with your whole strength to Worster. to assist me and my army, without w'-\ or yo' having relie\'ed York by beating the Scots, all the successes you can afterwards have most infallibly will be useless unto me. You may beleeve that nothing but an extreeme necessity could make me write thus unto INTRODUCTION. li * : 1* > you, wherefore, in this case, I can no wayes doubt of your punctual! compliance with. ''Your lovino' Uncle & most faithful frend, -CHARLES R." This letter was written by the King at perhaps the most critical moment of his military career. Secretly marching out of Oxford, which was then threatened with a siege, he made his way to Worcester, and appeared bent on reaching Shrewsbury. His sudden departure drew the Parliamentary armies after him, and for the moment saved Oxford. The movement commenced in llight, thoueh afterwards it assumed ih;' form of an offensive operation, and has been described as masterly and successful strategy on the part of the King. Exactly one week before the date of this letter the Duke of Richmond thus wrote from Worcester to the Prince, 'AVe want money, men, conduct, diligence, provisions, time, and o-ood counsel. Our hope rests chietly in your good success." A letter written by Eord Digby on the 8th, after crivinLT an account of the proceedings since the re- solution to quit Oxford was adopted, and stating that the Roval forces consisted of 2,000 musketeers and 2,500 horse, besides the garrison of Evesham, and that that town had been abandoned to, and Tewkesbury occupied by, the enemy, proceeds— " When I shall have told your High- ness this and that Essex comes upon us one way, Waller likely to go about us on the Welsh side of Gloucester, that :\Iassey and the Lord Denbigh towards Kidder- minster, both with considerable forces ; and when to all this I shall add the uncertainty as yet of your Brother's succeedin<>- before Lvme, and that Oxford is scarce victualled for a month, and. for ought we know, blocked I I] m INTRODUCTION. INTRODUCTION. 1 •* • liU up in a manner bv the enemy's horse, vour HiVhness will easilv frame to vourself an imaLre of our sad condition ; all hopes ot relief to which, de})(aKl upon your Mi-hness' happy and timely success, which his Majesty is rcsoKed to expect by defending this place with his foot, unless there shall' be an opportunit)' Q-i\-cn them of putting them into Bri3tol and joining them with Prince Maurice, and then remove with what horse and dracroons he can make, according as the event shall give him the opportunity of doing it with most safety." A few days later Essex marched to Salisbury and thence to Lyme :\vA ri)mouth, while Waller, with in- sufficient numbers, was left to watch the King. Charles availed himself of the opportunity tluis ottered him, and on 29th June, at Cropred\- Bridge, near Banbury, inflicted a defeat upon his enemv, and a few davs later mo\-ed westward, intending to do battle with Essex who was besieging Exeter. The letter of the King was couched in far more imperative terms than those he ordinarily emploved. In the letters now published he says he is very much '' pleased with a proposition, but will not conclude it without your advice." " I would not have vou to judo-e bv our foolish discourses here, but doe accordinir to vour owon iudoe- O y Jo ment." '' I ofter for vour consideration whether vou will not rather bend towards Yorkeshire to save mv Lord Newcastle & to beat the Scots, then to reduce Lanca- shire." In this communication however, instead of consulting his Nephew, Charles excuses himself for giving him peremptory commands ; he tells him if York falls his Crown will follow, and therefore commands and conjures Rupert to march to the relief of that city ; it is Ij clear, too, that he thinks the defeat o{ the Scotch army absolutelv necessarv for the preservation of the Town for the only chance he has of spinning out time depends on his Nephew relieving York and beating the rebel armies of both Kim-doms which were before it — and at the end of the letter he repeats the same idea, for he adds " if that York bo lost or vou cannot undertake that work, immediatelv march with your whole strength to Worcester to assist me and my army ; without which, or your Jiaving relieved York by beating the Seats, all the success you can afterwards have must infallibly be useless to me." The language of the letter appears to counten- ance the construction Prince Rupert placed upon it, and the despeiate condition of the King's affairs may to some extent justif) the risk so fatally run — but every leader of an army is bound to use discretion even in obeying orders, and the battle of ^^larston as fought and lost evidenced neither the prudence of a man of the world, nor the skill and military qualities of a great general. The day after the battle. Clarendon states that Prince Rupert and the Marquis sent messages to one another, '^' " the one that he was resolved, that morning, to march awav with his horse, and as manv foot as he had left; and the other, that he would, at that instant, repair to the sea side, and transport himself beyond the seas ; both which they immediately performed." Lord Iiythin accompanied the Marquis, upon which, t " they who were content to spare the Marquis poiu'od out all tho re[)rOcic]ios of inhdelity, treason, and conjunction with his countrymen which, without doubt, was ''•' '■' without the least lounda- tion, or uTOund for anv such reproach '"' ■' he had " Oiarcndon, vol. 4, ]'. 51: + elareiv'.dn vol. 4, j), 521 liv INTRODUCTION. been prosecuted by some of his counirymen with the highest maHce, from his very coming into the King's service, and the same maHce pursued him after he had left the Kingdom, even to his death." It was evidently a report that the Prince had given countenance to these rumours that called forth Lord Eythin's remonstrance of 23rd of January, 1645 [^o. 22.] The letter of 2Sth March [No. 25] was written by Sir Samuel Tuke, a Colonel in the King's Service. General Porter, to whom it is addressed, commanded a regiment of the Marquis of Newcastle's foot at Marston, and at diflerent times held offices of trust for the Crown. Differences arose between him and his superior officer, Lord Goring, and each of them in^ipeached the loyalty and honour of the other. Porter did his best to justify Lord Goring's charges against him, by quitting his com- mand in October 1645 '^^^^ hastening up to London and making his peace with the Parliament. Goring, whose career was a lonor succession of curiouslv varied treacheries, deserted his post at the same time and retired to France ; almost his last official act was to issue an order under which /'200 was paid to Porter, a sum that worthy erentleman emi)loved to defra\- the cost of his journev to London and his submission to the Parliament. Sir Samuel Tuke was a faithful servant of the Kino*. In 1648 he was one of the leaders of the Rovalists in the insurrection which closed so tragically in Col- chester. He died 25th January, 1670, and was a man of some consideration after the restoration. Pepys, in his diary under date ist February, 1668-9, says, ''at the change, I did at my booksellers shop accidentally fall into talk with Sir Samuel Tuke about trees and Mr. INTRODUCTION. Iv h f I Evelyn's garden, and I do find him, I think, a little con- ceited, but a man of verv fine discourse as any I ever heard almost ; which I was mighty glad otV He was a cousin of John P2velyn, in whose correspondence and diaries there are manv references to him. Daniell O'Neille, the writer of the letter numbered 26, was a gendeman of independent means, great daring, and a strong disposition for political intrigue. Before the war broke out he was no favorite with Charles, for he was of the number of those who hunted Strafford to his doom, but when the troubles began, and before a sword was drawn, he perilled liberty and life in the service of the King. He was concerned in 1641 with Digby, Wilmot, Goring, and Ashburnham in " the army plot," the object of which was to support the King, uphold the Church, and overawe the Parliament. In a letter of Sir Edward Nicholas to the King, of 27th September, 1641, he states that O'Neille and Sir J. Berkeley had been the day be- fore at Weybridge, " I w-as bould then," he adds, " to deliver my opinion to y' Queene, that I did beleeve if diey continued in England they would be arrested," and two days later he mentions that they had been arrested on the 28th, 'and y'^ committet^s would not bayle them, though they tendered it, alledging they had not power to doe it." In the margin of this letter the King wrote " I hope some day they may repent their severetie." On 19th November Nicholas again wrote on this subject, '' The business against O'Neall is referred to a select comittee to be prepared ready for y' House against Mon- day next, and some think it \wi\\ be hardly heard then, for albeit y' Comons have a very good minde to proceede Iv? IXTROnUCTIOX IXTRODUCTIOy. IvH roimdlv acrainst him. vci (I Ivarf^ v" ])rr)r)f^ :ir(,' so ])roken, as they will not mak(^ .i full aivl (;;«j:irL' <\-idL:nc(j.. the worst in all that business is. that it reflects on voiir Majestic, as it you hat! L^ivcn some instrucc'ons concern- ing- y' stirring- up y' army to petition y' Parliament. I hope it will ap[)ear that your Majestie's intencions were onlv to retevne v" arm\- in thc^r clut\' and dependance on your Majestie." The tone of the letter is a curious (^\ample of the want of confidence his adherents felt in Charles. It is clear that Nicholas was quite unaware of the nature of the letters referred to, and thought it perfectlv possible that the King- might ha\'e im})rudently sanctioned the plot in which the Parliame-nt i)ronounced it treason to participate. O'Xeille extricated himself from his embarassino- position by escaping from the Tower in woman's clothes. and when a few months later the King raised his standard O'Nellle returned to England and accepted a commission as Lieutenant Colonel of Horse under Rupert. At different times during the war we find traces of him. In 1643 ^"^^ accompanied the Earl of Antrim to Ireland and superintended <^he dispatch of 1.500 men to the Marquis Montrose, who with their aid set up his standard in Scotland, and won back half that nation to the King. At Marston he led Prince Rupert's re'-iment of foot, and in 1658 he accompanied the ^Marquis of Ormonde in disguise to London and remained there some time, holding meetings with the Royalists and sounding them as to the prospect of a successful risincr a^^-alnst Cromwell. After the restoration the following entry in Pepys' diary seems to Imply that O'Xeille was a person of some account. " July 3r'd, 1662, dined with the officers of the Ordnance, where Sir \V. Compton, Mr. O'Nealle, and other great persons were." The surrender of Bristol by Prince Rupert Is the subject of the finding of the Council of war, held at Newark, on 21st October, 1645. On i4tli June the battle of Naseby had been fought. Although the forces engaged In It were not so numerous as those w^hlch contended at ^larston, the consequen es of the defeat was far more momentous. Marston deprived the ^Marquis of Newcastle of the north of p:ngland. Naseby cost Charles his kingdom. The defeat was complete and crushing ; every regiment lost its colors ; the royal standard and those of the Palatine Princes were captured ; nearly 6,00 ) men were slain or taken prisoners ; 8,000 stand of arms, ammunition, stores, and above all the secret correspondence of the Kmg fell into the hands of the enemies, while the King and Prince Rupert with difficulty fled to Hereford. At length the time had arrived wdien brave men acknowledged that the struggle was hopeless. Even Rupert bowed his hitherto tameless spirit and vainly counselled peace. " If I were desired," he said In a letter to the Duke of Richmond dated 28th July, '' to deliver my opinion what other wayes the King should take, this should be my opinion, which your Lordship may declare to the King. His INIajesty hath now no way left to preserve his posterity, kingdom, and nobility, but by a treaty." - - There were, it is true, a few evil councillors left H iVill IN iKODUCTIOX. I who still urged the King to continue his resistance ; chief amonof these men was Lord Di" alienated both the districts whence he had hoped to recruit his armies, Charles turned his thou^^'-hts northward, and resolved to join Montrose. The men that gallant adventurer had obtained from Lord Antrim had enabled him to do everything short of winning a kingdom. Few as were his troops in number, deficient in arms, and wanting in discipline, in his hands they were more effective than the dense bat- talions oi the Covenanters. He routed Elcho who had 6,000 men under his command ; defeated Burleigh ; ravaged the country of Argyle and defeated him at Innerlochv; marched 60 miles without rest or food in face of an enemy whose overwhelming number rendered attack on him impossible ; gained successive victories over Urrie and Balllle. and fmally on 15th August de- feated the whole of his enemy at the sanguinary battle of Kilsvth. At lenQth Scotland was almost won ; the nobles, who had hitherto feared to avow themselves, hastened to range themselves by his side ; Edinburgh opened her gates and released the imprisoned Royalists ; the King's Commission was proclaimed, and Montrose was recognized as Lieutenant Governor and Captain General of Scotland. Montrose was in the full career of his victories > ; 4 when the King, with such forces as he could collect, marched northward. Had he persevered In his design and pushed on w th resolution and despatch he would have joined Montrose a few days after the victory of Kilsyth, and, perhaps, his presence might have changed the issue of the war. Airain, however, his fatal irresolu- tion betraved him. He was induced to waste time in Welbeck and Doncaster, and at ihc latter place tidings reached him that Leslie and the Scotch horse were only ten miles off. These horse were hurrying into Scotland to arrest the tide of Montrose's victories, and uphold the falling cause of the Covenant. Wearied with marching, and dispirited with the evil news which had summoned them from Hereford, the army of Leslie could ill have resisted had the King attacked them. Charles, however, made no inquiries ; he assumed the Scotch were in pur- suit of him, so he turned his horses head and ded to Oxford. The King was in this, his city of refuge, when he learned that Fairfax was besieging Rupert in Bristol — ■ ^' for which nobody " (says Clarendon) " underwent any trouble ; for all men looked upon that place as well fortified, manned, and victualled ; and the King even then received a very cheerful letter from Prince Rupert ; in which, he undertook to defend it full four months. So that the siege being begun so late in the year as the be^^inning of September, there was reasonable hope that the army might be ruined, before the town taken."'' As early, indeed, as the 28th July Rupert had writ- ten to Colonel Legge, who was Governor of Chester, 'AVe were never in better condition than now. All our officers Clarendon, vol. 5, p. 249. Ixiv INTRODUCTION. I I and soldiers are paid and billeted in town." and it appears that until after the siei^e was formed he was confident of beino; able successful! v to defend the citv.""' It was in- deed a possession to be niaintained at any risk ; it was the most important port in the kingdom save London ; it was the door throu^'h which the Continent could be reached, and communications be most easily held with Ireland, and throunrh it had come most of the muskets, ammunition and stores which had enabled the Kinsf to maintain the war. We learn from a declaration published by Prince Rupert that his orarrison consisted of 2.300. "but after the enemy approached, his Hii^hness could never draw upon the line above 1.500. and it was im|)ossible for his Highness to prevent them from getting o\'er the works ; and manv of them were new levied W^elsh, and inex- perienced men." Some writers, however, represent the force under his command at about 4,000 men.+ The old citv of Bristol stands between the Avon, which bounds it on the West, and the Frome on the East, in a species of peninsular formed by those two rivers. On the South, where the two rivers meet, was some waste crround called the marsh, while on the North a deep canal from the A\'on to the Frome protected the city from attack ; beyond the canal was the castle, sur- rounded by a broad moat and fortified by massive walls. The old city appears to have been surrounded by fortifica- tions of no great strength. When the war broke out, Colonel Fiennes, who held the city for the Parliament, erected an outer ring of * Warburton's Prince Rupert, vol. 3. p. 151. t Markham's Fairfax, 246 note. INTRODUCTI0>". Ixv fortifications ; they consisted of a wall and moat and ten towers, besides redoubts. These forts and the castle mounted i lo guns, and the line to be defended was about four miles in length. Prince Rupert In his declaration alleged that his supply of ammunition was reduced to 136 barrels, which was Insufticient for a siege of any duration ; that the fortifications were for the most part only three feet hicdi but never exceeded Hvi^ feet ; that the ditch was nowhere deeper than five feet or wider than seven leet ; and that the highest jjortions of the forts were not more than twelve, nor the curtains more than ten teet high. Notwithstanding the conditions of the fortifications the judgment of the Colonels of Posts Mas, "that notwithstand- ing the works and line were very defective, the circuit large, our numb ;rs few, yet if we could repel one general storm, the enemy would be discouraged from attempting the second time ; and the season ^of the year might advantage us, and incommode them.' On 2 1 St August, Sir Thomas Fairfax appeared with his army before Bristol, and on that and the follow- ing davs the siege was formed, and for ^-ome days after- wards the soldiers of Fairtax were occupied in preliminary work in trenches, and in repulsing the almost daily sallies which were made by the garrison. The slow operations of a siege, however, were unsuited to the dispositions of Fairfax and Cromwell, and at a Council of war, held on the 2nd September, it was unanimously resolved that the city should be taken by storm. Before resorting to this step Fairfax took an unusual and remarkable course-after summoning Prince 4 111 4 u Ixvl INTROMlTIOX. INTRODUCTION. \ IXVII Rupert to surrender, he thus continued — " I wish it may be as effectual with you as it is satisfactory to myself that I do a little expostulate with you about the surrender of the city, which I confess is a way not common, and which I should not have used, but in respect to such a person and such a place. I take into consideration your Royal birth and relation to the Crown of Enirland, vour honour, courage, and the virtue of your person, and the strength of that place which you may think yourself bound and able to maintain." Then followed an argument to prove that Parliament were really fighting in the Interest of the Crown, and that the Kinir'^ worst enemies were the evil councillors who estranged him from his people ; and then he added : '* Sir, ii^ God make this clear to you as It is to us, I doubt not but he will give you a heart to deliver this place, notwithstanding all the other considerations of honour, courage, fidelity, &c., because their consistency and use in the present business depend upon the right and wTongfulness of this that hath been said. And if, upon such conviction you should surrender it, and save the loss of blood, or hazard of spoiling such a city, it would be an occasion glorious in Itself and joyfull to us, for the restoring of you to the endeared affections of the Parlia- ment and people of England — the truest friends to your family it hath in the world." '' But if this be hid from your eyes, and that through your wilfulness, this so great, so famous, so ancient a city, and so full of people, be, by you, putting us to force the same, exposed to ruin and the extremity of war, which yet we shall In that case as much as possible endeavour to prevent; then I appeal to the righteous God r to be judge between you and us, and to requite the wron^; ''And let all Elngland judge whether the burning of Its towns, ruining its cities, and destroying Its people be a good requital from a person of your family, which hath had the prayers, tears, purses, and blood of its Parliament and Its people ; and, If you look on either as now divldjd, which hath ever had the same party both In Parliaments, and amongst the people most zealous for their assistance and restitution, which )ou now oppose and seek to destroy, and whose constant grief hath hocn that their desires to serve vour family have ever been hindered and made fruitless by that same party about his Majesty, whose councils you act. and whose interest you pursue in this unnatural war." It Is impossible to know whether this appeal made any impression on the mind of Rupert, but it may well have found an echo thc-re. He h^id now been thrc^e years in FaKdand, and his track had been marked by ruined cities, plundered homesteads, and desolate hearths ; he had earned the bitter curses of the Roundheads, and by far seelnir Cavaliers was regarded with suspicion and distrust ; he had done his Sovereign no service, and secured nothing for himself. W^nat was to be the Issue of the strife ? and what the advantage of protracting it ^ If he held the citv for six months where was the army of relief by which the siege could then be raised ? 