A4A STFR NO. 93-81 ^E ■^ 4 „/ \ ^u MICROFILMED 1993 i UMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the ^ "Foundations of W ui j Civilization Preservation Project Funded by the N \TIONAL ENDOWMI NT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from CoiiuubK. University Library ^*»^ OP f RIGHT STATEfVfENT The copyright law of the United States Title 17. United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Under certain conditions specified in the !aw^ libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that the photocopy or other reproduction is not to be used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship or research." If a user mal PI ^"i Q 3 c IV PREFACE. But regard for the patience of the reader and prudential reasons dictated the necessity of adopting the shorter form. I have not followed the strictly chronological order of events, but grouped under appropriate heads the most im- portant transactions of the long reign of Charles, trusting that by this plan prolixity has been avoided, and the inter- est of the narrative kept up, so that, without sacrificing accu- racy, a clearer and more philosophical view of the whole period, and its grand central figure, might be gained. The Chronological Annals, however, which precede the narrative, spread the precise sequence of events before the reader. By far the greater portion of the matter presented appears for the first time in English, and much of it I have not seen in any living tongue. The bulk of this volume is his- tory, although legend, tradition, anecdote, and poetry have- been introduced sparingly as serving to throw life, variety, and color into the picture. It has been my aim faithfully to trace the growth and establishment of the peerless empire of the mighty Ruler, whose fierce religious zeal stamped out heathenism, awed the miscreant, enriched and exalted the Church; whose great achievements exacted the homage of the world, and whose enlightened liberality inaugurated a new era of civ- ilization, which after the lapse of a millennium may still be discerned in living institutions. That empire has long been the ideal of ambitious sovereigns, and the dream of its revival has not yet lost its fascination. This work is not written for a particular class of readers, but offered to the public generally as a modest contribu- tion to the literature of one of the most important and interesting periods in History. New York, July, 1888. II i i A CONTENTS. / PAGE Genealogical Table facing 71 Chronological Annals 3 BOOK I. ANCESTRAL PERIOD. A.D. 680-A.D. 768. CHAPTER I. Charles Martel. Introductory remarks. — Pepin of Heristal's mistake. — Charles obtains the mastery of Austrasia, Neustria, and Burgundy. — Aggressive war- fare. — He aids Eudo, duke of Aquitaine, against the Saracens. — The deadly battle of Tours. — Reduction of Aquitaine, and suppression of revolt in Burgundy. — Renewed and successful contests with the Sara- cens. — Charles chastises in the same summer, the Saxons, Proven- 9als, and Saracens. — His relations to the Church. — Division of his dominions. — His death 17 CHAPTER II. Pepin. Fraternal concord of Carloman and Pepin. — Carloman abdicates and turns monk. — Pepin sole ruler. — Pope Zacharias. — Childeric III. deposed. — Pepin, King of the Franks. — Grifo slain. — Astolf and Pope Stephen. — Stephen visits Pepin. — Astolf humbled. — His death. — Division of the kingdom. — Death of Pepin •, 31 CHAPTER III. Civilization. ' Extent of Francia. — Nationalities. — General immorality — The Clergy. — * Superstition. — Royalty. — Oaths. — Relics. — Ordeals. — Weregeld. — Political division: hof, weiler, markung, gau. — Domestic architecture. — Agriculture. — Slavery. — Domanial lands. — The Judiciary. — Mili- tary service 54 VI CONTENTS. CONTENTS. VU BOOK II. ROYAL PERIOD. A.D. 768- A. D. 800. CHAPTER I. Charles and Carloman. PAGE Birth, childhood, and youth of Charles. — Dissensions between the broth- ers.— Revolt in Aquitaine. — -Matnmony. — Pope Stephen indignant. — Desiderata. — Hildegard. — Death of Carloman. — Charles usurps his kingdom. — Flight of Gerberga and her children. — Charles at thirty. . 71 CHAPTER II. Fall of the Lombards. Hadrian I., pope. — Hadrian and Desiderius. — Hadrian invokes the aid of Charles. — War with Desiderius. — Passage of the Alps. — Siege of Pavia. — Defection. — Visit to Rome. — The Grant. — Fall of the Lom- bard? .7777: 86 CHAPTER VI. Sequel to Fall of the Lombards. PAGE Plot. — Charles quells the revolt in Friuli. — Revisits Italy. — Social condi- tion. — Incidents at Parrifa. — Rome, Milan, etc. — Puppet kings. — Legis- lation. — Invasion and submission of Bene vento.— War with Tassilo. — He is arraigned and deposed. — Annexation of Bavaria. — The penitent monk. 166 CHAPTER Vn. « Conquest of the Avars. The Avars. — Preparations. — March. — Pepin's raid. — Stampede of the en- emy. — Devastation. — The Avars seek Christianity. — Exploit of Eric. — The " Ring." — The spoils. — Baptism of Avars. — Pepin's aftermath. — Missionary work. — Eric's victory. — Death of Ceroid and Eric. — The end. — Review of Christian effort in Bavaria 189 CHAPTER III. Saxon War, to Conversion of Wittekind. The Saxons. — Object and conduct of the war. — Military institutions of Charles. — Eresburg — Irminsul. — Miracle at Fritzlar. — Purpose of Charles. — Treachery. -^Miracle at Sigburg. — Wholesale baptism. — Wittekind. — Saxon raid. — Bocholt. — Conversions. — Laws for the Saxons. — Fight at the Siintel. — Butchery at Verden. —Battles at Det- mold, and on the Hase. — Winter campaign. — Negotiations with Witte- kind. — His conversion. — Legend. — Baptismal Formula. — Alcuin'is advice , , loi CHAPTER IV. Saxon War, to its Close. Reduction of the Welatabians. — Insurrections. — Camp at Liine. — Depor- tation and pacification. — Wigmodia. — Further deportations. — New laws. — Heristelle. — Revolt of the Northalbingians. — Abodrito? aid. — XCounsel of Alcuin and Angilbert. — Camps at Paderborn and Hol- ienstedt.— ^The hunt. — Final pacification. — Christian Saxony 127 CHAPTER V. Invasion of Spain. Occasion. — Muster. — March. — Saragossa. — Results. — Retreat. — Ambus- cade. — Roncesvalles. — Legend. — The Altabi^aren Cantua. — Roland.. 154 CHAPTER VIII. Conspiracies.— Queens and Daughters of Charles. Fastrada. — " Conspiracy of Thuringian Counts and Nobles." — "Conspir- acy of Pepin the Hunchback." — Peter of Verdun. — Death of Fastrada. — Liutgard. — The daughters.— -Family life. — The Chase. — Diversions. 213 V^ CHAPTER IX. The Palace School.— Charles and Alcuin. Alcuin — The Palace School. — Pseudonyms. — Colloquies between Alcuin and Pepin, and Alcuin and Charles. — Culture of Charles 241 CHAPTER X. Famous Men.— Literature.— Libraries. — Architecture.— Public Works. Adalhard. — Angilbert. — Einhard. — Theodulf. — Clement. — Peter of Pisa. — Paulus Diaconus. Homiliarium. — Other distinguished men. — Schools. — Books. — Libraries. — Astronomy. — Grammar. — Names of the winds and the months. — Medical men. — Architecture. — Ba- silica and Palace at Aix-la-Chapelle. — Rhine-bridge at Mayence. — Canal-building 253 .ts yiJi CONTENTS. CHAPTER XI. Bohemian War.— The Royal Sons and their Kingdoms.- extranea. PAGB Conquest of Bohemia.— Affairs of Aquitaine and Spain.— Administration. —Daniel.— Monasteries.— Benedict.— Adalric— Wilhelmus.— Sara- cen invasion.— Incident of Datus.— Poverty of Louis.— Domanial lands and villas. — Diplomatic intercourse with the Saracens.— Mis- sion of Theodulf and Laidradus.— Theodulf on bribery.— Louis meets his father at Tours.— Alleged prediction of his succession in the impe- rial throne.— Affairs in Pepin's kingdom.— The Beneventans.— Defeat of the Byzantines.— Death of Adelchis.— Revolt of the Bretons.— Piracies. — Anecdote 280 CHAPTER XII. ^ Charles and the Church, to the death of Hadrian I. Ninconsistency of Charles.— His relations to the Church.—" General Ad- \ monition."— " Instruction for the Royal Commissioners."— " Exhor- ^ / tation."— Theological questions : Adoptianism ; Image Worship.— The " Caroline Books."— Liberal views of Charles.— Death of Ha- drian.— Charles and Hadrian.— Epitaph.— Estimate of Hadrian 3^4 V CHAPTER XIII. Charles and Leo III. Leo III., pope.— Rumors.— Conspiracy against him.— His miraculous re- -He visits Charles at Paderborn.— Conjectures.— Leo rein- covery. stated. — Preparations. 339 CHAPTER XIV. The Coronation. Reception of Charles at Rome.— Trial of Leo.— His exculpation. —Sym- bolical gifts from Jerusalem.— Debate on the restoration of the em- pire.— The coronation : Charles crowned and anointed " emperor; " Charles the younger "king."— Offerings.— Statement of Einhard ex- amined.— Judgment on the conspirators.- Imperial prerogatives at Rome 354 CONTENTS. IX BOOK III. THE IMPERIAL PERIOD. A.D. 800-A.D. 814. CHAPTER I. The Diet and the Capitularies. PAi ^ The imperial "Title." — Forms of oath of allegiance. — The Diet: times of meeting, and method of business, in Committee, and in Joint As- sembly. — Activity of the monarch. — Executive, and other officers. — Charles, supreme judge. — His policy towards conquered provinces. — MiHtary service : — " Capitulary of Boulogne." — Missi. — Despotism of the Caroline government. — K popular ratification. — The Capitularies. — Their classification. — Examples : Heristal, 779 ; Frankfort, 794 ; Thionville, 805 or 806. — Legislative ability of Charles. — The "Pro- vincial Synods : " their work, and its redaction by Charles. — Abstract of Canons 371 CHAPTER II. Administration. Finances and Revenue. — Contributions in kind for the army, the missis and the Court. — Taxes. — Tolls. — The Pilgrimage. — The Villas : their government ; Capitulary concerning them ; Inventories. — Commerce. — Coinage 394 CHAPTER in. The New Era. "Pacific" (?) policy. — The Empress Irene. — War with Benevento. — War with the Saracens. — Siege of Barcelona. — Capture of Zeid. — Surren- der of the city. — Intercourse with Harun al Raschid. — The elephant Abul-Abbas. — Fortunatus. — Venetian affairs. — Discovery of the blood of Christ. — Leo visits Charles. — D eath of ^Alcujn. — Christmas cele- bration cum gaudio at Thionville. — rartition of the empire 407 rN. CHAPTER IV. Events from the Division of the Empire to the Death OF Pepin. In Italy : Piratical descents of the Saracens. — Grimoald Storesaiz, duke of Benevento. — Relations of Pepin to Leo, and to the Byzantines. — Submission of Venetia. In Spain : Struggle for Tortosa ; two ineffectual investments of the place. In the Empire : Embassies to and from Bagdad. — Presents. — Restoration of the fugitive king of Northumbria. — Danish invasion, by Gottfried, CONTENTS. CONTENTS. XI PAGE of Northalbingia. — Fortresses. — Commissioners of peace. — Assassina- tion of Thrasco, an ally of Charles. — Danish descent upon Frisia. — Charles marches against Gottfried —His fate. — Camp at Verden-on- the-Aller. — Death of Pepin. — Domestic sorrows. — The epizooty. — A prodigy. — The Filioque 426 CHAPTER V. Last Years of Charles. Provisional government of Italy by missi. — Peace with Nicephorus. — Charles divides his treasure. — Text of the Testament. — Case of Obelierius. — Events in the Eastern empire. — Michael I. emperor. — Ratification of peace. — Leo V. emperor. — Peace with Denmark.— Affairs in that country. — Norman and Saracen pirates. — Peace and war in Spain.— Futile investment of Huesca. — Military expeditions against the Vasconians ; the Bretons, Linonians, etc. ; and, for the establish- ment of order, to Pannonia ; later, against the Welatabians. — Final submission of Benevento. — Adalhard 45' APPENDIX. A B. C. PAGE F G Deposition of Childeric and Coronation of Pepin 509 ** Patricius," Patrician 510 Grant of Pepin e jq D. Table of Alcuin's Epistles to Charles 511 E. Table of the Winds. 516 List of the Months 516 List of Capitularies set forth in the reign of Charles the Great 517 H. Rythmus in obitum Caroli Magni August! 521 L Illustrative Extracts. I. The Family of Charles, Theodulf 522 II. The Family of Charles, Angilbert 523 III. Image Worship 524 K. Literary Notes on some of the Authorities for the history of Charles the Great 526 Index, 543 Portrait of Charles facing title page. Map of the Empire of Charles facing page 494. CHAPTER VL The Man Charles. Death of Charles the Younger.— Estimate.— Death of Adelhaid.— Death of Pepin the Hunchback.— Charles broken by grief. — He appoints Bemhard king of Italy.— Attack of sickness.— Charles designates Louis his associate in the empire.— Version of Nigellus.— Opposition to Louis. — He is sent for. — Proclaimed emperor. — His coronation. — Last illness and death of Charles.— His burial.— Legendary accounts.— Emperor Otto III. opens the tomb of Charles.— Elevation of the remains, and canonization of Charles 47^ NOTE ON THE PORTRAIT OF CHARLES. The portrait, printed by Montfaucon in Monumens de la Monarchic Fran- coisc, tome I., plate xxiii., page 276, is taken from a MS. drawing in the MSS. of M. de Peiresc, and believed to be authentic. At any rate it is less conven- tional, and as to expression and naturalness more satisfactory than any of the numerous representations of Charles in print, or in stone, which I have seen. It represents him wearing the imperial crown, in the posture of kneeling, and holding on his arm the basilica of St. Mary the Virgin at Aix-la-Chapelle (see p. 271 sqq. and Index). The lower portions of the body are entirely hidden by an ample cloak, remarkable for the width of the sleeves, the impe- rial collar, and especially the buttons, which though seldom found in pic- tures of that period, were nevertheless in use as early as the time of the Emperor Constantius. CHAPTER VII. RfiSUM^. Sorrow for Charles.— Omens.— "Vision of Charles the Great."— Charles " the Father of the Universe." — Sketch of his empire, subjects, and / tributary races. — Estimate.— The night-side and light-side of his character.— Comparison with other illustrious men. — Names he bore in life.— Unanimous verdict of posterity.— The love he inspired.— Passage from Alcuin. — The Funeral Chant 489 ( CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. I CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. k CHARLES MARTEL, Son of Pepin of Heristal and Alpais (= Chalpais, Alphais). A.D. 688, 689 715 716 717 718 (?) 719 720 722 723 724 725 728 730 731 732 733 734 735 736 Conjectured date of his birth. Plectrud with her grandsons in power.— Ragenf rid, mayor of the palace, in Neustria. Charles escapes from confinement. — Death of Dagobert III. — Chil- peric II. rules Neustria. Ratbod, the Frisian, defeats Charles. Charles surprises and defeats the Neustrians at Ambleve. Defeats the Neustrians in the decisive engagement at Vincy. Pursues the fugitives to Paris. Brings Plectrud to terms at Cologne.— Appoints Chlotair king. Devastates Saxony to the Weser. Defeats Chilperic, Ragenfrid, and their ally, Eudo. duke of Aqui- taine, at Soissons. — Pursues Eudo, who escapes. Makes peace with Eudo. Expedition against the Saxons. — Theodoric IV. (aged 7), son of Dagobert III., king. Wars in the North. (The enemy not named.) Imprisons two sons of his step-brother Drogo. — Accords protection to Boniface. Marches against Ragenfrid, and invests Angers. Gains a victory over the rebellious Saxons. Invades and subdues Bavaria, returns with Bilitrud and Swanahild. Revisits Bavaria, with an army. Marches against Lantfrid, duke of Alemannia. — Death of Lantfrid. Marches against Eudo, and devastates Vasconia. Defeats the Saracens in the battle of Tours. Regulates the affairs of Burgundy. Invades the Westergau in Frisia. Again invades the Westergau, and devastates the country. Death of Eudo. — Charles marches to the Garonne, and subdues the country. Defeats the sons of Eudo, takes Ilatto prisoner, and receives the homage of Hunold. y CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. CHARLES UA.RTEL— Continued. A.D. 737 738 739 740 741 Enters Burgundy and subdues the country from Lyons to Marseilles, and Aries. Death of Theodoric IV.— Charles reigns " without another king." Marches against the Saracens, defeats them on the Berre, and lays siege to Narbonne. Marches against the Saxons, makes them tributary, and takes hos- tages. Quells the rebellion in the Provence. Receives an embassy from Pope Gregory HI. A year of peace. Divides his dominions among his sons. Death of Charles, October 22d.— Buried in the Church of St. Denis. CARLOMAN, Eldest Son of Charles Martel. 741 742 743 744 745 746 747 750 754 Date of his birth not known. Receives as his share of the divided kingdom, Austrasia, Suabia, and Thuringia. Marches conjointly with Pepin against their step-brother Gnfo.- Grifo prisoner at Neuf chateau. Marches conjointly with Pepin into Aquitaine, against the rebels. Marches conjointly with Pepin into Alemannia, against the rebels. Childeric III. instituted king. ^ Marches conjointly with Pepin against Odilo, duke of Bavaria, their brother-in-law. Marches against the Saxons ; surrender of Hoohseoburg. and Theo- doric. Makes peace with Odilo. Expedition against the Saxons; submission of the frontier popula- tion ; many Saxons baptized. Marches with Pepin into Aquitaine ; they subdue the rebellion, and humble Hunold. Sanguinary punishment of the rebellious Alemannians. Abdicates together with his son Drogo in favor of Pepin ; goes to Rome, receives tonsure, builds a monastery, and withdraws to Monte Soracte. Takes up liis abode in Monte Casino. Goes to Francia in the interest of Astolf against the pope, and Frankish interference. Pepin shuts him up in a monastery ; probably at Vienne. Death of Carloraan, August 17th.— Buried on Monte Casino. CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. PEPIN. Second Son of Charles Martel, Mayor of the Palace. A.D. 714 735 741 745 747 748 749 751 753 754 755 756 Birth. Visits the court of Desiderius, who adopts him. Receives as his share of the divided kingdom. Burgundy, Neustria, and the Provence. For the events of 741-745. see above, under " Carloman." Marches against Theudbald, son of Duke Godfred, into Alsatia. Takes charge of the kingdom and son of Carloman ; see before.— Carloman had several sons. Sets Grifo at liberty. Grifo escapes into Saxony. Expedition against the Saxons ; they submit ; Grifo escapes into Bavaria. Successful expedition against Grifo ; Grifo and Lantfrid, duke of Alemannia, taken prisoners. Accords to Grifo twelve counties in Neustria ; Grifo escapes into Aquitaine. PEPIN. Second Son of Charles Martel, King. Elected, and, with the approbation of the pope, elevated and anointed king, by Boniface, at Soissons. Childeric is shaved and sent to St. Sithiu. Victorious expedition against the Saxons.— I burg. —Advance to the Wesel. Grifo slain in combat. January 6. Receives Pope Stephen HI., and promises him help against the Lombards. The Diet, at Braisne {Brennacus), and then at Quierzy {Carisiaco) re- solves upon war with the Lombards. Pepin, together with Charles and Carioman his sons, guarantees to the Church of Rome the restoration of the possessions wrested from the same by the Lombards.— The document is lost. Stephen III., at St. Denis, anoints Pepin, and his sons. July 28th. First expedition against the Lombards. Pepin invades Italy ; his van defeats the Lombards in the valley of Susa ; he pursues Astolf to Pavia, invests the city, dictates a peace, takes hos- tages, and returns into Francia. The old March-field is changed into a May-field, i. e., the Annual Assembly is thereafter to meet in May. Death of Boniface. Second expedition against the Lombards. Pepin defeats them at the clauses, again invests Pavia, and makes a peace humiliating to Astolf. CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. YEFllSi— Continued. A.D. 756 757 758 759 760 761 762 763 764 765 766 767 768 Donation to St. Peter and the Roman Church of the cities of Ra- venna, Rimini, Pesara, etc., etc., restored by Astolf. — The in- strument of donation is lost. Death of Astolf. — Desiderius, king of the Lombards. Tassilo takes the oath of allegiance at Compi^gne. Victorious expedition against the Saxons. A year of peace.— Birth of Pepin (he died in his third year). Victorious expedition into Aquitaine. Waifre sues for peace. Pepin, accompanied by Charies, marches into Aquitaine and quells the revolt, with partial success. New campaign in Aquitaine; Charles and Carloman accompany their father ; with partial success. Further campaign in Aquitaine. — Tassilo leaves the army on the march.— Pepin defeats Waifre.— Escape of Waifre. War with Waifre and Tassilo prevented by negotiations. A year of peace. Expedition into Aquitaine. Synod of Gentilly on the Holy Trinity, and Image Worship. Expedition into Aquitaine. Expedition into Aquitaine. The mother, sister and niece of Waifre, together with his uncle Remistan, are taken prisoners. Remis- tan is hanged ; Waifre assassinated, by his own subjects. Sept. 23d. Divides the kingdom between Charles and Carloman ; see under " Carloman, King " and *' Charies the Great." Sickness and death, September 24th, of Pepin.— Buried in the church of St. Denis. L CARLOMAN, Second Son of Pepin, King. 751 (?) 754 768 769 770 771 Dale of his birth. Is anointed by Stephen III., in St. Denis, July 28th. Receives as his kingdom Burgundy, the Provence, Alsatia, Ale- mannia, and the half of Aquitaine, Sept. 23d. Elevated and anointed king at Soissons, October 9th. Meeting and disagreement with Charles at Duasdives. Meets his mother at Selz. Breaks with Charles. Danger of war. Death, December 4th. — Buried in the church of St. Remigius, near Rheims. CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS, CHARLES THE GREAT. A.D. 742 753 754 761 762 768 769 770 771 772 773 774 775 776 777 778 7791 Date of his birth, April 2d. Escorts Pope Stephen III. Is anointed by Stephen III., in St. Denis, July 28th. Accompanies the expedition into Aquitaine. Accompanies the expedition into Aquitaine. Receives as his kingdom Austrasia, the half of Aquitaine, and Neustria. Elevated, and, according to some, anointed king at No3'on, Octo- ber 9th. Expedition into Aquitaine.— Meeting with Carloman at Duasdives. Builds Fronsac on the Dordogne.— Lupus surrenders Hunold and his wife. Disowns Himiltrud, and mairies Desiderata. Breaks with Carloman. Upon the death of Carloman, Charles seizes his kingdom. — Ger- berga, with the children of Carloman, escapes to Desiderius. Disowns Desiderata, and marries Hildegard. First Saxon expedition. — Eresburg, Irminsul. Receives the legate of Hadrian I., invoking his aid against the Lombards. Diet at Geneva. Invades Lombardy. Siege of Pavia and Verona. Visit to Rome. Promises to donate to St. Peter certain territories. — The instrument of donation is lost. April 6th. Fall of Pavia, and of the Lombards, June. Consecration of the church at Lauresham ; present, the king, the queen and their sons, Charles and Pepin, August 14th. Despatch of four scam against the Saxons, Determines to prosecute war with the Saxons until they are con- verted_ to Christianity or exterminated. — Diet at Quierzy, Jan- uary. — Diet at DUren, June and JuTyT ' Saxon expedition. — Hohensyburg, Eresburg, Brunisberg.— Defeat of the Eastphalians. — Treachery. — Defeat of the Westphalians. August to October. Winter campaign in Friuli. The revolt is quelled. January to July. Saxon expedition. Subjection of the Saxons ; many are baptized. Diet at Paderborn. Wittekind absent. Numerous baptisms. Sara- cen embassy. Invasion of Spain. Advance to the Ebro. Ambuscade at Ronces- valles. Birth of Louis and Lothair. — Chasseneuil. Raid by the Saxons. Pursuit of the raiders. Hildeprand, Duke of Spoleto, brings presents. 8 CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. CHARLES THE GKEA.T-^Continued. A.D. 779 780 781 782 782 783 Saxon expedition. Victory at Bocholt. Submission of Westpha- lian and Transalbingian Saxons. Saxon expedition. General submission. Saxons in the Bardengau and Northalbingia receive baptism. Visit to Italy. Meeting with Alcuin at Parma, March. Rome.-Hadrian baptizes Pepin (= Carloman) and Louis, and anoints them Kings of Italy and Aquitaine. Easter. Thomas, Archbishop of Milan, baptizes Gisla. June. Tassilo swears fealty in the Diet of Worms. Diet at the head-waters of the Lippe.-Wittekind absent. Capitulatio de partibus Saxonia. ., , • Sclavonians invade the frontiers of Thuringia and Saxony ; Adalgis. Geilo and Worad march against them. Disaster of the Suntel.— Expedition. Butchery at Verden on the AUer. Death of Hildegard, April 30th; buried in St. Amulf s at Metz. Death of the queen-mother Berthrada, July 13th ; buried m St. Denis. ,•, j ^i, Saxon expedition ; victorious engagements at Detmold, and on the Hase. Devastation of the country to the Elbe. Charies marries Fastrada, before October gth. 784 1 Saxon expedition, eariy in the spring ; the king marches agamst the Eastphalians ; his son Charies against the Westphalians ; cav- alr>' fight in the Dreingau ; Charies the younger defeats the enemy. Winter campaign in Saxony. — Raids. 785 Diet at Paderborn. Louis is brought from Aquitaine. Destructive warfare ; the Saxons receive Christianity. Negotiations with Wittekind and Abbio. Wittekind and his following are baptized at Attigny. Surrender of Gerona. 786 1 Seneschal Audulf chastises the rebels in Brittany. 786 Conspiracy of Thuringian counts and nobles. Expedition into Italy ; late in the year. 787 Visit to Rome. Demonstration against Benevento. Arigiso, Rumoald, and the Beneventans take the oath of allegiance. and pay tribute. Grimoald, the king^s son, one of the hostages. Failure of the matrimonial alliance of princess Rotrud and emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus. Embassies from and to Tassilo. Invasion of Bavaria. Tassilo submits, and accepts the duchy as a fief. CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. CHARLES THE GK^hT—Continued. A.D. 787 788 789 790 791 792 793 794 795 796 797 Embassy from Benevento. Despatch of Missi. Death of Rumoald and Arigiso. Trial and deposition of Tassilo. ^ Annexation of Bavaria. Grimoald, duke of Benevento. Successful fights with the Avars on the Ips, the Danube, and in Friuli. Duke Hildeprand, duke Grimoald and Winegisus defeat the Byzan- tines in Calabria. Expedition against the Welatabians ; their submission. Differences between Charles and Offa. Diet of Worms. Punishment of Adalric Embassy from and to the Avars. First expedition against the Avars. Adoptianism. Felix recants. Synod of Ratisboo. Revolt in Saxony and Frisia. Conspiracy of Pepin the Hunchback. War with Benevento. — The great famine. Failure of the canal connecting the Altmiihl and the Rednitz. Invasion and victory of the Saracens on the Orbieu. Synod and Diet at Frankfort. Adoptianism. — The Council denies the ecumenical character of the second Council of Nicaea and rejects its decree concerning image worship. — Tassilo apologizes, and renounces all claim to Bavaria. Death of Fastrada, August loth. Buried in St. Alban's, Mayence. Saxon expedition. — Sendfeld. Charles marries Liutgard. Regulation of Aquitanian affairs. Saxon expedition. The camp at Ltine {Hliunt). Embassy from the Tudun. Eric, margrave of Friuli, plunders the " Ring " of the Avars, and carries the spoils to Aix-la-Chapelle (796). Louis receives embassies from Alonso II., and the Saracenic wali, Bahlul Ben Makhluk, and erects fortresses on the frontiers of Aquitaine. Death of Hadrian III., Dec. 25th ; Leo III. elected pope, Dec. 26th. Distribution of the Avar treasures. Embassies from and to Leo. Baptism of the Tudun of the Avars, at Aix-la-Chai>elle. Saxon expedition. Louis marries Hermingard, daughter of Count Ingram (?). Pepin's expedition against the Avars. Frankish raid against the Saracens. The wali of Barcelona (Zeik) makes his submission. ./ 10 CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. CHARLES THE GREAT— Continued. A.D. 797 798 799 8cx> Futile investment of Huesca. Pepin takes the field against Sclavonians, Eric against the Avars. Charles leads an expedition against the Saxons into Wigmodia. The Ommaiad Saracen Abdallah commends himself to Charles at Aix-la-Chapelle. Charles sends Lantfrid and Sigimund as his ambassadors to Harun- al-Raschid. Capitulare Saxonicum. Winter campaign in Saxony. Camp at Heristelle. November. Embassy from the Avars. Louis (with Abdallah) and Pepin return to their kingdoms. Embassy from Alonso II. ^, j r Revolt of the Nordliudi, or Saxons beyond the Elbe. Murder of missi. , 1, . General devastation. Thrasco attacks and defeats the Northalbmgians at Zwentinefeld. Charles carries 1,600 Saxon nobles as hostages into Francia. An embassy from the empress Irene announces her accession to the throne. Embassy from Alonso II. Piratical descent by the Saracens on the Balearic Islands. Theodulf, bishop of Orleans, and Laidradus, missi to Septimania and the Provence. . Felix, bishop of Urgel. disputes with Alcuin, and recants. Conspiracy against Leo III. He escapes. Saxon expedition. Camp at Paderbom. Charles the younger m the Bardengau. Leo III. visits Charles. His restoration. Embassies from Michael, patrician of Sicily, and the empress Irene. Death of Ceroid, chief count in Bavaria, in battle, and of duke Enc in an ambuscade. Deportation of many Saxons. The Balearic Islands make their submission to Francia. I Count Wido quells a revolt in Brittany. ' The wali of Huesca sends the keys of the city to Charles. The patriarch of Jerusalem sends a benediction and relics from the Holy Sepulchre. Norman piracies. Building" of a fleet, and of coast defences. Charies visits the coast, St. Riquier, Rouen, Tours, etc. Death of Queen Liutgard at Tours, June 4th. Buried there. Diet at Mayence, August. Journey to Italy, with an army. Departure, before November. King Pepin conducts the army to Benevento. having left his father at Ancona. CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. II CHARLES THE GREKT— Continued. A.D. 800 801 802 803 Reception of Charles at Rome, November 24th. Trial of Leo III., December 1st. Leo exculpates himself, December 23d. The patriarch of Jerusalem sends symbolical gifts, December 23d. Charles crowned Emperor ; Charles the younger anointed and crowned King, December 25th. Condemnation of the conspirators against Leo. Regulation of Roman and Italian affairs. Pepin returns to Benevento,, before January 6th. Capture of Chieti. A d€;gtructive earthquake in Italy ; it is felt on the Rhine, in Gaul, and Germany, April 30th. Arrival of ambassadors from Harun-al-Raschid at Pisa, and their reception between Vercelli and Ivrea. Return into Francia, July. Siege and capture of Barcelona, date uncertain. Administrative reforms. Formulas of the new oath of allegiance. Embassies from and to the empress Irene. Synod at Aix-la-Chapelle. March. Isaac, the Jew, brings the presents from Harun-al-Raschid, among them the elephant Abulabbas. Despatch of an expedition against the Saxons beyond the Elbe. Hostilities in Benevento. Indecisive and fluctuating fortunes. General Synod and Diet at Aix-la-Chapelle, October. The conciliar canons and pontifical decrees are read and explained to the clergy. The' rule of St. Benedict is read and explained to abbots and monks. All the national laws current in Francia are read, explained, and amended in the secular division of the Diet, and ordered to be committed to writing. Grimoald, duke of Benevento, releases Winigisus, duke of Spoleto.. Earthquake at and near Aix-la-Chapelle. Great mortality. Missi sent out for securing the popular ratification of the additions to the national codes lately set forth. The emperor, after the Diet at Mayence. repairs to Salz on the Saale in Franconia. Arrival of the Prankish ambassadors to Constantinople, accompanied by those of Nicephonis, the new emperor of the East. Arrival of two ambassadors from George, patriarch of Jerusalem. Arrival of Fortunatus, patriarch of Grado. Expedition into Pannonia. Local Diet at Ratisbon. Submission of the Tudun, together with many other Avars and Sclavonians. 12 CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. CHARLES THE GKE AT— Continue J. A.D. 804 Saxon expedition for the final subjection of the country. , Diet at the headwaters of the Lippe. Camp at Hollenstedt. Charles appoints Thrasco king of the Abo- The Franks and the Abodrites expel the Saxons. Wholesale depor- tation. End of the Saxon war. Proposed interview of Gottfried, king of the Danes, and Charles. Alleged discovery of the blood of Christ at Mantua. Pope Leo IH. visits Charles. 805 Return of the pope, January 14th. . ' ^ The Avars are permitted to settle between Sabana and Camuntum. Death of the khakhan Theodore ; baptism of the new khakhan Abraham. King Charles invades Bohemia. Remarkable instructions for the ^m£.-Military regulations and di- rections relating to frontier trade and the exportation of arms. Celebration of Christmas at Thionville ; arrival of Louis and Pepm. Obelierius and Beatus, doges of Venetia. together with dignitaries from Dalmatia, make their submission. 806 Partition of the empire. Expedition, commanded by King Charies, against the Sorabians. Expedition into Bohemia. Arrival of a Byzantine fleet in the Adriatic. Blockade of Venetia. A Frankish vessel runs the blockade. An Italian fleet drives Saracen pirates from Corsica. Saracen pirates capture the monks of Patelaria. Submission of Navarra and Pampeluna. Death of Grimoaid III., duke of Benevento. Accession of Grimoald Storesaiz. • i. r 807 Arrival of embassies from Harun-al-Raschid, and the patriarch of Jerusalem. Alfdeni. a Danish chieftain, makes his submission. A Frankish fleet, commanded by constable Burchard, defeats the Saracen pirates. King Pepin makes a truce with the Byzantine admiral Nicetas. 808 Eardulf. the fugitive king of Northumbria, visits Charles and the GottWed,* king of the Danes, invades the country of the Abodrites. Expedition, by King Charies, against the Linonians and Smeldmgs. Erection of fortresses on the Eider, and on the Elbe. Strained relations of Pepin and the pope. 80Q Restoration of Eardulf. The Greek Orobiotae (mountaineers) plunder Pcpulonia, a seaport of Tuscia. CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. 13 CHARLES THE GK^KT— Continued, A.D. 809 810 811 812 Repulse of the Byzantine fleet at Comacchio ; admiral Paulus sails to Constantinople. Saracenic descent upon Corsica, April 7th. Expedition, by Louis, against the Saracens. Ineff victual siege of Tortosa. Meeting of Frankish and Danish commissioners at Badenfliot. Expedition, by Thrasco, king of the Abodrites, against the Wela- tabians and Smeldings. Council at Aix-la-Chapelle, in November, on the Procession of the Holy Spirit. The Filioque. Assassination of Thrasco. Erection of a fortress at Esesfeld (Itzehoe). Amoroz, wall of Saragossa and Huesca, seizes the command of the late count Aureolus. Saracen pirates plunder Corsica. Expedition, by King Pepin, against Venetia. Death of Princess Rotrud, June 6th. Descent of a Danish fleet on the coast of Frisia. Orders for the building of vessels for the protection of rivers and the coast. The emperor, accompanied by King Charles, conducts an army into Saxony. Camp at Verden on the Aller. Assassination of Gottfried. Capture, by the Welatabians, of the fortress of Hohbuoki. Death of King Pepin, July 8th. Arrival of embassies from the courts of Constantinople and Cordova. Accident of the emperor. The epizooty. — Mortal powder. — General prayers. Negotiations for peace with Constantinople, Cordova, and Den- mark. Raid into Spain, by the missus Ingobert ; second ineffectual siege of Tortosa. Administration of Italy by missi. Testamentary distribution of the imperial treasure. Embassy to Constantinople. Deposition of the doges. Ratification of peace with Denmark. Despatch of armies against the Linonians and Bretons, and into Pannonia. The emperor inspects the fleets building at Boulogne and Ghent. Siege and surrender of Tortosa. Death of Pepin the Hunchback, at Priim. Death of King Charles, December 4th. Death of Hemming, king of the Danes. Struggle for the succession. Harald and Reginfrid kings. 14 CHRONOLOGICAL ANNALS. CHARLES THE G^^ AT— Continued. A.D. 8l2 813 814 Arrival of Byzantine ambassadors from Emperor Michael L. Rhan- gabe. ,, Frankish ratification of the peace at St. Mary's, Aix-la-Chapelle. Charles sends Bernhard, son of Pepin, to Italy. Saracen piracies in the Mediterranean. Peace (armistice) with ELHhakem. Failure of the siege of Huesca. Peace with Benevento. Subjection of the Welatabians. Despatch of an embassy to Constantinople. Leo V., emperor. Diet at Aix-la-Chapelle (?), early in the year. Provincial Synods at Mayence, Rheims. Tours. Chalon, and Aries. Burning of the Rhine-bridge at Mayence. Louis quells the revolt of the Vasconians. and crosses the Pyrenees. Attempted ambuscade. Charles is taken sick in the Ardennes ; he sends for Louis. General Diet at Aix-la-Chapelle. Important legislation. Designation, acclamation, and coronation of Louis as associate-em- peror. . Ratification of peace with Denmark. Revolution m Denmark. Norman and Saracen piracies. Charles has an attack of fever, January 22d ; pleurisy sets in. Receives the sacrament, January 27th. Death, at 9 A. M., January 28th. . . , ^, n Buried, the same day, in the basilica of St. Mary at Aix-la-Chapelle. BOOK I. ANCESTRAL PERIOD, A.D., 680— A.D., 768. -« BOOK I. ANCESTRAL PERIOD, A.D., 680— A.D., 768. CHAPTER I. CHARLES MARTEL. Introductory remarks.— Pepin of Heristal's mistake.— Charles obtains the mastery of Austrasia, Neustria, and Burgundy.— Aggressive warfare. - He aids Eudo, duke of Aquitaine, against the Saracens.— The deadly battle of Tours.— Reduction of Aquitaine, and suppression of revolt in Burgundy.— Renewed and successful contests with the Saracens.— Charles chastises in the same summer, the Saxons, Proven9als, and Saracens.— His relations to the Church.— Division of his dominions.— His death. The three grandest names of Carlovingian lineage are so closely connected, and so nearly contemporary, that the history of one of their number necessarily involves that of the others. For this reason a sketch of the memorable career of the first Charles, surnamed ** the Hammer," may not be an inappropriate introduction to the life of his grandson, and namesake, called ** the Great." ' Pepin of Heristal,^ the father of Charles Martel, and con- queror of Testry, presided, for a period of twenty-seven 1 The surnames "Tudites" and *' Martellus" arose in the second half of the ninth century, nearly a century after his death. The first soon fell into disuse, but the latter is almost universal. 2 The descent of Pepin of Heristal. — Arnulf, bishop of Metz, died Aug. 6, 641, and left two sons : Chlodulf, bishop of Metz, and Ansigisil (or Adalgisel, Anchisus), reputed to have been mayor of the palace in Austrasia. He married Begga, daughter of Pepin the Old (or " of Landen "), also a mayor of the palace, and was the father of Pepin of Heristal, the date of whose birth is not known. See " Genealogical Table," for all matters relating to lineage ; the "Chronologi- cal Annals" for dates ; and the " In- dex " for geographical details. i8 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. years, with singular ability and --•gy.''^^V.