MA S TER NEGA TIVE NO. 92-81105 MICROFILMED 1993 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project" Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that the photocopy or other reproduction is not to be "used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research." If a user makes a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excess of "fair use," that user may be liable for copyright infringement. This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: MAITLAND, SAMUEL R. TITLE: FACTS AND DOCUMENTS PLACE: LONDON DA TE : 1832 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROF ORM TARHFT Master Negative # Restrictions on Use: Original Material as FUmed - Existing Bibliographic Record 11 938.14- Maitland, Rov. Sjamuelj Rjoffeyj. 1792-1866. JVuco Pacts and documents illustrative o? the his- ; tory, doctrine and rites of the ancient Albigenses 4 ' Waldenses. London 1832. 0. 6 + (2] + 546 p. i8yir>« • MMMMMM . ^:m «« i..t . I ^ .. . . , • J * '* '•'^-*^ ■■ ■^ (■^ ^ itti^mj^m^^t^gt^ .^^^md TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO: ^A^ FILM SIZE:_5S>>7i23- IMAGE PLACEMENT: IA'CJIA^IB IIB DATE FILMED: ZzJ.^jfl3 rNITIALSjo^-^.?^ FILMED BY: RESEARCH PUBLICATTDNtS. 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MAITLAND. t • « LONDON: C. J. G. AND F. RIVINGTON, ST. PAUL'S CHURCH-YARD, AND WATERLOO PLACE; STRONG, BRISTOL AND EXETER; JEW, GLOUCESTER; AND TIMS, DUBLIN. MDCCCXXXII. / \ 311637 V PREFACE. Vj P ' V Printed by Edward Power, Gloucester. Many writers have supposed the Albigenses and Waldenses to be the Witnesses predicted in the Apocalypse ; and one of the most recent and popular advocates of this opinion is Mr. Faber ; who, in his Sacred Calendar of Prophecy, has endeavoured to maintain the high antiquity and orthodoxy of these sects. That part of his work being- comparatively new, and only published by him since I had ceased to think that any of the systems, founded on the mystical interpretation of the 1260 days, required minute examination, remained almost unknown to me until my atten- tion was recently called to it. Much as I had seen of the manner in which historical facts have been selected, distorted, and mis-stated, to sup- port the system of the 1260 years, it was not without surprise that I read the testimonies which Mr. Faber has adduced in support of his opinion; and I felt that it was due to the cause of truth, and to those who, not having the means of judg- 311637 ■V, IV PREFACE. ing for themselves, might be misled by positive assertion, and the appearance of argument and authority, to shew how utterly insufficient, and even irrelevant those testimonies were. Findmg, however, that I could not do this satisfactorily to myself, or with any hope of giving satisfaction to such readers as are worth writing for, without saying a good deal on the History, Doctrine, and Rites, of the sects in question— and being aware that some things were so much opposed to the popular belief, that I could not expect them to l)e received on my mere assertion— it appeared to me, that the best way would be to lay before the reader, the statements of such early writers as were within my reach— following, principally, the order of time. This I have done, and I can- not but hope that, by so doing, I shall not only execute my original design in the most satisfac- tory manner, but also contribute, in some degree, to illustrate a very interesting part of ecclesias- tical history, which has been, perhaps, more than any other, misrepresented. Viewed in this light, I trust that this volume may not be considered entirely useless, or unworthy of perusal, by some who are not interested in the question which 14 PREFACE. V gave rise to it. 1 am sensible that I might have made my cause more specious, by giving* the work a more systematic form, — that is, by common- placing the testimonies of writers, and selecting, under each head, just the words that suited my purpose. This would, in a great degree, have saved the reader the trouble of thinking, remem- bering, and judging— which, to say the truth, are just the things to which I wish to lead him, and for which I have endeavoured to supply materials. By the chronological arrangement which I have adopted, the subject will gradually open before him — he will see how far each ex- tract confirms or contradicts the preceding — and will be better able to judge of the value of each testimony, taking it as a whole, and considering it with its circumstances, than he would be if it were broken into parts, and dispersed through the volume. I could not discover any disadvantage suffi- cient to counterbalance these obvious benefits; but I am not insensible of one evil, which 1 have attempted to remedy. The same points are naturally taken up by various writers, and there- fore necessarily lie scattered in various places, so \* l\ VI PREFACE. that it might give the reader some trouble to form an opinion on the concurrence, or discre- pancy of testimony on any given point. This inconvenience, will, I trust, be removed by the index. To what T have said, p. 443 of translation, I feel it due to myself and my printer, to add, that in printing all extracts, and throughout the authorities, I have not only followed the text when evidently corrupt, (with the exception of some obvious misprints in more modern books) but preserved the punctuation, which will be found extremely faulty. I have often departed from it in translating, but when professing to quote the words of others, I have thought it best to give them as I found them. ■ ihi.ii»aiili«i.rill[^ Sac. Cal. iii. 22. He afterwards adds, that the " two churches must be two distinct ecclesiastical com- " munities, taken out of the great collective body of the " measured worshippers, which should, eminently and in " their corporate capacity as churches, bear their testi- " mony, though in a depressed and persecuted condition, " throughout the entire period of the latter 1260 years. *' What, then, are the two distinct churches which « answer to this description ? Where are we to find two '« churches or two ecclesiastical communities which, stand- " iiig upon the geographical platform of the Western B / /'^\ f/ 2 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. I. ** Roman Empire, have testified against the demonolatrous *' apostacy, not at this time or at that time merely, like ** many individuals before the Reformation and like vari- ** ous national churches after it, but unintermittingly during ** the whole period of the latter 1260 years ?" p. 23. Considering that, according to Mr. Faber's system, this latter period of 1260 years began A. D. 604, and has not yet run out, one would think that the matter was quite hopeless; but Mr. Faber is not daunted, and says, boldly, *' To this question I reply, that exactly two churches, and *' only two churches, can be found, which correspond with ^^ such a description : the church of the Vallenses and the *' church of the Albigenses." He then adds, that " the origin of these two " venerable churches is buried in the most remote antiquity^'' p. 24, and speaks of " the unanimous testimony to their high antiquity, which is borne " even by writers of the twelfth and thirteenth " centuries." p. 25. In order to prove these statements, he ad- duces certain Testimonies, whicli I proceed to examine in order. I. The first Testimony is that of an Inqui- sitor, which Mr. Faber extracts from a document printed in Allix's book on the Ancient Churches of Piedmont. He says, *' This person states, that, when in the thirteenth century *' the Albigenses were driven by the Crusaders from the *^ south of France, they fled to the valleys of the Alps. u u Sect. I.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 3 ** Here they joined themselves to a community professing " the same religious sentiments as their own : which com- " munity is described by the Inquisitor, as having then « existed, in the Piedmontese Valleys of the Diocese of *' Turin, FROM a period far beyond the memory of « MAN." p. 2.^. Afterwards, referring to this same testimony, he says, " The remnant of the Albigenses were, in the thirteenth « century, compelled by the Crusaders to emigrate from « the land of their ancestors. Thus circumstanced, they « sought refuge, as we learn from the direct testimony of « an ancient contemporaneous Inquisitor, among their Val- " lensic brethren : and thus the two churches became ter- " ritorially and ecclesiastically united, so that the one *' could not be extirpated without the other.'' p. 39. In a note on this passage, he adds, " The testimony, to the emigration of the Albigenses and to ♦< their junction with the ancient church of the Piedmontese ** Valleys, is so important, in regard to the accomplishment *' of prophecy, that 1 shall give it at large in the precise " words of the original.'' This testimony might be briefly disposed of, by saying, that, so far from being that of « an ancient contemporaneous inquisitor," it is, on the face of it, the work of some person living m, or after, the year 1489; for it recites matters which occurred in that year' —that whoever the writer * I do not know why AUix should have called this document " Scriptum In(][uibitoris cujuspiam anonymi de i / ■I : r. II 4 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES [Sect. I. may have been, and whatever opportunity he might have had of obtaining exact information respecting what had happened (even on Mr. Faber's supposition that he spoke of the Albi- genses) more than two centuries and a half before, he does not in fact say anything of Albi- genses or Crusaders — or of any community, of any kind, joining any other community. He simply charges the inhabitants of a certain valley with being heretics at that time, (certainly as late as A. D. 1489,) and with having been so from time immemorial, or (as he explains the phrase) upwards of a century ; and he traces the origin of the sect in those parts, to some fugitive Wal- densians who had been formerly driven out of Lyons. Valdensibus." Leger, as will be seen, attributes it to Albertus de Capitaneis ; and Perrin quotes it as his ; and I cannot help thinking that I have seen something to that effect^in Morland, though 1 cannot find it. In his account, however, of the manuscripts contained in the volume en- titled Codex G., Morland places this one as No. 3, and entitles it « A Latin Treatise called Origo Valdensium, et processus contra eos facti, a. d. 1501." I can scarcely suppose that, by the word " contemporaneous," Mr. Faber meant us to understand a contemporary of his own ; yet it would really be less incorrect to predicate that of the In- quisitor, than to represent him as " contemporaneous" with Simon de Montfort's Crusaders. The year 1501 was longer after the death of Simon de Moutfort, than before the birth of Mr. Faber. Sect. I.] REVIEW OF MR. FABERS TESTIMONIES. 5 As however I cannot expect or wish that the reader should believe, on my mere assertion, that Mr. Faber has so completely misunderstood a document on which he lays so nmch stress, I will here reprint all, and rather more than all, that he has extracted; and though the text is manifestly corrupt, and badly stopped, I will give it as it stands in Allix s book, from whence Mr. Faber professes to have taken it. By the side I will add Sir Samuel Morland's translation. Leger has inserted in his history what appears to be merely a French version made from Morland's translation without reference to the original, and which he entitles " Translation " d'un Manuscrit Latin, intitule Origo Walden- " sium, c'est a dire, TOrigine des Vaudois, et les " Proces faits contr'eus, compiles par Albertus de " Capitaneis, dont Toriginal est conserve a Cam- " brige." In fact, it is obviously one of the papers which fell into the hands of " the Sieur de Ca- lignon of happy memory," at the taking of Am- brun in 1585, as Perrin relates in the second book of his history; and whoever reads it will scarcely doubt that it was written when " there " were nominated for Apostolical Commissioners, *^ a certain Confesscr of the King's, and the Offi- " cial of Orleans, who arrived at Ambrun, upon " the fourth day of July, and in the year 1501." /. M .\\ 6 I 1: M REVIEW OF MR. FADER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. I. THE INQUISITORIAL DOCUMENT, As ffiven by A llix on the Churches of Piedmont, Oxford Edition, p. 324.— Oriflr. Ed. p. 297. Scrtptum InquisUoris cu- juspiam anonymi de Falden- sihus, ex Codice MS, G. in publica Bibliotheca Canta- brig. \]i vobis Reverendissimo in Christo Patri et Domino, Domino Rostagno Ebredu- nensi Archiepiscopo, vobis que Reverendis Patribus et Dominis Fratri Laurentio Cistaricensi Episcopo, et Thomae Pascalis, Orlianensi Offi- cial!, Commissariis Apos- tolicis, Regia et Dalphia- As given by Sir Samuel Morland in his History of the Churches of Piemontf Book 2, ch. i. p. 215. Translate of a Latin Ma- nuscript intituled Ori go Val- densium^ S(c, The Original of the Waldenses and the process against them. The true original whereof is to be seen^ together with the rest in the Public Library of the famous University of Cam- bridg. Vob is Reverendissimo ia Christo Patre et Domino, Domino Rostagno Ebre- dunensi Archiepiscopo, vo- bisque Reverendis Patri- bus et Dominis, Fratri Lau- rentio Cistavicensi Episco- po, et Thomas Paschali, cujus siqui- dem^ damnatissimsR hseresis cultores quibus' viri et mu- lieres Vallis Clusionis Tau- rinensis dioecesis^ et omnes mares et foeminaB Vallis FrayxineriaB, ac plures val- send other inferior pastors, created and approved by himself, (whom commonly we call Barbes) by two and two, to preach and teach the abovesaid Doctrine. Now these Barbes were wont to be created by their Great Master (or Chair- man) in the city of Acquila, in the kingdom of Naples, and in the creation of them there was wont to be great solemnity ; they had their names changed, when they were admitted to this office, in derision to the Bishop of Rome, to whose doc- trine and worship the fol- lowers of this most dam- nable heresie, namely, the men and women of the Valley of Clusone, in the know the word, and I believe it was unknown to Du Cange and his suc- cessors) I apprehend the translation should be *' so also this layman (or ** private person, having no ecclesiastical orders— or perhaps, what was ** much the same in those days, this illiterate person, knowing only the ** * sermo idioticus/ or vulgar tongue) and master of his beastly sect.*' Surely this is bad enough, without cramming curses into the Inquisitor^s mouth. ^ It seems evident that ** doctrinae*' is omitted, and that Morland read it. 7 For " quibus," of which I can make nothing, and which seems to be only in the way, I should like to read ** quidam*' as opposed to " omnes," and " plures," which follow. ^^-^ Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABERS TESTIMONIES. 1 1 lium Argenteria& et Loy- siaB Ebredunensis dicecesis a tanto tempore quod non est memoria hominum, in contrarium fuerunt proni^ plusquam centum numero ex ipsis sponte confessi fuerunt, sequentes articu- los contra fidem nostram, tenuerunt, tenentque, et immobiliter observant.* Et ut de eo constet et Jiqui- dius appareat, Procurator fidei^*' juncto Procuratore patriae et locorum circum- vicinorum patriae Brian- tonensis et Ebredunensis pro manutentione fidei Christians et honoris pa- triaa relevatione contra om- nes et siflgulos dictap Vallis Diocese of Turin, with all the males and females of the Valley of Fraissiniere, Argenteria, and Loysia, in the Diocese of Evereux, have time out mind, been contrary (as more than an hundred of them have con- fessed, and that of their own accord) in the follow- ing articles which are con- trary to the faith which they confess to have held, and which they inviolably observe. And that this may be evident and more clearly appear, the Procurator of the place and places there- abouts in the parts of Bri- anson and Evereux, for the maintenance of the Chris- tian faith, and for the ex- alting of his native coun- tries honour, against all and every one of the said 8 I think we cannot doubt that Morland read, and was right in read- ing, *< prout" instead of " proni." * Mr. Faber's quotation ends. »« Morland seems to have read Procurator loci ; or else to have om.tted this title altogether. 1 do not know what it means ; not having that I recollect, met with a Procurator Fidei in any proceedings, or account, of the Inquisition; however this may be, it is obvious that he was the person who on this occasion sustained the office of Promotor Fiscal. 12 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. II ^]' VrayxineriaB, dat et facit, sequentes titnlos> qnos pe- tit admitti ad probandum, citra tamen onus super- fins probatiouiSj ad quod se astringere non intend it, de quo et de expensis con- tra eos omncs et singulos soienniter protestatur. Imprimis ponit et dicit, ac probare intendit, quod ipsi homines vallis Fray- xinerise fuerunt a centum annis citra ultra ac per tempora ipsa et alia a tan- to tempore eujus initii me- moriabominumnon existit fuerunt et de praesenti sunt haeretici, et sequentes articnlos contra Catholi- cam fidem tenuerint et te- nent ; et hoc est verum, no- torium, publicum^ et mani- festum. Item et quod fuerunt et de V alley of Fraissiniere gives in and exhibiteth the fol- lowing articles, which he desires may be admitted for proof (to avoid the burden of superfluous proof, to which he intends not to tie himself) ; in reference whereunto, by way of charge, he solemnly pro- tests against them all, and each particular person. Imprimis, ponit et dicit et probare intendit, quod ipsi homines Vallis Fraxi- ninierae fuerint a centum annis, citra et ultra, ac, <&c. Imprimis, he ailegeth,and saith, and intends to prove, that the said men of the valley of Fraissiniere have been there this hundred years or thereabouts, for the said term, and beyond that, even time out of minde, have been, and for the pre- sent are, heretics, and have held, and do hold the fol- lowing points of doctrine, contrary to the catholic faith. And this is a truth, notorious, public, and ma- nifest. 2. Item, that at the pre- I! ^^ Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 13 praesenti sunt pro haereticis et Valdensibus habiti, tenti et reputati communiter, et ab omnibus de eisdem et eorum vita, moribus, et conversatione notitiam ha- bentibus ; et hoc fuit et est verum, notorium, publicum et manifestum. Item et quod de prsemis- sis fuit et est publica vox et fama, nedum apud circum- vicinos, imo et apud omnes a centum leucis et ultra" distantes a dicta valle ; et hoc fuit et est verum, no- torium, publicum, et mani- festum. I sent they are commonly held, esteemed, and reput- ed for heretics and Wal- denses, and that by all who have knowledg of them, their life, manners, or con- versation. This also hath been, and is a truth notori- ous, public, and manifest, 3. Item, that this hath been, and is the common voice and fame, not onely among their neighbours, but even among those that are more distant from the said valley, for the space of an hundred leagues round about, and upwards. This also is true, notorious, public, and manifest. \ ■ " It is observable, that when the Procurator, just before, speaks of « time immemorial Mr. Faber catches at the words, and says nothing of the qualifying « hundred years or upwards ;" and Leger writes in his margin « Antiquity des Vaudois derechef avoii^e ;'* though he, I should think, must have understood enough of the document to know that the avowal was not worth a farthing, except when thus used to catch the eye of a careless reader. But when, in the same rhodomon- tade style of special pleading, the Procurator goes on to declare that this was publicly reported « among all persons for the distance of a HUNDRED LEAGUES" round the valley of Fraissiniere, Mr. Faber stops short and says nothing about it j and Leger smooths it into " ecus qui sont eloignes dc ccs lieus-la." "^^ If 14 REVIEW OF MR. FADER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. Now let me ask the reader, how far this do- cument warrants such statements as I have already quoted from Mr. Faber's work ? or such as the following : ^^ It is true, that the Inquisitor imagines the name of ** Valdenses to have been derived from the name of Peter " Valdo : but then he ascribes this name, thus derived, '* not to the ancient Church in Piedmont, but to those of *' the Alhigenses, who joined themselves to that church when '* they had been expelled from the south of France by the " Crusaders of Simon de Montfort,"^^ Where, I repeat, does the Inquisitor say any thing of any persons but fugitive Walden- sians (not Albigensians) driven out of LyonSy by ecclesiastical persecution, (not from the south of France by the Crusaders,) and where does he even insinuate that they "joined themselves" to any churchy or found any man, woman, or child, in the caverns where they went to hide them- selves ? Again, at p. 28, Mr. Faber says, *' The above mentioned Inquisitor represents Valdo as the ** founder, not of the Vallensic church of Piedmont, ** (which he states^ in the way of a public and notorious fact, " to have existed in its alleged heretical state, from a time ** beyond the memory of man,) but of the Albigensic church *' of the south of France^ the members of which he describes <* as being vulgarly called Valdenses, from their asserted ** founder Valdo.*' Sect. 1] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TECTIMONIES. 15 Is there any ground for this ? The Inqui- sitor says nothing of Albigenses ;'' and I appre- hend that whatever pains Mr. Faber, and others, may take to confound the Albigenses with thj Waldenses, the Inquisitor looked upon them as entirely distinct sects ; and I trust that the evi- dence which I shall hereafter adduce will lead tlie reader to do the same. The Inquisitor says nothing of any junction between these sects; and this point, so important to Mr. Faber's argu- ment, is assumed without any ground whatever. Indeed it is not only assumed, but is argued upon as a conclusive fact. At p. 44, Mr. Faber says, " The identity of the tenets of these two ancient commu- *' nities is established, if I mistake not, on the fullest tes- " timony. When the Albigenses in the thirteenth century '' were partly extirpated and partly driven out of the south " of France by the crusade of De M ontfort, and the oper- '« ations of the Inquisition, the chief part of the fugitives " emigrated to the valleys of Piedmont, where by the " Vallenses they were cordially received as brethren : and, « henceforth, the two hitherto distinct churches became in- " separably united, the name of the Vaudois swallowing up « the now obsolete name of the Albigeois. I am inclined " to deem this single fact more than a counterpoise for all " the Bishop's very ingenious attempts to confound the ^^Sac.Cal. |). 27. " I do not mean to cavil about words, and merely to state that the Inquisitor does not use the word Albi- genses; but where does he allude to any persons belonging to the Albigeois country or any person coming from^'any place but Lyons ? \ 16 REVIEW OF MR. FADER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. il ^!i III *' genuine Albigenses with those Manicheans, to whom, *' through Popish malevolence, the name of Albigenses may *< have been most improperly applied. The expelled Albi- " genses were received, as brethren, by the Vallenses, who ** are described as having already flourished in their native " rallies from a period far beyond the memory of man." Let me beg* the reader just to look back at the words of the Inquisitor, and see what is to be found of Simon de Montfort, and the Inquisition, and the cordial reception of the expelled Albi- genses, by persons who had already flourished in their native vallies, from a period far beyond the memory of man ; and then we will call the next witness. ^^ " It is right to notice that, after quoting the passage already extracted from the work of the Inquisitor, Mr. Faber adds " Testimony to the same effect, though not so " copious and precise; is given by the historian Thuanus, " * Petrus Valdus, locuples civis Lugdunensis, anno Christi « circiter mclxx, Valdensibus nomen dedit— Cum jam " multos seetatores exiguo tempore circa se haberet, eos " tanquam discipulos, ad evangelium promulgandum, in « omnes partes ablegat— Armis victi, in Provinoiam apud *' nos et Gallica; ditionis Alpes vicinas confugerunt, late- " brasqne vitae ac doctrinae suae iis in locis repererunt.' « Thuan. Hist. lib. vi. § 16. vol. 1. p. 221. Thuan. Praef. «' ad Henric. iv. p. 7." Certainly the testimony of Thu- anus is to the same effect as that of the Inquisitor; namely, that when the disciples of Waldo were driven out of Ly- ons, they came into Provence, and the neighbouring Alps ; but what has this to do with remote antiquity, or any junc- ^s Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FADER'S TESTIMONIES. 1 7 II. " My next collection of Testimonies,'* says Mr. Faber, " respects the church of the " Albigenses prior to its final junction with that " of the Vallenses ; and it goes distinctly to " prove the fact, that Valdo was no more the " founder of the one church than of the other." p. 28. As to the ** final junction" of the churches, perhaps enough has been said ; but I must re- mind the reader, that the present question is not whether Waldo was the founder of either the AlbigensianToP^al^^ io//i those sects existed, and " eminently, in their " corporate capacity as churches, bore their testi- " mony"— that is, « testified against the demono- " latrous apostacy unremittingly during the whole ''period of the latter 1260 years"— or for more than five hundred years before the time of Wal- do. Supposing then, that the testimony adduced should exclude Peter Waldo, that is doing but little towards establishing the required antiquity. It should be something, and Mr. Faber says it tion with an ancient church in Piedmont ? Thuanus is not a great authority in this matter ; but, such as he is, he is a most unfortunate one for Mr. Faber ; for after thus deriving the VValdenses from Peter Waldo, and assijrninff his date, he goes on to derive the Albigenses from the Waldeuses. D ) ! IS REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. Seci. 1] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 19 i 1 ' I w ^ ^ is something, which proves the Albigenses to have existed " many ages anterior to the twelfth century." p. 33. It is this — the fourth canon of the Council of Tours, held in a. D. 1163, '* expressly declares ** the then i??p// hnrv^m high nntiquify nf the Alhi- " g;enses." And how does it express this " high antiquityl^" Why, it says, according* to Mr. Faber, that, " in the parts of Tholouse, a damna- " ble heresy long since sprang- up" — that is, " duduni emersit." The testimony is dudum — and I must anti- cipate a little by telling the reader, that, after the pompous announcement, which has been quoted, ** about " unanimous testimony to their high anti-- " quity which is borne even by writers of the ** twelfth and thirteenth centuries," this unfortu- nate DUDUM is the only word brought from any writing of the twelfth century. Dudum has to represent the writers of the twelfth century, and to bear the burden of" many ages," all by himself. Whether, however, he can sustain " tot et tanta negotia solus," may be doubted.^ ** Ainsworth, says " Dudum, adv. ( 1 .) But late, a while " «^o, not long since^ (2.) heretofore, (3.) alsoy a great while " since^ long ago. ( 1 .) Dixi duduni materiam aliam esse joci, '*• aliam severitatis, Cic. (2.) Incertior sum quam dudum, *' Ter.{3,) Ut beneficium verbis initum dudum, re comprobes, " /df." Morell, however, thinking (I apprehend very justly) that A ins worth's authority did not bear out his third I acknowledge, however, that anything like verbal criticism on the latinity of writers of the twelfth century, would be absurd; and freely admit that this very word dudum is used with im- proper laxity by writers of a low age. I grant too (if we use the expression in a common-sense way) that heresy had " long since" sprung up in the parts about Tholouse. Sixteen years before the time of this Council it had risen to such a height, that, Bernard said, "the churches are " without people, the people without priests, the '' priests without due respect, and in short the " Christian people are without Christ. The ** churches are reckoned synagogues, and the Holy " Place of God itself is counted an unholy thing ; " the Sacraments are no longer held sacred, and " the holy days are deprived of their solemnities;"'' and that even when Bernard was called to Tho- louse to oppose it, heregyhaLdJUon g since" sprung up in that neighbourhood, I will not deny ; but to talk of j;;Mhigh antiquity" and "many ages" is sense has added the following note — " N. Vox vitanda est cum pro jampridem; significat enim paulo ante. T. M." '® *' Basilicae sine plebibus, plebes sine sacerdotibus,\ sacerdotes sine debita reverentia sunt, et sine Christo deni- \ que Christian!. Ecclesiae Synagogae reputantur ; Sanctu- I arium Dei sanctum esse negatur : sacramenta non sacra f censentur: dies festivis frustrautur solemniis/' Ep. 241. I vol. I. 237. !• ! 20 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. \ ■ tl III f i » altogether out of the question. I believe that Mr. Faber can produce no evidence, that any heresy, which he can identify with the doctrine of the Albigenses, sprang up in the parts about Tholouse before the twelfth century. I know of no in- timation that heresy of any kind had sprung up in those parts earlier than a canon of the Council of Tholouse, which was held a. d. 1056 ; from which, however, it does not at all appear what kind of heresy was referred to. III. " If we descend a few years later," says Mr. Faber, " we shall find the same unvarying testimony borne ioihehigh antiquity of the cliurch of the Albigenses. The Archbishop of Narbonne, in his letter to the King of Arragon, written in " the year 1213, bitterly laments the prevalence of " that heretical pest ; but confesses, at the same " time, that it had been sown from remote " ANTIQUITY." p. 29. On this I would remark, 1. As to unvarying testimony — The reader will bear in mind, that as yet we have had only two witnesses. First, the Inqui- sitor, who says nothing of any sect but that which he traces up to Peter Waldo ; and, secondly, the Council of Tours, which says "dudum." 2. The letter in question (which is not from the Archbishop of Narbonne to the King of Arragon, but from the Archbishops, Bishops, and u a u Sect. 1] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 21 Prelates, assembled at the Council of Lavaur to the Pope) does certainly say that the heresy of which it speaks was " antiquitus seminata." But let it be observed, in the first place, that, whether right or wrong, these prelates, like many other people, called the Albigenses, Avians f and that the Arian heresy was " antiquitus seminata," in the strictest sense of the term, nobody will dispute. But even setting this aside, it would be ab- surd to build upon their use of the word " anti- quitus," and to fetch out of it all that an English reader understands by " remote antiquity," when we find them only five lines fiirther on, stating that Count Raymond (a man then living) had been a favourer of these heretics, " ab antiquis TEMPORiBUS." Surely it is right to see how writers use words before we pick them out of their context to make them the basis of argument. I have no intention to deny that the Albigensian heresy was older than Count Raymond. IV. " To the same purpose," says Mr. Faber, " speaks also Louis IX. of France, in his letter " to the citizens of Narbonne, written in the year " 1228," — « he describes those heretics, as having " " Pauci Catholici infinitam Arrianorum multitudi- nem effugarunt " are their words in speaking of a repulse which the Albigenses had met with. V i;i f 1 * 4 22 REVIEW OF MR. FADER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. !!\ It I i 1 1 i' 1 in ' ii 1 ', ir 1 1 I' ** now poured forth their venom during a long " PERIOD OF TIME." p. 30. So he does — but the question obviously is, what did his majesty, or those who wrote in his name, consider as a long" period of time ? what did they mean by " longo tempore ?" I have already mentioned the state in which Bernard found Tholouse more than sixty years before his majesty was born ; and would not that justify the use of such an expression ? As long a period had ehxpsed, between Bernard's visiting Tholouse, and the king s writing this letter, as that which, beginning in the last years of queen Elizabeth, stretched through the reigns of our first Charles and James, and the civil wars beyond the Restoration ; and if it had been notorious, that any sect of heretics had been flourishing during the whole of that period, surely we should not be surprised to find Charles the Second describing them, in any letter or proclamation, as " having " poured forth their venom during a long period « of time." I am willing, however, to admit that St. Louis referred to a still longer period ; for during a longer period the churches of Narbonne had certainly been afflicted. Why did Mr. Faber pass over the first paragraph of the letter, and quote the second ? If he had quoted both, it would have been obvious what the " long time" was of which the king spoke. He begins his letter by \ Sect. I.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER^S TESTIMONIES. 23 saying, « Cupientes in primis aetatis, et regni nos- " tri primordiis, Illi servire a quo regnum recog- " noscimus, et id quod sumus : desideramus ad « honorem Ipsius, qui nobis culmen dedit honoris, ** quod Ecclesia Dei, quae in partibus vestris hngo « tempore fuit afflicta, et tribulationibus innume- ** ris conquassata, in nostro dominio honoretur et " feliciter gubernetur, &c."'^ It is most wonderful to find Mr. Faber^ at this stage of his argument, breaking forth com- placently, " from such concurrent testimonies, no- ^ thing I think can be more demonstratively cer^ " tain than the high antiquity of the Albigensic ** church even during the ministry of Peter Valdo " himself." V. Mr. Faber states that his next " " mony isjhat of the Inquisitor Genprol^ " rius Saccho, once himself a Vallensian, and *■*— -^1 >,«»^*~«~-fc....>^_ ,,vv„x*. ^^ If this be not enough let the reader turn back two pages from Mr. Faber's reference, and he will find that in a treaty made with the younger Raymond, (the son of the gentleman whose longevity helped us before,) apparently at the same time that this letter was written, the king vouched for the « high antiquity" of the said Raymond by declaring that he had been contumacious for "a long ^ PERIOD OF TIME"- -« quod cum Raimundus filius Raimun- " di quondam Comitis Tolosani Diu in excomunicatione " persistens, Ecclesiae et Dei volens esse longo trmpore " eontumax," &c. Cone, xi. P. i. 415. \ /ti^JJ w>. ( % 24 r^» i, 1 iii'l' I .V 1 I- \h I ( 1 REVIEW OF MR. FADER'S TESTTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. I *< aftecaau:ii-a»-ftp^^stfttio p^j^ryerutor of hi.s former . '' brethren : and," he adds, " this testimony, J- " which was given^ in the middle of the thir- •^ *< teenth century, subsequent to the final union of " the two churched in the valleys of Piedmont, « relates, I apprellend, to the joint antiquity of « them both." p. s\. Here 1 must just remark, by the way, that Reinerius, according to his own account, w^as not a Waldensian, but one of the Cathari ; and as to any " union of the two churches," he seems to have known nothing of it. Nothing can be more distinct than the Albigenses, and Walden- ses, in the work of Reinerius, as I shall have occasion to shew — but in the mean time let us have his testimony as it is given by Mr. Faber. " Reinerius, the apostate persecutor in question, who « could not but have been well acquainted with the history « of his former associates, and who, as an Inquisitor " General, could have no possible object in ascribing to « them a fictitious diuturnity, states expressly that one of « the three causes which rendered the Vallenses^^ more « dangerous to the Church of Rome than any other sect " was THEIR MUCH HIGHER DEGREE OF ANTIQUITY. <' Now Reinerius flourished not more than about " seventy or eighty years after the time of Peter Valdo. " Hence, both from that circumstance and from the cir- 19 I must guard the reader a^jainst supposing that Reinerius called the Waldenses, or Valdenses, Vallenses. I have not found this name in any ancient writer as a title of the Waldenses. What is said by Ebrardub will be uoliccd prtseutly. SECT. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 25 ** cumstance of having been once himself a Vallensian, " *^®.J[®^5g^^® must kij^e known to a certainty, whether ** Valdo was, or was not, the founder of the Valdensic " Churches. Such being the case, if Valdo were indeed *^ their founder^ Reinerius could not possibly have described *' the Valdenses, as being more dangerous to the Church ** of Rome than any other sect on the specific ground of *' their higher antiquity : for-itwei: ^ absurd to talk of the " high antiquity: Ma sect, an antiquity confessedlysupgrtOl *' to that of any othejrknown sect ; if, all t^e while, 'IfrtT' '* sect had not been in exisleficeTnorethan about seventy or *' eighty years, and if every person were fully aware that " it had been founded by Peter Valdo of Lyons. Yet *' this is the language employed by Rein erius. Therefore, " 1 think, it indisputably follows, that Peter Valdo could ** not have been the founder of the united churches of the , " Vallenses and the Albigenses." p. 31. To all this I might make a very short reply, which would probably surprise some readers; and I hope and believe, would surprise Mr. Faber himself: for though he twice quotes the work of Reinerius, without any acknowledgment that his references are borrowed, yet I cannot but believe that he had never seen the book itself, and was in real ignorance of its contents. He has, I suppose, been misled by carelessly copying other writers ; and as the authority of Reinerius has been cited by one after another, for two centuries, and among others by one whose name must com- mand respect, and might almost excuse blind confidence, it may be worth while just to trace the matter as far as I have at present the means of ' 1 11 I 26 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. (SECT. 1. u 'p \ ■ IV'I I ! doing it ; and I wish that, in conjunction with many other cases of a like nature, it may tend to put writers on their guard how they adopt au- thorities, especially in matters of controversy, and so make themselves responsible for the false- hoods and mistakes of their predecessors. I imagine that this testimony of Reinerius to the " diuturnity" of the Leonists was first alleged by Illyricus ; but I have not at present the means of ascertaining this point. It was, however, afterwards adduced by Mornay du Plessis, in his Mystery of Iniquity, which was published, I believe, in 1607. Speaking of the antiquity of the Waldenses, he says, " Lest we " should be left to guess as to this antiquity, our opponents themselves vouch for it. Among " others. Friar Reinerius, who wrote about the " year 1250 ; * Among all the sects which are, " * or have been, there is none more pernicious " * to the church of God than that of the Poor " * Men of Lyons, for three reasons : First, be- " * cause it is older ; some say that it has existed " * from the time of Sylvester, others say from « * the time of the Apostles,' &€.'"" 4( ^" Huic autem antiquitati, ut divinare non sit opus, " adversarii ipsi fidem perhibent ; Frater Reinerius inter *' alios, qui annum circa 1250 scripsit; * Inter omnes *' * sectas quje sunt, vel fuerunt, non est pernitiosior Ec- " < clesise Dei, quam Pauperum de Lugduno, tribus de Sect. 1] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 27 On this Gretser, the Jesuit, in his Prolego- , mena to the work of Reinerius, (which he pub- lished in the year 1613,'') observed, " It is vain ** for Du Plessis to cite Reinerius as an advocate " for the fictitious antiquity of the Waldenses, " since in his fourth chapter he gives it, not as " his own opinion, but, as that of others, that the " Waldenses had existed from the time of St. " Sylvester the Pope, or from that of the Apos- ** tles."^ To this (if I may trust Sir Samuel Morland, for I have not the Archbishop's book,) Usher replied in a manner which will appear from the following extract : " The Friar Reinerius ** Saccon," says Morland, " writing against the *• Waldenses, above four hundred years ago, " namely 1254, confesses the antiquity of their ** religion, which he calls a sect; see his very ** words, taken out of the Bibliotheque des Peres, " < causis. Prima quia diuturnior ; quidam dicunt quod ** < duraverit a tempore Sylvestri, alii dicunt a tempore " < apostolorum." " Myst. Iniq. p. 328. ^^ And which was reprinted in the Bibliotheca Patrum, from whence 1 quote Tom. iv. part ii. col. 715. Ed. 1644. ^ ** Frustra autem est Plessaeus cum fictiti® Walden- *^ slum antiquitati advocatum adsciscit Reinerum ; non " enim ex sua, sed ex aliorum sententia cap. 4. ait, sectam <« Waldensium a temporibus S. Sylvestri Papae, vel etiam ** ipsorum Apostolorum,durasse,'* Ubi supra, col. 739. / I / ' 'I t i 1 II! :iili i|i|! tl! \i ii- R i 28 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect.1. printed at Paris, 1624, the author whereof was Jac. Gretsero, * Inter omnes sectas quae sunt « vel fuerunt, non est perniciosior Ecclesise Dei « quam pauperum de Lugduno; tribus de causis, * Prima, quia diuturnior, quidam dicunt quod ' duraverit a tempore Sylvestri, alii dicunt quod ' a tempore Apostolorum,' &c. That is to say, ' Amongst all the sects which are, w ever * TKe««r~tbere is none^moreperniciouT^Tthe * church of God, tKaTthatonBeToor people ' oCliYons, for threej-easons. First, because it ' is-of 4^ionger duration. Soine saythat it has^ * remained fromlTie"l!tlne of Sylvester, others ' from the time of the Apostles ;' and although Gretserus endeavours to shift off the force of the foregoing passage by this evasion, namely, that what Reinerius there speaks, he speaks not as his own opinion, but as the opinion of others. For if Reinerius had not believed that sect (as he calls it) had not been more an- cient than the preaching of Waldo, (which was not, as Gretserus himself says, above 94 years before his writing that book) it had been a very ridiculous thing to have at all mentioned the antiquity thereof in such a manner as he there do's. This is the learned and famous Bishop Usher's own observation, and com- ment, upon the place of Reinerius, in his book De Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione et statu, chap. 8. fol. 211, in the following ex- Sbct. 1] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 29 it ii if it ii a it a ii ii ii ii ii a ii ii ii a a ii a ii a ii it ii ii a ii a ^* pressions." — Morland then proceeds to quote a passage which the reader will find below, and which is to the following effect : — **^ It is how- " ever vain for Gretser to urge * that Reinerius " * did not assert as his own opinion, but that of " * others, that the sect of the Waldenses bad " * existed from the time of Pope Sylvester, or '* * even from that of the Apostles ;' for if we " grant that he stated this as the opinion of ** others, yet it appears that he stated, as his own " opinion, ^ that of all sects, which are or have " * been, none had been more ancient than " * that of the Leonists or Waldenses ;' which " sufficiently shews that their first origin was " most remote from all memory, and certainly " proves (which is the point on which the Jesuit *' demands proof) that it was no new doctrine " which was first brought into the world by the " Walden^e^^and Albigenses, abou^^.D.^ 1 160, ^ , " and afterwa^i^ prea d |G>y a wo nderful increase ; V itervened between " A.D.'lloO, and A.D. 1254, when (as Gretser " himself tells us, on the authority of the Biblio- " theca of Antonius Senensis,) Reinerius flou- " rished. He would have made himself ridiculous " to every body who should have talked of the " * diuturnity' of a sect which had not existed " above a century."^ ^ '' Frustra autem est Gretserus cam opponit, Reine- >mr» » ;< J f f 1^ I ■• ii!| I I \ , 1: S ■ 1 : i i : 1 !H 30 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. Leger thus triumphantly adduces the testi- mony of Reinerius. After quoting from the account given by the Monk Belvedere, in 1636, he says, " Mais voyons encore le temoignage « d*un autre tres-fameux Inquisiteur, aussi ex- " pressement etabli contre les Vaudois, c'est « celuy de Reinerus Sacco, qui n a rien omis " tant pour descoler les Vaudois es Vallees, et « dans tout le reste de Y Italic, que pour cher- « cher jusques au fonds tout ce que pouvoit estre « de cette pretendue heresie et secte, qui faisoit " tant de mal au Pape, et qui feurissoit a son ** rium lion ex sua sed ex aliorum sententia affirmare sec- <* tam Waldensium a temporibus Silvestri Papae, vel etiam <* ipsorum apostolorum durasse. Nam, ut hoc demus, ex « aliorum sententia fnisse dictum : illud tamen apparet « eum dixisse ex sua ; inter omnes sectas, quaB sunt vel " fuerunt, nuUam fuisse diuturniorem quara Leonistarum « banc sive Waldensium : quod satis ostendit, primam "eorum originem ab omni memoria fuisse remotissi- " mam, evincit certe Cquod ostendi sibi postulat Jesuita) " novam doctrinam non fuisse a Waldensibus et Albigen- « sibus circa annum Christi mclx primitus in mundum " introductam et postea miris incrementis mulliplicatam. " Cum enim inter annum Christi mclx et annum mccliv « quo fratrem Reinerium claruisse ex Antonii Senensis " Bibliotheca docet ipse Gretserus, tantum 94 annorum '^ spatium intercesserit : omnibus ludibrium debuisset, qui " talia de diuturnitate proferret sectae, quam non amplius u uno ante seculo exortam constitisset." Morland^s His- tory of the Churches of Piedmont, Book i. c. iv. p. 28. Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 31 " dire, ily avail environ 500 ans!^ Cet Inqui- " siteur dans un livre expres qu'il a compose sur " ce sujet, rapporte par le Jesuite Gretserus en " la Bibliotheque des Peres, n*a par le front de " nier que les Vaudois ne soient des les tems des " Apotres ; son temoignage merite d'estre icy " transcrit de mot a mot en original. Inter " omnes sectas," &c. "" He had before spoken of ** I suppose it is on the authority of this statement, that Maclaine has said in his translation of Mosheim's History, (Cent. xii. part ii. §. xi. note) « The bloody In- ^* quisitor Reinerius Saccho, who exerted such a furious " zeal for the destruction of the Waldenses, lived but " about 80 years after Valdus of Lyons ; and must there- " fore be supposed to know whether he wiis the real " founder of the Valdenses or Leonists ; and yet it is " remarkable that he speaks of the Leonists (mentioned by " Dr. Mosheim in the preceding page as synonimous with " Waldenses) as a sect that had flourished above five " hundred years ; nay mentions authors of note who make « their antiquity remount to the apostolic age." See how the story improves. Reinerius now vouches in Leger for about, and in Maclaine for above, five hundred years. The latter of these writers too has discovered that the Inquisitor "mentions authors of note" as vouchers for still higher antiquity. I have never been able to find any thing about 500 years in Reinerius ; nor any reference to any author, of any kind, about the Waldenses— nothing, in fact, but the '« quidam dicunt," and the " alii dicunt," which the reader has had in the extract already more than once quoted. Liv. I. ch, XXVIII. p. 169. 25 / i A : } I I i\ III \) I! [ r ) I it il ■1 } 1 , 1 ! i i \ 32 REVIEW OF MR. FADER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. '' Un fameux Inquisiteur nomine Reynerus Sac- « cone, qui dit que les Vaudois ou Albigeois sont " du terns de Sylvestre, ou memes des le terns « des Apotres." Ibid. p. 15. Allix, after quoting the passage of Reinerius, already repeatedly cited, says, " Now it is clearer « than the sun, that Raynerus would never have « talked at this rate, if he had known, that the « first rise of this sect was not above seventy « years before he wrote this treatise ; as we must " acknowledge, if we suppose Waldo to be the « founder of it." p. 193. Will the reader be- lieve that Reinerius does expressly state— and that Allix was fully aware that he does so state —that this " diuturnior" sect of Leonists was founded by Peter Waldo ? Will he believe that, in speaking of the Waldenses, only seven pages after the passage just quoted, Allix himself says of the Bishop of Meaux, " He pretends they " owe their rise solely to Peter Waldo, a mer- " chant of Lyons, wherein he folhws Raynerus, " cap. 5."? What shall we say to this ? Was it dis- honesty, or stupidity ? Which ever it was, God forbid that I should charge it upon all those who have made themselves partakers of other men s sins, when carelessness, or vanity, has led them to appropriate authorities which they had never verified; but it is a sad thing, that error and falsehood should be handed down from one to Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 33 another till, after frequent repetition, they assume a tone of dogmatism, and authority, which seems to preclude all doubt. After reading what I have quoted from Mr. Faber, who refers gene- rally, at p. 36, to " Reiner, cont. haeret. c. iv. v." implying, surely, that he knew both the fourth and fifth chapters — who states respecting the Albigenses, and Waldenses, that " the best in- " formed Romanists of that period pretended not " to affix any certain date to their origination. " They were unable to pitch upon any specific ** time when these venerable churches existed ** not. All that they certainly knew was that " they had flourished long since,' and adds (I presume with a direct reference to " diuturnior," as the preceding words which he prints in italics, refer, I suppose to " dudum") " that they were far more ancient than any mere modern sects'' — after all this, 1 say, would any reader believ that the title and beginning of this very fift chapter of Reinerius, so referred to by Mr. Fabeij, are as follows ; De sectis modernorum bacreticorum. Cap. V. \ *' Not.i, quod secta Pauperum de Liigduno, qui etiam " Leonista; dicuntur, tali modo orta est. Cum cives " majores pariter essent in Lugduiio, contingit quen- " dam ex eis mori subito coram eis. Unde quidam " inter eost«aiitum fuit tertius (I. territus) quod statim " magnum thesaurum pauperibus erogavit,*^ «&c. F / 34 REVIEW OF MR.FABERS TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. and then he goes on to tell the well-known story of Peter Waldo* Now, if by thus exposing what may appear to be an inconsistency, I seem, as Usher suggests, to make this poor monk Reinerius Saccho, ridi- culous, let me be allowed to add two remarks, which justice seems to demand ; and from which I think it will appear that he is not so absurd as his misrepresenters would make him. First — " Diuturnior," whether we write it plain, or translate it into "far more ancient" or " HIGHER antiquity" is still only compara- tive ; and it is obvious that Reinerius's idea of " diuturnity," as applied to the Leonists, was much less magnificent than Mr. Faber's ; for just before, in reckoning up the characteristic excellencies which distinguished the true church from all heretical sects, he says, " The sixth is " DIUTURNITY; for it has existed from the times ** of the apostles ; but the authors of heresies are " new men, as the Ortlibeiises, Runcarii, and the ^ others." ^^ One of these " novelli" he might suppose to be " diuturnior" than another ; and he might be right or wrong in his supposition ; but he considered the Leonists as the oldest among the modern sects, and accordingly put *^" Sextum est diuturnitas, quia duravit a tempore ** Apostolornm. Sed anctores ha^resura sunt iiovelli,sicut *< Ortlibenses, Runcarii, et caeteri.'" Cap. i. Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FADER'S TESTIMONIES. 35 them first in his chapter " De sectis modernorum haereticorum." Secondly — 1 see no reason to suppose that Reinerius was particularly well informed as to the history ot the Waldenses. I have already said that he did not belong to that sect. In fact he distinctly tells us that he belonged to the Cathari, a sect which I believe to have diflfered ^ widely in doctrine from the Waldenses, and to have had little or no intercourse with them, except as their companions in peril and in arms, during the Albigensian crusade. This I hope to make apparent hereafter ; but, in the mean time, I would observe, that it seems to me very unlikely that Reinerius had any knowledge of the Waldenses, except such as he might gain either by public report, or through his ofiice of Inquisitor; and I should not be surprised therefore to find him mistaken in any point relating to their history, which was probably unknown to his own sect, and into which it was not hisoflScial business to enquire. He knew that some pre- tended that the Waldenses had existed as a distinct sect from the time of Pope Sylvester; and perhaps he believed it in pure ignorance of the time when that Pope lived : and that others said they had existed from the times of the Apostles; and that he certainly did not believe. He as certainly did believe, that they sprang from a certain rich citizen of Lyons, whom we cannot i / 36 REVIEW OF MR. FABERS TESTIMONIES. [SECT. 1, doubt to have been Peter Waldo ; but he does not seem to have known either his name, or date ; and, therefore, conceding what he probably could not contradict, he admitted that they were " diuturnior" than those other modern sects with which he had a better acquaintance. I wish the reader to understand that I make these remarks only with a view to put the matter in its right light ; and that I am fully aware that their tendency is to lessen the weight of a testi- mony which, when properly examined, is de- cidedly in my favour ; but I believe that, though a most valuable witness, and one of whom I shall avail myself, as to that sect to which he was attached for seventeen years, Reinerius is no great authority respecting any other. If my ob- ject had been simply to carry my point, I might at once have taken Mr. Faber's words, " having been " once himself a Vallensian, the renegade must " have known to a certainty whether Waldo " was, or was not, the founder of the Valdensic > I \\ ^4 <^ i^*^ m \^h If 38 REVIEW OF MR. FADER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. '* century already existed from a period far beyond the *' memory of man : I see not what more unexceptionable ^^ testimony we can resort to, than that of the two ancient " churches themselves." *' They^ then, constantly asserted, we are told, from ** the twelfth century down to the sixteenth, that, when the i^ Fmprrnr rftrnnrrtMig, in the days of Pope Sylvester, ( f corrupt ed the church hy thf>"TT }p^nTffti^f>-r Tf his^donations, '' one ^f the companions o f that prelate, anticipating the '^ Apostacy of which he then beheld the commencement, ' withdrew himself from the communion of the Roman ' Pontiff. He was joined by several persons, who held ' the same-BKimitive sentiments as himself, and who wish- ^* ed to prQg^p^j-yrf^ ii-- puttiy^il]*^ puri ty of tb ^ early church. ** These pious men formed henceforth a separate society, \*f out of which sprang the two churches of the V'allenses in ¥ Piedmont and of the Albigenses in France." p. 34. I feel that it would be an insult to the read- er's understanding, to offer any laboured refuta- tion of the idle legend about Pope Sylvester. If he does not at once see the absurdity of attempting to maintain that TWO churches, now in being, have existed for fifteen hundred years, in France and Piedmont, out of communion with the See of Rome ; and that ever since the year 604, they have " testified against the demonolatrous apos- tacy ;" and this too, " eminently, and in their corporate capacity as churches;" I should scarce- ly hope to convince him by any arguments which could be offered. It is notorious that there is a silly vanity in some menbers of almost every sect, which leads / SECT. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 39 them to exaggerate the^antiquity Qt-tlieir-^culi-- arities ; afid that most ecclesiastujal comnmnities. whatever they may say, oFapostolical succession, have no objection to number the Apostles among their members." What but this same feeling could have induced some Protestants to shew so much anxiety to tack themselves on the Albigen- ses ? to deny — or where they could not deny, to palliate their errors and heresies — to reject, or tacitly pass by, overwhelming evidence, — to gar- ble, pervert, and put a false colour upon printed and written documents — and to publish, and republish, and triumph over, the clumsy forgeries ^' In a little book, entitled " Questions on Protestant Nonconformity answered, with Notes," which the author appears to have intended to be '^generally used as a Cate^ chism,'*'' and which I believe is, or lately was, so used in more than one Independent congregation, I find the following question ; " Do we read of any dissenters in the New Testament ?" — the answer is, "all the apostles were dissenters, and so were all the primitive chris- tians/' Such pretensions in the case of the Waldenses, if not perfectly excusable, are easily accounted for ; as it appears that their original design was to revive the apos- tolical life, (or what they considered as such) and by strict and voluntary poverty, by perpetual migration, and indeed in all things, to imitate the Apostles. They were, however, satisfied to go back to the New Testament ; but the cate- chism asks, " Who are amongst the prominent dissenters recorded in the Old Testament ? y I'll! I I \ * ii' ''{in' (( « 40 REVIEW OF MR. FAB ER'S TESTIMONIES. [Skct, 1. which modern Vaudois have put forth ?" Why have they taken all this trouble ? Was it really that they might answer fools according to their folly ? " They will certainly henceforward blush;' says Morland, <* and he ashamed to upbraid us as formerly, by demanding where our religion was before the days of Calvin and Luther ? If they « do, we call Jonas Aurelianensis, Prior Rorenco, « Samuel de Cassini, Rainerius Sacon, Belvedere, « Bellarmin, and other most renowned Catholics « to witness for us that it was in the rallies of " Piemont." ^ I suspect that some of these witnesses would not answer when called ; that few of them would stand a cross-examination; and that all put together would not produce the effect which Morland anticipated. I apprehend that blushing is quite out of fashion in the society to which " Jac. 2" Should this language appear too strong, I would beg the reader to suspend his judgment for the present; and, in the mean time, let me disclaim any intention of apply- ing it to all the writers who have maintained the extrava- gant claims of the Waldenses. 28 1ntrod. p. vii. Maclaine, in a very erroneous note, in which he undertakes to correct Mosheim, says, *' Whem <' the Papists ask ns j^vkere^i ^eli f rion was ^p/org Lj^feer ? " we generally answer, in the Bible ; and we answer well. " But to gratify their taste for tradition and human authority^ " we may add to this answer, and in the valiies of Piedmont.'"' Cent. xii. P. u. ch. v. § xi. Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 41 Gretsero" belonged, though I cannot tell what might be the effect of so unusual a thing as their being beaten at their own weapons ; but I rather believe that the papists will go on misrepresent- ing us, and we shall go on misrepresenting them, as long as the world lasts ; and bad as that is, it is better than misrepresenting God, and his truth, and all distinctions between right and wrong, by the cant of liberality. At all events, let us not imitate them by catching at idle legends and forged documents, in order to meet nonsensical questions. " Our religion," such as it is, is either right or wrong. Whether it was taught by Peter Waldo, at Lyons, and Peter Auterius, at Thoulouse, or not, is nothing to the purpose ; and if any papist were silly enough to tell me that it was not to be found before the days of Calvin and Luther, I should feel it quite enough to answer, *^ so much the worse for theJ Church of Rome." Of this, however, I shall have occasion to say more presently ; and strictly speaking, it has no- thing" to do with Mr. Faber's Testimonies. His object is not to maintain the antiquity of protes- tantism as a sect ; but to find out some particular and special witnesses against the papacy who have, from the year 604 hitherto, fulfilled, and are now fulfilling, the prophecy, in such a way as his system requires. I think it must be evident G I •I i 42 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. to every reader, that he has not succeeded ; but I should feel that I had done but little in shewing that a cause had been badly argued, unless I could make it appear that it was bad in itself] and this I hope to do. Section IL REMARKS ON MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. The sources of information respecting ecclesias- tical history, which some, even of the clergy, think it necessary to provide, are so limited, that many readers may possibly have no other book of reference on the subject, than Milner's History of the Church of Christ' As, however, that writer has given what appears to me a totally erro- neous view of the Paujlicians, in which he is, as far as I know, unsupported by any other his- torian ; and as he has ventured to tell us that with regard to the Waldenses, (under which name he comprehends the Cathari and Albigen- ses,) Mosheim's information is " scanty, con- ^ The author of the Christian Student has given a list entitled ''The Curate's Library." Under the head of <* Ecclesiastical History,'* we find only «' Milner and Scott's " History of the Church of Christ— Burnet's History of the « Reformation— Whiston's Josephus." p. 415. \ 1 1 44 MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. FUSED, and ERRONEOUS ;"^ it seems necessary to enquire, what the authority of Milner really is ; and what right he has to talk of the " mental imbecility," ^ or the " temerity and self-sufficiency of Mosheim.'* I can truly say, that I have no desire or dis- position to undervalue Milner. His devoted piety, and general talents, are unquestioned. The classical learning, which gave honour to his youth, was not likely to be lost, or diminished, during a life of tuition ; and the " immense read- ing," and very extraordinary memory, which his biographer ascribes to him had, I doubt not, fur- nished him with a great fund of knowledge. It is, however, most evident that his knowledge was not of that description which would have qualified him for the task which he undertook ; and with- out which, neither piety nor talents, could render him respectable as a writer of church history — especially of such a history as he projected. I grant also, most willingly and fervently, that the design was noble ; and feel as strongly as he did, that such a work as he proposed to write, was much to be desired; and that he who would gather up those materials which are not wanting, though never hitherto fully collected, would be doing a real service to the christian church. - Vol. III. p. 144. '' Vol. 11. p. 478. ' Vol. iir. p. 371 Sect. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 45 I have just said that if any papist should tell me that our religion was not to be found before the time of Calvin and Luther, I should be satis- fied to answer him according to his folly ; but I would by no means be understood to admit the truth of his statement, for 1 believe it to be as false as it is foolish ; and feel no doubt, that, in \ the darkest age, there were many true, and ac- 1 cepted, worshippers of God. Not formed into churches, and eminently bearing their testimony in corporate capacities as churches, against the See of Rome (for then I think we should have heard more about them) ; but as the sheep of Christ dispersed abroad in the midst of this naughty world — known, perhaps, by this or that name of reproach — or, perhaps, the obscure and unknown, whose names were never written any- where but in heaven. I doubt not that there were such, living a life of faith and prayer and communion with God ; overlooked in the bustle of cities, and the solitude of cottages, and even shut up in what modern systems require us to consider as the strong_holds_of_Aj]J^^ the cell, and the cloister. I will not shrink from avowing my belief, that many a tonsured head now rests in Abraham's bosom ; and that many a frail body, bowed down with voluntary humi- lity, and wasted with unprofitable will-worship — clothed in rags, and girt with a bell-rope, was a temple of the Holy Ghost ; and that one day — a 46 MILNEftS CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. Sect. 3.] MILKER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 47 U I //. day when the folli^ of system, and the sins of party, and man*s judgment of his fellows, will have c*ome to an end — these, her unknown child- ren, will be revealed to the astonishment of a church, ^ccustOttied to look back, with a mixture of pride and shame, to the days of her barren- ness. She may ask, « Who hath brought up ** these ? Behold, I was left alone ; these, where ^ had they be^n ?" — but she will have learned to know the seal of the living God, she will embrace them as her sons, and will find better matter of discourse, than their superstition and her illumi- nation. In the mean time, however, they are hidden — ^perhaps more completely hidden than they need be, if due pains were taken to look after them, and gather what might be known. This is what Milner undertook; and the design was as noble, as the execution was feeble and defective. Every reflecting christian must, I think, concede to him that such a work was wanted in the church ; though, perhaps, few may be prepared to go with him in all that he says respecting ecclesiastical history, even as it had been already written. " A history," he observes, " of the perversions and abuses of religion is not " properly a history of the church ; as absurd were " it to suppose an history of the highwaymen that " have infested this country to be a History of " England." Why, happily for this country, the highwaymen have pever been the most numerous, and influential, class of society ; but if they had been pretty commonly, the dominant power in the state, and had so carried matters that, during a course of ages, common honesty was high- treason, and day-labour a capital offence — if the rogues had been so many and so powerful, that a suspected disaffection to plunder was enough to hang a man ; it seems to me that a History of England which did not notice, and indeed was not considerably occupied with, the proceedings of the highwaymen, would be a very defective performance. Supposing ecclesiastical history, as it has generally been written, to be absolutely nothing more than secular history, yet, surely, of all secular history, it is to a christian, the most interesting, and instructive ; and " the perversions and abuses of religion" are matters which we are at least as much concerned to know, as the exploits of Alexander or Caesar. Yet I grant that what Milner denominates " real church history," — what may be called the history of God's grace-^r- being the history of God as well as man, and looking backwards and forwards through eternity, is the noblest of all histories ; and that to trace out, and commemorate, the manifestations of God's light in a world of darkness, is a work of higher style and interest, than any other in which the historian can be engaged. He, however, who undertakes it, will find 48 MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. Sect. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 49 that it is a work of no common labour. If he is satisfied to go to Alban Butler's Lives of the Saints, and to copy from the Centuriators, and Dupin — to dilate upon Augustine, and Gregory, and Bernard, or wherever else the learned care of ages has prepared matters to his hand — and to dwell upon those scenes which have been detailed in history, and sifted in controversy — if he is satis- fied, and expects his readers to be satisfied with this, he may soon make a book ; and if he has the piety and talent of Milner, a popular and use- ful book. But surely " the real church" historian, supposing him to have all, and more than all, the qualifications of Milner, must go to work in an- other fashion, if he would do any thing like even such imperfect justice, as uninspired man can do, to such a subject. If his object is to trace the true light shining in darkness, he is not to wait till persecution has fanned up a flame, and then to run just where he sees a blaze, to warm him- self at the stake, and rake in the ashes for relics — much less is he to trust to picking up those relics at second hand from pedlars, and to give his account of the Auto-da-fe from the newspaper. He must be out at nights, creeping under the hedge and beside the ditch, in darkness and dirt, to catch the glow-worm — or, to speak plainly, he must toil through much that is useless, worthless, and repulsive — much offence to taste, logic, and common sense ; much ignorance, and much su- perstition — he must be strong in mind, in body, and in purpose — his daily task must be "the read- ing that was never read ;" and half his books what where not thought worth printing — he must tuck up his sleeves, and bid defiance to dirt, and dog- latin, and all the tricks of monkish penmanship — he must have free access to old and large libraries, and full permission to ransack their stores — and he must not (however useful and honourable those employments may be, he must not) write basketfuls of sermons, and spend six hours a day in teaching greek and latin.*^ Suppose a man should tell us that wood and hay, corn and cattle, and all that is maintained on earth's surface, is mean and perishable ; and that true riches consist in gold and silver, the diamond * " During the first twenty-three years of his life, we *' find him exerting every nerve to acquire knowledge ; " and during a great part of the last thirtyfyears, he is daily ^^ Jive or six hours in his school ; then, besides his frequent ** preachings and visitations of the sick, his poetical compe- *' sitionsy and many baskets full of Sermons committed to the ** flames, on account of the Author's disapprobation of their " contents^ there are now in existence eight or nine hundred " Sermons in manuscript, composed after the Author's sen- " timents had changed and were fixed." Dean Milner'^s life of Milner prefixed to his Sermons, p. iix. If these are, as the Dean states, and as I most fully believe, " undoubted facts'" — and if there is another fact which I think no reader of Milner's History can doubt; namely, that he had very n 50 MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. Sect. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 51 and the pearl — we may, perhaps, be inclined to think that bread, and beef, and broad cloth, and all the staple of the farmer, and the manu- facturer, are not bad things for common purposes; but acknowledging his nobler taste in accu- mulation, we keep our low conceits to ourselves, and visit his collection with respect and curiosity. It is very scanty ; and he feels that it is so, while he exhibits this, and the other, morsel, and can- didly states his uncertainty whether this piece of ore is really gold, and that rough stone really a diamond ; and he tells us often, and with much feeling, that gold is scarce, and gems are not easily come by. We feel disappointed; but knowing the truth of his apology, and not ques- tioning his diligence, we join in his lamentation, and make the most of the little before us. Suppose, however, it should appear that this collector never went farther than the high-road, the ploughed field, and the market-place, to gather his stores ? We know, to be sure, that travellers may drop coins, and trinkets, on the highway — that road-makers may hit upon a vein limited access to such books as his undertaking required him to consult — if, as the Dean also states," the Scriptures were his constant study, and profane history his amusement, how could he think of undertaking an ecclesiastical historj', especially on a plan which rendered the works of all his predecessors, if not entirely useless, at least very insufficient and unsafe guides ? in cutting down a hill, and road-menders may accidentally bring scraps of ore among their materials — that the plough may turn up minerals, and that those who have dredged for nothing but oysters, have often fished up pearls — but, even knowing all this, should we wonder that his collec- tion was scanty, while he was content to be a pen- sioner on the accidental help of persons engaged in pursuits quite different from his own — many of whom did not know the things which he was seeking, when they saw them — never thought of looking for them — and even if they came in their way, threw them aside, as things not to their pur- pose ? He might, to be sure, tell us that it would be very tiresome and laborious to be digging in mines* and diving in the ocean ; and that he had neither the means, nor the leisure, for such undertakings. This might be true beyond dispute ; and what must we answer ? May we compliment him by saying, as Milner does, " in magnis voluisse SAT EST ?" I really feel that I could not; for it does not appear to me that every attempt at great things is praiseworthy ; and however magnificent the projected tower may be — whatever plans and elevations the architect may shew— ^surely we cannot commend him if he begins to build with- out a due estimate of his means ; and trusts that the excellency of his design, will atone for what- ever he may do or leave undone. This seems to me the more important, because n 52 MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. I cannot help thinking, that Milner's work is lia- ble to encrease, rather than to diminish, the evil which he proposed to remedy. Referring to the way in which ecclesiastical history has generally been written, he says, " the evils which have <« been practised in christian countries, seem even « greater than they really were ; and the disagree- « able inference which the reading of Mosheim " produced in my own mind, is probably no sin- « gular case, viz.— that real religion appears *< scarcely to have had any existence. Infidel « malice has triumphed though very unreasonably « on account of these things,'" &c. I must say that, to my own mind, the evil which Milner states, does not appear so important as he seems 10 have considered it ; and I am inclined to think, that those who have written on religious subjects, with a professed view of removing, or under a pressing fear of creating, offence in infidels, have too often exposed themselves, and, as far as they could, their cause. Yet, I grant that it is an evil, and one that ought to be met ; but how ? In fact how did the case stand before, and how does it stand at present ? When Milner heard the infidel unjustly triumphing, he might have told him that the ecclesiastical historians of whom he spoke, were the annalists of a secularized church, and made no profession of seeking out. ® Introd. p. V. SfiCT. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH Hil?r0RY. S3 and drawing to light, those whose characteristic it is, that the world knoweth them not; but were we now to tell him this, he would answer, " well, " I grant this, but here is a writer of real church " history — one whose mind was affected as my " own is — and who went to work on that very ** account, and with a special view to meet this " objection — and what is the result ?" Let me, however, be more specific — for I should be sorry to be thought guilty of falsely accusing, or even underrating any man, especially one, on many accounts, so respectable. If there ever was a period, with reference to which the infidel's objection might seem to be plausible, and when he might pretend that real religion was not to be found, and the real church not in existence, surely it was in the tenth cen- tury, commonly called the s^cuLUM obscur- UM. For such a period, the writer of " real church history," whose express object it was to meet this objection, would surely exert himself; and would think nothing of picking over a bushel of chaff, if perad venture he might find two grains of wheat. Though he might learn from Baro- nius, that it was " a dark age, remarkable above ** all others for the scarcity of writers and " men of learning,"'' he would be anxious to get hold of whatever writers there were ; and though ' Milner. vol. iii.24.5. 54 MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. Sect. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 55 'I he might take the Cardinal's word that they were not men of learning, would not feel satisfied without examination, that some of them might not be such persons as he was in search of. Du- pin* would furnish a list of eighty-six writers of this century — some of them to be sure little more than names, some hard to get at, and some, per- haps, quite out of reach — but does it appear that M ilner ever saw erne ? that he ever looked into a single writer of the tenth century, to see whether there might not be something to his purpose, which the defective historians had passed over ? I think not — he does not speak as if he had ever seen, or sought after, or thought of looking at, one ; though the extracts which he found in the Centuriators, might have tempted him.* Mosheim ^ " From whom," says Milner, (though Dupin was a Roman Catholic, and one of the authors whose deficienees he was writing to supply) " I derive particular information on subjects of this nature." Vol. ii. p. 529. ® As they did on another occasion, " All the accounts *' of antiquity are full of the praises of Vicelinus ; and his *' character is briefly, but very strongly celebrated by *< Mosheim, with such unqualified commendations, that I *' cannot but wish that verv learned historian had favoured ** us with an abridgment of his life and actions, taken from " the sources of information, which he quotes but which seem " to us inaccessible. I have consulted the Centuriators, and " find matter there sujffU-ient to excite, but not to satisfy our " curiosity. The little to he collected from them shall be alone, would have furnished him with references to a host of historians, and other writers relative to the period — did he refer to them ? Let the reader compare the ref^ences of the two histo- rians, and judge. In fact, Milner has disposed of the whole Century — one, not only requiring, as I have said, his utmost exertion from its ob- scurity, but one that offered to the apologist of christian missions, a fair prospect of reward for his labours — in thirty-eight octavo pages, of which five are an apology for christian missions ; and his references shew the sources from whence he derived what information he had. They are thirty-two in number — nineteen to the Centu- riators, who "omit, or very lamely recount, some most important Christian facts," ''—five to Alban Butler, " a zealous Roman Catholic" " u u u (( « mentioned in the next chapter. And here is an instance *' of that which I have had but too frequent occasion to re- " mark, namely, an extreme scantiness of information on subjects most worthy of our researches [researches?] How willingly would the evangelical reader have excused the omission of many pages in Mosheim, if he had grati- fied us with an orderly account of one of the best and *' wisest christian missionaries of the age." Vol. in. p. 431. If he had written without prejudice, could Milner have helped seeing, that such a detailed account of an individual, however excellent, was not Mosheim's business, and that it was most particularly his own ? '" Introd. p. V. " Vol. rii. 195. 66 MILNER S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. —four to MosHEiM, whose deficiencies it was his object to supply — one to Baronius, almost, 1 apprehend, as zealous a Roman Catholic, as Alban Butler, and aa*^ defective a historian as Mosheim — one to Bishop Newton — one to Gibbon — and (we must go if possible a step farther from orthodoxy) me to the King op Prussia. Now people who ever smile, must surely be tempted when they see such a motley group as- sembled, to lend their aid to a writer of " real church history,*' and to enable him to supply the defects of former historians, respecting the state of true religion, in an obscure, but very interest- ing, period of history ? Yet I feel that it is no laughing matter, when we couple it with Mil- ner's pretensions — with his constant reproach of others — and, above all, with his own plain and positive statement, " I have all along, however, " to the best of my ability, and opportunity, con- " suited ORIGINAL RECORDS, and have never ** contented myself with copying the sentiments of " MODERN HISTORIANS." What original re- cords of the tenth century — I do not mean auto- graph manuscripts — but what writer of the tenth century, or that was not modern by five hundred years did he consult ? I suppose that all we can say is, that this declaration (though prefixed to subsequent editions of the whole work) was made when he had written only the first volume, • i Sect. 2] M ILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 57 and that by original records, he meant the New Testament, and the works of the most commonly known fathers of the first three centuries; and that when he got farther, and original records became more difllicult to obtain, he changed his plan. This may have been the case ; but it is a pity that if his ability, and opportunity, for con- sulting original records, did not extend farther than his references seem to indicate, he did not desist when such references became not only more diflicult, but more necessary. But of the possibility of getting almost any, but the com- monest books, he seems to have had scarcely any idea, and it is hard to imagine with what stock of church-history-reading, and books, he set out upon his arduous undertaking. The Centuriators, to whom more than half the above references are made, he •^did not meet with" until he had finished his first volume,^^ and if he had ever seen the Councils, he managed, I believe, to get into the ninth century, and to the 209th page of his third volume, without a single reference to them. This, however, is the writer who, in regard to the Waldenses, tells us that " the information " of Mosheim concerning this people, seems very ^^I do not mean that they were necessary to that part of his undertaking, where, in fact, they would have been of less use than in any other — but what he says (Introd. p. v.) seems to imply, that he did not know the book, until after he had written the history of three centuries. 