1 he Kine mleht relieve Hereford or feast at Ragland— could he collect an army wherewith to baffle Fairfax and Crom- well ? and was he, Rupert, to sacrifice the lives of his brave garrison in order to protract for a few months longer a vain defence ^ 1... XVI 11 INTRODUCTION. INTRODUCTION. Ixix He must have felt the truth of the remonstrance of Fairfax. The men who had striven to uphold his Father's Throne were the Parliament and people of England ; the men who had checked their enthusiasm and thwarted their endeavours were the King and the courtiers bv whom he was surrounded and led. He must have felt, too, that his own exertions had all been levelled against the friends of his house and name, and that he had thrown in his lot wi'h the men whose assistance mi'^ht have saved, but whose Indifference accomplished the overthrow of his Father and his Father's cause. The Immediate result of the summons of Fairfax was a correspondence with the Prince as to the terms on which the city should be rendered u[). Such a negotiation cannot be justified. A few days earlier Rupert pledged himself to maintain Bristol against the enemy for full four months — and now, before a serious blow was struck, before an assault was even menaced, hc^ negotiated for the betrayal of the trust he was bound as a soldier and a (gentleman to perform. Neither is the matter rendered less culpable by his own declaration, for one of the statements It con- tains is, that at the Council of w-ar where resistance was resolved on, the Prince made the following proposal. "His Highness made offer, that, for his own person, he would attempt to break through with his horse, with such officers as could be spared, leaving such as were requisite for the fort and castle This by all us, the Colonels of Posts and officers, was thoucrht neither safe or honorable. In the second place he oftered to put himself on the defence of the castle and fort. All the officers were clear of opinion against this ; that, as regards to the nobility and gentry, and such of the town as appeared I ^ i I well aflected, and the horse and foot which the fort and castle could not receive, had been thereby left to the sword of the enemy ; and in regard the fort and castle, In our opinions, were not tenable against their army." The correspondence between Fairfax and the Prince was terminated by the former on the 9th Septem- ber, and he resolved to carry the town by assault on the following dav. At two o'clock on the morning of the loth the assault was accordingly made ; it was bravely resisted, and for three hours the Royalists held then- ground. At length the weight of numbers prevailed, the Priors Hill Fort, which was the main object of attack, was carried, two of the gates were taken, and the Dragoons of Desborough galloped Into the town. Rupert*" still held the remainder of the forts in the outer line of defences, the whole of the inner line, the castle, and the suburb of Redcliffe ; he was not pressed for provisions or ammunition, and could doubtless have held both town and castle for a considerable time. Yet four hours after the capture of Prior's Hill P^ort he made overtures for surrender, and after a short negotiation terms were arranged. The o-arrison was to march out with the honours of w^ar, but the fortifications were to be delivered up intact, the stores were to be handed over, the cannon, ammunition, materials of war, even the very muskets of the soldiers were to pass into the hands of the besiegers, and on such conditions the great city, which for so long had been the principal stronghold of the Crown, opened her eates to the e^^nerals and armv of the Parliament. Rupert mistook his position; it was not his province to consider the policy of the defence. Intrusted by the Markham'b Fairfax, \). 252. Ixx INTRODUCTION. INTRODUCTION. Ixxi King with great command he had one only duty, and was bound by every consideration of gratitude and military fidelity to perform it ri^^idly. That duty was to hold Bristol to the last, and if he had possessed one tithe of the steady resolution his brilliant courage promised, Fairfax might have been kept at bay for months. The chances of defending the castle and some of the forts were at least equal to those of IMassey when the siege of Gloucester was formed ; had they been a hundred-fold less favourable the hopelessness ot his position could not have altered the duty of the Prince. Nevertheless Bristol was surrendered, and Rupert gallantly arrayed rode out of the abandoned city ; his banners were flying, his drums were beating, and all the state and circumstance of war adorned that melancholy pageant. Rupert marched out of Bristol, and of all that was his, left there nothing save honour. The terrible and unexpected tidings reached the astonished King. Bristol had fallen, yet Rupert lived and was unharmed. The man who had rendered himself conspicuous by reckless courage had turned craven ; the Nephew indebted to him for rank, favour, and countless benefits had betrayed him ; the Councillor in whom he trusted had proved false to every promise, and deserted his Master when he might have saved the Crown. At the side of Charles stood his evil ecnius. Digby, afterwards Lord Bristol, was the secret enemy of Rupert ; for months he had plotted his ruin, and now the misconduct of the Prince and his own fortune, enabled him to accomplish it. He used his varied powers to persuade the King he was betrayed, and, without afford- ing opportunity for explanation or time for argument, Charles dismissed his Nephew from all his employments and commands. Simultaneously with this hasty sentence, the King wrote a letter to Rupert which expressed in noble language his bitterness and grief. It was worthy the occasion and the man, and is one of a series of documents which would have stamped their author as the ablest writer of the age, even if the tragic interest which sur- rounds his story had not partially disarmed criticism and softened political wrath. '' Nepheu, '' Thoutrh the loss of Bristol be a crreat blow to me, yet your surrendring it as you did, is of so much affliction to me, that it makes me foro^et not onlv the consideration of that place, but is lykewaies the greatest tryall of my constancy that hath yet befalen me ; for what is to be done after one, that is so neer me as you ar, both in blood and friendship, submits himself to so meane an action ? (I give it the easiest term) Such "' '" "' * I have so much to say, that I shall say no more of it : only, lest rashness of judgment be layed to my charge, I must remember you of your letters of the 12th of August, whereby you assured me (that if no mutiny hapned,) you would keep Bristol for fower months. Did you keep it fower days ? Was there anything like mutiny ? More questions might be asked, but now, I confesse to little purpose. My conclusion is, to desyre you to seek your subsistence untill it shall please God to determine my condition somewhere beyond seas ; to which end I send you herewith a passe, and I pray God to make you sensible of your present condition, and give you means to redeme what you had lost ; for I shall have no greater If i I i Ixxii INTRODUCTION, joy in a victory, than a just occasion without blushing to assure you of my being- *' Your loving Oncle and most " Faithful Friend "CHARLES R. '' Hereford, 14th Sept. 1645." A letter from the King to Secretary Nicholas dated also Hereford, the 14th September, proves that he thought his Nephew had betrayed him. It enclosed copies of his letters, a warrant to arrest Colonel Legge, the Governor of Oxford, who was known to be devotedly attached to Rupert, " and lastlye, a warrant to be directed to w^hat person shall be thought fittest for the apprehen- inge my Nepheu Rupert, in case of such extreamitye as shall bee hereafter specifyed, and not otherwise '" "" the warrant for my Nepheu's comitment is onlye that you may have the power to doe it, if instead of submitting to, and obeying my commands in going beyond the sea, you shall find that he practise the raysinge of mutinye or anv other disturbance." The King added the following paragraph in a postscript "Tell my Sone that I shall lesse greeve toheere that he is knoked in the head then that he should doe so meane an action as is the rendring of Bristoll Castell & Fort upon the termes it was." Rupert replied to the King's letter : " To the King '' Sire, ** I have received both your letters of the same tenor, from Ragland,''^" September 14th with the other * The letter dismissing Rupert is dated Ragland, September 14th, though the second letter is dated from Hereford. The fact is explained thus :— it appears by the iter Carolimtm that the King was at Kogland from nth to the I4.th September, on that day the following is the entry "Abergavenny dinner 14th. Sunday the 14th to Monmouth, dinner the Governors; to Hereford supper." INTRODUCTION. 1« • ♦ XXUl intimations of your pleasure of the same tlate, which, as far as my power can make them, are already obeyed : my not havin-any command, or meddlinoin your service, renderin- it very easy forme to comply with your will to have it so ; for no other motive or consideration hrst or last made me an actor but to do you service, and that as vou desired. How I have behaved myself, from the bec^innins; until the misfortune of your command engaged me' in Bristol, from inferior persons I shall not desire .greater justification or applause than that which 1 have received from vour Maj;-sty, wherefore I pass all iormer tim-s without mention, and come to this ; ot which I only sav, that if your Majesty had vouchsafed me so much patience as to hear me inform you beiore \ou had made a final judgment-I will presume to present this much-that vou would not have c nsured me as it seems you do ; and that I should have given you as just satis- faction as in anv former occasion, though not so h.api)y. But since there is so great appearance that 1 must sufler that it is alreadv decreed ; what otherwise 1 should have desired to have given your Majesty an account, now 1 am obli^^ed to seek for my own clearing : that what you wi.l have me bear, max" he with as much honour to me as belongs to integrity. If your Majesty will admit me to that opportunity, I desire to wait on you to that end as soon as I can, when I know I have your leax e for it, which I humbly desire to have. li 1 must be so un- fortunate not to to be allowed (if since the Hrst duty that I owe which is to Nour Majesty, is not suitcred me. to perform wherein else 1 should rest) in the next place I owe mvself that justice as to publish to the world what I think will clear mv erring, in all this business now m question, from any ioul deed or neglect,, and vindicate Ixxiv iXTRODUCTIOX. INTRODUCTION. 1 !XXY me from your desert of any prevailiiiL;' malice. thoii;^^h I suffer it Your commands that I should dispose of my- f.elf somewhere beyond seas, be pleased to consider of, whether it be in my |)o\ver (though you have sent me a pass) as times now are, to go by it. Wdierever I am, or how unhappy so ever, and by your will made so, yet I ever retain that duty to your Majesty which I have ever as ''Your Majesty's most humble, and most obedient Nephew, and faithful humble servant, -RUPERT. "September, 1645." The letter of Rupert was not couched in courtly language, but it correcth" portrayed the state of his haughty and ungoverned spirit. He had right on his side when he complained of being condemned unheard and demanded an enquiry into his conduct, but the taunts with which his remonstrance and demand were mingled sat ill on the partizan who had endangered his Uncle's Crown. Perhaps the Royal pass was no longer available in an outport ; but it was not for the man who rendered up the last and most important of them thus to reproach his Sovereign with its loss. Possibly if his demand had been refused him, he might justly have pre- pared and published the vindication of which his letter spoke ; until that refusal had l3een given, he had no right to menace the King witli such a step. Rupert determined to seek Charles and win from his justice or fears a retractation of the stigma cast upon him — but where w;is the King from 7th September to 14th October ? When he finally reached Newark, he had wandered from Ragland to Chirk, from Hereford to Chester, amid the mountains of Wales, across the broad plain of Shropshire, thence back again to where the statelv castle towered above the rapid Severn and the terraced houses of Bridgnorth, and then, turning East- ward, rested for a while in the Close of Lichfield. "Often." savs Mr. Disraeli.'' "the King rode hard through th(; night, and saw the l^reak oi day, wluch only recalled the weary fugitive to the anxious cares ot a retreat, or a pursuit. Once, latcnn tlie (evening, the King summoned sevenil gendemen together, and atcr their conference, he. dism.ssc^d them to their beds with this pathetic address, "Gentlemen! go \ ou ciiid take your rest, for you have houses .iiid homes, and beds to lodge in, and tamilies to love and live with — but 1 have nonc^, ; My horse is waiting for me to travel all this night, and return to th(^ place whence I came." The Kingliad long been like a hunted partridge fiitting from one ground to another — this is an aflecting imager given of his erratic and anxious courses." After manv wanderings Charles had reached Newark. That town was conveniendy placed either for a retreat on Oxford, or for a march Northward, should the King determine on a junction with Montrose. Rupert resolved to eo there, and fought his way with a troop o( Officers and attendants to Belvoir Castle. When Cliarles heard of his Nephew's approach, Ik' wrote a letter to him requiring him '"to stay at Belvoir' till huaher orders, and reprehending him for not havmg given obedience to liis for- mer commands." Nevertheless, tlie Prince persevered, and the Garrison of Newark with Sir I^ichard Willis, the Gover- nor, accompanied by Lord Gerrard and a hundred horse * Disraeli' Cc mnientane- <^n t]:c Life (>f Charlc< T., vol 5, p. lo;;, c-dit. 1831. Ixxvi INTRODUCTION. rode two miles out of the town to welcome Irim. \\ ith scantv courtesy, and none of that ceremonious observance which his duty to the Kin-- should havt^ exacted trom him, Rupert forced himself into the Royal presence, and stated h(' had come to account for th(! loss ot Bristol. Charles, justly offended at the conduct of Rupert, barely acknowled-^ed his presence, and spoke but little to him, and then His ^Lajestv, sa\-s Sir Edward \\\ilker, went to supper. Prince Rupert and his brother standing by, his Majesty addressing; himself in discourse to Prince Maurice. On the followin-^^ dav however, the KinL;- o-ranted a Ccu.::.i! of \\';u-, and the resolutions then arrived at are embodied in the document, dated March 2TSt October, 1645. (Xo. 27). The fmdin^- of the Council was deemed a triumph by the adherents of Rupert, yet it went no further than to pronounce that he had shewn no want courage and fidelity, it did not acquit him of the gravest Indiscretion or want of judgment, excused the errors of his military career at 'J^e expense of his intellect, and pro- nounced him at the same time a loyal and incompetent captain. The King, whose position at Newark was perilous, resolved to leave the town. He had. however, been there loneenoucrh to know that Sir Richard Willis and his Officers had committed great excesses, that they had treated the neighbourhood as an enemy's country, and were regarded with hatred and fear bv those who would under other circumstances have been devoted to his cause. The Royal Commissioners who comprised the principal gentlemen of the county round were alienated, they had performed their difficult duty with fidelity and zeal, but they could not be expected to persevere in their eftbrts if their property and INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii I dependents were to be at the mercy of an insolent soldiery and their pampered chiefs. Charles resolved to commit the town to other and more trustworthy keeping, and he Informed Willis, with many gracious expressions Intended to break his fall, that he was on the eve of quitting Newark, and that (as he proposed to raise him to the position of Captain of his Horse Guards, in place of the Earl oi Lichfield, recently slain at Chester) he would take him with him, leaving Lord Bellasis as governor in his room. Willis remonstrated, but in vain, and then with- drew fron-i the presence chamber. In a short time however, he [fathered about him the Palatine Princes, Lord Gerrard. and others of their laction, and accompanied by them ao-ain forced himself on the attention of the Kino-, Prince Rupert said that Willis was dismissed ''for no fault that had been committed, but for being his friend" ; Lord Geriard denounced Digby as a traitor, and said he had instigated the step now taken, while Willis himself, whom the King wished to speak with apart, re- fused to follow him, declaring that he had received a public Injury, and therefore that he expected a public satis- faction. The malcontents aroused the slumbering passion of the Klne. Misfortune had dogged his steps, he was fiyino- from his enemies, he had few indeed on whom he could rely, but he disdained to submit to insults in his own presence chamber, or endure from ofiicers ^\ho held his commission Insolence greater tlian he had ever yet experienced from those who fought agcdiist him. Charles had almost unexampled self-control ; the news of the murder of Buckingham had not disturbed his IxxviH INTRODUCTION. devotions, the intelligence that he was betrayed did not prevent him from finishing a game of chess — but now, remembering he was a King, he regarded the men before him with dcc^p resentment, and commanded them to depart from his presence and enter it no more. They left him, yet made one more effort to change his resolution. They presented a remonstrance, desiring that those of them who were deemed unworthy or inca- pable should be tried by a Council of War, and that if the charo-es ao-ainst them were disproved, the King " would c/rant them either reparation in honour against their enemies or liberty to pass into other parts." Clarendon'"'' states that in presenting this remonstrance the petitioners said, " they hoped his Majesty would not look upon this action of theirs as a mutiny." The K^ng answered " he would not cliristen it ; but it looked very like one. As to the Court of \\\ar he would not make that a judge of his actions, but for the papers they should be immediately prepared for as many as desired to have them." There must have been sad hearts as the trumpets of Prince Rupert sounded to horse, and at the head of some 200 gentlemen he turned his back upon his uncle, and slowly rode away. There must have been much of ano-er. of bitterness, of offended pride in the men who followed him ; some of theni had faithfully served their King from the commencement ot the troubles, with coura'^e and f!delit^^ thoui-li not alwavs with wisdom and success ; most of them had risked all that they had to lose on the issue of the war ; among their ranks was many a man of great possessions and ancient name— and now thev must wander forth into the world exiles and adven- Clarendon Vol; 5, p. 295, 360. Warburton Vol. 3, p. 2CX3. Et seg. INTRODUCTION. Ixxi^ X turers, without fortune, without employment, without even the favour of the Sovereign for whom they had made these sacrifices, to seek a precarious subsistance as mercenaries in foreign armies, or pensioners at foreign Courts. And he, too, the deserted King, beset by advanc- ing armies, a fugitive, yet hesitating to leave the sheltering walls around him, what must have been his reflections as his alienated subjects marched forth ? Now, more than ever, he needed Rupert's fiery courage and decision of purpose ; he ill could spare the soldierly qualities, the ability and the fidelity, as yet untainted, of Sir R. Willis,'" and he must have thought with some bitterness of the unstable Gerrard, so recently ennobled by, yet so promptly to abandon him. Rupert marched to Belvoir Castle, and from that strmghold despatched Lieutenant-Col. Osborne, on 29th October, with a letter addressed to " the Lords and Com- mons in Parliament assembled." In this letter he stated that he and the OfScers and Gentlemen with him were '' altogether disengaged from the service," they had been in, and asked a pass and safe convoy for them to go abroad or return to their houses." The letter from Col. Osborne of ist November (No. 25) was followed by a second letter on the same day, in which he detailed at great length the difficulties with which negociations were attended, + and finally when the pass was granted, it was conditional on the Prince and his friends pledging them- selves not to serve the King again, and they refused to accept it. They then fought their w^ay to Woodstock, I '' Sir R. Willis, during the Protectorate, betrayed the Royalists plans to Cromwell.