\fof Aus the Frankish dominions in the capacities of dukeof Aus- trasia, and mayor of the palace of Neustr.a. By h.s au- thority not less than four puppet-kings mamtamed a phan- torn royalty in Neustria and Burgundy. So abject was their estate that the annals of the period record events .n such significant phrase as: "In such a year of the sover- eignty of Pepin over Theoderic," and designate h.s re.gn as that of " Pepin with the kings subject to h.s rule His was unquestionably the master intellect of h.s age, which held in check the fierce nations encroach.ng upon Frankish territory in the East and the South, dev.sed and enforced necessary and wholesome leg.slat.on, and be- friended in powerful protection and liberal donat.ons the Christian missionaries from England, Ireland and Ronie Unfortunately he was not free from the polygamy of the Frankish sovereigns and their license of repud.at.on^ He had two wives, Plectrud and Alpais, but, h.s sons by the former being dead, committed the grand m.stake of desig- nating, at the instance of their imperious mother, h.s grand- son Theodoald. only six years of age, his successor ,n the throne, to the exclusion of Charles and H.ldebrand, h.s sons by Alpais. , . At his death Plectrud assumed the government, and .m- prisoned Charies at Cologne. , , • ^. A struggle was inevitable. Charies soon succeeded m the recovery of liberty, and aided by Austrasian nobles, who scorned the rule of a woman, attempted to wrest .t from her hands. ^^ . .,, The situation was complicated. The Neustr.ans, w.th their phantom king Dagobert III., revolted from Austras.an rule and marched against the youthful Theodoald, whom Plectrud, under escort of a strong force, had sent to Neus- tria. An engagement took place in the forest of Cu.se in which the Austrasians were defeated, wh.le Theodoald barely escaped with his life. I Annal. Metten., Fuld., Lauriss., a. 691. Chapter I.] CHARLES M ARTEL. 19 T.,.,. then chose Ragenfrid mayor of the palace, and, under his re;d:in:aded lustrasia and devastated the coun- "^T^'the m'^an rime Dagobert died, and they found his suc- n^he D^son o! the cleric Daniel, whom they ele- "fd to the th'rone under the name of Chilperic II. vated to the tnrone ui ,,. -.u t^e Frisians, and This new ^^S ^^^^ wh re Pk ^ had established herself, and was glad v ,^ft_ ^ut on the enemy at a h.gh P"ce. 1 he ^^ ^^^^^^^ inarch were overtaken and deteateo y ^ riTl Fruitless negotiations ensued, and Charles, the yea , .! • f ,h^ head of a powerful army, entered Neustna, follow.ng at the head o^ a P ^^^.^.^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ ^.^^^^ ":rof cttay CMpeL and Ragenfrid fled to Paris, lTr™Ir1h^rlre^f Pepm^nd submit to his "in't'hTlull of war which followed Charies satisfied the „,yo, o, the p...ce i-"^ "»:/x'*.i,rE'.r.h= '"„rr.h.f rfv:fl,o„ cJ,U, »>, ab,e .o o„r.ak. ""r^l The contest was brought to a close soon a(,=,«ard. 20 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. A peace was concluded in virtue of which Eudo surren- dered the person and treasure of Chilperic, and Charles, tak- ing advantage of the opportune death of his shadow king Clothair, set up Chilperic in his stead, and treated him honorably to his dying day. This happened in the same year, and necessitated the appointment of a new king. Charles discovered another Merovingian scion in the abbey of Chelles, summoned him forth, and launched him upon his career of royal indolence under the name of Theoderic, or Thierry IV. Thus established in the undisputed rule of Austrasia, Neustria, and Burgundy, Charles felt at liberty to under- take a series of expeditions against the Frisians and Saxons, which though sometimes aggressive and attended by tem- porary success, appear to have resulted only in bloodshed, widespread desolation, and invincible antipathy. In one instance we read of a stinging defeat which he inflicted upon a most savage Saxon tribe, and not only made it tribu- tary but took hostages ; ' on another occasion he overran Frisia with war and punished the rebels with indiscriminate devastation and extermination.' The causes of the revolt seem to be unknown. Military expeditions against the Suabians and Bavarians also were aggressive and led to territorial acquisitions. Charles crossed the Rhine, traversed Suabia to the Danube, passed that river, occupied the frontier of Bavaria and sub- dued the country. Besides ' great spoil, he returned with Bilitrud the widow of Grimoald, duke of Bavaria, and Swanahild her daughter. The latter he married, but it is doubtful if she enjoyed the full rights of a lawful wife. At any rate he did not, in the subsequent partition of his do- minions, treat Grifo, his son by Swanahild, on equal terms with his other sons by Rotrud. ^ Thus far the military achievements of Charles had been directed to the consolidation of the Frankish monarchy, » Fredeg. Cont. c. 109 ; Annal. Mosell., Lauresh., Petav., a. 738. » Annal. Lauresh. , a. 934. 3 Fredeg. Cont. c. 108 ; Annal. S. Amandi, Petav., Juvav. a. 725; Einh., a. 741. I Chapter I.] CHARLES MARTEL. 21 which his genius had raised to the first rank in the family of European nations. He was unquestionably the ablest ruler and best soldier of his time. The fine discipline and undoubted valor of the Franks in the hands of such a leader had quelled domestic insurrection, and terrified the undisciplined and unorganized pagan tribes, which held the vast territory eastward of the Rhine to beyond the Oder, and, with only few exceptions, from the Alps to the north- ern seas. But now there appeared another foe, the equal of those fierce pagans in cruel ferocity, but superior to them in military skill, numerical strength, and enthusiastic per- severance. He moved in vast masses essential to the gu gantic dimensions of his undertaking, which at this time was nothing less than the subjugation of Europe. The Arab warriors, who had swept like a whirlwind to the heart of Asia and subdued Persia and Syria, and with the same impetuous velocity had conquered Egypt, Africa and Spain, were thundering at the gates of Constantinople in the East, and forcing the Pyrenees in the West. Twice already Moslem hosts had penetrated into southern Gaul, but, though repulsed at Toulouse and in the Provence, the duke of Aquitaine lacked the power of dislodging them from Septimania. 732] Nor could he stem the tide of a fresh irruption which burst upon him from an opposite direction, when Abdel- Rhaman, who had won his laurels in the conquest of Africa and Spain, suddenly appeared in Gallic Vasconia, at the head of an army, which Arab writers estimate at eighty thousand strong. Duke Eudo hastily collected his forces and essayed to dispute the progress of the Saracens, but in vain, for they compelled him to cross the Garonne, fall back on Bordeaux, and give them battle. He sustained a crushing defeat, but escaped ; while the victors carried Bor- deaux by assault, sacked it, and laden with spoil, followed up their advantage. They overran the whole of Aquitaine, crossed the Loire, and carried fire and sword into Burgundy as far as Autun and Sens. All Gaul and Western Europe seemed to lie 22 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. Chapter I.] CHARLES MARTEL. 23 open to them. In his extremity the intrepid but perfidi- ous Eudo hastened to Charles and invoked his aid ; Charles granted it and forthwith summoned his heerbann. The best soldiery of the Franks and Burgundians, with Suabians, Bavarians and Thuringians from beyond the Rhine, flocked to his standard, and at his bidding marched westward to the rendezvous on the Loire. The Arab leader, in the mean time advanced to Poitiers, which had closed its gates and prepared for defence, laid siege to the place, and attempted to carry it by assault, but failed. Believing it unwise to waste time under the walls of a city which in wealth could not compare with Tours, he raised the siege and marched upon that place. Under the walls of Tours he heard that the Franks were coming, and ordering a retreat, pitched his camp either at a place called Cenon (formerly Sesone) and situated at the conflue,nce of the Clain and Vienne near Poitiers, or at Mir6, nearer to Tours, in a plain known as the Landes de Charlemagne. The Franks arrived late in September or early in Octo- ber. The numbers of the opposing armies are, as usual, greatly exaggerated. An Arab authority says that the Christian hosts '* could not be numbered," and a Christian writer fables of a Moslem loss in slain, which he sets down at the incredible number of three hundred and seventy-five thousand. Leaving alone the actual numbers, those en- gaged on both sides were doubtless of considerable magni- tude, and probably of equal strength, for they lay in com- parative inactivity in sight of each other for the space of an entire week. On the morning of the seventh or eighth day the Arab leader began the fight, which soon became general. Again and again the fierce Moslem horse charged upon the Prank- ish army, whose serried ranks stood " firm as a wall, and impenetrable as an iceberg," and were repulsed with great loss. In consequence of a report, called by the Arab his- torian, '' a false alarm," that the Franks were in the rear of the Moslems, and plundering their camp, several squadrons n of their horse rode from the main line to protect the rear. The movement was misunderstood as one of retreat ; con- fusion ensued ; the whole Arab host gave way, and suffered terribly at the hands of the Franks, whose spears, falchions, and battle-axes dealt destruction in their scattered ranks. Abdel-Rhaman tried in vain to rally them, and was slain in the attempt. The fall of their leader was the signal of general flight, in which multitudes of the Moslems were slain. The personal valor of Charles, the terrible and deadly effect of his blows, inspired his host to heroic efforts, and earned for him, but not until much later, the surname ** Martel," that is, the hammer. When night set in, both armies withdrew to their camps. The Arab account of the battle is most interesting. It runs as follows: ^' Near the river Owar (Loire?) the two great hosts of the two languages and the two creeds were set in array against each other. " The hearts of Abderrahman, his captains, and his men, were filled with wrath and pride, and they were the first to begin the fight. The Moslem horsemen dashed fierce and frequent forward against the battalions of the Franks, who resisted manfully, and many fell dead on either side, until the going down of the sun. Night parted the two armies ; but in the gray of the morning the Moslems returned to the battle. Their cavaliers had soon hewn their way into the centre of the Christian host. But many of the Mos- lems were fearful for the safety of the spoils which they had stored in their tents, and a false cry arose in their ranks that some of the enemy were plundering the camp ; where- upon several squadron of the Moslem horsemen rode on to protect their tents. But it seemed as if they fled : and all the host was troubled. And while Abderrahman strove to check their tumult, and to lead them back to battle, the warriors of the Franks came around him, and he was pierced through with many spears, so that he died. Then all the host fled before the enemy, and many died in the flight. This deadly defeat of the Moslems, and the loss of the great leader and good cavalier Abderrahman, took place in the 24 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. hundred and fifteenth year." ' The account differs in some respects from that recorded by Christian chroniclers, but the main point of a " deadly defeat " is fully corroborated. The Prankish warriors slept in their camp, but, unless all the Christian records are at fault, the disorder and confu- sion incident upon the disaster o-f the defeat, the loss of their commander, and the dread of the expected pursuit, must have banished sleep from the eyes of the Moslems. It is said, or surmised, that the recriminations of the emirs led to armed conflict, that for want of a competent leader, the several commands acted for themselves, and under shel- ter of the night stealthily but hastily made good their es- cape At break of day the Franks stood under arms pre- pared to renew the fight ; but there was no sign of the presence of the dusky foe ; the unwonted stillness of the hostile camp caused surprise, and could only mean strata- gem or flight. To solve the matter some Franks were despatched to reconnoitre ; they entered the camp without opposition and found it deserted ; the Arabs had fled and left the bulk of their booty behind. It is known that their flight was precipitate and unchecked, until they reached Septimania and felt safe within the fortifications of Nar- bonne. It is also known that Charies Martel, doubtless on prudential grounds, forbore to pursue the flying enemy, and disbanded his army ; his course seems to justify the reflec- tion that " the inactivity of a conqueror betrays the loss of strength and blood, and the most cruel execution is in- flicted, not in the ranks of battle, but on the backs of a flying enemy." ' Had he ordered a pursuit, he might have annihilated the Moslems, and crushed at one blow, or at least in one campaign, a foe against whom he had to march in two subsequent campaigns, and who maintained himself in Narbonne twenty-seven years longer, until he was finally dislodged by his son Pepin in 759. • Conde, Historia de la Domina- tion 271- The year is that of the He- rion de las Arabos m Esfana, Madrid, gira. 1820, cited by Creasey in Fifteen ' Gibbon, Decline and Fall, etc.. Decisive Battles of tht World, sec- ch. lit. Chapter I.] CHARLES MARTEL. 25 The great victory of the battle of Tours, in which the genius of Charies Martel directed the stout hearts and iron hands ' of his Teuton warriors to the utter discomfiture of the ■ Arabs, and bade them abandon all hope of lifting the victo- rious Crescent in Central Europe, cannot be overestimated. " It was a struggle between the East and West, South and North, Asia and Europe, the Gospel and the Koran, and we now say, on a general consideration of events, peo- ples, and ages, that the civilization of the worid depended ' L. '* 2 upon it. An English writer thinks that the victory of Charles Mar- tel deserves to rank higher than that of Arminius " among those signal deliverances which have affected for centuries the happiness of mankind ; " ^ while a German historian in- dicates as '' one of the most important epochs in the history of the world, the beginning of the eighth century, when on the one side Mohammedanism threatened to overspread Italy and Gaul, and on the other, the ancient idolatry of Saxony and Frisia once more forced its way across the Rhine. In this peril of Christian institutions, a youthful prince of Germanic race, Charles Martel, arose as their champion, maintained them with all the energy which the necessity of self-defence calls forth, and finally extended them into new regions." * The lesson he taught the Moslems has never been forgot- ten ; their writers constantly advert to the '' deadly battle of Tours," call it a'' disgraceful overthrow," and even now, after the lapse of more than eleven centuries, the reminis- cence of that trial of strength, in which the splendid army of the redoubtable Abdel-Rhaman gave way under the iron strength of the Prankish host, the first they had ever met, lives in the designation of *^ Frank," by which Orientals of I "Gens Austrice membrorum pre- * Guizot, History of France, V. I., eminenta valida, et gens Germana ch. ix. corde et corpore pr^Estantissima, quasi 3 Arnold, History of the Later in ictu oculi, manu ferrea, et pectore Roman Commonwealth, V. II., p. 317- arduo, Arabes extinxerunt. " Roderic. 4 Ranke. History of the ReformaHon Toletan., c. XIV. in Germany, V. I., p. 5- 26 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. Mohammedan faith are wont to speak of European Chris- tians. It was the " Frank " who taught them to respect the Cross. , , , 7331 After the battle of Tours, Eudo, as the vassal of Charles, had enough to do with repairing the damage done to his duchy, while Charles was busy with the work of recover- ing and reuniting to the Prankish monarchy the kmgdom of Burgundy and the rich Provence. He retook Lyons, Vi- enne. Valence, and the country as far as the Durance, and appointed local governors charged with the double duty of keeping his involuntary subjects in order, and of protectmg the country from further Arab incursions. They failed m both respects, promoted disaffection, and, thanks to the trea- sonable overtures of Maurontius, patrician of Aries, the Moslems returned, overran and occupied the whole country on the left bank of the Rhone for the space of two years. The death of Eudo occasioned fresh trouble m Aqui- taine • Charies, who had hastened thither and thrown Prank- ish garrisons into Bordeaux and Blaye, subdued the coun- try overcame the resistance of Eudo's sons, and took Hatto, one of them, prisoner, but confirmed Hunold, the other, who swore fealty, in the possession of the duchy under Prank- ish suzerainty. Then followed the day of reckonmg m Bur- gundy and Gothia, or Septimania. He sent his brother Hildebrand with an army to Avignon to lay siege to it, soon after followed in person with a second army, and took the city by storm ; crossed the Rhone, entered Septimania, and marched upon Narbonne the stronghold to which the Saracens had retired. A fresh body of Arabs, sent to the relief of the beleaguered city, ar- rived, and effected a landing at a point between Narbonne and the modern Cap de la Franqui. The movement was discovered, and its object defeated, for Charies, leaving part of his army before the city, marched against the new-comers and almost annihilated them within sight of their brethren An attempt to carry the city by storm failed, while news of a fresh revolt of the Saxons compelled him to leave the seat of war. His march lay through the Septimanian towns Chapter I.] CHARLES MARTEL, 27 of Nimes, Agde, Beziers, and Maguelonne, which he set on fire ; and he also destroyed all the strongholds of the coun. try. But this wholesale devastation of an inimical religion only incensed the people to renewed revolt, and provoked a fresh incursion of the Arabs. Charles, with his wonted energy, hastened to chastise the Saxons,^ and in the same season, at the head of a large army, retraced his steps with T39] the greatest speed to the south of France. He retook Avignon, crossed the Durance, and subdued the whole country to the sea ; then swept with his conquering legions through the Provence, drove out the Moslems, made him- self master of Marseilles and Aries, and added the whole of Southern Gaul on the left bank of the Rhone to his domin- ions. Such is, in brief outline, the military career of Charles Martel. It remains to speak of him in other respects. His 'relations to the Church were peculiar. The Gallican clergy saw in him a sacrilegious and tyrannical spoiler of the Church, while Boniface the apostle of Germany and Willi- brord the apostle of Frisia, and last, not least, the pope, re- garded him as the saviour of Christendom, the zealous and invincible champion alike against the fierce pagans of the North, and the fanatical miscreants of the South. Without his patronage, writes Boniface, he would not have been able to guide the people or defend his clergy, or without his express command and the fear of his displeasure, forbid in Germany the practice of pagan rites and the sacrilegious worship of idols. But why was he so obnoxious to the Gallican clergy? ' It is certain, that Charles in 738 entered the Saxon country, devastated it, made the people tributary, and took many hostages (Fredegar. Cont. 109 ; Annal.iMosell., Lauresh., Petav.)— and probable, that he hastened from Sax- ony to the south of France to join the army under his brother Hildebrand. After the flight of duke Maurontius he subdued the whole country to the sea, advancing as far as Marseilles. Some place these events partly in 738 and 739 ; the authorities leave the matter undecided. (Fredeg. /. c.'^ Annal. Mosell., Lauresh., Petav. Alam. ad 739. — Paul. Diac. Histor. Langob. VI., 54 in MG. SS. I., 554 ; cf. Chron. Moiss. 28 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. Chapter I.] CHARLES MARTEL. 29 The matter is easily explained. His wars were costly, his revenue was small, and the Church was rich. He followed the example of the Merovingian kings and former mayors of the palace, and applied the possessions of the Church to the conduct of his military expeditions and the reward ot the powerful chiefs who enabled him to conduct them. This he did on a large scale and in various ways. He gave the domains of the Church, " with the title of benefices m temporary holding, often converted into proprietorship and under the style of precarious tenure, to the chiefs in his service," ■ and even rewarded them with the highest eccle- ciastical dignities, such as abbacies and bishoprics. " The measure, which under constitutional governments, and by legislative enactments, has, in principle at least, been often adopted, was not a tyrannical spoliation, but a necessity, and had the express approbation of an ecclesias- tical synod at which Boniface was present. " The impend- ing wars," the Synod declared, " and the persecution of the pagan nations surrounding us, move us, under the advice of the servants of God and the Christian people, to resolve that certain portions of the possessions of the Church be applied, for some time to come, to the maintenance and support of the army, yet so that their tenure be precarious and subject to the payment of an annual rent." " The Galilean clergy, nevertheless, loathed the measure as the unpardonable sin in this world and the next, not only during the lifetime of the high criminal, but for generation? after his death. The true sentiment of the Frankish bishops may be read in the famous letter, which those as- sembled at Rheims in 858 addressed to Louis the Ger- manic, in which they say that " St. Eucherius, bishop of Orleans, who now reposeth in the monastery of St. Tru- don, was ravished to the realms of eternity and saw there Charles Martel delivered over to the torments of the damned in the nethermost hell, by sentence of the saints . Guizot, History of France, Vol. I., Rom. ac Germ., p. 391. ed- Argent., ch. 9- . '"'• ' Heineccii Histor. Juris. CivU. I who, at the last day of judgment, will sit with Jesus Christ to judge the world ; that then St. Eucherius, having de- manded the reason thereof, was told by the angel his guide, that he was sentenced to this punishment for having robbed the churches of God of their possessions, by which act he had become guilty of the sins of all those who had endowed them," etc., etc. ' Charles Martel's relations to the pope were friendly but not intimate. Towards the close of his reign pope Gre^mry III. invoked his aid against the Lombards ; he sent a for- mal embassy of two nuncios with great presents, among which, the keys of St. Peter's tomb and the filings of his chains are specially mentioned, and begged him to accept the vague dignity of a Roman Consul. Charles received the nuncios with distinguished honor, returned the civility by ambassadors of his own, the bearers of still more precious gifts, but declined to be drawn into the dispute. He was on terms of amity with the Lombards, and could not forget the invaluable service which Liutprand at the head of an auxiliary force had recently rendered him in the campaign against' the Saracens ;= but promised to use his influence with the king in the direction of a more pacific policy. Such was the extent of the negotiations between Charles and Gregory when both died within a month of each other. Charles died October 22d, and the pope in November, 741. Charles was buried in the Church of St. Denis. The last act of Charles Martel has been censured as un- wise ; he divided the dominion, to whose reconstruction and » A. 858 apud Carisiacum, ed. Ba- luze, t. II., art. 7, P- 109.— Cf. Roth, Beneficialwesen, 466-470. 2 The epitaph of Liutprand asserts his personal presence in the Saracenic war deinde tremuere feroces usque Saraceni, quos dispulit iinpiger, ipsos cum premerent Gallos, Karolo poscente, juvari. Note to Paul. Diacon., apud Muiatori, c. Iviii. The Lombard historian states that Charles invoked, and Liutprand rendered, the aid he sought. His re- lations to the Lombard were cordial ; he sent his son Pepin to the court of Liutprand, requesting him, in further token of their amity, to adopt Pepin by the symbolic act of cutting his hair. Paul. Diac, H. L., 53 sq. in MG. SS. Lang., 183; cf. II withChron. Noval. Ill, I. 30 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. defence he had devoted so many years of toilsome and heroic effort, between his two sons Carloman and Fepin, and made certain provision for Grifo, his youngc.i son by Swanahild, a princess of Bavaria, to whom he was married morganatically.* . ^ . c In the division Carloman received Austrasia,' Suavia (or Alemannia, as the latter province or duchy was then ca led), and Thuringia; while to Pepin was assigned the rule of Burgundy, Neustria, and the Provence. The provision for Grifo was restricted to sundry estates in, or portions of. Neustria, Austrasia, and Burgundy, which were given to him as vassal of his brothers, not as an independent sover- eign.* I Some deny the marriage altogeth- er. See authorities for the contro- versy in Bohmer-Muhlbacher, /. c.y No. 37 c. The fact that her name appears in a contemporary document as inlus- ttis matrona seems to favor a mar- riage. See Bohm.-Muhlb. /. r., No. 43. The current title of Charles M artel was : Inluster vir K, maiorem domus filius Pippini quondam. 2 On the extent of Austrasia, see Spruner-Menke, Hand-Atlas, Vorbe- merk., 33. 3 Annal. Metten. V ) CHAPTER II. PEPIN. Fraternal concord of Carloman and Pepin.— Carloman abdicates and turns monk.— Pepin sole ruler.— Pope Zacharias.— Childeric III. deposed.— Pepin, king of the Franks.— Grifo slain.— Astolf and Pope Stephen.— Stephen visits Pepin.— Astolf humbled.— His death.— Division of the kingdom.— Death of Pepin. Pepin and Carloman entered upon their inheritance as mayors of the palace, probably under the title of dukes.^ The evil consequences of the injudicious partition became soon apparent. Insurrections broke out among the Saxons, Alemannians and Bavarians; Hunold, the new duke of Aquitaine, attempted to recover his independence, and the restive Arabs of Septimania renewed their predatory and vexatious incursions. The German notable's, moreover, disliked and viewed with suspicion the prolonged vacancy in the nominal royal throne. This difficulty was easily overcome, for the broth- ers discovered the last descendant of Clovis, and in due course, probably at the next March-field (743 ?), effected his elevation. Their brother Grifo, also^ at the instigation of his mother, the Bavarian princess Swanahild, rose in arms and claimed the inheritance. They marched against him, took Laon » Carloman's title is given generally as : "' K. maiorem domus filius Karoli quondam j " but the Capitulare a. 743 (?) (of Liftinas=Lestines, now Estin- nes, in Belgium S.E. of Mons.— Jaffe, Bibl. Ill, 129 No. 2) apud Baluz. Capit. I., 825, introduces it as: " dux et princeps Francorum." — That of Pepin also appears ordinarily as ''maiorem domus " with the additional " inluster vir;" but the Capitulare of Soissons (Baluz. I, 155) a. 744 introduces him as ''dux et princeps Francorum ;'* this applies, of course, only to the portion of his reign prior to Novem- ber, 751. 32 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. Chapter II.] PEPIN, 33 which he had seized, and placed him in close confinement in the fortress of Neufchateau in the Ardennes. Fortunately they had the good sense of clinging together in cordial union, with the result that their authority was acknowledged at home, and its recognition speedily en- forced in the outlying provinces and dependencies of the Prankish empire. 743] Their energy was remarkable ; in one year they un- dertook two successful expeditions against the Aquitanians and Alemannians, and in the next, jointly defeated and routed the army of their rebellious brother-in-law, Odilo, 744] duke of the Bavarians ; then they separated, and while Carloman chastised the Saxon Theoderic, Pepin stamped out a revolt in Alsatia. -» This harmonious co-operation continued two years longer, and was followed by the mysterious and still unexplained abdication of Carloman in favor of Pepin. It was a strange act, and although we may take our choice among the rea- sons which have been given, and speculate on the extent of his '' devotion," " predilection for the contemplative Hfe," or '' remorse for cruelty in war," we cannot understand how any or all of them could justify it in so far as it affected the future of his sons. The spontaneous character of his abdi- cation may be true in his own case, but few thinking peo- ple will believe that it was unaccompanied by pressure in the case of the sons who, though he commended them to Pepin, lost their inheritance, and practically vanished out of existence.^ His case, though the most conspicuous, is not the first example of the kind. ' Ceolwulf was the eighth Anglo-Saxon prince who turned monk, and Hunold, duke of Aquitaine, after an act of atrocious cruelty, donned the monastic garb in the island of Rh^, where his father was buried. His case was singular. He lured his brother Hatto from the city of Poitiers, had his eyes put out, abdicated in I Annal. Einh.; Vita Caroli M. c. 2; Annal. Petavian., MG. SS. I, ii ; III, 170; Vita Zacharioe, apud Mu- rat. SS. Ill, 164.—" Sponte regnum reliquit filiosque suos Pippino fratri commendavit." Chron. Moissiac, a. 745. favor of his son Waifre, turned monk, and remained in that monastery until his son died, a quarter of a century later. Then he returned to his duchy, and to his wife, ' but not to stay, as the sequel will show. Carloman soon executed his purpose, went to Italy, took the monastic vows, and built a monastery on Mount So- racte, where he " enjoyed, for several years, the seclusion he desired ; but so many Franks made the pilgrimage to Rome to fulfil their vows, and, on the way, insisted upon paying their respects to him, as their former lord, that the repose he so much loved was broken by these frequent visits, and he was compelled to change his abode. Accordingly . . . he abandoned the mountain, withdrew to the monastery of St. Benedict, near the castle of Monte Casino, in the prov- ince of Samnium," " and remained there, until, in an access of political aspiration, he returned to the world, to the indignation alike of the pope and his brother, and to his own unspeakable sorrow. His abdication left Pepin sole ruler of the Franks. Pepin, though short of stature, was a man of prodigious strength, and his physical endowment a fair exponent of his will power and intellectual calibre. About this time Grifo effected his escape. He fied first into Saxony, then into Bavaria, collected a large army, seized the government, and constrained Tassilo, duke of Bavaria, to make his submission. This course angered Pepin, who marched against him, took him prisoner, re- stored Tassilo, but, in token of his fraternal good feeling, and with a view to reconciliation, set Grifo over twelve coun- ties in Neustria. His unruly step-brother, however, dis- liked the arrangement, soon broke loose again, and fled to Waifre, duke of Aquitaine. Retracing the course of events to the time of the acces- sion of Pepin and Carloman, the situation in Italy now claims attention. The imperilled fortunes of the Church of Rome passed ' Muratori, Annaii d' Italia, a. 747. » Vita Caroli, c. 2. 3 34 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. about the same time into the able hands of Zacharias, who entered upon the duties of the pontificate without the formaHty of its confirmation by the Greek emperor, or his representative, the exarch ; and concluding that neither of these, nor the Prankish princes, were likely to espouse his cause against the Lombards, established amicable relations with Liutprand, and maintained them with growing cordi- ality until he died. Liutprand was succeeded by his nephew Hildebrand, for nine years past his associate in the throne ; but his reign was of short duration, for after only seven months the peo- ple deposed him and elevated Rachis, duke of Friuli, to his place. With him also Zacharias Uved on pleasant terms— and, strange to tell, such was the magic of his presence, that Rachis, at his bidding, not only gave up all hostile designs upon the city of Perugia, which he had invested, but ab- dicated the throne, turned monk, and joined the whilom duke of Austrasia in the cloister of Monte Casino. Nor was the conversion confined to the person of the king, for his wife and daughter also gave up the pomp and glory of the world, and withdrew to the retirement of the neighbor- ing convent of Piombaruola. 749] The presence of two royal converts in a monastery within his call added lustre to the fame for sagacity which the successful intervention of Zacharias in public affairs had spread throughout Europe. And so it came to pass that Boniface, who was a warm admirer and earnest partisan of the pontiff, and had the ear of Pepin, suggested the expe- dient of submitting to his decision the vexed question of the Prankish kings. The mockery of that phantom royalty, so long maintained, was universally felt, and its utter uselessness as universally acknowledged. Charles Martel reasoned, if he did not say so, that it were better to have no king at all than the con- temptible puppets who disgraced their ancestry and the royal office. It was his policy, and indeed that of all the mayors of the palace, to lessen respect for the effete Merovingian Chapter II.] PEPIN. 35 race, and prepare the nations united in the Prankish confed- eration for the accession of a new dynasty. This is doubt- less the true reason why he allowed the throne to remain vacant for the space of four years.' Pepin, now sole ruler of the Pranks, thought the time had come for a radical change, and had the mettle and tact to accomplish it. He designated Burchard, bishop of Wurzburg, and Pol- rad, his priest-chaplain, ambassadors to Rome, and in- structed them to subniit the whole case to the wise judg- ment of Zacharias. The story of their mission and of the coup d'etat, for such it was, of contemporary record, reads as follows : '' A.D. 750. — Pepin sent ambassadors to Pope Zacharias to ask his opinion in the matter of the kings of the Pranks, who, though of the line royal, and bearing the regal title, took no part in the conduct of the government except that official documents were issued in their name ; they were destitute of power, and only did what the mayor of the pal- ace told them. '' When upon the set day of the March Assembly the gifts of the people, according to ancient usage, were pre- sented to the sovereign, the king, surrounded by the military, sat in his chair, the mayor of the palace standing before him, and proclaimed such laws as had been established by the Pranks. When this was done he returned home, and stayed there during the remainder of the year. " Pope Zacharias, therefore, in virtue of apostolic author- ity, told the ambassadors that he judged it better and more advantageous that the regal title and office should inhere in the person already clothed with executive power, and not in that of one who was falsely called king. '' The said pontiff accordingly enjoined the king and the people of the Pranks, that Pepin, already clothed with regal power, should be duly called king and raised to the throne. ''And this was done by St. Boniface, archbishop, who » "Sine alio rege imperavit." — Geneal. Reg. Merov. MG. SS. II., 308. 36 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. Chapter II.] PEPIN. 37 anointed him king in the city of Soissons. Pepin was called king, and Childeric, falsely called king, was shaven, and sent to the monastery." ' The story of this revolutionary change of dynasty is adroitly placed by Einhard, or Eginhard, the biographer of Charles the Great, at the beginning of his work, composed after the death of his patron. It reads as follows : " The Merovingian family, from which the Franks used to choose their kings, is commonly said to have lasted until the time of Childeric, who was deposed, shaven, and thrust into the cloister by command of the Roman pon- tiff Stephen.^ But although, to all outward appearance, it ended with him, it had long since been devoid of vital strength, and conspicuous only from bearing the empty epi- thet royal ; the real power and authority in the kingdom lay in the hand of the chief officer of the court, the so-called mayor of the palace, and he was at the head of affairs. There was nothing left the king to do but to be content with his name of king, his flowing hair, and long beard ; to sit on his throne and play the ruler ; to give ear to the am- bassadors that came from all quarters, and to dismiss them as if on his own responsibility, in words that were, in fact, sug- gested to him, or even imposed upon him. He had noth- ing that he could call his own beyond this vain title of king, and the precarious support allowed by the mayor of the palace in his discretion, except a single country-seat, that brought him a very small income. There was a dwelling- house upon this, and a small number of servants attached to it, sufficient to perform the necessary offices. When he had to go abroad he used to ride in a cart, drawn by a yoke of oxen, driven, peasant fashion, by a ploughman ; he rode in this way to the palace and general assembly of the peo- ple, that met once a year for the welfare of the kingdom, and he returned home in like manner. The mayor of the » Annal. Lauriss. minor. MG. SS. I., Ii6. See the authorities for the deposition of Childeric and the corona- tion of Pepin, in the " Appendix," A. ' This is, of course, a mistake. Sub- stitute •' Zacharias." See also Hal- lam, Middle Ages, ch. vii. I palace took charge of the government, and of everything that had to be planned or executed at home or abroad. " At the time of Childeric's deposition, Pepin, the father of King Charles, held this office of mayor of the palace, one might almost say, by hereditary right ; for Pepin's father, Charles, had received it at the hands of his father, Pepin, and filled it with distinction."' The instructions given to Burchard and Folrad were doubtless precise and minute, and Zacharias could have no hesitation as to the answer he was expected to give, and gave. It was published far and near, in preparation of the com- 751] ing event, in the year following, when, in the presence and by consent of the General Assembly of the hierarchy, nobility, and people, was enacted the formal deposition of. Childeric III., and the proclamation of Pepin as king of the Franks. There was the customary and time-honored acclamation, the impressive clash of arms, the significant elevation on the buckler, and the grand ceremonial of the Church, ad- ministered by the venerable Boniface, who poured holy oil on the head of the first king of the Franks of Carlovingian lineage. The ecclesiastical fiction of unction being the seal of divine authority, or conferring the same right as that di- vinely bestowed on the kings of Israel, was probably an unction to the soul and uneasy conscience of Pepin, and served the purpose of salving over his dubious title to the throne. In plain speech, the deposition of Childeric was a politi- cal necessity, the coronation of Pepin perhaps a necessary usurpation, and the reference Of the case to papal decision a precedent as dangerous to the prince and his successors, as salutary to the aspirations of Zacharias and the pre- tensions of his successors. ^ The version of the text is taken from Turner's translation of Egin- hard's Life of Charlemagne, from Monumenta Germanice^ New York, i88o. 3B CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. Common sense and even-handed justice demanded the important preliminary inquiries, if the alleged powers of the mayors of the palace had been rightfully acquired, if the proposed change in the dynasty was founded in justice, and if the pope had any vested right enabling him to dis- pose of what did not belong to him and adjudicate a case in which only one side was heard. Possession, it seems, was even then nine points of the law, might was right, and beyond this the will of the Franks was the most valid title to the elevation of Pepin, who, perhaps because of the de- fective character of that title, added, it is believed, for the first time the words *' by the grace of God " to his official designation. Volumes have been written on the subject that Pepin became king by authority of the pope. It is doubtful if the words " authority," *' injunction," " commandment," etc., designated at the time more than simple approbation, but certain that thenceforth arose the opinion that the vested right of deposing or appointing kings at will inhered in the pontifical office. Gregory VII. cited this case as a precedent establishing his indubitable right of deposing emperors. Impartiality imposes the duty of a parting word on be- half of the last Merovingian kings, who are so constantly mentioned by the annalists in contemptuous phrase. They wrote under the new dynasty, and felt that representing their shortcomings in the most odious light was the best way of gilding those of their successors. They describe them as cowardly and imbecile sluggards, but also record the fact that the craft and machinations of the mayors of the palace made them such. If a man is bound hand and foot, locked up in a monastery or on a farm, it is difficult to tell if he is industrious or lazy, courageous or craven, quick or slow in his movements.