56 MILNERS CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. —four to MosHEiM, whose deficiencies it was his object to supply — one to Baronius, almost, 1 apprehend, as zealous a Roman Catholic, as Alban Butler, and a* defective a historian as Mosheim — one to Bishop NEWTON~owe to Gibbon — and (we must go if possible a step farther from orthodoxy) one to the King of Prussia. Now people who ever smile, must surely be tempted when they see such a motley group as- sembled, to lend their aid to a writer of " real church history," and to enable him to supply the defects of former historians, respecting the state of true religion, in an obscure, but very interest- • ing, period of history ? Yet I feel that it is no laughing matter, when we couple it with M il- ner's pretensions — with his constant reproach of others — and, above all, with his own plain and positive statement, " I have all along, however, " to the best of my ability, and opportunity, con- " suited ORIGINAL RECORDS, and have never " contented myself with copying the sentiments of " MODERN HISTORIANS." What Original re- cords of the tenth century — I do not mean auto- graph manuscripts — but what writer of the tenth century, or that was not modern by five hundred years did he consult? I suppose that all we can say is, that this declaration (though prefixed to subsequent editions of the whole work) was made when he had written only the first volume. Sect. 2] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 57 and that by original records^ he meant the New Testament, and the works of the most commonly known fathers of the first three centuries ; and that when he got farther, and original records became more diflScult to obtain, he changed his plan. This may have been the case ; but it is a pity that if his ability, and opportunity, for con- sulting original records, did not extend farther than his references seem to indicate, he did not desist when such references became not only more diflScult, but more necessary. But of the possibility of getting almost any, but the com- monest books, hte seems to have had scarcely any idea, and it is hard to imagine with what stock of church-history-reading, and books, he set out upon his arduous undertaking. The Centuriators, to whom more than half the above references are made, he '^did not meet with" until he had finished his first volume,^^ and if he had ever seen the Councils, he managed, I believe, to get into the ninth century, and to the 209th page of his third volume, without a single reference to them. This, however, is the writer who, in regard to the Waldenses, tells us that " the information " of Mosheim concerning this people, seems very ^'^I do not mean that they were necessary to that part of his undertaking, where, in fact, they would have been of less use than in any other — but what he says (Introd. p. v.) seems to imply, that he did not know the book, until after he had written the history of three centuries. i^' 58 MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. Sect. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 59 I " scanty^ confused, and erroneous'' ^^ The Chan- cellor of Gottingen, pleading the privilege of age,^* was inclined to boast, that after the greatest part of a life devoted to the study of ecclesiastical history ; and a course of reading which even, when we give him credit for unusual diligence, and extraordinary means, seems almost incredi- ble ;" he was able to throw fresh light on some "Vol. III. p. 444. ^^ '^ Liceat mihi jure senectutis uti, et pauca quaedam de me gloriari." Prwf, ** It must be observed, that the innumerable references of Mosheim, (at least according to his statement, which I have never found reason to doubt) were not collected at second hand ; but that in every case^ he had the books before him, and read, and compared, for himself — ** omnes quos " testiitus sum, ipse ante oculos habui, tractavi, legi, inter *' se contuli, alienaeque fidei me committere nolui." Poor man — he little thought that his numerous references would be turned into a ground of accusation. " The learned Dr. Mosheim," stiys the editor of the fifth volume of Milner's History, " in his compendium, refers to a long list of emi- " nent authors, who, he says, are to be consulted in confir- " mation of his brief statements. Now such an intimation '* appears to me, to have the effect of at once over- whelming the courage and resolution of any ordinary student of ecclesiastical history." 1 really do not see this, unless the ordinary student is compelled by force, or law, to look out the references, and made an extraordinary student against his will ; supposing it to be true, as to ordi- nary students, what should the effect have been on one who professed to be something more than an ordinary writer of Church History ? <( u few subjects, which he specified in his preface. Among these were the Cathari, and Albigenses, as he denominates persons of whom Milner speaks under the name of Waldenses. Respect-"" ing these persons we might, therefore, especially doubt whether Mosheim's information was ** scanty," even if it should turn out to be (unlike his information on other subjects) *^ confused and erroneous." For brevity's sake, however, as well as to cut off all possibility of cavil, let us take the word Waldenses, not as it is generally used by Milner, but in the restricted sense in which Mosheim (following, I believe, every ancient writer who had any knowledge of the sect) em- ployed it. Did any body ever suppose for a moment, that Milner had ever seen the outside of one half the works which Mosheim quotes at one opening of his book?^^ I must say — and I say it sincerely — that I have such confidence in ^^pp. 486, 487. They are, du cange Gloss, — nicol. ey- MERici Direct. Jnquis. — steph. de borbone de Sept, Donis Sp.S, in JAC. ECHARD c^QUETiF Bib, Scrip. Dominic, — anon. de hceresi Paup. de Lug. in martene Thesaur, Anecdot. — REiNERius sac ho — MONETA Sum, cont, Cath, et Vald. a Ri- CHiNio ed. — PiuCHDORFius con. Vald. — JO. paul. perrin Hist. S(c. — JO. leger Hist. gen. des Eg. Vaud. — JAC USSERII de Successionc Ecc. — J AC bas^ age Hist, des Egl. Ref. — t.a. RICH INI us Diss, de Wald. — boulay Hist. Acad. Paris, — and on the next page, he adds what is certainly one of the most important authorities, " Codex Inqitisitionis Tolosance a lim- bo rchio editus. 60 MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. Milner's good sense, and sound judgment, as renders me almost certain that, if he had done so, his own account of the Waldenses would have been, I do not say less scanty, (for it is just one of the faults of his history, that he dilates where information is the most plentiful and easily ob- tained) but certainly less " confused and errone- ous,'' than it undoubtedly is. r Section III. THE PAULICIANS. In order to form a right opinion of the Albi- genses, and their claim to be considered as persons of eminent piety, and real reformers of the church, it seems needful to take some notice of the faith, and history, of the Pauli- cians, a sect who arose in the East, in the seventh century ; and I am the more inclined to do this because, as I have elsewhere stated, an attempt has been made to maintain their orthodoxy, and to set them up as the witnesses.* The truth is, I believe, that those who maintain the doctrine of the 1260 years, have been so hard pressed in their attempts to find witnesses, that they have been glad to seize hold of any persons, who have been, or whom they can pretend to have been, in any way opposed to that power, whom their system compels them to consider as the Man of Sin. What ' Letter to the Rev. W. Digby. p. 59. 62 THE PAUUCIANS. [Sect. 3. Sect. 3.] THE PAUUCIANS. 63 has been already cited from Mr. Faber's work, sufficiently evinces how difficult it is to obtain anything in the shape of witnesses against the Papacy, in the West, before the twelfth century ; and therefore some writers have endeavoured to shew, not only that the Paulicians were eminently orthodox, but also, that they were persecuted by the See of Rome. On these two points, then, it would be worth while to say a few words, were it only to expose the erroneous statements by which that system, which it is my object to oppose, is maintained — but beside this, some notice of this sect will, 1 think, greatly conduce to our taking a proper view of the Albigenses. As to the Paulicians, I do not know of any historian, before Milner, who has not considered them as heretics ; and why he thus departed from the course of his predecessors, unless he was led by mistake, or prejudice, does not ap- pear. He does not pretend to have any authority. He tells us that he drew his materials from Gib- bon, and Mosheim. The original writers not having fallen into his hands, he says, " by the " assistance of the two modern authors, 1 shall ** state the few facts which are known, and give " as impartial a judgment, concerning the sect in " question, as I can." How far he really has fol- lowed these authors, as to the facts of the case, remains to be seen ; but I must first notice what he adds in this place, and what, perhaps, suggested to him a course which is, I believe, in direct oppo- sition to that of every other historian. After thus mentioning the authors, by whose assistance he meant to state the facts respecting the Paulicians, he adds, " the candour of Gibbon " is remarkable in this part of his history. O si " sic omnia !" Gibbon's candour on such a subject remark- able ? Why, had Mihier ever known an infidel, who was not affectionately candid towards here- tics, who had been persecuted by the orthodox ? Surely the " victims of spiritual tyranny," were just the objects to excite the candour of Gibbon, and this Milner, of all men, ought to have known.* Gibbon had been obliged, in his xvi chapter, to exhibit the mild virtues of paganism, as sullied by something almost amounting to persecution ; and to admit those sufferings, which " the primi- " mitive christians lamented, ^uA perhaps magni- "fied"— he had been obliged to suggest, that ^ " The very little leisure, which the laborious employ- " ment of teaching a school, and other still more important '* cares, have left me, I studiously devote to the reading of " history. Mr. Gibbon*s performance falling in my way, I " read it with avidity, delighted as I went along, to find a " new light and order given to subjects, which I had read " indeed when young, but had never seen arranged *' with such perspicuity and philosophical precision. In " one point of view only, truth and impartiality, seemed I 64 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. " these transient sufferings, served only to revive " the zeal, and to restore the discipline, of the " faithful" — to smooth down the persecution of Marcus Antoninus, into " the hardships which " they endured under the government oi a virtuous " prince who had despised the christians " as a philosopher, and punished them as a sove- " reign" — to point out in the " mitigated persecu- tion" of Severus, " the indulgent spirit of Rome and Polytheism" — to shew that the proceedings of M aximin, have " improperly received the name of persecution" — and that " the effects of " his resentment against the christians, were of a " very local and temporary nature" — to palliate " the rigorous treatment which they experienced under the short reign of Decius," and to tell us that " the virtues of that prince, will scarcely " allow us to suspect that he was actuated by a " mean resentment against the favourites of his " predecessor ; and it is more reasonable to be- ** lieve that, in the prosecution of his general u evidently to be wanting. The reader will be beforehand ** with me in supposing I mean, whatever has any relation <' to Christianity, The following sheets, perhaps, may ** convince him, that it would not be wrong to add, any ** relation to Christianity, direct or indirect. The sagacious ** author, scents the despised religion at an immense dis- *' tance, and steadily pursues his game, through the most *' intricate thickets, with unwearied assiduity." Milner's Gibbon's account of Christianity considered. Pref. p. 1. Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 65 u ti " design to restore the purity of Roman manners, " he was desirous of delivering the empire from " what he condemned as a recent, and criminal, " superstition. The bishops of the most consi- ** derable cities were removed by exile or death" — and with regard to Diocletian's persecution, to soften down matters as much as might be, and give prominence to " the circumstances which " insinuate that the general treatment of the christians, who had been apprehended by the officers of justice, was less intolerable than it is " usually imagined to have been." Gibbon had been compelled to notice the' persecution of the christians by pagans, in his XVI chapter, and, in his Liv, he found and took his revenge. Here was an event in the history of " the prostrate Greeks, who were content to ** fast, and pray, and believe, in blind obedi- « ence to the patriarch and his clergy"— things requiring no " energy, or exercise of the mental faculties"— which gave him an opportunity of talking of " the two religions of Zoroaster and Christ," and setting forth the " equal and unre- lenting hatred," with which they both persecuted the innocent Manichaeans. No doubt he was <* candid" towards those who rejected the Epistles of St. Peter, when it gave him an opportunity of stating, that they were '* justified by some of the most respectable of the ancients, and moderns ;" and of hinting at" a sham quarrel, a pious fraud," K ■ I' .II' 66 THE PAUUCIA^^S. [Sect. 3. Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 67 between the Apostles. He was candid to those who " overlooked" the Apocalypse, because it enabled him to suggest that, as this was not charged upon them as heresy, the Greek church probably did the same. In short, let any man read this fifty-fourth chapter of Gibbon, and I think he must see that all this talk about the Paulicians, was only intended to introduce an invective against Christianity ; and that the art- ful infidel dilated through twenty quarto pages, on a subject which might have been dispatched in one, merely because it gave him an opportu- nity for sneer, and sarcasm, against the religion, which both the Paulicians, and their persecutors, professed. What had the historian of the ninth century — or even of the whole decline and fall — to do with " the character and consequences of the Reformation"— with Calvin and Servetus— and with the " modern clergy" who subscribe " the forms of orthodoxy, the articles of faith" with ^ a smile or a sigh?" ** The candour of Gibbon is remarkable in this part of his history !" Yes, truly, so remarkable that I wonder Milner did not reject the Grecian gift. The well-read historian of the Decline and Fall, might afford to say, that the work of Photius had not fallen into his hands ; but the echo from Milner, is very sad. " Photius and Peter have not fallen into my hands." No, indeed, it seems as if none of the books which a historian of that period ought to have consulted, had fallen into his hands, except Gibbon, and Mosheim ; and he says, " by the assistance of the two modern au- " thors, I shall state the few facts which are " known, and give as impartial a judgment con- '* coming the sect in question, as I can." Well then, with all this remarkable candour, what is the account which Gibbon has given of the Paulicians ? He tells us that " a branch of Mani- '* chaeans were selected as the victims of spiritual " tyranny" — " their founders rejected the two Epistles of St. Peter"—" they agreed with their « Gnostic brethren in the universal contempt for ** the Old Testament, the books of Moses, and the " prophets, which have been consecrated by the ** decrees of the Catholic Church"—" in the prac- ** tice, or at least in the theory, of the sacraments, ** the Paulicians were inclined lo abolish all visi- ble objects of worship, and the words of the gospel were, in their judgment, the baptism, and communion, of the faithful. They indulg- ** ed a convenient latitude for the interpretation ** of Scripture ; and, as often as they were pressed ** by the literal sense, they could escape to the in- ** tricate mazes of figure and allegory. Their ut- ** most diligence must have been employed to ** dissolve the connexion between the Old and the ** New Testament, since they adored the latter as ** the oracles of God, and abhorred the former as M U M ■MtaBsaisS&iaiaui G6 THE PAUUCIANS. [Sect. 3. SlCT. 3.] THE PAtlLlCIANS. 67 between the Apostles. He was candid to those who " overlooked" the Apocalypse, because it enabled him to suggest that, as this was not charged upon them as heresy, the Greek church probably did the same. In short, let any man read this fifty-fourth chapter of Gibbon, and I think he must see that all this talk about the Paulicians, was only intended to introduce an invective against Christianity ; and that the art- ful infidel dilated through twenty quarto pages, on a subject which might have been dispatched in one, merely because it gave him an opportu- nity for sneer, and sarcasm, against the religion, which both the Paulicians, and their persecutors, professed. What had the historian of the ninth century — or even of the whole decline and fall — to do with " the character and consequences of the Reformation"— with Calvin and Servetus— and with the " modern clergy" who subscribe " the forms of orthodoxy, the articles of faith" with " a smile or a sigh?" " The candour of Gibbon is remarkable in this part of his history !" Yes, truly, so remarkable that I wonder Milner did not reject the Grecian gift. The well-read historian of the Decline and Fall, might afford to say, that the work of Photius had not fallen into his hands ; but the echo from Milner, is very sad. " Photius and Peter have not fallen into my hands." No, indeed, it seems as if none of the books which a historian of that period ought to have consulted, had fallen into his hands, except Gibbon, and Mosheim ; and he says, " by the assistance of the two modern au- « thors, I shall state the few facts which are " known, and give as impartial a judgment con- '« cerning the sect in question, as I can." Well then, with all this remarkable candour, what is the account which Gibbon has given of the Paulicians ? He tells us that '* a branch of Mani- '' chseans were selected as the victims of spiritual " tyranny" — " their founders rejected the two Epistles of St. Peter"—" they agreed with their « Gnostic brethren in the universal contempt for « the Old Testament, the books of Moses, and the " prophets, which have been consecrated by the ** decrees of the Catholic Church"—" in the prac- ** tice, or at least in the theory, of the sacraments, " the Paulicians were inclined to abolish all visi- " ble objects of worship, and the words of the " gospel were, in their judgment, the baptism, " and communion, of the faithful. They indulg- " ed a convenient latitude for the interpretation " of Scripture ; and, as often as they were pressed " by the literal sense, they could escape to the in- " tricate mazes of figure and allegory. Their ut- " most diligence must have been employed to « dissolve the connexion between the Old and the « New Testament, since they adored the latter as " the oracles of God, and abhorred the former as .;■!#; > "tl I I / 68 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. '• the fabulous and absurd invention of men or ** dsemons. We cannot be surprised that they " should have found in the Gospel the orthodox " mystery of the Trinity ; but, instead of confess- " ing the human nature and substantial sufferings ** of Christ, they amused their fancy veithaceles- " tial body that passed through the Virgin, like « water through a pipe ; v^'ith a phantastic cruci- " fixion, that eluded the vain and impotent ma- ** lice of the Jews. A creed thus simple and " spiritual, was not adapted to the genius of the ** times ; and the rational christian, who might " have been contented with the light yoke and " easy burden of Jesus and his Apostles, was " justly offended that the Paulicians should dare " to violate the unity of God, the first article of " natural and revealed religion. Their belief " and trust was in the Father of Christ, of the " human soul, and of the invisible world. But « they likewise held the eternity of matter; a " stubborn and rebellious substance, the origin of ** a second principle, of an active being, who has " created the visible world, and exercises his " temporal reign till the final consummation of " death and sin." Such is the account of the Paulician creed which is given by the remarkably candid histo- rian ; and on what authority did Milner contra- dict it ? Was it on the authority of his other 69 3lls\ professed guide ? Certainly not. Mos heim tel ls us that the Paulicians were " a sect that may be considered as a branch of the Manicheeans ;" (secta Manichaeis cognata) and proceeds to give an account, so much like that already quoted, that it is not worth while to tire the reader with what would be little more than repetition. It may be enough to observe, that he says, " they were not " altogether Manichees (germani Manichsei) " though they embraced some opinions that re- " sembled certain tenets of that abominable sect" —and he afterwards adds, in a note, " it is evi- " dent, beyond all contradiction, that the Paulici- ** ans, in imitation of the oriental philosophers « from whom the Gnostics and Manichseans de- ** rived their origin, considered eternal matter as \ " the seat and source of all evil ; but they believed, " at the same time, like many of the Gnostics, " that this mattery endued from all eternity with " life and motion, had produced an active prin- " ciple, which was the fountain of vice, misery, " and disorder. This principle, according to ** them, is the author of all material substances ; " while God-is the Creator and Father of Spirits. " These tenets resemble, no doubt, the Manichsean " doctrine ; yet they differ from it in several ** points. It appears most probable, that the " Paulicians were extremely numerous and " diversified, and which, though persecuted and " oppressed from age to age in the most rigorous ^ ill I t,**i tj y P4 k I( 70 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3- Sbct. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 71 Si f. A manner, by many emperors, could never be en- V " tirely suppressed, nor totally extirpated.^ Milner's objections, for they cannot be called arguments, are really scarcely worth noticing ; and it will be more to the purpose to discover, if we can, what induced him to dress up the Pau- licians in eminent orthodoxy ; and, in defiance 3 Cent. IX. P. II. ch. v. § 6. I quote Maclaine's trans- lation because Milner has said, at p. 373 of this Volume, «' As Mosheim's work, translated by Maclaine, is better " known than the original in England, I always quote the " former, and would be understood, both here and else- " where, to refer to that rather than to the latter." It is therefore only fair to him that I should do the same ; but that it is not safe, this single note may shew. The transla- tor has taken the liberty to put in, and put out, important matter. Mosheira does not say, that the Paulicians " were extremely numerous," or at all «• diversified ;" and he does say, that he was inclined to believe that they were the off- spring of the Gnostics. His words (professedly translated above) are " Affinia hoec sunt Manichoeorum dogmati : sed " ab eo etiam di versa. Crediderira, banc sectam sobolem *' esse unius ex antiquis Gnosticorum familiis : quae, mul- " tis licet Imperatorum legibus et supplicibus misere vex- *« at«, numquam tamen opprimi et extirpari potuerunt" p. 352. It will be obvious to any body who takes the trouble to compare them, that some of Milner's unjust censures of Mosheim, arose from his using the translation, instead of the original. It might be well to refer to the translation in common cases, but when he took upon him to censure Mosheim, he should surely have looked to see whether the translation was correct. of his two professed guides, (and, I believe, of every other ecclesiastical writer) to discover in them " one of those extraordinary effusions of the « Divine Spirit, by which the knowledge of « Christ, and the practice of godliness, is kept ^ alive in the world." How came he to differ so widely from all his predecessors, Greek, Papal, and Protestant — Infidel, and Christian ? I do not wish to be uncharitable to him, or to those of his protestant predecessors to whom the remark may apply, but I cannot help think- ing that a circumstance may be noticed which will go far towards explaining the matter. It is this— he did^ and they did not, suppose that the Pope was concerned in the persecution of the Paulicians. The discovery that Rome had any- thing to do with the business, was, I believe, re- served for Milner ; for I find no hint of it in Mosheim, or Gibbon, or in any other writer whose works I have met with. The fact seems to be, that in writing his chapter on the Pauli- cians, Milner strayed away from his professed guides, and got hold of a letter of Pope Nicolas which he misunderstood. The Councils, appa- rently for the first time, fell into his hands, just when he was engaged with a subject on which they could give him no information, and they only led him astray. From this letter, which he found there, he gathered that the Paulicians were %\\ ■ifef 1 ^1 72 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 73 persecuted by the " antichristian tyranny" of Rome. This put the matter in quite a different light. The Paulicians were, in all probability, very excellent people — no doubt all insinuation of heresy was slander — they were reformers, martyrs, confessors, witnesses, the witnesses — and it seemed but justice to believe, that their only crime was, that they would not receive the mark of the beast. This letter of Pope Nicolas, was not un- known to the predecessors of Milner, but they understood it ; and I do not say that, if they had misunderstood it as widely as he did, they would have gone as far as he has done in dressing up the Paulicians. Several of them however, would have been under great temptation. Some of those who quietly set down the Paulicians as heretics (such as the Centuriators, F. Spanheim, Venema, and Peter Allix) had as sharp a scent for witnesses, as Matthew Hopkins had for a witch ; and if they had not discovered in the Paulicians an " extraordinary effusion of the Di- vine Spirit," would at least have said what they could for them. Let us, however, see how far there is any ground for connecting the Pope with the Paul- icians. Milner says, " Theodora was succeeded by her son Michael. Her cru- " elties and superstitions deserved the applause of Nicolas, " who became Pope of Rome in 858. In a letter, he highly " approved her conduct, and admired her on account of her " implicit obedience to the Holy See. We learn from the «* biographer of the Emperor Michael what Theodora had « done to call forth the encomiums of this pontiff. ' She " resolved,' says he, ' to bring the Paulicians to the true « faith, or cut them all off root and branch'— a resolution « worthy of a truly catholic princess !— ' pursuant to that *< resolution, she sent some noblemen and magistrates,' not <' preachers or missionaries,—' into the different provinces " of the empire ; and, by them, some of those unhappy "wretches were crucified, some put to the sword, and «f some thrown into the sea and drowned.' Thus were they <' slaughtered to the number of one hundred thousand, and " their goods and estates confiscated. * " The pope alluded to this bloody massacre, when he « commends Theodora in the same letter for the manly « vigour she exerted, the Lord co-operating (Domino co- « operante) as he blasphemously adds, against obstinate " and incorrigible heretics. Nicolas, at the same time ob- « serves, that the heretics, experiencing in her aU the reso- « lution and vigour of a man, could scarcely believe her to '« be a woman. Indeed zeal for religion had changed in '< Theodora, as it did in our queen Mary, the tender and " compassionate heart of a woman into that of a merciless " and blood-thirsty tyrant. And here I am not disposed " to suppress, that from the pope's own words, it appears, " that the Apostolic See had its share in the glorious exploit " just mentioned ; for the pope, after telling her that the " heretics dreaded, and at the same admired, her resolution " and steadiness in maintaining the purity of the catholic « faith, adds, ' and why so, but because you followed the direc •« tions of the Apostolic See ? ' " * it'! 11 > ' 1 HI i t 1 * Porphyrog. « Concil. Lab. Nic. Ep. Xiv. I. f/ ^ '*. .1 74 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 75 <« So truly was Antichristian tyranny now established <' at Rome. " vol. iii. p. 208. Now suppose we grant the utmost that Milner could desire to prove— that the Paulici- ans were the special witnesses of God — that Theodora persecuted them— that she did this by direction of the pope— and that, therefore, the pope was Antichrist. Suppose, I say, that for the sake of argument we admit this ; will not these things, which prove the pope of Rome to be Antichrist, equally prove the patriarch of Constantinople to be Antichrist? " Oh dear, no," says the reader of Milner, " what had the patriarch to do with it ? His name " is never once mentioned in the business." Very true — his name is not mentioned by Milner, but it is mentioned in " the pope's own words," a half sentence of which Milner has unfairly trans- lated. The pope's " own words" are " Cur hoc " nisi quia Sedis Apostolicse dogmata sequebaris, " et Constantinopolitani monita Pontificis^ cui Ro- " mana Ecclesia communicabat, araplectebaris ?" 1 need hardly observe how unfair it is to trans- late " dogmata" by " directions" — but let the dogmata of the pope have been what they might, surely they were no worse than the monita of the patriarch. To come, however, to the point. Does this letter of pope Nicolas, to the empress Theodora, relate to thePauliciansa^ all? I believe it does not. ^ " We learn," says Milner, " from the biogra- " pher of Michael, what Theodora had done to " call forth the encomiums of the pontiff." Why, surely, Milner must have known, that Theodora had done something else, far more likely to call forth the encomiums of the pontiff, than her per- secution of the Paulicians, of whom, as far as I know, no pope ever took any notice whatever. He must surely have known, that the great event of her life — that event for which she has been magnified, and extolled, by every papal historian — for which she was placed, and still stands, as a saint in the Greek calendar — was, that following the dogmata, (that is, holding the doctrine) of the Apostolic See, which her husband had renounced, she had restored, and triumphantly established, the worship of images in the eastern church, after the long and fierce struggle, which had rent asunder Rome and Constantinople. Theophilus (her husband) had been an active adversary of the image worshippers. On his death, their son, Michael III. being a child, the reins of government were assumed by Theodora. She, whether from her own personal attachment to image-worship, or terrified by the threats of the most powerful persons of the court — or, as the pope's letter seems to suggest, following the monita of the patriarch — moved by some, or, perhaps, by all these motives, the fact is unques- tionable, that on her coming into power, she set m ^ i|- ''I 1! \ u : 1^/, 76 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. 1 to work so energetically to put down the Icono- clasts, that the pope might well say that those « heretics, experiencing in her all the resolution, " and vigour, of a man, could scarcely believe " her to be a woman." * The reader will observe, that the pope speaks of " communicating," or being in communion with, the patriarch, whose monitions the empress had followed ; and he had, in fact, (whether we take the word in its ordinary, or in its ecclesias- tical sense) " communicated" with Nicephorus, the exiled patriarch, whose monita, while he lived, were in strict accordance with the actions of • In fact her vigour in this business is described in these very terms, by Theophanes, who says, « in pietatis « studium curamque maxime incubnit foemina, vere Dei mu- « nere (utnomen ejus indicat) data ex omnibus pneclaris et " magnis facinoribus, quibusprincipes probari soient, nul- " lum praestantius existimans, quo tutius sibi imperium con- « firmaret, autvirilem in foeminea persona fortitudinem exer- " ceret, quam si pietatis et religionis cultus Deum sibi pro- « pitium redderet. Id autem nullo pacto facilius aut com- modius posse contingere, quam si perturbationem in Ec- clesia jam din excitatam sedaret," Ac cited Baron. Ann. 842. §.12. In pursuance of this conviction, she deposed the Iconoclast patriarch John, and put in his place, Methodius. The reader who wishes for more information as to this his- tory, may find it in Gibbon, c. 54 ; and the authorities which he cites. But a minute, and elaborate, investigation of the points here referred to may be found in Walch's Historic der Kezereien. Vol. x. p. 728. «c !1 V I.; Section IV. THE ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. " I CANNOT," says Mr. Milner, in reference to Gibbon s account of the Paulicians, " follow the " learned author, to whom I owe much for this " account, in his conjectures concerning this peo- " pie's dispersion through the European provinces. " Nor does there seem any good evidence of the " Waldenses owing their origin to the Paulicians. << Such speculations are too doubtful to satisfy the " minds of those, who prefer the solid evidence of " facts to the conjectural ebullitions of a wann " imagination." Milner does not appear to have considered, that what, if he had stated it, must have proceeded from a warm imagination, might, in Gibbon s case, be the offspring of learning, and sound judgment; because Gibbon was familiarly ac- quainted with facts, respecting which it would be too much to say, that Milner was even imperfectly SecT. 4.] ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 83 m informed. However, having dismissed one of his guides with this flippant remark, and said not a word of the other, who maintained the same opinion, Milner seems to think it only necessary to add his belief, that there is no proof that the Waldenses were descended from the Paulicians. Now, this was not asserted by either of his guides, both of whom understood the matter somewhat better than he did ; and, certainly, it is not my intention to maintain it. I do not believe that the Waldenses were so descended ; but it seems to me quite impossible, for any man who reads merely what is advanced by Gibbon, and Mosheim, to doubt that the sect, popularly called Albigenses, were descendants of the Pauli- cians ; and, like them, (that is to the same, or about the same, extent— for there is no use in quibbling about words) Manicheans. The works of both Gibbon, and Mosheim, are probably accessible to most readers; but, as I am atraid that very few would turn to them, if I were merely to refer ; and, as the extracts need not be very long, and are, 1 think, very much to the purpose, I shall lay them before the reader. Gibbon's '' specu lations," as Milner is pleased to call them, are as follow : — " About the middle of the eighth centur>^ Constantine, " surnamed Copronymus by the worshippers of images, had " made an expedition into Armenia, and found, in the cities « of Melitene and Theodosiopolis, a great number of Pauli- M m m i ■■11 ill ii .■■I j!.'l / i I 84 ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. [Sect. 4. ** cians, his kindred heretics. As a favour or punishment, « he transplanted them from the banks of the Euphrates to « Constantinople and Thrace ; and by this emigration, " their doctrine was introduced and diffused in Europe. " If the sectaries of the metropolis were soon mingled « with the promiscuous mass, those of the country struck « a deep root in a foreign soil. The Paulicians of Thrace " resisted the storms of persecution, maintained a secret ^' correspondence with their Armenian brethren, and gave " aid and comfort to their preachers, who solicited, not « without success, the infant faith of the Bulgarians. " In the tenth century they were restored and multi- " plied by a more powerful colony, which John Zimisces << transported from the Chalybian hills to the vallies of " Mount Hamus. The oriental clergy, who would have '< preferred the destruction, impatiently sighed for the ab- « sence, of the Manichaeans : the warlike emperor had ^' felt and esteemed their valour; their attachment to the " Saracens was pregnant with mischief ; but, on the side « of the Danube, against the Barbarians of Scythia, their " service might be useful, and their loss would be desira- " ble. Their exile in a distant land was softened by a free ^' toleration : the Paulicians held the city of Philippopolis (y* and the keys of Thrace ; the catholics were their subjects; i/« the Jacobite emigrants their associates : they occupied a f " line of villages and castles in Macedonia and Epirus ; !« and many native Bulgarians were associated to thecom- *« munion of arms and heresy. As long as they were « awed by power, and treated with moderation, their volun- " tary bands were distinguished in the armies of the em- " pire; and the courage of these dogs, ever greedy of war, " ever thirsty of human blood, is noticed with astonishment, « and almost with reproach, by the pusillanimous Greeks. " The same spirit rendered them arrogant and contumaci- <« ous: they were easily provoked by caprice or injury ; and 1 Sect. 4.] ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 85 « their privileges were often violated by the faithless " bigotry of the government and clergy. " In the midst of the Norman war, two thousand five «< hundred ManichaBans deserted the standard of Alexius " Comnenus, and retired to their native homes. He dis- " sembled till the moment of revenge ; invited the chiefs «' to a friendly conference, and punished the innocent and " guilty by imprisonment, confiscation, and baptism. In " an interval of peace, the emperor undertook the pious " office of reconciling them to the church and state : his <' winter quarters were fixed at Philippopolis ; and the thir- " teenth apostle, as he is styled by his pious daughter, " consumed whole days and nights in theological contro- *< versy. His arguments were fortified, their obstinacy " was melted, by the honours and rewards which he be- " stowed on the most eminent proselytes ; and a new city, "surrounded with gardens, enriched with immunities, " and dignified with his own name, was founded by " Alexius, for the residence of his vulgar converts. The " important station of Philippopolis was wrested from " their hands ; the contumacious leaders were secured in " a dungeon, or banished from their country ; and their " lives were spared by the prudence, rather than the mer- " cy, of an emperor, at whose command a poor and soli- " tary heretic was burnt alive before the church of St. " Sophia. But the proud hope of eradicating the preju- " dices of a nation was speedily overturned by the invinc- " ible zeal of the Paulicians, who ceased to dissemble " or refused to obey. After the departure and death of " Alexius, they soon resumed their civil and religious *' laws. "In the beginning of the thirteenth century, their " pope, or primate (a manifest corruption) resided on ^' the confines of Bulgaria, Croatia, and Dalmatia, and " governed, by his vicars, the filial congregations of Italy 1 1 (if 1 'oa n / / 86 ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. [Sect. 4. i « and France. From that fleraj a minute scrutiny might « prolong and perpetuate the chain of tradition. At the « end of the last age, the sect or colony still inhabited the «« vallies of mount Haemus, where their ignorance and " poverty were more frequently tormented by the Greek " clergy than by the Turkish government. The modern <* Paullcians have lost all memory of their origin ; and " their religion is disgraced by the worship of the cross, " and the practice of bloody sacrifice, which some captives *< have imported from the wilds of Tartary. «' In the west, the first teachers of the Manichcean « theology had been repulsed by the people, or suppressed « by the prince. The favour and success of the Paulicians " in the eleventh and twelfth centuries must be imputed " to the strong, though secret, discontent which armed the " most pious Christians against the church of Rome. Her « avarice was oppressive, her despotism odious : less de- <' generate perhaps than the Greeks, in the worship of " saints and images, her innovations were more rapid and " scandalous : she had rigorously defined and imposed the *< doctrine of Iransubstantiation : the lives of the latin clergy " were more corrupt, and the eastern bishops might pass « for the successors of the apostles, if they were compared " with the lordly prelates, who wielded by turns the crosier, *< the sceptre, and the sword. " Three different roads might introduce the Pauli- '' cians into the heart of Europe. After the conversion '« of Hungary, the pilgrims who visited Jerusalem, might " safely follow the course of the Danube : in their jour-r " ney and return they passed through Philippopolis ; and *< thes ectaries, disguising their name and heresy, might " accompany the French or German caravans to their ** respective countries. The trade and dominion of Venice " pervaded the coust of the Adriatic, and the hospitable / t i: V \ Sect. 4. ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 87 *< republic opened her bosom to foreigners of every climate ^' and religion. Under the Byzantine standard, the Pau- <^ licians were often transported to the Greek provinces of <* Italy and Sicily ; in peace and war they freely conversed << with strangers and natives, and their opinions were << silently propagated in Rome, Milan, and the kingdoms <* beyond the Alps. It was soon discovered, that many <' thousand catholics of every rank, and of either sex, had <' embraced the Manichaean heresy ; and the flames which " consumed twelve canons of Orleans, was the first act / " and signal of persecution." Ch. liv. vol. v. p. 530. M osheim, after reciting some of the historical facts, which have been already given in the words of Gibbon, says — ^ *' Many of the Paulicians, either from a principle of \ <* zeal for the propagation of their opinions, or from a " desire of getting rid of the persecution and oppression " they suffered under the Grecian yoke, retired from Bul- '^ garia and Thrace, and formed settlements in other <^ countries. Their first migration was into Italy ; from ** whence, in process of time, they sent colonies into " almost all the other provinces of Europe, and formed ^ gradually a considerable number of religious assemblies " who had adhered to their doctrine, and who were after- ** wards persecuted with the utmost vehemence by the ^< Roman pontiffs. It is difficult to fix the precise period of ^* time when the Paulicians began to take refuge in Europe ; " it is, however, undoubtedly certain, from the most au- ** thentic testimonies, that a considerable number of that ^^ sect were, about the middle of this century, settled in '^ Lombardy, Insubria, and principally at Milan ; and '^ that many of them led a wandering life in France, Ger- *' many, and other countries, where they captivated the 1 Pi 1 f i ^ii n m 1 I w "In .(I n 88 ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. [Sect. 4. «< esteem and admiration of the multitude, by theif\ sanc- " timonious looks and the uncommon air of piety, which « they put on with much aflfectation." * Cent. xi. P. iiV ch. V. §. 2. On this he adds the following note : « See Lud. Ant. Muratori, Antiquitat. Ital. medii a;vi. « Tom. V. p. 83. Limborch. Historia Inquisitionis, p. 31. " Thorn. Aug. Richinii Dissertatio de Catharis, which is " prefixed to the Summa B. Monetae contra Catharos p. 17, « 18. We might also refer upon this occasion, to Glab. « Rodulph. Histor. Lib. iii. c. viii. To Matth. Paris and « other ancient writers. Certain Italian authors, and " among others Richini, seem unwilling to acknowledge, " that the Paulicians arrived first in Italy, and proceeded « from thence into the other provinces of Europe ; and « maintain, on the contrary, that their first settlement was " in France, and that from thence they came into Italy. *< These writers look upon it as ignominious to their country, " to be considered as the first European nation which fos- " tered such a pernicious and impious sect in its bosom. " Be that as it may, their hypothesis is favoured by Petr. de " Marcahimself a Frenchman, who in his Histoire de Beam, «' Livr. VIII. cap. xiv. p. 728, declares it as his opinion, that the Paulicians joined themselves to the Gallic armies that returned from the Holy War in Palestine, by the Pro- ** vince of Bulgaria, and were thus conducted into France. " But that learned author alleges no proof to support this ** opinion : it appears on the contrary from the records of * So Maclaine is pleased to translate Mosheim's words, " non pau- C08 de plebe magnae pietatis, quam prae se ferebant, specie cepisse." A most lamentable thing it is, that if, to the disgrace of our church, and our country, the English reader is to have nothing that can be called a church history but Moshcim^s, there should not be a better translation. cc i( Sect. 4.] ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 89 <« the Inquisition of Thoulouse, published by Limborch, « and from other authentic pieces, that the Paulicians set- « tied first in Sicily, Lombardy, Liguria, and the Milanese, « and sent from thence their doctors and missionaries into " France. See the Codex Tolosanus, p. 13, 14, 32, 68, <' 69 and passim. We learn also from the Code of Thou- " louse, that the French Paulicians who were called Albi- " genses, had no bishop to consecrate their Anciani (such " was the title they gave to their presbyters), so that such " of them as were desirous of being placed in the order of " presbyters, were obliged to repair to Italy, in order to , " their being regularly installed." That the Albigenses, whether justly or not, were called Manicheans, and thaUbey were said to holdthe same^octrines which were charged upon the Paulicians^ is not disputed. Now I cannot find, before that burning of the canons of Orleans, which is referred to by Gibbon, and which is said to have taken place in a.d. 1017, or A.D. 1022, any instance of any person having been charged with Manicheism, or any notice of the existence of that heresy in Europe, for more than four hundred years. Whether these canons of Orleans really were Manicheans has been doubted ; and perhaps the same doubt may ex- tend to the persons condemned by the Council of Charroux, in 1028 or 1031, of whose faith we have no account but Ademar's assertion that they were Manicheans — by the council of Rheims, in 1049, where they are only characterised as " the new heretics which had arisen in France" — and / N \ i I i: ii'' t- ' ilii ^f ^(!t: 90 ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. [SEIC' T. 4. \ by the council of Thoulouse, in 1056, where there is no specification of the nature of the heretics against whom its thirteenth canon is pointed. It is a matter of little consequence to the /argument ; but, as to the fact, I think we may doubt whether these persons were of the same sect as those who were afterwards called Albigenses. Be this, however, as it may ; I do not, from the time which I have mentioned, until the Council of Thoulouse, in 1119, (a period of sixty-three years) meet with any notice of Manicheans, or any thing which seems as if it could relate to such heretics as we are in search of. There, however, the 3rd canon, though it gives no name to the heretics, is too express to be mistaken— f Moreover we condemn, and expel from the \' church of God, as heretics, those who, putting M< on the^-apgearance of religion, condemn the « sacrament oTtHelbody and blood of our Lord, « th e baptism of childre n^ the priesthood and " other ecclesiastical orders, and the bonds of " lawful marriage." The reader will observe that hitherto the heretics have never been called by any particular name, in the acts of any Council ; and the first heretics to whom I find any distinctive appellation applied, are those who were condemned in the Council of Oxford, in 1160. The account given of their opinions, by a contemporary historian, suflSciently identifies them as belonging to those il-^ Sect. 4.] ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 91 who were charged with Manichean heresy ; and this writer tells us that they were Germans, and were believed to belong to those who were com- monly called Publicans; who, having taken their rise in Gascony, from some unknown au- thor, had multiplied, like the sand of the sea, in France, Spain, Italy, and Germany. It is not surprising that the English monk should not know the origin of the name which he quoted ; but I think no reader to whom it is once sug- gested, can doubt that it is a corruption of Pau- liciani, or, more properly speaking, a western pro- nounciation of nauXix^avoi, and that these Publi- cans, were the same as the Publicans whom the Crusaders met with in the east.^ ««' PopuLiCANi, Poblicani, Publicani. HaBretici Mani- «' chaorum sectarii, qui Grecis Uavkmavoi Latinis scrip- " toribus Pauliciani : sic appellati a Paulo Samosateno " hffiresis autore, sive a Paulo et Joanne, ut observatum a " nobis ad Aiexiadem p. 4 1 2 Poplicani lib. 4. Hist Vezeliac. <* p. 644. qui Pauliani apud Liberatum Diacon. cap. 2 et " autorem Praedestinati. Ita porro appellarunt nostri Ma- " nicheeos qui Franciam nostram aliquandiu erroribus suis " inquinarunt, maxime in Aurelianensi provincia, Roberto *' Rege regnante, de quibus Gesta Synodi Aurelianensis " an. 1017 editato. 2. Spicilegii Acheriani et excerpt ex " Tabulario S. Petri Carnot. edita a Labeo to. 2. Miscellan. '< p. 562. Hacce postea appellatione Valdenses haereticos " donarunt, quod quaedam ex dogmate Manichaei queedam " ex erroribus Origenis, plurima etiam de suo confinxissenl, " ut est in Magno Chronico Belgico an. 1208 quod scili- I' h \ * 1 i ''til f !H 92 ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. [Sect. 4. It is not worth while to endeavour to trace these Publicans at present ; and of the names, borne by the Albigenses and Waldenses, I shall hereafter have occasion to speak. In the mean time, I must remind the reader that my object is, to shew that the persons called Albigenses, in y the south of France, were Paulician emigrants; and I think we have seen, that they did in fact appear at.a--4im£VJUJibring with them a name, which strongly countenances^ tHS'lcteft. I'here is a third point, however, more important, and which, coupled with the other two, seems to " cet duo principia, ut Manichsei, agnoscerent, ut est apud '*• Crmengardum contra Valdenses cap. 2. Vide Concilium " Lateranense III. an. 1179, c. 27. Populicanorum crebra " est mentio apud Albericum in Chron. MS. an. 1 148. In " Chronico Vezeliacensi ap. Labeura to. I, Bibl. an. 1 167, " 1 181 et 1198. In Chron. S. Mariani Antisiod. an. 1181 " et 1 1 98. in M. Chron. Belg. an. 1 1 47 et 1 1 97. ex eodem *' Alberico, ut et apud alios scriptores quos laudamus '« in notis ad Villharduinum pag. 342 ubi etiam de Publi- " canis quorum meminere iidem scriptores." Du Cange in V. where he also adds, " Publicanorum etiam crebra est " mentio apud scriptores expeditionum Hierosolymitanarum, " a quibus inter gentes, quce Saracenis ac Per sis erant conter- *' min!;:; the great bulk of the heretical population of Pro- vence, and Lombardy, were generally (except when it was thought necessary in any edict, or anathema, to set down a long string of names, in order to be sure of including all sorts of here- tics) called in decrees of councils, writings of his- X torians, and acts of the inquisition, simply " the Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 97 heretics/' I hope to give sufficient proof of this ; and with this explanation I shall, for the sake of brevity and distinction, use the word Albigenses in its popular sense, to signify those who were, in such documents as I have specified, called " the heretics," as distinguished from Waldenses, and other heretics designated by proper names. To avoid circumlocution, I shall also ask for the same indulgence which Limborch felt it necessary to claim, if I sometimes (as indeed I have once or twice done already) use the terms " heretic," and " heresy," without meaning to assert that the per- son, or doctrine, in question was really heretical ; but only to designate the person, or doctrine, treated as such, in any particular transaction by the Church of Rome. ^ A second ground of confusion has been found ^^ in attempts (sometimes not very happy ones) at etymology. This indeed applies only to the Wal- denses ; for, whatever other difficulties we may find in treating of the Albigenses, we cannot doubt the origin of their name. As to the other sect, however, Mr. Faber goes so far as to say that they did not dream of having received their name from Peter Waldo ; and he, and some other writers, endeavour, by calling them Vallenses, to connect them with a church which is supposed to/ have existed in the ValUes of Piedmont. To this however, I think there are three objections — o !lf: i'.ll 'lUi 98 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5 f , I. If the name was originally Vallensis, how did the d get in ? What was the motive or mean- ing of those who inserted it? As far as I can see it must have been to convert a word which is as- sumed to have had a plain, and obvious, meaning, into a word having no meaning at all. I have never seen any reason assigned for such a pro- ceeding, and cannot conceive of any. I can im- agine that Valdensis might have been softened into Vallensis (though I do not believe it ever was; for every ancient writer whose works I have seen has preserved the d) but how are we to account for such a change as that of Vallensis into Valdensis? Mr Faber, indeed, in a passage to which I have alluded, says, " So little did the old Vallenses " dream of having received their name from this " holy man, that at least as early as the year 1212, " they themselves derived it in point of etymology " from the word Vallis. The appellation indeed " they spiritualized, if I may use the expression, " for according to the testimony of Ebrard of " Bethune, who wrote in that year,^ they called * I wish that Mr. Faber had given some authority for this assertion. I know that other writers have affirmed, as dogmatically as himself, that Ebrardus wrote in 1212 ; but I can find no sufficient ground for their statement, or, indeed, for fixing the date of this writer at all. The only reason which I have seen assigned for supposing that Ebrardus wrote in 1212 is, that there was an Ebrardus of !«' !• „: Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 99 " themselves Vallenses, because they abode in the " valley of tears ; * Vallenses se appellant eo quod " in valle lachrymarum maneant' Ebrard. Bath. " Antihaer. c. xxv. ; but still they derived their " title not from the name of Peter of Lyons, who " had been dead only about twenty years, but " from the word Vallis, or Valley ^ p. 25. This is really another instance of what I have already had such frequent occasion to expose — the picking out a few words from an author, and making him, for want of his context, say what he never meant. The reader, of course, under- \ Bethune, who wrote a book entitled Graecismus. The date of this writer is uncertain — at least it has been disputed — and I believe, the only authority on the point is a distich which has been considered ambiguous. According to Du Cange (praef. p. 37.) it has been thus given by Anthonius Sanderus, and Valerius Andreas ; and is as follows Anno Milleno centeno bis duodeno Condidit Ebrardus GraBcismum Bethuniensis. It is necessary, therefore, for Mr. Faber's position to assume — first, that Ebrard who wrote against the Wal- denses was the same person as the anthor of the Grsecismus ; though I do not see why so considerable a place might not furnish two writers, in two different ages, on subjects totally different, and only resembling each other in bear- ing the very common name of Ebrard, or Everhard. Se- condly, that his refers to centeno^ and not to duodeno ; for otherwise instead of 1212, we get the year 1 124; which, in fact, I suppose that the writer meant to indicate. There is, however, another reason why 1 doubt whether the writer against the Waldenses, was the author of the Graecismus — fiM i I H! 100 ALBIGENSES AND VVALDENSES. Sect. 5.] Stands, from the foregoing statement, that " the old Vallenses," in general, and as a body, called themselves Vallenses ; and that neither they, nor Ebrardus, thought of putting in a d, or knew of any such name as Waldenses. Now, in fact, Ebrardus does himself call them Waldenses, when speaking of the body generally ; and, as to the passage referred to, I believe the truth is simply this— having concluded his twenty-fourth chapter, which is a defence of the spiritual inter- pretation of scripture, with a rambling allusion to christians being denominated the salt of the This latter work seems to have attained some celebrity ; and Henricus de Gaudavo (who was not born till some- time after 1212) calls it librum grammaticis non ignotum (in cat. scrip, eccles. c. 60.— cited Fab. Bib. Gr. vol. vii. Lib. V. c. 7. p. 60.) Now 1 grant that the writer against the Waldenses does once, or twice, refer to the text of the Greek Testament ; but, though free of quotations from Bede, Leo, Rabanus Maurus, &c.— and the (then) less known writers, Cato, Horace, Virgil, Ovid, Persius and Claudian— though, in short, evidently a man of unusual reading in Latin (if he belonged to the beginning of the thirteenth century) he only mentions, I believe two Greek books, Aristotle and the Sibylline Oracles, which were doubtless Latin books to him ; and in that language he quotes them, without hinting that they existed in any other. But, waiving all this, will the reader believe that the fol- lowing sentence was written by the author of a respected work on the Greek language ? " Quid enim h^eresis nisi dubitatio, ab hwreo hmresis dicta? In hoc enim quod du- bitatis hieretici estis.'^ Bib. Pat. Tom. iv. P. i. col. 1 135. !.i HI ! \ Sect. 5. ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 101 earth, he gets away to David's slaying the Edo- mites, in the vallies of salt ; and this seems to have reminded him of these Vallenses, who, as far as I know, had not been mentioned before, and are not mentioned afterwards. To them he devotes his twenty-fifth chapter; and does not return again to the Waldenses, but the whole remainder of his work consists of a general list or catalogue of heretics, chiefly taken from Isidore —a disputation against the Jews— and a list of eighty-six questions, framed principally on appa- rent discrepancies in the scriptures, for the pur- pose of puzzling heretics. This twenty-fifth chapter he begins by saying, " Some, however, « who call themselves Vallenses, because they so- '* journ in a valley oi tears, having the apostles in " derision : and also they choose to be called Xaha- " tatenses, from Xabatata' rather than Christians " from Christ ;" and it will be obvious, 1 think, 2 There seems to be something omitted ; but I wUl give the passage as it stands with its context, which is evi- dently corrupt; " Nos ergo, quibus dictum est ' Vos estis " sal terrae ;' in nobis salitis sal intelligamus, et sub lingua. " Intueamur David, qui percussit Edom, id est terrenom, " et xii. in Valle Salinarum. David enim xii. percussit, " id est, duodecim praedicationibus Apostolorum auditis, « in Falle Salinarum, id est, in Scriptura verborum bene " salita, perfectus esse promeretur. Sic enim cum ipso « David Sobal evertemus, id est, vanam vetustatem ; Syriam, " id est, sublimes: et convertemus Joab, quod interpre- ('.III w^ 1102 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. Sect. 5. i \^A to every one who reads this chapter, that the per- sons referred to in it were not supposed by the author to be the same as those against whom the twenty-four preceding chapters had been levelled. On this point, it may be, perhaps, sufficient to say, that he charges the former class with a sordid love of gain, and with unceasing toil after riches ; while he describes the latter, as given up to sloth, and living in idle mendicity ;— he occupies a whole chapter in proving to the former the law- fulness of eating meat ; and reproaches tlie latter, with running to feasts, " like flies to a honey- comb/' ' I shall have occasion hereafter to refer " tatur inimicus. Serviamus ergo in novitate spiritus, non " in vetustate litersp, ut ait Paulus ad Romanes. Contra eo«, qui dicuntur Xahatatu Cap. XXV. « Quidam autem qui Fallensesse appellant eo quod in Falle ^^ lachrymarum maneant, apostolos habentes in derisum : « et etiam Xabatatenses, a Xabatata potius quam Christiani a " Christose volunt appellari.'' ubi supra col. 1167. ^ Ch. XX. is entitled " Quod gloriari non debent in jfjuniis : et licitum sit carries comedere,'' and he therein says, " O parce viventes putatisne a carnalibus desideriis (vos) abstinere, quia carnes non comeditis ?" To the Val lenses he says, in ch. xxv. " Vos autem libentius ad domum " comestionis acceditis, quam ad domum jejunii, cum « Ecclesiastes dicat; ' Melius est ire ad domum luctus,' &c. *« Vos autem ad convivia curritis, tanquam muscae ad fa- ** vum mellis." In ch. xxii. he says of the heretics, *' Omi- ** serunt enim ludicra, sed non lucra : abjecerunt otia ^. Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 103 to Ebrardus, and to shew that he knew very little of the sects, whom, like some other writers, he confounded together, and called by the gene- ral name of Waldenses* In the mean time, the point to be observed is, that he did, in fact, use the name of Waldenses ; and that whoever these persons were who called themselves VallenseSy Ebrardus considered them as distinct from the Waldenses; and that, therefore, his testimony does not support Mr. Faber's broad dogmatical assertion, which even if it had the sanction of a score of such writers as Ebrardus, might be shewn to be erroneous. To say the truth, however, I believe that by these persons who called them- selves Vallensesy Ebrardus did, in fact, mean WaldenseSf some individuals of whom had proba- bly thus quibbled on the name of their sect ; and. i .im >■ *1 " sed non negotia. Si pauper enim fueris, et mendicus, ^' moram cum ill is facias, statim exies opulentus, quippe '* a diluculo ad crepusculum in mundanis operosi mercaturisy ** mantis non permittant otiari.^'' On the other hand, he says " of the Vallenses. " Sedent enim tola die ante solem. Hora " autem coenae, per plateas se exponunt. De quibus ait Paulus *' ad ThessalonicenseS; ^ Audimus enim inter vos quosdam ^* ambulare inquiete nihil operantes, &c Paulus autem *' eos otiari non jubet, dicens ad Ephesios, ^* magis autem " laboret operando manibns suis quod bonum est ;'' ' '^ and, after quoting many of the proverbs against idleness, he says, *' Omnia ista vobis objiciuntur a Salom. O Vallenses. Vos enim neque coUigitis ut formicse,'' &c. 104 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5. |l|ll perhaps, with good reason, by the time when Ebrardus wrote; though why the vallies of Piedmont should have been called " the valley of tears " till long after the time of Peter Waldo, I do not see. I think, however, it will appear to any one who takes the trouble to read the work of Ebrardus, that by these Vallenses, he meant some Waldenses, and that by Waldenses he meant Albigenses, and that he knew very little about either." II. Though when the word Waldensis or Vallensis had once come into existence, it might be readily quibbled into Vallensis, (especially in an age when no word was safe) yet I do not think that if the people of the middle ages, had wished to indicate that Peter of Lyons, or any- body else, had been born, or had lived in a valley, they would have thought of calling him Vallensis. ^ I believe that no other winter can be found who has spoken of Vallenses at all. Bernard, Abbot of Fontcaud (of whom I shall have occasion hereafter to speak-and who does appear to have known something of the Wal- denses) while he indulged his fancy, and played upon this very word vallis, did not venture to get rid of the d ; which he seems to have considered as an integral part of the word— « quodam praesagio futurorum sortiti vocabulum, " dicti sunt Valdenses ; nimirum a Valle densa ; eo quod " profundis et densis errorum tenebris involvantur.^' Bib. Pat. Tom. IV. P. i. col. 1195. }'• ' Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 105 '•'■m It was indeed likely enough that, if such had been his birth-place, or his residence, he should have derived a surname from it ; but, I think, we should then have found him called de Valle, or de VallibuSy as, in fact, plenty of other people were named.* III. It seems to me, that if his contempo- raries had meant to express, that Peter of Lyons came from, or had to do with, a valley or vallies, they would have called him, as they did other people, de Valle, or de Vallihus ; but that they would not have considered the word Vallensis as conveying that meaning at all. It may sound well to modern ears, to say, " Vallensis from Vallis;'" and the etymology may seem easy and natural, but I verily believe, that if Peter of Lyons had been called Vallensis, during his life- '11 « J m ^ If the reader will only turn over Dugdale's Monas- ticon, he will find Michael de Valle, Gilbert de Valle, Beatrix de Valle, Sefredus de Valle, Oliver de Vallibus, Richard de Vallibus, Robert de Vallibus, Ethardus de Vallibus, John de Vallibus, Roger de Vallibus, William de Vallibus, Eustace de Vallibus, Godard de Vallibus, Ru- dolph de Vallibus — in short, names enough from Fa/, and Vaux, to satisfy him how commonly names were derived from this source, and in what manner they were formed. ^ Or, as Spanheim, " a voce Italica Valdensi, quase Val- lenses, habitantes in convallibus,^- Hist Chr. Saec. xii. c. vi. §. 1. 106 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [5SECT. 5, time, nobody would have understood it to mean anything but that he was a Welshman— that is, a native of Wallia or Vallia. In fact, we had a Bishop of St. David's, within a century of the time of Peter Waldo, who received the surname of Wallensis on that very account.' By Vallensis, ihen, I think, a Frenchman (who would certainly get rid of the W, though he might probably have preferred changing it into Gu, and writing Guallensis) would have understood nothing but a native of Wales ; and, at all events, would never have thought of its being given to any set of persons, in order to signify that they were in- habitants of vallies.^ ' " Magister Thomas cognomento Wallensis eo quod in Wallia fuit oriundus." See Richardson's Godwin, p. 580. 8 Buchanan, speaking of Wales, which he calls Vallia^ says, " Id ejus nomen, qui ad Germanici sermonis sonum " propius accedunt, per W, propriam unis Germanis liter- *^ am, efFerunt, quam literam reliqui vicini qui utuntur ser- <' mone prisco, nuUo modo pronunciare possunt. Imo ne « tormentis quidem a Kernicovallo, Hibemo, aut prisco « Scoto, exprimes, ut earn proferat. Gallis vero qui Fal- « Ham nominare volunt, G semper prima est litera. Nee " in hoc nomine solo id observare licet," &c. This may be true, especially as to the time when Buchanan wrote ; but instances of the interchanged V and W in earlier periods are plentiful ; and in fact the question here is, not whether such a word as Fallenses was likely to be made (which I believe it was not) but, what would have been understood by it, if it had been made. Would not every m Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 107 The question, however, remains — How came Peter of Lyons to be called Waldo ? Was it because, as some say, he was born at Vaux, or, as others, at [Valdum ? or, as Mr. Faber suggests, (p. 27) from his " having taken up his abode in Val Grant P" or, was he, from his intercourse with the people of the vallies of Piedmont, " <^o"- y^ temptuously denominated fe Vaudes, or fe Valdo ?" \ p. 47. I can see no ground for believing any of these reasons ; and shall venture to offer one, which I have not seen assigned by any writer ; but which, I believe, to be the true one. If the reader can- not agree with me, I trust he will at least acquit me of fanciful etymology. I believe that Peter of Lyons, was called Waldo, because that was his name; and for no other reason whatever. Why were other people called Waldo ? I doubt not that if we had a list of his contemporaries, we should find the name often enough. I pretend to no extensive acquaintance with the French, or Germans, of the middle ages ; but I have met with the name quite often enough to - convince me that it was far from being uncom- mon. one have supposed the Valletuses to be the same persons as William of Malmsbury (p. 89, b.) and Henry of Hnn- tingdon (p. 217. b. 42.) called JTallenses, fFalemei and Gualenses ? r;;i V.!>l M 108 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5. Ill A.D. 739, Waldo, Abbot of St. Maxi- min, at Treves.* 765, Waldo, Abbot of St. John's, was present at the Synod of Attigny, in Champagne.^® 786, Waldo, Abbot of Richenow, and afterwardsof St.Denys." 848, Waldo, Abbot of Fulda, was at the Synod of Mayence.^^ 881, Waldo, a bishop, subscribed a diploma of Charles the Gross.^' 895, Waldo, Bishop of Frisingen, was at the Council of Tri- bur." 907, Valdo, abbot, was present at the Synod of Vienne.^* 960, Waldo, Bishop of Como.'' 1047, GuALDO, a monk of Corby .'^ #:; 'W ^ Mabillon, Acta Sanct. Ord. Ben. Ssec. v. p. 339. ^«Conc. V. 1702. 11 Mab. ubi. sup. Ssec. iv. 259, 265. ^^ Baron, in an. § 4. '^ Baron, in an. §. 3. '' Cone. IX. 467, 224. ** Balnz. App. in Act. Vet. in Capitul. Reg. Franc. II. 1527. ** Baron, in an. §. 3. Ceiliier xix. 608. ^^Mab. ubi sup. Sapc. iv. 78. Sect* 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 109 hi m These instances may be sufficient to shew that there was nothing very uncommon, in a man's being named Waldo.'' Those who could not manage a W, spelt it Vualdo, or GualdOy or, by a change common in those days, might make it Walto ; and one of these names, or perhaps all of them, according to the fancy of those who wrote it, seems to have been borne by this citizen of Lyons, whose zeal for true religion, and against the superstitions of the times, brought upon him. ^" Beside these I have seen Walda^ as the name of both a man and a woman. Walda^ wife of the Viscount Hatburn, 941 (Mab. ubi sup. Ssec. v. 315) ; and a noble matron named tFalda (lb. Seec. ii. 1035). Fulco fValda is mentioned as a witness to a charter of William the Con- queror (Dug. Mon. 1. 553). In fact, names formed, or com- pounded, from Wald are plentiful ; and perhaps there is no word more likely to have furnished them. Waldum^ WaU dus, Walda, JValdora, Gmldus, Gaudus, almost bring us both to the German word fFald^ a.nd it& English equivalent Wood, of which they were all representatives in the middle ages. Perhaps, indeed, there is no word which may be said to be more thoroughly German, (if one may go speak) or more suited from its derivatives and compounds, and its multiplied connexions and associations with the country,' the laws, the habits, the history and the poetry of the nation, to stand as the representative of the German language. If the reader refers to Heinsius's German Dictionary, he will find more than three hundred words derived, or compound- ed, from JFald. A close parallel to the case of Waldum may be found in Wantuo^ JFantSy Fantus, Gvvantus, Gantus, by which we arrive at the French Gmt See Du Cange. I 110 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5. and his followers, the censure, and persecution, of the church of Rome. Before he began his career as a reformer, (and I believe he was truly one, in the best sense of the word,) I do not find that he had ever had any thing to do with woods, or vallies, or heretics. It does not appear that he joined himself to any sect then in existence ; nor do I believe that it can be shewn that he ever had any intercourse with, or derived any peculiarity of doctrine from any sect. There was, in- deed, one peculiarity (and there were not many) in which the Waldenses agreed with the Albi- genses— which was of itself enough to stamp them as herpetics, in the eyes of the Romish church — and which, of all points of doctrine, seem to have been made most prominent, and to have been most insisted on by the Waldenses — and it is curious that this point had been held, and publicly avowed, by an Archbishop of Lyons, before Waldo was born. He needed not to go to Val Grant (wherever that might be) or even to go out of his own city, to hear the doctrine of the unlawfulness of oaths; a doctrine which, as I have said, was, I believe, more frequently and more urgently insisted on than any other by the Waldenses.^* **I say this, because some Waldensian confessions made before the Inquisition of Thoulouse,to which I shall have occasion to call the reader's attention, may be classed in the following manner. They are in number 92. Of W\'i I Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. Ill As the story of the Archbishop is rather curi- ous, and not altogether impertinent, I will trans- late it as literally as I can from his biographer,^ and I think it will appear that what was after- wards treated as heresy in Peter Waldo, must have been a doctrine pretty generally known to exist, even at Lyons, in the year 1046, as it was thus publicly avowed by an archbishop, sup- ported by three bishops. After relating how Hfalinardus, when Abbot of the Monastery of St. Benignus, had been called to the Archiepiscopal See of Lyons, his monkish biographer proceeds — " Therefore, on account of the gift of the " bishopric, the Lord Halinardus elected thereto " went to the court of the Emperor Henry, and " with him some of the bishops who were sufFra- " gans, the archidiaconal legates, and the clergy " of Lyons, who sought to have him for their " pastor. The emperor, according to custom " required from him, the oath of due fealty, for " the episcopal dignity conferred. Hugh, Arch- these, 28 contain no specification of doctrine, 1 does specify some doctrine, but is silent as to oaths. The remaining 63, all specify their unlawfulness, as a doctrine taught on the occasions referred to, and 27 of them state this doc- trine only. * The anonymous author of the Chronicle of St. Benig- nus of Dijon : He was a monk (and the Archbishop had formerly been Abbot) of that Monastery. See Mab. A. S. Ord. Bened. Saec. vi. p. 33. i|i H ii 'I'l m m 112 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5. tt u u li ti u a it a a a u a u a u u u u u a ti ti a it it it bishop of Besan9on, was the person who deli- vered the requisition. Halinardus, hearing these words, replied, * If I set aside the pre- cepts of the eternal King, and of the rule to which I have bound myself by an oath, what confidence can be placed in me that I should keep the oath of the emperor ; for the Lord savs, in the gospel, " swear not at all," and the rule of Father Benedict directs a monk not to swear, and to estrange himself from secular affairs.' These things being reported to the king, he was astonished, and approving in his own mind his consistency, but yet wishing to try his perseverance, he said, that he would by no means give him the archbishopric, if he did not obey his commands. But, he said, * It were better for me never to receive the priestly office, than to transgress the command of God.' Upon this, the bishops of those parts, and especially Sigebaud, Bishop of Spires, where this took place, insisted, saying * who is this, that in the palace of a prince, presumes to disobey his commands, which none of us ever dared to do. Either let him swear fealty to the king, or be rejected.' But Theodoric, Bishop of Metz, and Bruno, Bishop of Toul, and Richard, Bishop of Verdun, being his friends, persuaded the emperor that he ought not for this to give trouble to an ecclesiastic, whose mind they knew to be firm in the faith. 1 Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WAIJ)ENSES. 113 it it it ti it it it it it it it ti u it tt it it a it it and in other virtues. To this the emperor re- plied, * Persuade him, if he will not take the oath, at least to come forward, so that he may appear to have done it, lest the custom of our country should be made void.' He answered, ' It is the same thing, if I pretend, as if I do it— far be it from me.' The emperor seeing him so firm, would not farther disturb him, and, confiding in his mere word and promise, gave him what was desired, and caused him to be ordained in his own presence, giving him whatever was necessary for the sacerdotal be- nediction. And, not only for him and the other bishops, but also for the levites and minis- ters of the altar, he so prepared ail things, namely, vestments, books, cloths, and whatever was necessary, as if he had not been a prince, but a servant. For that religious king was very ecclesiastical ; and very devout in matters concerning divine worship." ■I f ■'M I. km f P. 104, 1. 12. for Vallensis, read Faldensis, Section VI. ON THE GENUINENESS OF THE WALDEN SIAN MANUSCRIPTS. M I MUST say, and I may as well say it at once, that I do not believe the various documents, pub- lished by Morland, and others, as Waldensian ^ writings of the twelfth century, to be genuine. It may be hard (to me it is at present impossible) to prove that all of them are forgeries ; but it would not be difficult to shew, that there are among them, so many, and such manifest, forge- ries, as throw discredit on the whole matter; and render it almost unnecessary to say a single word in reply, to those who argue on the assump- tion of their genuineness. Some of these treatises, indeed, are merely such pieces of popular and common-place instruction, as could never be un- seasonable. For instance, the " Discourse on Dancing and Balls," from which I will give an extract, might have been written, so far as re- gards the subject matter, at any time ; and one II Sect. 6.] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 115 can only wonder that Morland (or any man whom Cromwell was content to employ) should have thought it worth while to print such rubbish. I give the extract in the words of his translation ; — <* Item, at the balls they violate the Ten Command- " ments of God— viz. the First ; ' Thou shalt have no «« other Gods but mef but, at the ball they adore that per- « son whom they study to serve ; and therefore St. Hierome " saith,that the God of every one, is that which he serveth, " and loveth above all things. « They sin in balls against the Second Commandment, " when they make idols of that which each one loveth. " Against the Third Commandment, * Thou shalt not « take the name of the Lord thy God in vain' : when at " the balls they serve the vanity of sin. " Against the Fourth^ for by balls the Sabbath Day *' is profaned. " Against the Fifih, ' Honour thy Father and thy " Mother ; for in dancing the parents are often dishonour- *• ed, while many contracts and agreements are there made " without their knowledge or consent " Against the Sixths ' Thou shalt not kill,' for per- « sons are often killed at balls; since every person who " studieth to please another, killeth the soul in moving " her to lust. <* They sin in balls against the Seventh^ * Thou shalt " not commit adultery,' for the person, male or female, " commits adultery so often as they lust : for he that look- eth upon a woman to lust after her, hath already com- mitted adultery with her. " Against the Eighth^ * Thou shalt not steal.' They " sin at the ball against this commandment, when one " steals the heart of another from God. " Against the iVinM, ' Thou shalt not bear false wit- (( (C I \> in i r ■ i:i , r"'i M 116 WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. [Sect. 6^ *' ness,' when one speaketh falsely at the ball, contrary " to truth. *' The Tenth, ' Thou shalt not covet/ They sin " against this, when the women covet the ornaments of " others, and when men covet the wives, daughters, and <' servants of their neighbours.'* Morland, p. 90. I have already said that such matter as this might be written at any time ; for I apprehend that there never was a period, within " the utmost memory of man," when the inhabitants of Pied- mont and France would have been the worse for some exhortation on the subject of dancing. * * Can anything be more characteristic of the French nation, than the xxx canon of the Council held at Bayeux, in Normandy, about the year 1 300, which prohibits danc- ing in churches, and church-yards ? If, " at the ball," they did not violate all the ten commandments, these light-heeled wretches trampled on all decency. Neither the altars of God, nor the graves of their kindred, were safe from the desecration of their fantastic toes. Surely this was outdoing the intrusive abomination of their, own national device — surely the frogs of Egypt were less out of place in the bed-chamber of Pharoah. ** Prohibeant ** sacerdotes, sub poena excommunicationis choreas in ec- *' clesiis, vel coemeteriis duci.'' Cone. xi. P. i. 1454. It was not until after this note was written, and, (lest I should be suspected of any allusion where it could not be intended) I will add, not until the 104th page of this work had been printed, that I obtained Mr. Gilly's " Nar- " rative of aA>£^cursion to the Mountains of Piemont, in " the year 1823^^'^ It seems that by the time he visited them, the V^ alfens es had forgotten, or learned to neglect, Sect. 6.] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 117 With regard to such compositions, the great, if not the only, criterion is their language ; and 11 a it the good advice of their forefathers. He gives the fol- lowing account of a « festive party" and « Alpine dance " The time passed so imperceptibly with the good pastor of La Torre, « that it was late before we remembered, that we were engaged to look | in upon the little festive party, which was collected at the house of one of the family of the Vertus. M. Bert's son and daughter, and one of his « English pupils, had set out long before us, and I began to fear, lest « I should have the appearance of forgetting the early habits of these " simple mountaineers. My venerable friend quieted my scruples, by « assuring me, that upon occasions like the present, amusements were « extended to long past midnight. « We found the house, to which we were invited, as full as it « would hold. All the principal families of La Torre were assembled « together, young and old, and the largest room was set apart for the « fhe use of the dancers. One or two adjoining apartments were em- '< ployed as rooms, to which the company might a^ Is it not surprising that, with his eyes thus y^M^ n far opened, Allix should still maintain that the " Noble Lesson" was written in 1100? Yet he refers to it as of undoubted genuineness, and, after abstracting and extracting, exclaims tri- umphantly, " Now I defy the impudence of the " devil himself to find therein the least shadow of " Manicheism." No, to be sure — what writer who knew anything of the Waldenses ever charg- ed them with Manicheism. It is easy to make men of straw, and vanquish them — but while he was making objections and answering them, why did he not explain one circumstance which he has himself noticed, and which, to me at least, looks very suspicious. In his abstract he tell us, that the author of the Noble Lesson " exhorts to U^^' " I do not find the Milleloquiara quoted in this Trea- tise, unless it be under some of the references to St. Au- gustine; but it is expressly named in the Treatise on Pur- gatory (Morland, p. 164), and, by the way, 1 shall be obliged to anybody who can tell me when the word Purga- tory {Purgatorium^ not ignis purgatorius, &c.) came to be used, in its present sense. I suspect not until after the date of the ancient confession, though it is therein men- tioned. 