— Clarendon v. 7, p. 234. See also Thurloe's Stale papers, Vol. I. t Warburton, Rupeit and Cavaliers, Vol. 3, p. 210. i'i Ixxx INTRODUCTION where they remained n considerable time in sullen in- action, doinij; nothini:/ for the Kin--- and very little for their own benefit. The letter Xo. 29 must have been written between 1st November 1645 and January 1st 1646, but there is nothing to shew who was the- author of it. It is endorsed as being undated and unsigned, and we gather from the context that the writer was a sincere friend of Rupert and had access to the King. It was one of a series of letters breathing the Scune sentiments which were addressed to the Prince from various quarters, and there is a pathos about it which might well impress a hasty and crenerous nature. The ties of blood were highly reverenced in that age. and the writer might fairly urge that Rupert could not degrade himself by submitting to one to whom he owed an almost filial duty Then too the allusion to the fallen condition of the royal cause, "a King not in a condition he merryt" was full of sad and melancholy meaning ; for many months there had been no rift in the dark and lowering clouds which had gathered round the unhappy Charles ; city, town, and fortress had been rendered up on conditions, or been pitilessly stormed, and the sentinels of the rebels were pacing the ramparts of Chester, and the weeds were growing over the site of Basing House. While this ruin was being worked Rupert was plaxing with his sword knot, and indubTln-reat error which happened on the occasion of Newark," he protested that love and affection to his service had ever really been in his heart, and he beseeched the King to dispose of him in the way be thought most fit. A submission so unqualified would have satisfied a sterner man than Charles, even had it proceeded from a partizan of lesser note. In this instance, however, many circumstances combined to make his forgiveness sincere ; in his secret musings he might well rei)roach hhiiself for his conduct to his sister ; he might well reflect that ties of blood, and political interest and the cause of i« Ix: :xx; !X'ri:0[)rcTIOX. h:s religion Ivid all ; pp-aj-'l to him iii li-r lavour, and ap ical'j I in vain ; he mi^^lit wt-ll r-'iivml^cr that th(,' hic^^h offi::es he had conferretl upon Ruj) Tt ha 1 he -n justified, if they had not been earne I bv his zeal, his iid -litv. and his aboundin<::if couraee. He miL^^ht have acknowledi^-ed to liimself the faults his Xeph ^w had com'nittel w Te those of a noble nature Irritated by failure. , goaded into excesses bv machinations of secret foes, and thrown off its balance bv aspersions fatal to his own honour and that of his most trusted friends. The anxious outlook of the future must also have in- fluenced the Kino^ as the sannruine hopes that had beo^uiled him, one bv one faded away. Montrose was a fugitive ; Digby had been ignominously routed ; and every day made it more apparent that in advising a reconciliation with the Parliament, Rupert had counselled him unselfishly and well. The letter which Charles had addressed to his Nephew many months previously shows that even then he sa ^.^ nothing but ruin in the future, and the warning of calamity which fate thus give him must have made him anxious while there was yet time to welcome Rupert back again to his confidence and regard. The Prince was again at the right hand of the King, but other advisers had now their Sovereign's ear ; and when Charles left Oxford to throw himself on the calculating generosity of the Scotch covenanters, he went against the advice of Rupert, and accompanied only by Ashburnham and Dr. Hudson. And now the struggle which for four years had devastated England was over. Idie Scotch surrendered Charles to the Parliament ; the loyal garrisons everywhere IXTRODUCTIOX. b XXXIU were commanded by the King to make terms and abandon their fortresses ; Newark the scene oi such eventful incidents was surrendered, and the fortifications were razed ; the gates of impregnable Oxford were thrown open to Fairfax and his soldiers ; and soon there was not a city or a fortress which did not acknowledge the authority of the Parliament* The letter of Charles II. to Prince Rupert dated 1 8th December is endorsed by Colonel Bennett as having been probably written In 1653. For some \';..r'^ after the Roval cause was lost In England Rupert led a life of strange and adventurous darino- ; r adv to eni^ao-e In anv quarrel, willing to hazard the lives of himself and his friends on bcl.all of anv one who would hire his aid, he seemed the Imitator and successor of the free lance ot an earlier age. During this period of his life one phase of it was his career at sea. Bv force, b\' ari'ument, or caiolerv he succeeded in obtaining some shi[)S belonging to the English navy, stvled himself Admiral, and became In realltv a lilrate. His ideas of friend and foe were confused — his theories as to what was a fair prize were directly go\'(^rned b\- his interests, antl he won a fitful and fiuctuating Income at the exi.ense, In the main, of Englishmen. * The fulluwiiii; k-tiL-r wa^ writicn Ijy Cli.-rlo l!uvi>on not haviiij^ liiiic. I (K-iic \ t. .i to a(;\citi>c a]! tlic >c\u.u ]<:\-;tl govci'iuji's of uiv rcUKii iiiiiL,^ Uj\\\\> aii'l li r;>, tint I w i^h tlit.-i)i ddw 'm uu.kf ;i,i.;r CulVip«).^llloiir- U[H)li tiiC 1k>1 tcj'll;-- 'ilrj\" liaiV, fol" ;l;i- \\ ..\\\ \^ 1 l..1ji.ii' rel^cAt.- u'liii ; but a^>ure ib.cni. t!aU a> tlvjir >iitleriiiL; i^ my i^ic^ie-l alliiUioii -i', \\ hei.-cx-s u- (;i,ij shall L'Ua'Dic inc, the}' .-hali rt-ap liic tia.ii^ (;l ih^ ii ii(.L;i:) , i.ei- -l.all L;i!ui t-\<.r ^^.^ lnyin niv heart uiiiii 1 h.-.vc >lic\'. ii bv niv >i;cLXr-bi.w ai.'.;i.ii.- t;...t 1 ;aii tu wai all A rCuLv LOll:::ta!H lllelld, CIlAkLKs K. Newcastle, iSthJan. 1646. Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION. When he hcid nion(-\- at ccniiniand lie L:a\-e a poriiun ol iL lu Lii-ii'irs II.. and ii;.a Km^, witlajiit a lar*ai'a LiiLi:^ ra'.ai'f.i iiaj panid'jr diivi ijciiuiaiuti l-v liic iniuru::^ niiacLua (,ai iii^ suIju ^. ts. In tilt; ' ^ t~i ! t T R V.^^:^ ■, 1 i i i . « a ; I L 2\cuU..^. Lh cui i;i:5 :3hips he brougiu v_aii) caiu n. mailed vess. 1 nitn 1 ort and she, too, perished ^ h \v days later. li' Had, however, made various prizes and cou'\^.j\^^d their contents to shore. The Parhament remonstrated against the countenance shewn the Prince by P ranee, but h'> acheivements had pleased the fancy ot Louis XH/ a I., a.-i . . id hstening to their complaints he made hnn M..>u I i 1 the Morse. Liiul _ (; fi a.^ _ i.c; ~- L at a r Charles was a troublesonif^ an 1 aere was scant) honour and n^i^iv \.Lna a^L: lo i a.; LainL.i i \ hi- ] »resence, and the i a a* ii Kin '■ \\ i^^aiAi a aa lu r* aa' '\ r [• > ( 4. .« r icaals. . \ i la a av .t i' nau' caicn 1, i: a a^tlal alK', but a I'l"! aaaaa" \\a*> i;aU lI i i i ; . ^ i i a\ 1 V I • i i ■ a t a V ( 11 \ I i ;uLiana buaai\ ..ai cl-.l^l ui ^Laauw lu la:^ UauHur^ am \\ I .( ' i i L I t- I 11. i exaaa>lt- b derision tu ni:^ enennr>, was a a-t ir>^ liarlhm ^i liuj Luurt ut ii:e nai^iaacini and anaMiaa.n la.aa>. 1 uo pruLid tu dia\"e the exnu Iruni lia^ presanicr la: vd In- tnnated tu hnn his ila^na: tlait ha >huUiti ci(}-art, and placed at In^ eunnnancl lanii^ ^alneaail iu rnahiu hnn tu act npun tile bn^L^Lstuai. Llairuj^ apparently bpent the pistoles anil reinaaicd in I'an.s. In 'IduiriuuC State [^u>rrs tlieia- are Itaa^r^ which Lear L'W the pre>cni ll a^_aLLii ul ahaiib. Alitr ilu: Pianca waib ap[ji)aitei;l ^la^l^r nt tla- Ilc!-:-( wti.a'c L*'u,iinai he returiiuu lu ALiniL,:^^ tiHii " iw^lk.k: a ^a''-'^-^ u^^r am iur In^^ sugars." INTRODUCTION. Ixxxv " rrincu Rniiert Is 'aone to Xantes, and sonne say his caUM' ul aaxiii;^ ini- tLa\ n wa-, ihat liK_\' were iiere tu make a [^ruaess agciaaa sea Iruin a a k laai kir aa tue [aa/.i-:-. nu n^ijix at i a ' b I » K I 1 a aa,.:^ la airrenanib. w iiauai e^xeiniMin, \\ liieii vi\ii placer^ ai hrancia \\aataaan\ laa. nae Iruai ia-- Majesi) ui i^ran^e. i\ia_^; Laaiiar. aiianut a iur iiuiianu, and from thence to la. ranark. What aa.h : aa( .eiit, ab laa. ill*.,' '( ■ , ! r< 1 J 1 ihe hai^a>ii Lcaaa, thua^^h iheaa: arc bat iaw" puur Miiiibiarb and laaals, there is as nuich eoinabaai as ever w a.^ at tlie luuur ui PcdAiun. ■'' Xo condeiiinatiun uf that fri\a)k.)Uh and licentiunb Cunrt LAkad le leube\(a-e; three er iear nan, Mith as Hvdeaiai Xkkolas. were tai^-^sc. uiiiL;, kaiiaal and de\a.aed ; tile (jtlana, were Laanla- r^ and. uekcauiaaa', men ui l(a)be princijeeb ana aiakai^a^; parpa,.beb, waube wurti nu na_m .--t ai as La' ia- WLnaia LeM.ad eisniidi.'. WukKi ui!\e .ail. m w 1 a_ * Thurloe's Stale Tapcis, 38S, Paris, 9lh August 1G53 ^U.bO t A letter ot mieliii^euee Horn larib, i^ih jUiy JO33. 'Ihurioe's State Papers, \ol. I, p. 344. ixxxvi INTRODUCTION. The private letters of the period which their authors supposed would never see the light, disclose the character and pursuits of Charles. Thus for example, Sir Richard Browne, writing to I h de on ":; November i6-'i s;i\s, " findlnii: that some monevs of his Aid"'' will f :; i::i' wiih m(!, 1 humbly submiti :i i \i r 11 n^ C( Mi -^iilc: wn a hundrcJ Lcui: ::3 ill . W !l n« t H- ;Li'i,' ■' A-V y^ ■ I I ) Mr- 1 { ) 1 \' voiir 1 1( >[]'' Clfil\'rr'_:Ll lilL\\ IlL Iv.Aai; haliil^, UjWal'iJ^ 1 1 i -^ IlKjlTy j)iayin;^. wlirrw'th to pn^sr- hl^ tinio at card:- this ap-- proachin;^ Ciiri^iina->r^(,'." Aiul the i;ravi- an i pruik-nt Clarendon thus rrpias to the propo^^.il. which ni elicct was IntL-ndfLl to Ijiabe ths- KnpL^'ouL oi his uwn mcMiics- -the Clianccllor ot thr, ]',xcla.:(jiiia" ho\\c\'cr knew Ids master, and we I same him n^t ter acceptaii;' a^ a i^ilt an otkaanu;" wdiich m;. ;,t well ha\\; Ije'en relented as cUi in^idt. '" I cannot." lie sa\s>, " out cemnu nde \a)ur de.^i^^ne. and as e doe.T not expecte sucll a [)re>ent. so to Idm, and I will m M ) M-crctt a manner. I heaex'e the I\m 'l I am >ure it wall ci/ m---t weiiccmK prcam^'' \ \'()U to ] s'e^ent a lo .i.ei as noooisc slicui know- a h;a nano'ii's : ane Im^ conlaluit I w ill ne\^ r C( nw-'v:- ( sa/ penn\- i m\' owav i;->e, m w a te) him. to ^hoL.a he. I he -amr C(aa'' >' (sidenee LliMiosfs the eeciaiiar\' s e 1 1 1 \ ;. . ' bir R;ch.a-d hruwn;/ iiad wasiian t o i 4 i 1 a-- a.sa -^ea: ana m na- w au' (a w lai n a aeriajn wais inien'a>..e[ lea' L,at.\ lxiesa>_, anO Ixxe: leller Us^in wa.Lil aa'eadv ^aioted is w r'tten in r? r-w' to tins in- w 1-^ tanat on -at tna- 1 i 1. . 1 i ».. di-.a ii^'.tioa (st ta^' sack's :aad 1 wai not era Wi,_ei \eur U i S' LA anil 1 1 I ae a * Ov.1 n.'. ' \' ^ sHe intenUb to CiO, U.v/ oil ( n \ c u assigne, .r^ ! \ \ ( aa's ] a'acsse U i INTRODUCTION. Ixxxvii prod'gious exspence. every thinge double the pryse of what it was when you left It) the vessell shall stay with her ; and I then shall b-a sure of justice, and I wdll fetch my allowance In bottles : Let me only give you this warnincrp. that the carriage be payd for. as I thinke you t id na in vour ibrmcr that It was, an I 1 aa sure I can- not ijo it, and liieri, liie sooner it LO.nes the better." On 2nai [)-crmk s- folj.nv'n -■ Ihdr a- led ,^ es an oiler < n munc:v iron n Brow He. " h or \ oar new noVde olhaa I am n'>t in a coaditi^Mi so |r(a"!tslal to refuse, tor I must tell \aiu I ha\a^ not had a Lewis oi mv ownc these three mantlis i therefore wlasn vou ^«-nd the Idll, lett me know whether vou kaid me so mu di oute of your owne little st(^cke. or whethta' it l)e tha- Kin-s monev. for in that case his IMa'' shall l)e the disposer. since mv office hath nevc^r \-ett nor shall intitle me to take his monev without his direction/' iMeanwdiile in utter lon^-linia^s ot h<\U't and a rounded bv secret ('n'/mics. kv hositatin^ iri-aal^, and an awe struck people, Cromwell pursued h:s soktarx- and determined wa\a 11 is character and career haxa- keen made the mark in e)ur owai days oi ill considered cUid fulsome paneuyric ; writca-s who ne\a.m acknowd'^l^-e merit until succebS has crowaKsl her efisals. liaw: re- coionized in this israat^ man cvcrv virtue r* (juired t(^ make \\ e ' aiir i" IK a aao lia' Lir) tntar lOeal oi iierlectraa 4 controversx' ; aai we -ee m '^-n : T1 stern (aaicauraas SI ()! ijurr^ose. the rtdraidess eia.s'ao- w di wliitO' he iraaiio-d Oowai e\'er\' ol'Si-u e- th.a^ k,aa*fO ins \v,:v U) ] ^^ > tht; vSi^i ^o\\w iie t/xercised i.asa- a iaiaLO,:.d arid la I n r^ri \ n 1 r ) 1 1 1 1 ihties w favsi i ■>. ^ si^ uni\ lo : wsajbc al 'daw" ^.,.^ at 1 1 '■-.^i -.. I a i a,- i,-^ i ^ v. i ^^ ci L ' i Ixxxviii INTRODUCTION. the ends they seek. Since the execution of his King Cromwell must have regarded with deep contempt the conduct of the Parliament— by the aid of the weapon he had forged and placed in their hands, they had destroyed the Monarchy, abolished the Upper House, and replaced Laud, I iKon and the Clergy of the Establishment, by a croA 1 of obscure and illiterate Ministers— but, powerful as they were to destroy, what had they created, what were the inr^uiutions they proposed to substitute for th -" w-" '1 thev had swept away, an ^ w't^^ \vn it break- ^vit:-:-.i;i ih V :;]i- •! 1 t • rhnrk the angry tide of =l!S- ovcrwli'-lin tlimi, Within n H gradually rising ) n Oi!''""'i,t<~*n ...1 to t ' w 1. V ]!• wrote his h/tt^-r to Prince Riir^'rt. (/roinw-il was |)ro- claimed Protector ; he l-nund liimsclf hv sohenn natlis to maintain the constitution tlvMi r'stal)]!-h"d : h- receivt^l the homa^'G of state and arm.y ; and the lon^' line of Eno;lish Monarchs was apparently swept away for ever to make room for mihtarv ustirjrition. Much wisdom was evinced in the ordinances then estal)]is]ied : many anomalies were abohshed : manv an ancient cham])er was s\vept and crarnished ; the changes in the representative svstem might, had thev l)een p-rsisted in, have prevented the long struggle for reform which the present and past generation has witnessed, and the tolerance accorded, with two exceptions, to every form of Christian belief was wise, far seeing, and unparalleled. There were blots in the rule of Cromwell, and he was guilty of tyrannv and oppression. His govern- ment, however, was free from the vacillation of Charles I. and the paltry vices of his son ; at least it gave England INTRODUCTION. Ixxxix " peace at home and triumph abroad," and made his subjects feel like the Roman of ancient days that wherever they wandered a far seeing eye and an all- protecting arm watched over their interest and ensured their safety. Whatever were the faults of Cromwell he never degraded his country. He never abandoned the Pro- test iiii canse like Charles L, or sold himself to France hk e successor. f'W aUr'hniL''^s thr .1 1 L > ■'^t^n- niaiid ihciuvc ur .aivayA u\.: ^vin|).ii!"iy n\ niM-e:nur\an-n, he wa^ fret' frtani tli- vices \\Ti;'.;ii ].-lor<- And aiu. ;■ navi made h •-■itiniaie Mniiarcii^ tile oejecl-^ K, .nu! re-'-rx'fd die bundle in whiLh it wa:. unnain-d lur iLirtiajr inx'estiira- tlon— r^ubsecuuaulv ih- rtan.undM- (^f the documents in ■ 1 - . 1 ' . ,- - .,«,■:-, ,'•■■' '1 '.!'■■( a^ i ' "" " ' "" ■ * rta,ult has 1 eaii the selection for publication vhidi ara uav. :a aiied. Without claiming for them any great ia^u ria d value, it is yet thought that they possess ra:^i fur the scholar and historian which renders orthy of publicity, while the domestic letters, and uie sketch of a contested election two centuries ago abound in curious details which are not readily met with in other works. mu liie r r\f''^i-' a,-, , »-5 f f ■ r", LETTERS. [No. I.] Nepheu* I have snached this litle tyme to congratulat your victory asseuring you that this (as the rest) is the welcomer because of you the cheefe Actor. So desyring you to have care of the Armes and Clothes there and thereabouts. I rest Your loving Oncle and faithfull frend Oxford 3 Feb. CHARLES R. 1642/3 And Mony must not be forgotten. [No. 2.] Nepheu I send you herewith a proposition concerning Lancasheere with w''^ I am very much pleased, but I will not conclude it without your advyce ; wherefore I desyre you as soone as you can (for this buisness would not be delayed) to let me know your opinion of it, & if you approve it to send my Lord Biron (to whom, only, I desyre you to comunicat this business) presently to me ; if not, then to send your objections against it. So wish- ing you good success in all your desynes I rest Your loving Oncle & most faithfull frend CHARLES R. Oxford 4 No. 1643 * This letter refers to the storm of Cirencester. See Introduction, p. IX. B This bearer hath desyred leave of me to goe, for sometyme, to Darbysheer, but I refer him & his reasons to you. My Lo : Capell sends me word that there are great number of Cattel & other Provisions of Victuals at s .aiiwl Li w*"^ ar to caried to London [No. 3.] 1 11* »^ , . ♦ >-, I t lis I: k. K' ^'M.t init bearer t-* \'uii, yd d trt;rurN rciiUT can doc no harm./: ^c wiiii tiii^ ^cxa'-i.^n I t .mim mention two (JxiorJ di>c>)ursc^ to \<)U ; nr-.t it i-^ saide that its im[)oss'l)le so to lortane 'ros>iter'- that it can be ke[)t without so L^rcat a torci; hoah.e oi } lor.-^e and h'oote that it \\'in not be worth the pai nes, cv that the Morse w'' lyes there will be contiiuiall)- put to snch hard dewt)\ that (in short tyme) they are lyke to be much wasted ; w^herefor as it is possible that now you may fynde this to be so w'^ at first you did not belive (no more than I doe yet) & therefor thinke fitt to betake you to some other desyine, so by no means, I would not have you be guyded by our foolishe discourses heere, but doe according to your owen judgement ; & certainly that Place is of such consequence that is not to quitted but to eschew verrie great inconveniencies w''^' I hope ye w^ill not finde : the second is that my Wyfe & I ar treating for a Peace w'^ you must not heare of: this is a damnable Ley ;t the ground of it is that the French Ambasador said by way of discourse not proposition that he hoped I would not shutt my eares to honorable & reasonable propositions if they were ofred to me ; but protested against treating * Towcester. f See p. xii. of Introduction. ♦ with those who call themselfes the Parliament though I should desyre him : & I against hearing from any of them except from Essex* as Queene Elizabethe & my Father treated with Tyron being the cheefe Rebell : but upon my credit, you shall have notice of the first overtur (of w*"^ yet there is little apearance) & shall have your word about if any such thing be & so I rest Your loving Oncle and most faithfull frend Oxford 12 No. 1643 CH ARI FS R [No. 4.J ^_^ Xl u 1 lI J. 1 11 ^ Vl cl i C i 1 ^ ' ■ ■ t t • XKriii-r this b\" ni\' L Loiiuh1)i)row is the hrst (Kcasion I have had vl wr\-tin.''- to vou since \ e went, lor his i)Usinuss, I refer vou to hini.^clfe for the ijarticulars, onl\- tliis, \-ou shall doe well to encourage him what you nia\'. cK: in the particular oi Belvoir Castell to give him conteiUment as he desyres if you finde it not prejudicial to my service. As for my Western Orders, I have comanded 1 )igby to give you a particular account of all w'^' I hope you will approve of, they being in persuance of those grounds which you and I have resolved on. I have l)-kewaise comanded Will Leggf to give you an account of some things, whereby you wall perceave, that I have and will keepe my word with you, in the least particular. ■**" Robert I )evercux, Karl of Essex, made Lord General of the Forces of the Parliament in 1641. He died 14 Sept., 1646, and by his death removed one of the greatest obstacles to the ambition of Cromwell. See Introduction, p. xlii. t Colonel \Villiam l>egge, known as "honest Will Leggc,'' was the attached and faithful friend of Ru})ert. He had the courage to give him true and unwelcome advice, and appears to have been the best and most reliable councillor the Prince possessed. He was the ancestor of the [-resent P^arl of Dartmouth. i In the last place, I must thanke you for undcr- takini^, so cheerfully so difficult a business as you ar about, there belni^ more than one k}'nde of Ennemy you ar to deale with & therfor no wonder If you doe not suc- ceed but the more praise If you prosper, howsoever you shall still fynde me to be* Your loving Oncle & most falthfull friend CHARLES R. Xo. 5, Nepiiku I have this day receaved two letters from you, as for the first (w ■' concernes your Government) my answer is that I meane not to trust you by halfes, therefor I freely give you leave to chuse your Gouernor of Salopf & thlrike no reason that Chessheere should be denyed frOm your Comand : concerning nether of w'\ yet I have been moved, but when I shall, I asseure you, I shall not be altered : as for the Monie Letters I have comanded JerminJ to give you an Answer, as lykewais an account of some other things of the lyke nature: as for Newark, I bellve before this, you will have understoad my full directions, w'^ I hope will not be the lesse powerfull, being the more civill : for an earnest desyre to you is as much as a perremptory comand to others, from Your loving Oncle <& most Oxford 12 March falthfull frend 164 CHARLES R. * This apparently refers to Rupert's Northern Expedition. See Introduction, p. xii. t Probably this refers to the appointment of Lord Capel, whose proclamation is dated 3 April, 1643. t Henry Jermyn, created Lord Jermyn in the summer of this year, a favourite of the Queen, and reputed to have been her second husband. i No. 6, '> Oxford 15 ]\Iarch 164, Nepiieu I hope you will be satisfied with the care I have taken concerning the Munition, w'^' I dout not but you will have in good tyme, 8z I asseure you that there is nothing w^'' concerns you w''' I will not take as much care as if it wer for aine of my children : I have given so full an answer to my Lo : Jermin concerning all your demands that I need not repeat them to you, only this, you fynde that in every particular & on all occasions you will fynde me to bee Your loving Oncle & most falthfull frend CHARLES R. I shall not falle to see you satisfied of the 400/ you repaid to my Wyfe Xo. 7. ■^ Oxford 27 INIarch 164, Nepheu I have this day receaved two letters from you & this is the second that I have written to you ; the w'^^' together with a trusty Messenger, is the justifible cause of a short letter wherfor at this t)'me wholly referring myselfe to your most honest Servant ^^lontalgue Forest Your lovinor Oncle & most faithfull frend CHARLES R. I Xo. 8.1 Oxford 2 1 April 1644 Nepiif.u By my Lord Pnron you will have liad the trew state of my affairs heire whereby \-oii will see the absolute necessety of those supplyes therein demanded, but it is, with a supposition that ?