* But be this as it may, Pepin became king, and poor Chil- deric, shorn of his royal beard and locks, found a living I This is the drift of some capital reflections made by Schmidt, ** Ge- schichte der Deutschm" \\, p. 131. Chapter II.] PEPIN. 39 tomb in the monastery of St. Sithiu at St. Omer. Pope 152] Zacharias died soon after, and was succeeded by Stephen, the second or third pontiff of that name.' 753] One of the first military acts of King Pepin was the suppression of an almost annual revolt of the Saxons ; he devastated their country, took many prisoners and great spoil, and bound them by oaths to the punctual payment of an annual tribute of three hundred horses, to fidehty, and the reception of Christian missionaries.^ \ Upon his return he heard, probably at Bonn, that Grifo, his brother, was dead. On his flight to the Lombards, he had an encounter with Thcodoin, count of Vienne, and Frederic, count of Burgundy, in the valley of Maurienne, on the southern declivity of the Jura range, in which he was slain.^ About the same time alarming intelligence was received from Italy. King Astolf, true to the aggressive policy of his predecessors, had entered the exarchate and possessed himself of Ravenna, in direct and flagrant violation of the provisions of a treaty of amity recently entered into by the pope and himself. The treaty had been concluded for forty years, but did not last more than four months. Stephen protested, but in vain, for Astolf was imperious, menacing, and exacting. He proposed the alternative of war, or instant submission of Rome and the payment of tribute. All remonstrance was in vain ; an imperial representative protested against the invasion of the exarchate, but his protest was not heeded. The king, at the head of an army, marched upon Rome, and was approaching the city. Great was the consternation of the pope and the Roman people.* He appointed a solemn procession, in which he walked barefooted, and the Romans, with ashes on their ' The third, if the immediate suc- cessor of Zacharias, also called Ste- phen, who died a day after his elec- tion, is counted. * Fredeg. cont. c. 118 ; Annal. Lau- riss., Mett. 3 Annal. Lauriss., Mett., Petav., Chron. Adon., Fredeg. cont. c. 118. 4Anastas., Vita Steph. II. 40 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. heads, made the round of all the sacred places ; he carried the famous picture of Christ, called the Antecopsita, fas- tened a copy of the broken treaty to the holy cross, and in- voked the aid and vengeance of Heaven against the perfid- ious and sacrilegious Lombards. But the times were not favorable to a miraculous deliverance by means of litanies and comminations ; neither the prayers nor the curses ar- rested the progress of the enemy ; and in the extremity of his despair the pope appealed to Pepin, the patrician of Rome.* The kingr of the Franks had his hands full with domestic troubles, especially with the refractory duke of Aquitaine, and the Moslems, who still held Narbonne, and could not, so late in the year, undertake an expedition into Italy. But the pressure was great, and Stephen now proposed a visit to the king. The matter was discussed in a national assembly of the Franks, and Chrodegang, bishop of Metz, together with duke Autchar, were commissioned to set out for Italy and escort the pope. Stephen nerved himself to undergo the fatigue and peril of so long a journey, but though miracles attended his prog- ress, he neither disdained to make an attempt of plundering the treasures of the Church at Ravenna, nor shrunk from that of entreating or awing the king of the Lombards into compliance with his demands, which were the immediate restoration of all the Lombard conquests. Astolf would fain have diverted him from his journey and retained him, but the ambassadors of Pepin protected him, and enabled him to leave Pnvia unhurt. At the convent of St. Maurice, where he hoped tc; ir^C. IVpin, he was met by duke Rot- hard and abbot Folrad,^ with a message from tlie king, and orders to conduct hnvi to the court. The king's eldest son, Prince Charles,^ then only in his 1 See, on the meaning of the term "patrician," the Appendix, B, 2 The same who submitted the question to Pope Zacharias, and was now abbot of St. Denis. 3 This is the first mention of Charles in history. I accept April 2, 742, as the date of his birth. The marriage of Pepin and Berthradais said to have taken place in 744, some say as late Chapter II.] PEPIN. 41 twelfth year, at the head of a cavalcade, met him at a dis- tance of a hundred miles from Ponthion ; at a distance of three miles from the palace Pepin himself, with Queen Berthrada and the royal family, and attended by a glitter- ing assemblage of courtiers, gave him greeting. The papal biographer reports that the king at his approach dis- mounted, and, together with the queen, his sons, and the no- bility present, fell prostrate on the ground before him, and that the king walked by his side and held his stirrup. The pope and his clergy gave vent to their feelings in hymns of thanksgiving, and proceeded chanting to the pal- ace, where, if the Prankish records are true, the [754, Jan. 6] pope and his clergy, clad in sackcloth and with ashes on their heads, returned the compliment of prostration and re- fused to rise until the king had promised his aid against Astolf. He passed his royal word under oath to do as the pope requested, and bade him take up his abode in the abbey of St. Denis. Meanwhile an embassy was sent to Astolf requiring him to give assurance of not further molesting the patrimony of St. Peter. This he refused to do, and thereupon the An- nual Assembly of the Franks resolved to go to war.' This national act indicates the pope's personal influence. The general sentiment of the Franks was opposed to armed intervention, but the persuasion of his eloquence and judi- as 749. The earlier date is attested in the Annales communicated by Goldmann in Neues Archiv XII, 404: ** 744. [con] junctio Pippini regis et Bertrade regine ; " the latter date in Annal. Bertiniani, 749, rec Waitz : ** Pippinus coniugem duxit Bertradam cognomine Bertram, Chariberti Lau- dunensis comitis filiam," It is diffi- cult to set aside this testimony, which seems to establish the fact that Pepin lived with Berthrada before his mar- riage, and that Charles was born be- fore that event. This circumstance, moreover, may explain the silence of Einhard, and the bitter feelings between the broth- ers ; for Carloman, said to have been bom in 751 {Annal. Petav. MG. SS. I, 11), may have claimed the preroga- tive of legitimacy, and denied it to his elder hxQ>\\i^x .—Yi^hn, Jahrbucher d. frank. Reichs, pp. 5. 151 sqq.; Oelsner, Jahrb. d. f. Reichs unter Konig Pippin, pp. 18, 352 ; Simson, id. unter KarL d. Grossen, 2d ed. I., 13- ^ Annal. Einh., Lauriss. a. 754. 42 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. cious attentions in the form of presents, together with the halo of sanctity attached to his person, overcame it. For he was the first pope who had ever crossed the Alps, and the distinguished honors which Pepin lavished upon him, as well as the impassioned earnestness of his appeal, evoked the hearty sympathy and unanimous support of the estates of the realm.' Astolf, for his part, remained not idle and tried to prevent the war by every means in his power. As a last resort he despatched an envoy in the person of Carloman, the king s own brother, thinking his influence sufficient to break the new alliance between Pepin and the pope. The choice was unfortunate, for the relations of the two brothers were not happy. Carloman doubtless grieved over the harsh treat- ment of his family, and may have thought the juncture fa- vorable to the reassertion of his rights. At any rate his ap- pearance on the scene strengthened the papal cause, and hurt his own. The clergy explained his course by diabolical influence ; Pepin saw in it a peril and a menace, and the pope de- nounced it as an unjustifiable breach of his vows. The re- sult was, that the unfortunate and deluded monk-prince was imprisoned for life in the monastery at Vienne, and that his sons were shaven, and thus disqualified in the succession. The imprisonment of Carloman was not of long duration ; he took a fever, was nursed by queen Berthrada, and died Dec. 9, 754, before Pepin returned from Italy. His remains, by order of the king, were taken to Monte Casino, where he had assumed the monastic garb.' Both Pepin and Stephen again exhorted and entreated Astolf to surrender peaceably the possessions of the Church and of the Roman Commonwealth,' but he was deaf to en- treaty or menace, and prepared to dispute the progress of the Prankish army on its descent from the Alps. He at- tacked the vanguard of the Franks and was defeated ; Pepin 1 Vita Caroli, c. 6. sell., Lauresh., Petav. — Anast. Vita 2 Annal. Einh. a. 753, 755.— Mo- Steph. 3 Vita Steph. 31-33. Chapter II.] PEPIN. 43 with the bulk of his troops pursued him to £^ju^, invested the city, and compelled him to accept the terms of an igno- minious peace, according to which he pledged himself on oath to restore the territory of Rome, and never at any fu- ture time vex it with hostile incursions. He also gave hos;- tages, and, according to one authority, not only paid Pepin an indemnity of thirty thousand gold solidi, but promised the payment of an annual tribute of five thousand more.' Stephen would fain have persuaded Pepin to prolong his stay in Italy until the terms of the peace had been fulfilled, but the king took the hostages and returned to Francia. He had no sooner passed the Alps than Astolf voided the solemn engagement, and a month later marched with an army upon Rome, ravaged the country, blockaded the city, and demanded the surrender of the pope. Nothing short of that would satisfy him. He stood under the walls, and harangued the Romans, saying : " Open to me the Salarian gate that I may enter the city, and deliver to me your pon- tiff." ' In .case of refusal he threatened to destroy the city, and avowed his purpose not to restore so much as a foot of land to St. Peter or the Roman Commonwealth.^ In the extremity of his distress, Stephen despatched messengers by sea to Pepin, with letters urging his speedy return. In a first letter, he wrote that his royal ally " haz- arded eternal damnation if he did not complete the donation which he had vowed to St. Peter, and St. Peter had prom- ised him eternal life. If the king was not faithful to his word, the apostle had his handwriting to the grant, which he would produce against him in the day of judgment." A second letter, which was placed in the hands of the Prank- ish envoy, the martial abbot Warnerius, came on the heels of the first. It depicted the terror of the situation, the menace of Astolf, that unless the pope were surrendered he would put the whole city to the sword. He had already burned all the villas and suburbs, plundered and defiled the I Fredegar. cont. c. 120. — cf. An- nal. Metten. ; Lauriss. maj., et minor, a. 753. ^ Steph. epist. Gretser, 261. 3 Ibid. 44 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. altars; his soldiers had laid violent hands on nuns and matrons ; all the horrors of war were about to burst on the devoted city, which had endured a siege of fifty-five days. He adjured Pepin, by all that was sacred, to hasten to the rescue, and promised him, as the guerdon of his deliverance, " victory over all the barbarian nations, and eternal life." Still a third letter followed, the most extraordinary of all, written, indeed, by the hand of Stephen, but composed in heaven by no less a personage than St. Peter, who delivers messages from the Mother of God, the thrones and domin- ions and all the host of heaven, adjuring the tardy Pepin and his Franks to hasten to the rescue of Rome, informing him that, as of all nations under heaven the Franks are highest in the esteem of St. Peter, and that, as they owe to him all their past victories, so he promises them thereafter long life, happiness and triumphal success on earth, and the richest felicity in heaven, in recompense of their swift obe- dience, yet threatening them with exclusion from the king- dom of heaven, and the loss of eternal life, as the just retri- bution of their disregard of his exhortation.' Among the most striking passages of this unique epistle are the following : " Peter called to be an apostle by Jesus Christ, the Son of the Living -God, who reigning from everlasting with the Father in the Unity of the Holy Spirit, was in these last days incarnate and became man for the salvation of us all, and has redeemed us with His precious blood through -the will of the paternal glory, as He has determined in the Holy Scriptures through His holy prophets ; and through me [Peter], all the Catholic and Apostolic Church of Rome, the head of all the Churches of God, founded through the * See the Epistles in Cod. Carol, (ed. Jaffe), Nos. 6-10. " This letter, like those preceding it, is full of quib- bles. The Church signifies not the company of believers, but temporal possessions consecrated to the service of God ; the flock of Christ is repre- sented by the bodies, not by the souls, of men ; the temporal promises of the ancient law are mixed up with the spiritual promises of the Gosp>el, and the most sacred motives of religion are pressed into the service of a simple affair of state."— Fleury, Eccl. History^ 1. xlvii, c. 17. Chapter II.] • PEPIN. 45 blood of our Redeemer on the firm rock {petram)^ with Stephen, chief {prcBSuiy of that gracious Church, pray : that grace, peace, and power for plucking the said Holy Church of God, and the people of Rome to me committed, out of the hands of her persecutors, may be abundantly ministered from the Lord our God unto you most excellent men, Pepin, Charles, and Carloman, three princes, and to the most holy bishops, abbots, presbyters, and all the religious monks, as well as to the dukes, counts, and people in France. "■ I, Peter the Apostle, even as I have been called by Christ the Son of the Living God, after the counsel of clem- ency supernal, so I have through His power been preordained illuminator of the whole world by the express sanction of the Lord our God, to wit, ' Go ye, teach all nations, baptiz- ing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit ' (Matthew, xxviii.) ; and again, ' Receive ye the Holy Spirit, whosoever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them ' (John, xxi.), and to me His poor servant and called an apostle. He severally did commit all His sheep, when He saM : * Feed my sheep ; feed my lambs,* and again, ' Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against her. And I will gwo. unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven. Whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, shall be bound also in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose upon earth, shall be loosed also in heaven.' (Matthew, xvi.) *' Wherefore, all who hearing my words {prcsdicatio- nem) shall fulfil the same, will assuredly believe that by divine appointment their sins are loosed in this world, and that they shall enter the life to come pure and immac- ulate. . . . * Prasul. The origin of this appel- lation or title of the popes, which they appear to have greatly affected, is his- torically demonstrable. In Pagan Rome it was the specific title of the chief priest oiMars Gravidus, or leader of the Salii, who during the festival of Mars, which was celebrated by the Salii on the ist of March and several successive days, was wont to leap and dance through the city. The prcBsul was the chief of the Salians, and so called from his dancing before the rest ; the etymology of the word being /r<^, before, and saliOy to leap. 46 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. " Under no circumstances, most dearly beloved, think otherwise, but most assuredly believe that I myself, as if I were in the flesh, and stood alive in your presence before you, through this exhortation bind and oblige you by valid adjurations, because according to the promise given unto us by the same Lord God and our Redeemer, we hold you, even all the people of the Franks in peculiar favor and higher than all other nations. For which reason I Peter, the Apostle of God, protest, admonish and conjure spiritually' {tanquam in cenigmate) and by this valid obligation, you, the Most Christian Kings, Pepin, Charles, and Carloman, with all the priests, bishops, abbots and presbyters, and all relig- ious monks, as well as all judges, dukes, counts, and all the people of the kingdom of the Franks, even as if I were bodily in the flesh, and alive present before you, firmly to believe that the words of this exhortation are addressed to you, and that though I be bodily absent, I am spiritually present, even as it is written : ' He that receiveth a prophet in the name of a prophet, receiveth a prophet's reward.' (Matthew, X. 41.) " Our Lady, also, the Mother of God, the ever Virgin Mary, with us adjures, protests, admonishes and commands you by most solemn obligations, she as well as the thrones and dominions, and all the hosts of heaven, together with all the martyrs and confessors of Christ, and all who in any way are pleasing to God, even all these unite in this our solemn exhortation, protestation, and adjuration. '' That you may tenderly grieve for this city of Rome, to us divinely committed, and for the flock of Christ there abiding, and for the Holy Church of God, to me commended by the Lord ; " That you will defend and deliver her without unneces- sary delay from the persecuting hands of th e Lombards ; I Tanquam in cenigmate, I have ren- ligence it must always remain an in- dered simply " spiritually," for " as soluble enigma how the spirit of the it were in an enigma," though literal, defunct apostle could have spoken appeared to me to be too enigmatical, through the mouth of his pretended but perhaps not more so than the vicar, as he is represented to have thing itself ; to men of ordinary intel- done. Chapter II.] PEPIN. 47 " Lest, God forbid, my body which for the Lord did suf- fer cruel torments, and my house, where by divine appoint- ment it is laid to rest, be by them defiled, and my peculiar people be yet more lacerated and massacred by the wicked race of the Lombards, infamous for flagrant perjury, and notorious for their transgressions of the Sacred Scriptures ; " Extend, then, by the aid of God and with all the power at your command, your mighty help to my people of Rome, your brethren, to me of God committed in this life, that I, Peter, called an apostle of God, may protect you in this life and in the day of judgment, preparing for you the most glorious mansions in the kingdom of heaven, and promising to you the richest prize of eternal reward, as well as the in- finite delights of Paradise, if as quickly as you may be able you will hasten to the defence of this my city and own peo- ple of Rome, your brethren, from the hands of the wicked Lombards. *' Hasten, oh, hasten, I exhort and adjure you by the liv- ing and true God, hasten and assist us, before the living fountain of your spiritual life and renovation is dried up ; before the residue of the glimmering spark of the burning flame from which your light has been drawn is wholly ex- tinct ; before your spiritual mother, the Holy Church of God, wherein you hope to find eternal life, is humbled, in- vaded, violated, and defiled by impious hands. . . . " I adjure you, I adjure you, most dearly beloved, as afore- said, by the living God, and without reserve protest, that ye will not in any, not the least wise allow this, my city of Rome and the people therein abiding, to be any longer lac- erated by the race of the Lombards, lest your own bodies and souls be lacerated and tormented in everlasting and in- extinguishable hell fire, with the devil and his pestilential angels, and the sheep of the Lord's flock (to me by God committed), that is to say, the Roman people, to be any longer scattered. " May the Lord not scatter and cast you forth, as He has scattered the people of Israel. . . . "■ Behold, most dearly beloved sons, I have charged and ad- 48 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. Chapter II.] PEPIN. 49 monished you, that if you obey speedily great will be your reward, and, by my suffrage, you shall in this life be crowned with victory over all your enemies, blessed with length of days, and filled with all the good things of earth, and made partakers of the bliss of eternal life in the world to come. *' If, however, as we do not believe, by reason of any de- lay or pretext whatsoever, you linger in giving effect to this our exhortation, that is to say, if you do not hasten to de- liver this my city of Rome, and the people there abiding, as well as the Holy Apostolic Church (to me by the Lord com- mitted), together with the Head {prcBSulem) of the same, know ye, by authority of the Holy and Sole Trinity, through the apostolic grace to me by Christ the Lord committed, that for such transgression of our exhortation you shall be alienated from the Kingdom of God, and from eternal life. " But God and our Lord Jesus Christ who has redeemed us with His precious blood, brought us to the light of the truth, and appointed us to be preachers and enlighteners of the whole world, grant you to know, understand, and pro- vide all things necessary to your speedy arrival for the de- liverance of this city of Rome, and of all the people, or the Holy Church of God (to me by the Lord committed), and of His infinite mercy, and by my suffrage, deign to enrich you with length of days, security, and victory in this life, and in the life to come multiply to you the blessings of His reward in the company of His saints and chosen. Fare ye well." The reader may well pause and take breath, after perusing so daring and impious a forgery. What shall we think of it? Stephen knew Pepin and his sons, as well as their coun- cillors, and unless he had believed them capable of being influenced by such means, would hardly have hazarded so perilous and audacious an experiment. On the other hand, it seems incredible that Pepin and his court could be thus duped, and more probable that he acted from policy or resentment. But all speculation on the subject is idle, for the fact remains that he hastened, with a large army, to the relief of Stephen and the further punishment of Astolf. He advanced by way of Chalons-sur-Marne and Geneva to the valley of Maurienne, where Grifo had been slain, crossed Mount Cenis, defeated the Lombards at the Cluses, invested Pavia, and compelled Astolf to agree to the terms of an ignominious peace. Astolf might live and rule, but only on delivering forth- with one-third of the royal treasure then at Pavia, and en- gaging, by means of new oaths and hostages, never there- after to rebel against Pepin and the Franks, and to pay the annual tribute which the Lombards, for a long time past, had been wont to pay the Franks ; he likewise under- took the instant restoration of all the cities and territory belonging to the jurisdiction of the Roman Empire, but then under Lombard occupation.* This treaty was concluded in presence of the Byzantine representative, who claimed, or proposed, on tempting terms, the restitution to the emperor at Constantinople of Ravenna and the exarchate. Pepin, acting in the interest, not improbably under the inspiration,^ of the pope, disal- lowed it, and, alleging the right of conquest, declared that he had undertaken the war solely from veneration for St. Peter, and forthwith disposed of the whole territory inques- tion, which comprehended (in modern phrase) the Romagna, the Duchy of ITrbino, and part of the Marches of Ancona, in favor of the pope and his successors.^ The pope, whose influence and intercourse with the prince of the apostles * appears, from his own letters, to have been ' Fredegar, cont. c. 45, 121 ; cf. Chron. Moiss., Annal. Lauriss. mai. et min., a. 755 ; Vita Stephani, c. 46. ' In his letter to Pepin, Stephen is at pains to impress him with his duty to protect the CathoHc Church against ma- Hcious wickedness (which malitia Mil- man correctly understands to refer to the iconoclastic heresy of the emperor) and to keep her property secure. 3 See the authorities for the grant in the "Appendix," C. * The agency of St. Peter is one of the most curious things in these strange chapters of history. He not only writes letters and delivers messages from the Holy Virgin and all the hie- rarchy of heaven, but, by the potency of his intercession, heals the sick, con- founds the enemies of the Church, and conducts the Franks to victory, while, in the exercise of his high prerogatives, he also dispenses eternal blessings and punishments. But, singularly enough, from some cause inexplicable and un- recorded, he is powerless at Rome to deliver the Church and her sanctuaries i so CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. singularly frequent and intimate, may have received his sanction of accepting, on his behalf, a territory which of right belonged to his liege lord, the emperor at Constanti- nople. But, as the emperor's iconoclastic heresy absolved the pope from allegiance to him, so, by parity of reasoning, it seems to have deprived him of his vested territorial rights ; and he saw, therefore, no reason for refusing the generosity of Pepin and possessing himself of the splendid donation, whicW, while it crippled and humbled the hateful Lombard, raised him to the dignity of a temporal sovereign. The service of Zacharias and the ceremonial at St. Denis were thus speedily and magnificently rewarded ; there is little doubt that the deep workings of conscience and supersti- tious awe were important factors in the donation, but the pope was nevertheless the beneficiary. Astolf did not long survive his misfortune ; he was acci- dentally killed on a hunt, doubtless, if the clerical writers of the day are to be credited, in punishment of his sins, and, in the opinion of Stephen, met his reward in the nether abyss of the infernal regions.^ Racliis, the monk, and brother of the late king, and Desiderius, his constable, claimed the succession. The pope opposed that of Rachis on ecclesiastical grounds, and, for a valuable consideration, supported Desiderius, who ascended the throne with the express approbation of Pepin and the Franks.' The fame of Pepin spread throughout the world, and even the emperor Constantine Copronymus sent an embassy to him with presents, including an organ, the first ever seen in Francia. He now devoted himself to necessary legislation, the establishment and consolidation of his large empire, and the from the oppressive and sacrilegious presence of the Lombards. The pope, by a strange and incomprehen- sible want of faith, seems, upon the whole, to prefer the earthly arms of the Franks to the spiritual weapons of St. Peter. « ** Divino ictu percussus est et in inferni voraginem demersus." Epist. ad Pippin. VL 2 Fredeg. cont. c. 122., cf. Vita Steph. c. 49. Paul. Diac. MG. SS. Langob., 217. Thus Faenza, Imola, and other castles, together with the Duchy of Ferrara, passed under the jurisdiction of Stephen. Chapter IL] PEPIN. 51 pacification of outlying and populous provinces, impatient of subordination. Among these Bavaria claimed his first attention. The attitude of its duke, Tassilo, his nephew and vassal, was de- fiant and haughty. Summoned to the Diet of Compi^gne, he was required and compelled to take the customary oath of vassalage, and in further confirmation thereof, renew it on the tombs of St. Denis, St. Martin, and St. Germain ; in the same way the oath of fidelity was administered to the nobles in his train. But Tassilo, in spite of this solemn swearing, persisted in his refractory mood, and not many years after,' on pretence of sickness, left Pepin's army at a critical time, declaring again on oath that he would be independent, and never thereafter obey the royal mandate. He kept this oath, en- tered into close alliance with the Lombards by marrying a daughter of Desiderius, and lived to repent his course. The Saxons kept Pepin busy in the north, while the Mos- lems in the south, together with Waifre, the rebellious duke of Aquitaine, taxed all his energies. Waifre, like Astolf, Tassilo, and other crowned heads of that and the next gen- eration, had the habit of swearing in the most reckless man- ner, and forgetting the obligations of his oaths after they had been taken. The Aquitanian revolt lasted nine years ; campaign suc- ceeded campaign, until Pepin succeeded in chastising the province into loyalty and compelled the unfortunate Waifre to roam the forest in quest of an asylum from his revenge. Even there he could not escape his doom. Four scarae of Prankish troopers tracked his steps, surrounded the woods of Edobola, his hiding-place, and hunted him down. He was assassinated by his own subjects, but by the king's command.' The conquest of Septimania and the final expulsion of the Moslems belong to an earlier period, and might have been long delayed but for a secret understanding between the generals of Pepin and the Christian Goths of Narbonne, who, * In 763, on the march to Aquitaine. =» Fredegar. cont. c. 135 ; Annal. Lauriss. 52 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. tired of Arab oppression and the hardships of war, opened the gates of the city which then passed definitely under Prankish rule. The inhabitants were guaranteed the *' free enjoyment of their Gothic and Roman law and of their local institutions. It even appears that in the province of Spain bordering on Septimania an Arab chief, called Solimary, who was in com- mand at Gerona and Barcelona, between the Ebro and the Pyrenees, submitted to Pepin himself and the country under him. This was an important event, indeed, in the reign of Pepin, for here was the point at which Islamism, but lately aggressive and victorious in southern Europe, began to feel definitely beaten, and to recoil before Christianity." ' Pepin, at the close of his last Aquitanian expedition, elated with the final subjugation of the refractory province, returned to Saintes, making a prolonged stay for the pro- motion of salutary legislation.^^ In the midst of his labors he fell sick; but ill as he was, and prompted by the su- perstitious belief of his age, hastened to Tours, and ear- nestly prayed on the tomb of St. Martin for his recovery. But the saint at Tours was as deaf to his entreaties as St. Denis, to whose monastery he then proceeded. His wife and his sons, Charles and Carloman, were with him. Convinced that his sickness was incurable— he had the dropsy— he provided for the transmission of his empire to other hands. He summoned all the notables of the realm, the dukes and counts of the Franks, together with the bishops and clergy, to his presence, and directed, with their consent, that his two sons, Charles and Carloman, should divide between them the whole of his dominions, in such wise that the kingdom of Charles, the elder, should embrace Austrasia and Neustria, and that of Carloman, the younger, consist of Burgundy, the Provence, Gothia (Septimania), Alsatia and Alemannia ; the duchy of Aquitaine, which he had so recently conquered, he divided between them.^ The biographer of Charles states that the Franks, in a I Guizot, /. <:. t. I., c. 9. » Capitul. Aquit. MG. Leges, II.,i3. 3 Fredegar. cont. c. 136. Aniial. Mett. Chapter IL] PEPIN. 53 general assembly of the people, made them both kings on condition that they should divide the kingdom equally be- tween them, Charles to take and rule the part that had be- longed to their father, Pepin, and Carloman the part which their uncle, Carloman, had governed.' This is true in so far as the last clause is concerned ; the earlier requires to be modified by the particulars before indicated, which doubtless imply Pepin's designation of his sons as his successors, and the solemn ratification of his will by the free choice of the estates of the realm. This, though in conformity with ancient law, was in the present case a mere formality, for the Franks were bound by the solemn oath which Stephen adminis- tered to them at the time of Pepin's consecration, thence- forth to choose their kings only of the race of Charles Martel.^ We may complain of want of clearness as to the line of division, and hesitate to take sides in this obscure and knot- ty question, but can hardly err c6ncerning the principle on which it was made. That was the preservation of the unity of the Prankish empire, and in the division Pepin accord- ingly avoided the separation of nationah'ties, as fatal to the maintenance of such unity. He gave to each of the brothers a kingdom containing a mixed population of Germans and Romans; the former predominating in the kingdom of Charles, the latter in that of Carloman, anticipating the necessary and salutary result that the kings should observe a just regard to the national peculiarities of their subjects, and the people of the one kingdom cherish fraternal feelings for those of the other.^ Soon after Pepin died and was buried [Sept. 24, 768] in the basilica of St. Denis the Martyr.'* ^ Einhardi Vita Caroli, c. 3. 2 " J'y vois deux choses en quclque fa9on contraires . qu'il fit le partage du consentiment des grands ; et en- suite, qu'il le fit par un droit paternel. Cela prouve ce que j'ai dit, que le droit du peuple dans cette race etoit d'elire dans la famille ; c'etait a pro- prement parler, plutot un droit d'ex- clure, qu'un droit d'elire." Montes- quieu, £s/>rit des Loix, 1. XXL ch. xvii. — cf. Canisius, Led. antiqucB t. IL Annal. Mett., and Einhardi s. a. 768 ; Claus. de Pippini Elect. 3 Waitz, Z). V. G., IIL, 96 ; 2d ed.; Abel-Simson, /. c. L, 29 ; 2d ed. -» The date of his death is mentioned in Annal. Lauriss., Mett., S. Amandi, Guelf . , etc. For variations see Boh- mer, Regesta : s. a. 768. CHAPTER III. CIVILIZATION. Extent of Francia.— Nationalities.— General immorality.— The Clergy.— Superstition.-Royalty.-Oaths.-Relics.-Ordeals.-^.^.^./«'.-Political division: hof, weiler, markung, gau.-Domtsixc architecture.-Agnculture. —Slavery. -Domanial lands.— The Judiciary. -Military service. According to the biographer of Charles, the kingdom of Pepin was confined '' to that part of Gaul included between the Rhine and the Loire, the Ocean and the Balearic Sea ; to that part of Germany which is inhabited by the so-called Eastern Franks, and bounded by Saxony and the Danube, the Rhine and the Saale— the stream which separates the Thuringians from the Sorabians ; and to the country of the Alemannians and Bavarians." ' Many of these nations were of Germanic origin, and their names were thought to express characteristics of their race ; thus the Franks claimed that they were born frank, that is, free ; the Alemannians proudly asserted their manhood, say- ing that they were all men; the Saxons, divided into East- phalians, Westphalians, and Ajigrians, derived their name, in the opinion of some, from the immemorial usage of their race of carrying a distinctive knife, the formidable sacks or sax, and in that of others from their inalienable right to the land they occupied, of which they were the sassen, that is, on which they sat, or were firmly established. The same civilization, or, more accurately, the want of it, was common to all the nations, directly or indirectly con- nected with the Franks. Vasconian, Aquitanian, Burgun- dian, Frank, Saxon, Lombard, Roman, and all the rest, were involved in the same moral, intellectual, and social ' Einhardi Vita Caroli, c. 15. Chapter III.] civilization. 55 degradation. The culture, splendor, and glory of ancient Rome had departed, and only its vices remained. The ancient pagan superstitions were blended with the religion of the age, which, with a few illustrious exceptions, failed to improve even the highest classes. Kings, princes, and even the higher clergy flagrantly violated every commandment of the decalogue. The testi- mony of Boniface is terrible. ^ He says in one of his letters to Pope Zacharias, - that for sixty or seventy years past religion had vanished ; that for eighty years the Franks had had neither a synod nor an archbishop ; that most of the bishoprics were held by greedy laics, or adulterous, worldly-minded ecclesiastics ; that most of their deacons had lived from their youth up in fornica- tion and uncleanness, and kept even in the diaconate four or five, and even more concubines ; that in spite of this they stood up in public to read the Gospel, and ultimately became bishops; that some of the bishops, though alleging their chastity, were addicted to drunkenness, injustice, and hunt- ing, or wont to go armed to battle, and indiscriminately, with their own hands, shed the blood of Christians and pagans."^ Priests sometimes celebrated mass - gorged with food and dull with wine."^ The case of Gewillieb, Bishop of May- ence, is remarkable. His father Gerold was slain in battle in an engagement with the Saxons. Gewillieb, though a man of good report, but uneducated, and a notorious lover of dogs and hawks,' was appointed his successor. In the next campaign he in- quired for the Saxon who had slain his father, and having learned his name, invited him to a friendly interview, and treacherously stabbed him in the Weser. This case was considered by a synod, and, at the instance of Boniface, he was deposed.3 The synods forbade the clergy, on pain of deposition, to e ngage in war or the chase; to p ractise witchcraft and ^ Labb. Concil. VI., 1494 ; Ep. 49 3 Neander, Church History, V , go ad Zachar. gq. = Pitra, Viede St, Uger, p. 172 sqq. 56 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. soothsaying ; the use of amulets and chrism as a remedy for diseases.^ The ignorance of the clergy was appalling ; some could not read ; ' it was necessary to forbid the ordination of priests unable to recite the form of renunciation in baptism, and the confession of sins in the vernacular. Boniface charged Virgilius, an Irish priest, with the administration of baptism in nomine pair i2. et fili^.. But this must be taken with a grain of allowance, for that priest was not a favorite with Boniface, who accused him, among other things, of holding the heretical notion '^ that under the earth existed another world, and other men." This is sometimes explained of the antipodes, but such an explanation is hardly in keep- ing with the intelligence of the eighth century. Virgihus, at any rate, must have satisfied the pope of his orthodoxy, for he was not only restored to the priesthood, but advanced to the episcopate, and ultimately exalted to canonization. The degraded condition of the clergy is also apparent from the facility with which vagabonds passed themselves off with the ignorant and credulous multitude as priests. They shaved, donned the priestly garb, imitated the cere- monies of the Church, and made a good living as sooth- sayers. A certain Desiderius went about in a cowl and a shirt ot goats' hair, pretending to lead a strictly abstemious life, and enjoy frequent intercourse with the apostles Peter and Paul. Many sick people were brought to him to be healed. If the species of faith cure which he practised did not succeed, as in the case of lame people, he called in the aid of science, administered by muscular attendants, who pulled the hands or feet of the poor patients with great violence until the refractory limbs became straightened in life— or death. Another man pretended to be Christ, and travelled about with a woman whom he introduced as the Virgin Mary. The people brought their sick that he might heal them by his touch. He also claimed to be a prophet, and deceived 1 Neander, Church History, V., 77- ^ L^bbe. /. c V., 1030. Chapter III.] CIVILIZATION. 