1 do not think I have seen it in any writing ear- lier than the thirteenth century. 'li ^ i 'ii ■ii :1 134 WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. [Sect. 6. the reading of Holy Scripture ;" so he does— and I wish that AUix had explained, how it could have come into any man s head to give such an exhortation in the year 1100, and who he expect- ed to comply with it— but it was not my inten- tion to have gone farther than the Ancient Con- fession ; and perhaps I have said enough for the present about the Waldensian Manuscripts. ki pi Section VII. il ! EXTRACTS FROM PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. Rejecting, for the reasons which I have stated, the testimony appealed to by the modern Vau- dois, I shall glean what I can from other sources, respecting the doctrine and rites of the ancient Albigenses and Waldenses. These sources it may be found convenient to divide into two classes ; though it may not perhaps be easy, or even possible, to draw a proper line of discrimi- nation between them. The first class will in- elude what may be termed Publk Documents ; such as the Canons, Decrees, Letters, Edicts, and Acts, of Councils, Popes, Princes, and In- quisitors—the second will consist of extracts from the works of historians, and other writers, who have noticed these sects. Both classes I shall arrange, as nearly as I can, in chronological order. u I. HI / 136 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. Sect. 7.] PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 137 \ Much (but I think not all) of what 1 am about to lay before the reader has been quoted, or more frequently only referred to, by various writers ; and it has generally been accompanied with the remark, that it is " the testimony of their enemies." I do not know that this remark can be fairly extended (at least in the strong sense in which the word " enemies" is generally used on such occasions) to all the testimonies which I shall have occasion to quote ; but it cer- tainly does apply to some ; and, whenever it does, it must be borne in mind. It were obviously unfair to receive entirely, and without scruple, all that is said against these sects by their oppo- nents ; and I beg the reader most fully to under- stand, that I do not lay these extracts before him in order that he may implicitly receive them as the testimonies of well-informed, and unpre- judiced, persons— but, that he may take them, and after having, like a reasonable being, weighed and compared them, may form his own judg- ment on the case. " We only know what their enemies said of them." True — it is much to be regretted that we have none of their own writ- ings by which to check the accounts of their enemies — but, in default of this, let us see what their enemies did say, and let us judge, as well as we can, how much of it was true, and how much false. I must say, that it appears to me, after making every fair rejection and deduction, to prove two things, beyond the possibility of dispute. First, that the Albigenses and Waldense^ were, originally, entirely, and continually, distinct sects, diflfering essentially in their doctrine and rites ; and. Secondly, that, whatever opinion we may form of the Waldenses, (and my own is certainly very favourable) the Albigenses were either hy- pocritical impostors, or misguided fanatics . I proceed, then, in this section, to offer some extracts from the Councils,' and other public documents, only premising, that, as my object was to look for what might throw light on the doctrine, and rites, of these sects, I have extracted nothing but what seemed to me to have that tendency, either by direct reference to them, or by illustrating other documents, having such a reference. I say this, because, without some such previous information, the reader may not perceive why some of the extracts in this section have been made ; their object being only rendered apparent by subsequent references to them. * The references to the Conncils are made to the Edi- tion of Labbe and Cossart, Paris, 1671. T W^."'' VaA**'*'"*' V ;Uj<>^C^^-*^ r \l rv^A.*^ ^ ai^,} iStS m 138 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. Council of Thoulouse. a. D. 1119. This Council, which condemned some here- tics (though under no specific name) for errors very similar to those charged upon the Albi- genses, has been already noticed at page 90. Council of Oxford, a. d. 1160. P ''W Some account of the persons called Publicans, who were (as I have already stated, page 90) condemned by this Council, will come more pro- perly in a subsequent section ; as no acts of the Council are known to be in existence, and the particulars which are known are derived from historians only. Council of Tours, a. D. 1 163. The fourth canon of this Council (as already stated, page 18) declared that heresy had " long since sprung up in the parts about Thoulouse ;" but without giving any name to the heretics, or specifying the nature of their errors. The word Albigenses, occurs only in the title of the canon, which was probably prefixed to it at a later pe- riod ; " Ut cuncti Albigensium haereticorimi Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF LOMBERS. a.d. 1165. 139 consortium fugiant." I do not mean to dispute, that the persons referred to, were those whom ^ we now call Albigenses, but I believe the name was not used so early. Council of Lomhers. a. d. 1165. This Council was held at a little town two leagues from Albi, for the examination of those whom Roger Hoveden calls Arians ; but who seem, by his account, and from other sources, to have called themselves Boni homines, or " good men." I shall give an extract from the pro- ceedings as they are related in the Councils, (x. 1470) because the account is fuller than that of Hoveden, though substantially the same ; and apparently the source from whence he derived his information.* On this occasion, the Archbishop of Nar- bonne, several bishops, abbots, and other eccle- siastical persons, as well as the magistrates of Thoulouse, and Albi, and other laymen of dis- ^ \l ^ Labbe says, " ubique verbis iisdem servatis ;" but this is not strictly true. Moreover, Hoveden places the council in 1 176, and Labbe (in compliment to^Bini who had followed Hoveden) does the same, but tells us that the copy which he used, dates the transaction as of 11 65, and I have therefore placed it under that year. I / ^> \\ 140 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. k tinction; together with the wife of Raymond, Count of Thoulouse, and almost all the people of Lombers, and Albi, and other towns, were present. " The Bishop of Lodeve, by command of the Bishop of Albi, and of his assessors, asked those who caused them- selves to be called * good men' — " I. If they received the law of Moses, and the Pro- phets, or the Psalms, and the Old Testament, and the doc- tors of the New Testament. They answered before all the multitude, that they did not receive the law of Moses, nor the Prophets, nor the Psalms, nor the Old Testament ; but only the Gospels, the Epistles of Paul, and the seven canonical Epistles, the Acts of the Apostles, and the Apocalypse. <« II. He asked them of their faith, that they might set it forth. They answered that they would not say unless they were compelled. « III. He interrogated them concerning the baptism of children, and if they will be saved by baptism ? They said, that they should say nothing ; but would answer out of the Epistles, and Gospels. " IV. He questioned them as to the body, and blood of Christ ; where it was consecrated, or by whom, and who received it, and if it was more, or better, consecrated by a ^good, than by a bad, person ? They answered, that those who received worthily were saved ; and those who received unworthily, procured to themselves damnation ; and they said that it was consecrated by every good man, whether an ecclesiastic, or a layman ; and they answered nothing else, because they would not be compelled to answer con- cerning their faith. *« V. He asked them what they thought of matrimony ; and if a man, and a woman, who were so joined together, Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF LOMBERS. a D. 1(.65. 141 could be saved ? They would not answer, except this only — namely, that man, and woman, were united to avoid lux- ury, and fornication, as St. Paul has said in his Epistle. "VI. He asked them concerning repentance, — whether when it took place at the time of death, it availed to sal- vation ; or if soldiers who were mortally wounded, could be saved if they repented at the point of death ; or if every person ought to confess his sins to the priests, and minis- ters, of the church, or to any layman, or of whom it was that St James spoke, when he said * Confess your sins one to another ?' They said in reply, that it was sufficient for sick persons, to confess to whomsoever they pleased ; but of soldiers they would not speak, because St, James says nothing, except of sick persons. " He asked also of them, whether the contrition of the heart, and the confession of the mouth alone, were neces- sary to repentance ? or, if it was necessary that after repen* tance, they should make satisfaction by fastings, mortifi- cations, and alms, bewailing their sins, if they had the means? They answered, and said, that James had said only, that they should confess, and so be saved ; and they did not wish to be better than the Apostle, and to add any thing of their own, as the Bishops do. *' They said also, many things without being asked. That it is altogether unlawful to swear any oath, as Jesus said in the Gospel, and James in his Epistle. v " They said also, that Paul stated in his Epistle, what \ sort of persons were to be ordameiJxi^^'ihtErTshurch^ a&^I BisfaOps and Fresbyt^fS; anfl thatif such person^^iKecaJ I notjjrd ained as St . Paul direc tecy t hey yiei^^ uoi Bishops I / nor Priests, Dui ravening wolves, afitl hypocrites, and seT-r ducers, loving salutations in the market-places, the chief^ seats, and highest places in feasts, desiring to be called Rabbi and Master, contrary to the commands of Christ, dressed in albs, and white garments, and wearing on their / ■ ^ / k 142 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. fingers, gold rings ^nth gems, which their master Jesus had not commanded ; and pouring forth many other re- proaches. And therefore since they were not Bishops and Priests (except as those were priests who had betrayed Christ) they ought not to obey them, because they were evil men ; not good teachers, but hirelings. « In answer to what they said, many authorities of the New Testament were produced, by the Lord Pontius Archbishop of Narbonne, and by Arnold Bishop of Nismes, and Peter Abbot of Sendres, and the Abbot of Fontfroid. " The allegations, and the authorities, of the New Tes- tament, having been heard on both sides (for they would not receive judgment except by the New Testament) the Bishop of Lodeve, after silence had been made, by com- mand of the Bishop of Albi, and the assessors above- named, gave the following sentence, according to law, and from the New Testament, in the presence of all the persons aforesaid. « I, Joceline, Bishop of Lodeve, by command of the Bishop of Albi, and his assessors, adjudge those who call themselves ' Boni homines' to be heretics, and I condemn the sect of Oliverius, and of his companions, and those who hold the sect of the heretics of Lombers wheresoever they may be ; and this we judge by authority of the New Testament, that is, the Gospels, and Epistles, and Psalms, and Acts of the Apostles and the Apocalypse." The Bishop then proceeded to enforce what he considered the catholic doctrine ; and, to prove it by authority of scripture, as to those points, which have been already stated. It is not to our purpose to recite all that he said ; and it may easily be imagined how he maintained the autho- rity of the Old Testament, the necessity of bap- y Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF LOMBERS. ad. 1165. 143 tism, the lawfulness of marriage, &c. ; but I must remark, with regard to the latter point, that the parties seem quite to have changed places ; and that it is somewhat strange to find Antichrist con- demning the Witnesses as heretics for "forbidding to marry." After this discourse, Zl' The heretics answered, that the Bishop who had given sentence was a heretic, and not they ; and that he was their enemy, and was a ravening wolf, and a hypocrite, and an enemy of God, and had not judged rightly; and they would not answer concerning their faith, because they were aware of him, as the Lord had commanded them in the Gospels, * Beware of false prophets,' who come unto you in sheeps' clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves ; and that he was a fraudulent persecutor of them ; and they were prepared to shew by the Gospels and Epis- tles, that he was not a good shepherd, neither he, nor the other bishops, and priests ; but rather hirelings. " The Bishop answered, that the sentence had been given against them agreeably to law ; and that he was pre- pared to prove, in the court of the Lord Alexander, the Ca- tholic Pope, and in the court of Louis, King of France, and in the court of Raymond, Count of Thoulouse, or of his wife, who was present, or in the court of Trencavel,^ then j-j^ present, that the cause had been rightly judged ; and that they were manifestly, and notoriously, heretics ; and he promised that he would accuse them of heresy, in every catholic court, and would submit to the decision of a trial. " Seeing themselves however to be convicted, and con- founded, they turned themselves to all the people saying, 3 Viscount of Beziers. i I X ^ I 144 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [SiCT. 7. ■■.I < Hear, O good men, our faith, which we confess— we now confess out of love to you, and for your sakes.' The aforesaid Bishop replied * You do not say that you will speak for the Lord's sake ; but for the sake of the people ;' and they said * We believe in one living and true God, trine and one. Father, Son, and Holy Spirit,— that the Son of God took flesh, was baptised in Jordan, fasted in the desert, preached our salvation, suffered, died, and was buried, descended into hell, rose the third day, ascended into heaven, sent the Spirit, the Paraclete, on his disciples on the day of Pentecost, will come at the day of judgment to judge the quick and the dead, and that all will rise. We acknowledge also that what we believe with the heart, we ought to confess with the mouth. We believe that he is not saved who does not eat the body of Christ, and that it is not consecrated except in the church, and also not except by a priest, and that it is not better done by a good, than by a bad, priest. We believe also, that no one is saved except by baptism ; and that children are saved by baptism. We believe also, that man and wife are saved, though carnally united; and that every one ought to re- ceive penance in the heart, and with the mouth, and to be baptised by a priest, and in the church.' And, indeed, if any thing more in the church, could be shewn by the Gos- pels, or Epistles, they would believe, and confess it. " The aforesaid Bishop also asked them, if thv^y would swear that they held, and believed, that faith ; and if there was any thing else which they ought to confess, that they had improperly believed, or taught, or not. In reply, they said that they would not in any-wise swear ; because they should do contrary to the Gospels, and Epistles. Author- ities of the New Testament were however brought against them by the aforesaid catholic persons; and thus the authorities on both sides having been heard, the aforesaid Bishop rising up gave judgment in the following manner— \ \ Sect. 7.] COUNT RAYMOND'S LETTER, ad 1178. 145 " I, Joceline, Bishop of Lodeve, by authority and mandate of the Bishop of Albi, and of his assessors, judge and give sentence, that these heretics are in error as to the matter of oaths ; and ought to swear if they will re- pent, and that an oath is to be tendered where the faith is in question ; and since they are of evil report, and accused of heresy, they ought to clear themselves from the charge ; and returning to the unity of the church, they ought to affirm their faith by an oath, as the catholic church holds and believes, lest the weak who are in the church should be corrupted, and lest sickly sheep should infect the whole flock." The Bishop then went on to prove the lawfulness of oaths, after which the account pro- ceeds — " Seeing, therefore, they were convicted on this point, they said that the Bishop of Albi had made an agreement, that he would not force them to swear ; which the Bishop of Albi denied." The sentence was therefore confirmed by the Bishop of Albi, and most of the principal per- sons present. 1 Leiler of Raymond^ Count of Thoulouse^ to the Abbot and Chapter General of Citeaux. A. D. 1178. The state of things in Thoulouse, and its neighbourhood, about thirteen years after the Council of Lombers, may be in some degree judged of, from a letter of Raymond, Count of iiiHif / 146 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. Thoulouse ; and from the proceedings to which it gave rise. It has been preserved by Gervase, who intro- duces it in the following manner :— " There had " broken out in these days,* in the territory of "the Count of Thoulouse, a malignant heresy; " which, making void the faith, and ecclesiastical dijgiplinfifc^of the orthodox fathers, destroyed, with its abominable poison, not only the igno- « rant vulgar, but also the priests, and bishops of « the church of God, and the chief men of the " laity. The detestable perverseness of this he- " resy will be better understood from the letter " of the Count of Thoulouse, which the said " Count sent to the Chapter General of Citeaux. " The letter is as follows : — i( it * " Pullulaverat his diebus." Gervase does not seem to have been one of the " best informed Romanists." (See before, p. 37.) Indeed, I should like to know who they ^ere — for, in several cases, 1 shall have occasion to shew, that contemporary historians used language very incon- sistent with the notion of " remote antiquity ;" and such as completely refutes the assertion that " the Romanists " are constrained to acknowledge their own ignorance, in " regard to the origin of the two churches ;"and that^'those " among them who had the best means of information, will *' only venture to say^ that these heretical communities had, « in the twelfth century, already existed from a period /ar « beyond the memory of man: ' As this point is so important, and so broadly and positively stated, I trust the reader will excuse my repeatedly calling his attention to it. .-7 ^iii Sect. 7.] COUNT RAYMOND'S LETTER, a.d. 1178. 147 " To his Lord, and the Venerable A. Abbot of Citeaux, and to all the Convent, in a General Chapter assembled, the Count of Thoulouse, Duke of Narbonne, Marquis of Provence, being desirous, as one ready to make shipwreck of the faith, to be strengthened, and sup- ported by their blessings and prayers. " Since it is manifest, amidst the treasures of your wisdom and knowledge, that, in our parts, the little foxes destroy the vineyards, which the right hand of the Most High has planted ;* and the fountains without water, and clouds driven by whirlwinds, endeavour to make void the fountain which is open to the House of David for sin, and for uncleanness, and pour forth streams of poison, ^^ « In allusion to Canticles ii. 15. " Take us the foxes, the little foxes that spoil the vines." Such an applicatiou of the text is very ancient. Jerome (on Ezek. i) says, " Porro juxta septuaginta hie sensus est ; omnes " haeretici, propter fraudulentiam ac nequitiam vulpium similes sunt : " de quibus Salvator loquitur: • Valpes foveas habent: et volucres C€bU « nidos.'' Et de Herode scriptum est : * DicUe vulpi huic.^ Et de iisdem " vulpibus quae parvulos simplicesque decipiunt, et populantur vineam *' Christi, Salomon loquitur ; * Capiie nobis vulpes parvulos dissipantes ** vineas. * " Bernard, on this passage of Canticles, says, "si juxta " alUgoriam ecclesias vineas, vulpes JuBreses, velpoiius luereticos ipsos, " intelligamus:' Serm. in Cant. LXIV. and we shall find it in the letter of his successor Henry. This figure, which was a favourite one, natur- ally led some writers of the middle ages, to allude to Sampson's foxes ; and to represent the heretics as resembling them, because, though they were distinct, and had separate heads, yet they were joined together by their Uils— that is, were united by the fart of heresy and opposition to the catholic church. Thus Reinerius Saccho says, " Sicut in Judi- ** cum lihro legitur quod vulpes Samsonis fades divers€U habebant, sed " caudas sibi invicem colligatas; sic haretidy in sectis sunt divisiin " *c, sed in impugnatione EccUsia, sunt uniti. Qftando in uno domo **sunt lueretici turn [l.trium] sectarum qualibet, quarum qualibet ** damnat alteram, simul Romanam Ecclesiam impugnat. Et sic **subdoke vulpecuU, vineam Domini, id est, Ecclesiam erroribus '* demoliuntur,^' Cap. iv. / 148 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7 tl IP that they may destroy the trees planted by the water courses, I ask, and I entreat, that you would rise up to oppose them ; and that, to prevent their discourse, which eats as doth a canker, from farther prevailing, you would set yourselves as a wall for the house of Israel. In fact, this abominable pest of heresy has so far gained ground, that almost all who agree with it, think they are doing God service ; and that W icked One, who now worketh the mystery of iniquity in the children of unbelief, so transforms himself into an angel of light, that alas! the wife is divided against the \ husband, the son against the father, the daughter-in-law \ against the mother-in-law. Moreover, in our parts of the '' country, the fine gold has so become dim, that it is trod- den down like dirt under the feet of the devil. For even the priests are infected with heresy ; and the ancient, and once venerated, places of the church lie waste, and ruinous ; baptism is denied, the eucharist abominated, penance made light of, the doctrines of man's creation and the resurrec- tion of the flesh, altogether rejected, all the sacraments of the church annulled, and (what is horrible to say) even two principles are introduced. '' And now what shall I say ? Are there not some who will consider, and say in their hearts, *' What do we, when these men do so many evil things ? If we let them thus alone, all men will believe in them j and he who thus drinketh up a river and hasteth not, will, in the boldness of his presumption, draw up Jordan into his mouth."* I, indeed, who confess that I am girded with one of the two divine swords ; and that I am appointed an avenger, to execute the wrath of God, and a minister of God for this very thing, while I endeavour to restrain, and put an end to such infidelity, feel that 1 have not sufficient power to effect such, and so great, a work. For the more noble « Job, xl. 23. ^4 Sect. 7.] COUNT RAYMOND'S LETTER, a.d. 1178. 149 inhabitants of my country have been already withered, by imbibing this poison of infidelity ; and a very great multi- tude of men, falling away from the faith with them, have, in like manner, failed ; so that I have not the power to do it, and dare not attempt it. Now, therefore, flying to your help, 1 implore, with humble devotion of heart, that you would stretch forth the hand of your counsel, and help, with the power of your prayers, for the extirpation of so great an evil of infidelity. For know that this virulent heresy has become so inveterate, that it cannot be extir- pated, except i^y thp strnng iinn d.i ind stretched out arm , ofjiod: — For the heads of these persons are as hard as stones ; so that « the sling stones are turned into stubble.' Since, therefore, we know that the power of the spiritual sword is not sufficient to accomplish the extirpation of such great heretical pravity,- it is fit that it should be driven out by the attack of the material sword. L To perform which, I recommend that the King of France should be brought from your parts ; because, I suspect, that these great evils would be put an e nd to by his presence. To him, in person, I will open the cities, I will place the towns and villages under his authority, 1 will shew him the here- tics, and I will assist him, even unto blood, in any way that he may want my services, for the destruction of the enemies of Christ." Gerv, inter X, Script, c. 1441. Roger de Hoveden tells us, that when that which he calls the Arian heresy, had thus revived in the province of Thoulouse, the Kings of France and England, being excited by zeal for the christian faith, determined to go there in person, and drive out the heretics; but, after a little while, it appeared to them that it would be more 150 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [^CT.7. h II; to the purpose' to send some wise men, who might convert the heretics by preaching, than to go themselves. They sent, therefore, Peter Car- dinal, of the title of St. Chrysogonus, and Legate of the Apostolic See, the Archbishops of Bourges and Narbonne, Reginald Bishop of Bath, John Bishop of Poictiers, and Henry Abbot of Clair- vaux, and many other ecclesiastics, that they might either convert the heretics, or, having con- victed them of heresy, might excommunicate them. He then goes on to give an account of their proceedings on the occasion ; but, as the Legate and the Abbot, have each left a letter on the subject, it may be most satisfactory, and, I think, most interesting, to give the story as they have related it ; and, as I think that the facts of the case have been misrepresented, and false con- clusions have been drawn, from a partial view of these documents, I shall give them at full length. For the sake, however, of making them more in- telligible, I shall take the liberty of inverting the order in which Roger de Hoveden has placed them, and give the Abbot's letter first. '# ' " Videbatur eis plus posse proficere/' Milner, in his account of the matter, vol. iii. p. 482, says, they " thought it more prudent to employ preachers," I suppose there is some meaning in this which I do not discover. Sect. 7.] ABBOT HENRY'S LETTER, a. d. 1178. 151 The Letter of Henry Abbot of Clairvaux, a. d. 1178. !■ mm ** Hear, O Heaven, our complaint ! let the Earth know the groaning of our heart ! Let catholic christians lament for the wrongs done to Christ ; and let the faithful people mourn over the injuries sustained by the faith. Let all who are of the human kind — of the sons of men — deplore the damage to human salvation, and let the general sub- version of that which is our life be generally bewailed by all living ! *' There stands up against the armies of Israel, a new Philistine of our time ; an order of heretics ; a host of wicked ones, which irreverently insults the armies of the living God ; and, with the highest presumption, blasphemes the God of Majesty himself. Why dost thou doubt, O David ? Why dost thou fear, O faithful man ? Take to thyself the sling and stone. Immediately shall the blas- phemer be smitten in his forehead, and that wicked head, which he has impudently raised, shall be cut off by thy hands, with his own sword. For, if in this contest any part of Christ should be overcome — if even in the least, and in any one point, the mother church should be borne down, we know, for certain, that it is not the merit, but the ad- vocate, of the cause that is deficient. We know that a triumph will not be denied to our champion, if he goes forth to the war, ready to fight for the love of the truth. But since, according to the word of truth, the harvest is great, and the labourers are few, if those who lay waste thy fields, good Jesus ! have impudently entered them, like subtle workmen, prepared rather to pluck up what is green, than to gather in what is ripe, and to anticipate, by their tearing up, the day of thy harvest, where are then thy bus- / 152 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. Sect. 7.] ABBOT HENRY'S LETTER, a.d. 1178. 153 bandmen, placed over thy field, fertile and beautifol, florid with thy blood, and watered with the blood of thy saints ? Let them rise, and help us, and protect us in our need, and oppose themselves as a wall of defence for us against the sanguinary beasts. Rise ! I say, rise ! men, fathers, leaders of the nations, princes of the people, drive away these evil beasts which we see, which we shew you ; or at least it were something to catch the little foxes. But who is sufficient for this ? They have no certain place — they walk in circling pjiths — and, in the labyrinth of their frauds, monsters most cruel lie hid. Like the wild roe, they flee from the hand ; and, like the twisted snake, the more firmly they are grasped, the more easily do they escape. Nevertheless, thanks be to God ! that although they cannot be taken, they may be driven away, so that when they are no longer supported by that which they could destroy in us, they may be confounded, and perish of themselves. What this is we may easily learn, from what we have seen, and considered ; so that, if it has not been already done, we have to deplore, not so much their wickedness as our own deficiency, and the negligence of our own people. " For, lately, by the command of our Lord the Pope, and by the exhortations of the most pious princes, Lewis King of France, and Henry King of England, the Lord Peter, Legate of the Apostolic See, and the venerable the Bishops of Poictiers, and Bath, and ourselves with them, went to the city of Thoulouse ; which, as it is a city of great population, so it was also said to be the mother of heresy, and chief seat of error. We went, therefore, to it, that we might know whether its evil was according to the cry that had gone up, and behold ! its stroke was found to be very great ; so that from the sole of the foot, even to the crown of the head, there was scarce any soundness in it. For, truly, even the third part of all its evil abomina- tion had not been told us, which that noble city cherished, in the bosom of its infidelity. The abomination of desola- tion had there found itself a place ; and the likeness of the prophetic reptiles had made their home in its dark places. There the heretics held sway among the people, and ruled among the clergy ; so that, as was the people, so was the priest ; and the very life of the pastor was fashioned for the destruction of the flock. The heretics spoke, and all admired— did a catholic speak, they said, < Who is this?' making it a matter of wonder, and astonishment, if there was any man among them who dared so much as to whisper anything of the word of faith. To such a degree had the pestilence prevailed in the land, that they had not only made to themselves priests, and bishops, but I also add, evange- lists; who, corrupting and cancelling evangelical truth, might frame for them new gospels, and preach new doc* trines, out of their own wicked hearts, to the seduced people. I am a liar, if there was not among them, a certain man of great age, large property, encircled by brethren and friends, and in every way a great man, amongst the principal per- sons of the city, whom, for his sins, the devil had so blinded, that he called himself John the Evangelist ; and separated the Word, which was in the beginning with God, from a certain other Creator of all things, as from another God. He was, in that city, the head of those that perish, and the chief of the heretics ; who, although as a lay and private person, he knew nothing, nevertheless, like a fountain of diabolical wisdom among them, he poured forth bitter waters of death, and perdition. The owls of darkness came to him by night ; and he, clothed in a gar- ment like a tunic, or Dalmatic,^ when he sat among them, ^ " ludumento quodam ad instar tunicae Dalmaticaeque vestitus." This garment, so called from the country where it was first used, was worn, not only by Bishops and Priests, but by Kings, and Emperors. See Du Cange, in v. Dalmatica. X 154 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. i !l like a king surrounded by his army, and was the teacher of fools. He had filled almost all the city with his disci- ples, and his doctrine, as being one whom, on account of his power, none in the city dared to resist. " At our very entrance into the city, such was the insolence of the heretics every where, that when we were going straight-forward through the streets, and squares, they pointed at us, and mocked us with abusive words, crying out that we were apostates, hypocrites, and heretics. In process of time, however, and after we had had a few days' rest, one of us was enjoined to take up the word of exhortation, and to discuss the rule of the true faith before the infidel multitude. This orthodox sermon having been preached to the people, the sinners in Zion were afraid, and fear took hold on the hypocrites ; so that those who before stopped the mouths of the speakers, did not now dare to appear before them when they spoke. Hearing, therefore, or rather seeing, that the foxes were transformed into moles, so that those who before publicly went about with impunity, now hid themselves in hollow burrows, and dark places of the earth ; and, underground, gnawed and destroyed God's husbandry; which they no longer ventured openly to devour. As also the variegated leopard might betray himself by the spots upon his skin, they guarded their wicked discourse with crafty inventions; so that, being brought to a feigned similitude to our propositions, they might, in set disputation, falsely declare themselves to believe as we do. " From that day, therefore, the Lord Legate, and we others, who proposed to fight with those wild beasts in public, made it our sole object, and business, to discover those whom, like vile creatures, fear and confusion had driven down into the lowest parts of the earth, that they might be compelled to come forth publicly, and cast off their works of darkness in the light. By command, there- «^ii Sect. 7.] ABBOT HENRY'S LETTER, ad. 1178. 155 fore, of the Legate, the Bishops, and some of the clergy, and the Consuls of the city, and other orthodox inhabi. tants, who had not been suspected of any taint of heresy, took an oath that they would give us the names of all whom they then knew, or should afterwards know, to have been authors, or associates, of this heresy, without sparing any, for love, or money, or any private regard. <* When, every day, an innumerable multitude was added to the list of this conscription, it happened that, amongst the rest, this great man, Petrus Moranus, whom they called (as we have before said) John the Evangelist, was named ; concerning whom, having communicated toge- ther, we determined to begin the execution of justice upon him, in order that the multitude, who were heretical in other respects, might be led to fear, when the simplicity of the true gospel should have condemned the craftiness of their false evangelist. Having sent apparitors, therefore, the Count of St. Gilles, who is our faithful associate, com- manded him to be brought; but he, trusting in the multi- tude of his riches, and the number of his relations, avoided this first citation, eluding it by haughty delay. The next day, therefore, the aforesaid Count, using allurement rather than fear, cited the said Peter less formally, by means of his friends, and acquaintance; and, after coaxing and threatening, produced him to us at length, with much difficulty. « Then one of us, who was the speaker, began thus to admonish him ; ' Well now, Peter ! your fellow-citizens lay to your charge, that, departing from the rules of the sound faith, you have fallen into the sin of the Arian heresy; and farther, that you lead others, and allow others to lead you, through the devious mazes of diversified error.' Upon this, sighing deeply, and inwardly touched with grief of heart, he falsely declared, at the outset, that ' he was no such sort of person ;' and, being required to confirm this 156 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. by an oath, he contended, that, as a man of rank, at^d credit, he ought to be believed on bis simple assertion. However, when we were all equally urgent in requiring an oath, he promised that he would swear directly, lest he should be convicted as a heretic on that point ; if, accord- ing to the custom which prevailed in his sect, he should obstinately refuse to swear. The relics of the saints, therefore, were presently brought forth with honour, and received with such reverence, and devotion, that the faith- ful people were moved to tears; and the heretics who had assembled, wished themselves in their hiding places, rather than at such a spectacle. In the canticle which we sang, with many tears, invoking the presence of the Holy Spirit, an evident paleness, and trembling, came upon Peter ; so that the colour left his countenance, and the powers of his mind failed. For, when the Holy Spirit came, how should the spirit of his adversary remain within him ? The man appeared like one paralysed ; and retained neither speech, nor sense, though he was universally said to be a person of such eloquence as that, in that respect, he sur|)assed all others. What need of many words ? The unhappy man, before all, swore to tell the truth of his belief as to all articles of faith on which we should require it. it was a wonderful thing, and, in such a scene, productive of pious joy — the book, on which he had sworn, was open, and one of the bystanders, in a sort of religious pleasantry (religioso quodam joco) looking for an omen of the event, from the words which should first occur, fell upon this text of scripture, * What have we to do with thee, Jesus, thou Son of God ? Art thou come to torment us before the time.' Truly, Lord Jesus ! thou hadst nothing to do with those whom thy heavenly father had cut off, as un- fruitful branches, from Thee, the True Vine ; and had cast them forth that they might wither. But to us, gathered together in thy name, .the increase of joy was multiplied ; \0 Sect. 7.] ABBOT HENRY'S LETTER, a.d. 1178. 157 and the glory of thy power resounded in giving of thanks, with the voice of praise. *' At length, Peter being simply required, by virtue of his oath, to confess to us without any fraud, his faith con- cerning the Sacrament of the Altar, did not confess with his mouth unto salvation, that which he did not believe unto righteousness ; but, contrary to his intention of falsi- fying on all points, he betrayed the truth, and went on to assert, by the new doctrine, that the holy bread of eternal life, consecrated by the ministry of the priest, according to the word of the Lord, is not the body of the Lord. Then all rose up, opposing him as it were by their tears, which were partly drawn from them by the contempt of the Sa- craments of Christ, and partly by christian compassion for the miserable man. No more was said ; he was delivered to the Count. He was adjudged to be guilty, and a here- tic ; and, immediately, by the earnest solicitation of his friends, delivered to the public custody. The report of the matter flew through the streets, and squares, of that most extensive city. The mouths of the faithful were opened, and the lips of the catholic people were loosed, to set forth thy praise, O Christ ! as if then for the first time, the splendour of the faith broke forth in that city ; and it seemed, after long despair, again to breathe with the hope of eternal life. From this time, and forward, the word of God encreased, and multiplied daily; so that the whole face of the city appeared more cheerful as it rose out of the darkness of error, into the clear light of truth. In the mean time, Peter, being come to himself, and being touched when the Lord looked upon him, and perceiving that he was worthy of present, as well as of eternal, death, having sent many mediators, sought an opening for reconciliation ; and made promise of his con- version, that so he might be freed from the destruction then impending, to bring forth the fruits of a better life. iiii 158 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. ii He came — he was received — he stood in the sight of all the sorrowing people, putting off, as it were, the pravity of his former heresy, in the nakedness of his body. There, before all, he confessed himself a heretic. There he gave his hand to the faith. There he renonnced his error, taking an oath before all, and giving sureties, as well to the Count himself, as to the soldiers, and to his principal fellow-citizens, that he would submit to the command of the Lord Legate, and obey his orders in all things. " Then notice was given to the people to meet the next day, at the church of St. Saturninus, solemnly to hear, and see, what description of penance would be imposed npon the said Peter. On the following day, therefore, being thus directed, so many — such an immense multitude — assembled, that there scarcely remained a vacant place, except at the very horns of the altar, which was reserved that the Lord Legate might celebrate mass, without being overwhelmed by the crowd. '' And behold ! before that very great multitude, this Peter, now one of us, was brought in naked, and barefoot, through the doors of the church ; the Bishop of Thoulouse, and the Abbot of St. Saturninus, from time to time beating him, until he was placed on the steps of the allar, at the feet of the Legate. There, in the face of the churoh, he was reconciled with the sacraments of the church, having abjured all heresy, and anathematized heretics. ^ Soon after, his whole possession? having been con- fiscfited, this penance was enjoined him — that, within forty days, he should banish himself from his country, and for the service of the poor should go to Jerusalem, there to remain three years. That, in the mean time, he should make a circuit of all the churches in the city of Thoulouse every Sunday, naked, barefoot, and with the rods of discipline — that he should restore the goods of the church, which he had taken away, make restitution in > -^N SscT. 7.] ABBOT HENRY'S LETTER, ad. 1178. 159 all matters of usury in which he had been concerned, make reparation to the poor whom he had injured, and totally destroy a certain castle of his, which he had pro- faned by assemblies of the heretics. Good God ! how many tears were then shed by holy joy ! What thanks- givings, and praises, did the devout and jubilant people add to those of the heavenly choirs, when such a mole was brought from the caverns of perfidy, and such a ravening wolf was transformed into one of the sheep of Israel.* " Afterwards, when he was dismissed, the Lord Le- gate put forth his hand to excommunicate those also, who in great numbers had been indicated to him, either by pub- lic suspicion, or private accusation. We, however, when gladness had scarcely sprung up after our tears, having asked permission to return home (for the urgent request of our chapter required it) obtained leave on this condition only ; that we would go to the diocese of Albi, to admonish the prince of the country— namely, Roger of Beders— to release the Bishop of Albi, whom he held in chains, under the custody of the heretics ; and to cleanse his whole country by driving out the heretics, according to the com- mand of the Lord Legate. We, therefore, with the afore- said Bishop of Bath, went to that most abandoned coun- try ; which, like a sink of iniquity, had received the whole filth of the heresy which had flowed into it. The aforesaid Roger had departed into the most distant, and inaccessible, parts of his country ; flying, as well by reason of an evil * The account of the whole matter given by Roger de Hoveden, teems to be chiefly, and indeed almost entirely, taken from this and the following letter. The only additional circumstance which I have observed, is, that if Petei* returned after his three years service in Jeru- salem, he was to be reinstated in his possessions, (except the castle which was to be destroyed) on payment of 500 pounds of Silver, to bis Lord, the Count of Thoulouse. 160 PUBUC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. Sect. 7.] PETER CHRYSOGONUS. a. d. 1178. 161 conscience, as because he justly despaired of his cause. For this author of wickedness hated the light of truth ; and, having altogether given himself up to the works of darkness, he could not bear that we should be admitted to conference with him. We came, nevertheless, to a cer- tain castle of his, which was very strongly fortified ; and which the inhabitants particularly, and specially, called by the name of the Castle. There lived his wife, with a large body of soldiers, and a very numerous family. Almost all the inhabitants of this castle were either heretics, or associates of the heretics ; yet, though repressed only by the Divine Power, they did not presume even so much as to whisper anything against the faith which we preached. For although we were placed in their hands, and, as it were, in the bonds of their power, being surrounded on every side by the heretical multitude, nevertheless the word of God was not bound ; but, we attacked them with continual invectives, and rebukes. Moreover, when we saw that they did not presume to make any answer whatever, we adjudged the aforesaid Roger to be a traitor, a heretic, and (as concerning the violated security of the Bishop) a per- jured person ; and confidently challenged him in the name of Christ, as one condemned by a public excommunication, on the part of the Lord Pope, and the aforesaid Kings, in the presence of his wife, and of his soldiers. " See now from this, how evidently it appears, how great, and manifest, a door is opened for christian princes to avenge the injuries of Christ, and to make the desert like the garden of the Lord, and the solitary places thereof like the delights of Paradise. Lest, however, it should be objected, that little or nothing can be done against them, let all persons know, that it was the common opinion of the city of Thoulouse, that, if that visitation had been de- layed for three years, there would scarcely have been found anybody there who would have called upon the name of Christ. Upon all this, however, the aforesaid Count of St. Gilles declared, with an oath, before all the people of the city, that he would not favour the heretics, either for love or money." The Letter of the Cardinal Legate^ on the same subject. " Peter, by the grace of God, Cardinal Priest of the title of St. Chrysogonus, Legate of the Apostolic See, to all the sons of the holy mother church, keeping the catho- lic and apostolic faith, health in the Lord ! " The Apostle witnesses, that as there is one God, so there is one faith, to be acknowledged ; from the in- tegrity of which, none can depart without danger. The foundation whereof (beside which none can lay any other) the apostles, and the apostolical men who succeeded them, by the inspiration, and teaching, of the Holy Spirit, laid so firmly and circumspectly, with sound doctrines as with living stones, that neither the force of the noisy tempest, nor the engines of the wicked, though brought against it with frequent assaults, have been able to shake it. Where- fore, although in these days^ certain false brethren, namely, Raymond de Baimiaco, Bernard, the son of Raymond, and certain other heresiarchs (transforming themselves into angels of light, while they are of the devil) before now teaching things contrary to the christian and apostolic faith, have deceived the minds of many by their venomous preaching, and drawn them with themselves to ruin ; yet at length he who reveals mysteries, and who gave spirit to Daniel to confute the elders of Israel, looking down on the souls deceived by the Devil, would not allow their perfidy to remain concealed ; nor the purity of the christian faith, to X ^ ■ .^N 162 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. L be corrupted by their preaching; but, by his admirable power, in the sight and hearing of many, exposed the poison of their perfidy before concealed, for the increase, and joy, of the christian faith. When, therefore, the aforesaid Raymond, and Bernard, and others, came before our venerable brother, Reginald, Bishop of Bath, and the noble persons, the Viscount of Turenne, and Raymond of Castelnau, who, by our advice, had come into the country of Roger of Bediers, for the liberation of our venerable brother, the Bishop of A Ibi ; and confessed them- selves, to have been unjustly treated, by the noble person the Count of Thoulouse, and other Barons, who had ab- jured them for ever— when, for defence of their faith, they proposed to come before us, if they could have security for coming and returning, the aforesaid Bishop, and Vis- count, (lest the minds of the simple, who had been im- bued with their false doctrine, should suffer offence, and ascribe it to our diflRdence, if we should deny them an audience) did on our behalf, and that of the aforesaid Vis- count, consent to their request ; so that, with all security, they might come before us, and our venerable brother, the Bishop of Poictiers, Legate of the Apostolic See, and other discreet persons, and in presence of the whole people; and that they might be tried whether they believed rightly, and soundly. And that, after being examined by us, they should, in any case, be allowed to return home safely ; lest they should seem to be induced to a confession of the true faith by fear, or any kind of violence. It being, however, understood that, after the eight days, specified in the edict which had been published, should have elapsed, they should, unless they returned to our faith, be expelled from the countries of those princes who had abjured them. We, therefore, in pursuance of the indulgence granted to them by the Bishop, and the Viscount, (although, as we have said, an edict had already been issued by the said Sect. 7.] PETFil CHRYSOGONUS. ad. 1178. 163 i m CJount of Thoulouse, and other noblemen, to expel them from their countries) enjoined them, which the said Bishop of Poictiers and Count of Thoulouse, and others of the clergy and laity, to the number of about three hundred, had assembled with us in the church of St. Stephen, to explain to us their opinions ; and, returning to the truth of the catholic faith, to remove, by a wholesome confession of it, that infamy which the whole country, as well as themselves, had incurred by their pernicious preaching. They, however, among other words, which came from one and another, put in a certain document, in which they had written the articles of their faith ; and, when they had read it at full length, as we discovered certain words which appeared suspicious, and which, without further explana- tion, might conceal the heresy which they had preached, we requested that they would defend their faith, making their answers in latin ; as well because their language was not sufficiently understood by us, as because the Gospels, and Epistles, by which alone they desired to prove their faith, are known to be written in that language. When, however, they would not venture to attempt this, for they were entirely ignorant of the latin language— as appeared by the words of one of them, who, when he would have spoken latin, could scarcely put two words together, and entirely failed— it was necessary for us to condescend on account of their ignorance, and (though it was absurd enough) to hold a discourse on the sacraments of the church in the vulgar tongue. They, therefore, denying the doctrine of two princi- ples before us, and the aforesaid persons, confessed and stoutly maintained, that one Most High God created all things, visible and invisible ; and this (it being indeed the truth) they proved by passages from the Gospels, and Epistles. They confessed also, that one of our priests, good or bad, just or unjust, and even such as they knew 164 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. undoubtedly to be an adulterer, or otherwise criminal, could make the body and blood of Christ ; and that by the ministry of such a priest, and by the power of the di- vine words uttered by our Lord, the bread and wine were truly transubstantiated into the body and blood of Christ. They asserted, also, that children, and adults, baptized with . our baptism, are saved ; and, that without that same bap- tism, none can be saved ; altogether denying that they had another baptism, or imposition of hands, as was laid to their charge. They affirmed, moreover, that a man, and woman, joined in marriage, are saved (unless other sin prevent) although they are carnally united ; being excused, by the benefit of marriage, and that they are not damned on that account. Also, they said that Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, Monks, Canons, Hermits, Templars and Hospital- lers, would be saved. They said too, that it was right, and proper, that they should visit, with the highest devotion, churches that were founded in honour of God, and of the Saints ; and that they ought to pay tithes, and first- fruits, shewing honour and reverence, to the priests, and other ministers of such churches ; and to answer devoutly, and faithfully, concerning all parochial matters. Also, among other things, they laudably asserted, that alms were due to the church, to the poor, and to Almighty God. All these things, though they had been charged with denying them, they affirmed that they understood, according to our right understanding of them. " After they had been thus examined by us, and had confessed what we have stated, of their own free will, we went to the church of St. James ; where an innumerable multitude of people had come together, as if prepared for a spectacle ; and heard, in the vulgar tongue, that con- fession of their faith which was written in the document already mentioned. Moreover, when they had been heard by us, and by all the people, who had assembled there, with tSECT. 7.] PETER CHRYSOGONUS. ad. 1178. 165 all patience, and without any disturbance, and had, of their own accord, ceased to speak, forasmuch as their con- fession of faith seemed to be sufficiently laudable, and catholic, we again asked them, in the hearing of all the people, if they believed with the heart, what they had con- fessed with the mouth ? and whether they had at any time, as had been often laid to their charge, preached that which was contrary ? " They, however, replying that they did so believe ; and totally denying, that they had preached otherwise, the noble person, the Count of Thoulouse, and many other of the clergy, and laity, who had beard them preaching otherwise, being moved with great astonishment, and in- stigated by zeal for the christian faith, rose up, and mani- festly convicted them of falsehood. For some constantly declared, that they had heard from some of them, that there were two Gods, one good and the other evil — that, the good one, had made only the things invisible, and such as were not changeable, or corruptible ; the evil one, had made heaven and earth, mankind, and all visible things. Others affirmed, that in their preaching they had heard, that the body of Christ could not be made by the ministry of an unworthy priest, or one involved in any crimes. Many, in like manner, testified that they had heard them altogether denying that a man and wife could be saved, if they were carnally united. Others, firmly withstood them to the face, that they had heard from themselves, that Baptism did not profit children ; and had heard them bring forth many other blasphemies against God, and the Holy Church, and the catholic faith, which for their abominable enormity, we had rather pass over in silence than relate. Whatever there might be in the above confession (which appeared to be sufficient for salvation, if they had thus believed with the heart, unto righteousness, and had spoken in the heart, and from the heart) yet, like men of per- !• 166 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. n l MS! \ verted mind, and crooked purpose, they would not leave their heresy, where the first view of a certain passage ap- peared, to favour their dull, and stupid, understanding, hy reason of those words, which our Lord is recorded in the Gospel to have spoken, * swear not at all ;' and « let your communication be yea, yea, and nay, nay ;' saying, that they ought not to swear. Whereas, God Himself, is often said to have sworn ; as it is written, ' the Lord hath sworn,' &c. ; and elsewhere ' by Myself have I sworn, eaith the Lord ;' and the Apostle says ' an oath is the end of all controversy.' And many things of this sort offer themselves in reading the scriptures, by which, on account of the infirmity of those whom we would convince of any matter, we are permitted to swear. " Moreover, these persons, like simple men, not understanding the scriptures, fell into the snare which they had laid ; because, though they had before expressed their abhorrence of an oath, as a thing execrable, and for- bidden by God, they were convicted of having sworn, in the very document of their confession, when they said, ^ In truth, which God is, we thus believe, and declare that this is our faith ;' not knowing that to adduce the truth, and word, of God, in testimony of our assertion, is, beyond all doubt, swearing ; as we read of the Apostle, when he said ' This I say unto you, in the word of the Lord* — elsewhere, ' God is my witness' — other similar things also concur to prove this ; which, by those who have read, and understand, the scriptures, may be easily found. When, however, they had been convicted by many and sufficient witnesses, and many more were ready to give evidence against them, forasmuch as the church is not wont to refuse her bosom of mercy to those who desire to return, we diligently admonished them, that, laying aside all heretical pravity, they should return to the unity of the faith ; and that since, on account of their perverse Ik StCT. 7.] PETER CHRYSOGQNUS. a.d. 1178. 167 preaching, and sect, they had been excommunicated by the Lord Pope, and our venerable brethren, the Arch- bishops of Bourges, and Narbonne, and the Bishop of Thoulouse, and by ourselves, they should come to us to be reconciled, according to the form of the church. But, when they, turning aside like a broken bow, and hardened in their abandoned disposition, refused to do this, we, together with the aforesaid Bishop of Poictiers, and the other ecclesiastics, who were engaged with us, in the whole affair, having lighted candles, and in the sight of all the people, who continually clamoured and raged against them with great fury, again denounced them as excommunicate, and condemned them, and their author the Devil. " For these reasons, we admonish you all, and exhort you in the Lord, and enjoin upon you, for the remission of your sins, that, as to the said Raymond, and Bernard, and their associates, you should carefully avoid them, as persons excommunicate, and delivered over unto Satan ; and that, if they shall presume to preach anything else than that which (as we have already written) they con- fessed in our presence, you should reject it as false, and contrary to the Apostolic faith, and should drive them far away, from association with your integrity, and from your country, as heretics, and precursors of Antichrist." It appears to me, as I have already stated, that the facts related in these letters have been misrepresented ; and that false conclusions have been drawn from them. That the reader may judge, let him turn to Milner's account of this business.'* He professes 10 V^ol. III. p. 483. 168 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. to have derived his information from Baronius, " a very determined enemy of the Waldenses ;*' and he tells us, that " the account of our English " historian, Hoveden, is similar to that of Baro- " nius." This is not to be wondered at, as the account of Baronius is merely, and professedly, an extract from Hoveden's Annals ; but it does not appear to me to warrant Milner's statement, on one very important point. He says, that, after the condemnation of Peter Moranus, " many " others abjured their heresies ; but some, refus- " ing- to take the oaths of subjection, were ex- " communicated." It may suit the character of the Witnesses, to put the matter in this light ; but, I apprehend, it is done at the expense of truth ; for I cannot find that they were required to take any " oaths of subjection." From the foregoing letters, indeed, it does not clearly ap- pear what was the nature of the oath required of these persons ; though we might guess, from what took place on other similar occasions. At the Council of Lombers, of which we have just had an account, the heretics were called upon to swear that they believed as they professed ;" the same had just been required from Peter " See before, p. 144, " Interrogavit etiam eos Epis- " copus praedictus, si jurarent se tenere fid em islam et ** credere." Sect. 7.] PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 169 Moranus;" and we might naturally suppose (especially as we see that the Cardinal did not give ihem credit for sincerity in their confession) that it was a similar oath which was required from these persons. Indeed, Roger de Hoveden (to whom we are indebted for the letters, and who is, I believe, the only authority on the sub- ject) expressly says that it was so — that the Car- dinal, and Bishops, " directed that they should « swear that they believed with the heart, what " they had confessed with the mouth.'"^ It is evident, I think, that when their examiners found these alleged heretics, making a confession, which appeared to them (as the Cardinal himself ex- presses it) " sufficiently laudable and catholic," they suspected them of dissimulation ; and, in- deed, I do not see how those who look upon them as the Witnesses, can avoid admitting that they made a confession highly agreeable to Anti- christ ; and only incurred his displeasure, because they would not confirm it with an oath. If Antichrist persecuted these Witnesses, it was not because he disapproved of their testimony ; but, because he did not give them credit for be- lieving it themselves. In fact, this document, if it proves anything, " See before, p. 156. IS that, whosoever shall be manifestly convicted of the errors aforesaid, if he be a clerk, or in any pretended Holy Orders, shall be stripped of all the prerogatives of the ecclesiatical order; and being thus deprived of all ecclesi- astical office, as well as privilege, he shall be left to the discretion of the secular power, to receive due punishment ; unless, immediately after the detection of his error, he shall consent, voluntarily to return to the unity of the catholic faith, and publicly to abjure his error, as the Bishop of the diocese shall direct, and shall make such satisfaction as shall be fitting. A layman, however, to whom the guilt of the aforesaid pests shall, either publicly or privately, attach, (unless, as before said, he immediately returns to the orthodox faith, abjuring his heresy, and making satisfaction) shall be left to the discretion of the secular judge, to receive due punishment, according to the nature of his offence. *' Those who shall be found to be only suspected by the church, shall be subjected to a like sentence, unless they shall demonstrate their innocence by a sufficient proof, at the discretion of the Bishop, according to the nature of the suspicion, and the quality of the person. Those, however, who, after the abjuration of error, or after they have (as we have said) cleared themselves under the examination of their own Bishop, shall be convicted of having relapsed into their abjured heresy, we decree to be left to the secular judgment, without any farther hear- ing ; and that the goods of the condemned persons shall be applied to the service of those churches to which they belong, under proper regulations. " Moreover, we decree that the aforesaid excommu- nication, under which we desire that all heretics should lie, shall be renewed by all Patriarchs, Archbishops, and Bishops, on the principal festivals, and as often as public SECT. 7.3 DECREE OF POPE LUCIUS III. ad. 1183. 179 solemnities, or any other occasion, shall offer, for the glory of God, and the rebuke of heresy ; ordaining, by aposto- Ileal authority, that, if any member of the episcopal order shall be found negligent, or slothful, in this matter, he shall be considered as suspended from his episcopal dignity, and ministry, for the space of three years. « To these things we add, with the concurrence of the Bishops, and by the suggestion of the Emperor and his Princes, that every Archbishop or Bishop, by himself, or his Archdeacon, or by other trustworthy and fit persons, shall twice, or once, in the year, go round any parish in which it shall have been reported that heretics reside ; and there call upon three or more persons of good credit, or, if it seem expedient, on the whole neighbourhood, to take an oath, that if any one shall know that there are heretics in the place, or any persons holding secret conventicles, or diifering in life and manners from the common con- versation of the faithful, he will make it his business to point them out to the Bishop or Archdeacon. Moreover, the Bishop, or Archdeacon, shall cite the accused to ap- pear before him, who, unless they shall clear themselves from the charges brought against them to their satisfaction, according to the custom of the country— or if, after such clearance, they shall relapse into their error, they shall be punished by the judgment of the Bishop. If, however, any of them, through damnable superstition, denying the lawfulness of oaths, shall refuse to swear, they are, from that very circumstance, to be adjudged heretics, and to be subjected to the punishment aforesaid. " Moreover, we ordain that Counts, Barons, Rectors, Consuls of Cities, and other places, being called upon by the Archbishops and Bishops, shall bind themselves with an oath, that, in all the matters aforesaid, they will stoutly and effectually aid the church against heretics, and their asso- ciates, when they shall be called upon so to do j and will. I" 180 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7, (4ffi lull |l' jf bona fide, endeavour, according to their office and power, to pat in execution the ecclesiastical, and, at the same time, imperial, statutes of which we have spoken. If, however, they fail to observe this, let them be deprived of that honour which they possess ; and on no account be raised to any other ; their persons being bound by excom- munication, and their lands subjected to an interdict. Also, let any city which shall think fit to resist these decretal ordinances, or which, when called upon by the Bishop, shall neglect to punish those who do so, be cut off from intercourse with other cities, and understand that it is deprived of its episcopal dignity. ** We also decree, that all favourers of heretics, as being condemned to perpetual infamy, are not to be ad- mitted as advocates, and witnesses, or to other public offices. If, however, there should be any who, being exempt from the controul of diocesan jurisdiction, are subject only to the authority of the Apostolic See, let them, with regard to all matters hereinbefore ordained respecting heretics, submit to the judgments of the Archbishops and Bishops, and obey them on this behalf, as Legates of the Roman See, notwithstanding their privileges of exemp- tion.'' The Edict of Ildephonstis, King of Arragon, A.D. 1194. I only know this Letter by Allix's transla- tion, which I give, as it stands at p. 285 of his book on the churches of Piedmont. I extract it " Cone. x. 1737. f.r^ h^i i ^icT.7.3 EDICT OF ILDEPHONSUS. A.p. 1194. 181 principally because it is the earliest document in which I can find the name of Wdldenses ; and it seems to furnish an answer to those who tell us, that the enemies of that sect changed the name Vallensis into Valdensisy in order to make it appear that they were followers of Waldo. According to Mr. Faber,'^ however, Peter Waldo had been dead only about two years when this edict was published against a sect already called Waldensesy and identified by their other title of Poor of Lyons. The reader will also observe that it is entirely Waldensian — that is, it says no- thing of Cathari, Patrini, Passagini, &c. nothing of consolation^ imposition, and other matters, of which he has heard something already, and will soon hear more — nothing that looks towards Ma-» nicheism — in short, nothing Albigensian. " Ildephonsus,by the grace of God, King of Arragon, Earl of Barcelona, Marquess of Provence, to all Arch- bishops, Bishops, and other Prelates of the Church of God, Earls, Viscounts, Knights, and to all people of his kingdom, or belonging to his dominions, wisheth health, and the sound observance of christian religion. ^< Forasmuch as it has pleased God to set us over his people, it is but fit and just, that according to our might we should be continually solicitous for the welfare and de- fence of the same ; wherefore we, in imitation of our ancestors, and obedience to the canons, which determine and ordain heretics, as persons cast oat from the sight of God and all catholics, to be condemned and persecuted *^ Sac. Cal. III. 25. f 1 182 PUBUC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. every where; do command and charge the Waldenses, Inzabbati, who otherwise are called the Poor of Lyons^ and all other heretics, who cannot be numbered, being ex- communicated from the holy church, adversaries to the cross of Christ, violators and corrupters of the christian religion, and the avowed enemies of us and our kingdom, to depart out of our kingdom, and all our dominions. Whosoever, therefore, from this day forwards, shall pre- sume to receive the said fValdenses and Zapatati, or any other heretics, of whatsoever profession, into their houses, or to be present at their pernicious sermons, or to afford them meat, or any other favour, shall incur, thereby, the indignation of Almighty God, as well as ours, and have his goods confiscated, without the remedy of an appeal, and be punished as if he were actually guilty of high treason. And we strictly charge and command, that this, our edict and perpetual constitution be publicly read on the Lord's days by the Bishops and other Rectors of churches, in all the cities, castles, and towns of our king- dom, and throughout all our dominions : and that the same be observed by Vicars, Bailiffs, Justices, Merins, and Zenalmedins, and all the people in general ; and the aforesaid punishment be inflicted upon all transgressors. " We will further, that if any person, noble or igno- ble, shall in any part of our dominions find any of these wicked wretches, who shall be known to have had three days^ notice of our edict, that do not forthwith depart, but rather obstinately staying or lingering, shall any way plague, despitefully use, or distress them, (wounding unto death, and maiming of them only excepted) he will, in so doing, act nothing but what will be very grateful and pleasing to us, and shall be so far from fearing to incur any penalty thereby, that he may be sure rather to deserve our favour. Furthermore, we do afibrd to these wicked miscreants respite (though this may in some sort seem con- "M SECT. 7.] COUNCIL OF MONTPELLIER. a. d. 1195. 183 trary to our duty and reason) till the day after All Saints' day ; but that all those who either shall not be gone by that time, or at least preparing for their departure, shall be spoiled, beaten, cudgelled, and shamefully and ill-en- treated." Council of Montpellier. A. D. 1195. In this council, convened by Michael, Legate of the Apostolic See, the only part worth extract- ing is the statement that after the other things which had engaged his attention and that of the Council, — « He added last of all, that because in many places of the province of Narbonne there were heretics, it should betaken into consideration of the Archbishops and Bishops, in what manner Interdicts should be issued on account of the transgression of former ordinances ; lest, by a general and long interdict, occasion should be given to the here- tics for seducing the simple from the catholic faith." ^' Constitutions of Odo, Bishop of Paris. A. D, 1196. I notice the 43rd constitution of chapter viii. because I would not appear to pass it by — it is as follows, " Let them," that is, the priests, " ear- i» Cone. X. 1796. m^ |l; I' m- 184 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. ** nestly and constantly admonish their parishion- " ers to exert themselves against the Albigensian " heretics, and they shall again have the same in- ** dulgence which they before had." This is surely language of a later period — but I put it under this year, because Cossart does so (Cone. X. 1810) and corrects Baronius who had made these Constitutions still older. Council of Sens. a. d. 1198. I find no account of this Council except that which is given from the Chronicle of Robert, Monk of St. Marianus, of Auxerre;"" and which is as follows, " A. D. 1198, the Publican heresy (hse- " resis Populicana) the sink of all heresies at " this time propagated its virulent roots ; widely, " indeed, but secretly. In the city of Nismes, « the Abbot of St. Martin, and the Dean of the ** greater Church, being denounced as infected " with this pestilent error, were brought before " a council, convened at Sens ; and there, the " Abbot being deposed, and the Dean suspended, ** they were delivered over to the Apostolic See." I mention it here, however, because there are two letters of Pope Innocent," which relate to the «» Cone. XI. P. I. col. 3. " Lib. ii. Ep. 63, 99. Ed. Baluz. Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF SENS, a.d 1198. 185 « matter ; though they throw but little light on the nature of the heresy, and give it no name. In the second, which is addressed to the Cardinal Le- gate, and Odo Bishop of Paris, the Pope speaks of his having been then informed, by a letter from the Archbishop of Sens, and by his mes- sengers, that the heresy had spread in those parts of France which had been before free ; for that on his coming to a city called Charite, in which many of those heretics were said to be hidden, being asked by the Bishop of Auxerre (in whose diocese it was) he investigated the matter; and found that Raynald, Abbot of St. Martin's of Nismes, and many others, were publicly charg- ed with it. The attestations, however, the Pope complains, had not been sent to him, and he states that he had been made acquainted with only two important points of heresy, which seemed to have been sufficiently proved. One of these was, that the consecrated wafer being eaten, passed through the same changes as common food ; and the other that, according to the opinion of Origen, all mankind would ultimately be saved ."" I may add that this Pope, whose " unexcep- ^ " Duo gravia satis probata esse videntur : videlicet " eum serio et assertive dixisse disputando, et defendendo " hffireticorum errorem, quod corpus Domini mittitur in " secessum : et juxta verbum Origenis omnes tandem fore " salvandos.^^ 2 B III A, 186 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. tionable contemporary evidence" is appealed to by Mr. Faber (Vol. iii. p. 45) certainly was not one of those " best informed Romanists" who did not venture to limit the antiquity of the Albigensian sect. He begins this letter by say- ing, " What we have read as prophecy in the " Apocalypse, we now see fulfilled, for the locusts ** have come forth from the smoke of the bottom- « less pit," &c.^ Letter of Innocent III. a. d. 1198. This letter would be scarcely worth referring to, if it had not been cited as saying much more than it really does. Mr. Faber, speaking of the Albigenses and Waldenses, and of the junction, which, from mis- understanding the document of the Inquisitor, he supposes to have taken place between those sects, says, (I give his own capitals and italics) " Both ALIKE must clearly have been either *^ friendly or hostile to the Manichean system : " for, otherwise, the Albigenses could never have " been received as brethren by the Vallenses, " nor could an union of the two churches have ® *• Qaod legimns in Apocalypsi praedictam, ecce " nune videmus iinpletum, quia de fnmo putei abyssi exie- " runt locasts,'' &c. Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF SENS. a. d. 1198. 187 « been forthwith effected, without the intervention << of a single recorded doctrinal impediment. <^ Such is the necessary inference from this re- ^ markable/ac« : and it is expressly corroborated " by the unexceptionable contemporary evidence 'C >^r For although the heretics hitherto for a long while being concealed (hactenus diutius latitantes) have spread like a cancer in secret> and^ like foxes, have rejoiced to demolish the vineyard of the Lord of Hosts, now, however, led on by their sins, they presume avowedly to rise up against it in open day, like horses prepared for the battle, publicly preaching in some places, seeking food in the simple, and a prey in the unlearned. Moreover, desiring to ensnare some of the faithful by their artifices, they have become masters of error, who never were disciples of truth. It is expedient, therefore, that we should rise up manfully against them." &c. Cone. xi. P. i. 335. Council of Tarragona, a.d. 1242. Bzovius states that this Council was held in consequence of an irruption of the Waldenses into Arragon. It is, in fact, completely Waldensian, and as it professes to give definitions with respect to terms, of which it is desirable to have a clear understanding in this enquiry, I will make some extracts. " In the first place, it is enquired, who are to be Cd\\e^ heretics? who suspected ? who believers f who favour- ers? who receivers? who defenders? and who relapsed V and this is explained in the following manner : — " Heretics are those who persist in their error, like the Inzabbatatiy who say that we ought in no case to swear — that obedience is not due to the ecclesiastical or secular powers — and that corporal punishment is not to be inflicted on any one, and the like. ^^ Believers in the said heresies are, in like manner, to be called heretics. <' He may be called Suspected of heresy, who hears the preaching or reading of the Inzabbatati, or who has knelt in prayer with them, or who has kissed them, or who b(^ieves those Inzabbatati to be good men, or other things which may probably induce suspicion. And he may be said to be simply suspected who has even once prayed, or done any of the aforesaid things with them. If, however, he has frequently heard their preaching and reading, or has prayed, or has done any of the aforesaid things with them, he may be said to be vehemently suspected. But, if he has done all the aforesaid things, especially if it be frequently^ he may be said to be most vehemently suspected. We state the matter in this way, in order that a discreet judge may increase or diminish the required proof of innocence, as may appear expedient. <* Concealers, (celatores) we understand to mean, those who have seen Inzabbatati in the street, or in a house, or in any other place, and knew that they were Inzabbatati, and did not inform against them, when they had the oppor- tunity of discovering them to the church, or to the magis- trate, or to others who might apprehend them. " By Hiders (occultatores) we understand those who have entered into an agreement not to discover the here- tics, or Inzabbatati, or who have otherwise prevented their being discovered. Receivers, are those who have twice or more received heretics, or Inzabbatati, knowing them to be such, in theirs house, or in any other place belonging to them. A recep- tacle, we understand to be a house or inn, where here- tics or Inzabbatati have twice, or more, assembled for preaching or reading ; or even where heretics, or Inzabba- tati have been frequently entertained. .tl 204 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. SECT. 7.J EDICTS OF FREDERIC U. a. d. 1244. 205 N I IIIIM (',1 1 1 llllll ii ■. i!', « Defenders^ we understand to be those who knowingly defend heretics, or Inzabbatati, by word, or deed, or any other device, in their lands, or elsewhere, so that the church may be the less able to perform its duty, of extir- pating heretical pravity. *' Favourers^ we understand to mean, all the foregoing classes in a greater or less degree ; and even those who otherwise, in any manner, have given them counsel, help, Of favour. And all favourers we consider to be so far sus- pected that they ought to clear themselves, and to abjure heresy, and all favouring, and ought to be reconciled to the holy Mother Church. *' The relapsed, are those who, after having abjured and renounced heresy, return to their former belief of it. In like manner we say, that those have relapsed into the favouring ©f heresy, who, after having abjured heresy, or the favour- ing of it, do good to the heretics, or conceal them ; and all the persons aforesaid in case they shall be found, except those who are suspected without favouring, we anathema- tize with the greater excommunication. ** A doubt also arises with some whether those who have relapsed into belief, and heretics who are teachers, if after apprehension they desire to repent, should be deli- vered to the secular judgment ? And it appears to us that they should not, but that in every case such persons should be sentenced to imprisonment.^' Having thus defined these various classes, the Council goes on to assign various penances, and, in so doing, speaks of " perfecti hseretici," and of " mulieres vestitee ;" but the only part, perhaps, worth extracting, is the form by which a person suspected of heresy was required pub- licly to clear himself: « I, N. swear by Almighty God, and by these holy gospels of God, which I hold in my hands, before you, the Lord N. Archbishop, or Bishop, and before you others, his assessors, that I am not, and have not been, an Insab- batized Waldensian (Inzabbatatus Waldensis) or Poor Man of Lyons ; nor a heretic in any sect condemned by the church ; nor do 1, nor did I, believe their errors ; nor .will I, as long as 1 live believe them ; moreover, I profess and protest that I believe, and always will believe, the catholic faith, which the holy and apostolic Roman church publicly holds, teaches, and preaches ; and which you, Lord Archbishop, or Bishop, and the other prelates of the uni- versal church, publicly hold, teach, and preach." Cone. XI. P. I. 593. The chief point to be observed in our present enquiry is, that, as this council was professedly held to oppose the Waldenses, so it is, as I have already said, purely Waldensian^ and makes no charge of Manichean doctrine, or any reference to those rites and practices of the Albigenses, which have been already hinted at by the words imposition^ adoration, consolation^ &c. \ and which will be more fully explained hereafter. Edicts of the Emperor Frederic II. A. D. 1244. In the second of these edicts, the Emperor says, " In imitation of the martyrs who have suf- " fered for the catholic faith, they name them- i Htmii 206 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. Sect. 7.] Hill liil: i'liSli " selves Patarenes ; as being exposed to suffering " — in exemplum martyrum, qui pro fide catholica " martyria subierunt Patarenos se nominant, velut " expositos passioni." The third edict begins with a condemnation of the Catharif Patareni^ Speronistw, Leonislie, ArnaldistuB, Circumcisi, Passagini, Josepini, Ga- ratenses, Albanenses, Francisiy Bagnaroli, Com- mixtiy WaldenseSy Roncaroliy Communelliy Wariniy and Oriolenif and those of Aquanigra, and all heretics of either sect, by whatsoever name they may be distinguished. " It throws, however, no light on their tenets or practices, except by directing that " the houses " of Patarenes, their receivers, defenders, and " favourers, or where they have taught, or where " they have laid hands on others (ubi aliis manus " imposuerint) shall be destroyed and never "rebuilt."