^Ianchester* doe joine with Essex (of w'- we have had confident information) that so, W'alerf at the same tyme may o;oe into the West, this Army not being able, both to defend thease Garisons (w"'" cannot be otherwais secured) & follow Waaler to secure your Brother Maurice; but if Manchester goe Xortheward, then I do not conceave your present assistance of so absolute necessety ; wherfor I thinke it necessary to give you this further latitude, that in case you get certaine intelligence that Manchester is gone Xorthe then I give you leave to Keepe your Boddy intyre ; (otherwais I stand to my former demand) & in that case. I offer to your considera- tion, whether you will not rather bend towardsYorkesheere to save my L Newcastll (who is lykely to be in verry great distresse) & to leave the Scots, then to reduce Lancashire ; if they bee bothe possible, that of Yorkeshire is certainely of much more consequence ; but this is meerely to consult not to comande (as concernincr this alternative) w'^ I asseure you I have & meane to doe, in all cases possible, according to the Places that we ar distant * The Earl of Manchester, instead of uniting with Essex, marched north, and was General of one of the three armies by which York was besieged, and he commanded the left wing of the Parliamentary forces at Marston Moor. He was deprived of his command by the operation of the self-denying ordinances, and after the Restoration was made Lord Chamberlain. He died in 167 1. t Sir William Waller, M.P. for Andover, Eieutenant-General in the Parliamentary army, Waller was surnamed in the early part of the war William the Conqueror, but subsequently he failed to justify this epithet. one frome the other: 8: be confident many men has & shall faire the better for your good estimation, none the worse, amongst whome Colonel Charles Garret* hathe cK: shall bean instance : «5c in every thino- else vou will fvnd<' jiie to be Your loving Oncle & most faithfull friend CILARLES R. [Xo. g. Nepiieu I have no more to say to \'ou concernincr the maine business then I have alreddy written to you, by my Lo: Biron, & by two dispaches since ; only 1 send you, heere inclosed, the best intelligence I have, concernini: Northern Affaires (the one I am sure is too trew, the other I believe, as coming from a good hand) that }'ou may the better judge what is fittest for you to doe for my service. You will alreddy have knowen, by my Lo : Biron, the cause of the mistaking concerninor Wasshineton,! c<: desyring to repaire it, I offer this expedient, that you would send him & his Regiment hither as part of the 2,000 Foote I have sent for, to you, (supplying Easam with other Men) & then I meane to make him Lieutennant * Charles Gerard, afterwards Lieutenant-General of the Horse in the Royal army; created Baron Gerard of Brandon, Nov. 8, 1645. See Introduction, p. Ixi. t Sir Henry Washington was probably Colonel Washington, who in 1643 succeeded in entering Bristol by assault when that city was be- sieged by Rupert. The place at which he entered was subse(|uently known as '' Washington's bush." He was subsequently knighted, and served in the Royal army till the end of the war. In 1646 he was appointed Governor of Worcester, which he defended resolutely for three months, and then surrendered on honourable terms. He was of the same family as George AVashington the American patriot. 8 Governour of this Cittle : if you can fynde a better, I shall be glad to take it, for I asseure you he is no more esteemed by you than he is Ijy Your loving- Oncle & most faithful! frcnd Oxford 24 Ap CHARLES R. 1644 [No. 10.] Malberro 8 Feb. May it please Y"" High'^' [1643] I know not howe well to ijivc crcdite to it but there IS two gentlemen now commc from Newberie frighted from thence the last nightt by intelligence they had of some of the enemies forces were to come into Newberie invited thither by the townesmen whoe have only reported the plague to bee there to keepe the Kings troopes oute, how slight soever this maye bee, sure I am that disaffected towne can nott bee to much punished by Y'" High""' for att my coming from Basingstoke they stopped all our baggage and had detained it butt thatt they hered wee were stronc: cnouirh to revencre itt. The Sherife of this Countie intcndes to bee heer this day to order some things for his Matics services ; these S' are the reasons thatt keepe mce a day longer in this burntt & plundered quarter, to-morrow I shall obey the com- mand I have to remove to Andever & doute not but that sudenly Y' High""' would receave a good accountt con- cerning the designe thatt thatt is in the weye to From Y' Hicrh" most humble faithfull Servant GRANDISOX.* * William Villiers, Viscount Grandison, Colonel of Horse in the Royal army. See Introduction, p. xv. \ [No. 1 1. May it please your moste excellente Majestic, To give me leave to acquainte you with tlie presente condition I am in S' William Brewerton is come downe with fower hundred horse and dragooncrs and joyned with S^ John Cell att Darbye, who had a thousand dragooners and foote, and the Lorde Greye is att Leicester with five hundred. Theis with (Cavelrie) are drawing all againste my Lord of Chesterfield and my selfe and more they expecte. If I had anie considerable strcngthe this Countie would be of greate importance to your IMajestie, and I finde the people well inclinde but if I quitte the Countrie all these part are utterlie lost- though my Lorde of Chesterfield, the gentlemen with me, and myselfe are resolute to light itt out to the laste if itt be possible to keepe this place, but wee humblie beseeche your Majestic to comand us speedie aide from Banburie, otherwise wee may be all loste, and )'our cause suffer, which is more deare to me than the life of Your humble and loyall Subjecte & Servant H. HASTLNGS.* /■ \shby de la Zouch Sunday 15 January 3 of the Clocke. Addressed '' To his moste excellente Majistie at his Court att Oxenforde humblie presents theis." * Henry Hastings, second son of Henry, fifth Earl of Hiintinirdon, General of the Royal forces in cos. Leicester, I)crI)V. Xottmgharn', Lincoln, Rutland, and Stafford : created Baron of Lougliborougl^ Oct' 23, 1643. See Introduction, p. xxxii. TO I I [^ I ) Sir I reckon it a ciTfMto l)l('.ssincr that voii arc soc^ ncerc us for vour tanv Lr»'tts crcditt to \T)iir Servants and since th<.; report onlx' ot xour aproachin^' wee Ikivc' prospered niiicli ; 1)1 it to complcat our ho|)('^ wlicn \'ou come amongst lis. I sh.dl make nor doLd)t hut witli tht^ help ot God. that thi.^ countrir will ho soono reduced. And I male assure \"ou that when wo can Ijo (piif.at heer it will be great advantage to his ^hi" \sorvico for I am sure no Countv in this Kine'dinmc. stcUidcs Ix-ttor affoctod Scxi as our onlv desire is that N'our HiL-imoss onco arjearinL'' will gett some tlK)ii>amk licnc*- to fullowe xou. Th(_:: worke here will \n- short, and tlio advanta^'-o L-'roau-r than you can conceive hut to intormo you more pcuaicularly the l.)eart:r h('reot will rtl.U'^ to vou at h'at«:r It-asure. T beseech you S^ gi\-(.: cr-'ditt to him inx ho understand' 'S the Co'untrit- right, and wiH rciircscnt uiito \-()ii nothiu"- biit the truthe. It will hr a grt at*' fivoin'to me if xaiu pl(\ase to take notice of him, a> on<' tliai liatli d(Mio futhihillv great service heor I beseech God prosix-r \-ou, & o-^n\h' vou heer, it will be the greatest comf )rt that can come unto \o\\x \ lighnoss Most humblo and faithkill Servant DERBY.*- Xc o:' that dales work my L(/ Biron will give the best account) ^: in all what I could ever discerne the proceeding hath bine to propound only by way of cjuestion all thinges of moment which were to be attended U) l;)ee acted by you or within x'our command, to receive an absolute resolution accordin- to vour iud-rc- mentand likeing ; what may have a])peared more primitive, as the settinge downe the Kinges condition here; the urgency as was then thought in time, and the nature of the thing itselte, to which perhaps being absent you could not therefc)re so well speake to make that at first bee ventured on before it was possible to aske your opinion of It, but the intl^rences upon it in rc'lation to you were never so ibrward to conclude beyond \vishes &\he ingenuitie of not disguising so much as was, is some pro()fe fairc dealing was meant where plainesse was used. I think I could not have mist myselfe so much, if other had bine to bee scene, or where the Kinges service, and my ancient respect to Prince Rupert (which time workes no^so earthy effects upon as to decay) call for my observation, that my senses could be deceived, or I not attentive. The most that was treated was when W; Legge was here, t clismiir^f'. whith was I)Ut discourse neiher was Lul in a ca.^c (.'1 .-uicli a nrce.^>iti(' as Importtjd nv)rc than OxTdi-.K whctlicr prcvr-ntinn of torce were not more eHgible than reparations in hopes ot ofrowincT advantac^es, consich-rinc; alon-.^ the whole con- juncture of affaires, & then if an\thing of consequence were to be done, the fate of all the Kincres o-ood fortune must bring Prince Rupert to have a part in it. & upon those premises the conckision will bearc; his contentment which I shall ever wish as a great meanes before hand to pro- cure those successes will cause it, and in this think I expresse myselfe Your Hio^hnesse INIost humble most obedient Servant Oxford J. RICP^:^IOXD & LENOX* April 2 1 at night [No. 14.] May it pleas your Highness With all the expedistion possibly I coulde I have sent thees Dragoneers after you I besitch God send Y' Highness better sucses then I had with them, for both thay and my horsmen did most shaamfully loos the bravest designe at Henley that ever was undertaken sins my cooming to this Armey, and lost it not but gave the victory away w^hen they had allready possession of all that thay w^ent for, and with it I lost as brave an oftiser as I must ever hope to comand in this Kingdom. May It pleas Y' Highnes I am soe extreamly dejected at this buslnes that I doe wish with all my harte that eather I * James Stuart, Duke of Richmond and Lenox, K.G., Lord Steward of the Household. See Introduction, p. xxxvii. hail sum GoTman, souldiers to commaund. or tliat I coulde intuse sum (jerman corradure into theiii, lor Y'' English Coninien souldiia's are so poore and l)ase thru. 1 could never have a greater atliction light uppon me than to bee put to command an)' of them 1 besitch y' highnes to present my humble services unto Lift'' Generall Wlllmot, I am loth to repeat my disasters too often or els I would have written also unto him, whom I know will suffer in his thought with me Your Highnes most humble and most falthfull servant, A. ASTON.* Reading 22 Janr. The ennemy w^eare but 600 in Henley but yesterday theer came in a 1000 foot mcr they have also therein 7 troops of hors and 8 pees of cannon. [No. 15. Honored Syr As by my laste I gave you an accounte of my releeving | RelfallJ castle soe by these I must acquainte you wnth the 111 newes of Its being treacherously solde by him I lefte to commande there who belnof a soldier sent to me by my Lo. Generall and carrying himselfe very well at that tyme the Prince tooke the close I thought might have been trusted but it moste unhappily proves othereways for after a nights fight having killed and hurte forty men felle to treat and concluded to deliver It up for a certalne some of money which treachery is noe small trouble to * Sir Arthur Aston. Culond-Gcncral of the Drapjoons in the Rovul army, 1642. 1 -i 15 mee. Syr I assure you my waiUc of amies makes the service I ouc^ht to doe the Klnj; vcr\- difficulte the Rebells lyin.L,^ upon mce oiic every side and within walls that I canne attempt n(>thln-' against them Init when they come out to mee which the}' doe not but upon advantacT of mv absense and that hath made Ashle\' often troubled with them I havIuLT not lane there this monthe the force of Graye and Cell met them the other night (I being in this Cownty) tooke some men and horse in the town and soe returnede. As I am wTltIng I receave a letter from Mis Majestle commanding mee to observe the motions of the Rebells and if they marche that way to followe them and jolne with Lo'. Cayrell as there shall be ocasion in all which partlculers I shall be very obedient and will suddenl\- send into Lancashire to be informed from thence and give dail\- advertisements to Prince Rupert and yourself. Yet they lie in their garrisons nor canne I learne they Intende to shewe only Gray is marchte with some troopes but whether to Essex or [EnicdJ I am not certalne You shall hear daly from me that am Your aftectionate friend & servant Tutburry Castle F. HASTINGS.* Sonday one in the afternoon Addressed. For his Malestle special service To the Right Hono'''Svr Edward Xlcholas Knkdit Principal Secretary of State at Oxford Haste, haste IVesent this Poste haste F. HASTENGS. * Ferdinando, eldest son of Henrv, ah Earl of Huntingdon; sum- moned to Parliament as Baron Hastings, Nov. 3. 1640 ; and sucrecded to the earldom, Nov. 14, 1643, and this letter must conse, i t L L V. 1 1 i 1 ruat a niar^ ii a i\ that manic arc liulnn^! ; La:^i n^^iii !ii\- L I h./]^v wviii b^ }-nur IIi;^]niessc n\ ihu Kin^n, onicr u}i..ii ilu: receipt of yours from Stamka-d,* to which 1 can a.hU: what is only knownc since that beside Xdivi^or rccs WoodhoLise wih I am conhdcnt come to-day t^) the Kin- (with Prince of Wales re-cment called 700} lice lay last night at a place called \\\umiington & I then sent one who came from him imediately to give him order to march presently hither to the King, which I suppose may be soone enoiigh to keepe pace with the motions of our armie, which depends much as the advertizements from you will givQ information. The King will acquaint my L^ Generall with what your Highnesse now receives from your most humble Servant J. R. & L. * This letter is printed in ''Rupert and the Cavaliers," vol. ii p -^90 and refers, together with the letter now published, to tlie evolutions immediately preceding the battle fought at Newbury, afier the siege of Gloucester had been abandoned. 17 [No. 18.] May it please your Highnesse That which concernes dispatch or answer to business you will constantly receive from Mr. Seer Nicholas, who in that writes for the whole companie, & my particular care is not wanting in that, but what is more attentivelie my studdy, is what may have any referrence to yourselfe and therfore upon the receipt of yours last night, perceiveing, your Highn^ from a hint taken of a letter from L^ D* was in doubt that at Oxford there might bee wrong judgements made of you and of busi- nesse in your quarters, I made it my dilligence to cleare with the King (who answers the same for the Queene) which was easie ; so as you may bee satisfied, no scruple at all ether is, or was, of your actions, this I say the lesse ill, because you will bee assured of the same hv mv I;^ Jtrnnn. considering the jealousi( \u\^^\l !:.uo qrow no Iroiii buiiie doubtful expressions in ih it J- u^-^- ynw n I >\>^ n\>' \\ ;di die hand wilu bcenied L ; ' M irt! •w it w.t-^ iinii' 'r^-n » n 1 ir» >m nih ,0 on Iv th nicii L;n<-\"rd at iL a^-u^:!;L^ nee write a. o ad\-ic<- (>1 sucii me-lliL''«-nc( a^ wa> I '\'( ci-nt heilier. -e since 1 am made of nothing butt thankfulness cK: obedience to your Highnes comandes \ our Hignes most obliofde & Most obedient Servant W. XEWCASTLE.* Yorke July the first 1644 * William Cavendish. Manjuis of Ne^vcastle, Licutcnant-Ocncral uf the Royal armies Rurth and south of Trent. Sec p. xlix. 20 I 21 [No. 21. J IMaie It please your HIghnesse In all places where I come, Its my misfortune to meete w'^extreame trouble. The Gaurlsons not able to bee malntayned by the Contributions belonglnc^re to them, & vet the horse not so considerable In number as I wish: And they unwIllInL^e to goe out upon th(^ Enemy (especially such as i^oc under the nanie of Reformadoes) they shootc: not sufficient to maintayne the Garrisons ao-alnst a Seld-'-e, the provisions therein much wasted & the makinc^ of Powder ^.^ Match in all places at a Stand (w^^' w'-'"- all possible speed I am pressln^c^e to svX forward) The Souldlers (chc-itly the Governors) discontented at the Comlssioners, cK: the Country people much exasperated ao-alnst the pressures of the Souldlers : so that they have been ready to rise ag-ainst the Guarlsons, but as yet are quieted. I have mett In this place w'^' an exceedlnee ereat trouble th(> comanders & souldlers In the Close at Litchheld havlnq;e shut out my Lo Lou(diboroueh,all or most of the Officers artlculcd ai^ainst him to the Kini^e : Yet I fmde their Complaints not so much aeainste his Lo'' himselfe as some learned Re- o formadoes that appertayne to him, & the most of these who complaine of him confessinge Courtesyes received from his Lo^ However I tuide they have w''' joynet consent taken an Oath or Protestation o( hdellty to the Kincre, & another to runne all one wave in defence of what they have donn To reconcile this business, I desired my Lo Loughborough's coming hither, & wrought so farr with the Officers as they all were ready to give him satisfaction, acknowledg their Errour& crave his pardon in publique. But of this his Lo^' would not accept; but would have a Counsell o( Warre called w'^ will askc ' tyme ; I cannot stay. And, in the mean tyme, if I should comit any of them (as in such a case ought to bee) All the officers are so linked togeather, & all the Souldlers have such dependence on them, not having half men enough to put in & remove them ; a greate Liconvenience certainly would ensue to the prejudice of his Ma^ Service, by the probable apprehension of dieir Errours. So in this nature I have left the place, under the comand of S'" Thomas Tyldesley & Colonell Henry I^agot & am going to Tutbury & after to Bridgnorth, whence I received Ires from the Comisioners there of the daunger by practises of the Enemy upon that place, & some discon- tents agaiest S^ Lewds Kirke, now gonn for Oxford. Thus havino- aiven v Hicrhnesse a breif accompt of the state of thinges heere, I humbly take leave & rest S^ y Hiirhnesses most humble Servant JACOB ASTE LEY.* Litchfield 12 Jan 1645. [No. 22. Illustrious Prince Altho the multlteude of Y'' Highnes more wyghtle affairs be arcrument sufficient to Inhlbitt my Importenning Y^ Hg' with my wTyttIng yet the multlteud of grieffs I suffer by some bad information I understand Y^ Highnes have receaved of me, since my parting w'' Y' Hg'^ inforces me to present to Y"^ Highnes vew^ what I heave heard, to wItt, that Y^ Hg after I was gon to Skearsbrough * Sir fact)]) A>tlcy. Major-Cicncral of" the I-oot in tlie Royal army, 1642, wa^ created Huron A^tky of Reading, Nov. 4, 1644. He was now Ideld-Marbhal-Gcncral. bee InUoduction, p. xxvi. i i 22 ^3 should heave sent to steay me and to recall me bak and that by reson of som tratourous act Y' Highnes had to leay to my cheardge, as for the [first] which was steaying of me If yo' Hg^ at my teaking my leave from you had leavyd Yo' least commands or desyrs upon me, they should heave been obeyed, and if Yo' Hygnes heave anything to leay to my chearge, I can but answyr Yo"" Fiig""'as I have wryttin to His sacred Ma''^ w'^^ was that I wold apeir when and wher His sacred Ma'''' wold command me eather to cleir myselfe or suffer for my oiTence. The same I offer to Y' Hyghnes for I reather suffer anv thinir in the world then leive innocentlie in Y' Highnes Malgreace, for I dear plead my tho'' innocent from ay prejudiciall thing to my measter his searvice or hurtfull to Yo' princelie feamalie to my knowlede and I dout not bot vo' ll\^ can bear me witnes in a peart. I in all hemilitie creav yo' Hyghnes pardonn for my bouldnes and beirof Y' Hvirnes orratious answer w^ yo' spidiest convenience to him who shall ever remeayn Yo' Hyghnes trowlie devoyted Servant Hamburrie Y^ ETHYN.* 23 of January 1645 Yo' Hyghnes will excuse the informalitie of this letter my sicknes is the cause of it for I heave beine above 4 months sick [No. 23. May it please Y' Highness When I have ask't your pardon for this presump- tion and trouble w''' your leave I shall haste to the * Sir James King, Knt, of Barracht, Lieutenant-General under the Marquis of Newcastle in the North, created Lord Ethyn, in Scotland, March 28, 1643. f: I occasion of this letter ; Your old and faithfull Servant Capt" Jo : Reichardson is heere in Y"' King's service as diligent as his usual custome and inclination w"' his old troope and hartes ; If it please your Highness it was Y" Kin^^s command to mee hee should heer jovne w''' us butt people dispos'd to make groundless carrells beginn Y' symptomes of a murmure ; Y' Knowledge of this may prepare you against those litle engines of discontent ; I am confident vou understande mee in this i)articular; and bv this liijhte vou shall bee unprinced if you beleeve mee nott. S^ Y^' most humble Off Y'' Servants J. O. GRAXDISON. Harrington Feb.' Y^ 7 [No. 24.] May it please Yr Highness I finde now^ there is little hope that my Lord of Louehboroueh will satisfy Yr Hiohness expectation, and therefore upon the first oportunity 1 shall attempt to passe for Oxford, I cannot by any means get the fifty pounds which I received here returned, but if any will pay it at Oxford he shall have it certainly upon your Highness's signification thereof repayed him here. The Lo Ashtely is returned and after the reliefe of Maxfield, pursued the Rebells and tooke two pieces of Ordnance, some of them got into a church and maintained the Steeple untill they were fired out. here is not any of the 4000 men which N 24 25 were undertaken at Oxford to [be] reculted, yet levyd, nor cannot be considered possible by any rationall men, the Enemy is active in every place, but here wee live as it possest with a lethargy. I shall ever pray for Yr High- ness happiness remaining Yr H^ Most obedient Servant, RALPH GOODWIN.