57 more than three thousand people, among whom were some priests. Gregory of Tours, who records these things, de- scribes what occurred in the sixth century, but his state- ments apply to the eighth, when so-called Christian minis- ters, in order to please the rude populace, mixed up pagan customs with Christian, and even sacrificed bulls and goats to the idol deities of the pagans.' In opposing such shocking enornlities Boniface was taunted with the reply that they were followed at Rome, and wrote to the pope, asking if it could be true that such pagan usages as feasts at the kalends of January, phylac- teries worn by women, enchantments and divinations were tolerated there ? His information was doubtless correct, and the admixt- ure of pagan usage with Christian is expressly attested by an intelligent observer, who saw in Italy inscriptions in which the dii manes appear conjointly with the Holy Spirit.* The condition of society under the Merovingians almost beggars description. There can be but one opinion on the subject. '* The facts of these times are of little other im- portance than as they impress on the mind a thorough notion of the extreme wickedness of almost every person concerned in them, and consequently of the state to which society was reduced." 3 It is a succession of atrocities, each more out- rageous than the rest, which makes up the history of the period as unfolded in the heavy tomes of Fredegarius and Gregory. One sickens to read the story of the bestial Canitius, a bishop, who had to be carried by four men from the table, and ordered one of his priests to be buried alive;* of the revolting crimes of Brunhild and Fredegonda ; of a prince delighting in the pastime of torturing slaves with fire ; 5 of deeds too foul to be spread on these pages, and of cruelties, such as the mutilation of persons doomed to undergo the ' Greg. Tur. IX., 6 ; X., 25 ; Nean- der, /. c, v.. 73. 77. ^ Mabillon, Itiner. Ital. p. 63. 3 Hallam, Middle Ages. * Greg. Tur. IV., 12. 5 Ibid, v., 3. Ch. I. 58 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. most dreadful tortures and find the consummation of their miseries in the flames, or on the wheel. Among the least revolting are the court anecdotes of the period. Fredegonda and Rigontha, her daughter, had vio- lent altercations in which they often came to blows. On one such occasion the daughter was in the act of takmg something out of an open chest, when her angry mother violently flung the lid over her head, and would have strangled her but for the opportune intervention of some maid-servants who saved the unfortunate princess from the cruel hands of her infuriated mother.' This Rigontha was betrothed to the king of the Visigoths, and set out with a strong escort for her new Spanish home. The very first night fifty men of the escort deserted with a hundred of the best horses ; such robberies and desertions were of daily occurrence, and upon the intelligence of the death of her father, Duke Desiderius, her chosen protector, stole what was left, and locked her up in Toulouse.^ Austragild, queen of King Gontram, lying on her death- bed, bound her husband to put to death her two physicians, because she believed that they had caused her own. Gon- tram kept the promise.^ This Gontram, in the naive language of Gregory, was an honest man, but so much given to perjury that he was sure to break the most sacred promise and betray the friend to whom he had pledged his oath.^ In the ethical code of Gregory, habitual perjury and shameless treachery were com- patible with a general reputation for honesty. Conjugal fidelity was almost unknown, and seldom ob- served by the kings, the princes, and the hierarchy of the Franks. A certain Eulalius, who took pains to reclaim his peccant wife from one with whom she had eloped, incurred for his weakness universal derision.5 It was customary to put kings under bond and oath that they would not repudiate their wiv es.^ They gave the bond 4 Ibid, v., 14. 5 Almoin. De Gcst. Franc. III., 5* 6 Greg. Tur. III., 27. » Greg. Tur. IX., 34. = Ibid. VII., 9. 3 Ibid, v., 36. Chapter III.] CIVILIZATION. 59 and took the oath, but the royal word was often as worthless as the bond. The Franks were proverbial for the number of their oaths and the facility with which they broke them. With a view to increasing their sanctity, it became custom to administer them over the relics of saints, under the belief that their violation exposed the perjurer to the peculiar vengeance of God and the departed. In' cases of special importance, the common method of making a person swear with his hand on the relics was deemed insufficient ; he was conducted to the tomb of a saint reputed for the miracles he wrought, and sometimes required to make the round of all the famous shrines and tombs throughout the realm, and at each renew the oath with terrible imprecations upon himself in the event of violation ' Although relics could not prevent perjury, such was the ven- eration in which they were held that they served to check it. This, among other reasons, explains their coveted possession* The Bavarian and Alemannian codes discourage the fre- quency of oaths.^ A criminal, convicted by three or four witnesses, was disqualified from testifying upon oath. Trial by combat was allowed in doubtful cases, especially '' where a crime not capable of notorious proof was charged, . . . and God, as they deemed, was the judge." 3 In disputes touching land, the judge bade the litigants take some of the earth of the land in dispute, insert therein twigs of trees growing on it, place both in a sack, and hand it to him ; the judge put his seal upon it and gave it to a trusted person for safe-keeping; the litigants, moreover, gave security for the combat. At the time set for the trial, the symbolical sack was placed between the combatants, who were required to touch it with their swords, and call God to witness, in prayer, that victory might be given to him whose cause was just. The victorwas awarded ownership of the di.sputed possession, * Aimoin, /. c. IV., 14. M.eg. Bai. VIII., 16; Leg. Alem. XLIL, I. 3 Hallam, Lc. II., 2, 6o CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. and the vanquished combatant or his relatives were fined in the sum of twelve solidi.^ Nobles fought on horseback, plebeians on foot, with the weapons belonging to their order. The Bavarians enjoined previous examination of the arms for preventing diabolical or magical fraud, and, if found free from such influences, their solemn consecration to the purpose in hand.^ Trial by combat was only one of not less than eight modes ol ordeal, by which the judgment of God was ascertained, and a man expurgated of crimes imputed to him. In that '' of hot iron," a priest seized the iron with a pair of pincers from before the altar, and carried it to the fire, chanting the Benedicite ; he sanctified the place with prayer, the fire with the Benediction, put the iron into the fire, sprinkled it with holy water, and said mass over it. Then, after a second sprinkling, he bade the accused take it up and carry it a distance of nine feet. His hand was sealed ; after three days the seal was removed, and if the hand was unhurt, his innocence was established. In the *' ordeal of boiling water," the so-called Kcssclfang, a stone was thrown, or by a rope let down, into a cauldron filled with hot water. The accused was required to thrust his hand into it up to the elbow and bring up the stone ; if he did it, he was innocent ; if he failed, he lost his hand. In the '' ordeal of cold water," the inculpated person was bound with a rope and let down into a vessel filled with water, or a ducking-pond ; if he sank, he was innocent ; if he rose, he was guilty. ^ The "ordeal of a cut of bread or cheese, also called "corsned bread," or -ordeal bread," was much simpler. The accused had to eat the slice, and was innocent if it agreed with him, but guilty if it choked him, stuck in his I throat, or caused pallor or trepidation.^ There was also the X Leg. Alem. Ixxxiv. bread be my last,"^ and the French. a Heinecc. Corp.Jur. Germ. Antiq., " Que ce morceau de pam m'etrangle si que je dis, n'est vrai "—Giles Jacob, ^'3 Compare the old sayings, " May and Du Cange, s. v. •' Corsned." this bread be my poison," " May this Chapter IH.] CIVILIZATION. 61 ordeal of ** taking the sacrament," a custom which lingers in the phrase, " I will take the sacrament upon it." In the '' ordeal of the cross," the inculpated person stood in a cross, that is, with his arms extended for a certain time, at the end of which he would fall down in token of his guilt, but keep standing in attestation of his innocence. The " ordeal of the lot " was practised with osier twigs, or the twigs of a fruit-tree.' The ancient usage of compurgation, in which the accused sustained his own oath by the oaths of his friends, called consacramentales, who pledged their knowledge, or, at least, belief, of his innocence, was also allowed among the Ger- manic nations. Their choice, however, was not always op- tional with the accused; they were sometimes appointed by the court or judge, and called denoininati ; they were generally twelve in number. Attempting the life of a king or duke, and the introduc- tion of an enemy into the country, were the leading capital crimes ; but even these might be composed, the first by the payment of the legal fine, the latter by banishment, in the option of the sovereign. The crimes of patricide, fratricide and incest were pun- ished by confiscation of the property of the criminals, but all others might be settled by pecuniary composition. Composition, or the payment of the weregeld, for every kind of offence, from abusive or injurious speech to homi- cide, was all but universal. Every ofTence or crime had a fixed legal valuation, or taxation, called the weregeld, a compound in which were ex- pressed the value, and geld, the money or compensation. Every limb and part of the body, every life, according to station, every theft, etc., every animal, had a fixed legal value. The Salian law condemned the offender to pay to the relatives of the person slain, for an antrustion of the king, that is, a p erson under his immediate and personal protec- I Compare Tacitus, De M. Germ. c. lo ; Leges Ripuar. XXXI., 5; Lex Frisonum, 14, ii. 62 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book L tion, six hundred solidi ; for a free Frank, two hundred ; for a free Roman or land-owner, one hundred ; for a tributary Roman, forty-five. Under Burgundian law, however, mur- der was uniformly punished with death. The wcregeld for a stolen horse was forty-five solidi, and that for a kidnapped villain or servant only thirty-five.' A curious illustration of the universality of the system is afforded by the following anecdote, showing the adroit use to which the clergy put it as an incentive to benefactions. Salvianus, citing the words of the Vulgate, '' Redeem thy sins by almsgiving," ^ argues in this wise : " What is meant by redeeming a thing ? I believe, to pay its value. Then value thy sins as nicely as thou art able. Ascertain how much thou owest for lying, cursing, and perjury, how much for sins of omission, how much for filthy speaking, how much for wicked desires, etc., etc. Then, if thou hast added all together, note carefully the precise and actual value of each and all. I do not ask thee to give to God all that thou hast, but only so much as thou really owest, provided that thou art able to make a true valuation of thine indebted- ness. 3 - A similar notion was present to the mind of the infamous Fredegonda, as she was sending forth a band of miscreants to assassinate her brother-in-law. They were instructed to surprise him in his tent, and bidding them success in their unholy endeavor, she dismissed them saying: '^ If you re- turn count upon my gratitude, and rest assured that I will greatly advance you and your children; but if you die in the attempt, depend upon my distributing among the churches rich alms for the salvation of your souls."* The ancient Germanic codes depict the people as chiefly occupied with war and the chase. In the Thuringian law '' a lance " and '' a man " occur as synonymous terms ; the Alemannian code punishes the theft of a hunting dog with a fine of twelve solidi, that of a horse with six, and that of a cow with only one solidus. Dogs ' Leg. Sal. XL, XLHL; Burg. IL 2 Dan. iv. 24. 3 Salv. Massil. opp. Paris, 1634. 4 Gesta Franc. Epit. XXXH., 712. Chapter HI.] CIVILIZATION. 63 and hawks seem to be in universal use ; and their distinctive names, still current, are mostly of Germanic origin. The chase was followed not as a sport, but as a means of life. The forest was vast, game abundant, and a freeman might hunt on his own land to his heart's content. The various branches of agricultural life are also duly recognized in the codes ; thus we read of cabbage gardens, orchards, and even vineyards, and learn from the weregeld the relative estimate of human life as to occupation. Thus a swineherd or a shepherd ranks with a cook ; a marshal set over twelve horses ; a seneschal set over twelve men ; and an armorer ; the weregeld of any of these classes of men was forty solidi. The Franks, and the Germans generally, did not favor city Hfe; most of their cities, at this period, were of Roman origin. Farms and detached homesteads, well fenced in, and supplied with all the necessaries of life, were found wherever the forest had been cleared. But a large section of the country was still in a state of primeval wilderness. The great Buchonian forest stretched from the Werra to the Main, and north and south to an in- definite distance. Through this wilderness the abbot Sturmi wandered in search of a site for a monastery. He found nowhere settled habitations, and rested at night wherever he might be when the sun was setting. With a sword, which he carried, he cut down branches of trees, formed them into a fence for the protection of his beast from wild animals, which abounded in great number, called upon the Lord in prayer, and sign- ing his forehead with the sign of the cross in token of his resignation, lay down to sleep. The earth was his bed. On one occasion a troop of wild Sclavonians, who had bathed in the river, met him naked as they were. They looked terrible and received him with insulting cries. Their inter- preter asked him whither he was going, and he answered calmly: ''Farther into the forest." The hand of God watched over him, and they let him pass unhurt. The place of their meeting struck him as suited to his purpose, and he 64 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. chose it as the site of his monastery. There he built on the Fulda the famous- institution known by that name.' Such was the forest. In the open country, a farm with all its immediate dependencies, such as houses, barns, stables, etc., was called a hof, that is a yard, or an area '' hedged in ; " a hof with the land belonging to it was'a weiler, that is a villa, or village ; a number of such weilers constituted a markung, and several of these formed a gau, canton, or county. The codes, hkewise, contain references to houses, rooms, heated rooms, halls, barns, granaries, cellars, etc., which may describe an advance in civilization or indicate a lack of architectural skill, perhaps both, for it is singular that to this day a large number, one might say most, of the village houses in the south of Germany and elsewhere on the Con- tinent are built on the primitive plan of affording, under the same roof, storage room for the produce of the field, apartments for the use of the family, and stable room for cattle. Agriculture was an occupation inferior to the military life, and the laws distinctly name such occupations as driving a cart, mending a fence, cutting hay, reaping grain, etc., under the head of servile labor.* The true explanation of this and other peculiarities is the existence of slavery among the Franks and the Germanic nations generally. The prevailing usage of war deprived the captive, unable to provide his ransom, of his liberty ; others lost it through debt or crime. Men w^ere bought and sold, or stolen. Some- times the state of servitude was assumed voluntarily and deliberately as an escape from military service or starva- tion. Sometimes '' men surrendered themselves, as well as their properties, to churches and monasteries, in return for such benefits as they might reap by the prayers of their masters." ^ 1 Neander, Memor. of Ckristian 3 Hallam, /. r., II., 2, citing Beau- Life, Bohn's ed., p. 474. manoir, c. 45. 2 Leg. Baioar., VI., 2. Chapter III.] CIVILIZATION. 65 Such slaves, or serfs, were employed either as menials or tillers of the soil ; or they received a piece of land to work for their own use, but subject to certain '' villein " service, and the return of part of the produce to their master. '' The third estate of men is that of such as are not free ; and these are not all of one condition, for some are so sub- ject to their lord that he may take all they have, alive or dead, and imprison them whenever he pleases, being accountable to none but God : while others are treated more gently, from whom the lord can take nothing but customary payments, though at their death all they have escheats to him."^ The condition of a German serf was most abject and miserable, and under the law he was entirely at the mercy of his lord. The lord was wont to reserve certain fields, meadows, vineyards, etc., called '' domanial lands " which were worked solely by serfs; they were bound to give three days of the week, throughout the year, to their culture ; at seed time, moreover, it was their duty to provide part of the seed for those lands, plough and sow them, and in the harvest ^\wq every other day for cutting and reaping the crops. If the serf had received cattle, the compulsory service laid upon him was still greater, and bounded only by his ability to render it.* The domestics on a hofvjcre often mechanics and arti- sans ; for as there were only few towns, and as the free-born lord thought labor degrading, the unfortunate serfs were compelled to build the houses, and make the harness, shoes, and leather garments of their masters ; the female serfs spun flax and wool, but that occupation was not degrading, and followed so universally by women of every class that the same code which calls the man '' a lance " dubs the woman " a distaff " {Kunkel). The Prankish kings were judges, and the administration of justice was regarded as the primary function of royalty.^ ^ Hallam, as before. Ducange, s.vv. 2 Leg. Baiaor, I., 14. Villanus, Servus, and Schmidt, I. c, 3 Marculf, 1. I., form. 25. II., 260. 66 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. Next to the king ranked the duke, whose office is expressly described as a judiciary dignity. Assessors or assistant judges appear in the presence of the king, the duke, and the count, who ranked next to the duke. Bishops and the highest secular officers assisted the king, scabini and ra- chimburgii the duke and the count.^ There were likewise deputy officers, or '' vicars." Petty cases were decided by hundreders, who were subordinated to the counts. The hundreder probably derived his name from the limitation of his jurisdiction, in times of peace, to a hundred men (or families) who in time of war constituted his command.'' The Court was mostly held in a field or on a hill, called iuallstatt, or mallberg, that is, the place or hill where the tnall, or Court, assembled, and the judge set up his shield of office, without which he might not hold Court. The Court was always open to the people ; sometimes attendance of the people was compulsory. Extreme simplicity marked the procedure; cases relating to the church, widows, and orphans had the priority. The laws were brief and pointed, the arguments oral. In Bavaria forgetful or over-reticent witnesses were quickened to intellectual activity by having their ears pulled. It should be added that the terms " duke " and '' count " were simply official designations, unconnected with the geo- graphical and political division of the country. The duke might have a larger judicial district than the count, but both filled similar positions, and directed the ad- ministration of justice, police, and the royal revenue. It was their duty faithfully and firmly to dispense justice to the Franks, Romans, and Burgundians according to their several laws, defend the cause of the widow and orphan, punish crime, promote the public safety, and collect the royal dues. These offices, in the early period of Prankish history, were held only for a limited term ; in later times they were iGuizot, Essai sur V Histoire de 3 Marculf. I., 8; Append. Frede- France, pp. 259, 272. garii, c. 78. a Marculf, I., 8. Schmidt, /.r., II., 8. Chapter III.] CIVILIZATION. 67 granted for life, and among the Bavarians and Alemannians appear to have been hereditary.^ The Bavarians were priv- ileged to retain their ancient prerogative of choosing their dukes from the race of the Agilolfingians.^' Hereditary succession appears from a memorable custom of the Alemannians for adjudicating the case of a rebellious son, who during his father's lifetime, and while that father was still able to promote the king's advantage (that is able to command an army and mount a horse), sought to secure the duchy by violence. The attempt was disal- lowed, but the son's right to succession seems implied, not only upon the father's natural demise, but also in the event of his political death, which occurred when he became phy- sically unfit to carry arms and mount a horse.^ This ancient notion prevailed as late as the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries among the Saxons and Suabians. The Saxon code enacts : '' A man may, without the consent of the heirs, freely dispose of his personal belongings and landed estate' . so long as he is able, having a sword girded to his side, and carrymg a shield, to mount a horse from a stone or stand, an ell high, without other assistance than that of some one holding the horse and stirrup. If he cannot do this, he may not dispose of such belongings, etc., to the detriment of those looking to their possession after his death." ^ The Franks had no standing army, but all nobles and freemen, both among the Franks proper and the nations confederated with them, were bound to military service. '' Two classes of persons were bound to military service ; the /eudes, both vassals and after-vassals, in virtue of their fiefs; and the free Franks, Romans, and Gauls serving under the count, and led by him and his officers. " Freemen were such as, on the one hand, held no benefice or fief, and on the other, were not liable to the servitude of the glebe ; their lands were called allodial lands. ' Leg. Alem. XXX., 5 ; Baiaor. II., 3 Schmidt. /. r. II., 266. '°- ^ . 4Leg. Sax. L, 52. ' Leg. Baiaor. II,, 20. 68 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book I. "The counts assembled the freemen and led them to war ; they had subordinate officers whom they called ' vic- ars,' and as all freemen were divided into hundreds, con- stituting a borough (bourg\ the counts were set over yet another class of officers, called ' centenaries ' (hundreders), who led the free men of the borough, or their hundreds, to war. * Similar regulations were established throughout Ger- many ; obligation to military service was inseparable from all lands held under Prankish rule ; nor were church-lands exempt from it. The rigorous provisions of the military laws set forth in the reign of Charles, which are noted in other portions of this volume, existed for the most part in Merovingian times. We conclude this sketch with a reference to the curious law prohibiting freemen to enter the church without the sovereign's permission. The reason, however, is sufficiently clear, for as all freemen were bound to military service, while ecclesiastics and monks were exempt from it, it fol- lows that the State lost an able soldier in every instance. The Church approved of the principle of this law and the Council of Orleans passed a canon to that effect.* This law also was re-enacted by Charles, and explains that some entered the Church not from motives of piety, but for the purpose of escaping from military service and other public obligations, and others did so under the advice of designing men coveting their possessions.^ BOOK II. ROYAL PERIOD, A.D., 768— A. D., 800. I Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois^ t. IV., 1. XXX. c. 17. 2 Can. VI. sCapit. II., a. 805. BOOK II. ROYAL PERIOD., A.D., 768-A.D., 800. CHAPTER I. CHARLES AND CARLOMAN. Birth, childhood, and youth of Charles.-Dissensions between the brothers - Revolt m Aquitaine -Matrimony.-Pope Stephen indignant. -Desiderata. -Hildegard.-Death of Carloman.-Charles usurps his kingdom.-Flight of Gerberga and her children.— Charles at thirty. It is surprising, perplexing, and vexatious that next to nothing is known of the birth and infancy, and even the boyhood of Charles. His biographer, Eginhard, or more correctly Einhard, deemed it unwise to commit himself to any statement, - for nothing,'' he says, - has ever been writ- ten on the subject, and there is no one alive now who can give information of it. Accordingly I have determined to pass that by as unknown." ' The 2d of April is accepted as his birthday, and the A.D. 742.] best authorities consider the year 742 as that of his nativity. Quite a number of localities contend for the honor of being his birth-place. Ingelheim, near Mayence, Aix-la-Chapelle, Carlsburg near Munich, Carlstadt in Fran- conia, Liege in Belgium, and even a Villa in Aquitaine, have their advocates. One of the older writers, who claims In- gelheim, adds the doubtless erroneous notice that his mother Berthrada, or Bertha, was a Hungarian, and one of the most recent writers, who stands up for the Aquitanian Villa, con- 72 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. lectures that the lady was either a Hungarian or a Greek. As a matter of fact it may sufifice to say that she was a Prankish lady, a daughter of Charibcrt, Count of Laon, and that Pope Stephen, in a letter addressed to Charles and Car- loman, distinctly affirms that their father Pepin did not marry a lady belonging to another kingdom, or a foreign nation. Accepting his testimony as the best offered,' it is , proper to add that Pepin had three sons and four daugh- It has been stated that the birth of Charles almost coin- cides with the death of his grandfather, Charles Martel, and the commencement of his father's reign. The former died October 22, 741, and the latter immediately succeeded to his inheritance. The record of his long reign contains only very few references to Charles and his brother Carloman, but it is safe to say that their education was rather physical and martial than scholastic and literary. The f^rst mention of Charles occurs in connection with the visit of Pope Stephen. He was then in his twelfth year, and travelled at the head of a military cavalcade a distance of a hundred miles to welcome and accompany the pope to Ponthion. On the consecration of Pepin in the basilica of St. Denis, both he and Carloman received unction at the hands of Stephen. His name is found in several documents ; he accompanied his father on two of the Aquitanian cam- paigns, repaired to him in his last sickness, was present at the"" solemn act of " partition," and appeared among the mourners at his father's funeral. Such are the meagre details of more than the first third of the life of the great Charles which the most diligent re- search has yielded. One might add the incidental particu- lar found in a diploma belonging to the last years of his reign, that Pepin and Berthrada spent the earliest days of their married life on the estate of Vargahala on the Unstrut, if the diploma were genuine.^ ^ ^ I "Sed nee genitor vester ex alio ^ See their names in Genealogical reeno vel extranea natione conjugem Table. .,,y 3 See Muhlbacher, /. r., No. 356. accepit. "^ ., Chapter I.] CHARLES AND CARLOMAN. 73 • An anecdote, rather legendary than historical, narrates the presence of Charles at the Translation of the relics of St Germanus from the lateral chapel of St. Symphorian to the chancel of the conventual Church of the Holy Cross and of St. Vincentius. The grand dignitaries of Church and State were in attend- ance, as well as Pepin and his two royal sons. The solem- nity of the ceremonial, and the wonderful circumstances m its train, deeply affected and interested the youthful Charles. Pepin himself prepared to assist in the removal of the cofifin, which could not be lifted. All attempts to raise it proved futile. This strange circumstance amazed and alarmed the company ; they agreed that the saint was angry, but what was the cause of his displeasure.? A discerning person intimated to the king that the of^cers of the neighboring royal domain of Palatiolum were in the habit of violent encroachments on the possessions of the monastery, and conjectured that the saint's refusal to have his relics removed imported his desire to secure the posses- sion of the said domain. Pepin thereupon donated Palatio- lum to the saint. The effect was striking ; the coffin became as light as a feather, and amid hymns of praise sung by the ecclesiastics and the jubilant rejoicing of the people, was carried to its destination. Nor did the miracle stop there ; for the coffin, untouched by the carriers, descended into the vault, from which arose most fragrant perfume which per- vaded the whole church. All present were filled with amazement, and Charles, in the enthusiasm of juvenile rejoicing, leaped into it, and lost his first tooth. The monk who records the Translation affirms that Charles himself was his informant.' Oct. 9, 768] On the sixteenth day after the death of Pepin the two brothers, having repaired to the designated points, were solemnly and conformably to ancient usage ' Mabillon, ITL, 2, 104-118; Acta SS. Mai 6, 788-796.— Wattenbach, /. c. I., 140, note I ; Oelsner, Pippin., p. 501 ; Waitz, MG. SS. XV., 5-9; Abel- Sirason, /. c, I., 18 sqq. 74 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. elevated and enthroned kings of the Franks, and anointed with holy oil. In the case of Charles the ceremony took place at Noyon, and in that of Carloman at Soissons.' Both localities were in Neustria, but it is impossible to determine the political status of the two kingdoms. It is certain that both brothers exerted some sovereign rights in each other's dominions, and that, while r. ^. the regnal years of Charles are mentioned in private documents drawn up in Neustria, Carloman is described as king in Austrasia, and sometimes resided there.^* Carloman believed himself wronged in the division, which is now, though not universally, accepted to have followed the line indicated in a former paragraph. It Is unnecessary to discuss the matter, and open the question of the causes of the undoubted ill-feeling between the two brothers, which was of long standing, and seemingly incurable.^ It broke out almost immediately upon the occasion of a fresh revolt in Aquitaine, in which both were equally interested. 769] The aged Hunold, who doubtless had grown tired of the monastic life, deeming the death of his son Waifre, so speedily followed by that of his enemy, and the consequent change of rulers, an opportune juncture for revolt, left the solitude of the island of Rhe, collected an army, and pro- claimed the independence of Aquitaine. 1 Fredegar. cont. c. 137- Annal. Mett., Lauriss., Einh. The first epoch of the reign of Charles extends from 768-774, during which he bore the title : ' * Carolus gratia dei rex Fran- coriim vir inluster."^ 2 See instances in Abel-Simson, /. c. I., 27 sq. 3 By far the most interesting docu- ment bearing on the subject is Cath- wulf s epistle to Charles the Great, in which he enumerates the peculiar feli- cities for which in his opinion the king had reason to be grateful. The first is, that in answer to the special prayers of his parents, especially of his mother, he had been born and, as the firstborn, sanctified to God ; that God had pro- tected him from the craft of his brother {itt de Jacob et B.sau legitur) ; that he obtained his kingdom simultaneously with his brother ; and that God mer- cifully removed that brother and ex- alted him to the throne without ef- fusion of blood {Quinta : non mini- mum est heatitudinis signum, quod Deus transtulit ilium de regno^ Fran- corum et exaltavit te super omne hoc regnum sine sanguinis effusione). — Ep. Carol. Jafle, Monum. Carol., p. 336. Chapter I.] CHARLES AND CARLOMAN. 75 Charles forthwith summoned his heerbann and marched into Aquitaine ; Carloman also set out for the seat of war, and came up with Charles at a place called Duasdives. The meeting was most unpleasant, and as the brothers were un- able to agree, and Carloman distinctly refused to take part in the suppression of the revolt, Charles acted alone, while Carloman, with his command, returned home.^ Hunold, driven from place to place, found no rest for the sole of his foot until he had crossed the Garonne and sought the hospi- tality and protection of his nephew Lupus, duke of Vasconia. Aquitaine yielded instant submission to Charles, who came as a master, and took effectual measures for the prevention of further troubles. He collected a large force at Angouleme, well equipped for any emergency, marched to the Dordogne,' built the fortress of Fronsac, and having erected this stand- ing menace to the duke of Vasconia, despatched an embassy to him, with the demand of the instant surrender of the ren- egade fugitive Hunold, who had not only returned to the world but to his wife. Refusal was to be a casus belli, and a Frankish army, which for the better enforcement of his demand took position on the left bank of the Garonne, convinced the duke of Vasconia that the menace was not an empty sound. If he was not glad, he was certainly not dis- pleased, to respect the summons ; for he could never forget what the fugitive had done to his father more than a quarter of a century before. As long as he remained in the mon- astery, he might think that he had expiated his guilt in a life of penitent sorrow, but when he returned to the world, how could he fail to shrink from sheltering the cruel hand which had put out his father's eyes? The outraged feelings of the son were stronger than the sympathy of the nephew; he saw a Nemesis in the de- mand which justice and interest compelled him to respect, and accordingly gave up Hunold and his wife. But there his compliance ended, for the further notices that he im- * This is now accepted. See Boh- mer, Regesta, p. 52 : and Abel, 34. p. 541 ; also Ranke's Remarks, in his address before the Academy of Sci« ences at Berlin, Aug. 3, 1854, who takes opposite ground. 1^ CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. plicitly promised obedience in whatever Charles required, and submitted himself with the province which he ruled, are justly rejected as historical embellishment.' The fate of Hunold is not known ; perhaps he died in a monastery ; at any rate the story of his flight, first to Rome, and then to Pavia, where he was stoned to death, savors of invention.^ As for Carloman, his defection, which to Charles appeared in the light of the unpardonable and capital crime of heris- liz, or desertion in presence of the foe, led to more inti- mate relations with Tassilo, duke of Bavaria, and Desi- derius, king of the Lombards ; thus the tension increased, and threatened to lead to civil war. Fortunately that calam- ity was prevented by the queen-mother Berthrada, who •770] brought about a reconciliation, in consequence of which the two brothers sent a special embassy to the pope announcing their reconciliation. It was joyful news to Stephen, as appears from the exu- berant phrase of a very long letter of congratulation which he sent in return.^ He was doubtless sincere in the expres- sion of his joy over an event in which he saw, if not the grateful harbinger of Prankish interposition, at least an intimation that it bafifled the expectations of the perfidious Lombard, for he felt sure that in the event of war between the two brothers, he would have set his iron heel upon the ^ bleeding Church, still suffering from his unrighteous spolia- tion of the patrimony of St. Peter. The congratulation, like all his communications, wound up with a vehement adjuration of the kings to interpose and compel the robber to restore his unrighteous gains. In this he was doomed to be disappointed, and in a most unexpected way. The political situation had doubtless been freely discussed by the queen-mother and her sons, and occasioned a diplomatic journey, in the c ourse of which 2 Anastas. apud Bouquet, V., 434; cf. 376, 444- 3 Epist. ad Carol, et Carlom. — Migne, t. 98, p. 250. » This is the view of Ranke (1. c.) and Bohmer, Regesia. The best ac- count is that of Ann. Lauriss. Chapter I] CHARLES AND CARLOMAN. ;; she visited successively the courts of Bavaria, and Lorn bardy, and the pope at Rome. Tassilo was the son of Odilo, duke of Bavaria, and llil trud, sister of Pepin, and consequently first cousin of Charles and Carloman. Impatient of dependence on the kmg of the Franks, he left him at a juncture of great im- portance and under circumstances which were unforgotten and unforgiven. Since that defection in the Aquitanian war he acted with entire independence, more like a sove- reign than a vassal. He dropped the king's regnal years and substituted those of his own reign in of^cial docu- ments ; he assumed the style and conduct of an indepen- dent prince not only in the internal government of his duchy, but in his relations to other countries ; he held con- trary to the usage of the Prankish empire, synods' and enacted laws which are still incorporated with those of the Bavarian Code ; he made war with the Sclavonians, and en- tered into close political alliance with the Lombards. An ecclesiastic in the person of the abbot Sturmi had preceded her in Bavaria, and established friendly relations between Charles and Tassilo. Tassilo was the son-in-law of Desiderius, and now on good terms with the two Prankish kings. A visit to him occurred to her as a fit preliminary to her plans which looked to intermarriages with the Lom- bard family. ^ Her intercourse with the ducal family pro- moted a cordial understanding in Germany, and her plans at Pavia, where arrangements were set on foot in virtue of which the son of Desiderius was afifianced to her daughter Gisla, the sister of Charles and Carloman, and one or both of these proposed as husbands of the daughters of the king of the Lombards.^ The matter was kept a profound secret"^ ' Annal. Einh., Vita Sturmi c. 22. MG. SS. IL, p. 376.