^ ^ Cone. XI. P. 1. 619. These edicts are also given at length in Limborch^s History of the Inquisition. Lib. i. c. 12. I place them in the year 1244, because Limborch there says, that Paulus Servita, in his History of the In- quisition of Venice, assigns them to that year; while Raynaldus and Bzovius date them in 1225. The latter date seems most probable ; and it is not of much conse- quence which is the true one. COUNCIL OF BEZIERS. a. d. 1246. Council of Beziers. a.d. 1246. 207 Among the forty-six canons of this Council there are many which relate to heretics ; but most of them are little more than a repetition of former decrees, with regard to the inquisition of heresy, and the mode of apprehending and dealing with heretics and their favourers. One or two things however, are worth noticing. " Canon vi. Since, according to the words of our Saviour, sinners are to be called to repentance, we ought to rejoice when they willingly receive and perform the penance imposed on them. " Wherefore, we decree, and in the power of the Holy Spirit, command, that there be no derision of those penitents who are sentenced to wear crosses ; and that they be not excluded from their own places, or from the general intercourse of society ; lest the conversion of sinners be retarded, or, by reason of such oifence, those who are converted should renounce their penance and relapse ; and those who will not desist, being admonished, are to be compelled by ecclesiastical censures." Canon xii. directs that the medical attendants of heretics and their favourers, shall, if called on by their respective Bishops, take an oath faithfully and efficaciously to assist the church against heretics, according to their office and power. Canon xiii. directs that persons who have been Jubtc- tici vestiti shall be removed from any public office that they may hold, and shall not be eligible to any other. 208 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF ALBL a.d. 1254. 209 ili'iii This Council also drew up a set of rules for the guidance of the Inquisitors, consisting of thirty-seven chapters ; but, as nearly all that is to our purpose has been already anticipated, or will be hereafter more briefly and clearly stated, I will confine myself to one or two extracts : " Chap. IV. From those who, being thus cited, appear before you, within the time prescribed, }ou shaU take an oath that they will speak the truth to the best of their knowledge, simply and freely, with regard to the crime of i heresy, as well concerning themselves as others, whether living or dead. And afterwards, being diligently examin- ed by you, or your scribes, concerning all things respect- ing which enquiry should be made, you shall cause their confessions and depositions to be faithfully written, and de- posited among the acts of the Inquisition, by some public person (if that be in your power) or else by some fit person who shall be sworn, and to whom some other fit person, sworn in like manner, shall be joined, in order that a docu- ment of this kind, written by a public hand or (as we have suggested) by two fit persons, and deposited in the acts, and also recited to the person confessing or deposing before the Inquisitor and Notary, or the two fit persons aforesaid, may obtain the fullest authority.^ ^ Chap. XVI. directs the Inquisitors to examine the perfectly and vestiti^ privately before certain discreet and faithful persons. Chap. XXVIII. directs that persons who have been convicted of heresy, shall not follow the profession of a physician or notary,^ 27 Cone, XI. P. I. 676. Letter of Pope Innocent IV. a. d. 1252. The Constitutions of this Pope, addressed to the authorities of Lombardy, for the guidance of the secular magistrates in the business of extir« pating heresy, contain many curious particulars relating to the inquisition ; but I do not know that they give any information that is to our purpose, except that, by their existence, they shew that heresy was at that time so prevalent in Lom- bardy, as that it was thought to require such interference. Council of Albi. A. D. 1254. This Council refers to the Council of Thou- louse of 1229, and, so far as relates to our purpose, does little more than repeat and add to its de- crees, respecting the mode of apprehending and dealing with heretics. In fact, among its seventy- one canons, I do not know that it is worth while to notice any but the following :— Can. X. qualifies the canon of the former council, which excluded converts from heresy from all pubUc offices —or rather, perhaps, states expressly what must surely have been understood before— that they shall not hold any such office, unless they shall have been first entirely re- stored by the Pope, or his Legate. 2 E .1 It ' lijli 210 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. Can. XIV. is as follows : — " Moreover, adding to the Council of Thoulouse (by which it is provided that whoso- ever shall be marked with the evil report, or suspicion, of heresy, shall not, in future, exercise the office of a physi- cian) we decree that no physician shall hereafter presume to practice in any part of the country that is suspected of heresy, unless he shall have been first approved by the Bishop of the place, as to his life and morals and especially as to his faith.'' Cone. xi. P. i. 720. Letters of Pope Innocent IV. a.d. 1254. A letter addressed to all the faithful, and dated the 15th of June, in this year, begins thus : " Know all men, that, in imitation of our *' predecessor, Pope Gregory, we excommunicate " all heretics, Caihari, Paterini, Poor Men of " Lyons, Passagini, Josepiniy Arnaldistte, Spero- " nistcBy and others ; by whatever names they ** may be distinguished," &c. A letter dated four davs afterwards, and ad- dressed to the Dominican Friars, on the extirpa- tion of heresy, shows its prevalence in Lombardy, but neither of these letters throw any light on its peculiar nature.* A third letter, belonging to about the same time, is directed to the authorities of Lombardy, Romagno, and the Marquisate of Trevisano; and its object is to sanction, and to call upon Sect. 7.] LETTERS OF INNOCENT IV. ad. 1254. 211 them to enforce the edicts which had been issued by the Emperor Frederic, and which have been already mentioned. Ep. xi. xii. Xiii. Cone. XI. P. I. 616. Section Vlll. THE BOOK OF SENTENCES. k The passage inserted in brackets seems to have been accident- ally omitted by Chandler. I have translated it as it stands, though I think Limborch was mistaken in calling Aymericus de Colleto, a «« bishop of the Albigensian heretics'' — his words are, « episcopus haereticorum Albiensiumr but, in the passage refeiTcd to, (I believe the only one in which the person is mentioned) he is called « episcopus hereticorum Albensiumr This, \{ Albigensian were meant, is a mistake which the notary was not likely to have made ; and it is more probable, Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 259 number of others, mentioned fol. 93, 101, 106, 123, 146. b. From hence I conclude, that they were not only two distinct sects originally, but that they were not united into one church afterwards, at least in the year 1320, that is half an age [an age and a half] after their first rise. " I cannot however deny, that Ivonetus, who lived A»r^ V/ y _^'^ ^ t^ " 1 cannot nowever aeny, mai ivoueius, wnw iivc« >- - , about those times, attributes many things to the Valdenses, j^ ^ r|^ which in these acts are ascribed to the Albigenses, namely, J\i that they are divided into two parties. ' There are some,' says Ivonetus, 'who are accounted perfect: these are properly called the Poor men of Lyons. All are not taken in under this character, but are first instructed them- selves, a long while, that they may know how to teach others. These 'perfect declare that they have nothing of their own, neither houses nor possessions, nor certain dwellings. And if they had any wives before, they put them away. They say they are the true successors of the apostles, and are the masters and confessors of others ; go visiting about the countries, and confirming their disciples in their error : these disciples bring them all things neces- sary. Into whatever place they come, they give notice of their arrival : they are met by great numbers in some safe (especially as he constantly used similar abbreviations) that he meant it as a contraction for Albanensium. If there had been a bishop of the Albiyensians, I think we should have heard more of him, and should not have found thtm going to Lombardy for orders. Reinerius Saccho, as we shall see, divides the Cathari into three principal sects, or bodies, of which he places :he Albanenses first j and he states that the heretics of Thoulousc were a branch of that sect. *' Nota, quod Cathari Ecclesi(B " Tolosante, et Coi-ozenses, tenent errores Gelosimaze et Albanensium^"^ and, as the person who speaks of Aymericus de Colleto states, that he had frequently visited the heretics in Lombardy, it is not unlikely that he had seen an Albanensian bishop; who, if he had been an Albigensian bishop, must, I think, have been seen by a good many othei-s, and have made a greater figure in this book. # if' III 260 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. and secret place, to see and hear them. They send them the best of meat and drink. They appoint collections for support of their poor, their masters and students, who have nothing of their own ; or else to inveigle others, who are drawn over to their party by the love of money/ Pegna in Direct, par. 2. com. 25. Most of these things are ascribed in these acts to the Albigenses ; so that they sometimes seem to have been confounded with one ano- ther.'** '* On the other hand, Pegna and Eymericus seem to have acknowledged a difference between them. For Pegna, upon Eymericus's Directory of the Inquisitors, par. 2. comment. 38, calls the Sacrament of the Albigenses, consolamentumy'^ the consolation ; and adds, that their other « I do not know what Ivonetus said, except from what is here quoted ; but it does not appear to me, that he did confound the two sects. He states, indeed, that the Waldenses, like the Albigenses, and like most other sects, were divided into leaders and followers ; and he adds what is corroborated by other evidence, that in each sect the leaders were called perfect. This to be sure is a resemblance ; but all the rest seems to me to shew, not so much that they were similar, as, that they were similarly situated j and is only what one might expect to find stated respecting any sect that was persecuted by the Church of Rome. The leaders of both sects went about privately amongst their followei-s j and were secreted and supported by them. I see nothing that can be called pecu- liarly Albigensian j but there are three points which were, I believe, peculiar to the Waldenses. The Albigenses did not, that 1 know of, claim to be the true successors of the Apostles in the same way as the Waldenses— they were not, as we have seen, like them, the confessors of others— and that they did not profess to have nothing of their own, will, I think, appear hereafter. ^ Limborch's meaning is, that Pegna calls the consolameninm "a sacrament of the Albigenses;'^ thereby representing it as something peculiar to them j and such it undoubtedly was ; at least it did not be- long to the Waldenses. His words are ** Consolamentum vocat Albi- gensium sacramentum*^ Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 261 sacrament was the blessing of bread. * This,' says he, « is a sort of breaking bread, which they daily use at dinner and supper : 'tis performed after this manner. When the Puritans [Cathari sive Catharae] (so he calls the Albigen- ses) are come to the table, they all say the Lord's Prayer ; in the mean while, he who is the principal person amongst them, either as to riches or dignity, takes in his hand one or more loaves, according to the number of those that are present ; and saying, " the Grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you [us] all always ;" he breaks the loaf or loaves, and distributes to all that sit down, whether they are Puri- tans [Cathari] or only their believers. And in this they differ from the Poor Men of Lyons; for they perform this ceremony or blessing [conjiciunt seu benedicunt] only once m a year, 1 43 ^^ This consecrated bread, panis henedictus^ is very frequently mentioned in the Book of Sentences j and I was led to pay particular attention to it, in endeavouring to discover whether the Albigenses had any rite analogous to the Eucharist. I cannot, however, find that they had. Whether the form which is here given (and which agrees pretty much with the statement of Reinerius Saccho, and was probably taken from him by Pegna) is correct, I do not know j for though fifteen per- sons state, that they had seen the benediction of the bread, yet none of them give any detailed account of the manner in which it was perform- ed. Indeed it is somewhat remarkable, that this bread should be men- tioned in only 118 confessions \ and that, of the persons making these, so small a number should state that they had seen the rite performed. BaymunduSf 28, *' comedit de illo pane quem heretici tenent in mani- bus, et dicunt aliqua verba, in principio mense.^' — Raymunda, 119, says, ** dictus hereticus antequam poneret se ad mensam fecit de pane benedicto." — Sapta, 29, ** comedit de pane hereticorum quem vocant panem sancie orationis*'' — and BemarduSy 30, uses the same words. The Inquisitor in passing sentence on PeiruSy 34, says, ** Item come- " disti pluries de pane benedicto per eos (seu potius maledicto) quam " ipsi panem sancie oraiionis appellant.^* It seems to have been con- sidered as a sort of curiosity, or relic, by the members of the «ect ; and 262 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 263 " Of the Valdenses, Eymericus thus writes, P. 3. Num. 1 12—' Those among them that are perfect, put in the to have been given sometimes by the leadei-s to their followers, and sometimes by them to one another. Guilielmus^ 152, "comedit semel " de pane benedicto per Jacobum Auterii hereticum predictum, qucni « dictus hereticus dedit e\r—Sihiliay 67, ** comedit de pane, quem " Petius Auteiii hereticus dedit sibi semel ; et aliquando Sancius Bo- " relli, socer suns, dedit sibi de pane quem aportabat de mensa hereti- « coium."— Bcmardu*, 132, says, " mater sua dedit sibi aliquantulum ** de pane, dicens quod erat de pane benediclo hereticorum ; et ipse ac- « cepit, et comedit."— Jo^anwc*, 135, "accepit, et tenuit, de pane bene- dicto hereticorum." — Petrona^ 19S, " comedit semel de pane benedicto ab heretico j et conservavit de dicto pane muUis annis.'' — Guilielma, 161, " soror sua aportavit sibi quandam petiam panis. dicens quod erat " panis beuedictus, sen signatus, per dictum hereticum, quem mittebat ** sibi j et accepit et conservavit in archa sua, per aliquos menses." — Johanna^ 112, *'quadam vice victa Petrona portavit dicte Johanne, " unam parvam petiam panis, dicens quod erat panis de Deo^ et Pe- " trus Auterii mittebat cum sibi, ut comederet ; et ipsa accepit, tt « posuit in quodam loco." — £*c/arwiWTida, 193, ♦' aliquociens accepit « de pane benedicto per hereticum, et comedit, et dedit aliis ad come- " dendum." — Bernardo., 192, " portavit eidem mulieri quandam petiam panis de quo audivit quod erat panis beuedictus per hei-eticos."— Guilielma, 71, "comedit semel de pane benedicto hereticorum; et habebat in eo magnam devotionem.*' I do not know that anything: else in the book throws light pn the subject. 1 have already said, that it is mentioned in 118 confessions — that is, sentences and culpe ; both of which being recitals of confessions, 1 take the liberty here, and else- where, to include under one general term, for brevity's sake ; and 1 mention it, that 1 may not mislead the reader, (as I am afraid I may have already done) by speaking of confessions, as if they were distinct from the sentences and culpe, which are in fact only extracts from thcni, and tell us all that we know of the confessions. Of the persons makirg these 118 confessions, — 6 only stated that they had seen or received the bi-cad ; and not that they had eaten — 43, that they had eaten without saying how often — 35 used the various expressions, bis, bis vel ter, ter vel quater, quater vel quinquies, sexies et amplius, aliquociens, aliquando, pUnies, frequenter, multociens and (in only one case) tociens quod nescit nume- rum — 34, that they had eaten but once. 1 mention these numbers, that upper part of the shoe, or Zabhata^ a sort of a Escutheon, as a sign, from which they are called Inzabbatati. They have one among them, superior to the rest, whom they call Majoralis or Elder, to whom alone, and to no other, they yield obedience. When they sit at table, they bless in this manner : " He who blessed the five barly loaves and two fishes, in the desert, to his disciples, bless this table to us/' And when they rise, they repeat those words of the Revelation ; " Blessing, and honour, and wisdom, and thanks, and glory, and strength, be unto our God for ever and ever. Amen." Always holding their eyes and hands lift up to heaven.' This account is agreeable to what we read of the Valdenses, in the Book of Sentences of the Thoulouse Inquisition, but much more explicite and dis- tinct.'* " The same Eymericus, Num. 88, «&c. charges these heretics, of his time, with many equivocations and tricks, by which they endeavour to deceive the Inquisitors, when they interrogate them concerning their faith, viz. ' If they are asked, " do you believe the sacrament of Baptism, ne- cessary to salvation ?" they answer; "I believe." By which, they mean their own private faith, [quod ipsi ha- beant fidem] and not their believing the doctrine they are asked about : or, " if it pleases God, I believe well;'' mean- ing, that it is not pleasing to God, that they should believe as the Inquisitors would have them : or, by returning the question, " Sir, how do you believe ?" and when the In- the reader may judge (as far as one can from such scanty materials) whether it was a rite, or practice, which was generally observed, or re- quired of the members of the sect. As to what is here said of the Wal- denses, it may be more properly noticed hereafter. *• That is, it is not contradicted ; but I do not think the Book of Sentences contains anything which confirms it, except what is already before the reader. If 264 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. Sect. 9.] BOOK OF SENTENCES. 265 quisitor answers, <' I believe the faith of the Church of Rome," they reply, « 1 believe so f meaning that they be- lieve the Inquisitor believes as he says ; not that they be- lieve as he doth.' These and other like things he affirms that he observed, during the administration of his office. « 1 have been the longer on this account of the Albi- genses and Valdenses, that every one may judge u;AefAer they were one or two different sects. To speak my own mind freely, they appear to me to have been two distinct ones : and that thev were entirely ignorant of many tenets, that are now ascribed to them. Particularly the Valdenses seem to have been plain men, of mean capacities, unskilful and unexperienced ; and if their opinions and customs were to be examined without prejudice, it would appear, that amongst all the modern sects of Christians, they bare the greatest resemblance to that of the Mennonites." This long extract from Limborch seems to \ me sufficiently to prove, that the Albigenses and \Jf Waldenses were distinct sects ; and this fact I shall also endeavour still more fully to establish, by the testimony of some authors who wrote both before and after the time of the Book of Sen- tences. There is, however, one more point in the book itself, which I wish first to notice; because it seems clearly to shew, that the Albi- genses and Waldenses treated of in it, not only held very different opinions, but were two classes of persons who were so far from fellowship or making common cause, that they were not drawn together even by persecution, and, in fact, had little or no intercourse with each other. It seems that the Waldenses, with whom the Inquisition of Thoulouse was concerned \ during the period in question, were a colony from Burgundy. Perrin, 230, is described as " a Burgundian, born in a town which is called " Cortena, in the diocese of Besan^on, and then ** living in the diocese of Auch." In his confes- sion, made before the Inquisition of Thoulouse, on the 21st of August, 1312, he refers to his having been formerly examined before the Inquisitor of heretics in Burgundy. He afterwards ( I5th of May, 1314,) confesses, that since that former confession, " he had many times visited some Waldenses in the diocese of Auch, in Gascony." It also appears by the sentence on Perrin, 264, who is described as a native of the diocese of Besan9on, but then living in the diocese of Auch, that he had formerly made a confession of Waldensian heresy, before the Inquisitor of heretical pravity, in Burgundy. John Philibert, 252, a priest, who is described as a native of Burgundy, at that time resident in the diocese of Auch, states, in his confession (29th of Oct. 1311), that " about twenty-eight " years had elapsed since he was sent from Bur- ** gundy, with another person whom he names, ** with letters of the Inquisitor, to seek for a cer- " tain Waldensian fugitive called Ruffus Jau- " bertus, and they came to the diocjBse of Auch ; " and afterwards, he returned from Gascony into 2 M 266 BOOK OF SENTENCES. [Sect. 9. Sect. 9.J BOOK OF SENTENCES. 267 " Burgundy, to those who had sent him. After " some time, he returned, of his own free will, " into Gascony, where he remained afterwards " for many years in the diocese of Auch; and " while he stayed there, he was led by some " Burgundians, whom he names, to the love and ** society and communion of the Waldenses." — Stephen, 354, described as the son of a Burgun- dian dwelling at Alzonne, states, that twenty-five or thirty years before his confession (26th of May, 1320,) he saw two men at his father's house; and his mother conjured him not to say that he had seen them, because " the Inquisi- tors persecuted them in Burgundy." — Pev V i ii;;ii I 274 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. perfidy and error with a hardened mind— we the aforesaid Inquisitors, and Vicars, having first diligently taken coun- sei of several wise men, lest like a sickly sheep you should farther infect the healthy sheep of our Lord's flock, having God before our eyes and the purity of the orthodox faith, the holy gospels being placed before us, that our judgment may go forth from the face of God, and that our eyes may see equity— sitting as a tribunal, by our definitive sentence in these presents contained, do declare and pronounce you, the aforesaid Peter Auterius now present, and refusing to be converted to the faith (this day and place having been peremptorily assigned you for hearing the definitive sen- tence) to be a heretic ; and, as a heretic, we leave you to the secular court ; saving, and reserving, to you, that if you choose to be converted, and to return to ecclesiastical unity, your life shall be spared ; in which case we reserve to ourselves full and free power of imposing upon you punishment, and penance, for your heretical proceedings. " This sentence was delivered at the &ermo of the Inquisitor, publicly held in the Church of St. Stephen at Thoulouse^ on the Thursday before Palm Sunday ; namely, the ninth of April in the year of our Lord 1310, in the presence," &c. Then follow a list of various persons, ecclesiastical and secular, and the attestations of the notaries. I have already said that he was a principal leader of the sect ; and, indeed, he seems to have been the most active and influential person in it. Guilielmus, 220, who had confessed and received absolution on the 2lst Sept. 1305, in a subse- quent confession, made the 5th Dec. 1309, states that, during the inter- val, Peter Auterius had been at his house, " and remained there a day " and a night, and that he did not apprehend him, or cause him to be ** apprehended, and promised that no mischance should come to him by *' his means — yet he said that it displeased him that the heretic had come « there, and that he admonished him that he should leave the sect of the « heretics — but the heretic replied to him that he would by no means *< leave it, though all his friends should be flayed alive before his face." To say the truth, I am afraid that Peter Auterius cared more for himself Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 275 than for his friends ; and though they seem in innumei-ablc instances to have received and secreted him, and I do not find that any of them ever betrayed him, yet there is good evidence that, after his apprehension, he betrayed them. This appears from the following memoi-anda of the Inquisitor, appended to various culpa : Petrus, 72, « Predictus P. adhue « habetur suspectus quod celet aliqua de facto heresis propter ilia que " contra eum inveniuntur per Petrum Auterii revelata.'*— .4maZda, 73, « Contra istam Arnaldam habetur per Petrum Auterii quod vidit et « recepit eum in domo sua et viri in quadam infirmitate dicti viri, et *« venerat ad hereticandum ipsum."— Kaymttndtw 73, « Predictus Ray- « mundus adhuc creditur celare aliqua de hospicio suo prout Petrus «* Auterii dixit et scripsit."— JmaWu*, 74, and Betmunda, 74, have similai- notes.-Raymundu*, 155, « Predictus Raymundus negat se « fecisse adorationem et convenienciam heretico, set Peter Auterius dixit « quod fecit sibi pactum sen convenienciam."— Bcmarrftw, 132, Pre- « dictus Bernardus negat adorationem et convenienciam seu pactum et « credenciam hereticorura, et reputatur male confessus quia Petrus «< Auterii et Jacobus tilius ejus dixerunt, et scripserunt, quod dictus « Bernardus et alii fratres sui fecerunt eis pactum, et audiverunt predi- « cationem ipsorum et adoraverunt eos," &c.— ^rwoWiw, 174, « Contra « predictum Arnaldum dicit P. Auterius quod ipse Arnaldus dedit sibi " pecuniam pro elemosina, et illud supertunicale de blauo quod ipse " Petrus Auterii portabat quando fuit captus et condempnatus." Whether Peter Auterius thought to save his life by thus betraying those who befriended him, 1 do not know ; but if so, he seems to have failed. This sentence was passed, as we have seen, on the 9th of April, 1310, and it will be observed that he was off"ered the alternative of reconcili- ation, which was not generally, I think, allowed to those who were de- livered to the secular arm. On the 11th of Jan. 1311, however, GuilieU TOiM, 146, confessed certain heretical ofl'ences, committed within half a year past, and stated that when he committed them he had heard of the burning of Peter Auterius, not long before—" quamvis audivisset dici « coramuniter, quod Tolosa, fuerat conbustus, non erat diu Petrus " Auterii hereticus." JYo. //. Culpa— Condors, 59. " Condors, daughter of Johannes de Podio Lobri, wife of Espanhol Faber, living at Vaquiers in the diocese of Thoulouse, (as by her confession lawfully and judicially [that is, not in the way of confession to a priest] made to t.i: 276 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. ill US, appears) was induced to join the heretics by her hus- band, and by Guilielma her sister; and in the house of the Spaniards, her husband's brothers, she saw, and heard two heretics, of whom one was called Amelius, and the name of the other she did not then know, but afterwards heard, and knew, that he was called Peter Auterius. Also, in a house where she and her husband lodged in Vaquiers, she saw two heretics, of whom one was called Peter Raymond, and the name of the other she did not know, but he was a young man with red hair. Also, at another time, in the same house, she saw Peter Sancius the heretic, who stayed there one day and two nights ; and she knew that he was a heretic, and she served him with bread and wine and pot- tage, and made his bed. Also, she and her husband by their words inclined, and induced, Dominica her mother to wish to be received into the sect, and order, of heretics in that sickness of which she died ; and Peter Auterius the heretic was brought to the said sick person, and hereticated her, she herself being present, and seeing, and hearing, and assisting, and consenting; and she waited on the said here- ticated sick person according to the manner which the said heretics told to her, Condors— namely, that she should not give her any food with fat, or any thing but water to drink [non daret sibi aliquem ciburo cum pinguedine nisi aquam ad bibendum]. Also, after the said heretication, she per- suaded her said sick mother to be again reconciled to the sect of the heretics, because she had sinned against it by eating after the said heretication, contrary to the ordinance of the said heretic. Also, after the heretication of the said sick person, she would not at the request of the said sick person, go for a Priest, to whom she said she wished to confess concerning the things aforesaid. Moreover, she forbad her by any means to confess concerning this mat- ter; because, if she did, she would be burnt by the Inqui- sitors. And this last, namely, concerning the heretication ill V SECT. 10] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 277 of her mother, she concealed knowingly against her own oath, in her first confession. Also, she heard from a cer- tain person, a believer in the heretics, their doctrine and faith, contrary to the Catholic faith, and the sacraments of the Church of Rome. Also, she believed the heretics to be good men, and true ; and to have a good faith in which they might be saved ; and was in that belief two years, until she heard that the believers in the heretics were taken, and harassed by the Inquisitors. Committing the things afore- said, at periods of five, four, three, two, years, and within one year before making her confession of the aforesaid ; nor would she confess the things aforesaid till she was de- tained in prison." This culpa was recited at the third Sermo, 5th of April, 1310 ; and Condors was then sentenced to perpetual imprisonment. Indeed, 1 believe this was in all cases the form of the sentence, though the persons imprisoned might be detained ever so short a time— the Inquisitors wisely considering, that they could let them out when they pleased, and that therefore it was unnecessary to specify any period. She remained in confinement (the murum largum, however) till the eighth Sermon, 30th of Sept. 1319 i when she was set at liberty, on condition of her wearing the crosses, and making peregrinations to the churches of Thou- louse(educta de muro cumcrucibus) as were many others, of whom the notary says, somewhat quaintly (but certainly without intending to be pleasant, for it was the usual phrase), that they had been « dud urn nomine penitencie inmurali et inmurate." Her crosses were afterwards taken off at the fourteenth Sermon, 12th Sept. 1322. She was proba- bly treated with the more rigour from her belonging to a family who seem to have been very obnoxious to the Inquisition. Her husband, Hyspanvji, 29, was in prison at the time when she was sentenced, having been committed, with three of his brothers, at the second Sermon, 25th May, 1309; and one of them, Guilielmus, 28, having relapsed, was burned at the time when she was sent to prison. Her husband escaped from prison soon after 24th April, 1310, and at the same time that she was released, he was, being still fugitive, declared a heretic. Beside this, it appears that Aycelina^ 163, the mother of these four brothers, (and of a fifth, Johannes^ 260, afterwards condemned as fugitive) had been hereticated by Peter Auterius ; and her bones, with those of Domi- nica (the mother of Condors), were ordered to be burned at the fourth M ''ii-'J y 278 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. lo. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 279 Sermon, 23rd April, 1312. At the same time, the house in which these brothers lived, and in which another woman beside their mother had been hereticated, was ordered to be destroyed, p. 168. It is there called « domus et cawipmtwiwm;" and this latter term (which may perhaps be best translated by what may be almost called its derivative, " capital messuage'*) seems to indicate the respectability of this Spanish family j and it appears from various confessions to have been a place much re- sorted to by the heretics. 1^0, 111, Culpa — Guilielmus, 13. " Guilielmus Falquetus of Verdunetum, as appears to us by his own confession, lawfully and judicially made, saw the heretics frequently, and in many places, and adored them, bending his knees thrice, with joined hands, bowing himself profoundly before them, and saying thrice, " bene- dicite," according to the mode, and rite, of the heretics ; and saw the heretics adored in like manner by other per- sons ; and this he did so many times, and in so many places, that he cannot remember the number. Also, he heard the words, and admonitions, and preaching, and noxious doc- trine, of the heretics ; and their errors contrary to the or- thodox faith of the Romish Church, and against the Sacra- roents of the Church ; and this many times, and in many places. Also, he ate of the bread blessed by the heretics frequently ; and saw the mode of blessing the said bread. Also, he made the agreement with the heretics which they call la convenensa, that he would be r eceived by them a Lhis death, according to their most evil custom. Also, he \vished, and sought, to be received by the heretics into their sect, and order ; and it was not his fault that he was not then received. Also, he went with some other per- sons into Lombardy, to Como, to seek for the heretics, and found, and saw them, and heard their preaching, and brought back from thence a letter for other heretics of this country, and the salutations of the heretics. Also, a se- cond time, he returned to the heretics, to Como, in Lom- bardy ; and carried them salutations, and news of other heretics, and their believers. Also, a third time, being sent by the heretics, he went into Lombardy to the here- tics at Como and Quercum, and carried them letters of the heretics, and brought back letters in answer, and mu- tual salutations. Also, a fourth time, being sent by the heretics, he went into Lombardy, and as far as Sicily ; and from thence conducted two heretics, namely, Poncius Bavilus of Axs, and Poncius de Narica of Avignon, to the heretical Major (ad majorem hereticum) who was in Sicily, where he left the said heretics, and where he saw heretics male and female [hereticos et Acre^ico*— which should be I presume hereticas,"] and believers of heretics, and fugitives for heresy. Also, he frequently com- mended the life, and sect, and doctrine, of the heretics, to many persons ; and inclined, and induced, and attracted, by his words, many persons to the love and belief of the heretics, as much as he could, and knew how. Also, he frequently accompanied the heretics from place to place. Also, he believed the heretics to be good men, and to have a good life, and sect, and order, and good doctrine, and a good faith, and that a man might be saved in their doctrine and faith. Also, he fled on account of heresy, and was in flight with others who had fled for the same reason, for two years, or thereabouts ; and, while thus fugitive, he frequently saw, and visited, Philip the heretic, who was a fugitive, and concealed [him] and other believers of the heretics. Also, while fugitive, and persevering in heresy, and taking measures to procure that a heretic should come to hereticate a certain sick person, he was taken, and de- tained. Also, in his confession, he at first knowingly con- cealed and suppressed many things relating to heresy, as well concerning himself, as other persons, contrary to his own oath ; which he afterwards judicially acknowledged. Also, he saw altogether, in this country, in Lombardy, and V h 280 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 281 Mi ;i in Sicily, the following heretics male and female— namely, Peter Auterius, William Auterius, James Auterius, and Poncius Bavilus of Axs; also Amelias de Perils, and An- drew de Pradis, in Savartesium, in the diocese of Pamiers ; also, Peter Raymund of St. Papoul, Bernard Audoynus of Montacute, Poncius de Narica, Matthew grandson of the said Bernard Audoynus of the diocese of Thoulouse ; also, Philip of Constantianum, in the diocese of Narbonne; also, Raimund Ysarnus Diaconus Major, and Raimund Magister, and William Salas, in Sicily ; also two perfect female heretics in Sicily; and Audara Borrola, who caused herself to be called Jacoba, a perfect heretic (heretica per- fecta) of Limoux, with whom he went the first time into Lombardy to the heretics, before she was a consoled here- tic (heretica consolata). He is convicted, moreover, of seeing heretics, and of adoring, accompanying and visiting, them, and of the journies which he made into Lombardy, for the heretics, by many concurring witnesses." For these offences, which it appears that he confessed on 30th Nov. 1307, he was sentenced on the 25th of May, 1309, to close con- finement (murum strictum). This, to a person who had evidently such a taste for locomotion, must have been highly disagreeable ; and so I suppose he found it 5 for it appears, thai in less than a twelvemonth (24th April, 1310) he broke out of prison ; and the most urgent and persevering invitations, could not persuade him to return. Soon after his escape he was publicly excommunicated in the church of Verdune- lum. He was then repeatedly cited, both at his customary dwelling, and in the church. Having borne this sentence of excommunication more than five yeai-s, he was again cited in the year 1315. As he did not appear, he was, on the last day of August. 1316, found, and decreed to be contumacious. Wherefore, afterwards, some time being allowed for his appearance, which he did not make, (unde postmodum, diudius expectatus) he was excommunicated as a fugitive for the crime of heresy ; and was, thereupon, canonically, and peremptorily, cited to appeal- at the General Seimo, on whatsoever day it should take place in the year 1319. And not appearing at that Sermo (30th Sept. and the eighth in this book) he was again excommunicated, p. 256. Farther than this I do not find; and I cannot tell why the Inqui. sitors gave themselves so much trouble. The next case, RaimunduSj 14 is very similar as to that point for which I was led to extract the preceding namely, as shewing the connexion and intercourse between the alleged heretics of Thoulouse, and those of Lombardy . This, indeed, appeal's from a variety of confessions, beside those which will be given hereafter. This Raimund *' ivit in Lombardiam quatuor vicibus, missus " per hereticos ad hereticos, tanquam nuncius eorundem, portans, et ** i*eportans, rumores, et nunciationes mutuas, et literas eoi-undem ** Item, in altera vice, de predictis, portavit cuidam heretico in Lom- " bardiam ex parte aliorum hereticorum, de pecunia ecclesie heretico- *« rum XX ^ marabotinos aureos et vestes." He was condemned to the same punishment, at the same time, with Guilielmus Falquetus; and they escaped together ; but though they took so much pains to recap- ture the one, 1 cannot find anything whatever respecting the other, ex- cept a brief marginal note on his culpa ; " Iste Raimundus de Verduno « aufugit de muro anno Domini M. cccx. viii Kalendas Maii, feria *< sexta, rupta cathena infra Octabas Pasche ;" that is, as far as I can see, the same day that he and several others — Hyspanus, the husband of Condors among them— escaped ; and why it is stated in this two-fold foitn I do not know. As these confessions mention Verduiif and Avigrunty I should, perhaps, caution some readers not to suppose that they are the places which are most commonly known under those names. Beside the Ver- dun which is too well known to many of our countrymen, and that on the Saone, there are two towns so called^ne on the Garonne, somewhat less than twenty miles below Thoulouse, and the other (a place still inferior) near St. Papoul. The former of these I suppose to be the place from whence Raimund took his name j and the latter (where Guilielmus Falquetus lived) I understand to be designated by Verdunetutn, in this book, to distinguish it from the former — ^but of this I do not feel certain —for with respect to the Avignon here mentioned, (which was a town on the Garonne, about as much above Thoulouse as Verdun was below it,) I find on the same page (100) " de Avinione," and **de Avinioneto," where the same place is certainly meant. I must, however, say^^nd this is a good opportunity— that I feel unable to translate many of the names of places, and of coins, which constantly occur. The former would require a more accurate knowledge of the parts about Thoulouse than I can pretend to, or know where to obtain ; and the latter, were I to attempt it, would only lead to disquisitions, not very useful ; as I should scarcely hope to be able to settle their value with ten times the 2 o Mil i-M. |!i 282 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. i.ii !|| KMiti lil labour which it would be worth while to bestow on such a subject. If the reader wishes to puzzle himself with the different names representing the same value— the various sums designated by the same name at dif- ferent periods— and the speculations respecting what are now only names— let him read what has been written merely on such names (.f money as will occur in the course of these extracts, and which 1 shall give just as they stand. Perhaps Du Cange may supply enough to produce the effect on the single word moneta. No. IF. Culpa— Guilielma, 22. " GniLi ELMA Sentgelia wife of Raymund St. Egidius [or St. Giles— corrupted, as appears by his wife's name, into Sentgelius] as appears to us by her own confession, lawfully and judicially, made, saw and received in her house, Peter, and James his son, heretics ; and knew them to be such ; and the said Peter the heretic then told her, that he had seen Arnald Magister her brother, in the city of Genoa ; and the said two heretics supped, and slept, that night in her house ; and, the following morning, she gave Peter the heretic ten alhus' of Tours, asking him, if he should see her aforesaid brother, to give him a part of them. Also, another time afterwards, she saw the aforesaid James the heretic, in her house, with a certain man, whom she joyfully received, and asked them after the other here- tic, where he then was? Also, she delivered to a certain person, money to the amount of eighteen albus' of Tours, that he might deliver it to Bernard Audoynus, to whom she owed it when he left the Country ; and she believes that he left for heresy. Also, a certain person came to her on the part of the said Bernard Audoynus asking for more than she had paid ; and told her that he was a heretic, or one of the heretics whom they called good men : and that he was then in Thoulouse. Also a certain person praised, and commended, to her the heretics, that they were good men, and kept the way of God, as friends of God, and Apostles. Also, when she heard that the aforesaid James V Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 283 the heretic, who had been in her house, was taken at Car- cassone, she was very much frightened. Also, she believed the heretics to be good men, and true, and that one might be saved in their faith ; and was in that belief from the time when she first saw the aforesaid two heretics in her house, up to the day when she was taken and brought to Thoulouse, and that may be four years." No. V. Culpa — Lombarda, 189. " Lombarda, wife of Arnaldus Letgerius of the parish of St. Martin in Prunetum, as legally appears to us by her own confession, judicially made the 16th of May, A. D. 1314, saw in the house of Sibilia of Prunetum, in a cor- ner of the house, two or three men whom she did not know ; of whom, afterwards, when she heard that the aforesaid Sibilia, and certain other women who were there, were cited and punished for heresy, she suspected that those aforesaid men were heretics. Also, in a certain ill- ness which she had, of which she recovered, the said Sibilia told her that in case she should die of that illness, if she vfished to have a good man (probum hominemj she would bring her one, who would be to her a physician of soul, and body ; and then she understood that she said this with reference to a heretic ; and told the said Sibilia, that if the husband of her the said Lombarda were to know of such a thing, he would suffocate her; and she would not consent to it. The aforesaid things she saw and heard eight years before she made a confession respecting them, nor did she come to confess until she was accused, cited, and arrested, and when under examination she at first denied the truth." Excused the crosses j hut sentenced to make peregrinations to certain churches in and out of Thoulouse, which were to be specified in lier letter of penance. No farther mention in the book that I know of; hut the index-maker observes, after her name, " complevit ad arbitrium ln«|uisitoris.'' \ f'V,.- ./ 284 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 285 No, VI. Culpe and Sentences relating to the case of Guilielma, 33, already mentioned p. 250, 252. Culpa — Alasaytz, 70. " Alasaytz, the wife of Martin de Proaudo de Posa- nila of Thouiouse, who was born at Assum (as appears by her own confession lawfully and judicially made before us) heard from Martin de Proaudo her husband, whom she had married after the death of his first wife Guilielma, that the said Guilielma had induced him to go and see a certain man in the cellar of his house, concerning whom she gave him to understand that that man was a heretic, and that the said Guilielma was privy to the proceedings of the heretics. Also, she heard say, that Esclarmunda, who had waited on the same Guilielma in the sickness of which she died, was of the sect of the heretics. "Also, the said Guilielma de Proaudo in her life- time commended to her Alasaytz herself, the life, and sect, of the heretics, often, and in many places ; and asked her to be kind to them, and to believe in, and befriend them ; and she agreed, and several times asked the said Guilielma to point out heretics to her. Also, she frequently sent to the heretics by the said Guilielma, of the fruit which she had to sell. Also she sent to the said heretics by the said Guilielma two cakes and two loaves of fine bread [panes mofletos— yr. moufflets]. Also, the said Alasaytz induced William de Bosco her [late] husband, in the sickness of which he died, to consent to be hereticated ; and afterwards went to the aforesaid Guilielma, and urgently asked her to procure, and have ready, some heretic who might receive the said sick man ; and she agreed that she would do so; and then Alasaytz herself managed that those persons who were in her house, and who were not parties to the hereti- cal proceedings, shouW be absent ; and she herself, under nretence of going to the Gilded Church, to pray for the ;k man, took those persons with her ; that, while they ;re absent, the sick man might be conveniently received by the heretic ; and she afterwards heard from the said Guilielma, that she had taken the heretic to the sick man, but the sick man would not consent. Also, the aforesaid Guilielma informed her, that she was much afraid of being taken by the Inquisitors, because she believed they would know what she had done. *' Also, she saw, and knew, that the said Guilielma placed herself in Endura, that she might die in it; and bathed herself, and in the said bath caused herself to be bled. And she, the said Alasaytz, brought the barber-sur- geon to her, and after the departure of the barber-surgeon, the said Guilielma untied her arm in the bath, that the blood miffht flow out, and so she might be weakened, and the sooner die, because she feared being taken by the In- quisitors; and she knew, and heard, that the said Guili- elma, after the bathing, and bleeding, placed herself upon the cold ground. Also, she twice asked the said Alasaytz to buy her some poison, that she might hasten her death thereby ; but she did not buy it for her : and then the said Guilielma declared and revealed to the said Alasaytz, that she was received to the sect, and order, of the heretics, and vestita by the said Peter the heretic, who had received her, and directed that Esclarmunda should wait upon her, and keep her in Endura ; and for this purpose she had sent for her from Rabastens ; and she saw the said Esclarmunda waiting upon the said Guilielma. And then, upon a cer- tain day, she saw a certain potion, which the said Esclar- munda was holding in a certain cup, in which there was broken glass which she wished to give to Guilielma that she might die. " Also, a certain woman told her from the said (Esclarmunda, that she must buy a cobler's awl, to kill the J , *:?''' 286 Skct. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 287 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. lo. said Guilielma, who desired it ; bnt she wonld not buy it v but that woman bought it ; and shewed it to her ; and tht she, and that woman who had bought the awl, went to tl said Guilielma, who in their presence, and hearing, asked the said Esclarmunda to pierce her, with the said awl, in her side, in that part where the heart was ; and there was a discussion among them where the heart lay, and they were of opinion that it must be on the left side ; but they did not then do what they had intended. She also saw that the said Esclarmunda gave the said Guilielma to drink in a certain cup, in which she had put something black, and she believes it was some poison, because she had before said that she had some. And the following day the said Guilielma died. And she heard, from a certain girl whom she names, that the said Guilielma was placed in a bath that night, and the said Esclarmunda gave her the juice of wild cucumbers. *-' Also, the .said Guilielma, before she died, asked her, after her death, to marry the said Martin us de Proaudo ; her husband, which also she did. Also, she had before heard from the said Guilielma, that she and another Guili- elma de Proaudo, and Philippa were receiving heretics. And she named to her, in particular, the said Peter, and James his son, whom she much commended ; and concern- ing whom she was much grieved that he was taken. Also the said Alasaytz once sent twelve denarii regales that they might be given to the heretics for her. Also, at another time, she sent an albus of Tours to a certain person, to give, and deliver, to the heretics. Also she believed the heretics to be good men ; and to have a good life, and sect, and faith, in which a man might be saved ; and she was in that belief from the time when she began to consent to the words of the said Guilielma, respecting the heretics, until she was cited before the Inquisitor for the first time, on the 13th of August, 1307. And then she concealed the truth concerning the matters aforesaid, against her own oath taken before the Inquisitors, being frequently enquired of, although she was then detained, yet afterwards being liberated, and hearing that the Inquisitor was to make a Sermon, she fled, and remained in flight some months, and was at length taken and detained in gaol, be- cause she had been previously accused by other persons who were accomplices ; nor would she confess the matters aforesaid until she was the second time arrested ; and heard that those persons who were accomplices had confessed. Committing the aforesaid things from five years, to within four years, previous to the last confession concerning the matters aforesaid." Sentenced *< ad murum lai-gum," 5th April, 1310, and I believe nothing more is said of her. Culpa — Serdana^ or Esclarmunda, 76. " Serdana, who caused herself to be otherwise called Esclarmunda, daughter of the late William Faber of Ver- dunetum, near Saxacum (as appears by her confession lawfully and judicially made before us) went into Lom- bardy with Serdana her aunt, and Bertrandus Egilbaudus her uncle, to the heretics. And in Como she frequently saw Bernardus Audoynus of Montacute, and Peter Ray- mond of St. Papoul, heretics ; and heard their words, and preaching, and adored them, bowing three times before them, with bended knees and joined hands, and saying each time, < Benedicite,' asking their blessing. And she knew that Serdana, her aforesaid aunt, was there hereti- cated, when at the point of death, by Peter Raymond, of St. Papoul ; and she was present at the said heretication. Also she heard, and knew, that the aforesaid Bertrand, her uncle, and William son of Peter Auterius, were here- ticated just before their death; but she was not present when they were herelicated. And also in Como many V 288 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 289 li! times and with many persons whom she names (fugitives for heresy, and believers in the heretics) she spoke of the heresy as a believer. Also, she departed from Como with William Faber her father, wishing to go into Sicily to the heretics ; but she could not get there. Also, in Genoa, where she remained some years, she knew some believers of the heretics, and saw their messengers. Also, she departed from Genoa, and came to this country, with Philip of Talayraco of Constancianum the heretic, and with Auda Borella of Limoux, a heretic, who caused her- self to be called Jacoba, and some other believers ; and many times adored both the male, and the female heretics, in the manner aforesaid ; and many times ate of bread that had been blessed by a heretic. At Thoulouse she Iked in the same house with them, serving, and adoring them; and there also saw and adored other heretics— namely, Peter Auterius, and James his son, Bernard Au- doynus, and Peter Raymond of St. Papoul, and saw that they were visited, and adored, by other persons who were believers in them. Also, she waited upon the said heretic in the illness of which she died, and was present at her burial, and knew that the said heretic hastened her death. " Also, at Thoulouse, she frequently saw heretics, and adored them, and knew that Guilielma Martina de Proaudo put herself in endura^ and was hereticated ; and she waited upon her as a heretic, and saw the heretic Ber- nard Audoynus before the said Guilielma in bed, who had come to reconcile her after the manner of the heretics; and knew that the said Guilielma urgently besought her, and some other persons, whom she names, that her death might be hastened, fearing to be taken by the Inquisitors for heresy. And the said Serdana gave the said Guilielma to drink, a deadly potion of the juice of wild cucumbers, with broken glass ; and saw an iron instrument, which is called alzena, which the said Guilielma had caused to be bought, that she might therewith be suddenly pierced in the side, if the messengers of the Inquisitors should come. <* Also, she frequently heard the discourses of the heretics against the faith, and sacraments, of the Romish Church of our Lord Jesus Christ; and commended the life, and sect, and faith, of the heretics to other persons, and ate of the consecrated bread of the heretics, so often that she does not know the number of times. " Also, she believed the heretics to be good men, and true ; and to have a good faith in which a man might be saved ; and had been in that belief eleven, or twelve, years. '« Also, the aforesaid Serdana concealed in her first confession, contrary to her own oath, many things concern- ing the matter of heresy, which she had lately learnt; which if she had then revealed the heretics might have been easily taken. " Also, the said Serdana, being in flight, for the mat- ter of heresy, in which she had continued many years, was apprehended with Peter Bernerius her husband, who was a great believer, and leader, of heretics, and a fugitive for heresy, and had fled from the prisons of the Inquisitors twice.'' Sentenced « ad murum strictum" 5th of April, 1310. Her husband, here mentioned, had been deliveied to the secular arm, as a relapsed he- retic, at the preceding Sermo, 25th of May, 1309. Culpa — Alazayt, 114. "Alazayt, wife of the late Arnaldus Anriolus of Assum, (as legally appears to us by her own confession judicially made, 15th of June, 1309) in the sickness of William de Bosco, her son in law, of which he died at Thoulouse, she visited him ; and, on a certain day, Alazayt her daughter, wife of the said William, told her, that there would come to the said sick person, a gentleman with a certain lady; and then she suspected that her daughter meant to say this of some heretic, and asked her if she 2p '\ 290 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. lo. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 291 meant to say this of an heretic. And her said daughter subjoined that she should hold her tongue. And then she remonstrated with her, and forbad her to do it. And her said daughter, on the contrary said '^ Yes it shall be done/^ And then she went away from the house, and after a while returned. And when she was in the house of the said sick person, there came in after a certain woman^ who she afterwards heard was named Guilielma de Proando, wife of Martin de Proaudo, and a certain man with her, and asked, how the said sick person did. And the said Guili- elma, and that man, went into the chamber where the sick man lay. And the said Alazayt remained without ; and after awhile, the said Guilielma, and that man, went out, and went away. And the said man said, as he was going away, to John, son of the said Alazayt, that if any one should ask, who that man was who had been there, he should answer that he was a Physician. ^* Having seen, and heard these things, the said Ala- zayt more strongly, and fully, than before, suspected and believed, that that man was a heretic, because of the words she had heard, and understood, from her said daughter, and because that man did nothing to the sick person in the way of a Physician. And she believes that her said daughter had procured that man to come to the sick per- son, to do that which the heretics do to the sick. ** The matters aforesaid had happened about four years before the time when she made a judicial confession of the things aforesaid ; nor did she come to make known the things aforesaid until her daughter was taken, and made a confession of the things aforesaid, and the said Alazayt was cited, and named, and detained in prison, and at first denied the truth contrary to her own oath." Sentenced 23rd of Apri^ 1312, to wear double crosses, and make peregrinations and visitations to the churches of Thoulouse, and perform such other acts as should be specified in hei' letters of penance. Sentence on Guilielma^ 33, deceased in heresy. " Also, since by legal inquisition thereupon made we have found, and by witnesses legally sworn in Court, it appears to us, that Guilielma, wife of the late Martin de Proaudo of Thoulouse, now deceased, in her lifetime, visited, and saw frequently, heretics in divers places and also at her own house, often received them, and heard their words, and admonitions, and preaching, and pestilential doctrine, against the faith and sacraments of the Church of our Lord Jesus Christ, adored them with bended knees, and joined hands, bowing down profoundly before them, saying their accursed ' Benedicite'— sent them gifts, pre- sents, and changes of raiment, inclined other persons to the friendship, and belief, of them, and by praising, ap- proving, teaching, and commending, their life, sect, and faith, to other persons. « Also, that in her last illness, being of sound mind, she was received into the damnable sect of heresy by the heretics, asking, and receiving from them, the consolation (or more properly desolation) by the imposition of hands —and left them a legacy and paid it them herself— and being thus received by the heretics, keeping the rite de- livered to her, and their sect, and persisting many days in that abstinence which they call endura, she caused herself to be adored as a heretic after their damnable manner, and hastened her bodily death by bleeding, and frequent bathing, and at length by taking greedily a deadly draught of the juice of wild cucumbers, in which broken glass had been put, to tear her bowels, which she had desired in order that she might be more quickly destroyed, she hast- ened to eternal death while she damnably died in the error and horror of heresy." The sentence, which includes a number of persons, directs that, if their bones can be distinguished from those of the faithful, they shall % • 292 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 293 be disinterred, and burned. The falsehood of Peter Auterius has been already noticed, p. 226 ; and the reader is requested to compare what is said about physicians, p. 194, 210. The only facts stated by the In- quisitor which do not appear in the confessions, are, that she caused herself to be heretically adored, and that she left a legacy to the heretics, and paid it herself. How he learned this I do not know ; but the first seems only consistent with the rest of the story, and I shall have occasion to shew that the latter is not an improbable circumstance. I find nothing else referring to this business, except that Veriada, 94, con- fesses, among her various offences, that she was concerned in procuring the wild cucumbers-—'* Item ipsa portavit cucumeres silvestres cuidam <* persone, ad dandum cuidam infirme, scilicet Guilielme uxori Martini '* de Proaudo ut citius moreretur ; de qua Raymunda Graneta, que sibi tra. '* didit cucumeres, dixit sibi quod erat tunc I'ecepta per hereticos, et posu- " erat se in endura.'* No. VII. Culpa — Guilielmusy 6J. "GuiLiELMUs Mercaderius, Notary of GardaViridi Folesii (as appears by his confession legally and judicially made to us) heard Peter Sancius commending to him the life^ and sect, of the heretics, inducing him to believe, and adhere to the heretics ; and afterwards, on one occasion, saw in his house James, and William Peter of Limoux, and another person whose name he did not know. He then knew that the said James was a heretic, spoke with him, and heard his words from the epistles, and gospels. Also, in the house of Baranhone of St. Sulpice, he saw Peter Auterius, and James Auterius his son, and Amelius, the heretics, and knew them to be such, and there with other persons whom he names, heard the preaching of the said James Auterius. Also, in the house of the said Peter Sancius de Garda, and his brothers, he saw twice, at different times, the aforesaid two heretics, by night, at the fire with some other persons, believers of the heretics whom he names, and each time he heard their preaching, and doctrine ; and especially of the said James, whom he saw reading in a book, and heard their errors expressly against the catholic faith, and the sacraments* Also, when he saluted the heretics he embraced them, and turned his head to each side, saying, * Benedicite,' as he had been taught by tbem ; and he saw the same thing done by other believers, whom he names. Also, he once adored James Auterius the heretic, with his hands joined, bowing him- self, three times, upon a bench before him, and saying each time, ' Benedicite.' Also, on one occasion, with Vitalis Sancius of Garda, he led, and accompanied, by night, James Auterius the heretic, from the house of the said Vitalis, to the house of Stephana wife of the late Ychertus de Sinilh near Garda, who was ill, and desired to have the said heretic, that he might receive her ; and, when they were there, he saw the aforesaid sick person, who rose up, and placed herself before the said heretic, with her knees bent, and her hands joined, and with other persons whom he names, adored the heretic, in the heretical manner ; and made an agreement, or covenant with him, that she would be received into the sect and order of heretics, when she came to die. And there he, and orders, heard the preaching of the said heretic, who read in a certain book ; but the said sick person was not then received, by the said heretic, because she was not ill enough. And from thence he, with the said Vitalis, led back, and accompanied the heretic to the house of the said Vitalis, and that fact he had knowingly concealed in his first confession, contrary to his own oath. And had denied, having been many times questioned before the Inquisitor for about three years. Also, in his first confession, he had knowingly concealed three persons believers in the heretics, whom he had seen with the heretics, whom he names. Also, he made a covenant, or agreement, with James Auterius the heretic, that he would be received into their order at the time of his death on that occasion when he adored him in his house. Committing the aforesaid, from a period of 294 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect, lo Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 295 three years and a half, from two years, and from one year, before he made confession of the things aforesaid, nor did he come to confess till he was cited/^ Sentenced to imprisonment, 5th of April, 1310 j discharged, 30th of September, 1319, and sentenced to wear the crosses, which were taken off 12th of September, 1322. No. VIIL Culpa — Guilielmus, 342. <' Guilielmus de Bayssanis, son of Peter de Bays- sanis, of Bornam, in the diocese of Montauban (as legally appears by his judicial confession, made 21st of Sept. 1321 ) eighteen years, or thereabouts, before the time of his con- fession, on a certain night, while bis father, and Petrona his mother, and John his brother, were sitting near the fire, his father asked him, * If he wished to see the good men ?' And he asked * What sort of men they were ?' And his mother gave him a box on the ear. And then his said father, and he, and his brother, went up to a certain loft of his house, and found there two men; of wbom afterwards his father told him, that one was called Peter Auterius, and the other Amelius. And they sat with them. And the said Peter Auterius said, * You are welcome — do not be afraid, for we will do yon no harm ;^ and said some words, which he stated that he did not remember. And after the matters aforesaid, he, and his father, and his brother, came down from the loft, and left them there. The said Guilielmus de Bayssanis was at that time, as be says, of the age of eight or nine years. Also, the third night after the matters aforesaid, while he Guilielmus, and other persons whom he names, were sitting in the aforesaid house near the fire, the aforesaid two, Peter Auterius and Amelius, came down from the loft, and sat with them. And one of them said, ' Maynada, we are good men, and are of those whom people call heretics, but we are not heretics ;' and he began to read in a certain book some words which he said that he did not remember. Also, on the following night, he, and his father, went up to the said loft, and found there the aforesaid two, Peter Auterius and Amelius ; and while they were there, two other men, whom he names, came up ; and then his father told him to go to bed ; and he went, and left them there. Also, on the following night, or another night after, while he and his father, and his mother, and his brother, were sitting in his house, near the fire, the aforesaid two, Peter Auterius, and Amelius, the heretics, came from out of doors, and Guilielmus Mercaderius of Bornumwith them; and then, when they were in the house, the said Guilielmus Merca- derius bowed his knees, two or three times, before the said heretics, saying some words which he did not under- stand, and afterwards went away. The heretics remained there ; and then his aforesaid father, and mother, and John his brother, one after the other, adored the said heretics, by bowing their knees three times upon the ground, and putting their hands upon a bench, with their heads unco- vered, saying certain words which he did not understand. And after them he Guilielmus adored the aforesaid heretics in the aforesaid heretical manner. Being asked concern- ing his belief of the heretics, he answered that he was then of the age of eight or nine years ; and did not know what to believe about them ; and had not faith in their sect, and was led to do what he did by his father, and mother. Being interrogated why he so long deferred coming to confess the matters aforesaid, he answered that when his father was cited by the Inquisitor to come to the Sermon, at which he was imprisoned, he said to him, * Son, I do not know whe- ther 1 shall see you again ; but take care that, as long as I and your mother live, you do not tell any body what you have seen, and known, of the proceedings of the here- tics.' And this he said was the cause why he had deferred so long to come and confess the matters aforesaid.^' 296 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. la. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 297 I give this confession merely for its simplicity ; in which respect it is a specimen of a great many. There can be little doubt that the father and mother are the Petrus de Bayssas, and Petrona, his wife, whose confessions (p. 119, 120) agree with what is here stated, and who were sentenced to imprisonment at the Sermo, 23rd of April, 1312 — ^between nine and ten years before the son's confession. The Guilielmus Merca- derius mentioned, was not the same person whose culpa has just been given: but another of the same name (82) who was delivered to the secular arm, as a relapsed heretic, at the same time that the other was imprisoned. No. IX. Culpa — Petrona, 1 1. ** Petrona, wife of Petrus Sicardus of Villemur, (as appears to us by her confession, legally and judicially made) frequently saw the heretics, in her own house, and else- where, and adored them with joined hands, and bended knees, bowing herself profoundly three times, saying, * Benedicite.' Also, she was present at the heretication of William, the son of Gerald Ysarnus of V'illemur, and saw, and heard, and at the end adored, James Auterius the here- tic, who hereticated the said William. Also, she twice ate of the consecrated bread of the heretics. Being asked if she believed the heretics to be good men, she answered, that she did not. The heretics whom she saw are these ; James Auterius, Amelins de Perlis, Guilielmus Auterius, and Peter Auterius." A marginal note, by the Inquisitor, states that, ** because she ** had many little children, and because her husband, whom she ^ feared, made her do it, she was let off without imprisonment." This was at the second Sermo, the 25th of May, 1309, at which time her hus- band, under whose influence she is supposed to have acted, was im- prisoned. His " culpa*' on that occasion is not worth extracting ; but a marginal note states that he had confessed in 1305, " pluries set male Item 1307 pluries,*' &c. ; and the culpa itself states that when he was, ** captus et detentus," he made *' unam iictam confessionem,*' p. 26. He was then sentenced to the milder imprisonment, but, at a subsequent Sermo, the 5th of April, 1310, he was delivered as a i-elapsed heretic to the secular arm. His culpUf as recited on that occasion, will be given next. As to Petrona, being as we have seen excused from imprisonment, she was ordered to wear the crosses, which were taken off (that is, she was admitted " ad gratiam de crucibus") at the next Sermo but one, 23rd of April, 1312. No. X. Culpa — Petrus^ 83. «' Petrus Sicardus otherwise called De la Boyssa, living in Villemur, a native of Bornum, (as appears to us, by his confession legally and judicially made, after he had made another confession of the crime of heresy, three years before that time) on the Vigil of St. Michael last past, a certain man whom he did not then know because it was night, asked him if he would take him into his house for the night, and he answered that he would not ; and, the next morning, a certain youth, who lived with Sancins Mercaderius, asked him if he had seen Amelius the here- tic that night ? And he answered, * Not that he knew of; but a certain man had come, and asked him to take him in ;' and the other replied, that he was Amelius the here- tic, and was in Villemur, but he did not tell him in what place he was. And he asked and required of him to pay to him, the money which he owed to Vitalis, the brother of that Amelius, who was dead. And he answered, that he had it not ready ; but when he had it he would willingly pay it to the said Amelius. Also, after the aforesaid, Ar- naldus Sicardus, the brother of the said Peter, many times told him that he did wrong, in not paying that money to the said Amelius the heretic. And once the said Arnaldus told him, that the said Amelius the heretic, remained in the country on that account, and it caused him to labour (propter hoc stabat in ista terra et faciehat eum laborare) and afterwards, he told the said Arnaldus that he should receive fifty albus's of Tours, from a certain man whom he named to him, and that he would deliver them to the said heretic, which he had before delivered to that man. And the fol- 2q 298 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. lo. i lowing day the said Arnaldos told him, that Peter Auterius, and Amelius, the heretics, charged him, that what remained of the money, he held at the peril of his soul, because he did not hold it with their consent. And that he should go to them, and should pay them the said money. And he, Arnald, said that he would bring them at night to a place that he might speak to them ; and he answered that he did not want to see them. Also, about three years before last Whitsuntide, he visited Petrona his mother, in that illness of which she afterwards died ; and then Stephana, the sis- ter of the said Petrona, told him that a certain man whom she named to him might have one of these heretics, who would receive the said sick person into their Order, or would direct how they might have one, and that they were in the house of Raymond Durand. And then he saw him talking with his said mother. And, afterwards, on another day, the said sick person was very weak, and then the said Stephana told Bernard Sicardus, her brother* to go quickly for the said heretics, and he went. And when the said sick person became more weak, the said Stephana told him, Peter Sicardus, to go to the wife of that man of whom she had said that he would direct them to get one of the heretics ; and that he should go quickly for this. And he doubts whether he went, or not, to the said Petrona ; but, if he went, he found her in the road ; and told her the aforesaid words, and thereupon the said Petrona went away. And he believes that she, and the said Bernard, went to the house of Raymond Durand, for one of the heretics to come and receive the said sick per- son. And after a little while, Peter Auterius, the heretic, came to the house where the sick person lay ; and he, Peter Sicardus, was there present, and saluted the said heretic. And then the said sick person had already lost her speech. And he [Peter Auterius] asked if she had previously made the agreement, or covenant; and he, Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 299 [Peter Sicardus] and the said Stephana, answered, that they did not know. And then the heretic said he would not receive her, but yet she would be saved in another tunic, and in another body (set adhuc in alia tunica, et in alio coT' pore salvaretur). And, afterwards, the heretic drank there, and went away. And he, Peter Sicardus, went to Arnald Mercator, and told him to accompany the said heretic. He did not apprehend the said heretic, nor cause him to be apprehended, nor tell anybody that might have appre- hended him.^^ .:fl| i '1 No, XI. Sentence — Poncius, 95. " In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ the Crucified. Amen. Some time since Poncius Arnaldus de Puiolibus, of the parish of St. Faith, near Taravellnm, in the Diocese of Thoulouse (coming, uncalled for, before us, Brother Bernard Guido, of the Dominican Order, Inquisitor of heretical pravity in the kingdom of France, deputed by the Apostolic See, and being judicially placed before us, and sworn to speak the truth) spontaneously, and of his own free will, confessed and said, that about twenty years before, while he was ill in a sickness from which he after- wards recovered, Peter Arnald, his son, brought to him, Poncius, then sick, two heretics, whom the said Peter called good men, telling him that those heretics would de- liver his soul to God {redderent animam efus Deo) and that the same Peter invited him, Poncius, to eat of the consecrated bread of the heretics, which he then shewed him. More- over, that so far as in him lay, be induced him when thus sick, to the love, and belief, of the heretics ; and that the above mentioned Poncius believed, that the aforesaid Peter had in like manner induced Bruna, the daughter of him, Poncius, and sister of the aforesaid Peter, to the belief of the heretics. 300 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. lo. " We, therefore, Brother Bernard, Inquisitor afore- said, justly presuming that Poneins the Father had not de- posed what was false, or with a design to slander his son Pe- ter, caused the said Peter Arnald, son of the said Poncius, to be called before us ; and he, being judicially before us, and sworn to speak the truth, we required him to tell the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, concerning the matters aforesaid. He constantly denying the aforesaid matters, and persisting long and steadily in his denial, from this, and from certain probable conjectures, justly suspecting that the above-mentioned Poncius, maliciously, and calum- niously, deposing falsehoods against his own son Peter, was endeavouring to involve him in a crime so nefarious, we caused the said Poncius to be cited and brought to our presence. Poncius the Father, and Peter his son, afore- said, we caused to be confronted; and since, after having been sworn to speak the truth, the said Poncius constantly persisted in his affirmative, and the said Peter in his nega- tive, we had the said Poncius detained until we should become, as it was our duty to be, more fully informed re- specting the matters aforesaid. And, finding that the said Poncius, at the time mentioned in his deposition, was not lying ill of any sickness, but was in good health ; and that at that time and place the heretics were not active (quod illis loco et tempore heretici minime discurrehant) we caused the above-mentioned Poncius to be brought out of prison ; and when he was judicially placed before us, and sworn, we again admonished, and canonical ly required, him to tell us, whether there was any truth in those things which he had deposed against his aforesaid son Peter ; and then this Poncius, being conscious of his malice, and coming to his right mind, and being judicially placed before us, spontaneously and freely acknowleged, that all, and every thing, which he had confessed, and deposed, against his aforesaid son Peter, was false, and containing no truth, Sect. 10] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 301 either in whole, or in part ; and that he had deposed such things being moved with hatred against the said Peter his son, as these matters are more fully contained in the processes thereupon had. All which things we caused to be intelligibly recited in the vulgar tongue to the afore- said Poncius, in the presence of the venerable men Domi- nus Petrus de Lacu, Official of Thoulouse, and Dominus Barranus de Perhissacho, Vicars of the Reverend Father in Christ and Lord, the Lord G. by the grace of God Bishop of Thoulouse, and of us, and of Brother Geoffiy de Ablusiis, our Co-inquisitor ; and Poncius (by virtue of the oath which he had then and previously taken) sponta- neously, freely, and without force, acknowleged and affirmed, that all and singular the matters aforesaid, were true ; humbly praying that a salutary penance might be enjoined him on account of the matters aforesaid. " We, therefore, Inquisitors and Vicars, above men- tioned, having considered the premises, and other circum- stances by which the decision of our mind, and of every person giving judgment, could be rightly informed — being convinced that the aforesaid Poncius Arnald us, as far as in him lay, would have deceived our Court, destroyed that truth which is the only object to be sought after in matters of faith, and corrupted the sincerity of the office of the Inquisition which we hold, to the prejudice of the Catholic faith, and the scandal of an innocent son, whom he ma- liciously and falsely endeavoured to involve in so detest- able a crime, by knowingly bearing false witness, wheu judicially placed before us, contrary to his own oath, as has now been recited and read to him intelligibly in the vulgar tongue — that the punishment of this Poncius may afford an example to others, and deter them from the like proceedings — this day and place being peremptorily as- signed to the said Poncius for the hearing our definitive sentence — sitting as a tribunal, the Holy Gospels being 302 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect, lo Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 303 placed before ns,that our judgment may go forth from the face of God, and that our eyes may see equity — having taken Counsel with persons both regular, and secular, learned in either law — by virtue of the authority which we exercise, do by these presents sentence, and condemn, the said Poncius Arnaldus, false witness or accuser, to perpetual imprisonment, therein to do salutary penance, with the bread of affliction, and the water of affliction, leaving him out of pity only his life. And moreover, that the aforesaid false witness shall publicly stand with his hands bound, raised up on a ladder in an elevated place before the door of this Cathedral Church of St. Stephen to day, and to-morrow from early in the morning until nine o'clock, with his head bare, in his tunic without a girdle, with two red tongues, a palm and a half long, and three fingers broad, on his breast, and two hanging between his shoulders ; so that he may be seen, and recognised, by the by-standers; and that in the same manner he shall be placed, and stand, before the doors of the Church of St. Saturninus on the following Sunday ; and the Sunday after before the door of the Gilded Church*— canonically ad- monishing the same Poncius, and enjoining and command- ing him by the oath which he has taken, that he shall con- stantly wear the said tongues on every upper garment; and shall not go about, either in or out of doors or of prison, without having them prominent and apparent; and shall repair them if they are torn, and renew them if, and so often as, they shall be worn out ; and that immediately on » " Ecclesie ileaurate.