* Worcester Feby 7 1645 [No. 25.] By this inclosed you perceive the distresses of the North and now the choice is whether you will desert Y'' Countrie now gained & possest or serve against a fresh enemie I pray resolve speedily of it ; and make all the haste hither you may it is ver\- fitt the Prince be acquainted with it for if S^ Th. Fairfax joyne with the Rebells all these forces in these pts and those in PJarby- shire must joyne and follow them Sir a counsell of warr must necessarily be called, & the prince acquainted with it. Your most faithfuU Servant 28 March S. TUKE.t Lincoln Addressed These for the honorable Mr. Porter Major Generall at Newark * Probably Ralph (ioodwin, M.P. for Ludlow, i6-(o. t Samuel Tuke, Colonel in the Royal army ; created a Baronet, March 31, 1664. I No. 26, i\Lay It please Y Highness Just as I was coming to my quarters about 9 a clock I had intelligence by a couple ofprissoners taken by the quarter maister of Worcester Collonell Sandes that puphery Iss quartered att Camden this night 5 troopes of 'and] 2 of Dragoones, and that this morning he came from Warwyck. As yett I understand nothing to the contrary that he is not ther : to all the quarters round a bout I gave notice. Sands & Collonell Weslons regiments are drawn between him and WcU-w\ck I am now going towards him on this siyd, l)y brak of day iff they answer our resolution : 1 hope wee shall make him pay for oiu' losse att his house of this I thought fitt to aquaint Yr highness. Iff any orders cam'' it should not fmd here Yr hio'hness's most humble Servant DANILLL O'NLILLE.* Broadwav. [No. 27.' Charles R Whereas Our Right Deare & entirely beloved Nepheu Prince Rupert did at a Councill of warr held by us at Newarke the iS'''of this instant October there belncr then present Our Right trusty c<: Right well beloved Cosen & Councillor Mountague Erie of Lyndsey Lord Great Chamberlayne of England Our Right trusty & Riaht well beloved Cosen Richard Erie of Corke, Our * Lieutenant-Colonel of Prince Ruytert's Regiment of Horse ; after- wards (Iroom of the liedchamber to the Kin-. See Introduction, p. Iv. Several characteristic letters of O'XeiHe will be found in Carte'. - Cul- lection of Original Letters and Papers concerning Lngland/" from 1641 to 1660. 26 Right trusty & well beloved Jacob Lord Asteley Field Marshall Generall of Our Army John Lord Bellasis Captaine Generall of Our Horse Guards, & Charles Lord Gerrard Lieutenant Generall of all Our Horse Forces, Our trusty & well beloved S' Richard Willis Knight & Baronc^tt Governor of Xewarke, & fohn Ashburnhani Esq Our Treasurer at warr, desire to cleere hiniselfe for the renderinor of the Cit\' & (jarrison of Ikistoll with the Castle 6c Forces thereof, & thereupon produced a narr;itive of the matter of fact during the said sii-dgc \\\\\\ the Articles for the rend(.'rinLr (jfthos*" places, wliich Ih-iul'' accordinirh' read & cr»nsid'T»-d Wrs- wt-f ilv-ii pif-a^t-d to Our ^>L;d \ I piit- u to be fidflitv to us in sav that Wrc did xv a \)'- guiltV of AXW th^' l^M^l \\\i!l the do'iij" tllf fff A \ >::.l w it \ ia\'f 1 K^ '!)! 1 .\- w I }■ \x A"; :nc \\ CO P' r i i a ij ~^ ( i . th^.' I' OuTi 1 t n ) ( )or s hee ill of llOi had n. tf iy o^. Ix' o ^peedih t have drawen together all nccb wc pussibly could Cv to have hazarded Uur ' r 11 h k' his relief, Our Design being so layed as j :obabilit\ ii would have succeeded, lo which I 'care Nepheu answered that what ever i\ .u A- )t n prt ,-- 1.-, I, i I V .ii. . ;, 1 1 U 11 Vvos bv the advice of the Councell of warr '^nn, Ov tiiat he could not in his Judgment L >L:ch reliefe besides hee alleadged that hee V' I from Us any intimation thereof but said 1 h^ u ould have mayneteyned those places oi tfOMicrh the tender reguard he had to the t'i -^ many '^U^icers & Souldiers was the 1 that induced him to capitulate for the uOvsng so long X: faithfully served Us All Right Deare Nepheu humbly submitted to ^- »^- lent I r .. which at a Second hearing before Ourselfe V of October the Lords & others above named M being then likewise present & upon a serious considera- tion of the whole matter wee were then pleased to declare that Wee were fully satisfyed that Our said Right Deare Nepheu Prince Rupert is not guilty of any the least want of courage or fidelity to Us or Our service In that Action, & Wee then gave leave to the Lords & other abov speci- fied to declare their oppenions In diat po\'nt. Who upon Our leave & a full consideration of the narrative tormerh" delivered did unanimously concurre with t!s. declaring likewise^ that Our said Right Deare Xcphmi is not giiik\ of an\- the least want ot cf)iir;igc or iidciitx'tf) [ s or Our scr\-icc in that Action. Given iinilcr Our Si-n*- Maiiuail ai Our CoLirt at X ( )Lioi)t;r 1 04 ; Command cwark this 2 1 '4j I e ] O '^ f J > \ i i ! '-' - O I i i„ ;* * n V [No. 28.] May it please Y' Highnesse This nyght I was w'^ the King whoe expresses greate kindnesse to you, but beleevs Y' partinge w^^ him was soe much the contrary as Y' Hignesse cannot think it but a finill. How truly Sir his Majestye conceaving it soe in my oppinion tis fftt you should make sume hansume applycation, for this reason, because my Lord Duke and others here are much Y'^ servants, And all that are soe wish yre returne to Courte, though it be but to part frendlye but I think it necessary you prepar the waye first by letters to the King. S"" I have no designs in this but Y"" servyce, and if you understand me rightlye * Sir Edward Walker, Knt., Secretary to the Council of War; after- wards Garter King-at-Arms, and Clerk of the Council. 28 that will prevayle soe much as you will consyder what I saye, before you resolve the contrarye, I knowe there be sume are your enemys but they are such as may barcke, b : I i: 1 confident are not able to fytt ag^ you, appeare thui._K r< > I beseech you Doe not contrybute to the s;it\>f u t'nn of ^ - firs nnd ruyne of yr frends by nec^lect- ing^- any ihirw^^ x. in y ;.^wcr to mal-n ^ peace nidi f.,rtunr. If nU.T^Ji u" am -nnn-> lu be rigiiiH voii shnii tn\l- Mf ihaL \.n \'-n rannnf wa) that action, tir, \ L n^ic )■ . !-. t 1-s \ a K U i > U i M i i . I t L- M ( i ' 1 ■ I r a ,1 : \nd ho ni' rv I know not i)nL rt-any > nni}' I :a)-ak nu" Winn oi :n)ral Kingn not in a cnnaui most obedient humble Servant Oxford this Thursday night 3 o'clock. No date or signature.] 29 in the meane time S"" I thought it my duty to acquaint you with thus much, and that I am faithfully Your Highnesse Most obedient Servant HEX OSBORXT- * London Vovemb the i i045 [No. 30.] Mav it |,)loase )\)ur llighnchS The King hath commanded me to signifx' to yo' highness that Coll Will Leg hath faithfully delived to his INIa'^'all he had in command from yc/ to w^'' his Ma'^' hath taken only some little excepsons, w" the Collonell hath only from the King to acquaint yo'' highnes w^-' all by word to whom his Ma^>" desires )'o^ to give cred this being all I have in command at p''sent to deliver to yo^ hignes from his I\Iat^' I humbly rest [No. 29.] May it please your Highnesse This morninge I presented your letter to the Lords who have resolved to grant your desires in it and have sent it downe to the house of Commons for their agree- ment with them and upon Monday it will be consented to there [ ] make the greatest haste I can, the [ ] and shall give you further intelligence of my proceedings as there shall be occasion. Yo' highnes Most humble Servant EDW NICHOLAS.t Oxon 7 Dec' 1645 (addressed) ffor his Highnes Prince Rupert att Woodstock-these * Sec Introdviction, p. Ixxix. t Secretary of Slate. v^l ^ 31 [No. 31.] To his Excellencie S' Thomas FIrefax general! of the Parliamen Forces. The humble petlcon of the Inhibants of the Prsh of Westbury In the County of Wilts Sheweth That yo' poore peticone' are willing to undergoe theire pporconable tax of the generall burthen of this Kingdom according to yo' Excellencies declaracons and the ordinances of parliament, pvided that wee may be tyed to no other inconvenience than vo' Excellencies declara- cons & the ordinances of parliam^ doe divulge And that yo' peticoners may be at a certainty to know the worst of o' sufferings w'^ we shall cheerefully undergoe for the furtherance of the publique goode in relacion to the parliam' and armie And whereas the parliam' and yo' Excellencie in goodnesse have afforded us very goode orders and declarons the benefits whereof wee w^ant videlt that if the country shall pay the 60000' p mensem they shall be freed from free quarters W^hereof six monethes demandes we have already payde and the other three monethes now questioned wee are ready to pay and yet ax^e constantly burthened w'^ free quartering and that w""^ hath next relacon to free quarter as may appeare by o' accompte of the charge w""^ the sayde towne and pish have beene at w""^ amounts to above the pporcon of o' rate for the 60000' p mensem already the continuance of w^^ y"" poore peticoners are not able to undergoe And whereas the rumo' of the soul- diers paying for theire quarters may appeare to the world to be somthing yet wee find it in effect nothing or w'^In one degree of free quarter as shall appeare to yo' Excellencie and the parliam' videlt that a Troope of fi Dragoones of one hundred besides Officers under th( commaund of captain Barrington, p't^nding yo' Excel- lencies order, heive quartered upon us thirty dayes already and those who refuse to quarter them are con- strayn"^ to pay 3' a day for horse and man, p^'tending that they will discharge theire quarters when they receive their pay w"'' pay being by them received yo' peticoners canne make it appeare that they received not above the fifth pte of what the charge of quartering amounts unto. So that yo' petlcon'' are like to undergoe the burthen of free quarters and pay theire rates to boote unless the parlianf and yo' Excellencie be pleased to consider the distressed estate of this country. Yo' peticon'' having delivered the irrievances of this psh doe humbly desire yo' Excellencie to consider of the destressed estate wee are now in beini"- the least and poorest hundred in the county as will aj^peare to yo' Excellencie upon further examinacon And doe farther desler that yo" will be pleased to give us a posi- tive order under yo' hand and seale what yo' peticoners shall allow the souldiers upon a march or upon a setded quarter And In regard we have formerly suffered so farre beyond other places we humbly desire that we may be freed from that settled quarter both for the tyme p'sent and future, unlesse it bee uppon a march for a night or two, that so we may avoyde the commaund of the soulders or to be at theire disposure and yo' petlcon'^ shall as In duty bound ever pray for yo' Excellencie February this last 1647. THOMAS HANCOCKE, Mayor. Here follow twelve other slenatur^s. [Ko. 31.] To his Excellencle S' Thomas Firefax gencrall of the Parh'amen F^orces. The humble peticon of the Inhibants of the Prsh of Westbury in the County of Wilts Sheweth That yo' poore peticone' are wilhng to undergoe theire pporconable tax of the g-enerall burthen of this Kingdom according to yo"" Excellencies declaracons and the ordinances of parliament, pvided that wee may be tyed to no other inconvenience than yo' Excellencies declara- cons & the ordinances of parliam' doe divulge And that yo' peticoners may be at a certainty to know the worst of o' sufferings w*"^ we shall cheerefully undergoe for the furtherance of the publique goode in relacion to the parliam' and armie And whereas the parliam' and yo' Excellencie in goodnesse have afforded us very goode orders and declarons the benefits whereof wee want videlt that if the country shall pay the 60000' p mensem they shall be freed from free quarters Whereof six monethes demandes we have already payde and the other three monethes now questioned wee are ready to pay and yet are constandy burthened w'^ free quartering and that w''^ hath next relacon to free quarter as may appeare by o' accompte of the charge w'^ the sayde towne and pish have beene at w^^' amounts to above the pporcon of o"" rate for the 60000' p mensem already the continuance of w^^ y"" poore peticoners are not able to undergoe And whereas the rumo"" of the soul- diers paying for theire quarters may appeare to the world to be somthing yet wee find it in effect nothing or w^^in one degree of free quarter as shall appeare to yo' Excellencie and the parliam' videlt that a Troope of ".I Dragoones of one hundred besides Officers under tht commaund of captain Barrington, p'tending yo' Excel- lencies order, have quartered upon us thirty dayes already and those who refuse to quarter them are con- strayn^ to pay 3^ a day for horse and man, p''tending that they will discharge theire quarters when they receive their pay w*^^ pay being by them received yo'- peticoners canne make it appeare that they received not above the fifth pte of what the charge of quartering amounts unto. So that yo"" peticon""^ are like to undergoe the burthen of free quarters and pay theire rates to Ijoote unless the parlianV and yo^ Excellencie be pleased to consider the distressed estate of this country. Yo"" peticon--^ having delivered the grievances of this psh doe humbly desire yo^ Excellencie to consider of the destressed estate wee are now in being the least and poorest hundred in the county as will a])peare to yo"" Excellencie upon further examinacon And doe farther desier that yo" will be pleased to give us a posi- tive order under yo*" hand and sea:e what yo'' peticoners shall allow the souldiers upon a march or upon a setded quarter And in regard we have formerly suffered so farre beyond other places we humbly desire that we may be freed from that settled quarter both for the tyme p^sent and future, unlesse it bee uppon a march for a night or two, that so we may avoyde the commaund of the soulders or to be at theire disposure and yo^ peticon'^ shall as in duty bound ever pray for yo"" Excellencie February this last 1647. THOMAS HA.NXOCKE, Mayor. Here follow twelve other signatures. J- I A Rate made for the maintay nance of S^ Thos Firfix Armle. Bratton Westbury Chantrey Borough Hey wood Brooke LIgh Bayly in hgh Lambridge Prior Shortsbrett Chapmanslade . Henby Dilton Bayley in H Lawbridge The Names of the 3 soulders that quartere at the Bell^ WiUiam Birein John Gilbert William Broughton. 25 I 2 & halfe 12 & halfe 4 & halfe I 2 & halfe 1 8 & quarter 5 & halfe 9 & halfe 3 3 & quarter 3 & quarter 1 2 & quarter 5 & halfe 3 & halfe [No. 32.] According as by order we weare required : we have considered ; & cannot find of what tything y^ vica- rige of Westbury is : for we never find y^ it was rated formerly by any tything as a member thereof. Also we have considered of its value : and doo conceave y^ it is worth about ^60 o^. od. p. anum in y^ full But y^ burdens of cures & thenthes discharged it is worth about £23 OS. od, p annum wich being an inconsiderable sum * 1 for y maintenance of y*^^ vicar and his familie therfor the parish hath not formerly nor dcd we now think him fitt to be rated to any tax but are content to exempt him and to beare y'^ proportion allotted to v^ Tvthino-s w'' thout him nether have we rated the Chantery tvthino- above its due valew w'^thout the addition of v" vicari^n' to it the Dues of the vicariee as folloeth the woll the Compo' for mills &c for other paltry dues £ s. y. 45 I 2 60 o Of this he Doth paye as folloeth £ s. d. 20 o o a vear to Bratton ^o o o a yeare to Dolton 4 10 o tenthes besids charges for the gathering of it therfor we will intret you to considder what [ ] will be left to maintain a mennester if he most payc^ taxses. Signed by John Edwards & Thomas Marchaunt Constables and Eight Assessors Sir ^^- Z?^^ Although not allowed by this Committee yet it hath pleased the Comittee of Lords & Commons upon a due and serious examination, to confirme the deede showed by Mr. Seymour and in persuance to that, have granted an order to the Committee of Wilts for takin 34 J off the sequestration. I sent this bearer as well vv^-^ the Order it selfe as also w^'" all the proceedings hoping he should have met the Coniittee for Wilts at Malberow but meetinironlv Mr Martvn there he advised this bearer to repavre to vou and M"" Selfe to whom I have given directions to attend on you both desyring you get your hand likewise. So I rest Your very loving ffriend & Servant ANW SEYMOUR. Salisbury July 1 6, 1647 [Xo. 34. Paris Decern 18 Mv dearest Cousin If I had not thought you would have bene heare before this time, I would have written offtener and fuller to you : The truth is I do only deferr the setting downe the time of my goeing from hence and the resolving w'^ way to goe, till I speake with you, you know what I am promised to receave from the French Court for my journey, in the meane time I am sure I am not only without money, but have bene compelled to borrow all that I have spent neere these 3 months so that you will easilv iudee how soone three thousand and six hundred pistols will be gone, and yett I must expect no more from hence, but depend upon what you shall bring me, for my shipp, gunnes, and my share of the prize. 1 lonee to have vou here, and am interely dearest Cousin Your most affectionate Cousin CHARLES R. For mv dearest Cousin Prince Rupert .^.^ No. 35 My very good Lord I looke upon his Highness Prince Rupert as a person who besides his greate worth and quality I doe honor and regarde as one in whome wee doe place our greatest hopes of being the chiefe instrument of the Kingesrestablishment, and because I amwhollvunknowne unto him I humbly pray Y' Lo^^ who have as I am per- suaded a principal interest in his Highnes to lett him know what you doe conceive of mee both in respect of the little experience I have acquird in the world, and my particular devotion to his service of which if his Hicrhnes will please for to make a triall & take mee into his care and owne me procuring mee from his Mas^' a present reliefe and meanes to subsist either In the place I am In or where I shall bee judgd more usfull for the publick service I will have my whole dependency on his Highnes & apply my selfe so entirely unto him as hee shall have no cause to complalne of this office which I pray your Lqp to performe unto him for Your Lo^ Most humble Servant DE VIC* I pray y^ Lo^ to procure mee a speedle answere for I am in a condition that will admitt of noe delay In extreme want as you may see by this letter Brux 7 June 1653 * Sir Henry De Vic, of Guernsey, Envoy-Resident at Brussels fur nearly twenty years; created a Baronet, Sept. 3, 1649; afterwards Chancellor of the Or. !er of the Garter. o No. 36.J )o Collogne 6 Feb^ St No 165; IMay it please y' Highnes Understandinii^ by Mr. Beynl of Ffrancfort that y^ Highnes was expected shordy in these partes I would not fayle to present my humble duty and service to you with such advertisements as 1 have latest had from Engl^ This being now my 5^' letter sent yo" since y^ Hignes commanded me to corres|)ond w^^' \'ou which I hope are come to vour hands, though I have not heard as yet whether v' Hi-^hnes hath received any of them The Princess Royal was expected round to Paris Tuesday last being att Peronne friday was senight where the Duke of Yorke and my Lo Gerrard met her R. H. having attended there for her some dayes l)efore. I have herein sent yr High^ an extract of such advertisenV^ as I have had last from Encd' beincr the most certayne that wee have receaved from that miseral)le kingdom. Dr P>aissar attended the Princess Roy^' to Paris and how long he intends to remayne there is not certayne. I heard from Holb' that Cromwell being by Newport y' I), ambdor in EngP pressed to acquaint the States w''^ y' severall Articles between him and France, refuses it, where at the States are much unsatisfyed with Cromwell. Its alsoe written from Holl'' that Newport having lately spoken w^" Cromwell concerning the king of Swedens proceed- incrs ao-ainstthe Pr' Elec'' of Brandenburg, that Cromwell answered him, that albeit he wished well to Sweden whilst he prosecuted warre in Poland yet now that he findes he hath turned his amies against the Protestant Princes & Townes he will have noe more to doe w'^ that king ; But though possibly this may be said by him to J/ Newport (of whose person & of whose Masters Cromwell hath noe esteeme att all) Yet I am confident it hath been meerely to cajole them, for its most certayne but Cromw^^ is extraordinarily carefull & is very intimate with the Sweedishe Ambdor now in EngP & in like manner the K. of Sweden with his (one Rolt) Crom wells envoye now in their Army with him with exceeding great kind- ness and respect; soe as its evident there is still a very close intelligence betweene the K. of Sweden and Crom- well. By Ires from fraunce its advertized that the Articles of Peace & agreement betweene that Crowne and Crom^ are by a particular clause & condition to be signed w^^^''-^ a limitted tyme as well by the Princes of the bloud in france as by the iY^ King, or else to be invallid; and some are of opinion that this hath bene one principall means of the D. of Orleans being called to the fi' Court where he is dayly expected ; but there is noe speech of his daughter Mademoiselles peace being yet made. W e heard that the Hollan^'^^ have 48 sayl of men of warre, which will be ready to sett sayle for the Baltick Seas as soont- as the season will permitt : We heerd that the Erie of Glenearne and other Scot'^ Ld^ who made their Peace lately with Monke, upon their leaving the L G'^ Middle- ton are lately upon new frends and therefore imprisoned by Monke The letters brought by this dayes post from Bruxelles as well from his Maj^^' resident there as from many others assure us that orders are now come from ^yladrid to y^ King of Spains [Minister] in Flanders to take effectual orders to psecute the warre against Crom- well and his fellow Rebells in England and to that end to prokure Ires of mark against the Englishe, wherin the adnV^ in Flanders are att present very busy and sollici- tous : Svrall letters from Spayne also now advertyse that * * is in his warre ag^ Crom'' resolved to espouse * 38 HIS niai !11V niil^r^TS ! 