— Annal. Mosell., Chron. Moiss., cf. Annal. Maxim., Petav., Naz., Fuld. = The evidence on this point is con- flicting, and the name^ are confusing. The wife of Charles is called Desi- derata, Berterad, and Gerberga ; the wife of Carloman also is called Ger- berga. " Complures ergo filias habuit Desi- derius, unam quse Carolus M. nup- serat, alteram quse Carolomanno, ter- tiam qu^ Thassiloni juncta erat, quartam, denique, Adelpergam, quam in matrimonio habuit Arichis, Bene- 78 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. < and the diplomatic Berthrada, to whose influence is ascribed the restoration of certain Italian cities to St. Peter, had the tact of concealing it from the pope, who may have ex- plained her presence in Italy on the grounds of religious fervor and of veneration of his person. . r ■ , Still the truth became known after she left, and it fairly stunned him. It was the worst news he ever received, and seemed too horrid to be true. Such an intermarriage, he thought, would give the death-blow to the nascent power of the papacy, sweep away the patrimony of St. Peter, and make the hated Lombard virtually ruler of all Italy. / The royal brothers he knew were married and had chil- dren ; on that point his language is explicit, and flatly con- tradicts the common notion that their wives were not legit- imate, or only morganatically united to the kings. He says that by the express direction of their father they had been married in lawful wedlock, and brands as iniquitous the hidden purpose of their hearts of taking other wives besides those they had already married.-^ The pertinent portions of his epistle to them are essential to a correct understanding of the case ; it might have been more tern- perate and dignified, more Christian and less venomous but it mirrors the deep unquenchable hatred of the Lombards which burned in the pontiff's breast. ;enii Princeps." - Chronic. Cassi- these passages that Muratori, An- ven.i ''J"' . . . Wherefore, St. Peter, himself, he, the pope, the clergy and people of Rome, adjure them by all that is lawful, by the living and true God, the judge of the quick and dead, by the ineffable om- nipotence divine, by the tremendous day of judgment, by all the divine mysteries, and by the most sacred body of St. Peter, that neither of them presume to wed the daugh- ter of Desiderius, or give their God-beloved sister Gisla in wedlock to his son. . . . *' He had laid this his exhortation and adjuration on the tomb of the apostles, presented it in sacrifice to God, and from that sacred spot did now send it to them. '* Should either of them, contrary to his expectation, pre- sume to disregard it, then by the authority of St. Peter he is under the ban of the most fearful anathema, an alien from the kingdom of God, and doomed, with the devil 8o CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter I.] CHARLES AND CARLOMAN. 8i and his most wicked ministers, and all impious men to undergo concremation in eternal flames. But he who shall obey and observe this exhortation shall be worthy of divme enlightenment with all heavenly blessings, and of exaltation to everlasting glory with all the saints and elect of God. J t The epistle came too late to deter Charles from his purpose, 7701 for he was married to Desiderata*^ |^ut it bore imme- diate fruit in the annulment of the projected marriage of Gisla and Adelchis. The royal maiden took irrevocable vows and became abbess of the convent of Chelles. There the matter rested, but not long, forfafter the lapse of only 771] one year Charles disowned Desiderata and sent her back to Pavia.^^ / ;v5^ ^- r r-x. y The reticent and diplomatic biographer of Charles says that he repudiated her - for some reason unknown ;" ' the more communicative Monk of St. Gall suggests a physical reason The anathema of the pope and his subsequent representations of the impolicy of a Lombard alliance may have carried some weight, but it is more probable that the sight of one more favored was the most potent motive in this heartless, insulting, and perfidious act. There is no doubt that Desiderius received the customary guarantee given under oath that Charles would never discard his ^Herrepudiation was immediately followed by the mar- riage of Charles with Hildegard, a Suabian lady of noble birth.* , 1 • 1- The pope maintained a discreet silence, but the indigna- tion of Desiderius was intense ; the queen-mother, whose tearful intervention was disregarded, always felt sore on the subject; 5 and there was at least one man, the venerable 1 Codex Carol. Ep. 45 (Jaffe). 2 Einhard, Vita, c. i8. 3 Pasch. Radbert in Vita Adalh. — Mabillon, " Acta SS. Ord. S. Ben." S. IV., I., 310. The exact date of the repudiation is not known. It is certain that Charles married Hildegard im- mediately after, for as she died April 30, 783, in the twelfth year of her mar- riage, it follows that either the close of 771 or the beginning of 772 fur- nishes the required date. -^') fv- ^• 4 See " Genealogical Table." s'- Charles's mother, Berthrada, passed her old age with him in great honor; he entertained the greatest abbot of Corbie, Adalhard, the king s cousin-german, who on high moral and religious grounds refused all intercourse with the unlawful successor of the discarded queen.' Hildegard was reputed to be one of the most attractive women of the age. Her peerless beauty is poetically de- scribed as that of lilies blended with roses, and it is said that she added to the charms of her person the shining attributes of a bright intellect and a kind heart. She was benevolent and devout, and universally beloved by all who knew her. Her influence over Charles was excellent, and confessedly great, although she could not always carry her point.'} iH"^^ An anecdote told by the Monk of St. Gall appears to be true to life. A certain young man, in whom the king took an interest, and whose hopes he had raised as to securing a vacant bishopric, happened to be with him at an hour set for the reception of courtiers. The king told him that he had many competitors for the vacancy, and bade him retire behind a curtain to learn their number. One by one the nobles came to secure the position either for them- selves or for special favorites ; at last Queen Hildegard ap- peared and asked it for her own clerk. The king objected, protesting that, although he would not and could not say nay to her in almost anything she might ask, yet in this case he must needs disoblige her, for he had already prom- ised the place to the aforesaid young man. The queen, who was not free from the weakness of women of setting their influence against the judgment of men, suppressed her anger, but forthwith opened upon her susceptible spouse the battery of dulcet speech and languid looks, saying: '' O my Lord King, why waste that bishopric on such a boy.^ Let me entreat my sweetest king, my glory, my tower of strength, to confer it on your faithful servant, my own clerk." The young man heard and saw from behind the curtain what was going on, dreaded the worst, and unable to con- veneration for her; and there was married to please her."— Einh., Life, never any disagreement between them, XVIII. See Genealogical Table, except when he divorced the daughter i See note 2. He distinctly says that of King Desiderius, whom he had no crime could be laid to her charge. T It 82 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. tain himself, exclaimed: "Keep firm, O King; and let no one deprive you of the power which God has given you ! The speech pleased Charles, so for the nonce he disobliged the charmer and made the young man bishop.' The repudiation of Desiderata was resented not only in Lombardy,but much nearer home; it added fuel to the hatred which slumbered in the breast of Tassilo, duke of Bavaria, who was married to one of her sisters, and revived or intensified the hostility of Carloman, whom respectable authority represents as the husband of another. At any rate both those princes were in open sympathy with Desi- derius, and in the event of war would have sided with him acainst Charles.^ ^ 771] Probable war between the two brothers was averted by the opportune death' of Carloman at the critical moment He died on the second nones of December in the Villa of Samoussy in the Ardennes. He had been in poor health, and the insinuation, sometimes made, that Charles was im- plicated in the event, is purely gratuitous, since it rests neither on truth nor a show of probability.* The widow of Carloman, knowing Charles, and drending the worst for her children and her personal safety, concluded to seek refuge at the court of Desiderius. This course was the most natural, if he was her father.^ At any rate, she went there, escorted by Otgar« and other Prankish nobles more attached to the house of Carloman than to Charles. The death of Carloman was expected, and Charles was '^^ « Monach. Sangall. apud Bouquet, v., p. io8 B. 2 A fabulous writer states, that Car- loman was violently opposed to the marriage with Desiderata, and com- pelled Charles to disown her ; that Berthrada, incensed at his course, cursed Carloman, who in consequence became blind, and died.— Andr. Ber- gam. hist. c. 3 : SS. rer. Langob.. p. 223 sq. There is no evidence that the re- pudiation was the result of papal remonstrance; even Ranke, VVeltgc- schichte, V. ii., p. 113. n. i, shares this view. 3 See note 3, p. 74- 4 See Pilatus, Geschichte des Deut- schen Reichs und Italiens, vol. ii. 5 See note 2, p. 77- 6 The variations " Ogger," " Otker." '*Otgar," "Otger," "Autchar," etc., denote the same person. His fidelity to Carloman, his widow and children was his crime ; he escorted them to Italy, and was delivered to Charles. On Chapter I.] CHARLES AND CARLOMAN. 83 near at hand for prompt and decisive action. 1 He was at Longlier, a short distance from Corbeny, within the limits of his brother's kingdom. Immediately after the death of Carloman he proceeded, doubtless under a strong military escort, to Corbeny, accompanied by a number of the highest ecclesiastical and secular dignitaries, and announced to the feudatories of Carloman, who had been summoned to appear, his intention of possessing himself of the vacant throne. Resistance would have been useless ; the farce of a formal election took place ; the lieges of Carloman swore fealty to him ; the bishops poured holy oil on his head, and thus " feli- citously he obtained the monarchy of the kingdom of the Franks." ' He heard the account of Gerberga's flight, according to one reading " with indifference ; " '' with displeasure," ^ ac- cording to another ; perhaps with both, for, being master of the situation, he may have known, as an old chronicle dis- tinctly says he did, that it would not turn to her advantage or to that of the nobles who accompanied her, and felt that her *' unnecessary journey " ^ reflected upon him. Perhaps she his return to France he renounced the world, and with Benedictus, his former companion in arms, entered the monas- tery of St. Faro apud Meldos (Meaux), in the basilica of which the two friends are interred. Their mausoleum was still extant in 1701, and disclosed, among other interesting particulars, the fact that Auda, the sister of Ogger, was betrothed to the famous Roland. See Mabillon, Annal. Ord. Benedict, t. iii.,p. 376. ^ Annal. Lauriss., Mettenses ; Frag- ment in •' Forschungen," XVII., 628 ; Chron. Moiss., and S. Denis, a. 771. of. Bohmer, /. c. c. p. 59, No. 139. Some hold that the succession was decided in a lawful Diet, arguing that the two sons of Carloman, by reason of their tender age, were unfit to suc- ceed ; that their claim to the throne was not established ; that there was no fixed law regulating the succession, beyond the general principle of an equality of right enjoyed by all the members of the royal family ; that the claims of Charles to the vacant throne were equal to those of the sons of Carloman per se, and superior to them on account of his years, to which came the vital political necessity of an immediate reunion of the separated members of the Frankish Empire. The argument is ingenious, but is it true ? Waitz, /. c. III., 100, 275 sq., 2d ed. — Abel-Simson, /. c. I., 102 sq. — cf. Wolf, Kritische Beitrdge, p. 75, n. 5. 2 Patienter, or impatienter. 3 Profectionem . . . supervacuam, Annal. Einh. I 84 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter I.] CHARLES AND CARLOMAN. 85 dreaded violence, more probably the scissors of obsequious barber-monks and the living tomb of a convent. The sequel will show that her fears were not unfounded. It is useless to speculate on a state of things of which no authentic information may be had.' Most of the annals ex- tant maintain total silence on the true merits of the jeal- ousies and quarrels of the sons of Pepin, and of the usurpa- tion of Carloman's kingdom by his powerful brother, now sole king of the Franks. The remembrance of the wrong accompanied him to the tomb, and the principle of its justi- fication is stated in a legal provision belonging to the last years of his life.' f Charles was now about thirty years old. " He was large and strong, and of lofty stature, though not disproportion- ately tall (his height is well known to have been seven times the length of his foot) ; the upper part of his head was round ; his eyes were very large and animated ; his nose was somewhat long, his hair light, his face laughing and merry. Thus his appearance was always stately and digni- fied, whether he was standing or sitting ; although his neck was thick and somewhat short, and his body rather prom- inent, yet the symmetry of the rest of his person concealed these defects. His gait was firm, his whole carriage manly, and his voice clear, though not so strong as his size led one to expect."^ ^ Such appeared the man to one who knew him well, and drew his portrait from the remembrance of long and inti- mate familiarity. Still it may not be superfluous to compare it with another description, the prototype of the traditional '' Charlemagne," met in legend and song, in poetry and art. '' The emperor was of a ruddy complexion, with brown hair ; of a well-made, handsome form, but a stern visage. His height was about eight of his own feet, which were very long. He was of a strong, robust make ; his legs and thighs were very stout, and his sinews firm. His fac e. was thirteen inches long, his I See bk. iii., ch. iii., Divisionofthe » Vita Caroli, c. 22. Empire, § 5. \ beard a palm ; his nose half a palm ; his forehead a foot over. His lion-like eyes flashed fire like carbuncles, his eye- brows were half a palm over. When he was angry, it was a terror to look upon him ; he required eight spans for his girdle besides what hung loose." ' Sculptors and painters love to reproduce this picture, which is a giant's. Most of the statues one meets with are of this order, and remind one of Goliath ; an old picture in the Cathedral at Aix-la-Chapelle is a terror to look upon, and not only because of the artist's manifest design of paint- ing the '' terrible look ; " and the old chronicler of St. Denis speaks of his wonderful strength : '' He could easily bend three horse-shoes together, lift a knight in armor on his out- stretched palm from the ground to saddle, and with his sword De Joieuse cleave asunder a knight in full armor," etc., etc.^ Leaving these descriptions, and judging of him as he ap- pears in his deeds, one feels that the old barbarian ferocity of his race and age slumbered in his breast, and broke forth as occasion arose, or opportunity might serve { he had all the fire and courage of Charles Martel, the astuteness and strength of Pepin, an indomitable will, and invincible energy) Though deficient in the learning of the schools, he had ac- quired the education of practical life, which enabled him to pl^n and-.execute a j^and purpose^ Thus, in the main, ap- peared the man who, as sole king of the Franks, entered upon the career of glory to be sketched in these pages. ' Joh. Turpini Historia de Vita 2 The stature of Charles is discussed Caroli M. et Rolandi, in Germ. Rer. in De Statura Caroli Mag. Imp., apud. Quatuor chronogr. It is a forgery Bouquet, V., 799 assigned to the close of the eleventh century. CHAPTER II. FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. Hadrian L, pope.-Hadrian and Desiderius.-Hadrian invokes the aid of Charles -War with Desiderius. -Passage of the Alps.-Siege of Pavia.- Defection.-Visit to Rome. -The Grant.-Fall of the Lombards. 1 THE relations of Charles and Hadrian were cordial from the first. The pontiff was elected February I, 772, seve- ral months after the usurpation of Carloman's throne and the repudiation of Desiderata ; he accepted both events as accomplished facts, and observed a judicious silence concern- ing them, reasoning perhaps that their occurrence m the pontificate of his predecessor, superadded to the fact that they were not ofificially referred to him, sufficiently indicated and justified such a course. Men of the stamp of Adalhard might take a different view and denounce the wanton and deliberate repudiation of a pure and blameless queen as criminal befor^ God, and in flagrant violation of the law of the Church ; but^ Hadrian, though he probably agreed with the abbot of Corbie in principle, differed with him in the treatment of this particu- lar case ; his predecessor had anathematized the marriage which the royal offender of his own free will had sundered. Was he the pontiff, to recommend the continuance of a relation which another pontiff had laid under a curse? Could he do so without reflecting on the pontificate ? In- deed he might have gone still further and asked why Ste- phen was so bitterly and violently opposed to the Lombard union? Did he denounce it on high moral and religious grounds? Hardly so, for he would have suppressed his in- dignation, if the proposed successor of Himiltrud had been any other lady. The matter of the divorce sat lightly on his conscience, but the union with the Lombard maiden was Chapter IL] FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 87 intolerable. And on this point Hadrian probably shared the views of Stephen ; of the divorce itself he made small account, while the speedy and sudden disruption of a union which allied the patrician of Rome to the implacable enemy of the papal see seemed to him prophetic of good. He therefore withheld all censure, and earned the good will of Charles. Nor was he less reticent in the matter of Carloman. That king, the record of whose brief reign is almost wholly made up of rich benefactions to the Church, was dead ; his widow, dreading the worst at the hands of Charles, accompanied by some nobles, took her sons, the rightful heirs to the vacant throne, and fled to the court of Desiderius (believed to have been her father)' for refuge. Charles possessed himself of his kingdom ; his act was denounced by Desiderius as a usurpation ; but Hadrian heard that the subjects of Carloman had duly elected and crowned him, that the hierarchy was duly represented at the election, and ratified the popular choice by the sacerdotal act of unction. That event also he accepted as an accomplished fact, rejoicing in the thought that the patrician of Rome was monarch of the whole Prankish empire. Could the Church desire a more power- ful and devoted defender? Was he not the most zealous i champion of the faith, and even then engaged in imposing j the gentle yoke of Christ on the fierce pagans, who perse- cuted the messengers of the cross and destroyed the sanctu- aries of the Christians ? Such were his feelings towards Charles, and could he hesi- tate as to whose cause it was his duty to espouse, the Patri- cian's or the Lombard's? He would not have been a true Roman pontiff without accepting fully the policy of his pre- decessors towards the kings of the iron crown. Stephen said that the enmity of the Lombards to the papal see was implacable ; the reader of his epistle might truly add that the enmity of the popes to the Lombards was superlatively so.* ^ See p. 77, note 2. See p. 79. 88 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. On the accession of Hadrian, Desiderius tried to estab- ' lish friendly relations, but ineffectually. Such delightful as- surances of his good will as he sent to the king did not ex- actly tend in the direction of amity. He was a man of peace, he said, and desired to live at peace with all men, but how could he follow peace, and trust a king who, on the au- thority of his sainted predecessor, failed to perform to the Church the most sacred obligations he had undertaken ? It is not clear if this bluntness was uninspired ; at any rate it incensed the king, who nevertheless proposed an al- liance between Hadrian and himself against Charles, and, with a view to terrifying him into compliance, ordered the occupation by Lombard troops of the cities of Faenza Ferrara, and Comacchio, which King Pepin and his royal ( sons had added to the papal jurisdiction. Hadrian demanded * their restoration as an indispensable preliminary to amicable intercourse, but Desiderius remained deaf to his expostu- lations, although he changed his tone when Gerberga arrived with her children. He took up their cause and appealed to the justice, compassion, and gratitude of Hadrian, urging him to befriend the orphans and anoint them kings of the Franks ; but appealed in vain, for Hadrian refused.^ He was angry, and in his anger thought him recreant to the duties of his high office and a time-server. Nor was the matter of Gerberga and her children his sole grievance ; he believed Hadrian implicated in the assassination of Paul Afiarte,^ his own strong partisan at Rome, in spite of the pontiff's declaration that he had only banished him for the godly purpose of placing him in the way of repentance and saving his soul. In such a frame of mind the king of the Lombards under- took, at the head of an army, accompanied by his whole X Vita Hadriani, cc. 16-25 ; cf. before Pope Stephen died ; but Paul Vita Caroli, c. 6. ; Annal. Lauriss. ; had also committed himself to the in- Chron. Moiss., Cod. Carol, (ed. Jafife) . discreet speech, that he meant, if need jj^ - be, to take Hadrian " with a rope 2 Paul was banished on the charge around his feet " before Desiderius. of having blinded and killed Sergius, —Vita Hadriani, c. 16 sqq. Chapter II.] FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 89 family, Gerberga and her children, and Otgar, the doughty Frank and partisan of Carloman, to break the adamantine stubbornness of Hr.drian, and force him to do his bidding. He marched upon Rome and demanded an interview with him. Hadrian refused it, believing that the protection of the patrician would suffice to shield the Church and humble the Lombard. He sent messengers to Charles by sea entreating him to hasten to Italy, and protect the Church from the machi- nations of Desiderius, the enemy alike of himself and Charles. He was bent upon separating him, Hadrian, from the love of Charles, and with a view to dividing Francia had asked him to anoint the sons of Carloman kings ; nothing would satisfy him but the subjugation of Rome and all Italy under his sceptre. He had steadfastly refused to do his bid- ding ; the Lombard had already seized the cities of Faenza, Ferrara and Comacchio, and in spite of his (Hadrian's) pro- test and earnest exhortation declined to surrender them. Such was his message to Charles ; he likewise did all he could in the way of preparing for armed resistance ; he col- lected as many troops as he was able to raise and put Rome in a state of defence. And, in the last instance, sent three bishops to Desiderius forbidding him, on pain of the inter- dict, to violate the territory of the Church. They met him at Viterbo and, strange to tell, arrested his progress. We may not be able to see in his action the miracle wrought by the threatened sentence of excommuni- cation, because it is not improbable that certain intelligence of the tempest gathering beyond the Alps dictated the ne- cessity of a change in the disposition of his army. But be that as it may, the fact remains' that Desiderius returned. It is charged that he caused the report to go abroad that he had restored the cities ; but the Frankish ambassadors, who, in response to Hadrian's complaints, arrived at Rome, verified the contrary, and in company with papal legates, proceeded to Desiderius demanding their surrender. De- siderius refused. 90 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Charles sent a second embassy renewing the demand, and offering to pay him an indemnity of fourteen thousand gold solidi for their restoration. It does not appear if the Prankish proposal was absolute or conditional, for the pre- cise terms are not known ; if it was absolute, the infatuation of Desiderius must have been great ; if conditional, as some think, suggesting the surrender not only of the Ro- man cities, but of the royal refugees at his court, his second refusal becomes honorable and chivalrous. It is only just to add, that the seizure of the cities, though a high-handed measure, was hardly an act of rapacity ; he took them osten- sibly as a pledge or security for the payment of a loan of his to the pope. The persistent refusal of Desiderius exasperated Charles ; he summoned the keerbann, and upon due reflection con- cluded that the gravity of the situation provoked the arbit- \ rament of the sword, and that he must needs undertake this war for the protection of the Church. He accordingly pro- ceeded with all the military strength of the Franks to Geneva, and there made all necessary dispositions for the commencement of hostilities.' While preparations were in progress the customary na- tional sanction of the enterprise was obtained in the diet held there, it seems in May ;^ there was a due declaration of war,3 and the army was separated into two grand divisions, one commanded by Charles in person, and the other by his uncle Bernard, son of Charles Martel.* He took the route of Mount Cenis, his uncle that of Mount Jupiter, that is the Great St. Bernard, which some think owes its Christian name to this march. The passage of the Alps was difficult, but not more so than usual, for although we read, in rather vague phrase, of "• the hardships \ * See on the preceding paragraphs : Annal. Lauriss,, Vita Caroli, c. 6; Chron. Moiss. ; Cod. Carol., 57 (ed. Jaffe) ; Vita Hadriani, cc. 16-26, 29; Paul. Diac. c. MG. SS. Langob. 201, .202. ; cf.Baronius ; and Chron. Salern., c. 9. MG. SS. III., 476. — Annal. Einh. 2 Annal. Lauriss., Guelf.; Einh. 3 Vita Caroli, c. 6. 4 See Geneal Table. Chapter II.] FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 91 that the Franks endured in climbing the trackless mountain ridges, the heaven-aspiring cliffs, and ragged peaks," ' it is doubtful if these were chosen ; both armies doubtless fol- lowed the easiest roads available. The passage by Mount Cenis, regarded as the gate of Italy, was expected and dis- puted. Desiderius had caused all the valleys and ap- proaches leading from Francia into Italy to be strongly fortified. When Charles reached the cluses {clauses) he seems to have ordered a halt, and before attacking the formidable walls and towers again sent ambassadors to Desiderius demanding the surrender of the papal cities, and expressing his readiness to accept three hostages for the faithful fulfil- ment of the request. But this seems as improbable as an alleged defeat of the Franks by Adelchis ; their consternation and preparations for a retreat, when, by divine interposition, the king of the Lombards gave up all resistance and fled in hot haste. It appears more reasonable to explain the undoubted flight of Desiderius in another way. Charles, unwilling to sacrifice his army in storming the fortifications, ordered his scarce to turn the enemy's position, and when that had been accomplished, the Lombards fled. We may reject as history, but introduce as legend, the story of the Lombard jester who found his way into the Frankish camp, singing a strange song with this meaning : '' What reward will be given to the man who shall safely conduct Charles into Italy ? on paths where no spear will be hurled, nor shield raised against him, nor any hurt come to him or his?" The story continues yya] that he was taken before the king, who promised him all he asked. It is not incredible that Martin, the deacon, guided the Franks, and certain that for many years to come the *' Way of the Franks " was known in the mountains as the road by which the troopers of Charles turned the Lom- bard position and entered the plain country. The appearance of so formidable an enemy in their rear, » Vita Caroli, c. vi. 92 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. or perhaps more accurately, Intelligence of his approach, decided the course of the Lombards, who could not indulge the hope of the successful issue of an engagement with the Franks so superior to them in numbers, discipline, general- ship, and moral prestige. Retreat to the shelter of a fortress was a military necessity, and neither Charles nor Bernard appears to have encountered opposition in the open field. The Lombard forces became demoralized and disbanded. Desiderius shut himself up in Pavia, and strengthened its fortifications, while Adelchis, accompanied by the widow and sons of Carloman, sought the protection of Verona, then the strongest city in all Italy.' The moral effect of the Prankish invasion was tremen- dous ; the vassals of Desiderius, and many towns, perceiving themselves isolated, and entirely cut off from the sovereign and the seat of government, only consulted their own safety, and either submitted to the conqueror or fled to the pope, who transformed them into Roman citizens by the simple expedient of making them wear their hair in the Roman fashion. During the progress of the siege negotiations took place, but their character is not known. Desiderius made a gallant defence of the city, repulsed the first assault with spirit and skill, and compelled Charles to undertake the complete in- vestment of the place, which was very spacious, strongly fortified, and well supplied with provisions. A Frankish city arose under the walls of Pavia, in which a chapel was built, and a military court established, which was presently graced by the arrival of Queen Hildegard. Thus winter passed away, and- the question of the fall of the Lombard capital and that of the Lombard dynasty was only one of time. The mass of the people of the Lombard kingdom was still Roman; and indifferent if it obeyed a Lombard despot or a Frank ; the presence of a victorious army numerically superior to that of Desiderius, and the ^ Annal. Aug. Laus. a. 774 ; S. Petav. ; Maxim.— Cf. Chron. Noval. Amandi ; Lauriss. ; Chron. Moiss. a. III. 7, 14. 773; Vita Hadr. cc. 29-31, 34; Annal. Chapter II.] FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 93 zealous co-operation of an army of ecclesiastics implacably hostile to the Lombards, caused wide-spread defection which made the king of the Franks virtually and de facto master of the whole of northern Italy. Every day weakened the tottering fabric of Lombard rule, brightened the prospect of a speedy conquest by Charles, and raised the fondest ex- pectations of the pontiff. T74] Hadrian sent most pressing and flattering invitations to Charles to come to Rome, and promised him a reception never before accorded to a German prince. They were accepted, and, leaving the conduct of the siege in the hands of his lieutenants, he set out for Rome. His progress was one of triumph. The Senate and the nobles went forth to greet the Patrician, who came attired in Roman costume, and was attended by a brilliant retinue. They proceeded as far as Novi, thirty miles distant. On Easter Even he approached the city by the Flaminian Way, which for the distance of a mile was lined with the flower of the Roman soldiery, and the Schools, or national communi- ties of Greeks, Lombards, Saxons and others, while young children waved palms and olive branches in triumphal re- joicing, and sang hymns of praise and thanksgiving in honor of the victorious deliverer of the Church of God. At the gates an imperial reception awaited him at the hands of the most honored dignitaries, who carried the ven- erable standards and crosses of the city. The sight of the cross stirred the religious sentiment of the king ; he dismounted, and his example was instantly followed by all the officers and nobles of his suite ; he en- tered the city on foot and proceeded to the ancient basilica of St. Peter ; as he ascended the stairs he kissed each step in a burst of reverential devotion, and when he reached the top, Hadrian, at the head of his clergy, gave him affec- tionate welcome. They kissed, but even on the way to the altar the king walked on the right of the pope.^ ^ The pope, at that time, certainly ity. — The whole account of this mem- had not the faintest thought of assert- orable visit follows the "VitaHa- ing his equality, still less his superior- driani." 94 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Charles was not remiss in any of the outward tokens of Christian devotion ; he performed the prescript round, then in vogue with pilgrims, of all the basilicas ; repaired to the Lateran to witness the administration of baptism by the pope, and on Easter Day set the edifying example of receiv- ing at his hands, in the basilica of S. Maria Maggiore, the Holy Communion. Dinner in the Lateran prepared the way for much private intercourse. The pope approved all his acts past and future, nor failed to incite him to generosity by the presenta- tion of the deed of the territorial grant made by his father of blessed memory to Stephen his predecessor. This is said to have occurred in St. Peter's on Wednesday in Easter week. The sight of that document, says the report, moved the king not only to confirm the grant but to augment it by further donations in territory which would soon become his by the right of conquest. It was not an oral promise only, but drawn up in writing. There in the basilica of St. Peter the king gave to the apostle and promised to the pope the cities and territory within the line of Luni, together with the island of Corsica, following that of Saranza, the Mons Bardonis, Berceto, Parma, Reggio, Mantua, and Monselice, the entire Exarchate as originally defined, as well as the Venetian provinces, Istria, and lastly the duchies of Spoleto and Benevento. The grant, writes Anastasius, was duly signed by all the bishops, abbots, dukes and counts present and drawn up in triplicate ; one copy the king, with his own hands, placed upon the high altar of the church, a second he deposited in the tomb of the apostles, and a third (even more copies are mentioned) he kept for safe keeping in the Prankish ar- chives. Unfortunately all the copies have been lost, and lost long ago, for not one of them has ever been produced. The high contracting parties then and there bound them- selves by the most sacred and terrible ' oaths to the inviolate » " Sub terribili sacramento." Chapter II.] FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 95 observance of all the provisions of the engagement, which, if it ever was entered into, was one of the most memorable of record. Without discussing the wide question of the evidence, it is not hazardous to express doubt, for it is hard to believe that so sagacious and cautious a man as Charles should ever have committed himself to the bestowal of territory, the greater part of which did not yet belong to him ; and, as a matter of fact, the alleged donation could not have been in any sense real, since his successors enjoyed until about the eleventh century all the rights of full sovereignty over the patrimony of St. Peter.* Before parting the pope is said to have presented to the king a copy of the canons of the Church with a metrical dedication, inscribed with his own hand, and forming the anagram ** Pope Hadrian to his most excellent son. King Charles the Great." The dedication styles him '* the de- fender of Holy Church who, after the example of his father, and with the help of Christ and the keys of St. Peter, had trodden under foot the nations, his enemies ; " it adds, " that the light of the true doctrine shone on his throne ; that he had restored to the Church her ancient possessions ; that he had conquered the Lombards and Huns ; that the fame of his glorious line was destined to resound throughout the world," and concludes thus : '* he reigns high, noble and in splendor over the kingdoms which obey his sceptre ; he has followed the wake of the apostles ; the people have welcomed him with songs of praise and thanksgiving ; Pope Hadrian, the pontiff of Christ, predicts his triumph ; Peter and Paul are sure to protect him." ^ A dedication inscribed to '' Charles t/ie Great " in 774, and adverting to the conquest of the Huns, which occurred more than twenty-one years later and after the death of Hadrian, is either a most wonderful prophecy or the pro- ' Vita Hadriani, cc. 42, 43. — Codex Corsica, Leonis II. ep. Jaffe, Bibl. IV., Carol, (ed. Jaffe) Nos. 54, 56, 61, 70- p. 310. 74; also respecting Spoleto, No. 57, ^^ Sirmond, Concil. Gall. t. ii., p. Benevento, Nos. 83, 84, 87, and 117. 96 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. ^ \ duction of an author not well up in chronology. It is un- questionably a forgery. Slightly anticipating the order of events, it seems safest to conclude the account of the donation in the words of Einhard : '' Suffice it to say that this war ended with the subjection of Italy, the banishment of King Desiderius for life, the expulsion of his son Adelchis from Italy, and the restoration of the conquests of the Lombard kings to Ha- drian, the head of the Roman Church." ' The meeting of the king and the pope was one of clear understanding ; they formed a strong and enduring alliance of mutual friendship and support, and commemorated the event by ordering a medal to be struck which represents them holding conjointly the Gospels lying on an altar ; bear- ing on the obverse the words : '' With thee as with Peter, with thee as with Gaul," and on the reverse, the legend : '' Sacred League." 2 They had looked into each other's eyes, and essayed to probe each other, with the result, that they deemed them- selves as mutually indispensable as the hands of the body, which, in the proverbial phrase of Germany, wash one an- other. Hadrian, before they parted, advised his royal guest to seize the whole of Lombardy, but warned him against its incorporation with the Prankish empire ; he thought the style and title of '' King of the Franks and of Lom- bardy " ought to content him, and that such a course would both enhance his personal popularity and conciliate the people. He wrote in the same strain afterwards, for he had the matter much at heart, and doubtless thought not less of his own interests than of those of his most excellent son. Hitherto he had been able to invoke the aid of the king of the Franks against the Lombards, but in the possible event of a disagreement with the king of the Franks, as master of Italy, whose aid could he seek against kwi ? Charles took the hint, but worked it in his own way.^ I \ata, c. 6. * Obverse : " Tecum sicut cum Petro, tecum sicut cum Gallia." Reverse : '' Sacr. foed." — Leblanc, Traits dcs Monnaies. 3 Cod. Carol. Ep. 55, apud Bou- Chapter II.] FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 97 Laden wuth the benisons of the pontiff, the king returned to the army before Pavia, and ordered the most vigorous prosecution of the war, not only under his own immediate observation, but at Verona, which was also girdled by his steel-clad warriors, and throughout the territory north of the Po. The results became soon manifest ; the northern country submitted without much resistance ; Pavia held out two months longer, until famine and pestilence, sent (ac- cording to Anastasius) by an angry God, compelled Desi- derius to open her gates, and surrender at discretion. The isolated notice^ that he and the Lombards entered the Prankish camp and voluntarily laid down their arms is credible ; but there is no good ground for the story that an Italian, called Peter, treacherously opened the gates to the conqueror, and in reward of the act became bishop of Ver- dun.