** I have called this, " the gilded church," because Chandler has done so in translating this place where it is quoted by Limborch. I have done the same at the top of page 285 ; though, I imagine, it is incorrect, as it there stands «' ecclcsiam deaurate," which seems as if the epithet applied not to the church, but to something in or belonging to it. his coming, or being taken, down from the ladder, he shall betake himself without delay to the prison near the Castle of Narbonne, and put himself in there, to remain for ever (se ad car cerem. .• .transfer at et intrudat ibidem perpetuo moraturus). And if he shall contemn or neglect to fulfil these our injunctions, and commands, by not wearing the said tongues, or by not going into the said prison, or by rashly quitting it without the leave of iis or our successors in this office, or by acting at any time contrary to his oath, we do, by the authority which we exercise, excommunicate him by these presents, for this, and all future times, and occasions (ex nunc et ux tunc^ et ex tunc ut ex nunc), as a person perjured, impenitent, and liable for his former crimes — canonically admonishing all and singular, that no person of whatsoever condition, or state, he may be, shall knowingly afford counsel, help, or favour, to the said Poncius, if he neglects the matters aforesaid, or to assist him to avoid them ; and let them know, that if they shall do otherwise, we do by these presents excommunicate them. These things however we have enjoined upon the aforesaid Poncius, retaining to ourselves, and our successors in this office, full power of adding, diminishing, changing, aggravating, or alleviating, this penance, or punishment, or otherwise sentencing, as often as to us, and our successors in this office, by the advice of good men, it shall be deemed expedient. " This sentence, and that which immediately precedes it, was given in the Church of St. Stephen at Thoulouse, on Saturday, the 22nd of April, in the year 1312, in the presence of," &c. This case (according to Limborch, Hist. Inq. Lib. IV. c. 19) is re- ferred to by Eymericus, Direct. Part HI. §. 3. comm. 122. In the short notice of the 13th Sermo, which, as I have said, seems rather a postcript to the book, six persons are mentioned (two of them priests) as false wit- nesses, or accusers J but their punishment is only indicated by the words li 304 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. *' cruces et lingue''* placed against their names. Beside these, I know of no other case, but that of Johannes, 180, who charged certain persons with being in the company of Peter Auterius, at a certain time and place, when the Inquisitors (who seem to have kept a sharp eye on that heretic) knew that he could not have been there. His sentence was similar to this of Poncius ; and I cannot find that either was afterwards remitted or mitigated. Whether such a course was likely to encourage persons to bring charges which they could not prove, let the reader j udge for himself J if, on such a point, he can venture to do so. Limborch is much scandalized at the lenity of the Inquisition towards false witnesses. After referring to these cases, he says, " Raro tamen falsi istiusmodi testes puniuntur poena aliquatenus gravitati criminis ipsorum proportionate, procul dubio, ne niroium homines a testimouio ferendo deterreantur." No.XIL Culpa— Galhardus, Hi, " Galhardus Faber, weaver, Son of the late Arnald Faber of Soricinium [Soreze, in the diocese of Lavaur] as legally appears to us by his confession judicially made 25th Sept. 1310, frequently heard the heretics commended confidentially, and secretly, by certain persons whom he names in his confession ; and agreed with them that he would see one of them. And, afterwards, on a certain day, they brought to his house, a certain heretic who was called Peter Auterius, who dined in his house, with certain other persons who accompanied him (ibant cum eo) ; and there he saw the aforesaid heretic adored by some of those who then accompanied {qui tunc ibant) the said heretic ; and there the said heretic drew him, Galhardus, apart, and told him, that no one could be saved unless he was received by them at the time of his death, and made the agreement {convenienciam) with them. And he asked him if he would enter into the agreement with them ? and he an- swered him ' yes.' Also he heard, and knew, that the said heretic then went to receive a certain sick person, whom he did not hear named, nor the place. Also he believed the heretics to be good men, and true ; and that a man Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 305 might be saved in their faith, and sect; and was in that belief for half a year. The things aforesaid he committed six years before he made a judicial confession of them ; nor did he confess until he was apprehended and detained in prison/' Imprisoned at the fourth Sermo, 23rd of April, 1312, and dis- charged with the crosses at the ninth Sermo, 8th of Dec. 1319. No. XIIL Culpa— Guilielmus, 340. « GuiLiELMUS de Bosco, Son of the late Guilielmus de Bosco, of Bornum, in the diocese of Montauban (as by his confession judicially made the 22nd of August, in the year of our Lord 1321, legally appears) on one occasion was led by his mother, Johanna, at night, after supper, to the house of Petrus de Bayssanis, where they found the said Peter, and his wife, and sons whom he names, sitting by the fire— and there were there with them two strangers (homines extranei) whom he did not know, and whose names he did not hear. And one of them asked of him who he was ? And Ricarda, his grandmother, answered that he was the son of the aforesaid Johanna her daughter. And there came Sancius Mercaderius, who talked with one of the two strange men apart, and afterwards they called the other, and those three went away together, and he did not know where they went to, or why they went away. And afterwards, when he and his mother had returned home, he asked his mother what sort of men they were ? who an- swered that they were of the good men ; but he did not understand her to say this of heretics, and knew nothing else about them. The things aforesaid he saw and heard sixteen, or eighteen years before be came to reveal them. Being asked why he had so long delayed to reveal, and confess, the things aforesaid, when his mother had been imprisoned on account of heresy, and P. his brother sen- 2 R 306 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. lo. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 307 tenced to wear crosses, he answered that ' It was his sim- plicity, and he wished he had come before to reveal the the things aforesaid/ ^^ He was sentenced, for the above offences, at the fourteenth Sermo, 12th of September, 1322, to make the ** Peregrinationes minores" — that is, to visit a certain number of churches. At the same time his brother Raytimndus, 341, was sentenced to wear crosses. His grandmother, Ricarday 4, mentioned in his confession, appears to have been hereti. cated at the time of her death. — Johanna^ 120, his mother, had been imprisoned 23rd of April, 1312. She was the sister of RaymunduSy 27, who, with his wife, Guilielma^ 27, had been imprisoned at the second Sermo, 25th of May, 1309, and who was afterwards, at the thiitl Sermo, 5th of April, 1310, delivered over to the secular ann, p. 83. His brother, Peirufj 28, also mentioned in the confession, had been im- prisoned at the second Sermo, in 1309. No. XIV. Culpa— Jrnaldus, 109. " Arnaldus Sicredus, son of the late Petrus Sicre- dus, of Salieth, near Seguervilla (as legally appears to us by his own confession judicially made on the 5th of February, in the year of our Lord 1311) heard and knew from Gui- iielmus Sicredus, his brother, that Petrus Sicredus, their father, had been hereticated in the sickness of which he died, by a certain heretic, which heretic was still' in the house of their father. And the said Guilielmus asked if he would see the heretic, and speak with him, and he con- sented. And, afterwards, on two occasions by night, the said Arnaldus came to the said house, where he saw the said heretic, who was called Petrus Sancius, and heard the words of the preaching of the said heretic which he was reading in a certain book, with other persons whom he names in his confession. Also, afterwards, at the request of Raymundus de Morovilla, he granted and agreed that the said heretic should return to the same house ; and he, Arnaldus, with Guilielmus and Petrus, his brothers pre- pared a certain secret place in which the said heretic might remain concealed ; and made a hole in the wall, by which the heretic might go in and out secretly. And afterwards the said heretic was brought to the said house by Ray- mundus de Moro villa, in which house the said Arnaldus saw the aforesaid heretic on a certain night, and heard his words and preaching, with other persons whom he names. And the same night, having heard that the said Raymundus de Morovilla was taken by the Inquisitor of Thoulouse, the said heretic went away by night, fearing lest he should be taken. And on the following day, the messengers of the Inquisition came to apprehend the said heretic ; and the said Arnaldus, though frequently asked, and though he was offered grace on the part of the Inquisitor, if he would give up the heretic, or direct how he might be taken, would not disclose any of the matters aforesaid. Being interrogated as to his belief of the heretics, he denied any. The things aforesaid he committed three months before he judicially confessed them ; nor did he confess till he was detained in prison, and at first he denied the truth." Sentenced to imprisonment, 23rd of April, 1312 j discharged, 7th of March, 1315. The case of his father, here stated to have been here- ticated, has been already referred to, p. 250. Bona, 110, (there cited) was his sister, and she, with five brothers, and two sisters-in-law, are among the persons confessing, and receiving sentence. No. XV. Culpa— Geralda^ 159. " Gerald A, wife of Vitalis de Tholosa, of Castel- sarazin, daughter of the late Arnaldus de Podio Armerio (as legally appears to us by her own confession judicially made 5th of May, 1309) heard the life, and sect, and mat- ter of the heretics (factum hereticorum) commended by Guilielmus de Proaudo de Coquinis ; and he shewed her one of them who was called Jacobus, the first time, when the said Geralda gave two silver pieces of Tours {touronen- ses argentei) for charity ; and the same day, in a certain 308 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. Sect. 10] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 309 house which she names, she saw the said Jacobns, the he- retic, and heard his preachinj^, with some other persons whom she names. Also she made an appointment with certain women whom she names, that they would watch in the church of the Holy Cross at Thoulouse, that they might there more secretly discourse and speak about the here- tics, for which purpose she had then come to Thoulouse. And they had with them that night in the said church, Jacobus, the heretic before mentioned, and there she heard the words, and preaching, and erroneous doctrine of the said heretic, with other persons whom she names ; in par- ticular, that the body of Christ is not in the consecrated host, and that the Prince of this world, the Devil, had made all things that are corruptible. Also against Baptism, and Matrimony, and against the Romish Church. And there the said Geralda adored the said heretic, bowing her- self three times before him, saying each time, ' Benedicite.' Also she there caused the consecrated bread to be made by the said heretic, by reason of devotion and of the belief which she had, that it was possible to be saved in the faith of the said heretic. And she received some of the said bread, and ate of it, and reserved a part, and kept it many years, and sometimes ate of that bread. Also she made a promise and agreement with the said heretic, that at the time of her death, she would he received to the order of the heretics. Also there were given to the said Geralda some gloves, of which she was told that a certain female heretic had made them, which she preserved for many years ; and kept in them some of the consecrated bread, and preserved them in her box. Also, before all the things aforesaid, at many different times, Guilielmus de Podio Armerio, her Uncle, commended to her, Geralda, the life and sect, and matter of the heretics, inducing her to the love, and belief, of them ; and that she should do good to the friends, and believers, of that sect — namely, heresy — and she, Geralda, gave and sent many things in money and in cloth, to such persons as she heard were friends of the sect of the heretics, and who were punished for what they had done, whom she names in her confession. Also she commended and praised the life, and sect, and matter of the heretics, to some persons connected with her, whom she names in her confession, inducing them to the love, and belief, of them. Also she believed the heretics to be good men, and to have a good life, and to hold and teach the way of salvation, and that a man might be saved in their faith ; and she began to be of the said belief fifteen years before she judicially confessed the things aforesaid ; and she was more confirmed in the said belief when she heard the preaching of the said Jacobus, the heretic, and made the agreement with him, and continued in the said belief until she was cited, and began to confess the things aforesaid, and at first denied the truth concerning the matters aforesaid, when judicially examined." It appears that she did not live until the Sermo, 23rd of April, 1312, at which this culpa was recited; and at which it was declareil, that if she had lived she would have been imprisoned. No. XVL Culpa— Petrus, 10. " Petrus Gilabertus, the son of Vitalis Gilabertus of Ferrus (as appears to ns by his confession legally and judicially made) saw many times heretics in his father's house, and adored them with bended knees, and joined hands, bowing himself profoundly and thrice saying, ' Bene- dicite;' and heard their words, and admonitions, and preaching. Also, he accompanied them from place to place. Being asked if he believed the heretics to be good men, he answered he did not. The heretics whom he saw are these — namely, Peter Auterius, James his son, Amelias de Perils, Peter Sancius of Garda, whom he once conducted from St. Sulpice to Ferrus, being sent to fetch a heretic. f 310 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. lo. and they came by night. AIso^ he would not confess the aforesaid until he was apprehended, and detained ; and at first he denied the truth. Also, in his confession which he made at first, he knowingly concealed some things as to the matter of heresy, contrary to his own oath, as he afterwards judicially acknowledged. He is convicted of seeing and adoring heretics, by two concurring wit- nesses. 1^ A marginal note by the Inquisitor, says, ** he was then a youth, and therefore more mildly dealt with, and he had the crosses." But it does not appear that they were taken off until 1322 — that is thirteen years afterwards. No, XVII, Culpa — RaimonduSf 11. " Raimondus Yvernatus, son of Poncius Yverna- tus of Bornum, (as appears to us by his confession legally and judicially made) saw two heretics in a certain loft, of the house of Guilielmus Espanhol of Bornum, whom Guilielma the wife of Guilielmus Espanhol shewed him, whose names he did not know ; but he knew them to be such, because they themselves said that they were of those who were called heretics, but they did not consider them- selves such ; and he there heard some of their discourse. '^ Also, after three days the said Guilielma asked him if he wished to see them again ; and he answered, * No.' — Committing the aforesaid two years before his confession of the aforesaid." At the second Sermon, 25th of May, 1309, he was for this offence, sentenced to wear a cross. At the seventh Sermon, (7th of March, 1315,) he was sentenced to imprisonment, for having laid aside his cross, and fled from Thoulouse, and contumaciously remained absent under a sen- tence of excommunication, as well as for various matters which he ecu- fessed on his apprehension. I give this, and some other short common- place culpCy as specimens of a large class ; my object being to enable the reader to form a judgment of the book which contains them. SECT. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. No, XFIIL Culpa — Amaldusy 11. 311 " Arnaldus Ysarnus, son of Geraldus Ysarnus of V'iliemur (as appears to us by his own confession legally and judicially made) saw James the heretic, and adored him with bended knees, and joined hands, bowing himself profoundly over a bench, as his father and mother had taught him to do, who there did the same thing, and he was then fifteen years of age." A marginal note by the Inquisitor, says, << let his crosses be taken off at the next Sermon, on account of his age.*^ But he seems to have laid them aside, and fled, before that time ; and after having been ex- communicated while fugitive, and declared to be a heretic, he was taken in 1321, and sentenced to imprisonment. The reason which he assigned for laying aside his crosses, was, that he knew not how to get his living while he wore them. <^ Quia non inveniebat ubi, et cum quibus, posset 'Mucrari victum suum portando cruces; et sic stetit, sine crucibus, *' apud Moysiacum X annis, eundo et redeundo versus Burdegalam cum *' navibus, lucrando victum suum.^' Compare the vi. Canon of the Council of Beziers, already given, p. 207. No, XIX, Culpa — Jacobus, W. '^Jacobus Mercadkrius, son of Jacobus Mercade- rius of Bornum, (as appears by his confession legally and judicially made) saw Peter Auterius, and James Auterius, the heretics, and adored them with bended knees, and joined hands, and saying three times ' Benedicite ;^ and knew them to be such, in the house of himself and his brothers in Bornum. " Also, he believed that there had frequently been heretics concealed in a certain loft of the said house ; but he did not see them himself; because, as he says, his bro- thers were on their guard against him. He had com- mitted these things three years before he made his con- fession." 312 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. lo. The marginal note of the Inquisitor, says, "he is a youth of about <* eighteen, let him be discharged of the crosses at the next Sermon, as he *« was young when he did it." And they were taken off accordingly. No, XX. Culpa— Petrus, 22. « Petrus Tardinus, of Cabanile, as appears to us by his own confession, legally and judicially made, confessed before Brother John Vigorosns, Inquisitor of heretical pravity, deputed by the Apostolic See, on the 15th of Sept. A. D. 1288, that he had once seen in a certain copse two men, one of whom was called Arnaldus, the name of the other he did not know ; and he heard from them, that they were of those good men whom other people call heretics. And another person, whom he names, brought bread, and wine, and apples, and nuts, to the aforesaid copse, where they ate, and he with them. And he saw that one person, whom he names, bowed himself before the aforesaid men, and said some words which he did not understand; and afterwards he himself, being admonished by somebody who was there, bowed his knees three times before the said heretics, and joined his hands, and does not remember what words he said. Being asked if he believed the here- tics to be good men, and true, and that a man might be saved in their sect, he answered that he did, and was in that belief for a year afterwards. Being asked concerning the time, and the years, he answered that it might be twenty years, or thereabouts. " The aforesaid Petrus Tardinus being judicially brought before Brother Bernard Guido, Inquisitor of heretical pravity, and sworn, on the 2nd of December, 1308, acknowledged, that he had been absolved by the aforesaid Brother John, from the sentence of excommuni- cation which he had incurred for the said matters which he had confessed concerning heresy before him in the Church of Cabanile ; and he believes that he there abjured Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 1 \ 313 heresy in his presence. The aforesaid Petrus Tardinus of Cabanile (as appears io us by his own confession le- gally and judicially made) saw in his house a certain man who had a disorder in his leg, with a certain other man who had brought him, and they supped, and slept there that night ; and he saw him reading in a certain book, in a certain chamber. And by what he saw, and heard, of him, he then suspected him to be a heretic. And, after- wards, the said man came from the chamber to the fire, and asked him if he would hear some good words ; but he did not hear him then, but went to bed. Then he be- lieved that man to be a heretic, or believer of the heretics. And he lay there that night and he would not receive any- thing for his lodging. And the following morning he went to Auriac, to the house of Andrena ; and the said Andrena sent a messenger to Petrus Tardinus the follow- ing night, to fetch him ; but he did not go ; and, on the third day, he heard from a certain person who had been present, that that aforesaid man, and his father, had been in the house of the said Andrena; and he had heard him speaking excellently concerning God, and the Epistles, and Gospels. And the following day the said Andrena blamed Petrus Tardinus, that he had not come there ; saying, that if he had come, he would have heard so many good words, that he would have been the better as long as he lived. 'And she told him that that man who had been as a guest in his house, with a certain other, were in the house of her Andrena when she sent for him ; and one of them was called Jacobus, and they were both of those who were called heretics, but yet they were good men, as the said Andrena said; and she greatly commended, and praised them, to him, that they were friends of God, and induced him by her words to the love of them.f Also, afterwards, about Michaelmas, the said Andrena told him weeping, that that man who had been his guest, whom she called her 2 s :'P li \ 314 SENTENCES AND CUUE. [Sect. 10. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 315 most dear friend, was apprehended at Carcassone by the Inquisitors. Also, after the said Andrena had spoken to bim in commendation of the heretics, and after he heard from her that the heretics had been lodging in her house, he believed the heretics to be good men, and true, and that one might be saved in their faith; and was m that belief from the time when the said Andrena spoke to hmi about the heretics, up to the time when she told h.m that the said heretic was taken at Carcassone. Also, he knew the said Andrena to be a believer of the heret.cs ; but he did not reveal any of the aforesaid matters to the Inquisi- tors, nor did he confess them till he was by means of an- other person discovered, apprehended, and detained. Sentenced « ad m«.«m largum" at the seeond Se,™o, 25th of May, 1«09, and I do not see anything mo.e abont h.m. I q-o.e the iLion as containing almost the oniy (ccrtajniy ^^^ -^"^^^J^^ cation of anything like .eligious feeling, wh.ch I have met *.th m any Albigensian confession. No. XXL Culpa and Sentence— Petrus, 68. « Petrus Raymondus de Hngonibus, son of Ray- mund de Hugonibus (as appears by his own confession legally and judicially made before us) went to seek for heretics at Limoux, with Guilielmus ^alquetus wh re they found Peter Auterius, and James his son, heretics in the house of Guilielmus Petrus Cavalerius, and heard their words and preaching. And, as he -- ^J^^ ^^ adored them, saying, ' Good Christians, God s bles .ng and your-s,' bending his knees three times, with h.s hands on a certain bench, bowing before them, and saying ^b time, ' Benedicite ;' and he saw them adored in the same way by others. Also, on one occasion, in the bouse of Martinus Franciscus, of Limoux, he saw^five hereU . o^ gether-namely, Peter Auterius, James his son, William luterius, and Lelius, and Peter Raymundof St. Papoul; and he beard their words and preaching, and adored them in the aforesaid heretical manner, and saw them adored by other persons whom he names. Also he received, and kept in his house, Peter Auterius, and James, the heretics, two days and two nights ; and heard their preaching ; and when they went away he accompanied them for a small space. Also, in the house where Raymundus Sartor, brother-in-law of Peter Auterius lived, in Thoulonse, he saw and visited Peter and James, the heretics, and ate there with them, and with certain persons whom he names, and there saw the heretics adored. Also, he once went with Peter Raymund, the heretic, to Bornum to the house of the Spaniards (ad campmasium Hyspanorum) where they found Peter Auterius, and James, and Amelius, the here- tics, and certain of their believers, whom he names. And a certain contention which there was between Peter Ray- mund, the heretic, and Amelius, was there terminated; and afterwards he returned with the said Peter Raymund, the heretic, to Thoulouse. Also, another time, he accom- panied Peter Auterius from Thoulouse, as far as St. Sul- pice, to the house of Barahona, where they found James Auterius, and Amelius, and he saluted them in the here- tical manner — namely, by embracing, putting his hands on each shoulder, and turning his head this way and that, three times, and saying each time, * Benedicite.' And the heretics mutually adored each other. And then it was appointed that Amelius, the heretic, with Martinus Fran- ciscus, should go into Lombardy, to Bernard Audoynns, the heretical Ancianus (hereticum Ancianum) that he might reconcile the said Amelius, who had transgressed in the sect (qui peccaverat in secta). And then he gave Martinus Franciscus fifteen alhus's of Tours for that journey. And then and there he saw with the heretics, many believers whom he names. Also, in the house of Guilielma, wife I > % 316 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 317 of Martinus de Proaudo, he saw four heretics together— namely, Peter Auterius, and James, and Peter Raymund, and Amehus, at one time. Also, in the house of Bernard Leretus, of Thoulouse, at another time, he saw three here- tics together, and saluted them in the heretical manner aforesaid, and then there was a contention among them, concerning a certain sum of money (triginta librarum Tu- ronensium parvorum) which a certain woman of Cabarde- sium had bequeathed to them ; which the said Bernard held in trust, and which was to be divided among them. Also in the house of Raymund Bernerius of Verdunetum, he saw Peter Raymund, and Bernard Audoynus heretics ; to whom he delivered some fish which he had carried for the heretics from St. Denis, which Johanna, daughter of Bernardus Guilielmus, sent to the heretics. Also he kept for fifteen days, sixty pieces of gold (marabocinos auri) and three other pieces of gold (denarios aureos) which P. Ray- mund the heretic of St. Papoul gave into his charge, and afterwards had back from him. Also in the house of Pon- cius de Ugonibus, his brother, he saw frequently Peter Auterius, and James his son, and Peter Raymund, and A melius, the heretics ; not at once, but by turns, and ate there with them. Also, he once took Peter Auterius, and James, to a certain garden near the place St. Cyprien (juxta Ciprianum) of Thoulouse ; and caused certain per- sons, believers of the heretics, whom he names, to come thither that they might hear the discourses of the heretics. Also, in Verdunetum, in the house of Peter Andrew, he saw Peter Raymund, and Amelius, the heretics, and adored them, with some other persons whom he names. Also, on one occasion, he accompanied Peter Raymund the heretic, into Savartesium to Tarascon ; and adored him, and saw him adored by Guilielmus Ugo. Also, another time, he accompanied Peter Auterius to Saverdun, to the house of Guilielmus Ugo, and there adored the heretic. Also, in the Bolhacum^ of Sancius Borrellus, he saw, and heard, Peter Auterius, and Amelius, the heretics, and adored them, and saw them adored by others. Also he once conducted Peter Auterius, and James, the heretics, to the house of Gentilis of Thoulouse, and left them there, with the books which he carried for them. Also in the house of Bernardus Leretus, he frequently saw heretics. Also he commended the life, and sect, of the heretics to many persons ; inducing them to the love and belief of them. Also, frequently, and in many places, and with many persons, he heard the words, and preaching, and errors, of the heretics, against the Catholic faith, and against the Sacraments of the Lord Jesus Christ of the Romish Church expressly. Also, he many times ate of bread blessed by the heretics, and saw the manner of bene- diction. Also he was a great benefactor, and gave much to the heretics. Also he believed the heretics to be good men, and true ; and that a man might be saved in their faith. Committing the things aforesaid five years, four, three, two, and one, before his confession of them. " The aforesaid Peter Raymond is found, by many witnesses, to have concealed many things concerning heresy ; of which, being afterwards frequently enquired of in general terms, he would confess nothing ; whereby he deserved to lose all favour if any had been at first promised him." He appears to have confessed in 1306. For these offences he was imprisoned at the third Sermo, 5th of April, 1310. At a special Sermo 2 I do not know the meaning of this term, which is, perhaps, the same as Bolagium, or Bolhagium, which has been supposed to mean a place for catching or keeping fish. It very frequently occurs, as if it were the proper name of a place, and certainly many persons seem to have lived there. I have elsewhere translated it as a proper name, and do not feel sure that I ought not to do so here. \ 318 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. Sect. lO.J SENTENCES AND CULPE. 319 (Sermo particularisj held on the 20th of September, 1313, he was de- livered to the secular arm as a relapsed heretic, under the following sentence j— Petrus Raymundus de Hugonibus — 178. " In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. We brother Raymond de Jumato, of the order of Dominicans, locum tenens of the ecclesiastical person brother Bernard Guido, of the same order, Inquisitor of heretical pravity in the Kingdom of France, deputed by Apostolical authority, now absent from Thoulouse, and Arnaldus de Villario Canon in the church of Cahors, and Barravus de Perhyssaco Canon of Bazas, representatives in this matter of the Reverend Father in Christ the Lord Galhardns by divine providence Bishop of Thoulouse — Whereas it legally, and evidently, and judicially, appears to us that you Peter Raymond de Hugonibus, son of the late Raymond de Hugonibus, an inhabitant of Thoulouse, born at Hugones, near Caravel- lum, after you had formerly made confession of those things that you had committed in heresy, by receiving heretics, by frequently accompanying them from place to place, by adoring in the heretical manner, by hearing their pestiferous preaching and teaching, by believing in their errors, and by committing other things which are contained more at large in your confession — and you had been punished for these things, and had received penance, and had promised correction, and amendment, and had abjured heresy judicially, aS appears to us by your con- fession judicially made, and by the proceedings and acts of the Inquisition — since that time, like a dog returning to his vomit, not fearing to add new crimes to your old ones, and in no wise dreading the Divine judgment, you have returned to your abjured heresy (if indeed you ever heartily renounced it) which heresy you yourself con- fessed before us, and do also both impiously, and wickedly. profess before us ; for you have said, and asserted, and do pertinaciously say, and assert, judicially before us, that you believe, and maintain, the errors and horrors, following — namely, " That carnal matrimony, between man and woman, is not true matrimony, nor good, nor lawful, nor insti- tuted by God ; and you maintain another sort of spiritual matrimony, as you have learned from the heretics. " Item, That baptism performed in material water, as the Romish Church performs, and holds, and teaches, is altogether worthless. " Item, That in the sacrament of the altar, there is not the true body of Christ, but only mere bread. " Item, That there will not be a resurrection of human bodies, nor will any one rise in the judgment with his visible, and material, body. ** Item, That a benevolent God made, all invisible, and incorruptible, things ; and that an evil ruler, namely Lucifer, made all visible, and corruptible things^ and even human bodies. '* Item, That confession made to the priests of the Roman Church, and absolution given by them to those who confess, are altogether worthless. ** Item, That every oath, whether for truth or false- hood, is a sin, and unlawful ; and you yourself being fre- quently judicially required to swear by us, have refused, and do pertinaciously refuse, so to do. " Item, That the sign of the Holy Cross avails no- thing, nor will you sign yourself with that sign, but you altogether object, and refuse. " Item, You say, and assert, that the late Peter Auterius, a notorious heretic condemned by the judgment of the Church, and delivered to the fire, and burnt, by the secular court, and all others his companions holding the sect and faith of the said Peter Auterius, are good men. 320 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10, Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 321 '■|' i and good christians, and have a good faith, and good sect, in which you say that you wish to live and die ; but all others who do not hold the faith of the said Peter Auterius, and who hold the faith of the Romish Church, you say and assert, do not hold the way of salvation, and safety, and that you believe the said Peter Auterius the heretic to be saved. " Item, You deny the sacrament of extreme unction, and say that it is of no avail to salvation. " Item, Impiously blaspheming the sacrament of the Incarnation of the Son of God, you say and assert, that God never entered into the womb of the blessed Virgin Mary, and that he only is the mother, brother, and sister, of God, who keeps the commandments of God the Father. *' Item, You yourself voluntarily take away your own bodily life, and inflict death upon yourself, because you have put yourself into that abstinence which the heretics call endura ; in which endura you have already remained six days without meat and drink, nor would you eat, nor will you now, although you have been many times invited, and thus yon hasten to eternal death with the damned. ** Item, You have said that if you could come at Peter Sancius, the notorious heretic, or any other of his sect, you would wish to be received to their order, and sect, according to their manner, and rite, which the holy Romish Church holds to be damnable, and pestiferous, and, as such, condemns. " Item, You have said, and asserted, many times, and still do assert, before us, that you never will depart from the aforesaid belief or rather unbelief, but that you wish to persevere to live and to die in it. " These and other errors, and horrors, and so great perfidy, which you have so shamefully confessed, and do pertinaciously confess, before us, you have refused to re- voke, or to depart from ; but you persist in your perfidy, with an obdurate mind, although you have 1)een admon- ished concerning your salvation, by many good men, ecclesiastics and others, and have been often invited to confession, and penance, and at length have been by us a first, second, and third time, canonically, and peremptorily, required. And therefore we the aforesaid locum tenentes of the Inquisitor, and Lord Bishop, aforesaid, having the Lord before our eyes, and the purity of the Orthodox faith — the holy gospels being placed before us, that our judgment may go forth, from the face of God, and that our eyes may see equity— sitting as a tribunal, having first consulted many good men learned in the law and ecclesiastics, lest like a sickly sheep you should infect the healthy sheep of the Lord's flock, do by these pre- sents, pronounce, and declare, and sententially decree, you Peter Raymund, now present before us, in this time and place peremptorily assigned you for the hearing your definitive sentence, to be a public heretic, and also one relapsed into heresy, which you had formerly judicially abjured. And since the holy mother Church has nothing more that she can do against you, for your demerits, we do, in and by this present writing, leave you to the secu- lar arm, and court. *' This Sentence was passed in the Cathedral Church of St. Stephen at Thoulouse, on Friday the Eve of St. Matthew, the Apostle and Evangelist, namely, the 20th of September, in the year of our Lord 1313, at a public Ser- mon ; the clergy and people being convoked, and collected, in a great multitude in the presence of," &c. No. XXII . Culpa — Uwnardusy 232. " UwNiiRDus DE Alusio, a Burgundian, an inhabit- ant of Maseres near Castelnau de Barbazenches in the diocese of Auch (as appears to us by his confession legally and judicially made on the 7th of November, 1311) saw, 2 T ii 322 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 328 1 .- Hi i and received into his house, the following Valdenses, not all at once, but on different occasions, times, and days, — namely, Perrinus Savorellus, Hymbertus his companion, Perrinus Belys, Perrinus de Gaudo, Johannes Clericus, Johannes de Cerno, Stephanus Porcherius, Petitus, Ge- rardus de Vienna, Johannes Martinus, Stephanus Bor- detus; knowing the aforesaid to be Valdenses or Poor Men of Lyons, and he gave them to eat and drink of the provisions of his house, and sometimes some of the afore- said slept there. Also, in other places and houses, he saw and visited certain of the aforesaid. Also, he gave of his money to certain Valdenses ; and received as a gift from some of them gavinetos, and needles. Also, he several times sold in the market corn which had been given to the Valdenses, and paid them the money. Also, he many times prayed with the Valdenses, before and after dinner, bending his knees and leaning upon a bench according to their manner of praying. Also, he confessed his sins to certain Valdenses, although he knew that they were not priests ordained by a Bishop of the Church of Rome. Also, he heard their words, and preaching ; among which he heard that a man ought not to swear, be- cause it was a sin. Also, he believed the Valdenses to be good men, and true ; and to have a good faith, and a good sect, in which they, and others who held it, might be saved; although he knew that the Inquisitors, and those of the Romish Church, persecuted them ; and he was in the said belief, for fifteen years. The aforesaid things he committed eighteen years before he judicially confessed them, neither would he confess until he was taken into custody, and detained in prison ; and at first he denied the truth when under examination against his own oath." Sentenced *' ad murum largum.'' The word " gavinetos,'' which stands untranslated, is one that I have not seen elsewhere — It seems to come nearest to Gabinetum (fr. Cabinet, ital. GabineitoJ though I do not know that that word was ever used in any sense which can apply to this case ; if so it may signify little boxes, such as pedlars might carry for sale. It appears, however, more probable that it is derived from Gavinum^ or Gavina, both of which signified articles of dress; the for- mer, « toga, la vestef ' and the latter, « species vestimenti super hume- ros habens purpurum.'' See the words in Adelung's Gloss. Man. No. XXIIL Culpa—Johannes, 234. " Johannes, son of Wunardus, a Burgundian, an in- habitant of Maseres in the diocese of Auch (as appears to us by his confession legally and judicially made on 21st of January, 1311) saw in the house of his father, at diiferent times and days, Cristinus, Johannes Chapayro, Gerardus, Mondonus Burgundus, Johannes de Cerno, Johannes son of Martinus de Monte Gansio, and Stepha- nus, and another Gerard, of whom he heard his father and mother say, that they were good men, and among themselves called each other brethren ; and they conjured him that he would not discover them, neither tell any one that they came there, because they knew they should be taken, and as to this matter the said Cristinus also con- jured him. Also, he ate and drank with the said Valden- ses, at the same table. Also, he prayed with them with bended knees, and leaning upon a bench, according to their manner of praying. Also, he heard their words and admonitions ; amongst which he heard from them, that a man ought not to swear, because it is a great sin. Also that they were able to hear confessions, and to absolve from sins. Also, he thrice confessed his sins to certain of the Valdensian men, who called themselves brethren of Lyons, although he knew that they were not priests ordained by any bishop of the Romish Church, and re- ceived absolution, and penance, from them ; and he believed that it would profit him to salvation, as much as if he had confessed to his priest. Also, after be was cited, 324 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. and his father taken in custody, on account of the matter of the aforesaid men, he saw and visited twice the aforesaid Stephen of the brethren, or Poor Men of Lyons ; and asked counsel of him what he should do about himself, and his father. Also, the aforesaid men, although he knew they did not wish to be discovered to others, he be- lieved to be good men and true ; and to have a good faith, and a good sect, in which they and others might be saved, and he was in this belief for four years. He committed the aforesaid things four years before he judicially con- fessed them, neither would he confess until he was taken into custody, and detained in the prison of Thoulouse, and when first examined he denied the truth against his own oath." Imprisoned at the same time as his father (3rd of Sept. 1319), and released 12th of Sept. 1322. On that occasion he is mentioned as Johan- nes Unnardus ; and the reader will see that, in the above confessions, the name is given in two other different ways. I mention this only as a specimen of what I have before stated, respecting the book generally, at p. 216. n. No. XXIV, Culpa— Petrus, 352. " Petrus Aymon, a Burgundian, son of the late Michael, a native of Torum, in the diocese of Besan^on, now living in Alzonne, in the diocese of Rodez (as ap- pears by his confession, legally and judicially made on 1st of August, 1320) forty-five years or thereabouts before the time of his confession, received into his house Johannes de Grandi-Valle, knowing him to be of the sect of the Valdenses, of whom he had before heard in Burgundy ; that the Inquisitors of heretical pravity persecuted the Valdenses, and that they were taken, and burnt, when ever they could be found. And he received the said John the Valdensian many times into his house, to sleep there, and to eat and drink of the provisions of his house ; and he saw him blessing the table after the manner of the Valdenses, P M Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 325 and praying with his knees bent, and leaning on a bench according to the manner of praying of the Valdenses; and he and his wife, Martina, prayed in the like manner with them. Also, forty years,, or thereabouts, before the time of his confession, he received into his house Gerardus Provincialis, a Valdensian, knowing him to be such, on many occasions, and at different times, to sleep there, and to eat and drink of the provisions of his house ; and he saw him blessing the table at dinner, and at supper, and praying according to the Valdensian manner of praying, and he prayed in like manner with him. Also, about the same time, he received in his house Perrinus Savorellus, a Valdensian, and gave him to eat and to drink, and prayed in like manner with him. Also, thirty-five years before the time of his confession he received into his house John Chapayro, a Valdensian, knowing him to be such, and he gave him to eat and to drink of the provisions of his house, and he saw him praying according to the manner of the Valdenses, and he prayed in like manner with him. Also thirty years, and more, before the time of his confession he received into his house Johannes Moran, a Valdensian, knowing him to be such, to whom he gave to eat and to drink of the provisions of his house, and he saw him pray, ing according to the manner of the Valdenses, and he prayed in like manner with him. Also, twenty years, or thereabouts, before the time of his confession, he received into his house to sleep, and to eat and drink of the provi- sions of his house, John de Cerno, and Peter de Cerno, brothers, Valdenses, knowing them to be such, and he saw them praying in their manner, and he prayed in like man- ner with them. Also, on another occasion, eight years before the time of his confession, he received the two Valdenses aforesaid into his house, and prayed with them. Also, fifteen years, or thereabouts, before the time of his confession, he received into his house Bartholomeus de t 326 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. \ i Caiarco, a Valdensian, with Huguetus Garinns, to whom he gave to eat and to drink, and he prayed with the said Valdensian. Also, twelve years and more, before the time of his confession, Umbertus, a Valdensian, son of Johannes Odetus of Alzonne, came to his house, and he spoke with him there, knowing him to be a Valdensian. Also, six years, or thereabouts, before the time of his con- fession, he received into his house, to sleep and to eat and to drink of the provisions of his house, two Valden- sians, knowing them to be such, of whom the one was called Garnerius, and he did not know the name of his companion, or had forgotten it, but his father was called Daninus, and he prayed with the said Valdenses, after their manner. Also, in the Lent last past before the time of his confession, he received into his house, to sleep and to eat and to drink, Arnaldus de Cerno, a Valdensian, and he saw him praying, and he prayed in like manner with him. Also, he heard the words and admonitions and exhortations of the Valdenses and their reading' out of the Gospels and Epistles, and he heard them saying, among other things, that a man ought not to swear, or kill, because to swear and to kill in all cases was a mor- tal sin. Also, he believed the Valdenses to be good men, and true ; and that they had a good faith, and a good sect, in which they, and others who hold it, may be saved, and he was in that belief for forty years, or thereabouts — namely, from the time he first saw them, until the time when he was brought in custody to Thoulouse. Of the aforesaid things he did not make confession, neither re- veal them, until he was taken, neither would he confess 3 ** Predicationes eorum de Evangeliis et Epistolis.'* I do not know whether this means " preaching concerning" or *' reading out of." — The language of this book would certainly justify the latter translation ; but I am not sure that it would authorize the former. /*S Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 327 until he was detained in prison, and he denied the truth when first examined contrary to his own oath, and he abjured all heresy." Sentenced to imprisonment. His two sons (the culpa of one of whom follows) received sentence of milder punishment at the same time. No. XXV. Culpa-^Helyas, 340. " Helyas, son of Petrus Aymon, living at Alzonne in the diocese of Rodez (as legally appears by his con- fession judicially made on the 13th of September, a. d. 1320) six years before his confession, saw in the house of his father aforesaid, at Alzonne, a certain stranger, of whom John Aymon his brother said to him, that he was called John de Cerno, and was of their kindred, and he commended him that he was good ; and the said John de Cerno advised him, that he should be an honest man ; and he heard him, Helyas, swearing, and then he reproved him for swearing, saying to him that he was not as good as he ought to be (quod non erat satis probus homo) but at that time he did not know of the said John de Cerno that he was of the sect of the Valdenses, until afterwards he heard said, and there was a rumour at Alzonne, that Hu- guetus Garlnus was taken at Avignon, and burnt as a Valdensian ; and from that time he began to think with himself of the said John de Cerno that he was of the same sect or society. Also, after the aforesaid things, and three years before the time of his confession, he saw in the house of John Aymon his brother, two strangers whom he did not know, nor their names, who supped there with Guilielma wife of the aforesaid John Aymon his brother ; concerning whom the said Guilielma told him, that they were friends of their's, whom he did not know then to be Valdenses ; but, afterwards, when he heard that the said Huguetns Garinus was taken, and burnt, as a Valdensian, because the said Guilielma was sister to the before-mentioned Huguetus^ •«.*> ■ii 328 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. and that the family of the fatheir of the said GuiUelma and the said Huguetus were involved in the matter of the Val- denses, he suspected the aforesaid men to be of some bad sect. Also, he knew that John his brother sometimes re- ceived certain strangers in his father's house, in which he then lived with his brother John, of whom he said that they were related to the aforesaid Guilielma his wife ; and one of them whose surname he did not know, was called Gerardus, and the other was called P. de Cerno, of whom the aforesaid John, his brother, told him that he was bro- ther, or relation, to John de Cerno. Of the aforesaid things he did not come to confess, nor to reveal them, until he was cited to Thoulouse, but he did not come but went to Avignon, where he confessed the aforesaid things before the Inquisitor of Thoulouse, who was then there." For these offences he was sentenced to perforin the lesser pilgrim- ages (peregrinatimes minores sine crucibusj that is, to visit seventeen churches, which are specified. He was to begin within three months, faithfully to persevere until he should have completed his task, and to bring from each place a certificate that he had been there. No, XXVL Culpa— Stephanus, 343. « Stephanits de Vineis, otherwise surnamed de na Bernarda, inhabitant and native of Alzonne in the diocese of Rodez, son of the late Peter de Vineis, native of Montinhacum in the diocese of Perigueux (as appears to us by his confession legally and judicially made on the 11th of July, 1320) ten years or thereabouts before the time of his confession, on a certain night coming from out of doors into his house, he found there Bartholomew de Vineis his brother, and a certain man whom he did not otherwise know, who slept there that night ; of which man the aforesaid Bartholomew his brother told him, that he was called John de Cerno, and he commended him that he was a good man, and if he would be of his mind, he would m\ m Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 329 teach him what would save bis soul; and he conjured him not to tell any one of him that he had come there, and that he had seen him, because the said John was of those who were called Poor Men of Lyons, and they call them- selves brethren. Also, six or seven years or thereabouts, before the time of his confession, he saw at a certain time in the house of Guilielmus Garinus of Alzonne, Huguetus Garinus, and a certain other man of whom he heard and knew, that he was the master of the said Huguetus, and that he was called Bartholomew, and of whom he knew that they were of those who are called Poor Men of Lyons, and he heard the words and admonitions of the said Bar- tholomew ; among which he heard the said Bartholomew say, that to swear was in all cases a sin, and that God had forbidden swearing, and that he should take heed to him- self not to swear, and he drank with them there. Also, three years, or thereabouts, before the time of his confes- sion, on a certain night, he found a certain man in the road in the town of Alzonne, of whom he heard and knew that he was called Stephanus Bordetus, and that he was of those people who are afraid to go about by day (de illis gentibus que non audebant ire de die) because they were harassed by the people. Also, in the present year of his con- fession, before Lent, on a certain night, a man came to his house, and knocked at the door, and asked him if he would take him in ; and he brought him in, and ho slept there that night, and he heard from him that he was called Arnaldus, and he knew and understood that he was of those who are called Poor Men of Lyons, and he heard his words and admonitions. Also, he believed the afore- said Poor Men of Lyons, who are otherwise called Val- denses, to be good men, and that they have a good faith, and a good sect, in which they, and others who hold it, may be saved, on account of the words which he heard from them, and on account of that which his brother had 2 V 330 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 331 said to him of them, although he knew that they were harassed by other people. And he was in the said belief from the time when he first saw them, until that time in which he had heard sav that Huguetus Carinas aforesaid was burnt, and he was in that belief for eight years or thereabouts. The aforesaid things de did not confess, neither did he come to reveal them, until he was called, and judicially required, and by others accused or named." No. XXVIL Culpa— Raymunda, 344. « Raymunda, wife of Stephanus de Vineis, otherwise called de na Bernarda, inhabitant of Alzonne, in the dio- cese of Rodez, daughter of Peter Aymon, a Burgundian (as legally appears by her own confession judicially made the 29th of January, 1321) about ten years, or thereabouts, before the time of her confession, Bartholomeus de Vineis, the brother of her husband, brought to her house two men, of whom one was called Johannes de Cerno, and the other Peter, and they were brothers. And they supped there, she seeing them, but she did not know, nor hear it then said, that they were Valdenses. Also, after the aforesaid, four years or thereabouts before the time of her confession, John Aymon, her brother, told her that there was a certain man in his house, who wished to speak with her. And he brought the said man to her house, of whom he said that he was called Arnald, and that he was a clerk. And there went with him a certain young man, and they sat down there with her, and with other persons whom she names. And then the said Arnald admonished her, and her sister Agnes, that they should do good and avoid evil. And afterwards they drank, and went away; nor did she then know of the said Arnald, or of his companion, that they were Valdenses. Also, two years since or thereabouts, the said John Aymon her brother came, another time, to her house with the said Arnald, and his companion, and they saluted her, and staid there a little while, and after- wards went away. Also in the present year in which she made her said confession, she heard it said by Bartholo- meus de Vineis, the brother of her husband, after he had returned from Thoulouse, where he had been confined in the prison of the Inquisitor, that the said Johannes de Cerno, and Peter, his brother, and the above-mentioned Arnald, were of those who were called Valdenses. " The aforesaid Raymunda denies that she had known, or done, any thing in the matter of the Valdensian heresy (de facto Valdesie) and is not considered as^ having fully confessed, nor was she reconciled nor absolved ; but be- cause of a little sucking child, which she then had, she was dismissed to return home, that she might be examined at another time. Against the said Raymunda, Huguetus Garinus deposes, that he, and Bartholomeus de Caiarco, the Valdensian, were in the house of her and her husband ; and she, and Agnes her sister, saw and knew them to be there, and that they were friends and believers of the Val- denses.*' Stephanus and his wife, for the offences here confessed, were sen- tenced to wear single crosses. BartJiolomew, 353, here mentioned, and his wife Agnes, 359, were at the same time sentenced to imprisonment. Raymunda calls this Agnes her sister ; and so she was, as well as her sister-in-law, for both were daughters of Peter Aymon, whose confes- sion has been already given. I mention this as one of the numerous indications which the book affords, that the Burgundians, though settled in various places, were, to a considerable extent, a distinct people fix)m those of the country. No. XXFIIL Sentence-Johannes, 262.* "In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, Amen. We the foresaid Inquisitors of heretical pravity, and de- 4 This sentence having been translated by Chandler, and printed by him, in his translation of Limborch's History of the Inquisition, I give it as it there stands, p. 47. HI 'I 332 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. legated commissaries of the venerable Persons, the Vicars General and Chapter of the Church of Aix, [Auch] during the Vacancy of the See. Whereas it evidently and le- gaily appears to us, as well by the Inquisition made in general against all who are infected with heretical pravity, and by the Public Acts and Process of the said Inquisi- tion, as well as by thy Answers, and Assertions, and proper Confessions made in Judgment, that you John CttAUOAT, Son of [the late] Peter Chauoat, of the Village of Mulsia, near Urgeletum, in the Diocese of Besan^on, usually dwelling at Vienne in the Diocese of A.x, [Auchl was long since taken up, and have been found by process, to be of the Sect and Heresy of those, who are called Valdenses, or poor men of Lyons; which Sect and Heresy the holy Roman Church hath many years ago con- demned as heretical, and hath persecuted and condemned the followers and professors of it as heretics; which sect thou hast held and maintained for nine years past partici- pating and communicating with the Valdenses, knowing them to be such, by eating and drinking according to their manner, praying with them on your bended knees, by hearing their words and preachings which they make in their conventicles to their believers, and by receiving them in thy house, and also by often [aliquociens] confessing thy sins to them, and humbly receiving from them abso- lution and penance, which they call the amendment iquam melioramentum vacant] ; and whereas being apprehended and at the beginning, being judicially required, would st not swear, but didst several times refuse to abjure the said sect and heresy, affirming that you believed it to be good, and that the followers of it were good men, and might be saved in it. And finally, whereas you have feignedly and falsly said with your moutii, but not with your heart, that you «ould depart from it, and abjure it, and hast in word but no with the heart judicially abjured it; of which fe.gnedness iiti ,t i Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CUUPE. 333 m and falshood, and the doubleness of thy heart there is legal proof, by those things which you have plainly and fully since recognized, asserted and confessed in judgment. And farther, whereas you have manifested your treachery after your feigned tho' judicial abjuration of the said sect and heresy, by having denied, and still denying with an obstinate mind, tho' oftentimes required in judgment, to swear that you would speak the truth, and dost as before, and much more evidently, approve and commend the errors and heresies of the said sect, and assertest, that the followers of it are just and good men ; and that the Pre- lates of the Roman Church, and the Inquisitors of hereti- cal pravity, who persecute them, do unjustly and un- righteously, in apprehending and detaining them, because unwilling to forsake the said sect, and by delivering them over to the secular power. Particularly, whereas the erroneous followers and profane professors of the sect and heresy of the Valdenses hold^ and affirm, that they are not subject to our Lord the Pope, or the Roman Pontiflf, or to other Prelates of the Church of Rome, because it unjustly persecutes and condemns them. Item, They assert that they cannot be excommunicated by the said Roman Pontiff and Prelates, and that no one of them is to be obey'd, when they order and command the followers and professors of the said sect to desert and abjure it, altho^ condemned as heretical by the Roman Church. Item, The foresaid sect and heresy, and followers and professors of the same, hold and dogmatize, that every oath, without exception or exposition, is prohibited of God, and is unlawful, and a sin ; and this we have heard from your own month, that you so believe and hold, by applying v^' ■ ' The words are "Prefate siquidem secte et heresis Valdensium devil sectatores et piophaui pi-ofessores teneut et dogmatizant,'' &c. ;-'^t»'!llll,i m\ 334 SENTENCES AND CULPE. l^"^- »<>• to this purpose the woMs of the holy gospel, and of St. irs the Apostle, of not swearing, tho' m a mad and James me ^f '^^^. accordin"' to the sound doc- mistaken sense : Whereas, accoram„ trine of the Saints, and Doctors of the church, and trad t.o„ If the said hoiy Catholic Church, 'tis not only lawful hut necessary to swear for attesting the truth in judgment, and L by a statute long since published against the foresaid "y j^ ^ damnable super- error, 'tis appomted, that those wno y stition refuse an oath, and will not swear, shall be for this .11" declared heretics, and subjected to the penalties orTered by the Canon. Item, Thou thyself hast oftent.mes, ::^dTeJe many of us, being — ally and ju.'^^ required to swear for the truth [to speak the truth-rfe 2:1 .....a] wholly refused to swear, -d >.t ref^sest it asserting that you believe that 't.s prohibited by God, 1 ill, an^d a sin to swear at all. Item From te ,ame fountain of error, and mistaken understand ng, the foresaid sect and heresy asserts, that all judgment .s pro- hibited of God, and by consequence that 'tis a sm,^d against the divine prohibition, that any judge, m anj^case or for whatsoever cause, should judge any man to bod.ly punishment, or to death ; applying, without a P;<>F-xpo- Lon, the words of the holy gospel, where .t .s w tten Judg not, that ye be not judged ; Item, Thou shalt not kill [and the like] not understanding nor rece.vmg them :;';;i holy Roman Church understands '^'^ ^^^^ to the faithful, according to the doctrme of ^^^J^^ and Doctors, and canonical sanctions ; which said sanctions the said sect, departing from the right path, neither receim nor accounts valid, but despises, renounces, and contemns. Item, Most perniciously erring about the sacrament of true penance, and the keys of the church ; they say, and teach, and hold, that they have power from God, as the Apostles had, of hearing the confessions of the sins of al that are willing to confess [confessiones peccatoram s.bi Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 335 volencium confiteri] and of absolving and enjoining penances : and they do hear the confessions of sach> and enjoin those who confess to them penances for their sins, tho' they are not ordained clerks or priests by any Bishop of the Roman Church, but are mere laicks, and con- fess they have not any such power from the Roman Church, but rather deny it, and indeed have it not from God, nor from his Church, since they are without the Church, and cut off from the Church, out of which there is no true penance or salvation. Item, Thou thyself hast confessed in judgment, that long since thou hast confessed thy sins severally to four of the Valdenses, [quatuor Val- densibus cuilibet singillatim] viz. John Moran, Peter de Cernone, John Brayssan, and Stephen Porcherii, and hast received penance from them, knowing them to be Val- denses, and that they were not Priests ordained by any Bishop of the Roman Church. Item, The foresaid sect and heresy of the Valdenses make a jest of the indul- gences which are granted by the Prelates of the Church, asserting that they are not valid. Item, It denies that there is after this life any purgatory for souls, and of con- sequence that prayers, and alms, and masses, and other vows of piety, which are made by the faithful for the dead, can at all profit them. Item, Detracting from the Pre- lates of the Church of Rome, they deny and condemn their state, saying, that they are blind, and leaders of the blind, and that they do not preserve the Gospel truth, nor follow the Apostolic poverty. They also obstinately and falsly affirm, that the Church of Rome is the house of a lye. Item, Comparing themselves with the Apostolical life and perfection, and equalling themselves to them in merit, they vainly glory in themselves, boasting that they hold and preserve the evangelick and apostolick poverty. Item, These and other things, as well erroneous as mad, they privately dogmatize to their believers in their Con- 336 SENTENCES AND OJLPE. [Sect. 10. •li ■ Ul liter '1' venticles. Item, They preach from the gospels and epistle., and other sacred writings, which by expounding they corrupt, as masters of errors, who know not how to be disciples of the truth, because [whereas-cum] the preaching and exposition of the sacred S-'Pt^^; « wholly forbidden to the laity. Item, The sa.d Sect of he Valdenses differs and disagrees in several things, in Me and manners, from the common conversation of the faith- ful, as is found and plainly appears by the Inquisition and examination as well of the Valdenses themselves as their believers, and especially by the confessions of those who are converted by the Inquisitors from that sect and heresy. Moreover, thou John hast judicially before us and elsewhere, oftentimes approved smd praised the said sect and heresy of the Valdenses, and dost yet approve and commend it, nor wilt depart from it, nor abjure and for- sake it, but rather perseverest in it with an obstinate mind, altho' by us and several other good men thou hast been oftentimes invited to conversion, and hast been canonically admonished and judicially required by us, that in heart and deed thou shouldst turn from it, and with thy mouth and soul wholly abjure it" For these offenees he was, as a relapsed heretic, delivered over to tie secular aim, in the usual form, which has been already given. No. XXIX. Culpa— Petrus, 169. « Peter Andrew native of Verdnnetum near Sais- sac, living at Castelnaudarry (as lawfully appears to us by his own confession judicially made on the 8th of July, 1307, also on the 13th of June, 1309, also a. d. 1305, the fourth of the Indiction on the 12th of October, before the Penitentiary of our Lord the Pope) saw and received many times into his house Peter Auterius, and James Auterius, of whom he had heard that they were of those who are called heretics -, and he gave them to eat and drmk Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 337 \.' of the provisions of his house, and they were there visited by certain other persons whom he names. Also, in differ- ent houses and places which he names, he saw and visited many times the aforesaid heretics; and he heard their words and preaching and doctrines, and he saw many other persons whom he names in his confessions seeing and visiting the said heretics ; and he accompanied them sometimes from place to place. Also he adored the said heretics, and received benediction from them many times and so often that he cannot remember the occasions, say- ing three times ' Benedicite,' with his knees bended, and his head bowed, and he saw them adored in like manner by persons whom he names. Also, he believed in the sect of the heretics. Also, he believed the heretics to be good men and true, and that they had a good life, and good sect, in which they and others believing them might be saved, and he was in that belief two or three years ; and after he left it, he went to confess to the Lord Cardinal of Bourges. Also he gave two or three turonenses grossos to Martin Franciscus, who wtis consenting with the heretics. The aforesaid things he committed two years and a half, and one year, before he judicially confessed the aforesaid. The aforesaid Peter took an oath before the Penitentiary of our Lord the Pope, to obey the commands of the Church, and he renounced, and disclaimed, and abjured, all heretical pravity, and was absolved from excommuni- cation by the same. The aforesaid Peter Andrew (as legally appears to us by his confession judicially made on the 10th of February, A. D. 1311, after he had made other confessions of the fact of heresy, as well before the penitentiary of our Lord the Pope, as afterwards before the Inquisitor of Thoulouse, and had judicially abjured all heresy before the above men- tioned Lord Penitentiary) after that he saw many times Petrus Filius de Taravello, whom he knew to be a be- 2x i*pl 338 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10, 1 Hi liever in the heretics, and a fugitive for the fact of heresy ; and he many times was in conversation with him, and re- ceived him into his house, and he gave him five silver pieces of Tours (iuronenses argenteos), and allowed him clothes belonging to the house to sleep upon, which he did. Also with the said Petrns Filius he saw certain others whom he knew to be believers in the heretics. Also he spoke with Gnilielmus More of Taravellum about the matter of heretics, hearing them commended, and their life, and sect, and he heard from him that one of them whom he named, Petrus Sancius de Garda, was in that country ; and of him he said that he was hereit- CUB vestitus, and he begged him Peter Andrew that he would do something for the said Petrns Sancius de Garda, and he answered that he was not able then, but he would willingly do something for him when he was able. Also a certain woman of Verdnnetum, who is called Bonassias, asked him if any ' of those good men' (by whom he understood ' of the heretics') was in that part of the Country ? because a certain person whom he names, had told her that she might know this from the said Peter Andrew," and he answered the said woman, that he had heard say that some of the heretics were in that part of the country. And, some days afterwards, he talked with the said woman, who told him that that man had a cer- tain book concerning the matter of the heretics, and there were two leaves of the said book wanting, and he wished to send it to that heretic that he might make it perfect if « I h»ve given »hat I suppose to be the meaning, but it seems as if soniething had been omitted in the text, which stands thus:-" Item « quedam mulier de Veiduoeto que voeatur Bonassias petivit ab eo s. " aliqnis de ill.s bonis hominibus per qnos intelligebat de heretieis erat " in terra ista qui .luidan. quem nominal eum quod sciret hoc a d.cto " Petro Andree et ipse respondit," &c. hi Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 339 he knew how, or might get it done by somebody who did know how ; and she replied to him, that she believed that the said heretic did not know how to read or write. And, after some days, the said Peter Andrew told the aforesaid Guilielmus More, and the said Guilielmus More answered, that he would know that from the said heretic, and after- wards he would speak with him Peter Andrew ; and after- wards the said Guilielmus More asked him for the said book, and afterwards the said Peter Andrew had that book from the said woman, and delivered it to the said Guiliel- mus More, who told him that he would deliver it to the said Petrus Sancius the heretic. Also, afterwards he heard that the said Guilielmus More, and Raymundus de Morovilla had words between them about the said book ; and he heard from the said Raymundus that ' that gentle- man,' (ille Dominus) by whom he understood Petrus Sancius, was afraid he should be betrayed with that book, and that a certain person (whom he named) might have sent that book in order to know where the said heretic was, and that he might inform against him. And then the said Peter Andrew told the said Raymundus, to tell the said heretic from him, that he need not fear, because such an one (whom he named to him) had sent the said book. Also, he said to the aforesaid woman, when she wished to remove from Verdunetum to Thoulouse, that she should say to that man who delivered the said book to her, that he might trust Guilielmus More in the said mat- ter of the heretics. Also the said Bonassias delivered to him seven, or nine, albus'' of Tours (turonenses albos) with the said book, and afterwards told him, that that gentlemen fille Dominus) who sent the said book, sent also the said Turonenses to the aforesaid heretic, and then he delivered the value of the said Turonenses, to the aforesaid Guilielmus More, for him to deliver that money to the said heretic. Also he knew, and understood. # 340 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 341 Ik I that Petrus Filius with Petrus Sancius the heretic, had been in the house which he Peter Andrew rented at Thonlouse, where the said Bonassias dwelt ; and he heard from the said Petrus Filius, that he had bled himself there ; to whom he answered that he pleased himself (cui respondit quod placebat sihi). Also the said Peter Filius told him, that year, at the time of vintage, that that gentle- man (by whom he understood Petrus Sancius the heretic) was badly cloathed; asking him that he would give him aliquam rauham,' and afterwards he Peter Andrew caused a coat to be made for the said heretic, and delivered it to the said Bonassias, that she should deliver it to Petrus Filius for the said heretic. Also, another time in that year, the said Petrus Filius asked him to do something for the aforesaid Petrus Sancius the heretic ; to whom he answered that it was not then in his power, but in the following Lent, he would do something for him; and it was agreed between them, that in the following Lent he would bring the said Petrus Sancius the heretic to Thoulouse, to the house in which he Peter Andrew 7 I confess that I know not how to translate these words. Rauba, as used by writers of the middle ages, might mean that in which persons were robed, or that of which they were robbed. The fonner seems more suited to the matter in hand •, yet I doubt whether Peter Sancius was likely to wear a robe, or his friend to ask for one for him, and I do not Ihink the word was used laxly for any other article of dress ; and Peter Andrew does not seem to have understood it so, for he " fecit fieri quan- dam tunicam ad opus dicti heretici." From the latter sense, of spoil or plunder, (in short, whatever people raubaverunt from one another) it came to have a more general meaning, and was sometimes used for stuff of any sort, without any reference to its derivation, and I should think it was probably so used on this occasion. There may, however, have been some common phrase to express the making a gift to a per- son (letting him as it were share the spoil) of which this may be a literal translation into what was then considered latin. lived. Also, he heard, and understood, from the said Petrus Filius that he would become a good Christian, if he had the means of living, by which he understood that he would become a heretic ; and he promised him, that in whatever condition he might be, he would provide for him for one year. Also, a certain sick person asked him to procure one of the heretics, and he promised that person that he would if he could, and he sent to a certain heretic but he could not have him. Also, in that year on a cer- tain occasion Petrus Filius sent him some pence {denarii) to buy fish, to send to him, at the house in which the said Bonassias lived, where he then was, which he did ; and he understood and believed, that he wished to have those fish for Petrus Sancius the heretic ; and the same day he went thither, and then he understood, and knew that the said Petrus Sancius the heretic, was there in a certain room of the said house which he Peter Andrew rented for the said Bonassias, which Bonassias was his concubine. The aforesaid things he committed two years, and one year, and half a year, and less, persevering in them, before he came to confess judicially the things aforesaid. For these offences he was delivered to the secular arm. '! i I ! / Sect. 11.] EVERVINUS. A. D. 1147. 343 II 11; Section XI. NOTICES OF THE ALBIGENSES AND WAL- DENSES BY HISTORIANS AND OTHER WRITERS. After what has been already laid before the reader, I feel that such notices of the Albigenses and Wajdenses as it is proposed to extract from the wVrks of early historians and other writers, require little or no preface ; and I only feel it necessary to remind him that I do not offer them as the statements of well-informed and unpre- judiced persons. I do not call upon him to be- lieve—I only ask him to consider— what they say ; and if he should be led to believe (as I do) that they sometimes made mistakes, and some- times invented or repeated lies, still let him en- deavour to form an impartial judgment of the whole, and consider how far their statements do in fact corroborate those which have been already given. Letter of Evervinus to St. Bernard. A.D. 1147. About the year 1147, St. Bernard received a letter from Evervinus, Praepositus of Steinfeld, near Cologne, respecting some heretics who had been recently discovered, and burned, in that city. He gives them no name, except that he says they called themselves apostles ; and Ber- nard seems to imply that they did not assume, and were not known by, any particular appella- tion.^ This abbot directed two sermons against the errors of these heretics, which seem to have been evidently suggested by the letter of Ever- vinus ; though, from some expressions, I am led to think that he was not indebted to that letter exclusively for his knowledge of the sect. The letter has been printed by Mabillon,* and as it may throw light on our present subject, I shall give that part which has been translated by Allix^ in his words. He omits the introduc- tion, and I see nothing in it worth noticing for ^ Quaere ab illis suae sectae auctorem ; neminem da- bunt quo nomine istos titulove censebis ? nnllo. Serm, in Cant. Lxvr. vol. i. 1494. He says, indeed, in the same discourse, " se. .. .apostolicos nominant;" but it does not seem clear tbat they took this title. At all events they were distinct from the sect of the Apostolics. 2 Op. Bern. Vol. i. c. 1487. 2 Ch. of Pied. 153. 344 EVERVINUS. AD. 1147. [Sect. 11. our purpose, except that Evervinus calls upon Bernard to come forward against « the new « There have been lately some heretics discovered amongst us, near Cologne, whereof some with satisfaction returned again to the Church : two of these, viz. one that was a Bishop amongst them, and his companions, openly opposed us in the assembly of the clergy and laity, the Lord Archbishop himself being present, with many of the nobility, maintaining their heresy from the words of Christ and the Apostles. But when they saw they could go no further, they desired that a day might be appointed for them, upon which they might bring along with them men skilful in their belief, promising to return to the church, provided they should find their masters defective in answering what was opposed to them ; but that other- wise they would rather die than depart from their judg- ment. Upon this their declaration, after that for three days together they had been admonished, and found onwilling to repent, they were seized by the people, bemg incited by overmuch zeal, and put into the fire and burnt ;« and (what is most wonderful) they entered to * « Contra novos hereticos, qui circumquaque jam *^ fere per omnes ecclesias ebulHunt deputeo abyssi quasi .* jam princeps iUorum incipiat dissolvi, et instet dies <' Domini." ^ . , fi Allix has omitted Evervinus's declaration that this was done against his will. His woi^s are, « rapti sunt a populis "imio zek, per- Jotis, nohU tmnen invitis : et in ignem positi, alque cmnati. Milner, who refers to Allix for the story, and >.ho seems to have taken h.s ex- tracts of the letter from AUix's translation, with such verbal aUemtions as he saw fit to make, follows implicitly on this point. Vol. m. 378. His following the - modern historian," and not the - original record, in this case was the less excusable, because he seems to have had access to it He tells us, p. 331, " I use the Parisian edition of MabiUon. Sect. 11.] EVERVINUS. A. D. U47. 345 the stake, and bare the torment of the fire, not only with patience, but with joy and gladness. In this case, O Holy Father, were I present with you, I should be glad to have your answer, how these members of the Devil could with such courage and constancy persist in their heresy, as is scarcely to be found in the most religious in the faith of Christ " Their heresy is this : they say that the Church is only amongst them, because they alone follow the steps of Christ, and continue in the imitation of the true apostolic life, not seeking the things of this world, possessing neither house, lands, nor anything in propriety, according as Christ did, who neither possessed any himself, nor gave leave to his disciples to possess anything. Whereas ye (say they to us) join house to house, and field to field, seeking the things of this world ; so that even they also, who are looked upon as most perfect amongst you, such as are your Monks and Regular Canons, though they do not pos- sess these things as proper, but as common, yet do they possess all these things. And of themselves they say, We the poor of Christ, who have no certain abode, fleeing from one city to another, like sheep in the midst of wolves, do endure persecution with the Apostles and Martyrs : not- withstanding that we lead an holy and strict life in fasting and abstinence, persevering day and night in prayers and labours, and seeking only from thence what is necessary to support our lives, we maintain ourselves thereby, because we are not of the world.* But as for you lovers of the world, ye have peace with the world, because ye are of • Rather, '* and seeking only from thence what is necessary to sup- " port our lives. We undergo this, because we are not of the world ; " but ye lovers of the world," &c. The words are " tantum neces- '* saria ex eis vitae quaerentes. Nos hoc sustinemus quia de mundo noo M sumus : vos autem mundi amatores/* &c. 2 Y 346 EVERVINUS. A.D. 1147. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] EVERVINUS. A.D. 1147. 