1 t! >'. i ftft 'Cts, I' ^r V I v\ ' ); : n 1 H . t n \ , ■*• ■ III. 1 i .. * i i i lOW f -lyly t f ■ n 'S jiHjse ail 1 divert Cromwells designs ai : 8: will expect shortly lu have an order or (iirecson ir a \' Arch Duke & his Councell, that all the K ni Spaynes Portes in Flanders and [else where] shall be free and secure : for any English or others that will r'^pavrp into them to serve against Cromwell & the Rebelis in HngP. The Princesse Royall was expected tu be att Paris Tuesday last and the ff" King & the Queene his mother intended to meete her Roy^ High' a league out of Paris to bring her into that Citty. The D. ca lodena is sayd to be returned from * * * towards July All Ires by this post from England con- firme the news Cromw" being in great fryghte att present, & of the change of his gards, having now every nyght 6o soldiers that gard him where he lodges If I understand that this comes safe to y' Highnes, I shall contvnue to send you such occurences as we have here, in obedience to the comand receaved from you by Your Highn' Most humble and most obedient Servant EDW NICHOLAS. .^?>5. , LETTERS FROM LORD PERCY TO THE KING & PRINCE RUPERT. M [NOTE.] tl ■ The writer of the following letters was Henrv Percy, brother to the Earl of Northumberland. He was created Lord Percy in 1643 at the instance i ihc Percy was one of those who were active in i ndea\i'ur- lag u ^ . L '. ciiii \\a UV' ]\fr nil- i t ^ w inri i ! \ ! il- i- ? 111!/ i\' i\'.Ll (;:lu^^(.:. In i^umi L lai'; -n^ lun :^ blocrrni'iU' (p. 42. (dii. 1750) il i^ ^mn'il iliai I'rrnv' int:'niiut;ru iiini to the King ntiur n conw ^^ati()n ui whinli net othi-r ri;coril is remaining. InxcK'cd in thf " Arnix' Plot" nnml wounded l)\' tlie C(Hinir\' |)ee[de in Sussex, he with diineiilly esca[)cd to his brother's residcMice in London. "The L.arl," snvs Clarendon, •' beinL*' in ''Teat troti])le, had to send him awav bevond th(-' seas alter hiswoinul was ctired, adxised with a friend then in |)0wer, and who innocentK^ enouorh broui-dit Mr. Pym into the council, who over-witted them both by frankly consenting that Mr. Percy should escape into France, upon condition that the Earl first drew from him such a letter as might by the party be applied as evidence of the reality of the plot."'- Percy was ^Lister-General of the Ordnance during the period over which these letters extend, and was deprived of that office b\' the King, who conferred it on Lord Hopton in the autumn of 1644. * Clarendon, vol. i. p. 744. G 4^ Clarendon evidently was no friend of Percy, and on the occasion of his dismissal thus speaks of him : " Yet even his removal added to the ill-humour of the army, too much disposed to discontent, and censuring all that was done ; for thoucrh he was <;enerallv unloved, as a proud and supercilious person, yet he had always three or lour persons of good credit and reputation who were esteemed by him, with whom he lived very well, which, in the general scarcity of that time, drew many votaries to him, who bore very ill the want of his table, and so were not without some inclination to murmur even ot his behalf."* Lord Percy, if we may judge from the letters of Arthur Trevor to Prince Rupert, was no favourite with the former. Writincr from Oxford on 22 P^eb., 1644, to the Prince, Trevor says : " My Lord I'ercy is still in the briars, and I believe will not get out without scratches ; but if they prove no more, they will be physical towards the spring."t This refers to some difficulties arising out of his lordship's very unsatisfactory accounts. Trevor's letters are full of complaints at the difticultyhe experienced in obtaining supplies of arms and anununition : money he declares he has no hope of. He contrasts the supplies lavished on Lord Hopton with those reluctandy doled out to the Prince, and evidendy views with a strong partisan bias every pound of powder and every stand of arms despatched to the aid of the cavaliers in the West. Several notices of Lord Percy appear from time to time in Whitelocke's Memorials, the letters of intelli- gence published in Thurloe's State Papers, and the cor- respondence between Lord Clarendon and Sir William Brown. From the first of these authorities we learn * Clarendon, vol. iv. p. 531. t Rupert and the Cavaliers, vol. iii. p. 377- 43 that in letters from the Hague, in October, 1648. it was stated "that the Lord Piercy was committed for giving the lye in the Prince's presence."* From the second, that he was in Feb., 1654, " setded in France, and hath Chastian Renard, belonging to the house of Orange."t While from the third we have an interchange of letters which may possibly bear the interpretation that in December, 1653, Clarendon was on bad terms with Lord Percy. In the letter written at that date by Sir William l^.rown to the then Sir Edward Hyde he says : *' I did not till very lately know that the Lord Percy, ^ now Lord Chamberlin, was come to the King, -uid I am likewise told he is much in your Intimacy, of which, it true, I am very glad, for hee hath beene my noble friend of a date litde lesse than 30 yeares old. I pray it your Hon^ think it fitt be pleased to present my humble ser\-ice cUid congratulations to his L pp. 1^0 this Clarendon replied : " Though my L'' Chamber- lyne and I lyve civilly togither, and I can mencon you to him. vett it is fitt you write a congratulatory letter to hmi, which if you think fitt, I will deliver."! In apparendy— for the date is not given, and can only be gathered tVom the context— August, 1654, Col. Bampfylde thus writes of " the condition and design- ments of the titular King of Scots, and of those abroade, whoe are interessed in his affayres" : -His Councille are his mother, the Duke of York, Prince Rupert, the duke of Buckingham, the marquis of Ormonde, the earle of Rochester, the lords Percye, Jermin, Inchequin, Taff lately made, and Sir Edward Hide. " The foure first, together with Jermin, are of a faction * Whitelorke. p. 343- '^ Thurloe, v.)]. ii. p. 85. + Diary and (^irrespondence of John Evelyn, »S:c.. edition 1S5-. vol. iv. pp. 296-298. 44 45 directly opposite to Hide, and the other party who for the present intyrely '^ovvrnc in his councills : and theyr designes seem to be as different as theyr incHnations. Ormonde, Hide, and thevr ])artv ha\e. contrary to the sence of the reste, ad\-ised and pr('\'a\-]ed with thevr king- totally abandon both th(! party and [)rinciples of the presbiterians, and to rel\-e intyrely upon his old episco- pal! party, which they peTswad^ him comprehcmds the nobillity, gentry, and bulke of the kingdome of I^ngland, whoe would not rise with him in his late march into England, because he was Ix'licvt'd to ljoc upon "round disagreeable both to theyr iiffcctions interests, and to the goode of the nation, and inconsistent with the ancient constitutions both of Church and Siat(\"'* * Thurloe. vol. ii p. ^ io. ^ [Ao. ^,/. I This relation was dated I2 at night ill is ?^Ionday. S' Next to the waitin- uj)pon you myselie I am pleased with tlii.^ emploxment being commaunded by the King to gi\'e vou >i relaiion of wh^it h;ilh [massed at Male- borough. The dela\' of the Artilleryes coming up and the mistinesse of the morning iriade it neere 2 ot the clocke In-fjre O.u-y could playe u\>])(m the- towne. It was assaulted on the Champion side and a regiment ol horse sent to tile forrest side to hinder therc^ ilight that way exspecting that much more then there resistance. At the first from a brest worke they had made acrosse the downe where the passage was and after from a rowe of thatcht houses they did gall our men whoe were not able to returne them any hurt by amies soe that they were necessitated to ha\'e recourse to fire which gave our men entry, whereuppon they of the towne fled but were taken in ^>-reate numbers by the regiment of horse on the other side, among which there was the principall Scotch officer one Ramsey and Francklins the towne Clarke a Prot"' man and a principall incendiary of all those parts, the prisoners that were taken came to about lOO besides Di(>"f^s and his Company whoe we tooke to be frends assurin<^ us thev would not shoote and in that kept there words, they were very usefull likewise in keeping 46 the other forces of the towne, out of my L^ Seymers house and mount that might have troubled us much. The fight lasted above 2 howres there were 20 or 30 ours hurt none of much note nor any killed, what slaughter was on the rebells side we know not, nor directly how many collors taken. After the entry of the towne the Lieut Ge"^ cheefe care was to stoppe the fire for the which he caused some houses to be pulled downe and drew out the troopes and Dra- goneers least they should have bin lost in the night by there disorder and Pillage, which was done and they quartered all rownd about the towne, the foote only left in It, and that condition they remaine in until his Ma^>- pleasure be further knowne. This S^ is the substance of that relation his Ma^>' receaved from thence this morning and having noething else considerable at this time to accquaint you with I will begg this favor from you that I may esteemed by Your Hicr""' Your most humble Servant HEN PERCY Nepheu I must conjure you as ye love me not to hazard yourselfe nedlessly CR. My Lo^ Dunsmore kisseth your hands the 6th of No. [1642.] 47 [No. 3S.] S^ 1 promised myselfe the honor to have waited uppon you before you went away which I was prevented in yet must not give that ill fortune leave to injure me soe much as to steale you into an ill opinion of my civility or duty but preserve both by yourgoodnesse and this letter which is to tell vou I had an intention to have waited, uppon you this journey but my L^' Spencer bringing a packett of letters from the Oueene and was engaged by her to waite uppon her to the King. There letters were dated the 1 and informe as of noe thing considerable but the Oueenes preparation for her journey to which there was noe thing wanting but the comming about ot some shipps that were daily expected soe that by cnxum- stances we may guesse her landed by this time. 1 here is one come from my L' Newcastell this day whoe tells us my L^ Savlll is prisonc^r at Newarke Casde and the Sheriffe of Lincolneshire did advertise the King that my L'^ Newport was a prisoner to. Hastings hath receaved the enemy soe unkindly as they are retired but we heere S'' R. Hoppton is pursued hotdy and being weaker then the enemy retires, so soone as Prince Maurice marched away, the enemyes forces came thither, 1 can hope lor noe excuse for this but my being S^ Your most humble Servant HEN PERCY Probably 21 Viih 1643] 2 I Oxford No. 39.] J S^ According to your commaunds I accquainted his Maf^ with the contents of your letter which he hath con- 48 suited with my L^ Gciilt' w h«.naim' lorce there and a -'ood re.^tin- [•lac-e and it' wc doe ]\-e at I>ister C)r thereabouts tiicy cuuK.t mareh to W'orcotcr but you may be betdre them I Nhall enlar-e ihdv reasons when I ha\-e the honor to ^vaite' uj^oon xou which I intend shah be tomorrowe \\ you come ncu to u.^. tlie same reason keepes the Kin-" kom writin- makes mv letter much shorter that is my (h'^patch to the Oueend the King sent me this note jdist now : I ha\-e obeyed you in all things but money, and the reason of mv dis- obedience in that is because it is not in mv power and other cause then that I will n«'ver have for not obeying-- you being resolved eternally to l)e Your High' 29th 4 of Most huml)le and f udhfull Ser\-ant the clocke ip PERCY. [No. 40. Sir There is another expresse come from the Oueene this day by whom we are assured she will begin her journey this day or tomorrowe she comes certainely to Ashby but from thence we know not as vet which wav she will take but some designe they have by the way the lesse the better, 3000 foote and 30 trooi)es of horse and 49 dragons are ail ^he marches with except such force as she mav gett 1)\' the wav, this I tliou'dit htt to let vou know and for want of this I shall suidv it with naakim: repetions to \-ou how much satisfaction 1 have in telling you there is no creature in the world more yours than Your Ilig*^'" most humble and faith full Ser\-ant IE PERCY Oxford the 30 [April 1643" 6 of the clocke I hope we shall not have reason to complaine of our quarters. Xo. 41 ,] I cotdd not possible put our traine in such a readinesse as to be able to march before i 2 of the clocke and then the Kingreceaved a letter from mv E'^ Generall by which he desired the Cannon should not march if they were not ad\-anced already which hath staled me for the present so that now^ I doe 'attend what other orders I shall have, that bein'r the cause I doe not waite uppon you as my inclinations doe invite me to having noe greater satisfaction then the giving you proofes that I am Your Hig"*"' most humble Servant HEN PERCY Oxford 8 June [1643] The King will be extreamely glad to heere what you intend & as soone as I know'e the Cannon is not likely to marche I will presently waite uppon you H rx ( ) . 42. [c 3 July 104 o \Vc licive reccavcd news just now 1)y a letter that comes from the North that Bradford Is taken with all the men. armes and amniLinition that were in It only Fairefax and his sonne escaped by nli^dit to Leeds, but this does not come so certainely as to be built uppon — Waller and your Brother with both armyes are mett, we have newes from them but it is soe uncertalne of both sides as I know not what to beleeve until wee heere of something more perfect : Your letter Is come now to the King- the messenger will be dispatched agalne this night. I have not spoken with the King therefore I cannott say any thing to you of it, but I shall never be weary of saying to you that I will eternal I)' be Your High"' most humble humble Servant H. PERCY I doe humbly begg of you that you will beleeve there Is a necessity for my being heere, other wise I could not endure this. Sir Xo. 43. j The last night I did fully resolve to have waited uppon you this day having as much impatience to per- forme that duty as is possible for any creature to have. — But I am diverted from this by a commaund the King hath given me this day of being ready to march with all his tralne of Artillery upon a short warning which Is not to be done without my being present heere and the supplye of moneyes which I am promised every howre but cannott gett. I hope S"" this excuse being soe just in Itself and soe displeasing to me 1 hope you will not onlv free me from all kind of condemnation but ha\'e some little pitty for what I suffer in being from \-ou. I hope you are satisfied with those things I sent you. Since I was conjured by you to silence I could not say one word to i 75 of a designe thei'efore I doe not know wiiat motions it hath or whether i: doe continuw or noe. I think it is excellently laid and I hope will ha\'e a happy successe, if 237 doe send a regiment and 1000 foote D 27, 32, 26, 2)^, 52. 39. 23, 50, either send 163 or one that may be as fitt to do you service to 244 let me know by your next whether 163 may say anything to 175 of it because there may be some- things that may concerne this bulsnesse mav require the motions and assistance of a servant, for you know very well when he doth thini::s alone thev are commonlv crooked or untoward therefore let me know vour sence In this for without it I shall not doe anythini'-. Mv Ij' Wlllmotts' reo-iment went to towne accordini^f to the K' Instruction but found noe body there, for those troopes that we thouo^ht to have found there were c^one awav at three of the clocke In the afternoon soe thev returned without doinc^ anything;- Mr. Hardincr Is come out of the West and Co' KIrke can tell vou what newes he lirouLrht with him My Lieut"'^ Coro"ll is in i^reate haste to be L'one and for feare that resoultion may change I will only adde to this that I am Your Hiirh"" Most humble humble Servant H. PERCY. Oxford 6 July [1643] [Xo. 44.] Sir I receaved both vour letters but am resolved to thank you for neither chusing rather to acknowlege them 52 to be above anvthincr that I can sav then to make a triall and say too little. Your sending- for a Cyfcr is a just reproach to my providence, for I should have thought of it my selfe. but I conceave it a suftkient punishment for this fault that for want of it I have mist the contentment I should have had of knowing your thoughts these 2 dayes past, which I valew more then any thing can be given me ; and I only begg of you that I may receave them constandv until I change that oi)inion. I never sawe anvthincr of writing more sutable to you then then the 2 lines where you say you douljt not of ruining Essex his army, if noe greate misfortune happen [which I know you too well to feare]. It is very apparent that honor and a court acfrees verv well together for there was never any body made [from being the least courtier] soe greate a one as 214 by being a Lord, I hop eit will have in- fluence soe farre as to make him |)av that to vou which he hath not exceeded in that is his obedyence Conwallis went awav to the Oueene the King did not write by him [I did] which was a litde recommendation of his owne person which you know I am well acquainted withall — We have heard noething since I writt last of the Oueene, from the West, now the horse that were sent for from Exeter are come they doe intend to march tow^ards Waller. Rather than goe to Church yesterday in the afternoone I chose to goe to see the Cap. whoe I found very solitary in his little house. I stayed there till 6 of the clocke and going away I receaved this injunction from him to tell vou that he is verv much vour servant and extreamelv desires to have the honor to see vou without which he will never goe away, and this I did promise to say in my first letter. I am very glad to heere vou beein to be reconciled to Sunday but I desire )T)u never to be to the day of the Lord. For my Lieut' Cor' I shall shewe myselfe very charitable to him with your assistance, not having strong dispositions to good- nesse myselfe but with some helpe you shall see for this matter I shall behave myselfe well, but I will ask none of any creature to give you all the proofes In the world that I am pleased with noe thing more then the beeing and telling vour Hignesse I am Your most humble Servant H. PERCY. Oxford I hope you will lett me have a quarter for I intend to waite uppon you within a day or 2 but let not that keepe you from writing if you have anything to commaund me. [No. 45-] INIy L^ of Richmond did acquaint me with the letter you writt to him last In which I finde the cheefe businesse was want of money, I did not only apply my- selfe to make the Kinge forward In this supply, but to advance It I lent Ashburnham /300 to make up that proportion you desired. I hope there Is noe danger you will bellve this a Courtship to him but an extreame desire in me you should want noething that I may help you unto You know how greate want we have of Powder and what mischeefe that may bring uppon us if not timely prevented, the which I see few either o-oes about or can find out, the Parliament have there o-reatest works of Guilford there mills, are 2 miles from thence not guarded at all, or soe slenderly as they may be easily surprised for which purpose I doe goe with my 54 .•^.■^ owne regiment and 150 Dragoons if this succeed it will be a very good service to his Ma^>' and consequendy acceptable to you, there is noe force neerer that place then London. We expect daily to heere you are in Bristowe— Waller is gone as fast as he can to London to complaine of my L' of Lssex for hetravin^'- of him which he will have soe much reason for as the Houses certainly will resent it highly this will cause much dis- traction in there affaires and I hope we shall take the advantage of it, and you returne to this place as soone as you can I have noe thing more to say to \ou but that I am and ever will be Your Hio-h^' most humble Servant IL PERCY. 22nd Oxford [July 1643] Xo. 46.1 I am now going away yet heering that there is one going to you I cannott let him passe without saying some wot. The Queene's health doth begin to mend which is a greate blessing to us all, the King hath desired her to imploy herselfe to make you Wilmott and Culpeper frends and the like to all the rest of us. she thinks it fitt to be done for the present as the K' affaires stand and soe do I to ; what you think I hope I shall know when I waite uppon you and then I shall enter- taine your Highnesse at large of this matter and adde only this now that I am satisfied extreamely with what the Oueene doth in mv perticuler and no lesse in savlm^ to you I am infinitely your High^' Most humble humble Servant H. PERCY. I beseech you let noe body see my letters 23 July [1643] 'SM ]Xo. 47.] Though you seemed not to be pleased that I should hope for the taking of Bristowe before it was soe, which fault I confesse I doe not understande, Yet I hope you will give me leave to congratu with you now amongst the rest of those that wish you all kind of happinesse the taking of that place. My L'^ of Duns- more will informe you perticulerly of all the passages heere concerning the disputes that are amongst you where you are. I arrived heere but yesterday and since that have not bin negligent In pressing those things I did beleeve you desired, and )-our old good frends have bin as dllllgent pournous faire des riches the pertlculers I shall tell you heere after. Your best frends doe wish that when the power Is put absolutely Into your hands you will comply soe farre with the Kings affaires as to doe that which may content many, and displease fewest ; your successe In armes I hope will not make you forgett your civility to Ladyes this I say to you from a discourse the Oueene made to me this nvAu wherein she told me she had not receaved one letter from you since you went thouorh vou had writt many which is a fault you must repaire. I shall stay heere now therefore commauncl me as you use to doc whicli will he a o-rate satisfaction to me that am Your High" most humble Servant H. PERCY Let me know if you write to the Oueene and receave instructions what to say Oxford the 29th [July 1643] [No. 48.] Oxford 30 [July 1643] I writt to you )'esterday I can say little more of your affaires then wdiat I did because we doe expect both my Lo"^ of Harford's comming- to this place and my L^ Dunsmores returne before we shall either discourse or act anything that you know not alread)-, for that I wTitt of the Oueene I hope you will give her noe more the advantage to lay that fault to your charge ; my cheefe buisnesse to you now is to obey the K'^ com- maunds whoe spoke to me to desire you to send me an exact account of cannon and all sort of amies and ammunition that is there that accordingly the provisions necessary for his Ma^>- service may be made. S*" the carts and horses I sent from hence are ver)- much wanted heere there being none almost left for the brin- Ijody could ha\'e imagined at this time this is a subject would give me a greate lati- tude to write off but my Lo'^ Jermin will not Therefore I conclude with this request that \tu, will be pleased to thinke me as I ha\-e often professed to be Your Hig"'' most humble Servant, Oxford the 28th [March 1644J PERCY. [No. 54.] S' L 0-+ J I have read your lettter and that of S' Lewis Dives I hope the vexation that you have had will .shew his Mat>- so perfectly the mischiefes that are likely to fall out uppon such orders as caused this that the like may 6 J be avoided for the time to come and your Hig""^ never put to this againe. we are to meete this afternoone and soe we sh;d] doe e\-ery day to consider of all things that mav be for vour honor and his :\Iat'>" se.rvice in which you shall never fiiulc any creature more neerely con- cerned then Your most humhle Ser\-ant PERCY. Oxford 28 ["Mar : 1644] [No. :)0' Fraq-ment of a letter fro m Lord Percy. 