* An ancient chronicler also narrates the treason, but makes Desiderata the traitor. According to him, she wrote a letter to Charles, tied it to a stone, thrust it by means of a ballista, or military engine, into the hostile camp, in which she undertook to give him the city if he would marry her. She received a favorable reply, stole the keys, despatched a second letter by ballista, and notified her lover that that selfsame night, at a given signal, he might enter the city. The gates were opened at the set time, when the love-lorn maiden hastened forth to greet her husband, but in the tumult and the darkness of the night was trampled to death by the horses.^ The ridiculous myth, doubtless the inven- tion of a later age, may possibly cover something which the obsequious annalists would not or dared not record. It is certain that Pavia was surrendered, that Desiderius, Ansa his queen, and Desiderata his daughter, became pris- oners of war, and that the royal treasure fell into the hands of Charles. The fall of Verona followed, some say preceded,* that of quet. The epistle was written before the capture of Pavia. Muratori fails to establish the date of 782. Annali d'ltalia, IV., p. 365. ^ Ann. Lauriss. minor. 7 = MG. SS. iv., 44. sChron. Noval, III., 14. 4 For authorities and reasons see Bohmer, /. c.y 64. 98 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Pavia. The gallant Adelchis held out to the last, but, pre- ferring voluntary exile to the dreaded fate of involuntary religious contemplation, left the city to its fate. He was the last hope of the Lombards, and in expectation of a turn in the affairs of his country sought the coast, sailed to Constantinople, found a hospitable and cordial welcome at the court of Constantine, and there grew old with the hon- ors of the rank of a patrician.' It will be remembered that the widow and children of Carloman, together with Otgar, were in Verona; they also fell into the hands of Charles. What became of her and hers is not known ; the fate of the members of the royal family also, who went into ban- ishment, is by no means established. The most respect- able authorities simply state that Charles carried them into Francia ;^ others add, that Desiderius and Ansa were shut up in the monastery of Corbie, where he spent the residue of his days in vigils, prayers, and fasting, and many good works f and still others speak of a more fearful fate. The com- mon people of Italy believed, as late as the eleventh century, that the conqueror caused his eyes to be put out before he left Pavia;* but siich a statement, though not incredible, is certainly weakened by the explicit declaration of a con- temporary Lombard historian, famed for his great attach- ment to the Lombard family, " that hf [Charles] exhibited the rare example of tempering bis victory with clemency." ^ It seems, therefore, most charitable to indulge the hope that all the royal captives found the best asylum to be had in those fearful days in the seclusion of cloistered walls. The capture of the royal family and treasure, the flight of Adelchis, the fall of the capital and the strongest cities, to- gether with the virtual conquest of the whole country, left the dukes, princes, and nobles of the Lombard dominion no other choice but that of acknowledging the supremacy I Annal. Einh. » Annal. S. Amand., Mosell., Lau- resh. — Vita Hadr., c. 44. 3 Annal. Sangall. maj. cf. Bouqaet, v., 385. 4 Chron. Salem. 5 Paul. Diac. MG. SS. II., p. 20j. Chapter II.] FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 99 of the king of the Franks and accepting him as their lord. All took the oath of fealty, except the dukes of Benevento and Spoleto. Thus ended the Lombard dynasty, which had lasted two 774] hundred and four years. The earliest authentic date of the change is June 5th ; it occurs in a document, exe- cuted on that day in the city of Pavia, and marks the begin- ning of the second period of the reign of Charles (774-800), during which he bore the title of " King of the Franks and Lombards," augmented by the further designation of *' Patri- cian of the Romans." The epoch of the event is now ac- cepted to lie between the 30th of May and the 2d of June.* We cannot vouch for the reality of the grand and impos- ing ceremonial alleged to have been enacted in the cathe- dral of Monza, but give it as one of the numerous legends belonging to this reign. On a set day the Estates of Lombardy were assembled, and Charles, attended by a large number of bishops, was con- ducted to the presence of the archbishop of Milan, who asked them if they were willing to be subject and render faithful obedience to the king before them. The sacred edifice rang with their loud acclaim. Mass was begun, and in the mid- dle of the service the archbishop anointed the king, girded him with a sword, presented to him the bracelets, the ring, and the royal mantle, and crowned him with the golden crown, which on account of an iron band on the inner side, believed to have been wrought of the nails used in the Crucifixion, bears the name of the " Iron Crown." * The legendary character of this pretended coronation at Monza is clearly established, for according to Lombard usage the elevation of the sovereign was attended, not by coronation, but the presentation of a spear. The " Iron * See authorities in Bohmer, /. c. 8 Some hold that anciently the iron band was the only crown in use, while others assert that one of the Lombard queens devised the plan of two kinds of metal as a standing admonition to the kings that the crown is often a crush- ing burden, and that " all is not gold that glitters." See Sigonius, p. 145 ; cf. Muratori, A need. II., 267 sqq. Le Cointe, VI., 51 sqq. ; Leibniz, Annates, I., 55 sq.; Pauli Diac. Hist. Langob., VI., 55. SS. rer. Langob., p. 184. 100 \ CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Crown," moreover, could not have been used, for the ex- cellent' reason that Queen Theodelinda did not institute it till centuries later, and as a matter of fact, Henry of Luxem- burg is believed to have been the first German emperor who wore it, in A.D. 1311. The archbishop then declared him duly elected and crowned king of the Lombards, led him to a throne, gave him the customary kiss, and concluded the service/ The alleged service was designed to convey the impression that though the dynasty had changed, the kingdom of the Lombards continued ; that its autonomy was preserved ; that the old ways should be followed, and the old laws main- tained. It is certain, that the conqueror restored to the keeping of the pope the cities and territories which the Lombard had seized, bestowed rich gifts on certain monasteries, left strong French garrisons in Pavia and other cities, and re- turned with great triumph into Francia.' I Hist. Eccl. Medial. Dec. I., i. 2 Annal. Bertin.— Murat. II., 2, cf. Abel-Simson. I., 192 sq.^ 498; Lauriss.; Bdhmer./.^.No.i63,a. CHAPTER HL SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. The Saxons. — Object and conduct of the war. — Military institutions of Charles. — Eresburg. — Irminsul. — Miracle at Fritzlar. — Purpose of Charles. — Treachery. — Miracle at Sigburg. — Wholesale baptism. — Wittekind. — Saxon raid. — Bocholt. — Conversions. — Laws for the Saxons. — Fight at the Suntel. — Butchery at Verden. — Battles at Detmold, and on theHase. — Win- ter campaign. — Negotiations with Wittekind. — His conversion. — Legend. — Alcuin's advice. The second period of the reign of Charles spans more than a quarter of a century, but falls short by six years of one of the longest and most remarkable wars ever conducted. What it cost in human life, toil, and money defies numeri- cal expression, since all trustworthy data indispensable to such a calculation are wanting ; but the expenditure in all three must have been enormous, and it is understating the truth, if we name millions of lives, and many millions in money or its equivalent. The foe with whom it was waged was terrible in strength, ferocity, vindictiveness, and valor, — we may say was not only the equal but the superior of the Franks in every martial attribute, and would never have been subdued even by Charles, the greatest captain of his century, had he known the secret of his strength, and, under the command, say, of such a leader as Wittekind, buried all jealousies, and in the spirit of his descendants, who found their way to these western shores, repelled the invaders. The Saxons were divided, and their unhappy feuds were the chief and earliest cause of their misfortunes. The coun- try which they inhabited was not too vast for united action; it was bounded by the Rhine in the west, the Elbe in the east, the Main in the south, the sea in the north. Even their neighbors, with few exceptions, were friendly, of kin- I02 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. \ dred origin, as brave as they, and, on an emergency, ready to make common cause with them. They were a splendid people, and much of the best blood that now circles in the veins of races of Germanic and Anglo- Saxon origin is derived from them. Had we a true Saxon annalist or chronicler of the events of the period of the Saxon war the story would doubtless read differently, but even as it is recorded by the pens of ecclesiastical and obse- quious scribes, it is one of thrilling interest, which, taking all in all, redounds more to the glory of the subdued than to that of the subduer. The object for which it was waged was partly political, partly religious. The Franks claimed that it was defensive, the Saxons denounced it as aggressive ; its earliest begin- nings doubtless partook of that double character, but at the period under notice it meant conquest pure and simple ; the Saxons, moreover, were pagan idolaters, and the Franks pro- fessed Christianity ; it was their avowed purpose to subdue them, and the great king swore that they must be subdued and converted, or exterminated. For thirty-two long and terrible years the struggle was maintained with unabated vigor and ever-increasing severity until the Saxon was swept from his ancestral soil, his land owned by the oppressor, and the wilderness of devastation made to blossom as the rose under the shadow of Christian temples. If the object of the war was peculiar, so was its method ; it was utterly unlike modern wars. An army now invades a hostile country and seeks to maintain its footing until it de- feats or is defeated. The expeditions of Charles were mostly summer campaigns ; he had no standing army, and his /leer- bann, with rare exceptions, returned in the autumn of the year to their homes, rarely went into winter quarters, and had often to repair the damage done by the enemy during their absence, before they could begin more offensive opera- tions, or follow up their advantage. Excepting his scar(2, which are believed to have been a kind of mounted body- guard and soldiers by profession, always at hand for imme- Chap. in.] SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. I03 diate service, the great bulk of the Frankish army was a militia whose compulsory response to the annual summons seldom entailed active service for a period longer than a hundred days. The military institutions of Charles were the most onerous \ and least popular of his government ; to him they were of the 1 utmost importance, for without them he coujd not have con- quered so large a portion of Europe and held it, with trifling exceptions, in absolute subjection. He devised the plan of combining the old military constitution of the Franks with the feudal system, in virtue of which not only his vassals, and their liege-men, but also all freemen possessed of independent freehold property were bound to march against the enemy. This universal obligation to military service was called the keerbann,"^ and it was usual to apply the same word, or its substitute kbnigsbann, to the fine payable to the king by every one who failed to render it ; the fine of sixty solidi was a sufficiently large sum at the time to make the military service strictly compulsory. Every freeman was bound to provide his own outfit, and for the space of three months his own support. The gen- erally impoverished condition of the people required special legislation, in virtue of which it was enacted that he who owned from three to five inansi had to march against the enemy ; those who owned less were bound, according to their ability, to be at the expense of providing the outfit and support of a warrior, some paying as much as half the neces- sary amount, others only a third, a fifth, or a sixth. If the theatre of war was within easy reach, even the poor had to report in person for military duty, and the privilege of a plurality of persons undertaking the outfit and support of a warrior was granted only when the military operations were at a considerable distance, -say in Hungary, Italy, or Spain. On the march every feudal lord or master com- manded his own vassals, but all the independent freemen of ^ The word '* bann " is used in three jurisdiction. See Ducange, s. v., distinct senses: it signifies a public "bannum." edict, a judicial fine, and a district or 1 I04 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. the gau, or county, were led by their count. The count only had the power of granting dispensations, and was apt to use it in favor of his own feudaries against the indepen- dent freeholders. " The heerschau, muster, or annual parade, took place in the month of May, ostensibly for the purpose of inspecting the arms of those Ijable to military service ; but as annual war- like expeditions were the rule in this reign, the heerschau was generally the rendezvous for an impending campaign. To speak somewhat more in detail, when the king had resolved upon some military expedition, he sent his missi throughout the realm to summon the heerbann. that is, re- quiring all persons liable to military service to assemble on a given day and at a set place for the muster ; those who came too late were fined ; their equipment in arms consisted of a sword, a shield and a lance, or where no lance was brought, a bow with two strings and twelve arrows was accepted in its place. The proprietor of twelve 7nansi had to furnish a cuirass {brunia\ or a helmet; failure to supply either imperilled his fief. Owners of landed property on the line of march were bound to furnish transportation for the per- sonal effects, and provisions of the king, the court, the bish- ops, abbots, and counts. The counts were held responsible for good roads and bridges, and not slow to impose this additional burden on the long-suffering country population ; the troops were quartered upon the people ; and the counts, moreover, expressly enjoined to reserve two-thirds of the grass and hay in their counties, so that the horses and cattle of the host might not come to grief.' The first expedition which Charles undertook against the Saxons was in consequence of a disturbance caused by the imprudent zeal of Lebuinus, one of the Anglo-Saxon mis- sionaries sent forth by Willibrord of Utrecht. He seemed to think that the erection of a church was the one thing needful to the conversion of the wicked Saxons; but as they refused to go to it and hear their ancestors evil spoken » Capitula ad exercit. promov. a. 808. Chap. III.] SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. I05 of, and declared to reap the reward of their wickedness in the uncomfortable regions of eternal flame, Lebuinus re- solved to go to them, and suited his visit to the time of their Annual Assembly at Eresburg, and the great national religious festival at the Irminsul. Arrayed in gorgeous robes and carrying a cross in his hand, the zealous missionary passed through the throng to an open circular enclosure, peculiarly sacred to the worship- pers. The Saxons resented the intrusion as sacrilegious, but suppressed their indignation, and for a while listened to him. *' What do ye?" he cried, " the idols you worship live not, neither do they perceive ; they are the work of men's hands ; they cannot do anything, either for themselves or for others. Wherefore the one God, good and just, having compassion on your errors, has sent me unto you. If you do not put away your iniquity, I predict trouble which you do not expect, but which the King of Heaven has ordained aforetime. A prince shall come, strong, wise, and indefati- gable, not from afar, but from nigh at hand, and burst upon you like a torrent ; he shall soften your hard hearts and bow down your proud heads. At one rush he shall invade your land, waste it with fire and sword, and drag you, your wives and children, into captivity." The people, in their wrath, would have killed Lebuinus on the spot, but were prevented by the temperate counsel of the aged Buto. ** Listen, brethren," he said, ** ye are the most wise. There have often come to us ambassadors from neighboring nations, from the Northmen, the Sclavonians, and the Fris- ians ; we received them in peace, heard what they had to say, and dismissed them with presents. Here is an ambas- sador from a great god, and would ye slay him ? " ' His counsel prevailed that day ; they allowed Lebuinus to go unhurt, but a few days later, set on fire the church at Deventer. Vita Lebuini, MG. SS. II., p. 363, al. io6 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chap. III.] SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. IO7 Tidings of these and probably other disturbances became known to Charles in due course, and led him to plan and execute the first Saxon expedition. It is not at all improb- able that the aggressive policy of the Franks was one of the first and strongest causes of Saxon opposition to Chris- tianity. Undefined territorial limits in a rude state of society invariably lead to war; all along the Saxon and Frisian borders life and property were insecure, and the fierce pagans ever watched for convenient seasons of retalia- tion. They did not spare, nor did the Franks. The sub- jection or, as it was viewed at the time, the conversion, of the Saxons became a political necessity. Empire and Christianity were synonymous terms; the Franks were Christians, the Saxons a race of savage, treacherous idola- ters. Their crimes must be punished, and the sword alone could decide which was to prevail, idolatry and diabolism, or Christianity and the Franks. It was the finger of des- tiny ; idolatry must perish, and Christianity triumph; Charles was strong and Francia a unit ; the Saxons were strong, but they were divided ; they had almost as many chieftains and rulers as they had villages. Their subjuga- tion might be delayed, but it was inevitable. 772] The expedition took place after the Diet had been held at Worms, and was conducted by Charles in person. He advanced into the hostile country with fire and sword on a line from Mayence, where he crossed the Rhine, to the Diemel in the Hessian country, attacked and took the Eresburg, and afterwards destroyed the Irminsul.' The former was a natural stronghold, rendered still stronger by art, and situated upon the present site of Stadt- berge, between Cassel and Paderborn ; the latter stood at a point several thousand paces distant from the headwaters of the Lippe, and was a famous columnar structure associated with the religion and patriotism of the Saxons. It is spoken of as an idol, signifying the deity, and in the popu- lar mind, the visible embodiment of divine power sustaining I Annal. Lauriss., Einh. al. the universe. There was a column, a sanctuary, and a heroic image, which some connect with Arminius, the Cheruscan chief, who defeated the famous legions. It is said that the hero stood forth fully armed, with a standard in his right hand and a balance in the left, emblematic of the fluctuations of war ; that the breastplate depicted a bear, the symbol of fearless courage, the shield a lion bedded on flowers, to teach the Saxon warrior that the battlefield is the most beautiful place of repose ; that a large body of priests and priestesses, the former engaged with sacrifices, the latter with divinations, was connected with the Irminsul ; that they persuaded the people that all enterprises undertaken at their bidding, and in virtue of divine revelations made to them, must infallibly succeed ; that their influence was prodigious, especially in the election of judges, of whom they had sixteen to every district of seventy-two families, the noblest born of their number being the president-judge ; that these judges, represented by their president and the lowest of their order, were wont to repair semi-annually, in April and October, to the priests at the Irminsul presenting offerings and invoking the aid of the godhead ; that the priests nominated new judges to fill vacancies caused by death, in the event of war carried the statue of the godhead in front of the army, and sacrificed prisoners to their idols.* This famous and grand national idol and fane Charles destroyed, carried off the treasure in gold and silver which he found there,* and continued his march to the Weser, where the Saxons stood in force. There negotiations were had, in consequence of which the Saxons gave twelve host- ages, and thus the expedition terminated. It is stated,3but not established, that his successes were dear-bought ; this I Meibom, Rerum Germ. t. iii., p. many others admit the connection of 9 ; Grupen, Observ. Rer. et Antiq. the Irminsul with Arminius. >^ German et Rom. -p. i6s sqq. See the = Annal. Lauriss., Einh., Mosell., literature in Abel,/, c. I., 105, 107. — al. Transl. S. Alex. c. 3, in MG. SS. 3 Annal. Nordhumbr. II., 276. Pertz ; Luden, Guizot, and I w i io8 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. is, however, not improbable, for the Saxons were brave, and unless overwhelmed by numbers, would offer desperate re- sistance. Their submission was not of long duration, and the oc- casion of the next outbreak will now be told. It was mid-summer when Charles with his victorious le- gions crossed the Alps and re-entered the Prankish domin- ions ; on the way to the Rhone the march was arrested by an afflictive occurrence ; the king and the queen mourned the loss of their youngest daughter A^elhaid, which befell them on the journey.' This sad sequel to the triumphal Lombard campaign 774] cast its shadow on his joy, which was deepened by the announcement that the Saxons had taken advantage of his absence in Italy and were in arms.^ Early in the season they entered the Hessian territory, and advancing westward, ravaged the country, assaulted the Buriaburg, and set fire to Fritzlar. The church of St. Boniface, it is said, escaped by a miracle. The saintly founder of the church predicted that it should never be burned with fire. The prophecy was known to the Saxons, but reposing no faith in Boniface and his Christians, they undertook to put it to the test and set the church on fire. In the midst of their endeavor, and while the Christian in- mates of the church trembled for their lives, they paused, threw their torches aside, and panic-stricken fled to their own country, though no one pursued them. They, as well as the Christians, had seen the sudden appearance of two young men in shining garments as the defenders of the church. Whoever they were, angels from paradise, or angels provided by the ecclesiastics, the Saxons went— and when the Christians came forth, they saw a Saxon in kneeling posture, his mouth in the act of blowing on the lighted torch, which he was even then applying to the church,— transfixed in death. The season was too far advanced for extensive operations. iMG. SS. II., 265. Chap. Ill] SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. IO9 the troops moreover after the long Italian campaign wanted rest ; but the Saxons must be punished, and (our scar ts were ordered to their country ; three of their number sought and defeated the offenders, while the fourth, which did no fight- ing, secured much booty, and all returned proud of their easy victory. 775] That winter Charles made up his mind to prosecute '1 the Saxon war in good earnest, and never to sheathe the 1 sword " until they were either subdued and converted to | Christ, or annihilated."' That was the object of the war, and the spirit in which it was conceived and conducted to the bitter end. It had not only the approbation of the personal friend and biographer of Charles, who records it in the Annals and the Life, but that of all Christendom from the pope down to the hum- blest acolyte. Einhard ingenuously declares that ** the king did not suffer his high purpose . . . to be wearied by any fickleness " of the enemy, " or to be turned from the task ; he never allowed their perfidy to go unpunished, but either took the field against them in person, or sent his counts with an army to wreak vengeance, or exact righteous satisfaction."^ The Saxon poet, writing in the next century, lauds the savage resolve, comments upon it in strains of gratitude to Almighty God, and says that his people — such was the ob- stinate ferocity of their nature — required just such a teacher as Charles, who constrained them by force of arms, willing or unwilling, to save their souls. Immediately after the Diet of Diiren, where the /teer- bann lay encamped, the king crossed the Rhine, took the fortress of Sigburg, at the confluence of the Ruhr and the Lenne, put a Prankish garrison into the place, and con- tinuing the march to the Eresburg, caused his soldiers to rebuild that stronghold, garrisoned it with Franks, and pene- trated to the country near the Weser, where he found the ' . . . dum aut victi christianae religioni subicerentur, aut omnino tollerentur." — Ann. Einh. *Vita, c. 7. no CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. enemy in force, prepared to dispute his passage. A fight took place in which the Saxons were routed with great loss ; he occupied both sides of the river, pursued the flying foe to the Ocker, and there made a truce with him, in virtue of which the Eastphalians and Hassio, their leader, gave host- ages and swore fealty. Charles retraced his steps and met the same success in the canton of Bucki, where Bruno and other leaders of the Angrians followed the example of the Eastphalians. They were rather hasty and clearly ignorant of what had taken place on the Weser. The Franks, whom Charles left behind to guard the river, seeing no enemy present, grew careless and scoured the country for forage, while those who stayed in camp fell to idleness and good living. The wary foe saw his opportunity ; a number of Saxons donned the Frankish garb and came into the Frankish camp as '' good friends and faithful allies." The Frankish soldiers, like their king, were wont to sleep after dinner. At the ninth hour, that is, at 3 P.M., the foraging party returned to camp, and the Saxons entered with it. How they duped the Franks, and how long they kept up the fraud, is not known ; at any rate, they fell upon the sleepers, and put many to the sword ; the tumult roused the camp, a meUe ensued, in which some of the intruders were killed, but most escaped. Indeed, it seems, if another account is accurate, that the surprise was complete, and that the Franks had to purchase their lives in a humiliating cartel. The Saxons who per- formed this stratagem were Westphalians, and they would have escaped but for the timely approach of Charles. He immediately gave pursuit, overtook and defeated them, and compelled them, like the Eastphalians and Angrians, to sub- mit and give hostages.' He then returned into Francia with great spoil and began the work of conversion with the Saxon hostages, who as a rule were young nobles, found homes in Frankish monas- teries, and became or were made Christians. 776] Practically the campaign had been useless, for in less lAnnal. Einh., Lauriss., Fuldens.; Poeta Saxo. Chap. III.] SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. Ill than a twelvemonth the Eresburg lay again in ruins, and the Saxons appeared in force before the fortress of Sigburg. The garrison made a successful sortie and drove the enemy to the Lippe, but not beyond. This seems to be the truth, but another account fables of a miraculous deliverance. The Franks and the Saxons saw the sudden appearance, within the fort, of two gory, flaming shields, directed by in- visible hands, as in a battle, to ward off the missiles of the assailants. The Saxons were terrified, fell back in great confusion and became entangled in each other's spears, when the Franks issued forth and drove them to the Lippe.' The Franks, it may be observed, understood the use of pulleys. This new outbreak was most discouraging and occasioned a fresh campaign. The king entered the hostile country with a large army, and so impetuous was his progress, that the earth-works and barricades which the Saxons had thrown up did not arrest it ; he laid waste the country, as he went, and reached the Weser without encountering the enemy. It is said that all the Saxons were thoroughly ter- rified,^ came from all directions, swore fealty and promised to become Christians ; and not only so, but in token of their good faith, many of the chief nobles, and '* an innume- rable multitude " repaired with their wives and children to the new fortress of Carlstadt (which Charles had caused to be built), and were baptized. " He conquered," says an- other account, '* the greater part of Saxony," again rebuilt the Eresburg, and, leaving strong Frankish garrisons in the fortresses, returned into Francia rejoicing in the compara- tively bloodless victory and singular conversion of an entire people.^ In order to follow up his advantage and complete the subjugation and conversion of the whole nation, he sum- moned the next Diet or May-field to Paderborn, situated in the very heart of the Saxon country. All the estates of 777] Francia, the Saxon chieftains, and the entire heerbann were bidden to come. The predominantly military charac- ' Annal. Bertin. * Perterriti. — Ann. Lauriss. 3 Ann. Lauriss., Mosell., Einh., Lauresh., Petav. 112 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. ter of those gatherings, in which the mind and will of the autocrat dictated all necessary legislation, stands out in this nkt of Paderborn, where Prankish and Saxon nobles met foTthe f^rst time in seemingly friendly concourse. Charles proposed to treat the Saxons on terms of equality with his Prankish subjects, provided they forswore their pagan idol- atry, accepted Christianity, and assumed the obligation to military service. The Saxons came in large numbers, and, awed by the pres- ence of so large an army, accepted his terms ; they prom- ised everything, swore fidelity, and said that they would go into slavery or exile if they failed to keep the oath of al- legiance. They also listened to the instructions they re- ceived concerning the new religion, and convinced by the royal argument, craved the benefit of Christian baptism. That argument, though unsuited to this generation, told eleven centuries ago in the depth of a German forest. It was as follows : prisoners of war must be baptized ; of the rest, those who were reasonable would be baptized, while those who were incorrigibly and inveterately unreasonable were bribed to be baptized.' The wholesale reception of those fierce converts to the faith must have been an impressive scene ; the entire hier- archy of the Franks, with a large number of priests and monks, came to administer the initiatory sacrament to a nation collected for the purpose on the banks of the cold Lippe ; all the nobility, together with the military strength of the most powerful nation of the age, stood by as spec- tators, or following the royal example, assumed sponsorial duties. The ministrants, the most Christian king, and as many of the Christian witnesses familiar with the book of the Acts, recalled the days of apostolic zeal when thousands were added to the Church in one day, and were thankful. The Saxon converts probabl y thought and felt that bap- I " Congregate tarn grande exer- muneribus maxima ex parte gentem citu Saxoniam profectus est. Quo ad fidem Christi convertit. "-Vita cum rex pervenisset, partim bellis, Sturmii, MG. SS. II., 376. Compare partim suasionibus, partim enim p. 82 ad finem. Chap. III.] SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. II3 tism was a cv ], r^^nriVv, p.nd incx^vcn-'' a: ceremony, which might do them much good and could not do them any harm. But all the Saxons, though summoned to come, did not respond to the call ; indeed the bravest, noblest, and most redoubtable Saxon did not come. That was Wittekind, the son of Wernekind, a mighty Westphalian chief, the brother- in-law of Sigfrid, king of the Danes, and the personal friend and ally of Ratbod, king of the Frisians. Contemporary writers explain his absence on the ground that '^ the consciousness of his many crimes, and fear of the wrath of the king, moved him to flee for protection to Sigfrid, the Danish king." If he went there at all, he did not go for those reasons ; for fear he knew not, and the fabled crimes of the monks appeared to him and all his countrymen in the light of virtues. No, he was the cham- pion of liberty, another Arminius, implacably hostile to Charles, in whom he saw only the tyrannical enemy of his race. He was a heroic man, strong in ability, resource, and character, of vast influence and idolized by his people ; a noble patriot, whose will rose with opposition, and triumphed over misfortune. The annalists, writing in the interest of the reigning dynasty and dipping their pens in gall, de- scribe him as a paragon of wickedness ; but this proves his greatness. He was the soul of the bitter and stubborn re- sistance of his race to Charles, the enemy of their freedom, and to Christianity, which he deemed slavery in disguise.' T7§] For a short time the Saxons kept quiet, but took advantage of the king's absence in Spain, and rose in arms. Wittekind returned and bade them shake off the yoke of servitude to the Franks. They forsook their hostages, their oaths, and their baptism, traversed the length and breadth of their country, expelled the priests, overthrew the crosses, demolished the churches, and destroyed the castles which Prankish zeal had erected within their borders. They marched to the Rhine, and as they went, laid waste with ^Annal. Lauresh., Einh.; Poeta Saxo ; Vita S. Willehad ; Vita S. Liudg. — Pertz. 114 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book IL fire and sword whatever belonged to the Christians. At Deutz they paused and would fain have crossed the river, had they been able ; turning south they swept the country as far as the confluence of the Mosel, spread desolation on their path, and in the fury of their revenge spared neither sex nor age even to utter extermination.' The king heard the calamitous intelligence in France, and immediately ordered the fleetest of his Austrasian and Alemannian troops to hasten to the Rhine and punish the perfidious and incorrigible pagans, if possible, on Prankish soil. But this was impracticable, for the Saxon raiders had taken the Lahn valley, and were returning to their own country before the pursuing host could come up with them. The terror of their presence spread far and near, and even the monks at Fulda, trembling for their lives, took up the body of St. Boniface, and fled to a safer region. The Franks had no difficulty in tracking them ; overtook them at Baddenfelde on the Eder, a tributary of the Fulda, and gave them battle in the river bed, which is quite credible, for the Eder is only a narrow and shallow stream and ford- able at all seasons of the year. The annalists chronicle a great Frankish victory, and assert that only a handful of the immense multitude of the enemy escaped destruction. This is rather dubious, and, if it ever was gained, could not have been so signal a success, for the Franks did not con- tinue the pursuit and the result was not satisfactory to Charles.^ The autumnal chase, however, warned the Saxons of the coming storm which burst upon them early in May of the en- suing year, when the king conducted his heerbann into their country, conquered their strongholds, and inflicted upon -779] them a stinging defeat at Bocholt in Westphalia, where they had collected in force. The subjugation of the Westphalian Saxons, as well as that of the Angrians and Eastphalians beyond the Weser, is mentioned as the result of this campaign. He spent several months there, and pre- ^ S. Liudg. apud Baronius. Fuld.— V. Sturmii, MG. SS. H., p. 2Annal. Lauriss. Einh., Mosell., 376. Chap. HI.] SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. 1 1 5 pared the way for a firmer establishment of his rule — with 780] partial success, returned the year following with a very large army, and, if the annals report truly, devoted the whole summer to missionary operations. Not a word is said of bloodshed, but we read of multitudes of the Sax- ons who received Christian baptism, and of the Sclavonian Wends beyond the Elbe who gave in their submission. The savages, who only two years before had glared at Cologne, and spared neither sex nor age in their fierce hatred of Christianity, were so effectually conquered and subdued by the military missionaries that *' they forsook their idols, worshipped the true God, and built churches." ' One of the annalists sheds light on the subject, for he informs us that, prompted by their " habitual hypocrisy," ' they sought the benefits of Christian baptism. The prospect of the final conquest and conversion of the Saxons appeared most promising, but appearances deceive, and they certainly de- ceived the king. His new converts kept quiet, while the Frankish officers, military, civil, and ecclesiastical, gave glowing accounts of their good behavior. This state of things had lasted nearly two years. The king, with a view to placing their affairs on a better footing, convened a Diet at the sources of the Lippe, to which all the 7§2] chieftains were invited. All but Wittekind attended and took part in the deliberations, which resulted in the appointment of Saxon counts over the several districts into which the country was divided, and the promulgation of a series of laws for the government of the people. Nothing but the presence of the entire military strength of the Franks explains their share in the enactment of measures, which enslaved the Saxons and, if attempted to be enforced, must necessarily provoke the most bitter and determined resistance. Among other things, the Diet ordered unanimously that Christian churches in course of erection must be held more sacred than the ancient sanctuaries, and set the penalty of » Annal. Lauriss. Lauresh., Mosell., » Solita simulatione.