347 il the world. False Apostles, who adulterate the word of Christ, seeking their own, have misled you and your fore- fathers ; whereas we and our fathers, being born Apostles, have continued in the grace of Christ, and shall continue so to the end of the world. To distinguish us from one another,' Christ saith, ' By their fruits ye shall know them :' onr fruits are the footsteps of Christ. In their diet« they forbid all manner of milk, and whatsoever is made of it, and all that is procreated by copulation. This is that which they oppose to us concerning their conversation. As to the Sacraments, they conceal themselves; yet did they openly confess to us, that daily at their tables, when they take their meals, they, according to the form of Christ and his Apostles, do consecrate their meat and drink into the body and blood of Christ, by the Lord's Prayer, to nourish themselves therewith, as being the members and body of Christ. But as for us, they say we hold not the truth in the Sacraments, but only a kind of shadow, and tradition of men. They also openly confess, that besides water, they baptized also with fire and the Holy Ghost, and had been so baptized themselves ; alleg- ing to this purpose the testimony of St. John the Baptist, baptizing with water, and saying concerning Christ, ' He shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire f and in another place, * I indeed baptize you with water, but there stands one in the midst of you, whom you know not, who shall baptize you with another baptism besides that of water.' And that this other baptism was to be performed by the imposition of hands, they endeavoured to make out by the testimony of St Luke, who, in the Acts of the Apostles, describing Paul's baptism, which he received from 7 Rather, « between us and yo«--.« ad distiuguendos noa et to..' » See before, p. 255, n. 34. Ananias, at the command of Christ, makes no mention of water, but only the laying on of hands ; and whatsoever else we find, whether in the Acts of the Apostles or in St. Paul's Epistles, they apply to this baptism ; and they say that every elect (for so they call all those that are baptized amongst them) hath power to baptize others whom they find worthy, and to consecrate the body and blood of Christ at their meals. For first, by their laying on of hands, they receive some of their auditors into the number of believers, and then they have leave to be present at their prayers, until that, after having had sufficient trial of them, they make them elect. They contemn our baptism, con- demn marriage ; but the reason why, I could not get out of them, either because they durst not own it, or rather because they knew none. " There are also some other heretics in our country, who are altogether diffierent from these, by whose mutual discord and contests they were both of them discovered to us. These deny that the body of Christ is made on the Altar, because all the Priests of the Church are not conse- crated. For the apostolical dignity say they, is corrupted, by engaging itself in secular atfairs, and the sitting in the chair of Peter ; yet because it does not wage God's war- fare as Peter did, it has deprived itself of the power of consecrating, which was so great in Peter ;® and what it has not itself, the Archbishops and Bishops, who live like 9 Rather « For the Apostolic dignity (say they) is corrupted, en- «* gaging itself in secular affairs j and, in the chair of Peter, not waging « God^s wai-fare, like Peter, it has deprived itself of the power of con- " secrating, which was given to Peter." Allix professed to translate from the letter as given by Mabillon, where the passage stands thus :— - ♦* Apostolica enim dignitas (dicunt) corrupta est implicans se negotiis ♦♦ swcularibus ; et in cathedra Petri non militans Deo, sicut Petrus, potestate consecraudi, quae data fuit Petro, se privavit ; et quod,'' &c. (( / 348 EVERVINUS. AD. 1147. [Sect. 11. 'I men of the world, cannot receive from it, viz. the power of consecrating others : to this purpose alleging these words of Christ, « The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses's chair ; what therefore they bid you do, that do.' As if such as these had only the power of preaching and com- manding, but nothing more. Thus they make void the Priesthood of the Church, and condemn the Sacrament* besides Baptism only ; and this only in those who are come to age, who, they say, are baptized by Christ him- self, whosoever be the Minister of the Sacraments. They do not believe infant baptism ; alleging that place of the Gospel,'^ * Whosoever shall believe, and be baptized, shall be saved." All marriage they call fornication, besides that which is between two virgins, male and female ; quoting for this the words of our Saviour, wherewith he answers the Pharisees, • What God hath joined let no man sepa- rate;' as if God did only join such together, as he did our first parents: as likewise those words of our Saviour, which he speaks to ibe Jews, in answer to what they oh- jected to him about the bill of divorce, « From the begin- ning it was not so ;' and the following words, ' Whosoever marrieth her that is divorced, commits adultery ;' and that of the Apostle, ' Let marriage be honourable to all, and the bed undefiled."' " They put no confidence in the intercession of the Saints ; they maintain that fasting, and other aflaictions which are undertaken for sin, are not necessary to the just, nor to sinners ; because at what time soever the sin- ner repents of his sin, they are all forgiven to him ; and all other things observed in the Church, which have not been 10 u De Baptismo parvulorum fidem non habent, prseter illud de Evangelio Qui crediderit, &c. So the passage stands— but should we not read propter ? I Sect. 11.] EVERVINUS. 4.0.1147. 349 established by Christ himself or his Apostles, they call superstitions. They do not admit of any purgatory fire after death ; but that the souls, as soon as they depart out of the bodies, do enter into rest or punishment ; proving it from that place of Solomon, * Which way soever the tree falls whether to the south or to the north, there it lies :' by which means they make void all the prayers and obla- tions of believers for the deceased. « We therefore desire you Holy Father, to employ your care and watchfulness against these manifold mis- chiefs, and that you would be pleased to direct your pen against these wild beasts of the reeds ; not thinking it sufficient to answer us, that the tower of David, to which we may take our refuge, is sufficiently fortified with bul- warks, that a thousand bucklers hang on the walls of it, all shields of mighty men. For we desire, Father, that for the sake of us simple ones, and that are slow of under- standing, you would be pleased by your study to gather all these arms in one place, that they may be the more ready to be found, and more powerful to resist these monsters. I let you know also, that those of them who have returned to our Church, told us that they had great numbers of their persuasion scattered almost every where: and that amongst them were many of our Clergy and Monks. And as for those who were burnt, they, in the defence they made for themselves, told us, that this their heresy, had been concealed from the time of the Martyrs until these times ; and that it had been preserved in Greece, and some other countries. These are those heretics who call themselves Apostles, having a Pope of their own ; whereas the other despise our Pope, and yet own them- selves to have no other besides him. These Apostles of Satan have amongst them continent women, (as they call them) widows, virgins, their wives, some of which are amongst the number of their elect, others of their believers; A • ■ Ill 350 £CKB£RT. A. D. 1160. [Sect. 11. as in imitation of the Apostles, who had power to lead about women with them. Farewell in the Lord." I need hardly request the reader to observe that these persons, so far from professing to have formed a whole church, *' eminent and remark- able" for testifying against the Papacy, stated that their doctrine " had been concealed from the time of the martyrs ;" and that it " had been preserved in Greece, and other countries." Eckbertf Abbot of Schonauge. a. d. 1160. i According to Trithemius,'' Eckbert was the second abbot of the Benedictine Monastery called Schonauge, in the diocese of Treves, about the middle of the twelfth century. His work against the Cathari consists of thirteen discourses ad- dressed to Reginold, rector of the Cathedral of Cologne. In the dedication, he says — *< It often happens in your Diocese, that certain He- retics are apprehended of those who are most notorious for their errors in these days. These are those who are most commonly called Cathari ; a race most pernicious to " Cited, Bib. Pat. Tom iv. P. ii. p. 75. He also states, that Eckbert had previously been a Canon of Bonn, and adds, " claruit in Ca?nobio praefato S. Florini, " quod Schonaugia dicitur, in Dicecesi Treverensi, sub «< Frederico Imperatore I. anno mclx." i Sect. 11.] ECKBERT. A. D. 1160. 351 the Catholic faith, which, going about with great subtilty, they destroy like moths. They are furnished with words of Holy Scripture which seem in a certain way to coun- tenance their sect, and by means of these they know how to defend their own errors, and abuse the Catholic faith. Of the right sense however which is contained in the words, and which is not to be come at without great dis- cretion, they are extremely ignorant. I have therefore thought it worth while to describe their errors, and to set down the authorities of Scripture by which they defend themselves, and to shew their real meaning ; and, at the same time, to state those parts of our faith which they oppose, and by the help of God to shew by what authori- ties of Scripture, and by what arguments, they may be defended, in order that those who read these things, and take pains to remember them, may be somewhat better prepared to dispute with these persons ; if, as frequently happens, they shall be detected among the people. For they are very talkative, and are always prepared with what they have to say against us, and it is no small disgrace to us who are learned, that we should be mute and have nothing to say in reply to them. When I was a Canon in the church of Bonn, I and my like-minded friend Bertol- phus frequently disputed with such persons, and 1 paid great attention to their errors and defences. AJany things also concerning them became known by means of those who had left their sect, and had been delivered out of the snares of the devil. I have, therefore, by the exhortation of my Abbot, the Lord Hildelinus, put together in this book the more fully both their opinions, and what may be opposed to them ; and I have sent it to your Highness (vestrffi celsitudini) for old friendship's sake; so that if it should happen that such persons are examined before you, your prudence may be assisted by these discourses in stopping the mouths of those who speak wickedly, and in If i iii. i 852 ECKBERT. A. D. 1160. [SEct. 11. ill confirming the unstable minds of persons easily seduced ; who, being deceived by their artful discourses, believe that they walk according to truth. 1 ask therefore that if you approve of this work, and foresee that it will be useful in any way to the Christian religion, you will cause it to be made public that it may be a stumbling block to that most wicked generation for all time to come." As the titles and beginnings of the Dis- courses will give the reader an idea of the errors which were charged upon those whom Eckbert was opposing, it may be sufficient to extract them. Indeed I believe they contain all that throws any light on the subject ; for, in general, having brieflly stated the error of the heretics at the beginning of the discourse, he occupies the whole remainder in confuting it. The first discourse, which is introductory, begins thus — " The Virgin Church hath received one pearl of great price as her dowry from Jesus Christ her spouse, namelv, the Catholic faith ; and this, alas ! has in these days many enemies, who attempt its destruction. I believe that those perils of the last times have begun to come upon us, concerning which our Saviour prophesied in the Gospel ; when, speaking to his disciples of the signs which should precede the day of judgment he said, according to St. Matthew, among other things, « Then if any one shall gay, « lo here is Christ" or " lo there'' believe it not, for there shall arise false Christs, and false prophets, and shall per- form great signs, and wonders, so that if it were possible even the Elect shall be deceived ; behold ! 1 have foretold you ; if therefore they shall say to you, « Behold ! he is here Sect. 11. J ECKBERT. A.D 1160. 353 in the desert ;" go not forth ; " Behold he is in the secret chambers," believe it not.' And, indeed, if hitherto any one hath come who was so insane as to call himself Christ, we have not heard of it ; but concerning false prophets, who say that Christ is in the secret chambers, we now see much. For, behold, many persons affecting concealment, seduced and seducers, who for a long time have been hid- den, and have secretly corrupted the Christian faith in many persons of foolish simplicity, are so multiplied in all lands, that the church of God suffers great danger from the most wicked poison which they pour forth against her on every side. For their discourse eats as doth a canker, and flies far and wide, like an infectious leprosy, conta- minating the precious members of Christ. These are called with us in Germany Cathari, in Flanders Piphles, in France Texerant, because they are weavers. As our Lord predicted concerning them, they say that Christ is in the secret chambers ; because they say that the true faith of Christ, and true worship of Christ, exist no where except in their conventicles, which they hold in cellars, in work- shops, and such like under-ground places. They say that they lead the life of the Apostles, but they are contrary to the holy faith, and sound doctrine, which has been de- livered to us by the holy Apostles, and by the Lord the Saviour himself. For they are the persons of whom St. Paul thus speaks, in his Epistle to Timothy, ' Now the Spirit speaketh expressly, that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils, speaking lies in hypocrisy, having their conscience seared with a hot iron, forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats, which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving.' And truly these are they to whom this discourse belongs, since they repro- bate and condemn marriage, so that they assign to those who remain until death in a state of marriage, nothing less 2 z i fi. 354 ECKBERT. A.D. 1160. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] ECKBERT. A.D. 1160. 355 i/jii than eternal damnation. Some of them, indeed, say that they approve of the marriage of those who are both v.rgms ; but they say that even these cannot be saved unless they are separated before death, and by this also they forbid such marriage. They who have become v^iect members of the sect avoid all flesh; not abstaining from the same reason as monks, and other persons living a religious life do, bu they say that the eating of flesh is to be avoided on account of the means by which it is produced, and on account of which they consider it unclean ; and this is the reason wh.ch they publicly give : but in secret they say what is worse- namely, that all flesh is made by the devil, and therefore they never taste it even in the greatest extremities. Con- cerning baptism they speak variously. They say that bap- tism profits nothing to children who are baptized, for they cannot seek baptism by themselves, because they can make no profession of faith. There is also another thing which they say more generally, but more privately-namely, that no water baptism is profitable to salvation ; for which reason they re-baptize those who enter theirsect, in a certam secret manner of their own; which baptism they say is done in the Holy Ghost and fire. , ^ , , « Concerning the souls of the dead they hold, that at the time of their death they pass either to everlasting blessedness, or to eternal damnation, for they ^o «»»'*- ' ceive what the< universal Church believes-namely, that there are certain purgatorial punishments, in which the souls of some of the elect are for a time tried for their suis. from which they are not fully purified in this life by due satisfaction. On this account therefore they think .t vain, and superfluous, to pray for the dead, to give alms, to say masses-and they ridicule the tolling of bells which we make, which is nevertheless done by our Church from pious motives, namely that the living may be admonished to pray for the dead, and be led to consider their own mortality. *^ They altogether despise, andconEider as of no value, the masses which are celebrated n the Churches ; for if it happens that they go with the rest of their neighbours to hear masses, or even to receive the eucharist, they do this in mere dissimulation lest their infidelity should be dis- covered. For they say that the order of the Priesthood is altogether lost in the Church of Rome, and in all the Churches of the Catholic faith, and the true Priests are not to be found except in their Sect. They believe that the body and blood of Christ can be by no means made by our consecration, or received by us in our communion ; but they say that they alone make the body of Christ at their tables ; but in those words there is this deceit — for they do not mean that true body of Christ which we believe to have been born of the Virgin, and to have suffered on the cross, but they call their own flesh the body of the Lord ; and forasmuch as they nourish their bodies by the food on their tables, they say that they make the body of the Lord. *' Nor will I pass over what I heard from a certain faithful man, who, having discovered their infidelit)^, and some secret wickednesses, left their Society ; for he affirmed that they so erred respecting the Lord the Saviour as to say, that he was not truly born of the Virgin, nor had true human flesh, but only an appearance of flesh, and that he did not rise from the dead, but only pretended his death and resurrection. On which account, if they are among Christians who are celebrating Easter, they either con- form in a negligent manner, or they seek occasions of be- ing absent from their own home, lest they should be com- pelled to keep the feast with their neighbours. Instead of this however they celebrate another festival, in which their Heresiarch Manicheeus was slain, whose heresy without doubt they follow which St. Augustine, writing against the Manichaeans says was called Beina. My informant, however, 356 ECKBERT. A. D. 1160. [Sect. 11. I •I says that among those with whom he was connected, it was called Malilosa, and was celebrated in the Autumn. « Beside these things, we have discovered a new, and hitherto unheard of, madness of their's, which some of them when they were examined by the Clergy in the City of Cologne (where by the people full of fervent zeal they were burned) openly confessed-for they said that human souls were no other than those apostate spirits who m the beginning of the world were cast out of the Kingdom of Heaven, and that they might obtain salvation in human bodies, by means of good works; but this only among those who belonged to their Sect. " Such things as these they have for a long while pri- vately whispered, going about everywhere to the houses of such persons as were liable to be seduced ; and we have heard that these most wicked whisperers do in these times lead captive many unhappy souls in their bonds. They compass, if 1 may so speak, sea and land that they may make one Catharus, and asperse every other mode of reli- gion by impious detraction, and affirm that no one can be saved unless he joins their sect. It is therefore necessary that all who have zeal for God and their senses exercised in the holy scriptures should watch with all diligence m order to take these most wicked little foxes which destroy the vineyard. Their errors indeed are so many that no one can number them ; but I have distinguished and set in order those which appeared to me the most dangerous, because 1 intend by God's help to write against them in particular." Eckbert then proceeds in the rest of this discourse to give an account of the Manichasan heresy. The second discourse is entitled, " That the Christian doctrine ought not to be hidden," and ^V^ Sect. 11.] ECKBERT. A. D. 1160. 357 after shewing this from various passages of scrip- ture, he says — " You never openly preach your doctrine without which you believe that no one can be saved, though our Lord says, * Him that confesseth me before men I will also confess before my Father which is in Heaven.' If it hap- pens that any one of you is apprehended for his error, you either altogether deny your faith, or then first confess some of your errors when you have no longer any hope of life. That confession, however, is not to your praise but is like the confession of a thief, who, when he despairs of life, impudently confesses his crimes under the gallows, and the death which some of you sometimes suffer, from a people zealous for the law of God, is not like the martyr- doms of Apostles, but like the executions of thieves and robbers." The third discourse is " On the increase, and manifestation, of the Catholic faith;" and is in- tended to shew the benefits arising from the open preaching of the faith, as contrasted with the secret practices which he charges on the heretics. The fourth discourse is entitled " Concern- ing that which is written, * Faith without works is dead ;' " and is intended to shew, that the im- morality which the heretics charged upon the priests of the Romish Church, when admitted to the fullest extent, did not destroy the faith of that church, or render it a dead faith in such a sense as that it should cease to be true. The fifth discourse is " Concerning mar- riage." Though it is very long it contains little i *ilM 358 ECKBERT. A. D. 1160. [Sect. 11, Sect. II.t ECKBERT. A. D. 1160. 359 more than what he had before stated in his in- troduction, which I have already given, except that he calls those of whom he had before said that they admitted of a certain species of mar- riage, the followers of Hartwinus. The sixth discourse is " Concerning the eating of flesh ;" and is wholly occupied in proving that it is lawful, and refuting their objections, which have been already stated. The seventh discourse is " On the baptism of children ;" and is merely a defence of infant baptism. The eighth discourse is '' On water-baptism 3" and begins thus, " I am not ignorant however that you hold as great a heresy concerning the baptism of Adults, as that which has now been discussed concerning infant-baptism ; for you say, that a man is indeed to be baptized when he comes to years of discretion, not however in water, but in fire ; and that the baptism of water is of no use to any body. You defend this error by the words which John spoke with reference to the Lord the Saviour ; * He shall baptize you in the Holy Ghost and fire.^ Hence it is that those whom you receive into your Catharist Society (as I have heard from one who had been initiated into your mysteries) you re-baptize in the following manner- assembling yourselves in some obscure chamber, your first care is, lest there should be any window, or door, through which those who are without might see or hear what is going on within. Since it is written he that doeth evil hateth the light, lamps are placed in great num- bers in all the walls. The company stand arranged in a circle, with great reverence, for they are engaged in a holy service, though certainly one more pleasing to the devil than to God. The unhappy person who is to be bap- tized, or Catharized, is placed in the middle, and the Archi- catharus stands by him, holding in his hand a book ap- pointed for this purpose. Placing it upon his head, he utters benedictions (which might more properly be called maledictions) while the rest of the company pray ; and they make a child of hell, and not of the kingdom of God, and thus this baptism is performed. It is said more- over to be made in fire, on account of the fire of the lights which burn all around." The ninth discourse is " Against the heresy concerning the souls of the dead ;" and consists only of a long defence of Purgatory. The tenth discourse is " Against the heresy with regard to the priesthood," and is occupied in proving the validity of the orders of the Romish Church. The eleventh discourse is " Against the " heresy respecting the body and blood of the " Lord ;" and is, of course, a defence of tran- substantiation, which he introduces by saying, " You lie under an evil report also on this account, that you do not hold that faith concerning the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which the Catholic Church confesses [and, after stating the doctrine of the Church of Rome, he adds] this is our faith; and it is said that you altogether refuse to believe that the body of the Lord can be made by any priest, either good or bad, by any conse- cration, or that it can be received to be eaten by any man. And this I believe ; and that you are now in this error. i h ,V. ■ 111 360 ECKBERT. A. D. 1160. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] ECKBERT. A. D. 1160. 361 m. Since you hold in contempt all the priests of the chorch, who administer the Sacraments of the Lord, and make no account of any of their services. 1 remember that 1 once saw, in the presence of Arnold Archbishop of Cologne, a certain man of no little name, who had returned from the sect of the Cathari to his own church, who when we dili- gently enquired respecting their heresies, thus answered, * I will make a very brief reply to your enquiries-all that you believe, all that you do, in the church they con- sider false and nugatory/ When, therefore, he had said this, the Archbishop thought his answer sufficient ; and did not see fit to enquire any further." Proceeding then to defend the Popish doc- trine of transubstantiation, he says, in the course of his argument, « It once happened to me to have a dispute on this subject, in my house at Bonn, with a certain man whom we suspected of belonging to the Cathari ; and it happened that we came to speak about evil priests ; and he said of them ' How can it be, that those who live in a way contrary to reason, should distribute the body of the Lord in the the church ?' and I said to him, ' Do we not read that Pilate, who crucified the Saviour, and was an infidel, had it in his power to give his body to whomsoever he would, and he gave it to Joseph, who was a just man ? The Lord is even now in the same state of endurance, and bears with evil priests, and suffers them to have power in the church, and to distribute his body and blood, as well to the good, as to the evil.^ He immediately replied, ' After that time of his passion he himself did not come into their hands ;' and by these words I sufficiently understood his infidelity, which I before suspected— namely, that he did not believe that the body and blood of Christ could be handled by any man, or received in the church ; and 1 said to l|im with indignation, ' Oh ! Catharist, now I will plainly confute you ;' and I turned over the Epistles of Paul, which T had at hand, and shewed him that place where, writing to the Corinthians, he says, ' whosoever shall eat the bread, or drink the cup, of the Lord, unworthily, shall be guilty of the body and blood of the Lord ; let a man therefore try himself, and so let him eat of that bread, and drink of that cup, for whosoever eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh judgment to himself, not discerning the Lord's body.' When I had expounded these words to him, I convicted him by saying, ' If it is as you say — namely, that from the time when our Lord left this world, his body has not come into the bands of any one, the con- sequence is, that no one since that time can have eaten his body or drank his blood, either worthily or unworthily, and if it cannot have been taken unworthily by any one, ^none can thereby have brought judgment on themselves. When, therefore, the Apostle said '* he that unworthily receives the body and blood of the Lord eateth and drink- eth judgment to himself,'* he said that which had no mean- ing.' When I said this he was silent, neither denying the infidelity with which 1 charged him, nor admitting the truth with which I had confuted him.^' Eckbert then goes on to argue upon the text just quoted, applying it to his adversaries gene- rally ; and he charges them with receiving the sacrament unworthily at the time of Easter, in order that those whom they procured to defend their orthodoxy might be able to say, <* * What fault have we to find with these men ? they are good, and just, and do all that christians ought to do. I wish we were like them.' From one man who came out of your hiding places I heard this piece of your wis- 3 A 362 ECKBERT. A. o. 1160. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] HISTORIA VIZELUCENSIS. a. d. 1167. 363 li dom-yourbody is the Lord's; and therefore you make the body of the Lord when you bless your bread, and sup- port your body with it. It is to this that you secret y refer, when, on being asked whether you have a true fa.th concerning the body of the Lord, you reply that you have a good faith concerning the body of the Lord. After such arguments against this as the reader may imagine, he says— « There was a certain man of our time of whom it was reported, that he had imbibed your Catharism, and who when he was asked just before his death if he w.shed to receive the body of the Lord, is said to have repUed If the body of the Lord had been as large as the rock of Erenbertus it would have been long ago consumed, con- sidering how long it is since it began to be eaten. The twelfth discourse is « Against the heresy respecting the human nature of the Saviour ;" and he begins it by saying, » It seems to me that I have been building a house without a foundation; for those who know you well say, that you deny the humanity of the Saviour. If it be so I have lost my time in disputing with you about the body and blood of the Lord. I can however believe, that the disciples of an insane teacher, may be themselves insane ; for Manes, the leader of your error, taught that our Saviour so far appeared in human nature that be seemed to be, but was not truly, a man ; and that he was not truly born of the Virgin, and did not truly suffer, or die, or rise from the dead," &c. The rest of the discourse is occupied in re- futing these errors. The thirteenth discourse is " Against the heresy concerning human souls ;" and it begins thus, " As to the heresy to which 1 have before assigned the tenth place, I know not whether it universally prevails in this sect, because in many things they differ among themselves ; so that what is asserted by some of them is denied by others ; I mean that heresy by which they say that human souls are nothing but those apostate spirits who in the beginning of the world, fell from the kingdom of God ; and that these may, in human bodies, come to merit salvation ; not however unless they belong to their Sect. This indeed is not to be found among the Mani- chtean errors ; but another, not less insane, respecting souls is to be found ; and therefore I am, as I have said, in doubt whether these men generally hold this error or not." I do not see that these discourses of Eckbert, contain anything else that is to our purpose. The History of the Monastery of Vezelai, A.D. 1167. This history was written by Hugo Pictavi- nus, Notary of William Abbot of the Monastery of Vezelai, in Burgundy, who began it by com- mand of the Abbot Pontius, in the year 1156, and finished it in 1167. I have not yet been able to see this work ;^^ but the kindness of a " It is contained in the Second Volume of Dachery's Spicilegium. M 364 HISTORIA VIZELUCENSIS.. AB. "87 [S«CT. 11. friend has furnished me with an extract which I shall give at length, among the authorities, translating here only what immediately relates to our subject. ^ The author tells us that some heretics, such as were called Telonarii, or Poplicani, were ap- prehended at Vezelai ; and that, being put to the torture, they endeavoured to conceal their heresy by evasion, and subterfuge-that upon this the Abbot ordered them to be separately confined ; and for more than sixty days various methods were used to convict or convert them— and that at length, after much fruitless labour, they were convicted by the Archbishops of Lyons, and Nar- bonne, with the Bishop of Nisines. and many Abbots, and other learned men, of the following ll6r6S1CS t "" « That confessing with their mouths the being of a God, they entirely make void all the Sacraments of the Church-namely, the baptism of children, the Eucharist, the sign of the lifegiving Cross, the sprinkling of holy water, the building of Churches, the payment of tithes and oblations, marriage, monastic institutions, and all the duties of Priests and Ecclesiastics. And when Easter drew on, two of them, having heard that they were shortly to be destroyed by the judgment of fire, pretended that they believed what the Catholic Church believes, and that to be reconciled to the Church they would give satisfac tion by the trial of water. In the procession, therefore, of the Easter solemnity, they were brought forth in the midst of a great multitude, which filled the whole court [of the Monastery] in the presence of Guichard Bishop of Lyons, Sect. 11.] GUILIELMUS NEUBRIGENSIS. a. d. 1197. 365 Bernard Bishop of Nismes, and Master Walter Bishop of Laon, with William Abbot of Vezelai. Being enquired of as to the several articles of faith, they said, that they be- lieved as the Catholic Church believes. Being asked respect- ing the execrable mystery (de execrabili sacramento) of their heresy, they said that they knew nothing except what has been already stated respecting a disbelief of the Sacra- ments of the Church. Being asked whether they would give proof that they believed as they had professed, and had no further knowledge of the secrets of their heresy, by the trial of water, they freely, and without its being imposed upon them, answered that they would. Then all the assembly with one voice exclaimed ' Thank God !' and the Abbot answering said to all who were present * What then my Brethren does it appear to you that we ought to do with those who persevere in their obstinacy ? They all answered ' Let them be burnt I Let them be burnt I" It is not to our purpose to pursue the story; but the reader who turns to the autliorities will see that one of those, who submitted to the trial by water, was acquitted; and that the other, after having twice undergone that ordeal, nar- rowly escaped being burned, with the seven who remained obdurate. Guilielmus Neubrigensis, a.d. 1197. The account which this writer has given of the Publicans, who were condemned at the Council of Oxford, in 1160, has been already i'%• 384 ERMENGARDUS. a. d. 1200. li II [Sect. 11. Sbct.11.] EBRARDUS. a. d. 1212. 385 throws light on the extraordinary practice which it is written to condemn; but it may be observed that the author professes his own inability to discover whence the heretics derived it — after stating that their consolamentum differed from the imposition of hands practised by the apostles, inasmuch as it was given indiscriminately to all persons, great and small, men and women, and conclud- ing from thence, that they had not received the rite from the Apostles, he adds, that it is a matter much to be won- dered at (valde assidue mirandum est), from whom this custom of the consolamentum had its origin.] Ch. XV. " On eating meat ; and some other things, ** It is the faith of all the heretics, that no one who after receiving the consolamentum eats meat, or cheese, or eggs, can be saved, unless he receives penance from them and is re-consoled.'''^ Ch. XVI. " On the Resurrection of the dead* " Having spoken of the eating of meat, let us speak concerning the resurrection of the dead ; for the heretics, imitating the error of the Sadducees, destroy [the doctrine] of the resurrection of dead men.'' « but here the heretics object that flesh and blood cannot inherit the Kingdom of God," &c. Ch. XVII. ^^On the Invocation of Saints and Prayers for the dead. " Against the perverse opinions of some heretics, who assert that the Saints and their prayers are of no avail for those who are still in the service of Christ in this world ; and that the dead are not assisted by the benefactions and prayers of the living, we defend our faith," &c *' moreover there are those who say that no man can be saved who does not repent, except in the article of death, 20 See before, p. 346. u. 8. and that we are not to pray for him. But let them hear what our Lord said to the thief, who repented in his last moments, and was unable to make satisfaction, ' To-day Shalt thou be with me in Paradise.' Also, * At what time soever a sinner shall repent he shall be saved.' But you say that you can cause a sinner to be saved without re- pentance, and satisfaction ; wherein it is to be observed, that you endeavour to detract from the divine power ; since the Lord says, by the Prophet, ' I am he that blotteth out the iniquities, and sins of the people ;' but God does not blot out the sin of this sinner whom you affirm that you save, because he does not repent. Take care therefore that in future you do not presume to say anything so detestable." Ch. XVIII. '* Of Oaths.'' [This chapter merely defends the lawfulness of oaths, and states no other objections than those founded on the words of our Lord, Matt. v. 34. " I say unto you swear not at all," &c.] Ch. XIX. " On the putting of men to death.'' [So I presume, we should translate «de occisione hominis," supposing the question to be respecting the lawfulness of capital punishment— it may however be of homicide-^but the manuscript is imperfect, and the few words which remain of the chapter give no explanation] Ebrardus. a. d. 1212. This writer has been already mentioned, p. 98 ; and I have stated that his date is uncer- tain ; as, however, after what has been said it is of no consequence where he is placed, I have re- tained the date which some have (I think erro- ' 3 D 886 EBRARDUS. a. D. 1212. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] EBRARDUS. a. D. 1212. 387 neoiisly) assigned to him. His book as printed by Gretser, (at least as reprinted from his edition in the Bibliotheca Patrum") is entitled " Contra Waldenses," and in the beginning of his second chapter he mentions that sect by name — yet I think the reader will see reason to believe (as I have already stated) that by Waldenses he meant Albigenses, and that he was not very well ac- quainted with either sect. The titles of his chapters are as follow : — Ch. I. " That the law is not to be rejected, and that many were saved under the law." Ch. II. " That the Prophets and Patriarchs were worthy of salvation, and were saved." In this chapter he says, " The Waldenses consign to damnation the Prophets and the Patriarchs, and ail who died before the Passion ; whereas it is written, « Touch not mine anointed and do my prophets no harm.' For this they pretend to have the authority of our Lord, who says, < All that ever came be- fore me were thieves and robbers' (quotquot venerunt ante me, fures fuerunt et iatrones). They misunderstand that ante; for who was ever before, that is prior to, him, when he was in the beginning, and before all things ? of whom it is said * the first born of every creature,' and what creature, then, was there before him ? None whatever. Let us then read, as is better, and say as we ought to do, ante eum, that is contra eum. For he who comes against him, enters not into the sheepfold by the door, and is "Tom. IV. Col. 1074. therefore a thief and a robber. For dvli in Greek is the same as contra in Latin." I give this passage, partly because it im- putes an opinion to the Waldenses, and partly that the reader may form a judgment of the author, particularly with reference to the points already stated, p. 98, &c. Ch. III. " That he who gave the Law to Moses was the true, and Almighty, God." Ch. IV. " That a building of stone ought to "be called a church ; and of the ecclesiastical " tonsure." Ch. V. " That Almighty God created all things visible, and invisible." Ch. VI. " That children, even before they can speak, ought to be baptized." Ch. VII. " That marriage is lawful ; and appointed by God." Ch. VIII. •* Of the Host ; that it is the very body of the Lord." Ch. IX. " That we shall rise in our own flesh, and not in any other." Ch. X. " That ofiferings ought to be made to the priests, and in the church." Ch. XI. " That the anointing with oil is good, and profitable to the sick." Ch. XII. " That the making of pilgrimages is good, and of divine appointment." Ch. XIII. " That John the Baptist was a good man, (bene meruit) and is saved." ill 388 EBRARDUS. A. D. 1212. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] EBRARDUS. A. D. 1212. 389 Ch. XIV. " That it is lawful to swear, and to affirm the truth by an oath." Ch. XV. " That we ought to punish male- factors, and even to put them to death." Ch. XVI. " That faith is of more avail than " works ; and that faith is to be sought after in " the first place." Ebrardus begins this chapter by saying — " Neglecting also the christian faith, they " cause themselves to be called disciples of ** Christ, while they are rather disciples of Anti- " christ — for confiding entirely in works, they " pass over faith ; whereas faith should rather be " placed before works. For in turning over the ** pages of Holy Writ, I have not found that " works without faith are of any value ; but I " have frequently observed, that faith without " works did avail." ^^ ^ " Fidem quoque negligentes Cbristianam, Christ! " discipulos se faciunt appellari, cum sint potius Anti- ** christi. In operibus enim solummodo confidentes, fidem " prsetermittunt, cum fides operibus potius sit preeponenda. *' Revolvens etenim paginas scripturarum, opera prcBter " fidem vaiere non reperi. Fidem vero, praBter opera, " vaiere multotiens annotavi/' In fact, Ebrard so strongly maintains the doctrine of justification by faith, that Gret- ser felt it necessary to give a preface, and notes, to this chapter. He says, " Cave autem existimes, Ebrardum " celebrare et decantare solam seu soiitariam illam fidem " Haereticorum nostri temporis, cui soli et unicae justifica- Ch. XVII. " That the cross of the Lord is to « be venerated ; and the wood of the cross to be " venerated." Ch. XVIII. " That women will be saved in the female sex." He charges the heretics with maintaining, that the sex of women will be changed at the resurrection ; and with ground- ing the error on a misunderstanding of two texts of scripture. First, that in which our Lord says, " Come, ye blessed of my Father" — where " Venite benedicti dixit, non henedictcB ;" and secondly, where St. Paul says " 'Till we all " come, in the unity of the faith, and of the " knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect " maw, unto the measure of the stature of the « fulness of Christ." Eph. iv. 13. « From this," says he, " they affirm that we shall come to "judgment as at the age of thirty, and that " women will change their sex." I beg the reader's pardon for quoting such nonsense; but as Ebrard has been cited as an authority, and I have spoken somewhat dis- respectfully of him in a former section, I feel it necessary to give some account of his book. " tionem et salutem eeternam adscribunt," &c. This chapter was evidently not much to the purpose of Ebrard's argument against the Waldenses ; and therefore it is not to our present purpose ; but it would have been quite in place in Milnefs History. 390 EBRARDUS. A. d. 1212. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] PETER OF VAUX-SERNAI. a. d. 1218. 391 which 1 should otherwise have passed over, as one from which little or no information is to be obtained. Ch. XIX. " That there ought to be various Orders, and various states of religion." This seems to be the meaning of the title, which is " Quod varii sint Ordines ; et varise religiones salutis," for in the chapter he goes on to shew, that the church consists of three orders, dis- tinguished by marriage, continence, and virgin- ity. Ch. XX. " That they ought not to pride " themselves on their fasting; and that it is law- " ful to eat meats." Ch. xxr. " That whatever they do secretly is forbidden"- that is, that they ought to come to the light, and not to conceal their doctrine. Ch. xxiT. " That the heretics do not give up, but rather seek after, temporal things." Ch. XXIII. « A Proof that they are them- selves heretics ; and no others." Ch. XXIV. "That the Scripture ought to be " understood spiritually ; and not according to " the letter." Ch. XXV. « Against those who are called Xabatati." Ch. XXVI. « On the various sorts of Heretics, and their opinions." Ch. xxvn. " A disputation against the Jews." Ch. XXVIII. " Questions to catch (decipiendos marg. capiendos) heretics." These questions, as I have stated, are chiefly framed on apparent discrepancies of various passages of scripture; and seem to have been merely intended to puzzle heretics — for instance, " Every plant which my Heavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted up ;" but St. Paul says, " I have planted,'' &c. — Our Lord said, " These are the words which I spake unto you while I was yet with you ;" was he not " with them" when he was saying this ? — Our Lord said, " I have many things to say and to Judge of you ;" and again, " I judge no man" — he said, " mg doctrine is not mine'' — "if Rachel wept, why did she refuse to be comforted ? and, if she re- fused to be comforted, why did she weep ?" — but perhaps I have said more than enough of a book which seems to have been principally written to shew the author's learning, and his acuteness in framing and answering objections ; and from which we can learn but little of those whom he opposed, because he knew but little himself. Peter of Vaux-SernaL a.d. 1218. This monk of Citeaux, the eye-witness and historian of the Albigensian Crusade, is sufii- ciently known. I assign to him this year be- 392 PETER. A. D. 1218. [Sect. 11. cause it is that with which his history ends. I have not, at present, access to his work, but I find the following extracts in the annals of Raynaldus.^ ^' First it is to be knotrn that the heretics held that there are two Creators ; viz. one of invisible things, whom they called the benevolent God, and another of visible things, whom they named the malevolent God. The New Testament they attributed to the benevolent God ; but the Old Testament to the malevolent God, and rejected it alto- gether, except certain authorities which are inserted in the New Testament from the Old ; which, out of reverence to the New Testament, they esteemed worthy of reception. They charged the author of the Old Testament with falsehood, because the Creator said, *■ In the day that ye eat of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil ye shall die;' nor (as they say) after eating did they die; when, in fact, after the eating the forbidden fruit they were subjected to the misery of death. [ JThey also call him a homicide, as well because he burned up Sodom and Gomorrha, and destroyed the world by the waters of the deluge, as because he overwhelmed Pharaoh, and the Egyptians, in the sea. They affirmed also, that all the fathers of the Old Testa- ment were damned ; that John the Baptist was one of the greater demons. They said also, in their secret doctrine, (in secreto suo) that that Christ who was born in the visible, and terrestrial Bethlehem, and crucified in Jerusalem, was a bad man, and that Mary Magdalene was his concubine ; and that she was the woman taken in adultery, of whom we read in the gospel. For the good Christ, as they said, never ate, nor drank, nor took upon him true flesh, nor An. 1204, §. 59. Sect. 11.] PETER OF VAUX-SERNAI. ad. 1218. 393 ever was in this world, except spiritually in the body of Paul. I say in the terrestrial and visible Bethlehem, because the heretics feigned that there was another new and invisible country, and in that country, according to some, the good Christ was born and crucified. Also the heretics said that the good God had two wives CoUant and Colibant ; and from them begat sons, and daughters. There were other heretics who said that there is one Creator, but that he had for sons, Christ and the Devil. These, also, said that all creatures were good ; but that by the daughters of whom we read in the Apocalypse, [marg. Genesis] all things had been corrupted." In the next two Sections, Raynaldus gives the following extract : — • " They said that almost all the Church of Rome was' a den of thieves ; and that it was the harlot of which we read in the Apocalypse. /They so far annulled the sacra- ments of the Church, aspublicly to teach that the water of holy Baptism was just the same as river water, and that the Host of the most holy body of Christ did not differ from common bread ; instilling into the ears of the simple this blasphemy, that the body of Christ, even though it had been as great as the Alps, would have been long ago con- sumed, and annihilated by those who had eaten of it. Con- firmation and Confession, they considered as altogether vain and frivolous. They preached that Holy Matrimony was meretricious, and that none could be saved in it, if they should beget Children. Denying also the Resurrection of the flesh, they invented some unheard of notions, saying, that our souls are those of angelic spirits who, being cast down from heaven by the apostacy of pride, left their glorified bodies in the air ; and that these souls themselves, after successively inhabiting seven terrene bodies, of one 3 £ 394 PETER OF VAUX-SERNAI. a. d. 1218. [Sect. 11. sort or another, having at length fulfilled their penance, return to those deserted bodies.^'' " It is also to be known that some among the heretics were called ' perfect' or ' good men ;' others ' believers' of the heretics. Those who were called perfect, wore a black dress, falsely pretended to chastity, abhorred the eating of flesh, eggs and cheese,^ wished to appear not liars, when they were continually telling lies, chiefly respecting God. They said also that they ought not on any account to swear. <' Those were called believers of the heretics, who lived after the manner of the world, and who though they did not attain so far as to imitate the life of the perfect, nevertheless hoped to be saved in their faith ; and though they differed as to their mode of life, they were one with them in belief and unbelief. Those who were called be- lievers of the heretics were given to usury, rapine, homicide, lust, perjury, and every vice ; and they, in fact, sinned with more security, and less restraint, because they believed that without restitution, without confession and penance, they should be saved, if only, when on the point of death, they could say a Pater noster, and receive imposition of hands from the teachers7~7 " As to the perfect heretics however they had a magis- tracy whom they called Deacons and Bishops, without the imposition of whose hands, at the time of his death, none of the believers thought that he could be saved ; but if they laid their hands upon any dying man, however wicked, if he could only say a Pater noster, they considered him to be so saved, that without any satisfaction, and with- out any other aid, he immediately took wing to heaven," In his sixty-third Section, Raynaldus quotes I! • « See before, p. 242, note. ^ See before, p. 355, 346, &c. S«CT. 11.] PETER OF VAUX-SERNAI. a. d. 1218. 395 a passage, which will be found at length among the authorities, and of which the following is a part, *' This also they said among their extraordinary ab- surdities—that if any one of the perfect should sin mortally (namely, by eating the least morsel of flesh, or cheese, or eggy or of any prohibited thing) all those who had been consoled by him lost the Holy Spirit ; and it was necessary for him to be re-consoled, and that even those who were saved fell from heaven for the sin of him who had con- soled them." « Another extract in the next Section is as follows, *' There were besides, other heretics, who were called Waldenses^ from a certain person of Lyons named Waldius. These indeed were bad, but in comparison with the other heretics much less erroneous; for in many things they agreed with us, in some things they disagreed. To omit however most of their heretical opinions, their error con- sisted chiefly in four things ; viz. in wearing sandals after the manner of the Apostles, and saying it was not lawful on any account to swear, or to kill, and moreover in this — that they asserted, that any individual of the sect, in case of necessity, if he only had sandals, without having receiv- ed Orders from a Bishop, could make the body of Christ. "It may suffice for us to have extracted these things briefly ooneeming the sects of the heretics. When any one went over to the heretics, he who received him, said, ' Friend, if you wish to be one of us, it behoves you to re- nounce the whole faith that is held by the Romish Church.' He must answer, < I renounce ;'— ' Then receive the Holy Spirit from the good men' — And then he breathes seven times in his face. Also he says to him • you must renounce f ly 396 OUILIELMUS BRITO. a. d. 1223. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] ANONYMOUS, a. d. 1225. 397 that cross which the priest made on you in baptism, on your breast, and on ybur shoulders, and on your head, with oil and chrism.' He must answer, ' I renounce it' — ' Do you believe that water could work your salvation.' He answers, * T do not believe it.' — ' You must renounce that veil which the priest placed on your head when you were baptized.' He must answer, *1 renounce it.' Thus he receives the baptism of the heretics ; and denies the bap- tism of the church. Then they all place their hands upon him, and kiss him, and clothe him with a black gar- ment, and from that hour he is as one of themselves." An A nonymom Writer^ quoted hy the Abbot of Ursperg, about a. d. 1225. A writer quoted by Conrad of Lichtenau, commonly called Abbas Urspergensis, makes the following statement respecting the Waldenses, which the Abbot has inserted in his Chronicle, under the year 1212 : — '^ 27 Guilielmus Brito. A. D. 1223. The poem which this writer (otherwise called Guilhelmus Aremoricus, or Guillermus Brito Armoricus) wrote on the exploits of Philip Au- gustus, King of France, I have not seen ; and know only some lines which are quoted in the Councils. As the precise date of his work is un- certain, I have assigned to it that year in which the reign of its hero terminated. The lines are these ; and only repeat what has been already so often stated as the heresy imputed to the Publi- cans — " Qui bona conjugii reprobant, qui carnibus uti Esse nefas dicunt, aliasque superstitiones Inducunt ; breviter quos tangit epistola Pauli, Omnes qui fidei saperent contraria nostras : Quos Popelicanos vuigari nomine dicunt.'* ^ ^ Philippidos, Lib. i. cited Cone. XI. 6. ^ I translate from a note of Binius, in the tenth vo- lume of the Councils (col. 1533), who gives the passage as if the abbot was speaking in his own person, and had himself witnessed the matters referred to — " testatur hu- " jus temporis scriptor Abbas Urspergensis in Chronico " Anno Domini mccxii. his verbis," &c. We have al- ready seen, however (p. 177), that Pope Lucius issued a decree against the Humiliati, and Poor Men of Lyons, in the year 1 1 83 ; and it is not probable that the abbot, who did not become a priest until 1202, was present at a trans- action which appears to have taken place twenty years before. In the works of most writers, indeed, the use of the first person would be decisive ; but in this case it affords no evidence whatever, for it was the abbot's way to transfer into his Chronicle the statements of earlier writers without altering the person. This habit, though it might have its inconvenience by leading some of his readers into mistakes, yet seems a sort of voucher that he did not make other alterations, but transcribed documents just as he found them. Vossius, after expressing his surprise at this custom, mentions several instances in which the abbot speaks in the first person, and would lead any reader to li' 398 ANONYMOUS, a. D. 1225. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] ANONYMOUS, a. D. 1225. 399 '* There arose two monastic orders in the ehnrch, whose youth was renewed like the Eagle's, and which were confirmed by the Apostolic See — namely those of the Franciscans, and the Dominicans — and which were approved of, perhaps, on this account ; because two sects which still exist, had arisen in Italy, one of which called itself the Humiliati, and the other the Poor Men of LyonSj whom Pope Lucius formerly placed among the heretics, because some superstitious doctrines, and rites were found among them. Moreover, in their private discourses, which they ^engjcajl y made in secret places, th ey spoke disrespectfully of the Church of God, and ofthe priest- hood. I saw, at that time, some of their number, who were called Poor Men of Lyons at the Apostolic See, with a certain leader of t heir's, I think Bernard ; and they were trying to get their sect confirmed and privileged by the Apostolic See. They went about through the towns, and villages, saying, forsooth, that they lived the life of the Apostles, not desiring to have any possessions, or any fixed dwelling-place. The Lord Pope, however, dis- suppose that he had him.self seen things which took place long before he was born — as when, under the year 1099, he says he was with the expedition of Godfrey of Bouillon — that he was at Rome in 1102, when the Pope excom- municated the Emperor — that, in 1106, he saw a comet, &e. " Ubique de se in prima loquitur persona. Ego accepi. Ego veni,'' &c. De Hist. Lat. 460. I know not, there- fore, iit what precise time this writer should be dated ; but, as he speaks as if the Franciscan and Dominican Orders were already become considerable, it may, per- haps, be necessary to place him as late as 1225, which is more than forty years after the transaction which he re- lates. approved of some superstitious points in their way of life — namely that they cut off the upper part of their shoes, and walked apparently barefoot. Besides, though they wore a kind of hoods, as if they belonged to some monas- tic order, they did not cut their hair otherwise than as laymen. This also appeared scandalous respecting them — that men and women went travelling about together, and commonly lived in the same house, and (it was said) sometimesijay in the same bed. All which things, how- ever, they asserted to have come down from the Apostles. The Lord Pope therefore, instead of them, confirmed some others who rose up in their place, who called them- selves Poor Minors (Pauper es Minor es) who rejected the before-mentioned superstitious and scandalous matters, but went really barefoot both in summer and winter, and re- ceived neither money nor anything else but food, unless it happened that some one might of his own accord offer them some necessary garment, but they did not ask any- thing from anybody. These, however, afterwards con- sidering that sometimes too much talk of humility be- comes boasting, and that the name of poverty, falsely assumed by so many, was vain-glorious in the sight of God, chose rather to be called Minor Friars (Minoreg Fratres) than Poor Minors, being in all things obedient to the Apostolic See. The others, namely the Dominicans, are supposed to have come in the place of the Humiliati. For the Humiliati, having no authority, or licence, from the Prelates, but thrusting their sickle into the harvest of others, preached to the people, and took upon them gene- rally to regulate their lives, to hear their confessions, and to bring into discredit the ministry of the priests. The Pope, wishing to correct these things, instituted and con- firmed the order of Preachers [or Dominicans] for the former were uneducated and illiterate, and employed in manual labour, and preached, obtaining what was neces- ';, 'hi 400 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. p. 1254. [Sect. 11. tt\ sary for their support from their followers; but these latter, constantly occupied in study, and in reading the sacred Scriptures, had no other occupation than that of writing books, and most diligently hearing thenni from their superiors, so that they could go forth with the arrows and the bow, and all the armour of the mighty, and stand for the defence of the holy mother church, and go up against them, and place themselves as a wall for the house of Israel. While they confirm faith, and instruct in virtue, they teach and commend the statutes of the church, and reprove and correct the sins and vices of men ; being nevertheless obedient in all things to the Apostolic See from which they derive their chief authority.*" Reinerius Saccho. a. d. 1254. (K What has been already said respecting this writer^ may form a sufficient introduction ; but, as he has been so frequently cited as an authority, by writers who seem not to have been much acquainted with his work, and as that work is probably not in the hands of most of those who read the more modern books, in which it is ap- ^£\ ^ pealed to, I shall give rather copious extracts. It ^o Q^^J was published by Gretser, and is reprinted in the > t.' %^^ ^r^^Bibliotheca Patrum, Tom iv. P. ii. col. 746 \i i^- ^-' J The^r*^ chapter is a commendation of the christian faith ; shewing its superiority to the faith of the heretics, in eleven points. 28 See before, p. 23—36. V \ Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 401 The second chapter, in less than seven lines, discusses the question " Who is a heretic ?" The thirdf fourth and fifth chapters, I give entire — On the Causes of Heresy^ Chap. III. " And thirdly observe that there are six causes of heresy, <* The^r*^ is vain-glory— for, seeing that the doctors 1 receive honour in the church, they also covet to receive I honour for learning. i " The second is that all — namely, men and women, small and great, night and day, do not cease to learn. ^ i The workman who is employed all day,Teaclies orTearns Is in the night ; and therefore they pray but little, by reason f of study. They teach, and learn, without books; and they I also teach and learn in the houses of the lepers. Also, by \ way of introduction, they teach men to avoid the seven I mortal sins, and these three things — namely, lying, slan- J dering, and swearing. These they prove by many autho- rities, and call them the ten commandments. Also by the time that a man has learned for a weeK, he looks out for a scholar, as one curtain draws another. To those who would excuse themselves, as not being able to learn, they say * Learn only one word every day, and in a year's time you will know three hundred, and you will get on.' What I say is true. A certain heretic for this purpose only, that he might turn away a person from our faith to his own, swam to him in the night, in the winter time, through the water which is called .^ Here we may blame the negligence of the orthodox teachers, who are not so zealons ^ It appears that somethiDg is omitted in the text. 3f 402 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. [SiBCT. 11. for the truth of the catholic faith, as these heretical Leon- ists are for the error of their infidelity. / " The third cause of heresy is this— that they have J translated the New and Old Testament into the vulgar I tongue, and thus they teach and learn. 1 have seen and / heard a certain lay countrynaan, who repeated the book of Job word for word ; many who perfectly knew the whole New Testament.^® And because they are uneducated laymen, they expound the Scriptures falsely, and cor- ruptly ; as that passage, St. John, I. ' He came unto his own and his own received him not' — (In propria venit, et sui eum non receperunt) — they say that sui means swine, taking sui for sues. And that in the Psalms," ' Rebuke the wild beasts of the reeds,' they translate « Straffe die Thier der SchwalbeiC [of the swallows'] mis- taking harundinis for hirundinis. Moreover they give titles to the Psalms— thus, Eructavit [Ps. xlv.] they call d: Maid Psalmi, Exurgat [Ps. Ixviii.] they call der Rack [the vengeance]. De profundis, [Ps. cxxx.] they call der re Psalm, and so of the rest. " They teach and learn at secret times and places ; nor do they admit any one who is not a believer. When they assemble, they say in the first place, * Take care that there is not a crooked stick among us' — that is, any so « I own," say* Allix, " that by Peter Waldo's taking care to " have the Holy Scripture translated into the vulgar tongue, the churches " of Italy reaped much benefit fi-om that version, whereof we have to " this day some old copies in the Library of the Univei-sity of Cam- «* bridge." Ch. of Pied. 192. If they are still there, it would be worth while to see whether they contain these mistakes. If they do not it will be no proof that they are not genuine (for the charge may be false) but if they do, it will be something, though not decisive, in their favour -, because if they are forgeries, he who made them might probably be aware that they had been said to contain these erroi*s. 3» Ps. Ixvii. 31. Vulgate. i ( I \ Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACX:H0. a. d. 1254. 403 stranger. They direct also that their doctrine shall be concealed from the clergy ; so that some speak by signs, which are intelligible only to themselves. Thus the here- tics transform words so that none but themselves can understand. The church they call 5^etnAau5z^ [a house of stones], the altar Steinhauff [a heap of stones], the clergy Scribes, the monks Pharisees, and so with regard to many other things. They never give a direct answer. ** The fourth cause of heresy, is the offence arising \ from the bad example of^om^ persons ; so that when they \ \ see some persons leading an ill life, they say, * The U Apostles did not live so — neither do we who are imitators u of the Apostles.' " The Jifth cause is the want of learning in some\ persons, who preach sometimes what is frivolous, some- A times what is false ; wherefore, whatever a doctor of the 1 1 church preaches, which he does not prove by the text of J/ the New Testament, they look upon as a mere fable,'^ against the rule of the Church. " The sixth cause is the want of reverence which sonae \ ministers of the church manifest towards the sacraments. ^ " The seventh cause is their hatred against the Church. 1 T have heard from the mouths of the heretics, that they / intended to reduce the regular clergy to the state of day-. I labourers, by taking away their tithes and possessions, and by the power and multitude of their believers and favourers. When a certain heresiarch named Hainricus, SLs\QX£Tof Xeroin \jnarg. Cheron] was led to execution, he said publicly, ' You are right in condemning us ; be- cause, if we were not kept under, the same power which t ti ^■^ Hartzheim, referring to this passage of Reinerius, says " nomi- nahant Ecclesiaro domum siramineam^'' which seems as if he had had a different reading. Digress, ad Sac. xiii. §. 15. Cone. Germ. Tom. IV. p. 60. 404 REINERIUS SACCHO. a.d. 1254. [Sect. 11. you exercise against us, we should use against you — that is, against all the clergy, monks, and laity.' In all the cities, however, of Lombardy and Provence, and in other kingdoms and countries, there were more schools of the heretics, than of Theologians, and more hearers, who dis- puted publicly and assembled the people at solemn dispu- tations, preached in the market-place and the fields, and in houses, and there was no one who dared to hinder them, on account of the power and number of their favourers. " I have frequently been present at the inquisition and examination of heretics; and the schools^ of the heretics in the Diocese of Passau, have been reckoned at forty one. In a place which is called Clemmate^ were ten congregations ; and the priest of that church was killed by the heretics, and for that matter no trial followed. There are however these churches which the heretics have — Zengeuelde and schools there — also in Strouizingen^ and schools there — also in Zeuuhs — also in Drossendorff — also at St. Oswald's — also Emzempachj and schools there, and a bishop — also at St, Christopher's — also Pehaimfirchen — also in Ibsia — also at St. George's — also at Dansteten — also in Brachlaten — also in Meuustati — also in Ardach — also in Sitensieten — also at St. Peter's in Auu^ and schools there — also in Aszpach — also in Bolszpach — also in Mitra — also in Hage — also in Spunelburch — also at St. Valentine's — also in Herdischhofen — also in Stehra, and schools there — also at St. Florian's—also at Mahzued—Siho in Simich, and schools there — also Bezsensfirchen — also in Chememna- 33 " Scholae*'— which 1 should prefer translating by congregations or assemhliea^ but that Reinerius seems to distinguish them from churches, as if there were churches where there were no schools, but not schools without churches. It seems best, therefore, to give the word (especially when he speaks of schola leprotorumj without attempting to explain it. Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a.d. 1254. 405 ^en,and many schools there ; the priest was slain by them — also in Neutienhofen^ and three schools of lepers (scholae leprosorum) — also in Melsza — also in Eruuans — also in Gimnecrochen—oX^o at St. Mary's — also at Puppingen — also in Griefzfirchen — also in Narden — also in Anaso, and schools there — also in Buchfirchen — also in Acfergenn in Chamer, and schools there — and Ninachleub.'''' " On the Sects of Ancient Heretics. Chap. IV. " In the fourth place, observe, that there have been more than seventy Sects of heretics ; which, by the grace of God, are all destroyed, except the Sects of the Manichae- ans, Arians, Runcarii and Leonists, which have infected Germany.^ Among all these Sects, which still are, or 34 These names are obviously mis-spelt, but I have thought it best to print them just as they stand ; for I really know not how to correct all of them. The reader will, of course, consider the ti, as a r, or half a IP, wherever he pleases ; and any licence of conjectural emendation, is warranted by the wretched manner in which the book is printed. 1 mention this, that in case the reader should find, among those authorities which are taken from the Bibliotheca Patrum, some words which he has not seen before, he may not lay the blame on me, or my printer ; for though I feel scarcely a doubt in any case that has occurred, yet it seems quite as well to let the reader judge, by printing the text, both as to letters and punctuation, just as it stands. If it is obviously misprinted, it will give him no ti-oublej if that is not perfectly clear, he ought to see for himself. 35 ft is singular that Reinerius mentions Germany in particular — that he speaks as if the Leonists, of whom he wrote, used the German language— and that he enters into detail only respecting the Diocese of Passau. It leads me almost to suspect that there is some mistake as to the person, or at least as to the date of the writer; for it seems probable, that if the heretics had been as numerous and powerful as he states, in the Diocese of Passau, at the period when he is supposed to have writ- ten, we should have some other account of them beside his. Crammer, k 'I 406 REINERIUS SACCHO. a.d. 1254. [Sect. 11. k have been, none is more pernicious to the Church than that of the Leonists ; and this for three reasons. The first is, because it is older ; for some say that it has existed from the time of Sylvester, some from the time of the Apostles. The second, because it is more general ; for there is scarcely any country in which this Sect is not. The third, because, while all other Sects excite the ab- horrence of their hearers by the outrageousness of their blasphemies against God, this (namely of the Leonists) has a great appearance of piety ; and they believe all things concerning God, and which are contained in the Creed, rightly — only they blaspheme the Romish Church ; which blasphemy a great multitude of the Laity are easily induced to believe. And, as we read in the Book of Judges, that Samson^s foxes had different faces, but their tails tied together, so the heretics are divided into Sects among themselves, but in attacking the Church they are united. When there are, in one house, heretics of three Sects, of which each condemns the other, each one at the same time attacks the Romish Church ; and thus these crafty little foxes destroy the vineyard of the Lord, that is the Church, by their errors.*' in his " Heiliges Passau/' gives a chapter " On the Apostolical zeal of the Church of Passau against various heretics and jews ;*^ and states, on the authority of Hieronymus Pez (Script. Aust. Tom. i.) that near the end of the time of Bernard, who was Bishop of Passau from the year 1285 to 1313, some heretics came into his neighbourhood of whom twenty were burned for heresy. It is clear, however, that they wei-e charged with the doctrines imputed to the Albigenses, rather than those which Reinerius assigns to the Leonists. He says they called themselves " Lottards," which is, I suppose, a misprint, for LoUardSy as he adds, ** that is those who praise God" (Diese Ketzer nannten sich Lottardos, das ist Gottlobende) and they seem to have been of the same sect, if not the same persons, as those ** Lollardi, sive Deum laudantes/' of whom Mosheim quotes Hocseroius, in his note Ssec. xiv. P. ii. Ch. ii. §. XXX vi. V Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 12,-^4. 407 Of the Sects of Modern Heretics,^ Chap. V. " Observe, that the sect of Poor Men of Lyons, who are also called Leonists, arose in the following manner — once when the principal citizens were assembled in Lyons, it happened that one of them died suddenly, in the presence of the company; whereby one of them was so much alarmed, that he immediately distributed a large property to the poor. And from this cause a great multitude flocked to him, whom he instructed to embrace voluntary poverty, and to be imitators of Christ, and the Apostles. And as he had some little learning (cum autem esset alu quantulum literatus) he taught them the text of the New Testament, in the vulgar tongue ; and when he was re- proved for this rashness, he derided it, and began to urge his doctrine, telling his disciples that the clergy, who were immoral persons, envied their holy life, and doctrine. When the Pope excommunicated them, they persevered in contempt of it, and so, to this day their rancorous doc- trine flourishes everywhere. " Observe three things — Firsts concerning the bias- « phemies wherewith they blaspheme the Romish Church, and its statutes, and all the clergy — in the second part their errors respecting the Sacraments of the Church and the saints are stated — in the Third part, observe the abomi- nation in which they hold the decent, and approved, cus- toms of the Church. '* First, They say that the Romish Church, is not >• The greater part of this chapter is inserted by AUix, in his book on the Churches of Piedmont, p. 232j but with many variations which shew that he had a different text j and some, which lead me to think that he occasionally mistook the meaning. Some of the principal differences will be pointed out in the uotea. im I 408 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 409 the Church of Jesus Christ, but a church of malignants and that it apostatized under Sylvester, when the poison of temporalities was infused into the church. And they say, that they are the church of Christ, because they observe both in word, and deed, the doctrine of Christ, of the Gospel, and of the Apostles. " 2. Their second error is that all vices and sins are in the church, and that they alone live righteously. " 3. That scarcely anyone in the church, but them- selves, preserves the evangelical doctrine. " 4. That they are the true poor in spirit, and suffer persecution for righteousness and faith. " 5. That they are the Church of Jesus Christ. " 6. That the Church of Rome is the Harlot in the Apocalypse, on account of its superfluous decoration which the Eastern Church does not regard .^^ r « 7. That they despise all the statutes of the Church, 1 because they are heavy and numerous. I / <* 8. That the Pope is the head of all errors. I / " 9. That the Prelates are Scribes ; and the Monks, \ |*harisees.^^ Y t "10. That the Pope and all Bishops are homicides Y\ pn account of wars. \ "11. That we are not to obey Prelates; but only God. " 12. That no one is greater than another in the hurch. Matt. 23. " All of you are brethren." ^ " Sextus, quod Romana Ecclesia sit meretrix in Apocalypsi propter superfluum ornatum quein Ecclesia Orientalis non curat." Allix has, " 6. That the Eastern church doth not value or regard the •' Church of Rome ; and that the Church of Rome i« the whore in the " Revelation." * ** Quod Praelati sint scribae ; religiosi, Pharisaei." Allix has, " that the Prelates arc the Scribes, and seeming religious Pharisees.'* " 13. That no one ought to bow the knee before a priest. Rev. ii. where the Angel says to John ' See thou do it not.^ "14. That tithes are not to be given, because first fruits were not given to the church.^® ** 15. That the clergy ought not to have possessions : Deut. xviii. ' The Priests and all the tribe of Levi, shall not have part and inheritance with the people of Israel, be- cause they eat the sacrifices, and they shall receive nothing else.' " 16. That the clergy, and monks, ought not to hav Prebends. " 17. That the Bishops and Abbots ought not to have royal rights. " 18. That the land, and the people, are not to be divided into parts. " 19. That it is a bad thing to found and endow churches and monasteries. " 20. That wills are not to be made in favour of Churches — also, that no one ought to be a tenant of the church — also, they condemn all the clergy for idleness, saying that they ought to work with their hands as the Apostles did — also, they reprobate titles of dignity such as Pope, Bishops, &c. — also, that no one is to be forced into belief — also, that they make no account of all ecclesiastical offices — also, that they care nothing for ecclesiastical privileges — also, they despise the immunity of the Church and of ecclesiastical persons and things — also, they con- temn Councils, Synods, and Assemblies — also, they say that S M *< Quod decimae non sint dandae, quia primitiae ecclesiae non dabantur.** Allix seems to have had what is probably the correct read- ing Cprimitivte) and translates « That tithes are not to be given to prirsts, because there was no use of them in the primitive church.'* 3 G I 408 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 409 the Church of Jesus Christ, but a church of malignants and that it apostatized under Sylvester, when the poison of temporalities was infused into the church. And they say, that they are the church of Christ, because they observe both in word, and deed, the doctrine of Christ, of the Gospel, and of the Apostles. " 2. Their second error is that all vices and sins are in the church, and that they alone live righteously. " 3. That scarcely anyone in the church, but them- selves, preserves the evangelical doctrine. " 4. That they are the true poor in spirit, and suffer persecution for righteousness and faith. " 5. That they are the Church of Jesus Christ. " 6. That the Church of Rome is the Harlot in the A pocaly pse, on account of its superfluous decoration which the Eastern Church does not regard.^' /' 7. That they despise all the statutes of the Church, bectiuse they are heavy and numerous. *' 8. That the Pope is the head of all errors. " 9. That the Prelates are Scribes ; and the Monks, Ipharisees.^* / "10. That the Pope and all Bishops are homicides •n account of wars. "11. That we are not to obey Prelates ; but only God. " 12. That no one is greater than another in the Church. Matt. 23. " All of you are brethren." 't 37 " Sextus, quod Romana Ecclesia sit meretrix in Apocalypsi propter superfluum ornatum quein Ecclesia Orientalis non curat.' AUix has, " 6. That the Eastera church doth not value or regard the *' Church of Rome : and that the Church of Rome is the whore in the «< Revelation.^' ^ *' Quod Praelati sint scribs -, religiosi, Pharisaei." Allix has, ** that the Prelates are the Scribes, and seeming religious Pharisees.^* " 1 3. That no one ought to bow the knee before a priest. Rev. ii. where the Angel says to John ' See thou do it not.^ " 14. That tithes are not to be given, because first fruits were not given to the church.^® ** 15. That the clergy ought not to have possessions : Deut. xviii. ' The Priests and all the tribe of Levi, shall not have part and inheritance with the people of Israel, be- cause they eat the sacrifices, and they shall receive nothing else.' " 16. That the clergy, and monks, ought not to hav Prebends. <* 17. That the Bishops and Abbots ought not to have royal rights. " 18. That the land, and the people, are not to be divided into parts. " 19. That it is a bad thing to found and endow churches and monasteries. " 20. That wills are not to be made in favour of Churches — also, that no one ought to be a tenant of the church — also, they condemn all the clergy for idleness, saying that they ought to work with their hands as the Apostles did — also, they reprobate titles of dignity such as Pope, Bishops, &c. — also, that no one is to be forced into belief — also, that they make no account of all ecclesiastical offices — also, that they care nothing for ecclesiastical privileges — also, they despise the immunity of the Church and of ecclesiastical persons and things — also, they con- temn Councils, Synods, and Assemblies — also, they say that ^ 3» " Quod decimae non sint dandae, quia primitiae ecclesiae non dabantur.'^ Allix seems to have had what is probably the correct read- ing (primitive) and translates " That tithes are not to be given to priests, because there was no use of them in the primitive church." 36 ^ *■"!■! I /J , / 410 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. D. 1254. [Sect. 11, all parochial rights are inventions — also, they say that monastic rules are the traditions of the Pharisees. " Secondly, they condemn all the Sacraments of the Church ; in the first place, as to baptism, they say that the Catechism is nothing — also, that the ablution which is given to infants profits nothing^ — also, that the Sponsors do not understand what they answer to the priest— also, that that offering which is called anwegen^^ is an invention — also, they reprobate all exorcisms, and benedictions of baptism — also, they reprobate the sacrament of confirma- tion and wonder why Bishops only are allowed to confirm — also, concerning the Sacrament of the Eucharist, they say that Priests in mortal sin cannot consecrate'*^ — also, they say that transubstantiation does not take place in the hand of him who unworthily consecrates, but in the mouth of him who worthily receives ; and that consecration may be made at a common table, Malachi, ' In every place there shall be offered to my name a pure offering' — also, they reprobate this, that the faithful communicate once in a year, because they communicate every day — also, they say that transubstatiation may take place by words in the vul- gar tongue — also, they say that the mass is nothing, be- cause the Apostles had it not, and that it is done for the sake of gain — also, they do not receive the canon of the mass, except only the words of Christ in the vulgar tongue — also, they call the singing in the Church an infernal clamour — also, they reprobate the canonical hours — also, they say that the offering which is made by priests in the ^ " Quod ablutio quae datur infantibus nihil prosit." Allix has " that the absolution pronounced over infants avails them nothing." "** Allix, al wegen. *2 Allix has, in addition, " but that a good layman, yea, a woman if she knows the sacramental words, may^*— Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a.d. 1254. 