175 hath receaved a letter from 244 that he lies at Coslll this night but does not say ex[)ressly what way he will take but leaves it to conjecture, which is an omission, you will heere the relation of it from 175. 163 hath asked leave of 175 to come to 237, but he did absolutily refuse it upon this ground that if he should have occasion to march the Artillery would be in greate disorder. 132 intended to have come along with me but he is prevented. 163 did moove 175 that he would commaund 214 expressly to come away for I knew very well by some heere the contrary was intended by him, and I doe quarrell with you for not writing any- \h\\vy of it to me; That 224 hath sent for Newport by whome they doe beleeve to kindle a new that mutinous fire which was a dying but I doe beleeve it will not be to much purpose yet you may make use of it if you please ; Wee have no certaine newes from the \V('St which is a most strange thing: i\Iy Lo"' of Essex wee heere is marching backe towards Alsbury which I think 54 the rv t r >i w u to his destruction : all the newes out of North is coiiunned and Leedes taken soe that we conceave all the North absolutely ours. I doe humbly desire you that you will commaund your Secretary to give those officers of mine Commissions that have none that soe they may not be taken out of my regiment nor your Brigade by others that perhaps may pretend to them by guift from my L"^ Newcasde ; for myself let n^' never have other then that which you give me to . ; be ever ■? > ^ . i 1 1 ^nes Your Hig' Most humble humble Servant H. PERCY Oxford 8'^ July [1643] .'i^ 65 ANALYSi:. OF LETTERS & DOCUMENTS (apparenriy prepared by Col. Benett.) [No. 56.J The Breviates of the Princes letters Towcester Novemb 22, 1643 Octob 30 Sr A. Aston saw the workes on the hill begun Denbigh goes thorow Northampton ; Essex sends men in to Ailesbury & Northampton desires ayd ag^ him ; for fear of Towcester but some of P. R. troopes sent away ere now & Aston expects to be called out S"" John Byron's horse were quartered at Brackley & Willmott who went sick to Oxford Novemb 8 1643 About October 30 Thelwell comes from Reding towards Towcester w'^ 600 ffoote, 900 more being sent back. Willmot lay then at Buckingham. More forces sent into Ailesbury about mid November w'^ on Saturday 18 mustered 1400 by poll : & Essex march t that waye. Worcestershire Commissioners doe little for King pretending to be hindered by S"" W. Russell's differences. Gilb Gerard Governor there. The Countryes contribution, 3000/ a month, Jan. 22, 1643 Tiiiier&Broughton landed with 1800 ffoote & S^ W. Vaugham , I February 1643 ^,, ^^ ^^^^^ , ^h^^ie L Byron sent to Shrewsbury They are at Ruthen Febr 2 1 Worcester Estate in April 1643 K Towcester Nov. 7 1643 March 14 1642 Pyms letter 1643 Jan. H Ailesbury Ncvnr; 1044 Ailcbburv March lO. 1042 Camp remove*] 66 L"^ BIron from Brackley sends in Showells Spades &c L"^ Biron intended to be made Generall of Lancashire : desires first to be made P*" Charles Governor. P. R having gone to Bristoll, Essex sends forces to Tame : but recalls them upon the Princes returne : They consulted at V.'est- minster about a cessation : but agreed not, Shortly came the Treaters to Oxford ^ Nicholas Byron & S' R. Willis taken. Some messages betwixt the Governor & Lord B'ron then at Brackly Xf vember 9, I ;: 'I upon the fayling 01 Xewpuii I'liiri !i he sends iiiron's wn^i^^n messenp"er to Essex then ai ^ .\'bans '.r^?- ^'1 \<.^rkQ seri'lin • I lix !ior oi this. Btii L . . ' n. xxiKj.mt u- L 1 i (.: R('l)filN ;}ii;ti it :n M,i\-c 1644 S' John Ciiip('p--rs letter was a:^' correspond- ence wiih lownc and a^^^ the hojics : but I rnicc 1 )c!ni'" ni:ircht, the des!L:'ne was C5' knowne at Ox turd Forth writes to the Kine; that Essex meanes to quarter in Buckinghamshire & ad\'ises to rayse Abingdon leaguer 8c quarter the soldiers betwixt Whately & Oxford in Barnes & villao^es. Shropshire Estate Lord Capcll complayncs that by drawing away the P of Wales regiment from him his 67 condition was so weakened that the Rebells planted at Draiton : professes that w^ 2000 ffoote more to take Warwick and Stafford : Invites P. R to looke that waye, being con- fident that there w^as no part of the King- dome where in so short a time so much advantage may be made, & 6000 horse & ffoote raysed to marche any whither, nor a greater oportunity to add another Trophy to his Highnesse glorious atchievements Writes to invite the Prince again Aprile 14. Latham March 7, 1643 E of Derby invites the Prince to take Liver- pool & releeve Latham : assuring his presence would strike terror into the Rebells & new life in the good subjects. Tells him in a former letter upon F Tl his coming to Shrewsbury. That his fam.e getts credit to his Servants. Lincoln April II. i^:' State of T^icolnp ali^ r ?\ taken : expresse e 1 i I J ni:ni^--l' sP';!'> i>.:lb Maixh 2-). 1644 Denliighshire 1644. 'I'hi'X'rc- e.e aiime^MH >n('rs cU->irc the I'nnceb help : 111 2 letter^. March 29. April 1. After the Prince wa.s gone to Shrewsljurye to settle the County, (|uarters e^ contributions : See how backward the Commissioners of Arrave are for the niavntenance of one onely re<''iment of R. Ellices. Newark 1643, J^" 31 The Commissioners of Lincolne & Notting- hamshire expresse their charges, feares of sei^^e. the Scots invasions Newcastle's forti- Newark April, 20, 1644 1643 October 2 Bristol! Maye 27 1643 Armes to Bnstoll Bristoll fort fvincr Doncaster, c^ drawin.L,^ away of S^ C. lAicas & other forces to resist them. Belhissvs cillso complavnes he Is calling out of York l)\' Xt'wcastle. E. of Xewcastle In strelghts. The Newark Commissioners Invite the Prince to releive him. Glamorcran thanks the Prince for diswad- in(->- him to marche into Cheshire : & gives him reasons wh\- he since came to Tewks- buvre. Essex writes to P^Iennes — I hope ere this vou have made some examples of the Bris- toll Traytors ; & [)ut others to a fine & ran so me. The Queen sends a Dunkirk frigate w^^ Armes pistolls Shott Granadoes etc to Bristoll Aug 15. 1643. Create fort at Bristoll begun. Hopton desires the Princes order In It Sept i, 1643 Hopton deslrc's the Prince Hawly may be his Leiftenant Governor 1643 Feb 12 Ld Digby's compli- ments. April 6 1644 L- Dlu^bv i)rofesses all favthfullnesse to the Princes service : bi'seeching him to be con- fident that no man living should bring more Industr\-e or nv)re affection to the execution of all his commands then he should, when the Prince should honor him w''' them. And Whereas It seems by other of Digby's letters, there was a purpose at Oxford to recall the Prince thither from Shrewsburye, 09 presently after his Newark victory e : ^and one order had been sent from the King P. R. by Kg. orders bv Digl)v ; And Whereas the Prince was ^e:j:bur^e deslrous to couthiue in Shropshire till he could gett up an Armye, the King sends other orders by Digbye, Dated April 6, 1644, upon that Digby thus complements. That the prince should stay there to rayse such an armye, as wee shall not neede committ that w'^' you esteeme a fault any more, of relying upon your reputation, which though it be not a foundation for councells, & resolutions ; yet you must be pleased to allowe it to be of excellent heartning to all those who have so high an opinion of your virtue and braverye, as possesses the heart of y' Highnesse most affectionate Servant GEORGE DIGBY Oxford April 6. 1644 It seemes presently after Edgehill there was some private designe to have Warwick Castle delivered : wherefore Essex would not lett Col Vavasor be sent Prisoner thither. Essex extreme obstinate agaynst peace, as out of hope of pardon (says Lady Aubigny) Goring testifyes, the Oueene understoode & esteemed P. R beyond his expressions Goring writes Newcasde was 16000 strong well armed : whereof neere 3000 horse besides dragooners : & 2000 more new levved ffoote, yet unarmed. 1642 March 31 Essex agst peace 1643 Apr. 18 The North Aprile 22 1643 I 1* 1 643 Sept 17 Shropshire Nov 7 Deer 12 1643 Jan. 14 Byron : Xantwich Feb 21 Feb 24 Aprile 4, 1643 14 Shropshire 70 The KlnQT bv Dic^bv to the Prince : pursuing Essex from Glocester : & Rupert having overtakin^^ Essex : the Kinir desires to know where to brinc^^ up the fibote to him Bvron to be sent to Lancashire. It seems Ormond had sent some into Cheshire, wch he called his Armve Cheshire coukl march 4000 ffoote c^ neere 1000 horse besydes Capels in Shropshire sayes L'^ Byron : Harding Casde taken by them upon composition. Byrons designe on Nantwich retarded by Fairfaxes, coming to rek^eve it took some of k^airfaxes S' X. Byron & Willys taken w"' 8 Cornells — Ernely commes hopes to take Xantwich Brouorhton Tillier & Vauohan landed & sent towards Shrewsburve Fairfaxes accompt of Cheshire Estate of Cheshire & Shropshire at L'^ Capell's coming He invites the Prince thither; he invites the Prince acfain Lancashire & Cheshire in Capells April 4 1643. Brereton Sir \V. Fairfaxes accompt. Brereton besieged in his howse ; able to hold out for 6 or 7 dayes Feb 20 1643, 1642 Broughton & Tillier w^ 1800 by list & S^ W. Vaughan w^^ 300 horse landed about time, of princes setting out of Oxford. These sent to Shrewsburye 1 March 2 1 643 March 23 Newark. March 7 Newark Sollicites forayd J any 31 Stale of it and Lincolnshire April I 1644 April 9 April 26 Latham besiijed : see Bvron's letter. The Prince ^"oino- to Xewark left Bvron at Chester, & ordered a i)artye of horse to go releive Latham, saves Derbv's letter but bv March 23 they were too close about the house. See Derbye's letter Axholme quitt, whence Meldrum forced S' John ?^Lagney & his horse about Jan : 24, 1643— a litde before this gatt they Gains- borow. S' Charles Lucas sent to the Xorth (after Towcester) called to Doncaster. Lincoln when taken. See Commissioners letters Jan 31 Lincoln & Gainsborow quitt. Porter called awav bv Newcastle— Commissioners of Lincolne Lincoln Estate Crowland beseiged. State of the North. Implore Princes ayd April I & ]\ Larch 29 then Newcasde offers prince the command. « J ^1 LETTERS FROM WILLIAM BENETT TO HIS MOT?iER, MRS. BENETT, Norton Bavent. [No. 57.; Hon'^ Mother I had writt to you as soone as I came to Towne but y' I thought you would have y= newes of y"^^ progation of y' Parliam' before my letters could come to y' hands ; but now there is some latter newes w^'' i)raps you have not heard, & y' Is a second pte to y= olde tune of Shameing y= Plott ; by suborneing of Wittnesses to sweare severall things whereby to asperce & cast an odium on y' Duke of Monmouth & severall other Peeres, thereby to lighten y= burthen of y" Papist Lords, y= pticulers of y' story I cannot give you, but this is certaine y" Mr Christian one y'' belongs to y= Earl of Danby is taken into custody, & it is s'^ y' Blood is likwise appre- hended, for v= same fact w"' three or fowre more, this is all at psent,' with my humble duty to yo' self & due respects to all my relations, wisheing all happinesse to attend you, I take my leave & remain Your most dutifull Sonn WM. BENETT Jan 31st 1679 [No. 58.] Hon'' Mother This last weeke I writ to you to desire a returne \ 72, for some mon(-\", but now \'oii need not send anv bill, for ?^Ir Cra\- is in bnvnc v."^ I shall be suppl\-cJ by him. I doc thiiikc^ to be ''in mv iournev towards voii on Thiu'sdav V" lotli instant, (if I can make rcadv v' busincssc bv x' tMiic) tlicrcioro 1 would ha.vc mv horse to meet me at BasinLTStoake on v' dav, if you doe not heare from me to y" contrary, by y"" next post. This day y" King in Councell declared y" Parliam^ to be desolved, & y' a new one shall meet y" seventh of October. Heare ha\"e ben a report y' there was an at- tempt made u|)on y" Kin^-'s })son to kill him, at Windsor, but I thinke there is little truth in it : if vou heare of a small Prophett y' is lately come to towne, about 3 years old, & three f)ot high, y' can spc^ake all languages as }'ou may take m\- word f)r it. y' it is a l)-e, for, there is noe more in it but this, y' fithei' or some other pson soe soone as )" childe could speake hath taught it some few words of Latine cK: Greeke. Thus w'' my duty to yo' self rmd kinde respects to all my relations. I take leave <^ remaine \(y most dutifull Sonn WM. PEXETT July y' loth, 1079 These ffor his honor' mother Mrs. Elizabeth Benett at Norton Bavent nere Warminster Wilts. [Xo. 59. Hon'' Mother Yesterday in ye aftcrnoone I came to London, W \n 1 .11 my journey was somethlnc,^ stornicy untlll I came to Gosper nere Portsmouth, w Ms a place lately fortilird both a-s^ ye land <^ sea. V' sea fcjrts Ka^s conveniently to Im[)ede ye passa-tj of shii)S y^ shall couk; Into y^ harbor bevoncl lV)rtsmouth eK: y' land works may serve to secure those forts if any enemy should land at ye back of them. Portsmouth its<:lfe is very strong and they are hard at work to make it stronger. I suppose you have heard of ye Parli}:XXErT Tu c^ njjWA. iu:xi: i T. i^rom Sturmister Mill. Oct°ye 1. 7: D' ir Cosin lliu iVair hath now brought the good newes that ( ) ■ erton writelnges are found ; he will give you a ffarther account of that. Cosin a peice of land that I very well k^^ow, is now to be sold, all good pasture ground & noe doubt in the tide I alwayes tooke it to be under set at least 10/. per ann : it lyes in Marnhull parish, yet but a mile from Margrett Marsh, I suppose nothinge can be bought that wil be more certaine of a good tenant, to take any time what soever, & noe danger of payment of y^ rent, it is one Mr. Joanes land of Lime a very rich man, & right honest worthy gendeman, he did not set ii to sale, but I desired Mr Burbidge his brother in Law to aske him whether he would part with it, he have sent me a price, & I shall speake with him myselfe next weeke about it, the value of ye land as now set is a hundred & five pounds per ann. S' yf you have noe desire to purchese, I doe by noe meanes endeavor to pswade you unto it ; yet pray give mee a line by y^ very next post, in answere unto this, yf it be noe kindnesse unto you a freind of mine I very well know will gladly accept it, you are to take notice y' there is noe house on y' land, my most faithfull service p'sented unto all r very good freinds, I meane those what went unto ;X a with you. for ever y^ same whilst yo' Unckell WILL BENNETT 81 [No. 62.] Sn..iti<'n (). 10 \- A wensday last I was at \- v;!- ffu-nv it (odford, & the next morn ; Jefer\- X: 1 w is ihere againe but to noe purpose at all ; for Mr ingrum & some others ; have quite altered y^ ffarmer last resolves for the errable that belongs to y^ farme the Cow Lease & house was the only bargaine he now p'^ferred rent for, that I did not thinke fit to consent unto & soe we parted, he beinge willinge to speake with you about y^ errable & Cow lease. Cosin I am told y^ ffarmer Shephard of Litle Ambesbury, wants a ffarme at this instant of time for his Lanlord have sold that he now lives in, & y^ pur- chaser comes to live in y^ farme I have sent unto him about yo"" haveing some acquaintance with him myselfe the onely thinge I doubpt of yf it he comes to view your farme, is the very meanesse of your house & a stable not fit for any good cart horse to stand in, I thinke it wil be some what hard to gett a good sufficient tenant, to be pleased with y^ house & much more dislike unto y^ stable, I shall make it part of my buishnesse to set your ffarme against you come downe. Sir Your sistere Patience desires me to p^sent her humble service to her freinds & shee likewise intreats my Bro. Matth : Bennett & your advice as in relation \o Mr. Bishope & herselfe noe nuptiall vow is to be made, but with your good likeinge his estate I have seen about five hundred & fiftie pounds p an ; engagements are not fit to be named on Letters, yf you please a line in answere is desired to her concerne. Jefery p^sent his M 82 humble service, & desired me to satisfie my deare Cosen, & yo Lady with what she desired, sheepe bought at Shrowton 1080 at 10' a peice more at Shrowton 40 at 7/6 a peice 10 shillinges giv"" back againe 100 sheepe from Stofton farme 1 1' a peice 100 sheepe from y" Unuui Turke 12' a peice from John Imprum 80 sheepe I 2 I peice in the whole 500 sheepe 2 hundred sold from Codhad cii 14 a peice the same W. B. [No. 63.] East Orch, June ye 13, 78. I have yo"^ of ye 11 now before me, and Mr. Churchill or by his order shal be payd loolb upon sight. Jeffrey Long is now with me, he canot returne you any mony, I have ordered him to bringe what mony he can make upp, unto Mr. Dibben and myself a Satterday next, wee will returne it unto you, (yf possible to be done) I \ Cirryer, yi not otherwise. Sir I most heartily thank you, in relation unto your very kindp nroferr, to doe my sone the honor as to be liken notice oi; by soe very great psons (yf you please) pr.iy doe ^ i mention any thinge unto him, untill you here aeaine from me about it, yf it were possible to in ike him a prebend of Gloster, ye next turne / falls, noetiiiii^o soe good for him as I thinke. 1 have spoken with Mr. Dibben alreadie about account nc n 11 speake with him againe to morrow. I could wish ;{:-. Dibben was psnt when your account is ,1 It L rm h i, very much imployed, & you best know nh :h Mr W iie can well goe through with it. 83 S' I sent you a lett : ye last weeke, I doe not finde by yo'^ that it came unto yo hand, it was to minde yo of 100/. I payd unto Mr. Dibben, which you pmised to pay, when I last saw you, & made my account with you, Tom ffarr being psent, and when I came to pay Mr. Dibben y^ 100/. I was in your debpt, he told me he wanted y'' other 100/. also, & I payd that 100/. likewise, but without yo order & soe I borowed it. by reason Mr. Cheswell failed of payinge in mony to pay Mistris Pile, as you had ordered Mr. Dibben and myselfe to receive, I sent a lett about it 2 months since and mentioned y^ same unto you, but rec^ no answere unto y^ pticular. Mr. Bower have not payd his lOolb as yet by reason I had not y^ mortgage I would not take it, I thinke he will pay in but 100/. of 200/. due, I have credit enough but forth of mony at present. My ffaithful service psented is all at psent from Your ever obliged Unckell, WILL BENNET. When the good Deane of Gloster comes unto London he wil be willing to doe any thinge in his power as to procure y^ next grant for a prebend, but these are great favors, to hard I doubt for me to obtaine : my Bro. Matth once prmised to move the speaker in it. [No. 64.] East Orch, Jann. y^ 7, 78. Deare Cosin, I rec^ yo""' but this morn : Yo Mother hath taken Mr. Bury 300/. into her hands & taken it as her owne mony ; but yf you write a line unto her, she will deliver 84 ye 300/. unto Mr. Dibben & he will pay it as you shall give order. Coll. Butler mony is altogeather uncertaine when to be payd, yf you will be pleased to write unto ^ - '' :^ t;: better. Air. Bower gave notice of paying III K'Ui 100". ^ ^ --- --'^ ' ' to you once before about a lool. I pa\e ([ tint ) Mr. I^:.■ n f r \ ou, since we accounted... \v;i> > ir l.u,v LI Lf ' 1 Mi>tri> I'iir- th'- (Li\' wlif'n a''"m! Wf nt tV, .•>^ s you (>c I acciHinica, Ti,m \\.>r L.-hi^r th.^i p'-M^nt, a: iih'VK was iOo/.t}u:n diu- uium \-.)u frn:]] m.^ winch y^u nnlrTcd mc to [Kiy unto Mr. Dihbcn. Cv vou th<-!i snxd \nu would take course to [)a\- him yo other loo/. hut when I caiUf! unto Mr. Dibben to pay my 10x3/. he tobl lue tliat he had not rec- y" 100/. of you. S')e I pa\d him without \-o order & borrowed y'" 200/. Hkewise without yo order also, this I sett lorth at len^i^^h by reason you answered not a word unto that part of my lett : which was sent 3 weeks since yf you doe not remember it, I hope \" same account is to be found, I have it all upon my booke. As to all other concerns in yo lett : I will most dllligently observe. Mr. Dibben is not at home but after I have rec' yo^ next, a full account of what you have now WTitten unto me about shall be given you, my ffaithfull service unto my good Cosin y' Lad)', for ever ye same whilst your Unckell. WILL BENNETT. Yf my good sister Matt^' be wdth yo, pray p'sent my service unto her and let know Capt. Blewcoate is very well. 85 [No. 65.J East Orch May y^ 31 79 Deare Cosin, In my last unto you I desired a kindnesse yf it lay in your way for my Unckell Mr John Snouk which is bearer hereof, he is a very honest man i^: I hope will pforme his duty well in any place he shall undertake, yf ' a \'f"' you can doe him an\' kinuuesse, ii ^\ H fawa- uiiiij nan, c\: ^liall alwayes be acknejcd^i 'd by Yo*" obhe^ed idu keil C\: Ser\aiani WILL BLXN]-:Td\ it is my L Chancellor that have tlie i^ift of those fjebend^ places at Cde.