—kxiVizS.. Einh. Petav. ii6 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. death on the following offences : for the burglarious entry or burning of a church ; for eating meat in Lent ; for homi- cide ; for burning or eating human beings ; for refusing bap- tism, and continuance in heathenism ; for heathen human sacrifices ; for treasonable alliance with the heathens ; for violating the oath of allegiance, etc., with the strange pro- viso, that the capital sentence might be remitted, upon the testimony of a priest that any of the aforesaid offences had been committed in secret, that the criminal had confessed his guilt, and promised to do penance. The compulsory endowment of churches in lands and servants, the payment of tithe to the clergy of property or income, of fines and dues, the compulsory baptism of chil- dren within a year from their birth on pain of a fiscal fine ranging from thirty to a hundred and twenty solidi, and the prohibition of public assemblies except by royal command and proclamation of the missi, or king's messengers, figure among the minor regulations of this terrible instrument.' Within a month after the adjournment of the Diet and the dispersion of the heerbann, the explanations of the Saxon counts, the attempted execution of the laws by the Prankish clerics, and last, not least, the impassioned com- ments of Wittekind, kindled the fire of revolt. The occa- sion of its outbreak remains to be narrated. The Sorabian Sclavonians, who then inhabited the coun- try between the Elbe and the Saale, had taken advantage of the situation, and entered the frontier districts of Thu- ringia and Saxony on plundering expeditions. The king heard the news after he had crossed the Rhine, and imme- diately despatched a strong body of Austrasian troops, commanded by the chamberlain Adalgis, the marshal Geilo, and the count-palatine Worado, with orders to raise a Saxon contingent, and chastise the invaders. On the march they heard the alarming intelligence that the Saxons were in open insurrection, that Wittekind had returned, that the churches were on fire and the mission- ^ Capitulatio de partibus Saxonicc, V., 34. See Waitz, in Gottinger Gel. Baluze, I., p. 249; MG. SS. I., 48 ; Anz. 1869, p. 27. , Chap. III.] SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. II7 aries either dead or flying. Deeming the greatest danger to lie in the Saxon country, the Prankish commanders abandoned the movement against the Sclavonians and marched against the Saxons. Meanwhile the count Theo- deric, a near relative of the king, who upon the first intelli- gence of the outbreak had hastily collected a force of Ripu- arian Franks, advanced by forced marches to the seat of war, opened communication with the commanders of the Sclavonian expedition, and bade them effect a junction with him on the Weser. They met at the base of the Siintel range, which stretches in a westerly direction from Miinden to Minden, and, beyond the Weser, to Osnabruck. There they found the Saxons in force, and Wittekind in com- mand. Theoderic pitched his camp on the south side of the Siintel, which separated him from the enemy who had taken a strong position on the north side ; assigned the defence of the tract between the river and the mountain to the three royal ofificers, and ordered a movement, having for its object the capture or destruction of the enemy, in which they were first to aid in surrounding the Saxons, and then, at a given point, co-operate with him in carrying their position. In spite of the count's warning to observe the utmost caution, they wantonly, and solely, it appears, from mo- tives of jealousy of sharing with him the glory of (what they foolishly fancied) an easy victory, crossed the river, without notifying Theoderic, and following an easterly course, marched round the Suntel, impetuously dashed in among the enemy, as if they were chasing a flying foe, and perished almost to a man. Only a few escaped, not however to their own camp, but to that of the count Theoderic on the other side of the mountain. . . . The two lieutenants Adalgis and Geilo, four counts, and twenty of the most distinguished and noble officers, fell in the action, besides those of their com- mand who, preferring death to disgrace, shared their fate.' « Annal. Einh., Lauriss., Fuld., V. Willehadi, c. 6. ii8 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. r The immediate course of the hostile forces is not known ; but no other engagement ensued ; the Saxons, apprised of the approach of Charles, dispersed, and Wittekind made his way into Denmark. When the king arrived and heard all that had happened, his anger was excessive. The revolt was bad enough, and the slaughter of his soldiers most galling, especially as no enemy was in sight on whom he might take revenge. But he meant to have it and forthwith took his measures. The Saxon nobles were summoned before him, and commanded on pain of death to name and deliver the promoters of the revolt. They all, with one accord, laid the blame on Witte- K^lond. But as he was beyond reach, the king compelled 782] them to give up all who had responded to his call and were implicated in the insurrection. They were placed before a court-martial and, under the provisions of the bloody laws so recently enacted, found guilty. The royal camp at Verden, on the Aller, was converted into an abat- toir, and four,lhausai;^d five hundred Saxons were, by the king's own order, decapitated^m one day. ' Fortunately for the memory of Charles the annals, which record the fact, do not vlay to his charge the predilection for the executioners axe which fouls the name of Peter the Great, but the contemptible Saxon poet — it is to be hoped only by virtue of poetical license — distinctly affirms that the king himself beheaded them all in one day. ^ There are many horrors recorded in history, but hardly one more horrid than that butchery at Verden, which is, and must ever remain, the iacielihle stain on the name of Charles, and the foulest blot on his life. The Monk of St. Gall makes Otgar tell Desiderius that the Franks had hearts more hard than the steel of their weapons and armor ; had he stood that day on the bank of the Aller, he might have said, that Charles had the hardest and most cruel of them all. The revolt, which Wittekind incited, was justifiable from the pagan standpoint of a free people ; the Saxons stood ' Annal. Einh., Lauriss., Lauriss. 2 Hosque die cunctos rex decollav- min., Fuld., and al. erat una.— Poeta Saxo, s. a. Chap. III.] SAXON WAR. TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. II9 under arms when the royal troopers made their charge, and they slew them in battle. But after the fight at the Siintel they laid down their arms, and when Charles appeared on the scene, were entirely at his mercy. Unable to vent his wrath on Wittekind and the ringleaders of the revolt, he fell on those four thousand five hundred helpless pagans and butchered them in cold blood. But why did Wittekind, who certainly defeated the Franks in the fight of the '' Dachtelfeld " (that is, the field where he slapped them, as the locality is still called), not follow up his advantage, and march against Theoderic? There seems to be but one answer : the Saxons refused to follow his lead, and preferred adhering to their old policy of feigned loyalty in the presence of the king and his army, and of open and destructive revolt after they had left. It was a fatal mistake, for, though much blood re- mained to be shed, their victory at the Siintel was the beginning of their final overthrow. As it was, Charles laid waste the country, carried off a multitude of prisoners and returned into Francia.' The winter was spent in preparations for a renewal of the strug- gle both by him and the Saxons. They might arm in secret, but he gave them no time to do much mischief. 783] Early in the spring, and long before he was expected, his army emerged from the forest, and surprised the enemy, who had collected in large force, near Detmold. A battle was fought, in which the Franks scored a great victory, and ** many thousands " of the Saxons were slain.^ Only a few escaped with their lives. This seems an exaggeration, for Charles was so much weakened himself, that he could not pursue the foe, and had to fall back on Paderborn to await the arrival of the main body of his army. Thus reinforced, he resumed the offensive and moved upon the enemy, who was drawn up on the Hase, a tributary of the Ems ; this was a body of Westphalians. A second battle was fought, and again the Saxons were signally defeated ; their loss was ' Annal. Petav. 2 Ann. Einh., Fuld., Mosell., Lau- resh. I20 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. still greater than before ; many thousands of them lay dead on the field, a long train of prisoners went into captivity, and a great quantity of spoil fell into the hands of the vic- torious Franks. The Saxons, utterly demoralized, were unable to rally that season, or dispute the progress of Charles, who crossed the Weser, laid waste the whole coun- try as far as the Elbe, sowed dragon's teeth against the future, took his measures for the present, '' all well disposed and ordained," and returned into Francia.^ What these dispositions were is not known ; perhaps the phrase means only the garrisoning of forts, and possibly the distribution of mounted troops or gendarmes. At any rate they did not prevent the resumption of hos- tilities, for part of the Saxons during the winter formed an alliance with the Frisians, and the whole Saxon country was as much in revolutionary commotion as before. 7§4] But Charles was bent upon its final subjugation, and marched against the doomed people as soon as the roads were passable to his army. After the periodical devastation of Westphalia he went into camp on the Weser at a place called Huculvi, supposed to be identical with the modern Petershagen ; but as freshets in the river checked his progress in the North, he determined to continue the work of de- struction in the eastern parts of the country, and leaving his son Charles, a lad of only thirteen summers, in command of a scara for warfare in Westphalia, swept through the territory of the Thuringians to near the confluence of the Saale and the Elbe, made a convention with the natives of the region, of which nothing is known, and returned to beyond the Rhine— not, as had been his wont heretofore, for the year — but only temporarily, in order to make the necessary preparations for a winter campaign. Prince Charles took part in an insignificant cavalry fight which figures in the annals as a victory.^ Late in the year the Prankish army arrived, went into camp on the Emmer, and after New Y ear the king, with the ' Annal. Einh., Lauriss., Fragment ^ Annal. Einh., Fuld., Lauriss. in Forsch. VIII., p. 632. Chap. III.] SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. 121 785] royal family, proceeded to the Eresburg and inaugu- rated the new campaign with a series of raids, conducted partly by himself, partly by others, designed to terrify the enemy, and prevent further insurrections. It was terrible work ; the whole country was laid waste with fire, and every Saxon rebel instantly cut down ; the Prankish troopers hunted the wretched people out of their hiding-places, and with such remorseless severity " that the roads were cleansed, and no rebels to be seen." ' With the exception of a short interval occasioned by the meeting of the Diet at Paderborn, the systematic devastation of the country was continued with unabated violence. The whole region lay open before Charles, records a scribe, and in that part of Saxony he might go without let or hinder- ance wherever he pleased.^ In other words, the country was a wilderness ; a famine broke out ; and neither forage nor supplies of any kind could be had for many miles around ; all military operations were suspended until pro- visions arrived from beyond the Rhine. An expedition into the Bardengau consummated the subjugation and conversion of its Saxon inhabitants, and led to successful negotiations with Wittekind and Abbio, who were with the Northalbingians beyond the Elbe. Charles sent Saxon ambassadors to the chieftains, bidding them come to him in good faith, nothing doubting. If he charged them with perfidy, they also put no faith in his promises and tender mercies, and refused to come, not ** because the consciousness of their many crimes " filled them with fear, but because they required hostages for their personal safety. The king acceded to their request, and promised to give them, not improbably in a personal interview with them, when all the details of their projected journey to Francia were arranged. None can tell by what means he overcame their stubborn resistance ; by the suasions of his eloquence or something » Annal. Lauriss., Einh., Fragment, /. c. 2 Annal. Lauriss. 122 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book IL else ; the conviction of the utter hopelessness of further resistance, or the interposition of Divine Providence. The fact that he overcame it is indisputable ; he left Saxony, sent the promised hostages, and soon greeted the illustrious chiefs at Attigny in Francia. The conversion of Wittekind was a grand and wonder- ful event. It terminates the first stage of the terrible struggle. The famous champion swore fealty to Charles, king of the Franks, and fealty in Holy Baptism to the King of the king of the Franks, and of all kings. Charles himself stood spon- sor for Wittekind, received him out of the font, in token of his good will loaded him with royal gifts,' and named him duke of Saxony, not however as an independent sovereign, but as his vassal. Beyond the undoubted fact, that thence- forth he observed good faith, both as a vassal and a Chris- tian, nothing is known of him in history. Abbio also embraced Christianity, and their example was largely fol- lowed by their countrymen. The king was so delighted with his successful missionary operations that he sent a special envoy to Hadrian announcing the conversion of the Saxons, and desiring him to signalize the glorious event « Annal. Mosell. a 785-— I subjoin, as of special interest, the form of words used probably at the baptism of Wittekind, and at that of Saxons gen- erally. It has been assigned to the eighth century ; the clause in the third response concerning the Saxon deities may have been added at Fulda where this formula probably originated. Formula. ** Forsachistu diabolae ? et respondeat: ec forsacho diabolae. end allum diobolgeldae ? respon- deat : end ec forsacho allum diobolgeldae. end allum dioboles uuercum? res- pondeat : end ec forsacho allum dioboles uuercum end uuordum thunaer ende woden ende sax- note ende allum them unholdum the hira genotas sint. gelobistu in got alamehtigan fadaer ? ec gelobo in got alamehtigan fadaer. gelobistu in crist godes suno ? ec gelobo in crist gotes suno. gelobistu in halogan gast? ec gelobo in halogan gast." Capp. ed. Boretius, I., 222, No. 107. A Frank ish formula, assigned to 787-813, and of Mayence origin, is given by Mullenhoff and Scherer, Denkmdler deutscher Poesie und Prosa^ 2 ed., p. 156, No. 52. Qi. ibidem, p. 494 sqq.; Waitz, III., 2 ed., p. 161; — Abel-Simson, /. c. I., 499 sq. Chap. III.] SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. 1 23 by the appointment of a special thanksgiving. Hadrian thereupon set forth a circular letter requiring all Christen- dom to observe, for the first time in the history of the Church, a triduum of prayers, that is, a litany or procession extended over three days.' The appearance of Wittekind in this momentous struggle resembles that of a new comet, bursting on our vision in all the splendor of its glory, and then vanishing in the hidden depths of infinite space. Beyond the meagre details already familiar to us we search in vain for other authentic information. As to his origin we only know that he was one of the Westphalian nobles ;^ but nothing else. It is also certain that he was the soul of the stubborn resistance of his countrymen, and at a critical moment embraced Christianity. After his baptism the curtain of history falls ; for all other accounts of him, in annals and chronicles of later date, are legendary or mythical. Such is the story of his hot zeal as a Christian convert. More than thirty years before his conversion the fierce pagans of Frisia massacred Boniface and his companions. A legend makes Wittekind the avenger of the outrage in the next generation, invading Frisia, turning the fertile regions of the Ostergau and Wes- tergau into a howling wilderness, and putting all the inhab- itants to the sword. Legend names him as founder of the cathedral at Enger, in Westphalia, Ceroid, a duke of Suabia, as his murderer, and the same church as the place of his burial, adding that his bones lay there undisturbed until the time of Henry the Fowler, when they were removed to Paderborn. Still later his tomb was shown at Enger, with an inscrip- tion in which he is called Wittekind, the son of Warne- chinus. King of the Angrians. The year of his death also is uncertain. There is no rec- ord of his canonization, although the people honored him as a saint, the Church commemorated him on January 7th, » Ep. Hadriani ad domnum Carol. = Unum ex primoribus Westfalaor- apud Bouquet, t. v., p. 568. um. — Annal. Einh. 124 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book H. and the miracles wrought by his relics are attested in the inscription on his tomb.^ The lustre attaching to the name of Wittekind is remark- able. ''Several families of Germany hold him for their ancestor, and some French genealogists have, without solid ground, discovered in him the grandfather of Robert the Strong, great grandfather of Hugh Capet.^ His n'ame, like that of Roland, Arthur, and other illustrious defeated ones, lay forgotten until poetry visited the battle-fields to rescue them from oblivion, showing that the imagination of the world is generous, and not always on the side of the con- queror.3 The imperial house of the Ottos is believed to be de- scended from Wittekind. At any rate his namesake, Widu- kind the Saxon historian, affirms that Mathilda, the consort of Henry I., and mother of Otto the Great, was a lineal de- scendant of the famous Saxon chieftain.'* Legend also comes in to surround him with a halo of glory. At Easter of 785, it says, Wittekind in beggar's guise, or a minstrel's, found his way into the Prankish camp by stealth, to spy out its arrangements. Wandering through the camp he passed the tent in which Charles attended mass ; an irresistible impulse guided his steps, and he joined the throng of worshippers ; the strangeness and solemnity of the scene held him spellbound, and he won- dered what it might mean. The priest was elevating the host, and that self-same moment he saw therein the figure of a child of unearthly and dazzling beauty. A wondrous change came over him, which he sought to hide from those around him, but was not able. Disguise could not deceive the Franks, who soon detected in the mendicant minstrel the famous chieftain and took him to Charles. He told what he had seen, desired and craved 1 Abel-Simson, /. c, 2 ed. I., 506 sqq. , where all the authorities are care- fully enumerated. 2 Guizot, Hist, of France^ v. i., p. 218. 3 Ozanam, La Civilization chretienne chez les Francs. 4 MG. SS. III., 43i> 455- Adami Gesta Hammab. , etc. Ibid. VII. , 322 ; Waitz, Jahrb. Heinrich's /., 3 ed. Exc. I., 179 sqq. ChXp. III.] SAXON WAR, TO CONVERSION OF WITTEKIND. 12$ leave to enter the Church ; and when it was granted, the force of his own example and exhortation bore excellent fruit in the number of his Saxon brethren, who came to be baptized and enrolled as soldiers and servants of Christ. All Christendom might exult with the pope and Charles in the June litanies, poetry and legend irradiate the conver- sion of the Saxons with heavenly glory, but the bitter reality of their sad lot remained unchanged. The summer solstice came, but the rays of that sun did not quicken the fields into verdure and fertility ; the lands far and near lay waste, the angel of death had swept over them, and their sons were not. The whole country, by the law of conquest, became the property of the victorious Charles, who forthwith began to parcel it out among the abbots and clerics in his train. If legend does not mislead, the blood of more than two hundred thousand Saxons changed the very color of the soil, and the brown clay of the Saxon period gave way to the red earth of Westphalia. Thus fertilized, the naturally rich land, which, in the language of Holy Scripture, flowed with milk and honey, brought forth more bountifully and soon yielded copious harvests to the clerical and military occupants of the next generation. The only voice raised on behalf of humanity and the reli- gion of Jesus Christ, as now understood, is Alcuin's ; at least it is the only one which has come down to us. His views, as those of an earnest, thoughtful, and tem- perate man, stand in such marked and honorable contrast to the universal and fulsome applause with which the pope,' the hierarchy, and obsequious vassals of the Prankish ruler, greeted his savage processes for the conversion of the Saxons, that it were a crying wrong to omit their reproduc- tion. He wrote, though at a later date, that preaching the faith, the administration of baptism, and the living exhibition of the precepts of Christ, should ever go hand in hand. With- out such concurrence the hearer could not be led to salvation. » See note i, p. 123. 126 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. He describes faith as a voluntary thing, superior to co- ercion ; though a man be forced to baptism, yet would it not avail to faith. Adults must of their own will and sin- cerity express their belief and hope of salvation ; a hypo- critical profession of faith could not save ; it was therefore incumbent upon preachers to instruct their pagan hearers by gentleness, and give them wise counsel. " Let but the same pains be taken," he writes,' " to preach the easy yoke and light burthen of Christ to the obstinate people of the Saxons as are had to collect the tithes from them, or to punish the least transgression of the laws im- posed on them, and perhaps they would no longer be found to repel baptism with abhorrence ; let the missionaries after the apostolical example acquire a competent knowledge of the faith, let them be preacher Sy not plunderers, let them but rely on the gracious providence of Him who says: * Carr>^ neither scrip nor purse,* etc. " In an epistle to Charles^ he unfolds with outspoken can- dor, and not without pointed sharpness, the principles on which, in his opinion, the Saxons ought to be treated. All threats ought for a time to be suspended, that they might not become inveterate in their hostile feelings to the Prank- ish empire, and afraid to enter into any compromise what- soever, but be encouraged with hope until by salutary counsel they could be brought back to the ways of peace. He likewise testifies that the terror of the headsman's axe, and bribery, were the means used in the conversion of the Saxons and Frisians. Those who refused baptism were sent to the block ; those who received it were rewarded with gifts ; and in the case of prisoners of war, who forswore paganism, it was enacted that they should be "■ restored to the liberty they had forfeited by the fate of arms, and freed from the obligation of paying tribute." ^ 1 Alcuini Ep. 104, ed. Quercetan., De gestis Anglorum, 1. I. c. IV. — p. 1647. Capit. Reg. Franc, I., 246, 252. See 2 Ibid. Ep. 80. p. 112, and note i. 3Alcuin apud Wilh. Malmesbury, CHAPTER IV. SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. Reduction of the Welatabians.— Insurrections.— Camp at LUne.— Deportation and pacification.— Wigmodia.— Further deportations.— New laws.— ^m- stelle. — Revolt of the Northalbingians. — Abodrite aid. — Counsel of Alcuin and Angilbert.— Camps at Paderborn and HoUenstedt.— The hunt.— Final pacification. The political necessity of the conversion of Wittekind may detract from its spontaneousness, but its wisdom can- not be doubted ; it bore excellent fruit ; for seven years the Saxons kept quiet, and outwardly submitted to Prankish rule ; they went to church, ate no meat in Lent, paid tithe, had their children christened, forsook cannibalism and other heathenish practices, and even rendered military service in the king s wars with the Welatabians and the Avars. T§9] An expedition against the former was undertaken with the express concurrence of the Saxons, who, like other members of the Prankish empire, participated in the annual assemblies which deliberated, among other matters, upon peace and war. The Wilzen, as the Pranks called them, or the Welata- bians, as they called themselves, were perhaps the most powerful of the Sclavonian tribes, and at that time occupied the southern coast of the Baltic ; their immediate neighbors were the Abodrites, old allies of the Pranks, whom they harassed by continual raids. Their obstinate defiance and contempt of the king s warnings to desist required chastise- ment, and occasioned the war. Charles entered the Saxon country, and with a Saxon contingent as part of his army, marched to the Elbe and pitched his camp. The troops crossed the river on two bridges which he caused to be constructed ; one of which 128 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. was taken apart, but the other, strongly fortified and guarded, kept standing. Here the army was reinforced by a body of Frisians who, under Prankish escort, came saihng up the Havel, and auxiliary bodies of Sorabians and Abodrites. • This formidable host carried fire and sword into the hostile country, advanced to the Peene, and soon encoun- tered the enemy, who seem to have avoided a battle, and retreated before the Pranks ; some say that the latter made an attack, but that the enemy, unable to offer resistance, laid down their arms. Their aged king Dragowit, accom- panied by his son and people, issued forth from his city, gave hostages, and swore fealty to Charles. His example was followed by all the nobles and chieftains ; the whole nation recognized the supremacy of the conqueror, became tributary to him, and evinced so conciliatory a spirit that he maintained the venerable king in his position, and took steps looking to the introduction of the Christian religion.' It was noticed that the Saxon troops were sullen, and that '' their obedience lacked sincerity and devotion." This was doubtless correct, and not confined to this campaign. Intimidation might keep them down, but could not heal their wounds ; the old spirit of liberty slumbered in their breast, and nursed their deep and unquenchable hatred. After the lapse of a few years their long-cherished desire of shaking off the galling yoke of the Pranks burst forth in open revolt. They conducted secret negotiations with tribes inimical to the Pranks, formed alliances with the Frisians and Wends, and, at a seasonable period, when Charles had his hands full with the Avars, struck a blow for their freedom. 792, July 6] A detachment of Prankish troops, under orders to pass through Frisian and Saxon territory by water, was entering the mouth of the Elbe, when suddenly a body of Saxons appeared in sight, bore down upon the Pranks, and killed them almost to a man. This was the signal for a wide-spread movement directed against whatever bore the 'Annal. Einh., Lauriss., Fuld., Naz., — Ep. Alcuini (ed. Jaffe), 13. — Vita Caroli, cc. 12, 15. Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. 129 name of Prank, or was identified with his domination. They shook off the fetters of Christianity and returned to pagan- ism, demolished the churches, drove away, seized, or put to death the priests, and undid, as they were able, the work of pacification. Similar scenes were enacted in Prisia and within a year the revolt had become general.' While these outrages desolated the maritime regions of the Saxon country, Saxon and Frisian contingents formed part of the Prankish army in Pannonia, and there is no evidence that they failed in their duty. Count Theoderic, who com- manded them, and took a distinguished part in the cam- paign, at its close led them back to their own region, and disbanding them, announced his intended return in the spring for the purpose of again conducting them against the Avars. But the Saxons had enough of the hcerbann and its burdens ; separation from their families, losses at home, the cost of their own outfit and supply of provisions for three months, the hardships and perils of the long march, to say nothing of actual warfare against a savage foe, were freely discussed that winter, and they resolved to stay at home ; if they must fight, they preferred fighting for their own independence to fighting the battles of the hated tyrant and implacable enemy of their race. In the spring the count returned at the head of a Prankish corps, and would fain have gathered the Saxons, led them through Prisia to the Rhine, and thence to the king's army at Ratisbon, when the Saxons fell upon him in the Riustri- Gau, near the mouth of the Weser, and annihilated his command.' Intelligence of the disaster reached the king at Ratisbon ; he gave up the Pannonian campaign, and waited for further tidings from Saxony. The revolt grew apace, and required his personal presence ; but the expedition, designed to quell it, did not take place until the following year. 794] The army moved in two columns ; one, led by the king in person, marched, from Frankfort, due north; the other. » Annal. Lauriss. , S. Araandi ; Lauresh., Mosell. =' Annal. Einh., Poeta Saxo. Cf. Bohmer, /. r., No. 308, b. 130 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. commanded by his son, Prince Charles, crossed the Rhine at Cologne, and advanced on an easterly line. The Saxons were posted in force on the Sendfeld, midway between Paderborn and the Eresburg, and the streams of the Die- mel and the Alme, and prepared to give battle — until they discovered that they were completely surrounded. What- ever hope of success might have deluded them before, it now forsook them ; they laid down their arms, gave host- ages, and promised, under oath, to be faithful to Christianity and to the king. Charles accepted their submission and that of their allies, attempted to restore order, put them on their good behavior, ordered the priests to return to their posts, peaceably disbanded the disarmed warriors, and, sat- isfied with his bloodless victory, retraced his steps into Francia.* The situation, however, was far from satisfactory, and in the course of the winter information was received that the Saxons, true to their habitual perfidy, were seeking pretexts for breaking their engagements both with respect to Chris- tianity and to the king ; it was charged, that they refused military service and withheld the promised solatium, or in- demnity, in which they were held. On the other hand, the Saxons heard the rumor that the king intended to overrun them with war, and that the Abodrites were expected to co- operate with him and invade their country. ■^OS] A new expedition against the rebellious Saxons was undertaken. The king at the head of a large army marched into their country, and had the gratification of receiving on the march a body of loyal Saxons,^ which joined the army. In the Bardengau a halt was ordered, and a camp formed at Liine on the Ilmenau, south of Bardowick. At this point his allies, the Abodrites, were expected to join the expedi- tion. He waited awhile, but waited in vain ; suddenly news was brought that his vassal. Prince Witzan, in moving his Abodrites across the Elbe, had fallen into an ambush, set by the Northalbingian Saxons, and been slain. The king's * Annal. Einh. Moiss. Lauriss. ; Chronic. ^ Annal. Lauresh. Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. 131 indignation was intense, nor was he slow in chastising the offenders. All the Saxons had been commanded to come to Liine, and came in great numbers ; they made their humble sub- mission, confessed the guilt of their repeated defection, promised amendment, and avowed their readiness of doing whatsoever the king might enjoin. But the Northalbingians, dreading the consequences of the ambush, together with the inhabitants of the swampy re- gions, and of Wigmodia, were conspicuous by their absence. It follows from these statements that the king s authority was now established throughout Saxony except in the dis- tricts on the banks of the Elbe. Charles ordered the devas- tation of the entire disaffected region, but accepted the offer of the professedly loyal parts of giving hostages for their future good conduct to an extent which they certainly did not expect. He took one-third of the entire male popula- tion of the country as hostages and commanded them to be removed into Francia.^ That measure, he thought, would cure them of their treachery ; but such was the invincible and inveterate perfidy of the race, writes one of the early annalists, that no sooner had the king left, than they fell to breaking the covenant.' The official number of the hostages thus removed is set down at 7,070 ; ^ it might seem small, if it represented the whole of Saxony ; but it clearly refers only to those who that year had violated their oaths, and designates indiscrim- inately nobles {edlinge) and the common people. The king, writes a Christian author, refrained from the effusion of blood, and, confiding in the promises of the peni- tent people, rejoiced that so great and happy a result had been achieved by '* peaceful " measures ; * these, however, might have been more pacific and humane, for another Christian scribe records, that not less than thirty thousand warriors were put to the sword.^ 1 Annal. Einh., Lauresh., Xanth., Max., al. 2 Annal. Xanth. 3 Annal. Alam. cont. Murb. * Annal. Lauresh. 5 Ademar, ap. Duchesne II. , 78. 132 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Convinced that the time had come for the final subjuga- tion of the country, Charles undertook yet another expedi- tion in the following year, on which he was accompanied by his sons Charles and Louis. It was substantially a repe- tition of the same ruthless destruction in all the disaffected districts which had not yet felt the ravages of the war. He swept through the country north of the Lippe, crossed the Weser, re-entered Wigmodia, and left desolation behind him. 796] He took hostages, plundered the people of their port- able property, applied the torch to the rest, dragged into captivity a number of men, women and children, and re- turned, laden with '' an innumerable multitude '* of spoil, " without any loss," and *' prosperously " into Francia.' In spite of this prosperity, and the suasions of his army, the unconverted Saxons resisted his authority, and had retired to this Wigmodia, already twice mentioned in recent para- graphs. It was an almost inaccessible region, situated be- tween the mouths of the Weser and the Elbe. Protected from the sea by lofty dikes, and intersected by numerous canals and ditches not more than a hundred paces apart, it presented almost insuperable difficulties to military opera- tions. In wet weather the roads were impassable. In that retreat the rebels had thoroughly intrenched themselves be- hind formidable earthworks, and maintained the defensive ; they had also built a strong fortress, and until then com- pelled the king to content himself with ravaging the out- lying regions. 797] But now he came in good earnest, during the dry sea- son, and with all his resources. He led a large army of Franks, his best troops, ordered a fleet of large vessels to join him by water, and, for the special purpose in hand, carried a large number of others, each composed of four sections, which were transported across the country. Two horses or mules sufficed to draw one of the sections, and as the sap- pers carried the requisite tools, nails, pins, pitch and the like, ready prepared, the boats could be put together where they ' Annal. Mosell., Lauresh., Lauriss.; al. Petav. Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. ^33 were needed, and at the shortest notice. The army, sup- ported by the fleet, broke through the fort, and thus entered the Gau. The work of devastation began ; his soldiers had orders to demolish every house and wall, and set on fire whatever would take the flame. The people, with all they had, sought the most inaccessible regions, but Charles forced his way through the swamps, crossed the canals, and never rested until he reached the uttermost limit of the country, the land of Hadeln, between the mouths of the Weser and the Elbe. Then at last the unfortunate people came forth from " all ends and corners " to which they had fled, took the inevi- table oaths, surrendered at discretion, and gave as many host- ages as he required. Two years before the king was satisfied with taking every third man in the revolted districts; now nothing would satisfy him but the third man wt't/t his wife and children. These he sent away into Francia, and gave their homesteads to loyal Franks. The same policy was pursued in the case of the Frisians.' The subjugation of the entire country, from the Lippe to the Elbe, and from the confines of Thuringia to the North Sea, being now nominally completed, the question of the permanent occupation of the country, together with the treatment to be meted out to the conquered people had to be decided, and for that purpose Charles convened a Diet at Aix-la-Chapelle, and repaired to that city. The Diet was composed of bishops, abbots, and counts, together with rep- resentative Westphalian, Angrian, and Eastphalian Saxons, and unanimously enacted the instrument known as the Cap- ttulare Saxonic7im of 797.' It is a vast improvement, in point of humanity, upon the sanguinary bill set forth before. The capitula are only eleven in number, and, on the whole, place the Saxons upon a footing of equality with the Franks ; they repeal, by silence, the obnoxious capital crimes, and substitute pecun- iary fines, to wit, that the konigsbann of sixty solidi be paid I Annal. Lauriss., major., minor., a Baluze, /. c, t. i., p. 275. Lauresh. 134 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. alike by Saxon or Frank for the crimes of disturbing the peace of churches, widows, and orphans, of rape, arson, acts of violence, and refusal of military service (c. i). They likewise provide, in a more merciful spirit, that it shall be optional with the king, in the case of criminals, who under Saxon law have forfeited their lives, to commute the sentence of death into one of banishment, on the principle that though politically dead in their own country, they might (probably with a new name) be colonized elsewhere within or without the limits of the Prankish dominions. Armed with these new laws, which seem to breathe the gentle spirit of Alcuin, and Queen Liutgard, Charles, ac- companied by his entire court and an army, returned into Saxony, in order to terminate, if possible, the regulations necessary to the pacification of the country. It was late in the season ' when the royal camp was pitched on the Weser, near the mouth of the Diemel ; the army was required to erect wooden barracks, and the //^<:^ where they stood, as well as the purpose for which they were used, induced Charles to name the spot Heristelle, that is, the place of the army ; it survives to this day in the Westphalian -Herstelle ; "' there is no doubt that he was guided in the choice of the name by 797] his ancestral Wristal on the Meuse, for we read, that he called it Niwi Heristalli (i. e., New Heristal), and that others speak of " Saxon Heristall." ^ That camp, however, was used only by a part of the army, enough for the protection and circumstance of the royal court ; the great bulk of the host went into winter quarters throughout the region— possibly in more distant lo- calities.* Its situation in the depth of a Westphalian forest was not too remote for diplomatic intercourse with rep- resentatives of distant potentates. It was enlivened by the arrival of an Avar embassy bearing rich presents for the >» I Novembrio mense mediante.— ^ Annal. Lauriss., Mosell. Ann. Lauriss. * Annal. Einh. "per totam Saxon- « In the Prussian province of West- iam in hibema divisit.' phalia, W. of Karlshafen, dist. of Minden, in the circuit of H5xter. , Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. ns king, and that of an ambassador from Alonso II., king of Gallicia and Asturia, who brought a most timely and useful token of affectionate and thoughtful regard in the shape of a magnificent tent. The presence of the royal family, including that of the king's sons, the kings of Italy and Aquitaine, added splen- dor to the romantic beauty of Herstelle, and made the camp as unlike an ordinary camp as possible. Charles had come for work, but there was abundant opportunity for diversion. The pleasures of the chase, of sleighing and skating, alternated with military duties,' and the more genial pastime of music and literature. Letters also came, and here is one from Alcuin to the queen : " To the most noble lady Leutgarda, in the love of Christ greeting. I entreat you, if it be the king's pleasure to pro- long his stay in Saxony, to let me know how he and the Christian army do fare and when he expects to return. Pray tell me also all about your winter residence, and in which palace it has been decided to spend the winter. '' As for you, most noble lady, I rejoice that you ever set unto all the most shining example of a most virtuous life acceptable unto God, and that you are praised in word and beloved in heart by all who know you. " May God of his mercy advance you to ever-increasing honors until you are worthy of passing from the happiness of earthly prosperity to the blessedness of eternal life in heaven. May you live and flourish in all virtues in Christ Jesus." ^ In another letter of his addressed to the king, he begs him to diversify the horrid clash of arms and the shrill notes of the trumpet with the sweeter melody of poetry and song, and thereby counteract the fierce motions of his warriors, as needing the softer influences of vocal and in- strumental music to assuage their natural ferocity.