411 mass is nothing, and does not profit — also, they reprobate the kiss of peace, and of the altar .^'^ « Concerning the sacrament of Penance, they say, that no one can be absolved by a bad priest — also, that a good layman has the power of absolving — also, that they can remit sins by the imposition of hands, and give the Holy Spirit— also, that it is better to confess to a good layman, than to a bad priest — also, that such penance as is not heavy is to be enjoined ; by the example of Christ, «' Carnium" — Allix, reading 1 suppose " cinerum,*' has ashes. *i Allix has " Steinhaus," a houae of stones. >f\ ■m 414 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. they care nothing about the dedication of the church or of the altar — also, they say that the de coration o f the church is a sin and that it would be bett^ftoclothe the poor than I to ornament walls — also, of the altar they say that it is a pity (quod damnum sit) that the cloth should rot upon the stone, and that Christ did not give his disciples stoles, nor scarves, nor surplices — also, they consecrate in a common drinking vessel instead of a chalice — also, they say that the cloth which covers the host is no more than the cloth of their breeches — also, as to lights they say, that God, who is true light, does not need light, and that the only use of them in the churches is that the priests may not break their shins — also, they reprobate censing — they say that* holy water is like common water — i mages, and pict ures, they callsidoi^lcouA^— also, they scoff at the singing in the church, and say that there is no meaning in the music, but only in the words — also, they deride the noise made by the laity — also, they reject the festive processions, as of £aster, and the mournful ones, as of the Rogation days, and at funerals — they say, also, that the chanting by day and night, which the church had not had before, was instituted by Gregory — also, they find fault that a priest is allowed to say many masses in one day^^ — also, they rejoice during an inter- dict because at that time they seduce many — also, they say that men are compelled to go to church for the sake of lucre ; and they also go in a hypocritical manner, offer, confess, communicate, but all hypocritically — also, they make pilgrimages,"^ and so going to Lombardy, visit their *2 Allix adds « for several persons. They laugh at the custom of bringing sick persons on a bench before the altar to make their suppli- cations there for health." ^3 Allix has " they dissuade people from going on pilgrimage to ** Rome, and other places beyond sea j though they themselves ])retend " to go on pilgrimage," &c. Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254. 415 Bishops— also, they despise the sepulchre of Christ and the sepulchres of the saints— also, they reprobate the eccle- siastical burial. Matt, xxiii. ' Woe imto you that build se- pulchres ;' they would even prefer being buried in a field, to being buried in a church-yard, if they were not afraid of the church— also, they say that the offices for the dead, the mass for the defunct, oblations of funerals, testaments, legacies, visitation of sepulchres, reading vigils, anniver- sarius, tricesimus, septimus, and other suffrages do not profit the souls [of the dead]*^— also, they discourage those associations of the laity and clergy which are called Zeche^ and say that all these things are done for the sake of gain. All these errors they hold because they deny Purgatory, saying that there are only two ways— namely, one of the elect to heaven, the other, of the damned to hell. ' Where the tree falls, there it shall be.' For if he is good he wants no suffrage— if not, it will be of no service to him— also, they say that every sin is mortal, and none venial— also, they say that one Pater noster is more efficacious than the sound of ten bells, and more than the mass— also, they say that every oath is a mortal sin. < Swear not at all ; let your communication be yea, yea, nay, nay.' To say ' truly' or < certainly' they account swearing ; for the per- fect among them would rather die than swear ; hut the imper- fect swear if compelled to do it, or even if the form of the oath is recited to them ; excusing themselves from sin by this, lest they should be forced, and should betray secrets^ —also, they consider him who compels anyone to swear as w Allix adds " they condemn the watching with the dead by night, «* because of the follies and wickedness which are acted on these occa- ** sions." « Allix omits what is in italics^ and has, "They think it is an oath to say verihj or certainly , thereby to excuse himself from sin, that he may not divulge secrets," &c. (( 416 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1264. [Sect. U. worse than a homicide — as a confirmer, because in the confirmation he requires an oath/« and a J udge from wit- nesses, and an examiner in the failh, and a priest who compels anyone to abjure his sins whereby many are per- jured—also, they blame him who says, that he who breaks faith given to a priest is guilty of seven perjuries— also, they say that all Princes and judges are damned f and they say that malefactors are not to be condemned, as it is written ' V'engeance is mine, I will repay ;' 'let them both grow'— also, they say that the ecclesiastical jurisdiction which the priests have is exercised not for the sake of correction, but for gain/' In his sixth Chapter, Reinerius gives an account of the Runcarii; of whom he says that they agreed for the most part with the Patrini — he then goes on to speak of the Siscidenses ; of whom he only says, that they " agree with the " Waldenses in almost every thing except that " they receive the sacrament of the Eucharist."'' He then gives a short account of the Ortlibenses — and proceeds — " Also, if you wish perfectly to know the error of the Patrini^ consult the Summa of Brother Tonson. With such, little can be done, except by witnesses, because the imperfect swear, and lie— but the perfect, who are called consolati in Lombardy, and honi homines in Germany, would die before they would do any such thing." ^^ AUix has « as likewise he that confers confirmation, because he exacts an oath from the party that is confii-meii." ^7 So Allix — in the text it stands dantur. ^•*Nisi quod recipiunt Eurharistiae Sacramentum"— where per- haps we should read rejidunt. Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 417 He then speaks of the Ordinarii ; and, after a second notice of the Ortlibenses, he comes to the Catharif of which sect he had been a leader, and to which he had belonged for seventeen years. His evidence, therefore, is worth trans- cribing. " What, then, is the testimony, which " the Inquisitor-General bears to the well-known " faith of those who had once been his breth- i( renr P»»69 *^ The question is Mr. Faber's— and he answers it by printing in capitals, « They believe all things rightly con- " cerning God with all the articles which are contained in " the creed." This, however, as the reader has just seen, is the testimony of Reinerius respecting the Leonists ; whom Mr. Faber considers as including the Waldenses and Albigenses. After quoting from the fourth chapter of Reinerius, he says — " This testimony I hold to be singularly valuable " and important. At the precise time when Reinerius was *' decorate'd or disgraced with the persecuting functions of " Inquisitor-General, the union of the Albigensic church " with the Vallensic church, in the valleys of Piedmont, i " had recently been effected, through the operation of the / *' crusade conducted by Simon de Montfort. In speaking, " therefore, of the Leonists, Reinerius speaks jointly both " of the Albigenses and the Vallenses : for, at this time, " the two churches had become inseparably united and " blended in one communion. That such is the case, is " evident, both from the very necessity of the matter, and *' from the circumstance of his designating the reputed " heretics by the appellation of Leonists. This name, in *' strictness of speech, was proper only to the Albigenses : 3 H 418 REINERIUS SACCHO. a.d. 1254. [Sect. 11. *« The sect of the Cathari is divided into three parts, or principal divisions (sectas principales) ; of which the first are called Albanenses, the second Concorezenses, the third Bagnolenses, and these are all in Lombardy. The other Cathari, however, whether in Tuscany, the Marqui- sate [of Trevisano], or in Provence, do not differ in their opinions from the said Cathari, or some of them. For all these Cathari have some common opinions in which they agree, and there are some peculiar opinions in which they disagree. The common opinions of all the Cathari are these— namely, that the Devil made the world, and all things in it. Also, that all the Sacraments of the church —namely, the sacrament of Baptism of material water, and the other sacraments, are not profitable to salvation, and that they are not the true sacraments of Christ, and of his church ; but delusive, and diabolical, and of the church of the malignants. Also, it is a common opinion of all the Cathari, that carnal marriage is always a mortal sin, and that the future punishment of adultery, and incest, will not be greater than that of lawful matrimony ; nor " for they received it from the town of Lyons, where they « greatly abounded in the twelfth century, and whence « they were familiarly denominated Leonists, or Poor <« Men of Lyons. But when they joined the Valienses, <« in Piedmont, the appellation was extended to the whole " communion : and henceforth it became one of the many « titles, by which these faithful witnesses were accustomed " to be described. Under the name, therefore, of Leonists^ " Reinerius jointly and collectively speaks both of the " Valienses and of the Albigenses ; certainly of the Albi- « genses quite as much, if not more, than of the Val- " lenses." Sac. Cal. iii. 56. I venture to hope, that at this stage of the enquiry, such a statement requires no comment. Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a.d 1254. 419 would any one among them be more severely punished. Also, all the Cathari deny that there will be a resurrection of the flesh. Also, they believe, that it is a mortal sin to eat flesh, or eggs, or cheese, even in case of urgent neces- sity. Also, that the secular powers sin mortally in punish- ing malefactors, or heretics. Also, that no one can be saved but by them. Also, that all children, even nnbap- tized, will be eternally punished with no less severity than homicides, and thieves. The Albanenses, however, differ on this point ; saying, that no creature of the good God will perish. Also, they all deny Purgatory. Also, it is a common opinion of all the Cathari, that whosoever kills a bird, from the least to the greatest, or quadrupeds, from the weasel to the elephant, commits a great sin ; but they do not extend this to other animals. " The Cathari (like apes who try to imitate the ac- tions of men) have four Sacraments ; but such as are false, nugatory, unlawful, and sacrilegious ; which are the impo- sition of hands, the benediction of bread, penance, and or- ders. Of each of these we shall speak in course. " Imposition of hands, is called by them consola' mentum, and Spiritual Baptism, and Baptism of the Holy Spirit, without which, according to them no mortal sin is remitted, nor is the Holy Spirit given to any one ; but by it (only however as performed by them) both are granted. On this point the Albanenses differ a little from them ; for they say that the hands are of no efficacy in the mat- ter because they hold them to have been created by the Devil (as will be hereafter stated) but only the Lord's Prayer, which they repeat at that time ; and that each is necessary, namely, the imposition of hands, and the Lord's Prayer. It is also a common opinion of all the Cathari, that, by that imposition of hands, and Lord's Prayer, there is no remission of sins, if they who perform the imposition of hands ^re, at that time, in any mortal 420 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. M Sin.'" This imposition of hands is performed by two at least ; and not only by their Bishops (pr^latisj, but also by the inferiors (suhditis), and, in cases of necessity, even by the female members of the sect (a Catharabus). '' The Benkdiction of the Bread of the Cathari, is a certain breaking of bread, which they daily perform at dinner and supper. This breaking of bread is performed in the following manner— when the members of the sect, male and female, go to the table, they all stand, and say the Lord's Prayer. In the mean time, he who is first in rank, or in orders, holding a loaf (or more than one if the number present requires it), and saying, ' The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with us all,' breaks the bread in pieces, and distributes it to all who are at the table, not only to the Cathari, but also to their believers, adulterers, thieves, and homicides. The Albanenses, however, say that that material bread is not blessed, nor capable of re- ceiving any benediction, because, according to them, it is in itself a creature of the Devil ; and in this they differ from all the others, who say that that bread is actually blessed. None of them, however, believe that from that bread the body of Christ is made. " The Penance of all the Cathari is, beyond all doubt, false, vain, delusive, and noxious, as will be shewn in what follows. For, in order to constitute true and fruitful penance, three things are required— namely, the contrition of the heart, the confession of the mouth, and the satis- faction of works. But I, Brother Rinherus, once a here- siarch, now, by the grace of God, a priest of the order of the Preaching Friars, though unworthy, do unhesitatingly say, and testify before God that I lie not, that there is no- 60 I presume this must be the meaning, the text is, "si illi qnibus tunc manus imponunt, sunt tunc in aliquo niortali peccato." Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. A. d. 1254. 421 thing of those three things among the Cathari, or in their penance. For the poison of error, which they have drunk from the mouth of the old serpent, does not allow of their having any sorrow for their sins. This error, however, is four-fold — first, that eternal glory is not diminished for any sin — secondly, that the punishment of hell is not in- creased to the impenitent — thirdly, that there is no purga- tory for anybody— fourthly, that, by the imposition of hands, guilt and punishment is entirely remitted by God ; for that a child of one day old, will be not less punished than Judas the traitor, but all are (according to their be- lief) equal, both in glory, and punishment—except, how- ever, the Albanenses ; who say, that every one will be restored to his former state, but not for his own deserts, and that in each kingdom (that is, of God and of the Devil), some are greater than others. Q^^say also, that many of theno^trho are infected with the before-mentioned errors^^qften grieve when they recollect that they did not give full licence to their appetites before they made pro- fession of the heresy of the Cathari ; and this is the reason why many of the believers, both men and women, think no more of incest than of lawful union. * Some of them, however, are, perhaps, restrained from sin of this kind by its horrible nature, and by instinctive shame. " Another proof that they do not grieve for the sins which they committed before their profession of heresy, is this — that they make no restitution of what they have acquired by usury, theft, or rapine ; nay, they keep it, or rather leave it to their children, and grand-children, who are living in the world ; because they say that usury is no sin. Moreover, I say that in the seventeen years during which, alas I I was in their society, I never saw any one of them engaged in private prayer apart from others, or manifest sorrow for his sins, or weep, or smite upon his 422 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. breast, and say, * God be merciful to me a sinner ;' or anything of the kind which could denote contrition. Nor do they ever implore the patronage of angels or saints, or of the blessed Virgin Mary, nor fortify themselves with the sign of the cross. " We come next to the confession of the Cathari — what it is, and when, and to whom they make it. Their iconfession is this—' I am before God and you, to make /confession, and to accuse myself of all my sins which are Uin me in any way, and to receive from you all, pardon 1 from God, and from y oureelves .' This confession is made publicly, before all' "wlSo^are^assembled, where there are often a hundred and more Cathari, male and female, and their believers. And every one makes this confession when he receives the said imposition of hands, and he makes it especially to their Prelate, holding the Book of the Gospels, or of the whole New Testament on his breast ; who, having given absolution, places the said book upon his head, and the other Cathari who are present " his right hand, immediately beginning the prayers. " Whenever any one, who has received the said im- position of hands, falls into any sin of the flesh, or any which is in their opinion mortal, he is required to confess that sin only, and not any others ; and again, privately, to receive imposition of hands from his Prelate, and from one other, at least with him. All bowing down to the ground, before the prelate, holding the book on his breast, one (speaking for all) says with a loud voice, « We come before God, and you, confessing onr sins ; because we have greatly sinned in word, and deed, in sight, and thought,' and the like. Whence it evidently appears that w There is apparently some omission in the text. Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. A. d. 1254. 423 all the Cathari die in their sins, without confession. And in this way they confess only once in the month, if they conveniently can. " The satisfaction of the Cathari comes next — wherein it may be enquired, whether the Cathari perform their works for the satisfaction of those sins which they had committed before they had joined the sect ? To which I briefly answer, No— although it may appear strange to the ignorant. For they frequently pray, and fast, and at all times abstain from meat, eggs, and cheese ; all which have the appearance of being works of satisfaction for their sins, and of which they often vainly boast. There is, however, a three-fold error in them, which prevents their having the nature of satisfaction. The first is, that all guilt and punishment of this kind, is remitted by their imposition of hands and prayer ; or by prayer only, ac- cording to the Albanenses, as has been already stated. The second error is, that God does not inflict the punish- ment of purgatory (which they altogether deny) on any one ; or any temporal punishment in this life, which they consider as inflicted by the Devil. This is also the reason why they do not enjoin the penance of abstinence on any one, either as penance, or for the remission of their sins. The third error is, that every man is necessarily bound to perform those works, as being commanded by God. Thus even a child, of ten years old, who had never committed any mortal sin before he became a Catharist, is punished in the same way as an old man, who, during a long period, bad never ceased from sin. For any Catharist among them would not be more severly punished for having drunk poison, intending to destroy himself, than for having eaten a fowl, to save his life, either in the way of medicine, or in any other case of necessity ; nor will, according to them, be more severely punished hereafter. They say, also, the same with regard to marriage, as has been already 424 REINERIUS SACCHO. a.d. 1254. [Sect. 11. stated. Also they give little or no alms to strangers, ex- cept, perhaps, to avoid scandal among their neighbours, and that they may get credit from them. They give, also, very little to their own poor, and the cause is two-fold — the first is, that they do not hope to obtain by it an increase of future glory, or the pardon of their sins ; the second is, that almost all of them are very close, and avaricious. " Next follows the prayer of the Cathari — this they consider as absolutely necessary when they take food or drink. Many of them, on this account, have directed those who waited upon them in sickness, not to put any food or drink into their mouths, if they (the sick person) could not at least say a Pater Noster ;*^" whence it is very probable that many of them kill themselves by these means, or are killed by their heretical brethren (cohaere- ticis). " From what has been said, it most clearly appears, that the Cathari do not, in fact, perform any penance — especially, as they have not contrition for their sins, nor confess them, nor make satisfaction for them ; although they afflict themselves much, and are most grievously punished for their errors and sins. " Oad£RS, the fourth Sacrament of the Cathari, •2 See before, p. 255, n. 35. I have there said that I know of nothing in the Book of Sentences to explain the single case referred to — how far Reinerius does it, the reader will judge. The rule mentioned by him seems to have been general, and applicable to all members of the Sect, under all circumstances, and it would account for their not allowing food to those who were in extremity — but it does not appear that all the persons in endura were so; or that, provided they had, or recovered, the power of saying a Pater Noster, they were to be allowed food. Yet this seems to have been the original doctrine, which the heretics of the Book of Sentences either ignorantly and fanatically over- strained, or wickedly perverted. Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 425 comes next — concerning which observe five things. First, that they have Orders. Secondly, their names. Thirdly, the office of each Order. Fourthly, how, and by whom, they are conferred. Lastly, how many Churches of the Cathari there are, and where they are situated. " In the first place, then, observe that the Orders of the Cathari are four. He who is in the first, and chief Order, is called Bishop (Episcopus). He who is in the second, the Elder Son (Filius Major). He who is in the third, the Younger Son (Filius Minor), He who is in the fourth and last, Deacon (Diaconus). The others among those who are not in any Order, are called Christians {Christiani et ChristiatKB). " Secondly, observe, that it is the office of the Bishop, always to take the lead in whatever they do — namely, in the imposition of hands, in the breaking of bread, and the beginning of prayer ; which things are in his absence per- formed by the Elder Son, or if he is not present, by the Younger Son. Moreover, those two Sons go about either singly, or together, to visit all the Cathari who are under the Bishop, and all are bound to obey them. The same in all respects is done by the Deacons, and each one with regard to those who are under him, in the absence of the Bishop, and his Sons. And observe, that the Bishop, and his Sons, have Deacons of their own, in every city where they reside. Also, observe, that it is the office of the Deacons to hear confessions of venial sins, which are made once in a month, as has been already stated ; and to give absolution to those under their care, enjoining on them three days of fasting, or a hundred bows with bended knees (inclinationes flexis genibus) and that office is called, if I may so speak, caregare servitium,^^ 11 il •* « Galli dicerent, Charger le serviccy id est augere." Vu Cange. 3i 426 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254. [Sect. 11, " The Orders aforesaid are conferred by the Bishop, and also, with the Bishop's licence, by his Sons. The or- dination of a Bishop used to be performed in this manner. On the death of a Bishop, the Younger Son ordained the Elder Son Bishop; and he, afterwards, ordained the Younger Son an Elder Son. After that, a Younger Son was elected by all the Bishops and inferiors, who were convened for this purpose by the Bishop, and was ordained a Younger Son ; and this mode of ordaining a Younger Son has not been altered among them. That, however, which has been mentioned with reference to the Bishop, has been changed by all the Cathari who dwell in the neighbourhood of the sea ; saying, that by such an ordina- tion, the Son seemed to appoint the Father, which had a very incongruous appearance ; and therefore is now done differently, in this manner— the Bishop, before his death, ordains the Elder Son as Bishop ; and, if he dies, the Son becomes Bishop, and the Younger Son becomes an Elder Son the same day. Thus almost all the Cathari have, at all times, two Bishops. Wherefore John of Lyons, who is one of those who are thus ordained, styles himself in his epistles ' John of Lyons, by the Grace of God, Elder Son and ordained Bishop,' &c. Each ordination is, however, manifestly reprehensible— for neither does a natural son appoint his father, nor do we ever read of one, and the same, church having two of its sons^ Bishops at the same time, any more than of a woman having two lawful hus- bands. All the aforesaid Orders are conferred by imposi- tion of hands, and this honour, namely, of conferring the above-mentioned orders, and of giving the Holy Spirit, is attributed to the Bishop alone ; or, to him who is the chief M I suppose this is the meaning— but in the wretchedly printed text, it stands " duos habuerit lios Episcopos." Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a.d. 1254. 427 and principal person, in holding the book of the New Testament on the head of him on whom hands are laid. " Observe, moreover — that the Cathari are in a state of great uncertainty, and peril of their souls— for instance, if their prelate (especially a Bishop) has secretly committed any mortal sin (and many such cases have occurred among them) all those on whom he has laid hands are deceived, and, if they die in that state, perish. For the sake, there- fore, of avoiding this danger, all the churches of the Ca- thari (except one or two) receive the consolamentum, (that is, the imposition of hands, which is their Baptism, as I have already said) twice, and some thrice; and what I have here stated is matter of public notoriety among them. <' The Churches, however, of the Cathari amount to sixteen ; and blame me not, O Reader ! that 1 use the word Churches, but rather those who have assumed the title. Their names are these— the church of the Albanen- ses, or of Sansano— the church of Contorezo—ihe church of the Bagnolenses, or of Bagnolo—ihe church of Vicenza^ or of the Marquisate [of Trevisano]— the church of Florence— the church of the Valley of Spoleto— the church of France —the church of Thoulouse— the church of Cahors (Cartha- sensis, marg, Cadurcensis)— the church of ^/6i— the church of Sclavonia— the church of the Latins at Constantinople— the church of the Greeks, at the same place— the church of Philadelphia of Romaniola— the church of Bulgaria— the church of Dugranicia— and they all derive their origin from the two last. <• The first of these, namely the Jlbanensesy live at Verona, and in many cities of Lombardy ; and are in number about five hundred, of both sexes. Those of Con- torezo are almost all over Lombardy, and are full fifteen hundred, or even more. The Bagnolenses live in Mantua, Brescia, Bergamo, and the Duchy of Milan (but few only) and in Romaniola, and are about two hundred. The ■I ■'■] 4 'f'ii 428 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254. [Sect. 11. church of the Marquisate [of Trevisano] has nothing at Verona; but they are abont a hundred and fifty. The ^^ church of Thoulouse, and of AIM, and of Cakors [Charcha- gensis, marg, Cadurcensis], with some which formerly ex- isted, as the church of Auch [Anzinensis, marg. Ausciensis] which is almost destroyed, are about three hundred. The church of the Latins in Constantinople consists of about fifty. Also; the churches of Sclavonia, of the Greeks, of Philadelphia, oi Bulgaria, and of Dugranicia,^ are composed of all nations. O Reader ! you may safely say, that there are not four thousand Cathari^ of both sexes, in all the world ; but believers innumerable ; and this computation has often been made among them. *' We come next, to the peculiar opinions among the Cathari ; and first, as to the church of the Alhanenses (which is otherwise called of Senzano) because they err on more points than the rest of the Cathari. In the first place, then, it is to be especially observed, that these Al- hanenses are divided into two parties, holding diiferent, and contrary opinions. The head of one party is Geles- manza, their Bishop of Verona ; and most of the elder, and a few of the younger belong to his Sect. The head of the other party, is John of Lyons, their Elder Son, and ordained Bishop of Bergamo ; and, on the other hand, the younger ones, and very few of the elder, follow him. And this party is considerably greater than the other. The first party hold all the old opinions, which the older Cathari held in the year of our Lord 1 233. " The opinions of these, beside the common ones already mentioned, are the following — that there are two principles from God, namely, of good, and of evil. Also, ^ Dugranicia I suppose to be Dobronicha, or Ragusa ; and tl js testimony to the origin of the Cathari is well worthy of notice. Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 429 that the Trinity, namely, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, is not one God ; but that the Father is greater than the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Also, that each prin- ciple, or each God, created his own angels, and his own world ; and that this world, and all that is in it, was created, made, and formed by the evil God. Also, that the Devil and his angels ascended into heaven, and having there fought with the Archangel Michael, an angel of the Good God,^ he withdrew from thence a part of the crea- tures of God, and infuses them daily into the bodies of men, and brutes, and even from one body to another, until the said creatures are restored to heaven. These creatures of God, are called, according to them, * the people of God,' and ' souls and sheep of the house of Israel,' and by other names. Also, that the Son of God, did not really assume human nature of the Virgin Mary, but one like him, whom they state to have been an Angel ; and that he did not truly eat, and drink, nor truly suffer, nor was dead and buried, nor was his resurrection true, but only sup- posed, as we read of himself, 'being, as was supposed the Son of Joseph.' In like manner of all the miracles which Christ wrought. Also, that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, Moses and many others of the ancient fathers, and St. John the Baptist, were enemies of God, and servants to the Devil. Also, that the Devil was author of the whole of the Old Testament, except these books — namely, Job, the Psalms, the books of Solomon, of Wisdom, Ecclesias- ticus, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, and the twelve Prophets ; of which some were written in heaven, namely, those which were written before the destruction of Jerusa- ^ The text stands thus, '* quod Diabolus cum suis angelis ascen> dit in coelum, et facto ibidem prxlio cum Michaele Archangelo, Angelus boni Dei extraxit indc etiam partem creaturarum Dei" — but, I suppose, that what 1 have given is the meaning. 430 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. rail lem, which they believe to be the heavenly. Also, that this world will never have an end. Also, that the Judg- ment, is already past, and that there will be no further Judgment. Also, that Hell, and eternal fire, or eternal punishment, are in this world, and not elsewhere. Thus, indeed, all the Albanenses in general held the above-men- tioned opinions, at the period referred to ; except the more simple, to whom some of these things were not revealed.'^ Reinerius then goes on to detail, at great length, the opinions of John of Lyons, which he extracted from a " certain great book, of the said John," which he tells us that he had read. It is not, however, to our purpose to investigate the peculiar errors of an individual and his followers ; especially as it will appear that those peculiari- ties were not adopted by that portion of the sect, with which we are concerned. On the same ground we may pass over what he says of the peculiarities of the Church of the Concorenzes, and Bagnolenses— our business is with the AIM- genses ; and with regard to these, he says, " In the last place, observe, that the Cathari of the Church of Thoulouse, and the Concorezenses, hold the errors of Gelosimaza and of the Albanenses; and all the churches of Cathari beyond sea do the same. No church of the Cathari, however, agrees in all points with the Cathari of the Church of Concorezo. The church of France agrees with the Bagnolenses. Those of the Mar- quisate of Trevisano, Tuscany, and the Valley of Spoleto, agree with the Bagnolenses, on more points than with the Albanenses, but are gradually influenced by the Alba- nenses. Also, all the churches of the Cathari, mutually Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a.d. 1254. 431 receive each other, though they have different and contrary opinions; and the Concorezenses, who condemn each other as has been before stated. If, however, any Ca- tharist, male or female, of whatever sect, does not confess these particular doctrines, or at least those that are com- mon, then we may say of him, that he speaks lies in hypo- crisy ; (which, according to the Apostle, who prophesied this in the most undisguised manner concerning them, is a cha- racteristic of the Cathari) even if he is a simple man as a novice ; otherwise in many of their sects, their secrets are by no means revealed.^' I cannot help thinking, that the remainder of this chapter is an interpolation; as indeed, Gretser suggests, and as seems obvious enough, with respect to the latter part of it. After what 1 have extracted, comes an account of the Pa- terini (not as Reinerius had hitherto uniformly, and 1 believe, more properly, called them Pa- trini) and of whom, he had already spoken, re- ferring those who wished for farther information, to the work of Brother Tonson. After that, we have an account of the Manichseans ; and then a rambling account of various heresies, such as may frequently be found in early writers on heresy, and which was sometimes, I apprehend, added by the transcriber, to make the work more complete. With these facts, however, if genuine, '«7 Et sive fuerit homo simplex, ut novitius."— Perhaps we ought to read " nisi/» The meaning seems, probably, that a simple novice might be ignorant of these things, and, therefore, might not be guilty of speaking lies in hypocrisy if he did not confess them. C 'I If '■'^■■.ii W] 432 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254. [SfiCT. 11. we should have nothing at present to do; be- cause, our object is, to take the evidence of Reine- rius, respecting the Albigenses, which he has given plainly and fully. If this passage is genu- ine, and he distinguished between the Cathari and the Manichseans (which the reader will ob- serve, that he does not at the beginning of his third chapter, where he does not acknowledge the existence of the Cathari at all, unless he means them by the Manichceans) it would be un- fair to give it under his name ; and for my own part, I believe, that it is not his, but the work of some person who intended to describe the Cathari, but who knew less, or confessed more, of them, than Reinerius did. Some part of it is, however, so far confirmed by, and illustrative of, the Book of Sentences, that I shall give an ex- tract in a note ; and refer the reader for the rest of it, to the authorities."" HI 68 it ji^jiy water they execrate as poison ; saying, that " if any man of their sect should be sprinkled with it, it «' ought to be got out of his flesh with pins and probes. *' They say, that pilgrimages beyond sea, or to the churches " of saints, have no other etfect than to tire men with vainly «' running about. They call the church of Rome a harlot ; " whence they speak against the Lord Pope, the Bishops, '' the Priests, and the Catholic clergy, calling themselves <' the church of God, and them the seducers of the world. " A Bishop of their sect is thus set apart— they take a male " child, as soon as he is born, before he has tasted his ■w. ■s| Sect. 11.1 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 433 The seventh and eighth chapters, are as fol- low — " Heretics are distinguished by their manners, and their words ; for they are sedate, and modest, in their « mother's milk, and bring him up with milk of almonds, « et pecudis [which seems, by what follows, to be a mistake " —but, I know not what to suggest, except pulmentis, « which signifying properly, pottage made of vegetables, is « certainly, a thing very likely to be meant] and at length, " with fish. Care is taken, however, that he shall never " taste flesh, nor things made of milk (lacticinia) nor any- " thing that is produced by generation. When, at length, <' he arrives at years of discretion, he is Bishop of the " Sect, for the time being. " Moreover, when the believers assemble in a secret " place, they fall down before the said Bishop, on their " knees, adoring him, and say, « Spare us, Lord' (Parce " nobis Domine) and each adds these words in German, " ' Nimmer musse ich ersterben " ' Ich musse nmb euch erwerben « * Dasz mein End gut werde.' *« « I can never die, without obtaining from you that I « may have a good end ;' and he, laying his hands on " each, says these words thrice, over each of those who " are adoring, ' Du werdest ein gut Mann'' — * You shall ba " a good man.' They offer no hope of salvation to their " believers, unless, having given up all things, they are " converted to their sect ; or, at least, receive imposition " of hands from them, in their last moments ; for they " say, that all sins are remitted, and the Holy Spirit in- " fused, by the imposition of hands, which they make. " And this they endeavour to prove, by that authority of " the Acts, * Then they laid hands on them, and they re- 3 K ?: 434 REINERIUS SACCHO. ad. 1254. [Sect. 11. Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254. 437 manners. They have no pride in clothes, for they wear such as are neither costly, nor mean. They do not carry on business, in order to avoid falsehoods, oaths, and frauds; but only livB^^iY labour, as \i t) ihn i € n. Their teachers also are shoemakers, and weavers. They do not multiply riches, but are content with what is necessary ; and they are-ebatil^^ Mpetially tlie^Iiedlllsts. TUuv are also temperate in meat and drink. They do not go to taverns, dances, or othep- vaniiieei — Thoy restrain them- selves from anger, thejr^re ^^i^[^Ji^^|ypUEi^l^^i'i^i"?9 ^^ teaching, and so they pray but little. Also, they go hypo- critically to Church, oSJeiTancl make confession, and com- municate, and they go to sermons, but it is that they may catch the preacher in his discourse. x r^ " They may also be known by the precision, and oderation of their language. They also abstain from scurrility, and detraction, and levity in discourse, and lying, and swearing. Neither do they say, * verily,' or * truly,' and the like ; because, they consider these as oaths. Also, they very seldom ^ire'ir'dtreet-fmswecjo a question. If, for instance, they are asked, ' Do you know *' ceived the Holy Ghost ;' when, however, they wish to *' receive any one who is at the point of death, they give " him his option, whether he will be in the Kingdom of ** Heaven, with those Saints who are Martyrs, or with " those who are Confessors. If he prefers the state of ** the Martyrs, they shut the door, and then strangle him ** with a cloth appropriated to that use, which is called ** in German, Bntertuch [so it stands, 1 presume, for Bin- ** tertuch, or Binder-tuch, a bandage]. If he chooses *' that of the Confessors, then, after the imposition of *' hands, they give him nothing to eat, nor [anything but] *' pure water to drink, and so destroy him with hunger." death, as they did Christ Moreover, they only say, and do not, and bind heavy burdens on men's shoulders, but do not move them with their finger ; but we practise all that we teach. Also, they are more nrgent, in compelling the observance of the traditions of men, than the com- mandments of God — as fasts, festivals, going to Church, and many other things, which are of human institution — but we only persuade men to keep the doctrine of Christ, and the Apostles. Also, they load penitents with most grievous penances, which they do not move with one of their fingers ; but we, by the example of Christ, say to the sinner, 'Go, now, and sin no more,' and remit all bis sins by the imposition of hands, and transmit souls at death to heaven ; but they send almost all souls to hell. ** Having stated these and other points, the heretic says, * Consider which state and which faith is the more perfect — ours, or that of the Church of Rome — and make choice of it ;' and thus he is turned away from the Catholic faith, being seduced by their errors ; and thus, as a believer of them, a receiver, a favourer, and defender, and hiding him for several months, he learns respecting the sect in his house." ^^^ X 7® These extracts from Reinerius, I translated from the text as it stands in the Bibliotheca Patrumj and it was not until they were almost entirely printed, that I had the power of comparing them with the <2 2 Beside these, many other instances might be nA- ^MceA—Bertrandus, 238, " audivit ab eisdem quod homo non debebat mentiri nee jurare.'''— Johanna^ 343, " quod *' non facer et nee diceret malum necjuraret^ quia jurare erat " peccatom, et plura alia verba que videbantur sibi bona, <* de quibus dixit se non recordari. ''—./aco6u5, 345, " quod *' homo non debebat facere, nee dicere, malum:' — Helyas, 353, '' quod homo non debebat facere, nee dicere, malum, *' nee mentiri, nee jurare."— 5iepAamw, 354, " quod non « faceret, nee diceret, malum ; nee mentiretur, nee juraret:' Johanna, 356, says, '' post aliqua verba comraunia monue- « runt earn quod non faceret, nee diceret, malum ; et quod «< non mentiretur, nee juraret."*— Berwarflfa, 358, says, " dic- These notices, though not so full as might be wished, contain abundantly more than is to be found in the Albigensian confessions, of which we have about five times the number -, and there is, beside this, another very remarkable distinc- tion. With the exception of the repetition of the Pater Noster, in the ceremony of heretica- tion, I do not remember, that it is stated in any Albigensian confession, or can be in any way inferred, that any teacher, or disciple, of that sect — any one of either the perfecti, or credentes — ever offered a prayer. On the other hand, out of the ninety-two Waldensian confessions, prayer is not only mentioned in about sixty, but mentioned, in a way which shews that it was the common custom of the Waldensian teachers, to pray with their disciples, and to teach them to pray f and one woman states, that having learned this cus- " tus Johannes de Cernone monuit earn quod non faceret, " nee diceret, malum, nee juraret." — Agnes, 359, says, <' post cenam, dictus Bartholomeus dixit quod orarent pro *' iilis qui dabant eis ad comedendnm, et benefaciebant els ; '' et postea sederunt, et dictus Bartholomeus dixit mnlta ** verba que videbantur sibi bona, quod facerent bonum, et " caverent a malo, et non mentirentur, necjurarent, et quedam *^ alia de quibus non recordatur.^^ • See, particularly, No. xxiv. p. 324, before, and the extracts at p. 255. n. 36. 3n T ! iiil I 458 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. torn from the Waldenses, it was afterwards kept up in her family/ With regard, however, to the Albigensian teachers, so far as I can perceive, their great ob- ject was to get persons to enter into an agree- ment, that they would send for them, when they should be at the point of death ; and it does not appear, that they sought that opportunity for ad- ministering religious instruction, or consolation ; for, unless the sick person was in extremity, they would have nothing to do with him. The object seems to have been simply to perform the cere- mony of heretication ; and, in a case already quoted, it appears to have formed no objection, that the patient was speechless, and, we may in- fer, insensible. In another case the ceremony was performed on an infant. Alazayt, 190, says, " Also, in the sickness of which a certain son " of the said Alazayt, named Johannetus, died, " being two years old, or thereabouts, her said " mother asked her if she was willing that they " should have Peter Auterius, the heretic, to re- " ceive the said child into his sect, and order ; '« and the said Alazayt agreed that it would please * Jgnes, 24 I , says, " Item ipsa et roaritus suus serva- " bant modum orandi pYedictum post cenam de sero, et " aliqaando de mane sicut viderant, dictum Johannera *' facientem.'' Sect. 12] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 459 « her, and the said Peter Auterius was brought " to the said child, in the house of Raymund Du- « rand. And the heretic asked her the child's " name, and if she wished that he should receive " him to his order, and save his soul ? and she " answered, that she did. And the said heretic " told her, that, from the time when he should " have received him, she must not give him any " flesh, or cheese, or eggs, or any animal fat " {pinguedinem carnium) and, afterwards, the " said heretic read in a certain book, and received " the said child, who survived three or four " days." The reader has, however, had so much about the convenensa, heretication, and endura, that I need not enlarge on the nature of those rites ; but it may well be asked, how they originated, and what was their object ? — what could men in their senses propose by such unscriptural, unrea- sonable, and cruel practices ? We may readily suppose that the ignorant vulgar, prepared by the stultifying superstitions of popery, might be induced to believe anything that was taught them secretly, and with an air of mystery, by persons who were a degree more learned than themselves— but, could Peter Auterius really be- lieve that he saved the souls of those whom he hereticated ? If he did, surely I have not spoken too strongly in calling him a misguided fanatic; 460 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 1«. SlGT. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 461 and iiF he did not, why did he take such trouble, and run such hazard to do it? What motive can we assign for such an extraordinary pro- ceeding ? I am much inclined to think that this here^ Heating was practised, by some at least, from sordid motives ; and, that with them, it is to be traced to that which the Scripture declares to be the root of all evil — the love of money. With this they were certainly charged by their ene- mies ; and I must say that there are some things in the Book of Sentences, which seem to give colour at least to that charge. It would be tire- some, and almost endless, to quote all the con- fessions which shew, that the followers of the heretics supplied them with money, food, clothes, &c. Those which relate to money only — and even to what must then have been considerable sums — are too numerous to be referred to. In one case, something like an annual subscription was promised,'^ and in another (as we have seen) a believer undertook to provide for the mainte- nance of a proselyte for one year.'' Prom other confessions, it appears that the heretics had money * Guilielmus, 101, "concessit quod faceret eis bonam, *^ et daret eis quolibet anno anam eniinam frumenti vel ** valorem." • See before, No. xxix. p. 34 1 . of their own, which they expended individually.^ And one confession mentions the " money of the ^ Bemardus, 50, says, " Item in Monte Albano, de *< pecunia Petri Auterii, emit pannum virgatum (striped «' cloth) et fecit inde fieri supertunicale pro dicto heretico." a — Rotbertus, 51, <' semel portavit iiii"' libras regalium, et " parisiensium, Bernardo Vin de Blat, ut cambiaret dic- " tam pecuniam in turonenses albis, et dicta peconia erat « Petri Auterii heretici." — Guilielmus, 82, says, " qnidam « ((^uem nominat) portavit sibi, ex parte dicti Petri Aute-f « rii, pecuniam de qua emeret pelles pro folratura (furs « for the lining) dicti supertunicalis." — Bernarda, 75, " Pe- « trus Raymundi de Sancto Papulo hereticus, qnadam " vice, venit ad domum ipsius et viri sui, et bibit ibi, et ** dedit omnibus filiis et fiiiabus suis de pecunia sua " Bernardus Audoyni dedit sibi xxv turonenses albos et « tradidit marito suo denarios plicatos, et consutos, in " qnodam panno, ad custodiendum, quod erant denarii aurei^ quos postea recuperavit." — Sibilia, 21, says, '* Ja^ " cobus Auterii predictus deposuit et abscondit in domo " sua in quodam loco, quern sibi obstendit, c turonenses " argenteos quos postquam Jacobus fuit captus ipsa red- "diditPetro Sancii de Garda."— Perrinu^, 102, "semel *' emit pisces pro eis de pecunia quam dictus Sancetus tra- « didit sibi.''— Bemar^/u*, 197, " una vice emit panem, et " alia vice fecit emi, pro dicto heretico de pecunia quam " tradebat sibi dictus hereticus.'" — Raymunda, 108, ivit " duabus vicibus intra dimidium annum ad loquendum cum " Petro Raymundi et fuit loquta cum eo sj)ecialiter « de expeditione Bertrandi fratis ipsorum, qui tunc tene- *' batur captus Carcassone per Inquisitores ; et, in ultima " vice, dictus Petrus Raymundi tradidit sibi pecuniam " usque ad xxv libras^ pro expeditione dicti Bertrandi et (( ^1 '■•ill 462 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 1-2. Church," as if they had a common fund.^ From some confessions, also, it appears, that they lent money to their followers;" and there is one " dedit sibi amplius xx solidos.'''* — Petrus. 68, " custodivit *' per XV dies, lx marahocinos auri et tres denarios aureos " quos P. Raymundi de Sancto Papulo hereticus com- " mendavit sibi, et postea recuperavit ab eodem." — Amal- duSf 125, "tenuit dictum Pelrum Auterii hereticum in ^* dicta borda in qua nunc morabatur, a Festo Beati Jo- '* hannis usque ad sequentem mensem Augusti '* item dixit quod dictus Petrus Auterii dedit sibi tres tu- *' ronenses argenti pro hostalagio quando recessit." — Ber- nardus, 152, " Petrum Sancii vidit aliquociens et fuit sibi " loqutus et scambiavit sibi pecuniam/' See also, Petrusy 83, No. X. p. 297, before. ® See before, p. 281. ^6rui7ie/wiu«, 149, " quodam vice Tholosana Fizansa '* de Asso venit ad ipsum ad domum suaiu, ex parte Petri <' Sancii heretici predicti, dicens quod dictus hereticus " mittebat ipsam pro hoc quod ipse Guilielmus sciebat, per ** quod dictus Guilielmus intellexit quod pro quadam pecu- " nia quam sibi antea mutaverat [Lmutuaverat] seu acomoda- " verat hereticus. Et tunc dictus Guilielmus respondit dicte ** Tholosane, quod tuncnon habebat in proraptu ; set in cras- " tino vel in alia die sequenti, ipse portaret eam dicte Tholo- *' sane ; et in crastino vel tertia die, dictus Guilielmus misit " dicte Tholosane xxv solidorum regalium per quendam quem nominat/' — Fitias, 1 73, *' portavit sibi agrestam (vinegar) et viii solidorum regalium, quos maritus suus " debebat ei."" — Guilielma, 22, " tradidit cuidam ad valorem ** xviii turonensium alborum in pecunia, ut redderet Bernardo " A udonyni, cui debebat tem{)ore quo recessit de ista patria.'' (6 (( Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 463 case in which one of them seems to have bor- rowed.^" Looking at all this with impartiality, and putting on it a candid construction, there is, per- haps, nothing but what we might expect to find in the history of men who were living in a state of outlawry, secreted and maintained by followers who were attached to them. But still we are left to enquire, why they should have so princi- pally concerned themselves with the dying, and should have required from them such abstinence as must have ensured their speedy dissolution. I am afraid their object was to obtain legacies ; and there is a good deal in the Book of Sen- tences which confirms the idea. Raynaldus (on the authority of Peter of Vaux-Sernai) distinctly charges them with this — " legata corradebant a " morituris quibus certissimam saltem pollice- " bantur," and there are a great many instances recorded among the sentences and confessions." ^" Raymundus^ 83, " stetit ibi cum eis loquendo de " quadam pecunia quam debebat sibi Petrus Sancii, et de '' aliis verbis communibus et dictus Petrus Sancii ^* solvit sibi aliquam pecnniam quam debebat.^^ " Bernardus, 89, *' item dictus hereticus misit ipsum *' ad quendam locum, unde apportavit sibi qnasdam vestes, ^' de quibus audivit a dicto heretico, quod fuerunt cujusdam *^ mulieris deffuncte, quam dictus Raymundus receperat " in fine ad ordinem suum ; et dictas vestes ipse vendidit *' pro dicto beretico, et custodivit sibi pretium, et fecit 464 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 1«. As to the WaldenseSf I find nothing of the sort. That they, like the Albigenses, were sup- " fieri supertanicale et capucium, de alio panno, pro dicto '* heretico." — Fesiada, 94, " vidit qaando Raymunda Gra- ** neta, soror dicti Raymundi Gach, tradidit dicto heretico ^' III fiorenosy et tunicam dicti Raymundi Gach hereticati, *' que sibi legaverat predictus Raymundns Gach." — Ber- narda, 117, **ad dictum seu verbum Johanue Gascha (sororis " quondam dicti Bernardi raariti ipsius Bernarde) ipsa solvit *' quinque solidos Petro Sancii de Garda, de quibus post- " modum credidit quod dictus maritus suus legasset eos " hereticis." — Raymundus, 129, ''dixit quod postea, ipse " qui loquitur, tradidit cuidana persone xiiii solidos regales '* quos dimiserat dictus infirmus dicto heretico." — GuU lielmus, 132, " ipse Guilielmus solvit legatum post mortem " uxoris quod fecerat hereticis." — Galharda, 142, "audivit " a Raymundo Bertrici quod Petrus de Lantario, maritus ** suus, legaverat dicto Petro heretico xviii solidos,'''' — Bernardttj 143, " interfuit hereticationi Gulielme socrus " sue, quam fecit Amelius hereticus, qui stetit in eadem *' domo aliquibus diebus pro dicta infirma hereticanda et " ipsa servivit sibi, et ministravit necessaria, et ipsa audi- ** ente et presente, legavit dicta infirma heretico superta- " nicale suum et tunicam." — Michael^ 156, says, ** dictus pa- " ter suus leg^avit dicto heretico xx solidorum re galium quos " ipse Michael postea solvit." — Amaldus^ 159, solvit eidem *' heretico partem legati quod mater sua fecerat hereticis." — Raymunda, 171, "tradidit sibi tres solidorum regalium quos maritus suos legaverat Petro Auterii heretico." — I feel no doubt that more instances might be adduced, but these are only such as I have observed among the con- fessions — those cases of legacy, mentioned in sentences^ 1 have not ipoticed, because some of the deceased persons Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 465 ported at least in some degree, by their followers is evident, and six persons speak of having given money to them ^^ — six, that they gave to, and received from, them^' — and three, that they sentenced, certainly were those named, or alluded to, in the confessions ; and though others clearly were not, yet as the testimony of the confessions seems to me quite sufficient, I have thought it better to let the sentences al- together alone, rather than to run the risque of getting some of the same persons twice over — an evil which could not be avoided, without more trouble than the matter is worth. ** " PerrmM*,.231, " dedit duos solidos duobns Val- " densibus una vie (1. vice) et alios duos solidos obtulit " aliis duobus Valdensibus alia vice, licet ipsi noluerunt " accipere." — Bertrandus, 23S, "semel dedit cuidam Val- *' densi v solidorum regalium.^'' — Bartholomeus^ 355, *' dedit '' Valdensibus, seu Pauperibus de Lugduno, de pecunia sua ; " aliquandosex denarios, aliquando xii, aliquando duos^o- " lidos; et hoc fecit per iin" vices." — Jacqueta, 376, " dicto Valdensi dedit unum turonensem argenti,^'' — Guilielmus^ 237," aliquibus ex eis dedit de pecunia sua." — Johannetus^ 238, " de pecunia sua dedit cuidam ipsorum, et cuidam alteri voluit dare, set ipse noluit recipere." ^ Bernardusy 216, and Germanus^ 225, merely say, " dedit and recepit.'' — Uwnardus, 232 (see before, p. 322) " dedit aliquibus Valdensibus de pecunia sua, et recepit *' dono ab aliquibus ex eisdem gavinetos, et acus." — Ste- phanus, 239, <' pluries dedit de pecunia sua diversis Val- densibus, et recepit aliquando ab eis cultellos dono." — Guilielmaj 242, ^^ dedit Valdensibus aliquid, et recepit ab 3o 466 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. offered money which was refused.^* Of legacies, I find no trace ; nor anything that could lead to the suspicion of cupidity. In fact I have met with nothing which should lead to doubt that the early Waldenses were sincere and well meaning men ; and that if they retained some of the errors of the Church of Rome, and added some of their own, they were yet on the whole more enlightened, and more religious men, than their neighbours. It must, indeed, have struck the reader, that their descendants have taken a great deal of trouble to vindicate them from charges which their con- temporaries never brought against them. Who, for instance, charged them with Manichseism — or, I might say, with almost any of the errors from which they are most anxious to defend themselves ? To be sure, if the modern Vaudois will tack themselves on to the Albigenses, and identify their ancestors with that sect, in order that they may boast about antiquity, they must, with the credit, take the disgrace of the pedigree which they claim ; but that they should, in order uno eornm acus.'' — Stepkanusy 354, " dedit quinque solidos " Caturcenses Johanni de Cernone Valdensis, et recepit •* acus ab eodem." " Perrinus, 23 1 , and Johannetus, 238 (see above, n. 12). — Hvgoninus, 24], " semel voluit dare quidam Valdensi XII denariot, set ilie noluit recipere.'^ \ ^>^' k'^^X Sbct. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 467 to gratify a silly vanity, contend, in the face of all history, that their ancestors were the Albi- genses, and that the Albigenses were quite ortho- dox, is rather too much. The early history of the Waldenses is indeed involved in some ob- scurity ; but it seems clear, beyond all reasonable doubt, that they owed their name, and their origin as a sect, to a citizen of Lyons, who lived in the latter half of the twelfth century. It ap- pears also, that he caused the Scriptures to be translated into the vulgar tongue — that he and his immediate followers, drew upon themselves the censure and persecution of the church of Rome, not only by taking upon them the office of teaching, but by some of the doctrines which they taught — that, by means of this persecution, they were scattered over various parts of Germany, France and Lombardy, &c. — and that, having renounced the authority of the Romish See for that of the Scriptures, and rejected some rites of the Romish church whici. vere grossly idolatrous or superstitious, they prepared the way for the Reformation, and were themselves prepared to embrace its doctrines.^* 15 Sleidam says, very briefly,-and, 1 believe, correctly, " Sunt in Provincia Gallia qui dicuntur Valdenses : hi ** vetusta consuetudine neque Pontificem Romanum ag- *' nosc!int, et aiiquanto puriorem habuere semper doc- I, 468 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 1«. It was my intention to have entered at some length into the subject of the Waldensian doc- trine, as developed in the extracts which I have given ; but the extent to which this volume has already run, makes me anxious to omit whatever x;an be spared, and I will, therefore, at present, notice only two points respecting the Waldenses; and these with reference to their claim to the character of the Witnesses. It was this claim which led me to compile these pages ; and against it I feel bound most earnestly to protest. In the first place, it does not appear that Waldo, and his immediate followers, contem- plated a separation from the church of Home ; but rather a revival of personal religion within its pale, and a removal of some abuses, and superstitions. Indeed, if we believe the writer already quoted (p. 398), it was their wish to form a new order under the sanction of the Romish See ;^® but, however this may be, it seems *' trinam, et postquam Lutberns innotait, ampliorem cog- " nitionem avide sibi compararunt.^^ Comm. Lib. xvi. an. 1545. p. 185. " The anonymous author of the Tractatus de Hieresi Pauperum de Lugduno, which I could not obtain a sight of, until nearly all the foregoing pages were printed, says, *' Apnd Lugdunum fnerunt quidam simplices laici, qui '^ quodam spiritu infiammati et super ceteros de se prae- " sumentes, jactabant se velle omnino vivere secundum ** evangelioam doctrinam, et illam ad litteram perfecte Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 469 clear from the statements, or (what is even more important) the silence, of their persecutors, and their own confessions (that is, from all the sources of information which we possess) that their oppo- sition was not directed against some of the pecu- liar doctrines of the Romish church. Reinerius says, " they believe all things rightly concerning " God, with all the articles which are contained " in the creed ;' and this, though Mr. Faber may triumphantly print it in capitals," seems to me a very suspicious testimony from a Dominican Friar of the thirteenth century. Will any one believe, that an Inquisitor General of heretical pravity, would give such a character of any set " servare : postulantes a Domino Papa Innocentio iii. " banc Vivendi formam auctoritate sua sibi et suis sequa- *' cibus confirmari : adhuc recognoscentes primatum apud " ipsum residere apostolicae potestatis."— ilfar/cwc Thes. Jnecd, Tom. v. 1778. Of this tract, and of some others which accompany it, 1 know neither the date nor the au- thority ; but, if I had obtained possession of them earlier, I should have said more about them in the present work. I am not, however, aware that they contain anything which can be considered as contradicting the opinions which I have advanced, or the statements which I have extracted, except on one point, which will be noticed pre- sently ; but, when I say this, I wish it to be understood, that I have not given them that attention, which would enable me to speak with confidence. " See before, p. 417. 470 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 13. of men, who denied the doctrine of transubstantu ation ? Or that Petrus de Pilichdorf would have told us, that they condemned and reprobated "all things except only the sacraments?'''^ In truth, the charge of their enemies is, not that ^^ they denied transubstantiation ; but, that they assumed to themselves, the power of transubstan- ••^tiating". Thus the Council of Narbonne speaks of a " Waldensian supper, where, on the day of " the supper, the table being placed, and bread " put upon it, one Waldensian blessing, and " breaking, and giving to the by-standers, be- " lieves, according to their damnable sect, that he " makes the body of Christ'''^ The account which Reinerius gives of their doctrine on this point, is, " that priests in mortal sin cannot consecrate " — also, they say that transubstantiation does not ** take place in the hand of him who unworthily " consecrates, but in the mouth of him who wor- " thily receives,'''^ Peter of Vaux-Sernai charges it as one of their four principal errors, that they said, " that any individual of their sect, in case of necessity, if he only had sandals, without having received orders from a Bishop, could make the body of Christ''^^ In the Book of Sentences, John Philibert, 252, a priest, who has « « it '^ lb. p. 442. " lb. p. 198. «» lb. p. 410. " lb. p. 395. Sect. 12] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 471 been already mentioned^ (and of whose degrada- tion, and delivery to the secular arm, we have a very curious account) confessed, that " during his " connexion with the Waldenses, he had per^ '^ formed mass, and administered the Sacraments'* Hugueta, 290, also stated in her confession, that " she believed, and had heard say by the Wal- " denses, that the said John of Lorraine, although "he was not a priest, but a major alis of the afore- " said sect, could celebrate mass." In the pas- sage respecting the Waldenses, appended to the " Disputatio inter Catholicum et Paterinum haere- ticum,"^ it is stated, that " the said Poor Men of Lyons consecrate only once in a year, namely, in the Supper of the Lord ; and then, towards night, he who is chief among them, if he is a " priest, collects all his family, of either sex, " causes a bench or table to be prepared before " them, and covered with a clean table-cloth, on which they afterwards place a large cup of pure wine, and a cake of unleavened bread. After a while, he who presides says, * Let us beseech " our Lord, that he would forgive us our sins and " our transgressions, for his mercy's sake — and « u it ii it t( ^ lb. p. 265. ® This is one of the tracts already alluded to in note 16 (p. 468). The original of the passage will be found among the authorities. 472 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 1«; u u " would, for his mercy's sake, fulfil those petitions, " which we worthily offer — and that he may do " these thing's, let us say the Pater Noster seven " times, in honour of God, and of the Holy Tri- " nity.' And then, all kneeling down, say the " Pater Noster seven times. Afterwards they " rise, and then, he who consecrates crosses the " bread, and the cup; and, having broken the " bread, gives a piece to each of the by-standers ; and afterwards, he gives them all to drink with the cup, and they stand all the while on their " feet, and thus their sacrifice is ended. And " they firmly believe, and confess, that that is the " body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, And " if anything should remain of the sacrifice, they ** would keep it till Easter, and then use it all up; but if there were there any who asked for it, they would freely give it to them." For the truth of this statement, I do not vouch ; but the reader will observe, that the charge in this (as in all the other cases) is, not that they rejected the doctrine of transubstantiation — not, that they denied that the priests had power to transub- stantiate — but, that they asserted that they could, and did, do the same. Indeed, I know of only one authority, which forms an excep- tion ; and of the general value of that, I am not (as I have already stated) able to form an opi- nion. The anonymous tract, " On the Heresy of u u Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 473 the Poor Men of Lyons," to which, I have before referred,^ says, " they do not believe it to be ** truly the body and blood of Christ, but only " consecrated bread ; which, in a sort of figure, " is called the body of Christ ; as it is said, * and *< that rock was Christ,' and the like. This, how- " ever, some say, is only performed by the good ; " but others, by all who know the words of con- " secration." I should be very willing to believe, that this was really the doctrine of the ancient Waldenses — and I can suppose that, at some period, it may have been the creed of some of them — but, in the face of the evidence which has been ad- duced, I know not how to make any farther ad- mission. The doctrine of transubstantiation had been so well defined — it was so prominent — so much stress was laid upon it, in the inquisition of heretical pravity — the various forms of what the Romish church called heresy, on that parti- cular point had been so sifted — that I cannot be- lieve that the Waldenses got such testimonies of orthodoxy, while maintaining what must have been considered as mortal heresy. From the days of Peter Moranus,"" the doctrine of the real presence has been " the burning article" of the Romish creed ; and those whom the church of Rome acquitted of heresy on this point, must, I ** See before, p. 468, note 16. 3p S5 lb. p. 157. 474 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 1«. SiCT. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 475 f til think, be considered as very indifferent witnesses against the Papacy. The other point, on which I will now only briefly touch, is the military character of the Waldenses ; and, in doing this, I beg the reader to remember that I am not denying to them whatever praise the world may be pleased to as- sign to heroes and patriots ; I only ask how far it agrees with their character as witnesses, and martyrs of Christ. I grant them all the laurels that earth can yield — but can any man, with the New Testament in his hand, claim for them the heavenly crown of martyrdom ? We are speak- ing of those who are set forth as the special and eminent disciples of Him who commanded his followers not to resist evil — to love their enemies — to bless those who cursed them — to pray for those who despitefuUy used, and persecuted them — who directed them when they were persecuted in one city to flee to another, and warned them that " all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword." On this occasion I will confine myself to a few extracts from the work of Mr. Gilly, whicli has been already referred to,^ respecting that part of the history of the modern Waldenses, which christian writers have agreed to call their " Glorious Recovery" of their Vallies, and which, if we adopt the system of Mr. Faber, was the predicted resurrection of the witnesses. <' After the perfidy of Victor Amadeus the Second had triumphed over his protestant subjects, and the Van- dois were driven out of their country in the year 1686, the three vallies were repeopled by Savoyards and Pie- montese of the Roman Catholic persuasion. The forts which guarded the passes were garrisoned in part by Pie- montese, and in part by French troops. The exiles them- selves were dispersed among the Swiss Cantons, and in the Protestant German States. Some of them had taken refuge in Holland, and others in the Duchy of Branden- burgh, where the Elector had received them with marked attention. Under these circumstances nothing could be more remote from all probability, than that this scattered remnant should rally under a leader of their own, and march sword in hand for the recovery of their possessions.*' The success of such an enterprise must have appeared still more improbable. " Henri Arnaud thought otherwise. Patriotic, ar- dent, and enthusiastic, his love for his native vallies would not suffer him to be happy in a foreign land : his courage would hear of no obstacles, and his warm imagination represented the arm of God, as lifted up to succour the holy undertaking. Lux lucet in tenebris, the light shineth in darkness^ was the motto of his community, and the words which were ever in his mouth. He thought he saw the cloud, which was to go before him by day, and the pillar of fire, which was to give him light by night, and he was incessant in his importunities, until he had communi- 26 See before, p. 116, 27 Certainly the thing was not likely— may we not say, that if they had followed the commands of their Lord, and had been duly impressed with gratitude to God, who had so mercifully provided them an asylum, it would have been impossible ? ;■ ij 476 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. / [Sect. 12, Sect. 13.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 477 cated his own martial spirit to a few faithful friends, and had girt on, what be called, the sword of the Lord and of Gideon, which he solemnly swore never to resign, until the crucifix should be torn down from the altars of the thir- teen sanctuaries, which until this fatal epoch, had never been so idolatrously decorated. In a short time, his little troop was increased to upwards of eight hundred daring adventurers, whom he had persuaded to join his standard, from different parts of Germany and Switzerland/' p. 174. Such is Mr. Gilly's account of the pastor — of his flock he elsewhere gives the following cha- racteristic notice — " The Vaudois have always been good marksmen, and, upon this occasion, they exercised their skill most successfully. From the summit of a mountain, from the top of a crag, or, from behind a rock, or tree, a marksman would frequently take his stand, and deliberately fire se- veral shots before he could be dislodged : or, knowing every pass and defile, a few of them would make a detour, and pour in a volley upon a bivouacing party of their ad- versaries, which never failed of causing dreadful slaughter and consternation.*" p. 182. The pastor and his flock crossed the lake of Geneva, on the 16th of August, 1689 ; and ob- tained possession of the vallies, after a bloody strife, which it is not my present purpose to de- tail. Whether they were animated to this by " the spirit of life from God," as Mr. Faber con- tends"® — or, as Mr. Gilly (I think more justly) '* " The two Witnesses were slain, or the two churches ^* were dissolved, on the 31st day of January, in the year suggests, by the pastor's " own martial spirit," let the reader judge from one or two more brief extracts. I must say that, to me, it seems rather as if the unclean spirits of pride, ambition, and revenge, had gathered them to battle. After de- scribing their " glorious and decisive" victory, Mr. Gilly proceeds— « The conflict lasted two hours ; and the enemy were so completely routed, that many of them, finding them- selves intermixed pell-mell among the Vaudois, hoped to escape, by being mistaken for them ; but they were all put to the sword: the field of battle was covered with the dead : several companies were reduced to seven or eight men, without any officers. All the baggage, and ammu- nition fell into the hands of the Vaudois ; and when the moon arose that evening not an enemy was to be seen. " The exiles might have re-established themselves at once among the fastnesses of the valley of San Martino, but these brave men were not satisfied with a secure retreat ; they resolved to dispossess the Roman Catholics, and to restore their brethren to their lands and habitations, or to perish in the attempt. The valley of Luzerno was occu- pied in great force by French and Piemontese troops, a detachment of whom was ordered to sieze the passes of the Col di Giuliano, and to prevent Arnaud's approach on that 1 \ « 1686; butexactly three years and a halfafter this marked « epoch, or on the 16th day of August, in the year 1689, « when the exiles in a body crossed the Lake of Geneva, « and invaded Savoy, the spirit of life from God entered « into them, and they stood upon their feet." Sac. Cat. Vol. III. p. 90. u 478 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. I2, I side of the valley. Bat nothing could check his im- petuous attack. The heights were carried with scarcely any loss on the part of the Vaudois ; and the enemy were pursued from one summit to another, till they retreated into the vale of Bobbio, and took shelter in that village. Bobbio was, at this time, in the hands of the Papists, to whom, the confiscated property of the Protestants had been assigned. It was taken by storm, and pillaged by the exas^ perated exiles, who, upon this occasion, forgot the moderation by which they had hitherto been governed, " After these successes, the gallant patriots took an oath of fidelity to each other, and celebrated divine service in one of their own churches, for the first time since their banishment. The enthusiasm of the moment was irre- pressible ; they chanted the lith Psalm to the clash of arms ; and Henri Amaud, mounting the pulpit with a sword in one hand, and a Bible in the other, preached from the I29M Psalm ;'' and once more declared, in the face of heaven, that he would never resume his pastoral office in patience and peace, until he should witness the restoration of his brethren to their ancient and rightful settlements. Amaud and his undaunted band have been blamed for giving, what have been con- sidered, too many proofs of this warlike spirit, and for for- getting what belonged to their evangelical character ; but the circumstances of the case, and the necessity of keeping their minds worked up to the highest pitch of martial enthusi- asm, MIGHT WELL JUSTIFY THEM. " Another memorable anecdote is preserved of the intrepid Amaud. He was so often in front of his troop, and the first in the fight, that his comrades found themselves obliged to remonstrate with him upon this fear- less exposure of his life. " I best know,'' was his reply, " what the cause and occasion require of me : while I 29 Would not Rom. xii.19, have been a better text ? ft ; Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 479 advance follow me ; and, when I fall^ revenge me !'^ p. 180. ^^ The most shocking tale, relating to this extraordi- nary war, remains to be told. The Vaudois had no means of providing for the safe custody of prisoners. No pri- soners, therefore, were to be taken ; no quarter was given in the fight, and NO mercy shewn afterwards. It was literally a war of extermination. The Duke of Savoy, and the King of France, would make no terms with the rebels, as they termed them ; and they, in their turn, had no alter- native but to DESTROY EVERY MAN who was found In arms against them. Some circumstances, attending this dreadful system, were particularly lamentable. *' The French and Piemontese troops were often thrown into confusion at the first onset, unles their num- bers were ver}^ superior. They would turn their backs, throw away their arms, and fly by the first road that pre- sented itself. In many cases, their ignorance of the coun- try led them to take the most narrow passes ; and, not unfrequently, they strayed into rugged tracks, which proved to have no outlets. The Vaudois pressed upon their rear, the wretched fugitives were crowded together, and a fearful massacre took place, to the regret of those, who, in self-defence, were compelled to such severity. The grief of Amaud, and of his compatriots, under this cruel necessity of shedding blood, is feelingly expressed in the narrative, and oftentimes mercy was shewn to their perse- cutors, when it was hardly consistent with a due regard to their own safety. One anecdote will explain the emergency to which these poor people were driven ; and will shew that even their adversaries were willing to admit, that they were justifiable in refusing quarter. 30 30 It is not surpi-ising, that their irreligious adversaries should jus- tify the merciless cruelty of which they were themselves guilty—but the 480 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. ■■■* <* Several of the French oflBcers were well known to have expressed their dissatisfaction at the inglorious ser- vice in which they were engaged, and their commiseration for the victims whom they were commanded, by their bigotted sovereign, Louis XIV. to hunt down. Among these was the colonel of a regiment of infantry. After a very sharp action, this colonel was left upon the field of battle, dangerously wounded. He was found by the Vau- dois, who knew his humane character, and endeavoured to save his life : but they had no experienced surgeon, and none of those necessaries which the wounded man requir- ed. Some sort of communication was made with the French General ; and the Colonel's own surgeon, and a chest, containing several articles of apparel and provision^ were sent for his accommodation. He recovered, and was detained by the Vaudois, and treated with all the ten- derness which their situation permitted. Some more offi- cers fell into their hands, and they too were spared. <* Unhappily, an attack was shortly afterwards made upon the Protestants, which was partly successful, and they were obliged to retreat with great precipitation. * Should we be surrounded,' said the commander of the Vaudois to his French prisoners, < we shall want the men who guard you, and your lives must he sacrificed,^ — ' I ac- knowledge and submit to the necessity,' replied the colo- nel, « and I shall forgive you my death. My blood will be upon the head of none, but the authors of this horrible war.' It happened as they had feared: the Vaudois were hard pressed on all sides. At first, they presented the French officers to the volleys of the enemy, under the hope that sad reflection, as it respects the Vaudois, is, that neither their adversa- ries, nor their admirers, will be their final judges — and how far we should be influenced by either, in forming our judgment on the case, is a mat- ter for the consideration of the christian reader. V"*l m SlCT. 1«.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 481 their countrymen would not continue to fire at their risk ; but the combat thickened, the prisoners all fell by the hands of their captors, and not till then could the exiles succeed, in cutting their way through the enemy's ranks. " Such was the nature of the conflict between the eight hundred, and the allied forces of France and Savoy. It was a MURDEROUS SYSTEM OF WARFARE, in which the regular troops suffered in proportion of twenty to one at the least ; for they never could succeed in alluring the mountaineers from their fastnesses, or in bringing them to action except where the nature of the ground made up for the inferiority of numbers." p. 185. At present I add no farther comment on these facts ; partly, because 1 think they will speak for themselves — partly, because this volume is already inconveniently large — and, principally, because they more properly belong to the History of the Modern Waldenses (as we may, perhaps, call those who have lived since the commence- ment of the Reformation) of which, if it please God to grant me ability, and opportunity, and such helps as 1 have reason to expect, I may, perhaps, hereafter, find occasion to speak. 1 f: li 3a wiw AUTHORITIES. '{}\ No. I. p. 78. Nicolai PapcB Ep. XIV. Ad Theodoram Auguttam. '* NicoLAUS epic^copus servus servorum Dei dilectissimse filise Tlieo- dorse, imperatori quondam terreno, nunc autem spiritualiter coelesti con- junctse. Virtutes vestras, quibus praeditae ante-cedentium vos Augustarum nulli diebns istis apparuistis secundae, quibus etiam,et praecipue in causa pietatis, eaium nemini estis inferiorcs inventae, subtiliter atque, solicite re- colentes, Deo cunctipotenti, cujus munere has percepistis, grates immensas referre, et ejus sancto uomini benedicere non cessamus, atque piorum stu- diorum vestrorum praeconia pro imitatione audientium inter fidelium collo- quia jugiter enarramus. Tu quippe etiam principe marito tuo contra leges ecclcsiaB sentiente superslito, sana sapere et recta defendere non for- midasti. Tu inquam in orthodoxa religione perseverans, unicum, filium non terreiii patris, sed supercoelestis iter aggredi docuisti. Quis autem morum insignia, quis correctionum tuarum facta fortia narrare sufficiat ? Cum enim sola principabaris, Domino co-operante non solum ab hoste visibili, verum etiam nullo mare infirmior ecclesiam Domini ab hoste invi- sibili (hoc est ah errore) texisti ; et perversorum dogmatum nebulam, tamquam solis radius ab ecclesiae facie depulisti. Senserunt in te baeretici virile pectus, et mirantes insuperabile robur, quod femina fueris ambiguum habuerunt. Cur hoe, nisi quia sedis apostolicae dogmata sequebaris, et Constantinopolitani monita pontiiicis, cui Romana ecclesia communicabat, amplectebaris ?" Cone. Vlll. col. 384. No. II. p. 128. *' NuLLUS inter Gallos ante Valdensium tempora omnes sacros libixw in linguam vemaculam converterat. Francica enim Novi Testamenti versio, si unquam extiterit, quam jussu Caroli Magni factam aliqui refemnt, ad Teutonicas est amandanda; primi ergo, qui hunc susceperunt laborem, quorum notitia ad nos usque pervenit, illi sane fuerunt, quos denotavit Innocentius III. Pont. Max. in epist. 