-^iiu" 1 raiel}' Jiiinda; it but doe not ikittor mysolk: that I have any ho})es to p"\'aile some of my Cosin D freinds hath told me lie will bee-in his shute aci\aine. but I am told mony n'rowes short with him. his wdttnesses had monv bofore hand last time, yet his Bro. Roots his ffunih' is now kept most [)art by y" all parish Charitie & Ids other witnesse is sayd by all that knowes him that Lovell Wdnterburne nor any Weekes in Shafton can come neare him yf he be told his story right, he is your Bro. D' Baliffe at y"" Devises & was sent by his master imto my house a purpose to know^ me & there was never a better fury packed as Tom Beach that know- them all saycs, & It cost him a great deale of mony, one of his Cablnett Consell hath told me all passages, & how Roots came to sweare I made y"" pmlse at Mr Davy house, where I never saw him ; I think my Bro : was fully satisfied of ]Mr. Roots before those dayes & he was not likely to send me to treat with him. But as Mr. Eyers sayd he will sweare any thinge, yf he coidd but tell what will doe It, my service to yo Lady & my good Sister. W.B. 86 [Xo. 66.] Shnpton Ja y" 15 80 Good Cosin I rcc" noe answcrc unto my last letter pray be soe kind by ye next. I ha\e now g()tten a returne for yo roo/. and for a 100/. more for my P>ro' Matth Bennett use I have sent ye 200/. bill inclosed, pray send me Mr. Palmer receit for my 100/. rec" for my Bro. Matth Bennett use, assone as he have rec ' y'' mony. I am to mett your tenant at Salisbury ^Mundav next, In (M'der to V settin^-e yo ffarme at Codford. 6 or 8 of yo vcr)' good freinds and myselfe am nowdrlnking-e your good health in a^glasse of good sacke. I want Mr. Palmer receit for y fifteen pounds that yo. Bro. Burgc rec' of me. I mentioned y" same in my last, but want yo answere, IMr ffreke is now at home, I intend to wayte on him tomorrow my service unto all our freinds in hast from Your obliged Unckell y' same WILL BENNETT [No. 67. Deare Cosin Salisbury Ja y^ i8/'So I was yeasterday with Col Butler (and I take him to be declininge apace as to his health) I modestly demaned yo 60/. due for interest for which he gave me a bond when he payd y^ principall mony, he have pmised & failed me, from time to time this 12 months, & now he have named two dayes viz^ Saterday come se night, 20/. and the rest at Lady day next I wish he may be well ^s- to pay both these payments himselfe, I will take what care in me lyeth about this concerne. S' I mett yo Codford tenant & Jeffery at Salisbury this dav. Mr Tho Beach his wife belnoe sicke could not come, after many words & longe winded discourses wee airreed. 1 have sett vo iTarme for three yeares for two hundred & sixtie pounds p ann. I have tyed y" ffarmer from shroudini'-e v' trees in \'" home or less ffarme; close, which ou^rht to a been taken care of In his last lease, I have also made him release his psent right in y" shrowdes now ixrowInQf on those trees, which are his owne by his lease I hope It wil be as well, as to keepe y" sheepe slio;ht in hand, & now wee are not bound to keep a number of sheepe, at deere rates as formerly That was more than 10/. p ann. advance to the rent of y' flarme you are to have securitle good enough for payment of rent. I was Sunday last at Shrowton Mr. ffreke speakes very kindly, & affectionately of you he told me y' you had spoken some what unto him about yo p'scntatlon of Chesleborne parsonage yf you have a resolve to p'sent him w^ith It I wish would be soe kind as to send a letter directed unto him by Will Matth y'^ Caryer and y^ p^'sentatlon also, that I may have y' favor to deliver It in yo name, it will come timely enough yf you send it to me by Matth. This returne you are to take notice by the bill I sent you now by Will Matth. Satterday next y'' 200/. is to be called for Yo Unckell y'^ same WILL BENNETT. N.- o i Xo. 6S.] Shafton, J a y" 22/So Deare Cosin An answere unto yo^^ reed Thursday as I came from Salisbury (I sent you a lett from thence, my buish- nesse there) I called at Shafton, and n^sentlv mv I^ro'' T T I ^ J Hurman & Mr. Mayor came and shewed me your Lett, they p^sently went both of them downe to :\rr. Wittaker, he answered as formerly, ^ yf y^' towne thought fitt to chuse him, he was willinge to serve them, how farr y^ will p^-aile I know not. But wee thought it y-' best wa)- to send for 20 or 30 of our cheifest freindes c^- to make them acquainted with yo. intention to serve them againc^ y{ the\- pleased ; & I desired them to comuncate )'our intention to reste of all those y' gave their vo\-ces for )-ou last time, this was our whole buishnesse Thursday afternoon, part of y' night, and Fryday & this morninge also ; we fmde them all, (save one) to stand very ffaithfull)-, & we have 10 or 12 voyces more than formerly. This day I saw S"" Matth: Andrew's letter to Mr. Mayor, and he writes very kindly to his ffreindes, and intends to come and visitt them In pson. I am very con- fident noe one pson is able to stand in competion with you ; but when S^ .Matth And. comes and phapps treat high I am confident Mr. B. will court him to joyne with hmi ; and this may putte us to trouble & charge and some hazard, pray consider you y"- part and weigh It very well. S"" \Vm. Murrell wayte on old Grove at fil^rne yeasterday, and they present their service unto you & nothlnge shal be wantinge in them to doe you any service. 89 Wee have a speech about towne of Mr. ffownes to stand, but 1 give noe credit to that report as yet. Mr. (jraye rec' a Lett, from my L'' of Shaftesbury* to this effect that, he thought y\r. Wittaker, and your selfe very fitt psons to serve y" Towne and Mr. Wittak * At the period tliis letter was written Lord Shaftesbury was re- garded as the leader of the Protestant |)arty in the liouse of Lords, 'J^he l\arliament liad been dissolved on the iSth January, 1681 (1680, Old Style), and a new l^trliament was sinnmoned to be lield at Oxford on the 2ist ^Lirch following. During the precechng session there had been stormy discu.-,sions up(jn (juestions of religion, the Pui)i^h Plot and the bill for excluding the Duke of Vork. on the ground of his religion, from his succession to the throne ; and now Shaftesbury u>ed every etfort in his power for accomplishing the same objects. Li Lord Shafte^bury's Life, by the late Ah'. Chrbuie. are to be found several traces both of Sliafter^bur)-'-. action at this particular moment, and of his correspondenre with Mr. Penett. On the fjrmer of the^e point- it maybe well to rekr to >ome instruction.-^ whicii ;i|)j)arenii\- were drawn uj> l)y liim tor tlie meml)er> of ParliairieiU suiumoued ;u Dxford. Thev consisted of tour heads ;— •' Lirst, We ail expect that \ou siiould, to the last, insist lor a ijili to exclude the iJuke of \'ork 1»}- name, and all other l\)p!sh su(-cessors, trom coming to tiie Imperial Crown of this realm. Secondl)-, i'hat you insist u}jon an adjustment to l)e made be- twixt the King's prerogati\-e of .calling, proroguing, and dissohmg l*ar- liaments. and the rights of the people to }ia\-e annual Pariiameiits to despatch and |)rovide for those important affurs and business that can nowhere else be taken care oi] for, without the certaintv of l*arlia- ments meeting in due distance oi time from each other, and their sitting so long as shall l)e necessary for the de-patch of the aiVairs (.)f the nation, it is not ])Ossible but that our laws, liberties, lives, and estates should become in a short tune at the will of the Prince. Tinrdly, W'e ex})ect you should restore us to tliat liberty we and our forefathers ha\-e enjoyed, until tliese last lorty years, of being free from guards aiid mer- cenary soldiers ; it being the m.separable right of a free nation that they themselves, and no sejjarate number of paid or hired men, should have the guard of their own Prince, government, and laws. Lastly, Although we mention these three particulars as most nL-cessar\- to us, vet there are several others of great imi'ortance whu h v.-e leave to yoiu- wisdoms ; assuring ourseh'es that, until )-ou ha\"e fully })ro\-ided iLir a ( omjilete security against Poiicry and arbitrary power, you will not give anv of our money."" In January, 1678, Lord Shaftesbury wrote to his steward : — "' You must remember to make up the account with Mr. Dibbons, and pay him N 90 resolves as I unde-r.^tand imt to spend anv ivj>ncv ; I am some what in doubt (altho h.- wdl d^'^.Tve> iij thai will very hardly doe y' biii-hn^'sse effVaaiialK'. I hope you hnvr rcc' m\- Sa]i.sl)ur\- Lett, and vi "^ ^ J you intend to p'sent our Ijest freind with \vh;it I desired, pray let it be sent safe unto mv hand, with vou Lett, unto him I doe not feare his kindnesse in any piicular yf occasion require. Vale Yo Unckell v' same whilst WILL BEXXb:TT I have just now seen S"" ^Litth And : Lette*r he doe not positivelv say that he will come unto Shafton I Xo. 6(;.l East Orchard, Ja y" 29. So. Deare Cosin, Mr. Mayor and mv Bro. Hurman was at I farcrrove with me yeasterday; and wee had yo ^klnda)• letter before the remainder of Mr. Bennett's interest money according to the note I gave you." And it will l)e seen, on reference to Letter Xo. 64, that Mr. Dibbon was in correspondence with William Bennett on monetary affairs. There is also, on the 28th August, 1675. a long letter from Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. Benett, givmg an ac( ount of a (juarrel which he had had with Lord Digby, arising out of the Shaftesbury election in that year. This letter will be found in the Api/endix. It a])pears also that in a debate on the Exclusion Pull, Mr. Benett stated there '' was no time to seek for means in the future : whirh mu^t be understood and distant ; and that it would be much surer and more advanta^^eou^ if the King of England had already a son capable of succeeding him." This refers to Charles's natural son, the Duke of Monmouth, who, it was proposed by the extreme party, should be recognised as legitimate, and therefore as next heir to the throne. Mr. Benett spoke a second time in the debate—'^ If you will have the Duke of York come to the Crown, as other kings do, speak plain English. If you intend that, I will prepare to be a Papist." 91 ,a. us; m wliicn wcr wore fullv satislu-d. \-' niv Ldt chued unto \-o tlii> da\- scni<'-ht was to ureat a weiu'-ht for Shakes! )ur)' post to carr\', for I sealed mv lett with 2 scales and very fast in waxe. Under y*" paper wdiere it was sealed I thtai irott Mr. Richard Bur^-e to deliver y"-' lett unto y" post master, by reason ffrankling" sone is now an apprentice with him. But ^\\\ Bu: would warant this lett should i^oe safe. I told him not soe for two scales bem'tts a ereat jealosie <^ that blowini^e this lett upp it wotild not be sealed againe ; soe stands y"" case and I thinke much y'^ better, for all y' heads of buishnesse in y' lett folio wes I there told \'ou comeinci"c^ Thursda\" from Sails- ])ury 1 mett with Mr. Maxorev my I]roiher I hn" after some debate, thev went downo tmto Mr. Wdttakcr house, and camo backe unto me againe, c2~' then told mi: Mr. Wdtt wotild ser\-e \' towno )■' thev chuseo him IreoK', l)ut noe rand\' nor ])relence to an\" such thiuL'e. I told \'oii also how farr \'' would ])rvaile I knew not. I then told vou y' wee sent tmto luost part of y'- masters, Ah'. Murrell and al)otU ;o more of our best and leadin^"e vovces & shewed yo lett tmto them, or read it which I thinke was better. Upon otir desirc^s they made all y' rest of our freinds acquainted with vo: resolve & v"' next dav most of them came unto me to Ned Willes & ftillv asstired me y' all your last \-oyces save but one stood most faithfully to }"0U, and i 2 new voyces added. I there told you also that otir old Cosin Gro\-e and his Sone sent there man imto me with full assurance of their freindes assistance, this beino;e well considered. I conhdentlv told vou that noe one pson could stand in competion wath you. Altho Mr. B's servant talked abroad in towne n' ^00/. was lavd aside for y" good use of randy worke, & their agents Mr. 92 Windcll (^ several! others was wry rarly alnnit Unvne & privately used all waycs (^ nicaiKjs hut I suppose to litle purpose. And 1 thinke m\- Katcr which nio.^t likely fell open at post house })\- re-asun of two seales did noe harme at all. I like wise sayd yf any dans^^er were possible to be foreseen it must he Sir And and Mr. B. to joyne togeather there may be some hazard. I hope wcc are able to with stand that also, in a word I canot yet fore see but you are very safe. I have been at 5/. charge alreadie and y^ sume hath not been throwne awa\-. Sir Matt Andrewes hath sent 3 lett to Mr. Ma\or and offers to come downe, yf an\- good encouragment be returned but y^^ old bills must firs tbe paxed my Ih'o liu: lett dated this day unto >ou phapps will give you a more full account S^ altho I written 3 times, to know whether the 15/. that Mr. Burge man ordered to l)e payd in unto Palmer was rec'^ for I payd yo Bro Burye y money, & have noe bill that Palmer rec^^ it, pray doe not forgett itt to write me word, and )-ou never answere one word about y^ psentation of Chesleborne. Mr. ffreke told me you sayd some what to him about it doe as you please, but pray write me such a lett y^ I ma)- shew unto him, I well know y^ Mr. ftVeke will not be any way earnest to desire it unlesse you are very willinge to part with y' p''sentn, but he will have some reason to thinke that I had not yo order to tell him that )ou were well pleased he should have it. I thinke on better tearmes you can never part with it. S^ in your last written by Tom ffarr he told me of mony to be payd in by Starre unto Mr. l^dmer. I have Palmer's recet for 58/. and payd Starre his monv, 93 but 1 had sent x'ou more nionv beiore then I liad ot yd' in niv hands, sor- tliat I tooke veastcrdav liltir (di^lit pounds of Mr. ddio. Oiijorn. and |)misi'd tliat Tom ilarr should pa\- liis Bro \" like sume in London. I'ray tin-e 4 dayes to Ionise ; 20 times at least ho forswore that as wee drunke a pint of wine by ourselves. I asked him about Mr. Hyde comeing-. and upon my request he shewod me Mr. Hyde lett : to him seltV. in which he desires his humble service unto Mr. B excused his comeino-e y^ day. but will come very speedl)-, and pay his thcankes unto Mr. B. and all his ffreindes whc-ther he will come tomorow I canot judge ; but I thinke he have very litle hopes at Hindon : yo^ ffreindes all advise for yo : speedie comelnge downe and we canot avoyd to water yo voyces tomorow altho it cost 10/. pra)- give yo full advice by the next. Vo Unck : y--' same WILL BEXXET. y "^ Xo. ;i.] Shaftesburv ffebr : y" 2; 80 Deare Cosin The pleasure Mr. Mayor my Bro Hurman my selfe & many more of yo ffaithfull freindes have had wthin this 16 dayes you canot imagine. Randyes upon randyes, all sorts of trecherous designes layd, to lessen vo interest in v'^ opinion of \'o' freindes, but ^'our orreat enimves in the towne, & beneath v" hill have missed their confident desio^nes. for wee discovred their under ground mines, and countermines which would iill upp this sheet of paper to sett forth, but I have done about that, and am now come to our yeasterdays election. S' noe sooner was pclamation made but Mr. Hener\' Voune-e \-'" infornier falls more borowed that day ioginy(\s but 3 6 of this left that we spent. You canot be mon^ troubled in readinge this letter then 1 was in my mind to pay itt. altho I durst not shew it to much. ^h'. Xapper payed more, better let that alone. I rcced 2olb of Collo Buder lolb of ffarmer I GO Hiaiitlh )r i 1 1 l>UtirrJf ffr UL'il \'t: re- t h H' I oil ) >,'■ ) 1 ,1^1 rt'Ci 'i\-t tl 11 L J i J n t as vet (>i ir: ran(,.l\' mor ybasfly >p.MU. Sir Matt: ( w A ndrew w r r iv'(' loifja \-('ar f< >r cx-cr to a ^chooj e ni.i^icr to teach n boys to rcadc and write, to fitt to mak r oorc on in the a oote of HtiL'-h it '■ a[){)rent!ces [read r\'es acquittance. I ni:5 ac([uittanee is lost, [N ( ). - , "1 4-J h' fi eai i art that firettio w ei 1 cis to \' V 1 k. ()Ut hi I c iLKt 'S Ot \' ( ) h tto\'fr reinaincs still witli \"Oll a\-e a I'-ood heart, t 1 h s IS noe nil )r(. th. pray v] w :th all en wnat is \-" sanii psons \v patience all w kind to ^ th us. that ha\-e had v'-' (u ver, have but ill cioe ver\' \v Sir Andre wes IS very towne ot Shafton !i e sen< les (1 ever\- weeke to our Cosin Mr. Mavor it owne \"' votes Mr. Mavor at t was moved ov own^ H all lor a lett. of thankes to 1 )(i returned to S' Matth And ao-reed of \-' same. rcwo>, I think it w; IS not fulU- 1^ 1^ E N D I X Vo L 1 1 O n eke 11 R: S ervant WdLL ni-:.\.\iArd rh: s i> onl\- a fraL-'mein oi ■tter ■] i A V P E X D I X, "August 28, 1675. " Mr. Bennett,— I cannot but give you an account of the affair between me and my Lord Digby, it being come to that height to which my Lord Digby's ill- temper hath brought it. Mr. Mussy, whose mistake and natural o-ood humour and particular kindness to me hath blown this coal, delivered me a letter from my Lord Digby to this effect : that upon the discourse of Colonel Strangways being made a Peer, who is just dead, the gentlemen of the country at the assizes had importuned him to serve as their Knight of the shire in his room, and desired my concurrence. I writ no answer neither then nor since to my Lord's letter ; but in as civil terms as I could, and suitable to the respect I bore my Lord's quality and relatives, I told Mr. Hussy that the Intimate friendship was between me and ?slr. Freke would not permit me to give an answer until I knew^ his mind, for, If he stood, I and my litde Interest must certainly be for him. I saw not Mr. Hussy after that, until I met him in Guissage Street, where there passed no more words between us, I being in a coach and he on horse- back, but that I told him Mr. F'reke did not stand, and I knew no opposition to my Lord. The Saturday after, at the usual meeting at Blandford, the discourse amongst us was that my Lord Digby had nobody stood against him, but that we were all for him, as Indeed I was at the time, but we neither obliged one another nor any of ourselves to my Lord or any of his agents that I know of, nor there was no one there that appeared to act on I04 my Lord's behalf; so that all was mere discourse, and no obligation upon any, and )-ou are my witness that I have no reason to be obliged, since I proposed both unto Sir William Portman at the hunting and to the company at Mr. Freke's afterwards, that we mioht send to my Lord DIgby and the gentlemen of the West to give us a meeting at Blandford, and there unanimously and friendly agree on the election, which was not liked, and so I desisted. The day after that meeting at Blandford I had advice from a very good hand that my Lord DIgby would not prove as some of us expected ; upon which Mr. Whitaker doing me the favour to come over and dine with me. he may remember that I then told him I had great doubts concerning my Lord DIgby and of the designs of some of our great men above, and the correspondence my Lord had with them. Upon this I sent to xMr. Browne of Frampton, to persuade him to stand, which he refused. Mr. Moore was then at Tunbridge Wells, and since his return myself and several of the gentlemen and freeholders of the county have prevailed with him to appear, but he declares that if Mr. Freke will yet please to stand, he will sit down and give his votes for him, for what he doth Is merely for the service of the country ; but I thouoht it an unreasonable thing to send to you or any other of my friends (with the advantage of time that m)' Lord DIgby had without a competitor had pre-engaged) to ask your civility unto him, until I was sufficiendy enabled to make appear how lltde he was like to answer those expectations you had of him, and what were the condi- tions of your being for him, but this my Lord hath sufficiendy done to my hands; for meeting him yesterday by accident at Ferndltch Lodge, before a great deal of company and ladles, he quarrelled with me for beln^r 4^ 105 against liim. and told me that he was for the King and his countr)-, and that I was again.st the Kin"- and for a commonwe-alth, and that he v.-ould have mv head the next Parliament, and all this. notwiUistandln^- 1 had met him some da) o b^^H^re at Bowridgc and told lilm thai the reason I was not for him was that I was assured he was not for me, and tliat he had not dealt well with me to expect and seek m\' assistance whilst he kept a corre- si)ondence and was of the interest with some persons he well knew of; but niy wife being then in the coach, I told him that whene\er his Lordship would give me aPi honest discourse, I would sufiiclently convince him thcU he had done me tlie injury in endeavourin-- to make ill use of me to serve that interest, and that otherwise I liad that respect for him. being ;i noble- man, and that might be of so great use to the King's service and public In.terest. that I should ever desire to ha\-e ;i'l possil)le respect paid him by good men. Xow, Mr. Ilennett, judge you, if this be the case, as I have twenty witnesses, whether all honest men that love their country are not disengaged from their proniise to him, nay radier. whether they are not obliged to oj^pose him, unless the}- mean his person and not the- public interest. It is not my quarrel, for. as for what concerns me, I shall present))- seek a jjublic re|)aratIon. Sir, I have no more to sa)- but that \-ou will please to communicate this unto the rest lA mv friends. " I am, '• Vour very affectionate friend and Servant, " SH AFTLSBURY." n WVMAN AND SON'S, rRlMPR^, GRICAT QUEEN Sfkntl, LINCOLN'^ l.\\ fiei. LUNDO.V, U.C. \ COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES llillill 1010673458 9a2,062 Io3 APR 2 3 t97l m^^rn WMj^^^^^^^^^^^m h"^ Wi^i .V>I? I^^m: -"St '-5'**;*;' IV\., .:«si" *: v^.*^ !^-.'S-»«i.V •.^y»/ is :i|^ ^ 1^ "HV ■'V o^',"^ ^ ^, •:•■.*•