141. lib. 2. Epistol. p. 432. editionis BaluzianiB scripta circa annum MCC. " Universis Christi fidelibus tam in urbe Metensi quam ejus Dicecesi constitutis. Significavit nobis Venera- bilis Frater" (Bertramus) ** Metensis Episcopus per litteras suas, quod tam in Diceeesi quam in urbe Metensi laicorum et mulierum multitudo non modica, tracta quodammodo desiderio Scripturaruro, Evangelia, Epis- tolas Pauli) Psalterium, Moralia Job, et plures alios libros sibi fecit in Gallico sermone transferri." Bibliorum lihri quidam (imprimis Novum Testamentum) in linguam vernaculani, sr. Gallicam translati a Stephano de Ansa (vel de Emsa) Sa- i w T 484 AUTHORITIES. iiH 11 cerdote Lugdunensi, studio et impensis Petri Valdeusis, post aDUum 1170, aut 1180. Stephanus de Borbone seu de Bellavilla Ord. Praedic. qui obiit 1261. Valdensium ortum describens libro de 7 donis Spiritus Sancti part. 4, tit. 7, cap. 30, haec ait ; ** Valdenses dicli sunt a prime hujus haeresis auctore, *^ qui nominatus fuit Valdensis. Dicuntur etiam pauperes de Lugduno, ** quia ibi coeperunt in professione paupertatis..« .Incoepit autem ilia ** secta per hunc modum, secundum quod ego audivi a pluribus qui priores ** eorum viderunt, et a Sacerdote illo, qui satis honoratus ei*at, et dives in ** civitate Lugdunensi et amicus Fratrum nostrorum, qui dictus fuit Ber- " nardus Ydros ; qui cum esset juvenis et scriptor, scripsit dicto Valdensi " priores libros pro pecunia in Romano, quos ipsi habuerunt, transferente ** et dictante ei quodam Grammatico, dicto Stephano de Ansa,^^ (aliu " de Emsa"") " qui postea bene6ciatus in Ecclesia majore Lugdunensi" (alius codex " praenotatus est in Sacerdotem et") ^* de solario domus, quaro sedi- " ficabat, corruens morte subita vitam finivit, quem ego vidi ssepe. Qui- ** dam dives rebus in dicta urbe dictus Valdensis audiens Evangelia, cum " non esset multum literatus, curiosus intelligere quid dicei*ent, fecit pac. ** turn cum dictis Sacerdotibus alteri fsicj ut transferret ei in vulgrari, ** alteri ut scriberet quae ille dictaret, quod fecerunt : Similiter multos ** libros Bibliae et auctoritates Sanctorum multos quas sentenfias appel- ** labant. Incoepit autem haec secta circa annum Incarnatiouis Domini ^' MCLXX sub Joanne dicto Bolesmanis Archiepiscopo Lugdunensi" (alius codex " MCLXXX sub Joanne dicto Belesmanis.") Haec referuntur ex codice msc. Sorbonico a R. P. Jacobo Echard sect. 4. libri quem inscripsit : Sancti Thomae summa suo auctori vindicata, pag. 540." Le Long, Bib- lioth. Sac. Cap. V. §. 1, No. III. p. 140. Concilium Lutnbariense. ** Interrogavit Lodovensis episcopus eos qui faciunt se nuncupari Boni homines ^ussu episcopi Albiensis, assessorumque ejus, in primo capi- tulo, si recipiebant legem Moysi ac Prophetas, seu Psalmos, et Vetus Testa- mentum, et doctores Novi Testament!. Responderunt coram omni multitu- dine, quia non recipiebant legem Moysi, neque Propbetas, neque Psalmos, nee Vetus Testamenti,nisi solummodo Evangelia, Epistolas Pauli, et septem canonicas Epistolas, Actusque apostolorum, et Apocalypsim. Secundo interrogavit eos de fide sua uti eam apponerent. Respondentes dixerunt, quod non dicerent, nisi cogerentur. Tertio inten-ogavit eos de baptismal e parvulorum, et si salvabuntur per baptismum. Dixerunt quod nihil dice- rent, sed de Evangelio et Epistolis responderent. Quarto interrogavit eos de corpore et sanguine Domini, ubi consecrabatur, vel per quos, et qui sumebant, et si magis, vel melius conseci-abatur per bonum, quam per malum. Responderunt quia qui digne sumebant, salvabantur; et qui iudigne, acquirebant sibi damnationem. Et dixerunt quod ab omni bono tam cleiico, quam laico consecrabatur. Et nihil aliud responderent, quia non debebant cogi respondere de fide sua. Quinto interrogavit eos quid sentiebant de matrimonio, et si poterant salvari, si camaliter junge- AUTHORITIES. 485 bantur vir et mulier. Noluerunt respondere nisi hoc tantura, videlicet quia vir et mulier jungebantur propter luxuriam atque fornicationem [R. Hove, vitandam], sicut B. Paulus in epistola sua. Sexto interrogavit eos de poenitentia, an in fine fieret ad salutem ; vel si milites qui vulnerabantur mortaliter, salvarentur si poeniterent in fine ; vel si deberet unusquisque confiteri peccata sua sacerdotibus et ministris ecclesiae, vel cuilibet laico ; vel de quibus ait B. Jacobus, * Confiteraini alterutrum peccata vestra.' Qui respondentes dixerunt infirmis suificere si confitereutur cui vellent, De militibus vero dicere noluerunt, quia non dicit B. Jacobus nisi de infir- mantibus. Quaesivit etiam ab eis, si sufficiebat sola cordis contritio et oris confessio, vel si erat necesse ut facerent satisfactionem post datam poenitentiam, jejuniis, afflictionibus, et eleemosynis, peccata sua lugentes, si suppeteret eis facultas. Responderuntque atque dixerunt, quia Jacobus non nisi hoc tantum ut confiterentur, et sic salvarentur : nee volebant esse meliores Apostolo, ut aliquiddesuo adjungerent sicut Episcopi fa- ciunt. Dixerunt etiam multa non interrogati, quod non debebant omnino jurare per aliquod sacramentum, sicut dicebat Jesus in Evangelio, et Jacobus in Epistola sua. Dixerunt etiam, quia Paulus aiebat in Epistola sua quales erant ordinandi in ecclesia episcopi et presbyteri : et si tales non ordiuabanlur, quales ordinandos praecipiebat Paulus, non erant epis- copi neque presbyteri, sed lupi rapaces et hypocritae et seductores, amantt s salutationes in foit), primas cathedras, et primos accubitus in ccenis, volen- tes vocari rabbi et magistri contra praeceptum Christi, ferentes albas et Candidas vestes, gestantes in digitis aureos anuulos gemmatos : quod non praecipit magister eorum Jesus. Et multa alia convicia improperantes. Et idcirco quia non erant episcopi neque presbyteri, nisi tales quales fuerunt presbyteri qui tradiderunt Jesuni : non debebant illis obedire, quia mali erant, non boni doctores, sed mercenarii. Contra ea qua; dicebant inductae sunt Novi Testamenti autoritates multae a domino Pontio Narbonensi Archiepiscopo, et Arnaldo Nemausensi Episcopo, et Petro Sendracensi Abbate, et Abbate de Fontefrigido. Auditis itaque utrimque allegationi- bus et Novi Testamenti autoritatibus, non enim volebant recipere judicium nisi per novum Testamentum : talem diffinitivam sententiam de jure et ex Novo Testamento protulit Lodovensis Episcopus ex mandato Albiensis Episcopi, et adsessorum supra nominatoruro, coram omnibus praedictis facto ab omuibus si lent io. Ego Gaucelinus Lodovensis episcopus ex praecepto Albiensis episcopi adsessorumque ejus judico istos, qui vocant se bonos homines^ haereticos esse, et damno sectam Oliverii, sociorumque ejus, et qui tenent sectam haereticorum de Lumbera, ubicumque sint. Atque hoc judicamus per autoritates Novi Testamenti, id est Evangelia et Epistolas, atque Psalmos, Actusque Apostolorum et Apocalypsim Responderunt haeretici, quia episcopus qui dederat sententiam erat haereticus, et non ipsi : et quod erat inimicus eorum, atque erat lupus rapax, et hypocrita, et inimicus Dei, ac non bene judicavcrat. Et noluerant respondere de fide sua, quia cavebant se ab eo, sicut eis praeceperat Dominus in Evangelio : Attendite a falsis prophetis, qui veniunt ad vos in vestimentis ovium, iutrinsecus sunt lupi rapaces." Et quod ipse erat persecutor eorum fraudulentus, et parati m iV. 486 AUTHORITIES. eraut ostendere perEvaogelia atque Epislolas quod noa eial bonus pastor, neque ipse, neque caeteri episcopi vel presbyteri, sed potius mercenarii. Respondit episcopus, quod sententia in eos de jure erat dictata et paratus erat probaie in curia domini Alexandri Papaj Catholic!, et in Curia Ludo- yici regis Franciae, et in Curia Raimundi Coniitis Tolosani, vel uxoris ejus, quae eral praesens, vel in Curia praesentis Tiencaveli, quod recte tuerat judicatuni, et quod isti nianifeste essent haeretici, et dehaeresi notati. Atque promisit se eos accusare dehaeresi in omni curia catholica, et se subiturum judicii discrimcn. Videntes vero se esse convictos atque confusos, converterunt se ad omneni populuni dicentes : Audile, O boni viri, fidem nostram, quam con- titemur, nunc confitemur autem propter dilectioneni et gratiain vestri, Respondit Episcopus praedictus: * Vos non dicitis, quod propter gratiani Domini dicatis, atque dicitis, propter gratiam populi.' Et illi inquiiint : jios credimus unum Deum vivuni ct veruin, triuumque atque unum, Pa- trem, et Filium, et Spiritum sanctum: Filiumque Dei carnem suscepisse, baptizatum fuisse in Jordane, jejunasse in descrto, praedicasse salutem nos- tram, passum, mortuum, atque sepultum, ad inferos dcscendisse, resur- rexisse tertia die, ad caelos ascendisse, Spiritum Paraclitum in die Pente- cosles discipulis misisse, venturum in die judicii ad judicandos vivos et morluos, onmesque resurrecturos. rognoscimus etiara quia quod corde credimus, ore debemus confiteri. Credimus quia non saivatur qui non manducat corpus Christi: et quod non consccratur nisi in Ecclesia, atque etiam nisi a sacerdote sivc bono sive malo, nee melius fieri per bonum, quam ppr malum. Credimus etiam quod non saivatur quis, nisi per baptismuro, et parvulos salvari per baptisma. Oedimus etiam, quod vir et mulier salvan- tur, licet carnaliter misceantur. Et quod poenitentiam debeat unusquisque accipere ore et corde, atque a sarcedote et in ecclesia baptizari. Et qui- dem si quid in ecclesia amplius posset ostendi per Evangelia vel Epistolas, illud credereul et confiterenlur. Interrogavit etiam eos Episcopus praedictus, si jurarent se tenere fidem istam et credere. Et si quid amplius debeant confiteri, quod male sensf rant atque praedicaverant, an non ? Respondenles dixerunt, quod iiullo modo jurarent, quia contra Evangelium facerent, et Epistolas. Con- tra eos vero inducta? sunt Novi Testamenti autoritaies a praedictis catho- licis peraonis. Auditisitaque utriraque authoritatibus, surgens praedictus Episcopus judicavit sic. Ego Gaucelinus Episcopus Lodovensis, jussu et mandato Albiensis Episcopi, adsissorumque ejus, judico et per setentiam dico, quod male sentiunt haeretici isti de jurejurando, et debent jurare,8i * re-.ipicere voluul, praestandunique est jusjurandum ubi fides periclitatur. Et quia infiimes sunt, et de haeresi notati, debent purgare suam innocentiam, et redeuntes ad ecclesiae unitatem fidem suam debent jurejurando adstruere sicut tenet et cretlit Ecclesia Catholica, ne infirmi qui sunt in ecclesia corrumpantur, et ne oves morbidae universum gregem coutaminent Videntes itaque quod super hoc erant ronvicti, dixerunt quod episcopus Albiensis fecerat eis pactum quod non cogeret eos jurare. Quod ipse Episcopus Albiensis ncgavit." Cone, X. 1471. AUTHORITIES. 487 No. IV. p. 147. Ratfmundi ComUis Tolosani Episiola. " PULLULAVERAT his dicbus in Tolosani Comitis territorio haeresis maligna quae fidem et orthodoxorum patrum ecclesiastica instituta eva- cuans, non solum vulgus simplex sed et ecclesiae Dei sacerdotes et epis- copos cum principibus laicis tabe confecit nefanda. Hujus haeresis detes- tanda perversitas in litteris Comitis Tolosae facilius poterit agnosci, quas idem Comes gcnerali capitulo misit Cisterciensi. Harum litteraium iste est textus. Domino suo ac venerabili Cisterciensi Abbati A. univereoque conven- tui in generali capitulo constituto, naufragans circa superna Comes Tolosae Dux Narboniae Marchio Provinciae cum salute eorum benedictionibus con- firmari orationibusque fulciri. Quoniam in scientiae et sapientiae vestrae thesauris clarescit quod nostris in partibus vulpes parvulae vineas quas^ plantavit dextera Exceisi demoliuntur, et fontes sine aqua et nebulae tur- binibus agitati, fontem qui patet domui David in ablutionera inmunditiae, et menstruae evacuare nituntur, et rivuli virus diffundunt ut ligna quae plantata sunt sccus decursus aquai um evellant. Rogo et obsecro quatinus ascendatis ex adverso. Et ne istorum sermo qui ut cancer serpit convales- cat, opponatis vos murum pro domo Israel. In tantum equidera haec putida haeresis tabes praevaluit, ut oranes fere illi consentientes arbitren- tur obsequium se praestare Deo, et ipse iniquns qui misterium jam oper- ator iniquitatis in filios diflSdentiae, sic transfigurat se in angeli-m lucis, ut uxor a viro, filius a patre, nurus a socru discedant, proh dolor! Insupcr sic in finibus nostris obscuratum est aurum, ut quasi lutum sub pedibus dia- boli sternatur. Quoniam et qui sacerdotio funguntur haeresis foeditate depravantur, et antiqua olimque veneranda ecclesiarum loca inculta ja- cent,diruta remanent, baptismus negatur, eucaristia abominatur, pcenitentia parvi penditur, hominis plasmatio, carnis resurrectio abnegando respuitur, et omnia ecclesiastica sacramenta annullantur, et quod dici uefas est, duo eciam principia introducuntur. Et nunc quid dicam? Non sunt qui re- cogitent et dicant in cordibus suis, ' Quid facimus quia homines isti mulU mala faciunt ? Si dimittimus eos sic, omnes credent in eos. Et qui absor- buit fluvium et non mirabitur, ex iniquae praesumptionis audacia influet Jordanis in os ejus.' Ego quidem qui uno e duobus divinis accingor gla- dio, et qui me irae Dei vindicem et ministrum Dei in hoc ipsum constitu- tum confiteor, dum tali infidelitati modum ponere et finem dare innitor, ad tantnm et tale negotium complendum vires meas deficere cognosco, quo- niam terrae meae nobiliores jam praelibata iufidelitatis tabe aruerunt, et cum ipsis maxima hominum multitudo a fide corruens aruit, unde id per- ficere non audeo nee valeo. Nunc igitur ad vestrum confugiens subsidi- um, humili cordis imploro affectn, quatinus ad extirpandum tantum infi. delitatis malum manum consilii vestri et auxilii cum virtute orationis porrigatis. Scitote etenira quia in tantum haeresis virulenta inviscerata manet, quod nisi manu Dei valida ejusque brachio extento extirpari non potest. Talium namque caput induratum quasi lapis sic manet, ut in sti- pulam ei vertantur lapides fnndap. Quoniam igitur spiritualis gladii vir- 488 AUTHORITIES. AUTHORITIES. 489 tutem nil perficere posse cognoscimus, ad tantara haeiesis pravitatem ex- tirpaiidam, opoitet ut corporalis gladii animadvei sione compellatur. Ad quod peragendum Dominum Regem Francorum accersiri vestris ex par- tibus pereuadeo, quia per ipsius prasentiam tanta mala finem suscipere suspicor. Ipsi quippe praesenti civitates aperiam, vicos et castella sub ejus censura tradaro, haereticos ostendam, et usque ad sanguinem in quo- cunque nostri indiguerit negotio ad conterendos hostes et omnes Christi inimicos illi assistam. Valete.'* No. V, p. 151. Eputola Henrtci Ahhatis Clarevallensis. " AUDITE coeli quod plangimus : sciat terra gemitum cordis nostrL Doleant vices Christi Catholici Christiani, et ad detrimenta fidei fidelis . populus ingemiscat. Quique terrigenae et filii hominum humanae salutis damna deplorent, et generalis vitae nostrae subversio ab omnibus viventibus generaliier lugeatur. Stat contra phalangas Israel novus nostri temporis Philistaeus, haereticorum ordo, exercitus perversorum, qui agminibus Dei ▼iventis irreverenter exprobrat, et Deura majestatis in prima praesumptione blasphemat. Quod dubitas, O David ? quid trepidas vir fidelis ? sume tibi fundam et lapidera : percutiatur protinus in fronte blasphemus, et caput neqoam, quod impudenter erigitur, suo tuis manibus raucrone toUatur. Si enim in hoc certamine pars Christi vincitur, si vel ad modicum et in puncto mater ecclesia conculcatur, scimus pro certo causae non deesse meritum, sed patronum: scimus quod non negabitur agonistae nostro triumphus, si amore fidei militat pugnaturus. Verura quia juxta veritatis verbum messis multa est, et operarii pauci, si introierint audacter, tuorum bone Jesu depopulatores agrorum parati sicut operarii subdoli, acerba magis eradicare quam matura demetere, et tuae messionis diem suis direptionibus praevenire : ubi sunt ergo agricolae tui constituti super agrum fertilem et jucundum, tuo cruore floridum, et aspersione pii san- gumis irrigatum. Surgant et opitulentur nobis, et in necessitate nos pi-o- tegant, seque ad cruentas bestias murum nobis defensionis opponant Surgite inquam, surgite viri patres duces, gentium, principes populorum, abigite feras pessimas, quas vidimus, quas monstramus, velsaltem vulpes parvulas effugare et capeie quidem melius, sed ad hoc quis idoneus' Non habent certos aditus : semitas ambulant circulares, et in quodam fraudium suarum labyrintho monstra saevissima reconduntur. Tanquam damula de manu diflFugiunt ; et, instar colubri tortuosi, quo eos plus astrinxeris, faci- lius elabnntur. Deo autem g.atias quod etsi capi nequeant, fugari pos- sunt, ut cum perdiderint quod demoliebantur in nobis, confundantur et pereant m semetipsis. Hoc autem quod sit facile per ea qua vidimus et tractavimus approbamus : ut jam a modo si factum non fuerit, non tarn illorum nequit.am quam defectus nostros nostrorumque negligentiam de- ploremus. Contigit enim nuper ad imperium domini pap«, et hortata piissnnorura principum Lodowici Francorum et Henrici Anglorum regum, Dommum Petrum apostolicae sedis legatum, virosque venerabiles Fictaven- •em et Bathonensem episcopos, nosque, in comitatu eorum urbem adire Tolosam ; quae, sicut crat civitas maximas muUitudinis, ita etiam dicebatur esse mater haeresis et caput eri-oris. Perreximus ergo ad illam, ut scire- mus si juxta clamorem, qui ascendit, esset dolor ejus. Et ecce inventa est plaga ejus magna nimis : ita ut a planta pedis, usque ad verticem capitis vix esset in eo sanitas, vere enim tertia pars nobis nunciata non fuerat de omnibus abominationibus suis malis, quas civitas ilia nobilis in increduli* tatis suae gremio confovebat. Locum in ea sibi abominatio desolationis invenerat, et propheticorum similitudo xeptilium in latibulis ejus domici- lium obtinebat. Ibi haeretici principabantur in populo, dominabantur in clero, eo quod populus sic sacerdos, et in interitum gregis ipsa configu- rabatur vita pastoris. Loquebantur haeretici et omnes admirabantur : loquebatur Catholicus et dicebant, quis est hie? in stuporem et miraculum deducentes, si esset aliquis inter eos, qui de verbo fidei auderet aliquid vel mutire. In tantum praevaluerat pestis in teri-at, quod illi sibi non solum sacerdotes et pontifies fecerant : sed etiam evangelistas habebant qui cor- rupta et cancellata evangelica veritate nova illis evaugelia cuderent, et de corde suo nequam recentia dogmata seducto populo praedicarent. Men- tior si non erat inter eos homo quidam aetate grandaevus, rebus locuples, omatns fratribus et amicis, et magnus omnino inter maximos civitatis, quem ita peccatis exigentibus diabolus excaecaverat, ut seipsum Johan-^ nem Evangelistam diceret; et verbum, quod erat in principio apud Deum, ab alio quodam rcrum patricipio tanquam a Deo altero segregaret. Hie erat in urbe ilia pereuntium caput, et princeps haereticorum. Qui licet tanquam laicus et idiota nil saperet, inter eos tamen velut quidam diabo- licae sapientiae fons perditionis et mortis felleos latices emanabat. Conve- niebant ad eum noctibus noctuae tenebrosae : et ille indumento quodam ad instar tunicae dalmaticaeque vestitus, cum sederet inter eos tanquam rex circumstante exercitu erat, et inerat desipientium praedicator. Totam penitus url)em discipulis suis et disciplina repleverat : quippe cui aliquis de urbe prae fortitudine sua resistere non audebat. In ipso quoque in- troitu nostro tanta erat haereticis ubique licentia ut nos quoque per vicos et plateas recto itinere procedentes subsannarent verbo, digito demonstra- rent : nos apostatas, nos hypocritas, nos haereticos conclamantes. Verum p -ocedente tempore et data nobis requie diebus paucis, injunctum est uni de nobis verbum exhortationis assumere, et de regula verae fidei coram infideli multitudine disputare. Habito autem sermone orthodoxae praedica- tionis ad plebem, conterriti sunt in Sion peccatores, possedit tremor hypo* critas : ita ut qui prius obstruebant ora loquentium, jam apparere coram loquentibus non auderent, Audiens illico vel videns vUlpes transfignratas in talpas, ut quae prius impune in publico discurrebant ; jam terrarum latebris, jam sese cellulis immergerent cavernosis, et plantaria sacra, quae jam non audebant in aperto commandere, intra terrae viscera corroderent et necarent. Ut autem pardus ille discolor pellis suae varietate se prode- ret, sermonem sibi nequam callidis adinventionibus firmaverunt, ut ad nostras confirmationis similitudinem simulandam tracti ad discussiones graves, quicquid nos credimus se credere mentirentur. Ex ilia ergo die Dominus Legatus et nos alii qui cum feris bestiis in aperto congredi puta" bamus, ad prescrutandos eos, quos timor et coufusio tanquam ignobiles in 3r 490 AUTHORITIES. ima tei rae detruserat, studium totum convertiraus, et laborem, ut vel coacti prodirent in publicum, et abjicerent in luce opera tenebiarum. Factum est exinde, praecipiente legato, ut juraret Episcopus, et quidam de Cleit), et Consules civitatis, aliique civitatis viri fideles, quos nonduin in aliqno perfidise fama respei-serat, quod quoscunque vel hactenus uoverant, vel nosse eos contingei-et in futuro qui essent hujus haeresis vel complices ▼el auctores, eorum nobis nomina depromerent ; Nulli penitus vel amore vel pretio vel cujuspiam necessitudinis ratione parcentes. Cumque per singulos dies innumera multitudo in catalogum illius conscriptionis inci- deret, nominatus est inter alios magnus ille Pttrus Muranus, quem Jo- hannem Evangelistam, ut supra diximus, nominabant. Super quo nos omnes communicato consilio decrevimus, ab illo inchoare judicium, ut turba iu reliquis perfida contremisceret, cum falsi evangelistae versutiam veri evangeli simplicitas condemnasset. Missis ergo apparitoribus, praece. pit eum Comes Sancti Egidii, qui fideliter nobis aderat accersiri. Sed ille in multiludine divitianim suarum, et parentum numerositate confidens, prima; citationis edictum fastuosae Hilationis colludio declinavit. Altera ergo die praedictus Comes, blanditiis magis quam terroribus enitens, eun- dem Petrum per amicos et notos leviter advocavit, et eum nobis tandem post difficultates plurimas veniendi, mixtis cum terrore blanditiis, prae- sentavit. Tunc unus, qui loquebatur e nobis, taliter eum exoraus est commonere. * Eja nunc (Petre) lui teconcives accusant, quod sauae tidei regulis confutatis in Arriauae haeresis deveneris pravitatem : imo per mul- tiplicium errorum devia, et ducis ipse alios, et ab aliis deducaris.' Ad haec ille de profundo suspirans et tactus dolore cordis intrinsecus, se non esse hujusmodi est prima fronte mentitus. Et requisitus an hoc juramento probaret, simplici assertioni suae tanquam fidelis viri et illustris credi oportere contendit. Caeterum cum in exigendo juramento universi pariter instaremus promisit se continuo juraturum, ne in hoc ipso deprehende- retur haereticus, si juxta quod consuetudo illius erroris obtinuit, vitandi jui-amenti existeret obstinatus. Mox igitur sanctorum reliquiae honora- biliter efferuntur, cum tam solemni reverentia et devotioue susceptae, ut et fidelis populus compungeretur ad lachrymas, et haercticos, qui convene- rant, latebrae potius quam talia spectacula delectarent. Ipsum vero Petrum, in cantu, quem ad invocandam Spiritus Sancti praesentiam profu- sis lachrymis cantabamus, tremor evidens et pallor operuit : ita ut ab eo et color vultus aufugit, et vigor animi deperirct. Quomodo enim adveni- ente Spiritu Saocto, et in adversario ejus spiritus remaneret ? Cernere erat hominem quasi morbo paralytico dissolutum, nee loquelam retinuisse, nee sensum, quamvis tantae facundiae fuisse diceretur ab omnibus, quod omnes in dicendo sit solitus superare. Quid plura? jurat infoelix astantibus uni- versis, quod de omnibus articulis fidei, quos requiremus ab eo, suae credulitatis exprimeret veritatem. Res mira, et in tali spectaculo pia jocunditate gratissima. Apertus est liber, in quo juravcrat: et uno de circumstantibus religioso quodara joco occurentis literse praenosticum perquirente illius scripturae textus occurrit. *' Quid libi et nobis Jesu fill pei? venisti ante tempus torquere nos?'* Vere Domine Jesu nihil tibi et illis, quos pater tuus ccelestis a te vite vera tanquam infructuosos palmi- k'i' AUTHORITIES. 491 tea amputarat, et foras miserat, ut arescant. At nobis in tuo nomine con- gregatis, laetitiee multipUcatur augmentum, et in gratiarum actione, et voce laudis, virtutis tuae gloria resonabat. Demum Petrus in virtutc sacramenti simpliciter requisitus, ut de sacramento altaris suam nobis fidem sine fraude aliqua fateretur, quod corde non credidit ad justitiam, nee ore confessus est ad salutem : sed contra id, quod de omnibus mentiri decreverat falsitati suae prodidit veritatem j et panem sanctum vitae aeteriiae sacerdotis rainisterio in verbo Domini consecratum, non esse cor- pus Domini novo dogmate coutendebat asserere. Tunc surrexerunt omnes eum quodammodo lachrymis obruentes quas et sacramentorum Christi cuntemptus elicuit, et habita erga miserum compassio, Christiana pro- duxit. Nee plura. dant Coraiti: Reus et haereticus judicatus est: statim- que sub diligent i poUicitatione parentum custodiae publicae mancipatur. Volat facti rumor per vicos et plateas amplissimae civitatis. Aperiuntur ora fidelium, et Catholicae plebis labia in tua (Christe) praeconia rcsolvun- tur; velut tunc primum in eadem urbe fidei splendor erumperet, et in spem salutis aeternae desperata dudum civitas respiraret. Ex tunc ergo et deinceps verbum Dei crescebat, et multiplicabatur indies : ita ut universa urbis facies laetior videretur, per quae in candorem lucidae veritatis de tenebris evadebat erroris. Interea Petrus ad se reversus, et Domino respi- ciente compunctus, cum se dignum penitus tam praesenti morte cemeret quam futura ; missis mediatoribus muUis satisfactionis quaerit aditum, et convei-sionis poUicetur effectum, ut posset in frugem melioris vitae ab imminentis mortis iuleritu liberari. Venit, recipitur, et in conspectu sisti- tur populi contristautis nudo quidem corpore veteris perfidiae exuens pra- vitatem. Ibi se coram omnibus haereticum recognovit: ibi dedit manus fidei, ibi renuntiavit errori, praestito, coram omnibus manu dexti-a jura- mento, et datis fidejussoribus tam Comiti ipsi quam militibus et praecipuis concivibus suis, quod ad omne mandatum domini legati se subderet, et jussionem ejus in omnibus adimpleret. Tunc indictum est populo, ut omnes paritei* ad ecclesiam sancti Saturnini die altera convenirent, audi- turi et visuri solemniter quam poenitentiae formam Petrus ille susciperet observandam. Omnes igitur sequente die, ut fuerant praenominati, con- venerunt, tanta utique multitudo, tam frequens ; ut vix remaneret secus ipsa altaris cornua locus vacuus, qui domino legato Missae solemnia cele- branti sine compressione nimia praeberetur. Et ecce coram ilia mul- titudine multa nimis Petrus ille jam noster per ipsas ecclesiae valvas nudus et discalceatus adducitur, caedentibus hinc inde eum Episcopo Tolo- sano et Abbate Sancti Satuniini, donee ad pedes legati in ipsis altaris gra- dibus poneretur. Ibi in facie Ecclesiae ecclesiasticis reconciliatus est sacramentis, abjurata orani haeresi, et haereticis anathematizatis ab eo. Mox autem possessionibus ejus publicatis universaliter et proscriptis, poenitentia illi talis injungitur : ut infra quadraginta dies a patria sua exsulaturusabscederet in servitio pauperum lerosoymis triennio moraturus. Interim vero singulis diebus Dominicis ecclesias Tolosanae urbis nudus et discalceatus cum disciplinalibus virgis jussus est circuire, ecclesiarum bona, quae abstulerat reddere, usuras omnes, quas acceperat, restituere, damna pauperum, quos afflixerat, resarcire, et castrum quoddam suum. 492 AUTHORITIES. AUTHORITIES. 493 quod hsereticorum conventiculis profanarat ab ipsis fundamentis evertere. Pcus bone, quot ibi lachryTnas laetitia sancta profundit, quas gi-atiarum actiones et laudes populus jubilans et devotus coelestibus choris ingessit, cum de caveruis perfidiae talpa talis educitur et in Israeliticam ovem lupus rapacissimus refomiatur. Posthaec illo dimisso dominus Legatus ad alios manus misit, excommunicaturus utique illos, quos in magno numero vel suspicio publica, vel accusatio privata notaverat. Nos autem vix tandem cum lachrymis exorta leetitia revertendi pro eo quod instantia capituli nostros jam reditus exigebat, petita licentia, sub ea nobis est exceptione concessa, ut Albiensem dioecesin intraremus, commonituri principem terrae Rogerum videlicet de Bedei-s, ut et Albiensem episcopum, quern sub custodia hsereticorum in viuculis tenebat, absolveret, et universam terram suam juxta praeceptum domini legati eliminatis haereticis emundaret. Jngredientibus ergo nobis una cum supradicto Bathoniensi Episcopo illam perditissimam regionem, quae velut totius sentina malitia; totam in se colluvionem haeresis illuc diffluentis excepit. Praedictus Rogerus in ulti- mos et inaccessibiles terrae suae fines abscessit, tam mala conscientia pro- fugus, quam causae suae merito desperatus, oderat enim lucem veritatis, autor malitiae, nee sustinere poterat nostras coUocutionis accessum, qui totus recesserat in opera tenebrarum. Pervenimus tamen ad quoddam munitissimum castrum ejus, quod proprie ac singulariter Castri nomine incolae nuncupabant. Ibi habitabat uxor illius cum militia magna, et fa- milia multa nimis Omnes fere habitatores ejusdam castri, vel haereticorum complices erant, licet sola Domini virtute repressi nihil contra fidem, quam priedicabamus, praesumerent vel mutire. Quamvis enim essemus in manus eorum positi, et velut in eorum quasdam potentiae suae compedes haeretica undique multitudine circumventi, verbum tamen Domini non erat alliga- tum, quin eos continuis invectionibus et increpationibus feriremus Cumque videreraus quod nihil omnino praesumerent respondere,judicaviraus praedic- tum Rogerum proditorem j haereticum, et de violata Episcopi securitate perjurum, eum tanquam publica excommunicatione damnatum ex parte domini Papae ac praedictoruni regum in praesentia conjug.s militumque suorum in nomine Christi confidenter diffidantes. Ecce a modo satis ap- paret quam grande et evidens ostium patet principibus Christianis, ut Christi ulciscantur injurias, ponantque desertum quasi hortum Domini et solitudinem ejus in delitias Paradisi. Ne autem vel parum vel nihil fieri contra illos posse causentur, sciant omnes general em fuisse in urbeTolosana sententiam, quod si ista visitatio fuisset adhuc triennis retardata : vix inveniretur in ea qui nomen Christi amplius invocaret. Super haec autem omnia praedictus Comes Sancti Egidii coram populo civitatis praestito juramento firmavit, quod a modo nee prece nee pretio favebit haereticis. No. VI, p. 161. Epistola Petri tituli Sancti Chrysogoni presbyteri Cardinalis apostolic/e sedis legati. Petrus Dei gratia tituli Sancti Chrysogoni, presbyter Cardinalis, Apostolicae sedis legatus, universis sanctae matrisecclesiaefiliisjcatholicam ■'.(9 : mtque Apostolicam fidem servantibus, in Domino salutem. Testante Apos- tolo, sicut unus Deus, ita et una fides esse dignoscitur, a cujus integritate nuUus potest sine periculo deviare. Cujus fundamentum, praeter quod nullus aliud potest ponere, Apostoli et Apostolici viri successores eorum, inspirante et docente Spiritu sancto, sanis doctrinis tanquam vivis exlapid- ibus ita firmiter et circumspecti jecerunt; quod nee sonantis impetus Aquilonis, nee irapiorum machinae licet crebris assultibus impugnetur, illud poterunt a sua firmitate movere. Unde quamvis diebns istis quidam falsi fratres, Raimundus videlicet de Baimiaco, Beniardus Raimundi, et quidam alii haeresiarchae transfigurantes se in angelos lucis, cum sint Sathanae, prius Christianae, et Apostolicae fidei contraria praedicantes, multorum animas, venenosa praedicatione deceperunt, et secum traxerunt ad ruinam : novissime tamen, ille, qui revelat mysteria, et ad confutandos seniores Israel dedit spiritum Danieli, ad animas diaboiica fraude deceptas respiciens, noluit ulterius perfidiam illorum velari nee Christianae fidei sinceritatem illorum praedicatione corrumpi : sed sua admirabili potestate, audientibus et videntibus multis, quod prius latuerat, venenum perfidiae detexit, in augmentum et gloriam fidei Christianae, Cum itaque predicti Raimundus et Bernardus, atque alii, venerabili fratri nostro Reginoldo Bathoniensi episcopo, et nobilibus viris, vicecomiti de Turena et Raimuuda de Castro Novo, qui de consilio nostro in terram Rogeri de Bediers pro liberatione venerabilis fratris nostri Albanensis episcopi venerant, occurris- sent ; et se confiterentur, a nobili viro Cornite Tulosano et aliis baronibus, qui eos in perpetuum abjuraverunt, injuste tractari: cum pro defensione fidei suae ad praesentiam nostram se venturos proponerent, si veniendi et redeundi, securifatem haberent : memorati Episcopus et Vicecomes, ne corda simplicium, qui illorum faece erant imbuti scandalum paterentur et diffidentiae nostrae ascriberent, si eis audientia negaretur, ex parte nostra et praedicti Comitis indulserunt, ut cum omni securitate se conspectui nostro praesentarent, quatenus sub nostro et venerabilis fratis nostri Pictavensis Episcopi, Apostolicae sedis legati, et aliorum discretorum virorum, et totius populi examine audirentur, et si recte et sane crederent proba- rentur: et postquam a nobis examinati fuissent, nihilominus ad propria remearent securi, ne metu vel violentia qualibet viderentur inducti ad con- fessionem verae fidei, ita tamen quod post elapsos octo dies juxta edictum, quod exierat, nisi ad fidem nostram redirent, de terris principum, qui eos abjuraverant deberent expelli. Nos itaque indulgentiam eis ab Epis- copo et Vicecomite factam, quamvis a praefato Comite Tolosano et aliis nobilibus viris (sicut diximus) jam exierat edictum, ut de terris eorum deberent expelli, ratam habentes: eodem Pictavensi Episcopo, et praedicto Comite Tolosano, et aliis clericis et laicis quasi trecentis, in ecclesia beati Stephani nobiscum pariter congregatis, illis injunximus ut fidem suam nobis exponerent, et ad Catholicae fidei veritatem redeuntes, infamiam quam et tota terra, et ipsi pariter per damnabilem praedicationem incur- rerant, per salutiferam ronfcssionem verae fidei rerooverent. Ipsi vero inter alia verba, qu»e huic inde processerunt, chariam quandam, in qua fidei suae articulos conscripserant, in medium protulerunt, Et earn sicut prolixius scripta erat perlegerunt. In qua cum verba quaedam depraehen. 494 AUTHORITIES. dissemus, quae et suspecta videbantur existere, ct nisi plenius expone- rentur haeresim, quam praedicaverant, possent velare, quaesivimus ut Latinis verbis respondentcs suam fidem defenderent. tunc quia lingua eorum non erat nobis satis nota, tunc quia evangelia et epistolae, quibus tantummodo fidem suam confinnare volebant Latino eloquio noscuntur esse scripta. Cumque id facere non auderent, utpote, qui linguam Latinam penitus ignorabant, sicut in verbis uniusillorum apparuit : qui cum Latine vellet loqui vix duo verba jungere poluit, et omnino defecit ; necesse fuit iios illis condescendere, et de ecclesiasticis sacrament is, propter imperitiara illorum, quamvis satis esset absurdum, vulgarem babere sermontm. Illi ergo duo esse principia denegantes, publice coram nobis et praediclis viris confessi sunt, et finniter asseruerunl ; quod unus Deus altissimus omnia visi- bilia et invisibilia condidisset: quod etiam scripturis, sicut verum est, Evangelicis atque Apostolicis comprobabant. Confcssi sunt etiam, quod sacerdos noster, bonus sive mains, Justus vel injustus, et talis etiam quem adulterum, vel alias criminosura iudubitanter esse scirent, corpus et san- guinem Christi posset conficere ; et per ministerium hujusmodi sacerdotis, et virtulem divinorum verborum, quae a Dommo prolata sunt, panis et vinum in corpus et sanguinem Christi vere transubstantiantur. Asseruenint quoque quod parvuli vel adulti nostro baptismate baptizati salvantur, et nullus sine eodem baptismo potest salvari: omnino inficiantes se aliud baptisma, aut manus impositionem, sicut eisimponebatur, habere. Affirma- verunt nihilominus, quod vir et mulier matrimoniocopulati, si aliud pecca- tum non impedial, licet carnaliter alter alteri debitum reddat, propter bonum matrimonii excusati salvantur : et propter hoc nunquam damnanlur. Archie- piscopos praeterea et episcopos, presbytero8,monachos, canonicos, hei*emitas, templarios, et hospitalarios affirmaverunt esse salvandos. Dignum quoque etjusturaessedicebant, ut ecclesias in honore Dei atque sanctorum fundalns cum summa devotione visitantes adirent : et sacerdotibus et aliis earum min- istris honorem et reverentiam exhibentes primitias tt decimaseis deberent sol- vere et de omnibus parochialibus devote et fideliterrespondere. Eleemosynas etiam tarn ecclesiis quam pauperihua, necnon et Omnipotenti esse tribuendas, inter ca;terd laudabiliter asserebant. Haec omnia licet prius dicerentur negas- se, juxta nostrum sanumintellectumse intelligei-easserentes. Postquamau. tem itaanobis examinati fuerunt, et ea quae diximus spontanea voluntate confessi ccclesiam beati Jacobi inti-avimus, ubi nobiscum iunumera populi mnltitudo, quje se quasi ad spectandum prapparabat, convenit, ct confes- sionem fidei eorum, quae in praedicta chartula conscripta fuerat, vulgari sermone audivit. Pori-o cum a nobis et omni populo, qui ibidem convenerat in onini patientia, et sine tumultu aliquo tuissent auditi, et ipsi sponte tinem dicendi fccissent: quia expositio suae fidei satis laudabilis et catholica videbatur, iterum ab eis audiente universo populo quaesivimus, si corde crederent quod ore fuerant confessi, el si aliquando in contrarium, sicut eis saepius impositum fuerat, praedicassent. Illis vero respoudcntibus, se ita credere, et nihilominus negantibus, se unquam aliter praedicasse, nobilis vir Comes Tolosauus, et multi alii clerici et laici qui eos audierant aliter praedicantes, vehementi admiiatione commoli, et Christiflnae fidei relo succensi surrexerunt, et cos plane in capnt suum mentitos fuisse manifts- ji k AUTHORITIES. 495 tins convicerunt. Quidam enim constanter proposuerunt se a quibusdam illorum audisse quod duo dii exislerent, alter bonus et alter mains: bonus invisibilia tantum, et ea quae mutari aut corrumpi non possunt fecisset : malus, qui ccelum, terram, hominem, et alia visibilia condidisset. Alii affirmaverunt se in illorum praedicatione audisse corpus (vhristi non confici per ministerium sacerdotis indigni, aut aliquibus criminibus irretiti. Multi similiter testati sunt, eos proi'sus negantes audisse, virum cum uxore salvari, si alter alteri debitum reddat. Alii in faciem illis firmiter opponebant, quod ab ipsis uudissent baptismum parvulis non prodesse: et alias quam plures contra Deum et sanctam ecclesiam et catholicam fidem blasphemias pro- tulisse, quas pro abominabiU earum enoinnitate tacere maluiraus, quam referre. Quicquid autem illi in sua superiore confessione, quae satis vide- bantur sufllicere ad salutem, si ita corde crederent ad justitiam et in corde et corde dixerint, sicut homines tortae mentis et intentionis obliquae, tandem haeresim uoluerunt relinquere: ubi crassum et supinum eorum inteliectum alicujus auctoritatis superficies videbatur jurare, occasione verbi illius, quod Dominus in evangelio dixisse legitur, " Nolite omnino jurare: et sit sermo vester est est, non non:*' dicentes se non debere jurare, cum ipse Dominus saepe jurasse legatur, sicut scriptum est; *' Juravit Dominus** et caetera. Et alibi, *' Per memetipsum juravi dicit Dominus.'* Et Aposto- lus, *• Oronis controversiae finis est juramentum." Et multa in hunc mo- dum in divinis scriptuiis legentibus sese offerunt et occurrunt : quibus propter illorum infirroitatem quibus aliquid suademus jurare permittimur Caeterum ipsi tanquam viri idiotae non intelligentes scriptui-as in laqueum, quem absconderant, ceciderunt, quia cum piius juramentum tanquam rem execrabilem et a Domino prohibitam abhorrerent, in ipsa confessionis suae charta jurasse convicti sunt, cum dixerint, *In veritate, quae Deus est, itacredirous, et dicimus, quod haec est fides nostra: ' nescientes quod verita- tem et verbum Dei in testimonium nostrae assertionisadducereproculdubio sit jurare, sicut de Apostolo legimus cum dixit, " Hoc enim vobis dicimus in verbo Dei :" et alihi, " Testis est mihi Deus." Et alia similia comprobant, quaeab illis, qui divinas scripturas intelligunt, et legeruut, possunt facilius inveniii. Cum autem a multis et sufficient ibus testibus fuissent convicti, et adhuc multi se ad ferendum contra eos testimonium praepararent, quia ecclesia consuevit redeuntibus misericordiae gremium non negare, eos dili- gentius monuinius, ut omni haeretica pravitate deposita ad fidei unitatem redirent, Et quia a domino Papa, et venei-abiUbus fi-atiibus nostris, Bituricensi et Narbonensi archiepiscopis, et a Tolosano episcopo, et a nobis ipsis propter perversam praedicationem et sectam excommunicati fuerant, ad nog juxta formara ecclesiae reconciliandi venirent. Quod cum illi in arcum pravum conversi, et mente perdita indurati, facere recusarent, nos in conspectu totius populi, qui jugiter acclamabat, et in eos multa immani- tate fremebat, eos iterum accensis candelis, una cum praedicto Pictavensi episcopo, et aliis religiosis viris, qui nobis in omnibus astiterunt, excommu- nicatoB denuntiavimus, et ipsos cum suo auctore diabolo condemnavimus. Ea propter universitatem vest ram monemus, et exhortamur in Domino, atque in remissionem peccatoruminjungimus, quatenus predictos Raimun- dum et Bernai'dum et complices eorum, tanquam excommunicatos et ^ .': P 496 AUTHORITIES. Sathanae traditos, caUtius cvitetisj etsi quando aliud quam in audientia nostra, sicut praesciipsimus sunt confessi vobis de eaetei-o praesumpserint praedicare, prsedicationem eorum tanquam falsam et calholicae atque Apos- tolicse fidei contrariam respuatis, et ipsos tanquam haereticos et Antichiisti praeambulos, a sinceritatis vestraj consortio, et vestris finibus longius ex pellatis.'' Rogeri de Hoveden Annul, an. 1178. No. VII. p. 175. Concilium Lateranense III. "Sicut ait beatus Leo licet ecclesiastica discipUna sacerdotali contenta judicio, cruentas non efficiat ultiones: catholicorum tamen principum constitutionibus adjuvatur, ut saepe quaerant homines salutare remedium, dum corporale super se metuunt evenire suppUcium. Ea propter, quia in Gasconia, Albegesio, et partibus Tolosanis et aliis locis, ita haereticorum, quos alii Caiharosy alii Patrinos, alii Publicanos, alii aliis nominibus vocant, invaluit damnata perversitas, ut jam non in occulto, sicut aliqui, nequitiam suam exerceant, sed suum errorem publiee manifestent, et ad suum consensum simplices attrahant, et infirmos •, eos, et defensores eorum, et receplores, anathemati decernimus subjacere : et sub anathemate prohi- berous, ne quis eos in domibus, vel in terra sua tenere, vel fovere, vel negotiationem cum tis exercere praesumat. Si autem in hoc peccato de- cesserint, non sub nostrorum privilegiorum cuilibet indultorum obtentu, nee sub aliacumque occasione, aut oblatio fiat pro eis, aut inter Christianos recipiant sepulturam.^* Cone. X. 1522. No. VIII. p. 176. Lucii Papa III. Decretum contra hareticos. " Ad aliolendam diversarum haeresum pravitatem, quae in plerisque mnndi partibus, modernis coepit temporibus puUuIare, vigor debet ecclesi- asticus excitari: cum nimirum iraperialis fortitudinis suffragante potentia, et haereticorum proter^itas in ipsis falsitatis sua conatibus elidatur et Catholicae simplicitatis Veritas in ecclesia sancta resplendens, earn utique demonstret ab orani execratione falsorum dogmatum expiatam. Ideoque DOS, carissirai filii nostri Friderici illustris Romanorum Imperatoiis, semper Augusti, praesentia pariteret vigore suffulti,de communi consiUo fratrum nostrorum, necnon aliorum patriarchaium, archiepiscoporum, multorumque piincipum qui de diversis mundi partibus convenerunt: contra ipsos haereticos, quibus diversa vocabula diversarum indidit professio falsitatum, praesentis decreti generali sanctione consurgimus et omnem haeresim, quo- cumque nomine censeatur, per hujus constitutionis seiiem, autoritate apostolica condemnamus. *♦ In primis ergo Catharos, et PatarinoSy et eos qui se Humiliato*, vel Pauperes de LugdunOy falso nomine mentiuntur, Passaginos, JotepinoSy AmaldistaSf perpetuo decerminus anathemati subjacere. Et quoniam nonnuUi sub specie pietatis viitutem ejus juxta quod ait Apostolus, dene- J ^' AUTHORITIES. 497 gantes, autoritatem sibi vindicant praedicandi : cum idem Apostolus dicat : «< Quomodo praedicabunt, nisi mittantur ?" omnes qui vel prohibiti, vel non missi, praeter autoritatem ab apostolica sede, vel episcopo loci suscep- tam, publiee vel privatim praedicare praesumpserint j et universos, quide Sacramento corporis et sanguinis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, vel de bap- tismate, seu peccatorum remissione, aut de matrimonio, vel reliquis eccle- siasticis Sacramentis, aliter sentire aut docere non metuunt, quam sacro- sancta Romana ecclesia praedicat et observat, et generaliter quoscumque eadem Romana ecclesia, vel singuli episcopi per diceceses suas, cum con- silio clericorum, vel clerici ipsi sede vacante, cum consilio, si oportuerit, viciniorum episcoporum,haereticos judicaverint,pari vinculo perpetui anathe- matis innodamus. Receptores et defensores eorum, cunctosque pariter qui prsedictis haereticis ad fovendam in eis haeresis pravitatem, patrocinium praestiterint aliquod, vel favorem, sive consolatiy sive credente*, sive per- fectif seu quibuscumque supevstitiosis nominibus nuncupentur, simili decernimus subjacere sententiae. Quia vero peccatis exigentibus quandoque contingit, ut ecclesiasticae severitas disciplinae, ab iis qui virtutem ejus non intelligunt, condemnetur: praesenti nihilominus ordinatione sancimus, ut qui manifeste fuerint in supra- dictis erroribus deprehensi, si clericus est, vel cujuslibet religionis obuna- bratione fucatus, totius ecclesiastici ordinis praerogativa nudetur : et sic omni pariter officio et beneficio ecclesiastico spoliatus, saecularis relinqua. tur arbitrio potestatis animadvei-sione debita puniendus, nisi continue post deprehensionem erroris ad fidei catholicae unitatem sponte recurrere, et errorem suam, ad arbitrium episcopi regionis, publiee consenserit abjui^e, et satisfactionem congruam exhibere. Laicus autem, quem aliqua praedic- tarum pestium notoria vel privata culpa resperserit, nisi prout dictum est, abjurata haeresi, et satisfactione exhibita, confestim ad fidem confugerit orthodoxam, saecularis judicis arbitrio relinquantur debitam recepturus pro qualitate facinoris ultionem. Qui vero inventi fuerint sola ecclesiae suspicione notabiles, nisi ad arbitrium episcopi, juxta considerationem suspicionis qualitateroque per- •onae, propriam innocenliam congrua purgatione monstraverint, simili sen- tentiae subjacebunt. Illos autem qui post abjurationem erroris, vel postquam se, ut diximus, proprii antistitis examinatione purgaverint, deprehensi fuerint in abjuratam haeresim recidisse, saeculari judicio sine ulla penitus audientia decernimus reliquendos, bonis damnatorum, ecclesiis quibus deserviebant, secundum sanctiones legitimas applicandis. Sane praedictam excommunicationem, cui omnes cupimus haereticos subjacere, ab omnibus patriarchis archiepiscopis, episcopis in praecipuis festivitatibus, et quoties solennitates habuerint, vel qualibet occasione, ad gloriam Dei, et reprehensionem haereticae pravitatis, decernimus innovari ; autoritate apostolica statuentes, ut si quis de ordine episcoporum, negli- gens in his fuerit vel desidiosus inventus, per triennale spatium ab episco- pali habeatur dignitate et administratione suspensus. Ad haec, de episcopali consilio, et suggestione culminis imperialis, et principum ejus, adjecimus, utquilibet archiepiscopus vel episcopus, perse, vel archidiaconum suum, aut per alias honestas idoneasque persouas, bis 3s ■u 498 AUTHORITIES. vel seinel in anno, pai-ochiam in qua fama fuerit haoreticos habitare, circum- eat; et ibi tres vel plures boni testimonii viros, vel etiam si expedire vide- bitur totam viciniam jurare compellat, quod si quis ibidem haereticos scive- rit, vel aliquos occulta conventicula celebrantes, seu a communi conversa- tione fidelium vita et moiibus dissidentes, eos episcopo vel archidiacono studeat indicare. Episcopus autem sea archidiaconus, ad praeseutiam suam convocet accusatos: qui nisi se ad eorum arbitrium juxta patriae consue- tudinem abobjecto reatu purgaverint, vel si post purgationem exhibitain in pristinam fuerint relapsi perfidiam, episcoporum judicio puniantur. Si qui vero ex eis jurationem superstitione damnabili respuentes, jurare foite noluerint : ex hoc ipso haeretici judicentur, et poeuis quae praenominatac sunt percellantur. Statuimusinsuper,ut comites, barones, rectorcs,consules, civitatum et aliorum locorum, juxta commonitionem archiepiscoporum et episcoporum, praestito corporaliter juramento promittant, quod in omnibus praedictis fortiter et efficaciter, cum ab eis fuerint exinde requisiti, ecclesiam contra haereticos et eorum complices adjuvabunt, et studebunt bona fide, juxta officium et posse suum, ecclesiastica similiter et imperialia statuta, circa ea quae diximus, executioni mandare. Si vero id observare noluerint, honorc, quern obtinent, spolientur; et ad alios nullatenus assumantur: eis nihilominus excommunicatione ligandis, et terris ipsorum interdicto ecclesiae suppouendis, Civitatem autem quae his decretalibus institutis duxerit resistendum, vel contra commonitionem episcopi punire neglexerit resistentes : aliarum caret coromercio civitatum, et episcopali se noverit dignitate privandam. Omnes etiam fautores haereticorum, tanquam perpetua infamia con- demnatos, ab advocatione et testimonio, et aliis publicis officiis, decei-nimus repellendos. Si qui vero fuerint qui a lege dioecesanae jurisdictionis ex- empli, soli subjaceant sedis apostolicae potestati : nihilominus in iis quae superius sunt contra haereticos instituta, archiepiscoporum vel episcoporum subeant judicium: et eis in hac parte, tanquam a sede apostolica delegatis, non obstantibus libertatis suae privilegiis, obsequantur/^ Cone. X. 1737. No. IX. p. 183. Concilium Monspeliense. *^ In fine quoque omnium addidit, ut quia in pluribus locis pi-ovinciae Narbonensis, haeretici sunt, in consilio archiepiscopi et episcoporum sit, qualiter pro eorum, quae superius statuta sunt, transgiessione, interdicta debeant promulgari : ne occasione generalis et diutini interdicti, haereticis occasio pateat ad simplices catholicae fidei supplantandos.'^ Cone. X. 1799. No. X. p. 183. Odonis Comtiiuiiones. " Item moneant solicite et assidue parochianos suos, ut in Albigensfs haereticos se accingant, et iterum eamdem habebunt indulgentiam quam alias habuerunt. Cone. X. 1809. 3i k AUTHORITIES. 499 No. XI. p. 184. Concilium Senonense. " Anno Domini MCXCVIII inquit Chronicon Autissiodorense Robert! Monachi S. Mariaui, haeresis Populicana, omnium haereseon feculentissima, virulentas radices suas late quidem, sed latenter, hoc tempore propagarat. Apud urbem Nivernis, Abbas S. Martini, et Decanus majoris Ecclesiae, de hoc pestilent issimo errore notati, episcoporum sistuntur concilio, Senonis convocato : ibique Abbas deponitur, Decanus suspenditur : et sic ad sedem apostolicam destinantur." Cone. XI. P. I. 3. No. XII. p. 188. Innocentii F. ///. Epistola. " Ad eliminandam omnio de patrimonio beati Petri haereticorum spur- citiam, servanda in perpetuum lege sancimus ut quicunque haereticus, et maxime PaterenuSj in eo fuerit inventus, protinus capiatur et tradatur seculari Curiae puniendus secundum legitimas sanctiones. Bona vero ipsius omnia publicentur : ita ut de ipsis unam partem percipiat qui ceperit ilium, alteram Curia quae ipsum punierit, tertia vero deputeturad conslructionem murorum illius terrae ubi fuerit interceptus. Domus autem in qua haereticus fuerit receptatus, funditus destruatur, nee quis- quam eam reaedificare praesumat •, sed fiat sordium receptaculum, quae fuit latibulum perfidorum. Credentes praeterea et diefensores ac fautores eorum quarta bonorum suorum parte multentur, quae ad usum reipublicae depu- tentur." Lib. X. Ep. 130. Tom. II. p. 74. Edit. Baluz. No. XIII. p. 189. Concilium Lateranense IV. Can. 1. "Pater generans, Filius nascens, et SpiritusSanctusprocedens; consubstantiales et coaequales, co-omnipotentes et co-eterni, unum uni- versonim principium. Creator omnium invisibilium et visibilium, spiritu- alium et corporalium, qui sua omnipotenti virtute simul ab initio temporis utramque de nihilo condidit creaturam, spiritualem et corporalem, angeli- cam videlicet et mundanam; ac deinde humanam quasi communem ex spiritu et corpore constitutara. Diabolus enim et daemones alii, a Deo qui- dem natura creati sunt boni, sed ipse per se facti suntmali: Sed descendit in anima, resurrexit in came, ascenditque pariter in utroque : venturus in fine saeculi judicare vivos et mortuos, et redditurus singulis secundum opera sua, tam reprobis, quam electis. Qui omnes cum suis propriis corpoiibus resurgent, quae nunc gestant Sacramentum vero baptismi, quod ad invocationem individuae Trinitatis, videlicet Patris, et Filii,et Spiritus Sancti, consecratur in aqua, tam parvulis quam adultis, in forma ecclesiae a'quocumque rite coUatum, proficit ad salutem. Et si 500 AUTHORITIES. post susceptionem baptismi quisquam prolapsus fuerit ia peccatum, per veram poenitentiam semper potest reparari. Non solum autem virgines et eontinentes, verum etiam conjugati, per fidem rectam et operationem bonam placentes Deo, ad aetemam merentur beatitudinem pervenire.** Can. XXI. *' Omnis utriusquc sexus fidelis, postquam ad annos dis- cretionis pervenerit, omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter, saltem semel in anno, pi-oprio sacerdoti, et injunctam sibi poenitentiam studeat pro viribus adimplcre, suscipiens revereuter ad minus in Pascba Eucha- ristiae sacramentum : nisi forte de consitio proprii sacerdotis, ob aliquam rationabilem causam ad tempus ab ejus perceptione duxeiit abstinendum: alioquin et vivens ab ingressvi eeclesiae arceatur, et moriens Chiistiana careat sepultura." Cone. XI. P. I. 142, 172. No. XIV. p. 191. Conradi Portuenris Ep. Epistola. " Circa dies istos, haeretici Albigenses constituerunt sibi Antipapam in finibus Bulgarorum, Croatiae, et Dalmatiae, nomine Bartholomaeum. In quibus partibus eiTor ille adeo invaluit, ut etiam Episcopos et alios muUos regionum illarum ad suam allexerit pravitatem. Contra quem C. Portu- ensis Episcopus et in partibus illis Apostolicae sedis Legatus, Rothoma- gensi Arcbiepiscopo scripsit in haec verba : * Venerabilibus patribus, Dei gratia Rothomagensi Arcbiepiscopo et ejus suffraganeis Episcopis, salutem in Domino Jesu Christo. Dum pro sponsa veri Crucifixi vestrum cogimur auxilium implorare, potius competlimur lacerari siugultibus, et plorare. Ecce quod vidimus, loquimur: et quod scimus, testificamur. Ille homo perditus, qui extoUitur super omne quod colitur, aut dicitur Deus ; jam habet perfidise suae praeambulum Haeresiarcham, quem haeretici Albigenses Papam suum appellant, habitantem in finibus Bulgararum, Croatiae, et Dalmatiae, juxla Hungarorum nationem. Ad eum confluunt haeretici Albi- genses, ut ad eorum consulta respondeat. Etenim de Carcasona oriundus, vices illius Antipapae gerens Bartholomaeus haereticorum Episcopus, fu- nestani ei exhibendo reverentiam, sedem et locum concessit in villa quae Porlos appellatur, et se ipsum transtulit in partes Tholosanas. Iste Bar- tholomaeus in literarum suarum undique discurrentium tenore, se in primo salutatiunis alloquio intitulat in hunc modum : * Bartholomaeus servus ser vorum sanctae fidei tali «alutem. Ipse etiam inter alias enormitates creat Episcopos, et ecclesias perfide ordinare contendit. Rogamus igitur atten- tius, et per aspersionem sanguinis Jesu Christi, et propensius obsecramus, auctoritate Domini Papae qua fungiraur in hac parte, districte praecipi- entes ; quatenus veniatis Senouis in octavis apostolorum Petri et Pauli proxirae futuris. Ubi et alii Pi-aelati Francias, favente Domino, congrega- buntur; parati consilium dare in negotio praedicto ; et cum aliis, qui ibi- dem aderunt, providere super negotio Albigensi. Alioquin inobedientiam vestram de Sacramento Corporis et sanguinis Christi. Caput. XI. Sed ha- retici dicunt. quod illud, lu)c, demonstrativum pronomen, non referturad panem, quem in manibus tenebat, et cui benedicebat, et quam frangebat, et suis discipulis distribuebat : sed refertur ad corpus suum, quod haec omnia pcrficiebat: Unde, eorum error, tam nequissimus originem habuit: ignorantes vim pi-onominis Sed sunt quidem haretici, qui credunt, audiendo verbum Dei, se manducare carnem filii hominis, et ejus sangui- nem bibere" '* X>e Sacramento Baptismi. Caput. XII. Dicunt enim quidam haereticorum, quod hoc sacramentum Baptismi aquae, sine eorum manus impositione recipienti, ad salutem perpetuam consequendam : nihil prodest adultis, nee etiam parvulis*' « Dicunt etiam haeretici, quod nulli, nisi proprio ore, et corde hoc sacramentum petat, potest pro- desse. Inde adducentes hunc eriwem, quod parvulis Baptismus aquse ni- hil prosit'* « Item dicis hairetice, quia peccator baptizari non po- test : quomodo igitur baptizabant Apostoli : « hem dicis : quia per ministerium sacerdotis non datur Spiritus Sanctus, quem te dare mentiris*' ** De Sacramento Pcenitentite. Caput. XIII. Sed dicis ; ali- quem posse servari sine confessione ; et objicis illam auctoritatem, qua di- citur : e Ju- ramento. Caput. XVIIl.»\. ..«l>e occwotw Aomini*. Cap. XIX.** fit*. Pat. Tom. IV. 1235. No. XXXII. p. 385. £brardus Bethuniensis. ** Quod lex reprobanda non sit ; et in lege multi salvati sunt. Cap. I. Quod Propheta et PatriarcJue salvari meruerunt, et salvati sunt. Cap. II. Patriarchas etenim damnationi deputant (Waldenses et prophetas, et omnes etiam, qui ante passionem decesserunt, cum scriptum sit : *Nolite tangere Christos meos, et in Prophetis meis nolite malignari.* Hoc enim ex Domi- no se habere contendunt, qui ait ; * Omnes, quotquot venerunt ante me, fu- res fuerunt, et latrones.' Male intelligunt illud, ante : quis enim ante eum, hoc est, prior eo venit ? cum ipse ab initio, et prior omnibus sit ; de quo dicitur, * primogenitusante omnem creaturam,' quae ergo creature est ante eum ? Nulla utique. Legamus ergo melius, ut oportet, et dicamus ; ante eum, hoc est, contra eum. Qui enim contra eum venit, non intrat per os- tium in ovile oviumi, et ideo fur, et latro. A'vri autem Graeoe, contra dici- tur Latine Quod ilia qui dedit legem Moysi, sit verus Deus et om- nipotens. Caput. III. Quod domus lapidea vocari debeat Eccle^ sia : et de tonsura capillorum. Caput. IV. Quod Deus omnipotent creavit omnia visibilia et invisibilia. Cap. V Quod pueri non- dum loquentes baptizari debeant. Cap .VI Quod licitum si nu- bere, et a Deo datum. Cap. VII De Hostia sacrificii / quod •it ipsum corpus Dominicum. Cap. VIII. Quod in came nostra resurgemus, non in alia. Cap. IX. Caput. X. Quod oblationes sacerdotibus debeant fieriy et in templo Caput XI. Quod unctio olei bona sit, et valens infirmis Caput. XII. Quod peregrinationes facere sit bonum, et a Deo datum Caput. XIII. Quod Joannes Bap- tista bene meruit, et salcatus est Caput. XIV. Quod licitum sit jurare, et jurando verum affirmare Caput. XV. Quod punire debeamus malefactores, et etiam occidere. Quod fides operibus prtBvaleaty et fides primo qu^erenda sit. Caput. XVI. Quod cruse Dominica veneranda sit : et lignum crucis venerandum. Caput. XVII. Caput. XVIII. Quod mulieres in muliebri sexu salvabuntur. Foemineo etenim sexui coelorum beatitudinem uituntur surripere, et a tanto munere, suas ipsorum mulierculas non difiWunt viduare. Cujus er^ roris phantasiam corroborant ex eo quod dicitur : * Venite benedicti patris mei :' Venite benedicti dixit, non benedicta. Ex quo patet eorum impe- ritia. Conceptionem enim generum non considerant : masculinum enim genus dignius est, et concipit foemininum. Quam conceptionem Lucas melius considerevit; cum de Zacharia et Elizabeth loquens ait: os. Caput. XXVIII. Qu, V. Dominus ad discipulos ait : * lie, docete omnes gentes -; alibi autem ait : *In viam gentium ne abieiitis, et in civitatem Samaritan- oium ne intraveritis.' Si ad gentes non ierint, quomodo docebunt omnes gentes ? Solutio. Docere monet in praeeundo, et in doctrinis : sequi au- tem prohibet, adoiando sculpiilia Qu. LIU. Dominus ait : * Om- nis plantatio, quam non plantavit ^dAer mens coelcstis eradicabitur :* Ergo et ilia, de qua ait Apostolus. *Ego plantaviy Apollo rigavit.' Qu- XXV. Dominus post resurrectiontm ait, ^haecsunt verba, qua; locutus sum ad vos, cum adhuc essem vobiscum.^ Nunquid cum eis (non) erat, quando hoc dicebat ? Qu. XLVII. Dominus ait, * Multa habeo de vobis loqui et judicare.' Alibi autem dixit : * Ego non judico quenquam.' Qu. LV. Dominus ait : * Mea doctrina non est mea,' de eodem dicit : mea, et non mea Qu. LXlV. Quaeritur de Rachel, si flevit, quare consolari contempsit ? si consolari contempsit, quaie flevit?" Bib. Pat. Tom. IF. 1078. I No. XXXIII. p. 391. Petrus Vallisamensis. "Primo sciendum (inquit Vallisamensis) quod haeretici duos consti- tuebant creatores, invisibilium scilicet, quem vocabant benignura Deum, et visibilium, quem malignum Deum nuncupabant. Novum testamentura benigno Deo, vetus veromalignoattribuebant, et illudomninorepudiabant, praeter quasdam auctoritates, quae de veteri testamento novo sunt insertae, quas ob novi reverentiam testamenti recipere dignum aestimabant. Aucto- rem veteris testamenti mendacem asserebant,quia protoplastes dixit : Qua- cunque die comederitis de ligno scientiae boni, et mali, morte moriemini •,' nee (sicut dicebant) post comestionem mortui sunt, cum tamen vevtra post gustum pomi vetiti mortis miseriab fuerunt subject!. Homicidamque ipsum nominabant, tum quia Sodomitas et Gomorrhaeos incineravit, et aquis diluvii mundum delevit, tum quia Pharaonem, et Aegyptios mari obruit. Omnes veteris testamenti patres damnatos affirmabant. Joannem Baptistam unum esse de majoribus daemonibusasserebant. Dicebant eti«»» ri AUTHORITIES. 523 in secreto suo, quod Christus ille, qui natus est in Bethlehem terestri et ▼isibili, et in Hierusalem erucifixus, malus fuit, et quod Maria Magdalena fuit ejus concubina, et ipsa fuit mulier in adulterio deprehensa, de qua le- gitur in Evangelic. Bonus enim Christus (sicut dicebant) nunquam com- medit vel bibit, nee veram carnem assumpsit, nee unquam fuit in hoc mundo, nisi spiritualiter in corpore Pauli. Ideo autem diximus in Beth- lehem terrestri et visibili, quia haeretici fingebant esse aliamterram novam, et invisibilem, et in ilia terra secundum quasdam bonus Christus fuit natus, et erucifixus. Item dicebant haeretici bonum Deum duas habuisse uxores, Collant et Colibant, et ex ipsis filios et filias procreasse. Erant alii haere- tici, qui dicebant, quod unus est creator, sed habuit filios Christum et dia- bolum. Dicebant et isti omnes creaturas bonas fuisse, sed per filias, de quibus legitur in apocalypsi, omnia fuisse corrupta, &c Fere totam Romanam Ecclesiam speluncam latrunum esse dicebant, et quia ipsa erat meretrix ilia de qua legitur in apocalypsi. Sacramenta Ecclesiac usque adeo annullabant, ut saeri baptismatis undam ab aqua flu- viali non distare, sacrosancti coporis Christi hostiam a pane laico non dif- fere publice dogmatizarent. Simpliciumauribus banc instillantcs blasphe- miam, quod Christi corpus, etsi magnitudinem Alpium in se eontineret jamdudum consumptum a comedentibus, et annihilatum fuisset : eonfir- mationeni, confessionem frivolas esse, et inanes omnino reputabant ; sac- rum matrimonium meretricium esse, nee aliquem in ipso saivari posse praedicabant, filios et filias generando. Resurrectionem quoque earnis dif- fitentes, quasdam adinventiones confingebant inauditas, dicentes animas nostras esse spiiitus illos Angelicos,qui per superbiae apostasiam praeeipi- tati de caelo corpora sua glorificata in acre reliquerunt, et ipsas animas post successivam qualiumcunque corporum septem, et terraneorum in- habitationem, quasi tunc demum poenitentia peracta ad iila relicta corpora remeare. Sciendum autem, quod quidam inter haereticos dicebantur perfecti, sive boni homines, alii credentes haereticorum : qui dicebantur perfecti, nigrum habitum praeferebant, castitatem se tenere mentiebantur, esum carnium, ovorum, casei omnino detestabantur, non mentientes videri vole- bant, cum ipsi maxime de Deo quasi continue mentirentur; dicebant etiam quod nulla uiiquum ratione debeant ju rare. Credentes autem haereticorum dicebantur illi, qui seculariter viventes, licet ad vitam perfectorum imi- tandam non pertingerent, in fide tamen illorum se saivari sperabaut, di- visi siquidera erant in vivendi modo, sed in fide et infidelitate uniti ei-ant. Qui dicebantur eredenles haereticorum, dediti erant usuris, rapinis, homi- cidiis, et earnis illecebris, perjuriis et perversitatibus universis. Isti siqui. dem ideo securius et efTraenatius peccabant, quia eredebant sine restitu- tione ablatorum, sine confessione et poenitentia se esse salvandos, dummodo iu supremo mortis articulo Pater noster dicere, et manuum impositionem recipere a magistris suis potuissent. De perfeetis vero haereticis, magis- tratus habebant, quos vocabant diaeonos et episcopos, sine quorum ma- nuum impositione nullus inter credentes moriturus se saivari posse erede- bant. Verum si morienti cuilibet quantumcunque flagitioso manus impo. suissent, dummodo Pater noster dicere posset, ita salvatum aestimabant, ut .i: 524 AUTHORITIES. AUTHORITIES. 525 \ \ ftUque omnl talisfactione, absque omni alio remedio statim evolaret ad coeluni, &c. Non credimus autem silendum, quod et quidam haretici dicebant, quod nullus poterat peccare ab umbilico et infei ius. Imagines quae sunt in ecclesiis dicebant idololatriani, canipanas earum tubas daemonum affir- mabant. Item dicebant, quod non peccabat quis gravius dormiendo cum matre, vel sorore sua, quara cum qualibet alia. Illud et inter supremas fatuitates dicebant, quod si quis de perfectis peccaret mortaliter, comeden- do videlicet modicissiraum carnium, vel casei, sen ovi, vel alicujus rei sibi inhibitae, omnes consolati ab illo amittebant Spiritum Sanctum, et oporte- bat eum iterum reconsolari : et etiara salvati pro peccato consolatoris cade- bant de coelo. Erant praeterea alii haeretici, qui Waldenaes dicebantur, a quodam Waldio nomine Lugdunensi. Hi quidem mali erant, sed comparatione aliorum haereticorum longe minus perversi : in multis enim nobiscumcon- ▼eniebant, in aliquibus dissentiebant : ut autem plurima de infidelitatibus eorum omittamus : in quatuor praecipue condistebat error eorum, in por- tandis scilicet sandaliis more Apostolorum, et in eo quod dicebant nulla ratione jui-andum vel occidendum. In hoc insuperquod asserebant, quem- libet eorum in necessitate, dummodo haberet sandalia, absque ordinibus ab episcopo acceptis posse conficere corpus Christi. H«c nos desectis hae- reticorum breviter excerpsisse sufBciat. Quando aliquis se reddit haereti- cis, ille dicit, qui recipit eum: < Amice si vis esse de nostris, oportet, ut renuncies toti fidei, quam tenet Romuna Ecclesia.' respondet, * abrenuncio.* ere. Sed divites Cathari multos inveniunt; quare quilibet eorum, si potest, divitias sibi congregat et conservat]. Sequitur de oralionc Catha- rorum. Hanc maxime putant ncccssariam esse, quando ipsi sumunt t'ibum, vel potum. Igitur multi ex ipsi dixerunt in suis infirmitatibus aliquando illis, qui eis miuistrabaut ; quud non pouereut aliquid cibi vel potus in OS eorum, si illi infirmi ad minus non possent dicere, Pater noster. Unde verisimile est, quod multi ex eis occidunt hoe modo se ipsos, et a suis cohareticis sunt occisi. Ex praemissis itaque patet apertissime, quod Ca- thari nullam faciunt poeuitentiam, maxime cum non habeant contritionem de peccatis, neque confiteantur ea, neque pro eis satisfaciant; quamvir multum seaffligant: et quod pro suis erroribus et peccatis extemis gra- vissime puniantur [pro suis erroribus in a^ternum gravissime punientur]. Sequitur de quarto Sacramento Catharorum, scilicet de Ordine. Circa quod nota quinque. Piimo, quod ordines habeant. Secundo, de nominibus eorum. Tertio, de officio cujuscunque Ordinis. Quarto, quomodo et quibus fiuut. Ultimo, quot et ubi sint Ecclesia; eorum, scilicet Catha- rorum. Primo ergo nota, quod Ordines Catharorum sunt quatuor. lUe, qui est in primo et maximo [constitutus] Ordine vocatur Episcopus. Ille, qui in secundo, vocatur Filius Major. Qui in tertio; Filius Minor. Qui in quarto et ultimo, vocatur Diaconus. Caeteri, qui sunt sine ordine inter eos, vocantur Christiani et Christianas. Secundo nota; quod officium Episcopi est, semper tenere prioratum in omnibus, qua; faciunt; scilicet in impositione manus, in fractione panis, et in incipiendo orare : qua; qui- dem servant filius major, absente Episcopo, et filius minor, absente [cpis- copo et tilio] majore. Pra;terea isti duo filii, simul, vel separatim discur- runt visitare omnes Catharos, qui sunt sub Episcopo, et eis tenentur obe- dire omnes. Similiter faciunt et servant in omnibus Diacones ; et unusquisque in suis subditis, absentibus Episcopo et filiis. Et nota quod Episcopus et filii habent in singulis civitatibus, [maxime] in quibus morantur, [Cathari] siiigulos Diacones. Ita nota, quod officium Diaconoium est audire confes- siones venalium peccatorum, qua: fiuut semel in mense, sicut supra dictum est ; et subditis suis facere absolutionem, injungendo eis tribus diebus jejunium, vel centum inclinationes flexis geuibus, et appellatur illud offi- cium, ut ita loquar, caregare servitium. Fiuut vero Ordines praedicti ab Episcopo, et etiam a filiis de licentia Episcopi. Ordinatio autem Episcopi consueverat fieri iu hunc modum : Mortuo Episcopo, Filius minor ordinabit filium majorem in Episcopum : et iste postea ordinabit Filium minorem iu Filium majorem. Post elige- batur filius minor ab omnibus Praelatis et subditis, qui erant ad hoc congre- gati ab Episcopo, et ordinabatur in Filium minorem. Et haec ordinatio Filii minoris, non est mutata inter eos. Ilia vero, quae supra dicitur de Episcopo, mutata est ab omnibus Catharis manentibus circa [morantibus citra] mare : dicentibus, quod per talem ordinationem [videtur quod] filius instituat Patrem, [ut videtur^ : quod satis apparet incongruum. Unde iit [fit] modo aliter in hac forma. Antee mortem enim suam Episcopus ordinat Filium majorem in Episcopum, et si moritur, filius fit Episcopus. Minor vero Filius, major fit Filius eodem die : Et ita fere quilibet etiaia Catharorum semper habet duos Episcopos. Unde Joannes de Lugduno [Lugio] qui est unus de illis taliter ordinatus in suis Epistolis se sic descri- bit : * Joannes de Lugduno Dei Gratia^ [Johannes Dei Gratia] Filius major et Episcopus ordinatus," &c. Sed utraque ordinatio manifeste repre- hensibilis est ; quia ncc filius cai'nalis unquam iustituit suum genitOFem : 536 AUTHORITIES. et etiam nunquam legit ur, quod una eademque Ecclcsia, eodem tempore duos habuerit lios Episcopos, [habuit eodem tempore duos Episcopos] sicut nee una mulier duos llegitimos] viros. Fiunt autcm omnes suprd- dicti Ordines cum impositione manus, et attribuitur ilia gloria [gratia] sci- licet conferendi Ordines memoratos, et dandi Spiritura Sanctum soli Epis- copoeoi-um ; vel,qui major est, et auctor in tenendo librum noviTestamenti super caput illius, cui imponitur manus. Notainsuper, Cathari in maximo laborant dubio, et periculo animae : Verbi gratia, si Praelatus eorum,et maxime Episcopus, occulte commiserit aliquod mortale peccatum, quales etiam multi olim reperti sunt inter eos, omnes illi quidem, quibus ipse manum imponit, fiunt [sint] decepti, et pereunt, si in eo statu decedunt. Etiam causa hujus peiiculi vitandi, om- nes Ecclesiae Catharorum, una excepta solummodo, \el duabusj recepe- runt secundo, et aliquae tertio, consolamentum, id est, manus impositionem, quod est Baptisma eorum, ut supra dicitur, et de praedictis est fama pub- lica inter eos. Sunt autem XVI. omnes Ecclesiae Catharorum. Wee imputes mibi, o Lector, quod eas appcUo Ecclesias, sed potius eis, qui se ita [quia ita se] Tocant. Quarum nomina sunt hcec ; Ecclesia Albanensis, vel de Sansano [Donnezacho] 5 Ecclesia de Contorezo : Ecclesia Baguolensium, sive de Bagnolo: Ecclesia Vicentina, [Viiicentina] vel de Marchia ; Ecclesia Florentiua; Ecclesia de Valle Spoletana; Ecclesia Frauciae; Ecclesia Tolosana; Ecclesia Carthasensis [Carcassonensis] ; Ecclesia Albiscnsis [Albigensis] ; Ecclesia Sclavoniae, Ecclcsia Latinorum de Constantinopoli ; Ecclesia Graecorum ibidem : Ecclesia Philadelphiai Romaniolte [in Roma- nia,] Ecclesia Bulgnrice [Burgaliae,] Ecclesia Dugranidte [Dugunthiae] El omnes originem habuerunt a duabus ultimis: Primi scilicet Albanenses, morantur Veronae, et in plurimis civitatibus Lombardiae j et sunt numero fere quingenti, ulriusque sexus. Illi autem de Contorezo [Concorrezo diffusi] sunt fere per totam Lombardiam, et sunt bene mille quingenti, Tel etiam plures. Bagnolenses morantur in Mantua, Brixia, Bergomi, et in Comitatu Mediolanensium, sed pauci, et in Romaniola, et sunt fei-e ducenti. Ecclesia de Marchia nihil habet Veronae ; sed sunt circiter [C. Illi de Tuscia et de Valle Spoletana fere C. Ecclesia Franciae moi-antur Veronae et in Lombardia; et sunt circiter] C.L. Ecclesia Tholosana, et Albisensis [Albigensis,] et Charchagensis [Carcassonensis] cum quibus- dam, quae olim fuerunt, ut Ecclesia Auzinensis [Agennensis,] quae fere destructa est, sunt fere CCC. [CC] Ecclcsia Latinorum in Constanti- nopoli sunt fere L. Item Ecclesia Sclavonic, Grtecorum, Philadelphiee^ Bulgarite [Sclavoniae, et Philadelphia;, et Graicorum Burgariae,] et Du- graniciie sunt omnis gentis simul [Dugunthiae omnes simul fere D.] O Lector dicas secure, quod in toto mundo non sunt Cathari utriusque sexus quatuor raillia, [sed credentes innumeri.^ Et dicta computatio pluries [olim] facta est inter eos. Sequitur de propriis opinionibus Catharorum. Et primo de Ecclesia Albanensi, qui alio modo dicuntur Senzano [de Donzenacho] ; eo quod errant in pluribus, quam caeteri Cathari. Primo igitur notabiliter scien- dum est, qu'jd isti Albanenses divisi sunt in duas partes in opinionibus con- AUTHORITIES. 537 trariis et diversis. Unius partis caput est Gelesmanza [Balasmansa Veronensis eorum Episcopus: et hunc sequuntur plunmi antiquiores, et pauci juvenes ejus secta.. Alterius vero sect« caput est Joannes de Lug- duno [Lugio] Bergomensis eorum filius major et ordmatus episcopus: et huncecontrario sequuntur juniores,et pauci antiqmores. Et ,sta pars satis est major, quam prima. Prima pars tenet opimones antiquiores^u^ omnes Cathari [et Albanenses] lantiquiores] babebant m anms Domm, currentibus [M.CC. usque ad aunos currentes] M.CC.XXX. ltaqueopinionesi8torum,praeter communes suprascnptas sunt ist«, quod siut duo principia a Deo, videlicet boni et mali. Item quod Trmi as^ ^ilicet Pater et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus, non est unus Deus-, sed quod Pater major est Filio. et Spiritu Sancto. Item, quod ^trumque pnnc.- pium, sive uterque Deus, creavit angelos suos, et suum mundum : et quod Tste mundus est creatus, factus et fo..natus a malo Deo,et omnia quae sunt in eo. Item, quod Diabolus cum suis angelis ascendit in c«^«™>^^ f*^!^ ibidem pnelio cum Michaele Archangelo, Angelus [^^ angelis] bom D« exf^xit inde etiam [tertiamj partem creaturarum Dei; et ^-^-^^'J^ quotidie in humanis corporibus et brutis et etiam de uno corpore n alu^, Lee diet* creature reducantur in coelum. Vocantur autem ist^ crea- lur« Dei secundum eos, *populus Dei,^ et * animae atque oves domus Israel, et etiam aliis nominibus. Item, quod Filius Dei non assumpsit humanam naturam in veritale-, sed ejus similem ex beata Virgine, quam dicunt fuisse Aneelum. Et, quod non vere comedit et bibit, nee vere passus est, nee mo^uus, nee sepultus: nee ejus resurrectio vera fuit sed ^^odha^c fue- runt putativa, sicut de ipso legitur. ^ Ut putaretur fihus Joseph. S.mi- mer Se omnibus miraculis, qu» Christus fecit. Item, quod Ab..ham^ Isaac et Jacob, Moyses et c^teri plures patres antiqu, et beat"s Joannes Bap ista, fuerulit inimici Dei, et ministri Diaboli. Item, 0. inquisitors, rules for, 197, 202, 208. --.How far to be trusted, 220.— Testimony of one, 2. Interdict, 183, 414. Inzabbatati, 202, 205, 263. see Xa- batatenses. John the Baptist, opinion of Alhig. respecting, 380, 387, 392, 429. John Brompton, 366. Josepini, 177, 201, 210, 446. Lateran III. Council of (in 1179), 175—7 F. Council of (in 1215) 189. Lavaur. Council of (1213), 21. Z>pacte« obtained by Albig. teachei-s, 291, 316, 463. Lemistce, 205, 405, 406.— Mr. Fa- ber's account of, 417. Limborch, extract from, 229. Lollard's, 406. Lombardy, 281, 404, 414. Lomber's, Council of (in 1165) 139. Louis IX. letter of, 21. Major and Majoralis, titles among the Albig. 279, 282.— among the Wald. 255. ManichcBans, 432— how far the Pan- licians were so, 67, 69— how far the Albig. 83. Melioramentum, 252. Milner, remarks on his Ch. History, 43 — ^his account of the Paulicians, 72 — ^his remarks on the proceed- ings at Thoulouse, in 1178, 168— at Cologne, 344— respecting the Publicans at Oxford, 367— his cen- sure of Mosheim, 43, 57, 70, 369. Montpellier, Council of (in 1195), 183. Mosaic law, 379, 386, 387. Moses, not a Magician, 379. Mosheim, authorities respecting the Waldenses, 59. See, Milner. Narbonne, Council of (in 1235), 197. Nicolas, Pope, letter to the Empress Theodora, 72. Panis benedictus, of the Alhigenses, 261, 278, 288, 289, 296, 308, 317, 420. Passagini, 177, 201, 210, 449. Passau, churches of, 404. Patareniy 188, 200, 206, 210, 445, Patarini, 177. Paterini, 431. Patrini, 175, 416, 447. Patriarchs, whether saved, 386, 392, 429. Paulicians, opinions of, 61,— perse- cuted by Theodora, 73 — their in- troduction into Europe, 86—00 the name, 445. Pauperes minores, 399. Perfecti, 196, 271, 280, 394, 415, 416, 447. Peter of VauxSemai, 391. Peirus Chrysogonus, letter of, 161 , Petrus de Pilichdorf 439. Physicians, regulations respecting, 194, 207, 210, 292. Piphles, 353. Pope of the Alhigenses, 85, 191. Poplicani, see Publicans. Propositus, among the Albig. 382. Prayer, offered by Waldenses, 255. Prophets, whether saved, 386, 392, 429. Publicans, 91, 175, 364, 371, 396. Questions, Ebrard's to catch hei-etici, 391. Radulphus de Coggeshale, 371. Radulphus de Diceto, 366. Raymond, Count of Thoulouse, lcl» ter of, 145 —Statutes of, 195, Rector, 382. Reinerius Saccho, 23. 400. Renunciation of the Church, form of, 396. Rheims, Council of, (in 1049) 89. Rites peculiar to the Alhigenses, 244. Roncaroli, 206. Runcarii, 405, 416. Oaihs, unlawfulness of, 110, 156, 166, 230. Odo, Bp. his Constitutions, 183. Oliverius, sect of, 142. Ordinarii, 417. Ordinati, 382. Orleans, Council of (in 1027), 89. Ortlibenses, 34, 416, 417. Orioleni, 206. Oxfiyrd, Council of (in 1160), 90, 138, 4 Salutation of the heretics, 252, 293, 315. Scriptures, translation of, 127, 402, 438. — ^Forbidden by the Council of Thoulouse, 194.— Opinions of the Paulicians respecting, 67 — see Albigenses. Sens, Council of, (in 1198) 184. Sentences, Book of, 212.— On Albi- genses and Waldenses, 270, Serm», 215. \ 546 INDEX. ,♦■• :|i SisciderueSf 416. Son, elder and younger, 4^5, 448. Speronisttey 201, 206, 210, 446. Stephanus de Ansa^ or de Em*a, 128. Stephanus de Borbone^ 128, 438. Sylvester Pope, legend respecting, 38,408, 440. Ttirragonoy Council of, (iu 1242)202. Texerant, 353. Theodora, the Empress, persecuted thePaulicians, 73. — Letter of Pope Nicolas to, 72, 78. Thoulouse, state of, (in 1147) 19 — Council of, (in 1056) 20.— (In 1119) 90, 138.— (In 1229) 192 Thuanns, testimony respecting the VVaidenses, 16. Toursy Council of, (in 1163) 18. Tracty anonymous, Ve hareni Paup. de Lugd. 468, 472. Valdenses^ Bernard of Fontcaud's etymology, 104, 373. Vallenjies, 97. VesHtuSy 193, 208, 338. Fezetoi, history of the Monastery of, 363. WALDEN8E8, Origin of, 33, 109, 127, 394, 440, 467, 468 n.— On the name, 96. — Earliest use of it, 181. — Disputtd against the other here- tics, 439. — ^Those about Thoulouse came from Burgundy, 265. — Doc- trines peculiar to, 241. — Rites pe- culiar to, 255. — Military character, 474. — Their practice of prayer, «55, 322, 323, 325, 332, 457 —Of wearing sandals, 395, 399. — Of blessing the table, 198, 257, 263, 324 Their doctrine respecting Absolution 231, 332, 334, 411, 412, 442.— Baptism, 410.'— Benedictions, 413. Burial, 415. — Canonizations, 412. — Celibacy of the Clergy, 411. — Chanting, 414. — Church of Rome, 233, 333, 335, 398, 407, 408.— Churches, material, 376, 413 — Churching, 411. — Confession, 198, 231, 323, 332, 334, 411, 442.— Consecrations, 413. — Cross, adora- tion of, 412.— Sign of, 412— The Eucharist, 416. — Excommunica- tion, 412.— Fasts, 375, 413.— I^es* ti vals of the Church, 4 1 3. — Images, 414 —Indulgences, 241, 335, 412. — Judgment, human, 241, 326, 334, 395. — Jurisdiction, ecclesias- tical, 416. — Kiss of peace, 411 — Latin prayers and scriptures, 411. Legends of the Saints,4 12. — Lights in Churches, 414. — Marriage, 411. — Of the Clergy, ibid.— The Mass, 410. — Masses for the dead, 375, 414, 4 1 5.— Monastic institutions, 409.— Oaths, 110, 230, 322, 323, 326, 327, 329, 333, 395, 415— Of- ferings, 387.— Ordeis, 241.— Pa- tron saints, 412.— -Penance, 231, 323, 332, 334, 411, 442.— Pictures, 414 —Poverty, 335, 398, 440 — Preaching, 374, 412 — By women, 375, 412. — Processions, 414.— Purgatory, 335, 376, 4 1 5— Relics, 412. — Sacraments, 410. — Scrip- ture, as the only authoiity, 412, — Singing in churches, 410, 414. —Tithes, 409.— Titles of dignity, 409. — Tonsure, 4 12. — Tradition, 413.-Transubstantiation, 198, 395, 401, 442, 470 — Unction, extreme, 411. — Vestments of the Priests, 414.— Vigils, 412.— Water, holy, 414 —See also, Albigense^ and Waldenses. Waldensian manuscripts, authenti- city of, 114. — Confessions of faith, 121. — Major and Majoralis, 255, 258. WaldOy Peter y his name, 107.— Trans- lated the Scriptures, 127. WariiiL 206. Williantscif Newbury, 365. William of Puy-LaurenSy 439. WitnesSy sentence on a false one, 299. WitnesseSy the claim of the Walden- ses to be so considered, 118, 468, 474. Women, how saved, 389.*— Not to be touched by the perfecti among the Albigenses, 248, 249. — Allowed to preach by the Waldenses, 375, 412. Xabatatetues, or Xabatati, 101,, 390.— See Inzabbatati. Zapataii, 182. — See preceding word. By the same Author, An Enquiry into the Grounds on which the Prophetic Period of Daniel and St. John has been supposed to consist of 1260 Years. 8vo. 3s. A Second Enquiry on the same subject. 8vo. 6s. An Attenapt to Elucidate the Prophecies concerning Anti- christ, 8vo. Is. The Twelve Hundred and Sixty Days in reply to a Review in the Morning Watch. 8vo. 1 s. A Letter to the Rev. W. Digby, A. M. occasioned by his Treatise on the 1260 days. 8vo. 2s. Printed by Edward Power, Gloucester. 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