^ Christmas came and passed away ; the Saxons saw how I A large stone on the top of a » Monum. Alcuinian, p. 376 : bluff is indicated as the spot from 3 Ep. Ale. , No. 100 (ed. Jaffe). which Charles inspected the troops. 136 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book H. 7981 the Franks kept Lent, and Charles was unremitting in his efforts for the disposition of their affairs/ He preferred the peaceable solution of still impending troubles on the part of the unconverted, intractable, and rebellious Saxons beyond the Elbe, the iV^r^///^^^', as they were called, and sent missi to them to administer justice. About Easter these Nordliudi, incensed at the persistent missionary zeal, it would seem, of the missi fell upon them, and put some of their number to death. The movement was general, and the infuriated pagans even laid violent hands on Count Gottschalk, the king's ambassador to Den- mark. He was on his way back to Charles, and obnox- ious to them, it is thought, on account of his mission, the nature of which is not known, but which they doubt- less construed as inimical to themselves; at any rate they seized and slew him. Some of the missi escaped death, but owed their lives less to the mercy than to the cupidity of the rebels, who expected and exacted a rich ransom for their delivery. The ransom was paid ; still others, more fortu- nate than they, found means of making their way to the king and informing him of what had occurred.^' The Northalbingians raised the standard of revolt at a time when lack of forage prevented the army, which was largely composed of cavalry, from leaving winter quarters. The commissariat stores were scanty; the whole country, far and near, had been devastated, and until fresh supplies from be- yond the Rhine came in, the army must remain idle. Until they arrived the rebels might breathe freely, but the tem- pest, though deferred, would overtake them soon enough. Among those who carried tidings of the revolt into the royal camp was a certain Richard, a Christian Saxon and brother of Richolf, one of the victims. As soon as he heard of the massacre he hastened forth to inform the king ; dur- ing his absence the murderers of the missi seized his wife, and robbed her of the little she had left. Richard was a plucky fellow and succeeded in setting her free. This inci- I Annal. Lauriss. * Annal. Lauriss., Einh. Saxo. Poeta Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. 137 dent is mentioned in a petition addressed, many years later, by his son to the emperor Louis, setting forth the additional detail that their neighbors, at the outbreak of the revolt, plundered the houses of those whose loyalty to the king and fidelity to Christ were peculiarly odious to them.' Charles was very angry, and ordering the camp at Her- stelle to be struck, moved north, and halted at Minden on the Weser. There the necessary dispositions were made in virtue of which he conducted in person a large army through the country between the Weser and the Elbe, wasted it with fire and sword,^ advanced to Bardowick, received the sub- mission of the people, seized a number of the most intract- able nobles, and took as many hostages as he pleased.^ The Northalbingians, as might be expected, were most defiant, and elated by the massacre of the royal messengers,* pre- pared for desperate resistance. While Charles was engaged 79§] with the pacification of Saxon Mesopotamia, his allies, the Abodrites, doubtless in conformity with his directions, made a movement against the Northalbingians, and took them from the rear. The whole of their army, nominally commanded by Thrasco, their prince, but under the direc- tion of able Prankish generals, and with the co-operation of a body of Prankish troops, entered ^ and ravaged the hostile country. The Northalbingians collected their forces, and encountered the invading host at Suentana,^ identified as the Zventinefeld on the Schwentine.' A fierce battle was fought, in which the Northalbingians were routed with great loss. According to the credible report of the missus Eboris, who commanded the right wing of the Abodrites, four thousand of the enemy fell at the first onset.^ Panic- struck they fled for their lives ; still, although many more ^ Epist. Mogunt. 4. — Jaffe, Bibl. latter make the N. attack the Abo- III., 320. drites. = Annal. Lauriss. , Petav. , Alamann. 6 gee Miihlbacher — Bohmer, /. c. c, Einh. p. 137. Some, but I think wrongly, 3 Annal. Lauresh., S. Amandi, identify it with the modern Schwante Lauriss. on the Warnow. 4 Annal. Lauriss., Einh. 7 It flows into the bay of Kiel. 5 Annal. Lauresh., Einh. The 8 Annal. Lauriss., Einh. 138 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. were cut down by their pursuers, the flying foe not only reached a place of safety, but was strong enough to discuss terms of peace/ The Prankish accounts, therefore, seem to be exaggerated. It is difficult to explain why Charles did not follow up his advantage ; he marched from Bardowick to the confines of the Wendish country in the Gaii of Norththuringia, and seems to have contented himself with giving audience to a deputation of Abodrites, and extolling their merits in terms of unbounded admiration.^ Thus ended that year's work. The contemporary records are meagre, singularly vague, and convey no clear idea of the nature of the pacific measures or the warlike operations set in motion for the final conquest of the unhappy country, and the conversion of its still more unfortunate people from re- volt and paganism to loyalty and Christianity. We catch a glimpse of the true condition of the country at this time from an epistle of Alcuin's, in which he urges the king by all means to stay the effusion of blood and make peace with the Saxons, and recommends a policy of conciliation.^ In one passage he expresses doubt if Saxony was really worthy of becoming a country chosen by God, because a number of Saxons who had left it had turned out good Christians, while those who stayed at home persisted in paganism.* Unless we have misread or misunderstood the meaning of the good Alcuin, he seems to have advocated deportation as the best means of terminating the Saxon affair ; at any rate, the king believed in its efficacy as one means, while he dis- dained not the more martial counsel of others, for instance, that of Angilbert, who, adverting to his departure for Sax- ony in the next year, plainly unfolds the purpose of the expedition, as intended ''to subjugate the rebellious people and cut off the savage race with cold steel." ^ The customary national muster took place at Lippeham, 1 Annal. Lauriss., Einh. See H. v. 3 See p. 126. 's^he^,Kleinehi5t.Schrifte7i,\\\..hO. * The same epistle— No. 114 in 2 Et honoravit eos domnus rex ut Jaffe's edition. • digni erant mirifice.— Annal. Lauresh. s Angilb. Carmen, v., 340. Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. 139 and the army, increased by Aquitanian auxiliaries, which King Louis had been commanded to send to the Rhine,^ marched to Paderborn. There, on that natural camping ground, Charles pitched his military city, remaining in camp for the purpose of entertaining Pope Leo, but ordering his son Charles, with half the army, into the interior of the country. The prince entered the Bardengau, and there conducted negotiations with the Welatabians and Abodrites, besides receiving the submission of many Northalbingian Saxons. The pacification seems to have been conducted on the Alcuinian plan, for the annals record that the king on his return carried off a multitude of Saxons, with their wives and children, into banishment, and that the prince also re- turned in great triumph with a similar train, presumably from the Bardengau ; temporarily, therefore, the Saxon war was ended. The lands of the dispossessed and exiled pagans were confiscated, and, by royal command, distrib- uted, in reward for military services, among the faithful lieges of Charles, and in recompense of efficient missionary labors, and prayers offered, among the bishops, priests, and abbots in his train.^ These beneficiaries kept Frisia and Saxony, within the limits named, in good order for several years to come, but the Northalbingians beyond the Elbe maintained a stubborn resistance. An army of Francised Saxons, but doubtless §02] under Frankish officers, was ordered to devastate their country. The raid was made, but seems to have been a failure, since the annals omit to record a success ; their silence is always suspicious.^ Two years later, however, Charles, now emperor, deter- mined to consummate the final, total, and absolute subjuga- tion of the entire country. After the necessary prepara- tions, the heerbann assembled at Lippspringe. A large 804] army was directed to the Elbe, and Charles went into camp at Hollenstedt, south of Harburg.* 1 Vita Hlud. c. 9. 3 Annal. Einh. ; Enh, Fuld. 2 Annal. Lauriss. ; Einh.; Lauresh.; 4 Annal. Mett.; Chron. Moiss. Petav. ; Chron. Moiss. I40 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. His arrival there in imperial state, with his family, was followed by that of the princes and chieftains of his allies the Abodrites, who laid their offerings at his feet, and invoked his counsel in the regulation of their domestic affairs. The richest gifts were presented by Thrasco, the hero of the Zventinefeld, and the most powerful of their number. Charles accepted the gifts and, in recognition of his superior merit, instituted him King of the Abodrites.^ Then he announced the plan of the campaign. In order to understand it, we should remember that the rebellious districts lay substantially within the lines of an irregular parallelogram, having for its base a line drawn from Bremen to Hamburg, and for its northern limit the course of the Eider. The River Elbe ran through it diagonally in a northwesterly direction, so that the entire region was en- closed on three sides by water. The country of the Abo- drites was situated on the right bank of the Elbe and im- mediately contiguous to that of the Northalbingians, who occupied the modern district of Holstein. The imperial plan provided for the division of the army into a number of sections, and their invasion of a corre- sponding number of regions of the infected district, with orders to sweep them, and hunt down, seize, and drive out all the inhabitants. To the Franks was assigned the duty of doing this work on the left bank of the Elbe, and to the Abodrites that of performing the same operations on the right, while with a view to stimulating the zeal of these allies they were promised beforehand the country of the Northalbingians as the guerdon of their exertions. The plan, which in some respects resembled that of " net- ting," so much in vogue among the Persians, seemed in others to be an adaptation of a rabbit hunt, in which the Saxons represent the rabbits, the Franks and their allies, the ferrets. It was immediately and successfully carried into effect ; the Frankish raiding expeditions entered the cantons of Wigmodia, Hostingabi, and Rosogabi, and others Annal. Mett.; Lobiens.; Chron. Moiss.; cf. Annal. Einh. a. 817. Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. 141 besides, while the Sclavonian Abodrites fell upon the coun- try of the Northalbingians. The Saxons, without all military organization, were at home on their farms, or concealed in their burrows, and §04] utterly helpless. The more martial Northalbingians might have roused themselves to energetic resistance, if the expected aid of Gottfried, king of the Danes, who lay with a strong armament off the neighboring coast of Sles- wig, had been available to them ; but it failed them, and they were as much at the mercy of the Abodrites, as their brothers beyond the river at that of the Franks. They had no escape ; they must either perish in the sea, or surrender. Overwhelmed by numbers the miserable and defenceless pagans were driven from their homes, hunted out of their hiding-places, and soon the entire population, men, women, and children, was led at the point of the spear to the imperial presence, and thence dispersed throughout the Frankish dominions.' Not less than ten thousand met that fate, but that number is doubtless far short of the truth.* The statement of one authority^ that this terrible meas- ure was executed '' without war " is flatly contradicted by that of another, '' that an indefinite number were put to death ; "^ but no one may doubt the evangelical accuracy of a third, that it was accomplished without any hurt to the imperial army.^ It is unnecessary to speculate on the spirit in which it was performed, since veracious documentary evidence fully reveals the fact that the raiders were men of brutal vio- lence, without discrimination, who drove away whomsoever they met or found, the loyal with the rebel, and confiscated alike the possessions of Christians and pagans. In the next reign, for instance, a number of Wigmodians appeared before the imperial commissioners complaining that though they always were loyal to Charles, yet had * Annal. Einh., Metten. Fuld.. al. ' Vita Caroli, c. 7. Enh. 3 Annal. Lauriss. min. 4 Annal. S. Amandi. 5 Annal. Mett. 142 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. their possessions been seized and confiscated. Upon thor- ough scrutiny it appeared that their allegations were true, and thereupon the confiscated possessions were restored to them.' Even the Saxon Richard, a Christian, and in the service of Charles, a man of undoubted and self-sacrificing loyalty and devotion, , suffered most grievously at the hands of the raiders. After the plucky recovery of his wife he suc- ceeded in reaching his maternal inheritance in the canton of Merstem, situated between the Leine and the Siintel. That district also was doomed, and its population driven away. The hapless Richard, with his wife and children, were sent from place to place, and Richard died in banish- ment, or as his son expresses himself in a petition to Louis the Pious, '' My father was removed from this light, and my mother only together with my sister and myself are left, and by the mercy of God survive to this day.' Never- theless we have not yet been able to recover our paternal inheritance." ^ It is to be hoped that Louis was not slow in ordering its restoration, and rewarding the survivors for Richard's devo- tion to his father. The records do not name the localities to which the ejected and dispossessed Saxons were transported. Ein- hard says that Charles settled them, with their wives and children, in many different bodies, here and there in Gaul and Germany. This is rather vague information, and the term " Germany ", must be understood as comprehending the ''marches." In a general way it is established that Charles had the habit of sending many Saxon hostages and captives to Prankish churches and monasteries with a view to their education as monks or priests. Many such are mentioned in connection with the monastery of Corbie on the Somme,5 of which his co usin Adalhard was abbot ; others I Simson, Jahrbucher, p. 304, citing seems to contain the name of the said Sickel, and Wilmans. Richard. a See p. 136. 4 Vita Caroli, c. 7. 3 Jaffe, III., 319 sqq. ; compare the 5 Translatio S. Viti ; Jaffe, I., 6, 7. list in MG., Leges, I., 89, which Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. 143 are spoken of as under the care of the bishops of Wurz- burg, Constance, Augsburg, and Mayence, the archbishop of Rheims, the abbot of Reichenau, and sundry Alemannian nobles. The first and second bishops of Paderborn were Saxons, the one a hostage, the other a noble.' The chronicles of St. Denis make the Brabants and Flem- ish Saxons, and say that they spoke the Saxon dialect,* and a number of archaeologists refer, but not on convincing grounds, the occurrence of names like Sachsenhausen, etc., to settlements incident upon the final deportation of the Saxons.3 Thus cruelly and ingloriously ended the Saxon war, '' on the terms offered by the king," and accepted by the Sax- ons. But is this statement of his biographer entitled to re- spect ? He adds that these terms were : " renunciation of their national religious customs, and the worship of devils, acceptance of the sacraments of the Christian faith and religion, and union with the Franks to form one people."* They were accepted by those who escaped the sword, but not by those who were driven forth into the living death of a nameless exile ; these last had no choice left to them. '' Charles," writes one of the chroniclers, '' returned with triumphal rejoicing into Francia."^ He might exult in the consummation of his purpose, and riding through the deso- lated country, denuded of its inhabitants, past the ruins of their former idolatry, over the fields fertilized with their blood, think what his grandson Nithard the historian set down in writing : that '* the savage and iron hearts of the Franks and barbarians, which the Romans sought in vain to subdue, had been curbed by the moderated terror of his indomitable will." ^ '' Moderated terror " may be a pardonable euphemism ' Transl. S. Liborii, cc. 5, 6. MG. SS. IV., 151. ^'Chron. de S. Denis, Bouquet V., 252. 3 See Waitz, III., 136. Nos. 2, 3; Eckhart, Franc, or, II., 35. * Vita Caroli, c. 7. 5 Chron. Moiss. 6 Hist. I., I.— MG. SS. II., 651. 144 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. for copious bloodshed and adamantine cruelty, to which must be added the bribery, which even Alcuin admits.' By such means he conquered and converted the Saxons. But neither their conquest nor their conversion redounds to his honor. The Saxon war was conducted with almost un- paralleled ferocity; the twenty years which separate the massacre of Verden from the final removal of the people, are years of brutal violence and oppression, unrelieved by heroism, or even strategical skill on the part of the Franks. They conquered by sheer force, and our sympathy, despite all the monkish annalists and chroniclers fable of the wick- edness of the Saxons, is given to them rather than to their conqueror. The pacification was complete ; a new era of peace and religiousness set in; the Church flourished, eight Saxon bishoprics arose; churches, abbeys, and monasteries were multiplied ; and the poor Saxons, in unknown regions, saw the error of their ways, and in due time doubtless became as good Christians as their neighbors. The Saxon war was ostensibly waged for the glory of Christ, and the conversion of the Saxons to the religion of Jesus; but the most diligent examination of contemporary records fails to reveal, on the part of the Franks, the spirit of its blessed Founder, the Prince of Peace, the Teacher of Mercy ,> the Embodiment of Love. The Christian conqueror who directed it, and the priests in his train, were zealous and inflexible in their purpose ; baptism, or death even unto extermination, was their watch- word and policy. In what sense then are we to understand the conversion of the Saxons? Not in the common and grammatical sense. Multitudes of the Saxons had been slain in battle or put to death, many thousands had been driven into » Ep. 14. /. c. Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. 145 exile, and excepting the baptized Saxons who remained, the whole of their country by the law of conquest passed into the hands of Charles, who, among other things, pro- vided for the establishment and maintenance of Christian institutions, built churches and monasteries, and richly en- dowed them with land and tithes. The conversion of the Saxons may be a myth, but that of Saxony into a dependency or province of Christian Fran- cia is a historical reality. A few details may illustrate these statements, unfold the principles on which Saxony was Christianized, and fix cer- tain dates of the progress of Christian institutions. Among the earliest establishments near tjie Saxon coun- try is the monastery of Hersfeld in Hessia. It was founded by bishop Lul, probably in 774, and consecrated to the apostles Simon and Thaddeus ; through his influence with Charles it was at once enriched with the royal protection, the privilege of the free choice of its abbot, and with tithes.' Nothing seemed to be wanting to the growing prosperity of the monastery but the acquisition of the relics of an un- doubted saint, as an important and unfailing means for attracting the benefactions of the faithful. The remains of such a saint reposed in the neighboring church at Fritzlar ; they were those of St. Wigbert, and the monks of Hersfeld greatly longed for their removal to their own establishment. They prayed, and an angel appeared either to Witta, the suffragan bishop of Buriaburg, or to bishop Lul, enjoining the change. Bishop Lul referred the case to Charles and, armed with a royal permit, proceeded to direct the translation. Three monks were designated for the purpose, and they performed the deed secretly under cover of night ; this precaution was necessary, as its execution by day would doubtless have led to violent opposition on the part of the people. Lupus, the biographer of St. Wigbert, remarks that though bishop Lul did not doubt the saint's ability of protecting « Bohmer-Muhlbacher, /. c. Nos. 172, 173, 188, 189. 10 >, 146 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. the carriers, he recalled the words : ** Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God " (Matt, iv., 7), and enjoined secrecy. This he thought eminently proper, reasoning: ''Why did the Lord, after Pharaoh had consented to the departure of the children of Israel, not conduct them through the land of the Philistines ? " " Forsooth only lest they should repent of their departure in the event of war." On this principle he justified the secret removal of the relics. The translation took place in 780 ; the relics were solemnly deposited at Hersfeld, and bishop Lul caused the tomb of the saint to be ornamented with silver and gold. It was a fortunate event; the miraculous power of the saint was manifest in rich donations which flowed into the monastery from far and near ; he even cast the fame of the original and apostolical patrons of the establishment in the shade, which thenceforth was called after his name ; ' and as Lul was soon after promoted to archiepiscopal dignity, St. Wig- bert may have had some share in his elevation. Six years later [786] the archbishop died at Hersfeld and was buried there. His remains did not escape the fate of other saints, for Lul was canonized ; they were taken from their first resting place to a new church in 852, and when that was destroyed by fire, removed with those of St. Wig- bert to a new tomb in 1040 ; but, it appears, not perma- nently, or entire, since other churches boasted of their pos- session.* Gregory, the zealous head of Willibrord's school at Utrecht, who for more than twenty years had been the soul of the mission for the conversion of the Frisians and Sax- ons, died in 775, and was succeeded by his nephew Alberich. Lebuinus, the fiery missionary already known to us, fled to Utrecht, and after an interval, returned to the scene of his labors, rebuilt the church at Deventer, and died there in 773. That church also the pagans set on fire, and diligently sought to secure his remains, but failed. When the storm had passed Alberich sent Liudger to continue the work of « Abel-Simson, /. c. I., 344. Ibid. p. 535 sqq. Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. 147 Lebuinus, charging him to rebuild the church over his re- mains. Liudger began to build, but almost despaired of finding the remains of Lebuinus, when the latter appeared to him in a dream saying, '' Dear brother Liudger, you have done well in rebuilding the church which the pagans have destroyed ; search for my bones in the south aisle and you will find them." Liudger, full of gratitude to God, acted upon the miracu- lous direction, discovered the remains in the designated place, and changing the lines of his foundation walls, was glad to provide for them a permanent home inside the church, which in due course he completed and consecrated. Their virtue thenceforth protected it from further molestation by the pagans.^ This happened in 775. After that time he labored in the interior of the country, engaged with his companions in the arduous and perilous work of demolishing the idols and temples of the Frisians. Two years later he was ordained priest and appointed a religious teacher in the Ostergau,' where he followed his holy vocation for seven years, until the persecution of 784 necessitated his departure. He re- paired first to Rome and thence to Monte Casino, where he made himself familiar with the Rule of St. Benedict. After the lapse of two years and a half, he returned, and, it is be- lieved through the influence of Alcuin, was sent by Charles to the former scene of his labors, with instructions to exer- cise his ministry in five gauen of Frisia and the islet of Bant, which has since disappeared in the sea.^ He was very successful, and with the king's approbation extended his labors to the island of Heligoland, or Fosetes- land, as it was called, after Fosete, a divinity worshipped there. Though the island had been visited by Willibrord in the beginning of the century, probably not a vestige of his labors remained, and Liudger had to begin the work of conversion anew. ' Altfrid. Vita Liudgeri, ed. Die- 3 Ibid. c. 22 ; cf. Spruner-Menke, kamp, I., 14 sqq. Histor. Handatlas No. 33. ^ Ibid. cc. 16, 21. 148 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. As he drew near Heligoland, a dense fog which had hid- den the island from view suddenly lifted; the change appeared to him in the light of a symbol, and he remarked to his companions, that it betokened the merciful power of God, who had chased away the Evil One who had so long covered the island with darkness. The work of conversion progressed apace ; Liudger caused the sanctuaries of Fosete to be demolished and replaced by Christian churches, and baptized many of the islanders, among them Landric, the son of a chieftain, with the water of the same holy well which Willibrord had used at the baptism of three men. That act had almost cost Willibrord his life, for the usage of the island forbade any to take water speaking, and his infraction of the law was viewed as sacrilege.' • The date of these events, and the duration of Liudger's stay on the island are not known ; but he returned to the continent, and continued his work in Frisia, until (perhaps in 793) the king superadded to his pastoral care the district of Westphalia. About 804 he was consecrated as the first bishop of Westphalia. " He built a monastery at Mimiger- naford on the Aa ; this old Saxon name gradually fell into disuse, and about the close of the eleventh century had been displaced by that of Miinster (== minster, monasterium), Liudger long resisted episcopal dignity, but at last yielded to the entreaties of archbishop Hildibald, of Cologne, who is believed to have been his consecrator. His diocese ex- tended from the Lippe to the middle course of the Ems in Westphalia, and embraced also the five Frisian gaue, east of the Lauwers, the sphere of his former labors. Charles, moreover, provided for the diocese of Liudger, in the gift of the monastery of St. Peter at Lotusa in Brabant, with all its dependencies. Liudger, the first bishop of Westphalia, died March 26, 809, and was buried in the church of Werden on the Ruhr which he had built.^' Another zealous and successful laborer was Willehad, or Vilhaed, an Anglo-Saxon from Northumbria. He was a I Ibid., c. 22; Alcuini Vita Willibr. Qaffe, IV., 47. 48). 2 Abel-Simson, /. c. II., 311 sqq. Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. 149 friend of Alcuin, and before 780 rendered good service suc- cessively at Dokkum in the Ostergau, the scene of Boniface's martyrdom, at Hugmerke, and Thrianta. At Hugmerke he was in imminent peril, for the pagans declared his preach- ing the Gospel a capital offence, and he would have suffered death but for the interposition of some more mercifully in- clined who persuaded their brethren to let the lot decide his fate ; it fell in his favor, but though his life was spared, he was obliged to quit the locality. At Thrianta also he had a narrow escape in consequence of the imprudent zeal of some of his followers in the destruc- tion of pagan sanctuaries. An infuriated Frisian struck him with his sword, but the blow, which was aimed at his head, fortunately glanced off in virtue of a reliquary suspended from his neck. The miracle so impressed the Frisians, that they desisted from further violence, spared his life, and suf- fered him to depart unhurt.' About 780 the conversions appear to have been of consid- erable magnitude. '' The Saxons forsook their idols, wor- shipped the true God and believed in his works, and built churches. A multitude of pagan Wends also made their submission," say some authorities, while another annalist records that " a great multitude of Wends and Frisians were converted to kimy =* The personal pronoun relates to Charles, and the conver- sion may denote either political submission, or reception of Christianity. At any rate we learn that the king in y'/y " divided the country among the bishops, presbyters, and abbots, that they might preach and baptize." 3 In virtue of this informal division of the country among a number of Frankish ecclesiastics, repeated and extended on a larger scale in 780,* Charles, impressed with the high qualifications of Willehad, commissioned him to proceed to Wigmodia, that is, the district between the Lower Weser and the Elbe, build churches and preach to the people.^ After two years ^ Vita Willehadi, c. 2 sqq., MG. 3 Vita Sturmi, c. 22. MG. SS. II. SS. II. 4 Annal. Mosell. » Annal. Petav., Mosell. s Vita Willehadi, c. 5. 150 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. 151 of a successful ministry the revolt of Wittekind annihilated his work. Willehad had to flee for his life, and apprehen- sive of a long continuance of the hostility of the people, repaired to King Pepin, in Italy, and to Rome. Returning to Francia, he took up his abode in the monastery of Echternach, collected his scattered and suffering disciples, and in 785 was enabled to resume his long-suspended labors in Wigmodia.^ Nevertheless the strictly missionary character of the Church in Saxony proper prevailed certainly as late as 787, when Willehad was consecrated bishop for the aforesaid district. But even this does not signify anything like a diocese, duly organized, and supplied with a cathedral and other adjuncts. It is known that Willehad designated Bremen, where he built and consecrated the Church of St. Peter, as a cathedral city ; but his speedy death arrested the progress of the movement for a considerable period, since Willerich, Willehad's successor, did not take up his residence at Bremen until 805, after the close of the Saxon war, when Charles endowed his bishopric with a hundred mansioi land.^" We have still to mention the pioneer of the Saxon mis- sion, the abbot Sturmi of Fulda. He enjoyed to a remarka- ble degree the confidence of Charles, accompanied him at the beginning of the war to Saxony, and directed the work of the numerous clerics, his associates. He is expressly named as placed in charge of the largest district, set apart for missionary operations in 777 y and it has been conjectured from his subsequent, though not permanent, residence at Eresburg, that the region about the Diemel, and the district ultimately embraced in the diocese of Paderborn mark the sphere of his labors. Eresburg certainly was an early mis- sionary station." ^ The case of Sturmi seems to shed light on the principles which guided the judgment of Charles in the choice of mis- sionaries, and the conduct of the missions. » Vita Willehadi, cc. 6, 8. * Adam. Gest. Hammab. eccl. pon- tif. I., 20; Simson, /. c. II., 310. 3 Vita Sturmi, cc. 22, 24, 25, MG. SS. IL He selected men who, from their connection with institu- tions already securely established, like the monastery of Fulda, and because of their aptitude for organization, might be expected to prosecute the work of conversion with vigor, and give it substantial support. Thus Paderborn was after- wards connected with Wurzburg, Verden with Amorbach in the Odenwald, and the region about Osnabriick placed in charge of bishop Agilfrid of Li^ge.' Another, and probably the most efficacious means for the conversion of the Saxons, was the Christian education of Saxon hostages. Thus the first two bishops of Paderborn were Saxons, and instances of genuine Saxon converts are not wanting.* According to the explicit testimony of a reputable author, writing towards the close of the ninth century, Charles was wont to build churches as soon as possible, and carefully set off the several ecclesiastic districts ; but owing to the singular lack of cities which, agreeably to ancient usage, might have been designated as episcopal seats, chose localities geographically and by reason of adequate population well suited for the purpose he had in hand. The king, he continues, committed such districts to other eccle- siastical dignitaries, who periodically repaired there in per- son, instructing the people in the doctrines of the Christian faith, and designated approved ministers as resident clergy ; and that this arrangement continued until the Church was sufficiently established to warrant the permanent settlement of bishops in their several dioceses.^ Some of these details doubtless belong to later times, but the general principle appears to be correctly stated. Such an arrangement existed with respect to Paderborn, etc. ; the subsequent diocese of Verden was in the first instance a dependency of the monastery of Amorbach, and the first two bishops of Verden were abbots of the said monastery ; their episcopal status being purely titular, and hardly rising ' Abel- Simson, /.<:. I., 268. 3 Translatio S. Liborii, MG. SS. 2 Transl. S. Liborii, cc. 5, 6, MG. IV., 149 sqq. SS. IV., 151 ; Simson, /. c. I., 269. I W 152 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter IV.] SAXON WAR, TO ITS CLOSE. 153 above that of episcopi in partibus ; ' a similar plan was ob- served with the mission in Eastphalia.^ Sundry assertions to the contrary, such as the erection of the eight Saxon dioceses of Bremen, Halberstadt, Hildesheim, Verden, Pa- derborn, Minden, Miinster, and Asenbrugg, at one time, according to one authority in one day? are doubtless pure inventions of a later age, and simply incredible.'* The same applies to a pretended arrangement in virtue of which Charles engaged to donate portions of the conquered Saxon territory to St. Peter, that he set off and founded Saxon bishoprics by papal command, and endowed them with tithes ; all such notices are destitute of authority, and con- flict with the well-defined relations between Charles and the pope.5 The actual establishment of the Saxon bishoprics belongs to the period following the termination of the Saxon war. Bremen seems to have become the seat of a bishop in 805 ; Miinster (i. e., Mimigernaford) in 804 ; the only other Saxon bishopric erected during the life of Charles is that of Pa- derborn in 806, when the Saxon Hathumar, who had been educated at Wiirzburg, was consecrated as its first bishop. Paderborn, of whose church notices are given in another connection, had until then been under the ecclesiastical direction of the see of Wiirzburg.* A peculiar case is that of the virtual abolition of the dio- cese of Buriaburg, near the Saxon country. It occurred under the following circumstances : Richulfus, the succes- sor of archbishop Lul, stood in near personal relations to Charles ; he was a member of the Palace School, where he bore the name of Flavius Damoetas. Contrary to usage his consecration took place, not at Mayence, but at Fritz- lar, situated in the diocese of Buriaburg. The monasteries » Abel-Simson, /. c. I., 349 sqq., 353, sqq. ^ Ibid., p. 354. 3 Thietmar, VII., 53, MG. SS. III., 860 ; cf. Annal. Saxo., MG. SS. VI., 560. 4 Simson, /. c. I., 356 sq. 5 Simson, /. c. I., 181 sq., 357 sq., and compare the respective chapters in Book III. of this work. * Simson, /. c. II., 313 sq. at these places having been founded by Boniface were in a certain sense dependencies of the archiepiscopal see of Mayence, and closely inter-related. Richulfus, desirous of asserting the dependence of Fritz- lar on Mayence, designated it as the place of his consecra- tion. The late bishop Witta of Buriaburg was suffragan of his predecessor, but judging it undesirable to revive the oflfice, Richulfus adopted the expedient of abolishing the small diocese as a proper compensation to Mayence for the alleged loss of certain possessions or sources of revenue, which had been diverted to the support of the missions, eventually of the dioceses, in Saxony. His consecration at Fritzlar appears to have been the first step towards the cessation of Buriaburg, as a separate diocese,' and its in- corporation with that of Mayence. ' Simson, /. c, II., 538 sqq., and the authorities he cites. Chapter V.] INVASION OF SPAIN. 155 CHAPTER V. INVASION OF SPAIN. Occasion.— Muster.— March.— Saragossa.— Results.— Retreat.— Ambuscade. Roncesvalles.— Legend. — The Altab^aren Cantua. — Roland. 777] It is probable that the remarkable administration of the Sacrament of Baptism to a multitude of Saxons at the Diet of Paderborn was witnessed by personages who must have been as much amazed at what they saw, as their pres- ence interested the Prankish warriors and their converts, who until that hour had never seen any of their countrymen. They were perhaps the first Arabs who. penetrated so far north ; if their person and presence were strange, the errand on which they came was stranger. They had heard in Spain, as those with whom they sym- pathized in heart and aim had heard in far away Bagdad, of the martial glory of the king of the Franks, and in the phrase of one of the annalists, Ibn-al-Arabi, the head of the embassy, together with his son and son-in-law, and other Saracens, came ''to surrender to the king of the Franks himself and all the towns which the king of the Saracens had confided to his keeping." ' He was the governor of Saragossa, and stood politically much in the same relation to the reigning king at Cordova, as did the Lombard princes to the king of the Franks, and proposed to do to him what they would fain have done to the Greek emperor. As Charles had conquered Lombardy, so had Abdel-Rhaman, the last descendant of the Ommiad khalifs, conquered Spain, and held it independent of the Khalif of Bagdad. Ibn-al-Arabi and his party were disaffected Abbassides, and proposed to desert the cause of Abdel-Rhaman, place 'Ann. Einh., Lauriss., Fuld. the northern frontier of Spain under the protection of Charles, acknowledge his suzerainty, and, in the event of war, invoke his aid against the Emir ^ of Cordova. The matter appealed to his pride and interest, and he was readily persuaded to entertain it ; it was a novel enterprise, promising adventure and conquest, and a monition which the most Christian king could not disregard. There was a (JiemesTs; in the broken power of the Sara- cens, once the terror of Europe, when not long since they threatened to overrun her fairest provinces, until the ham- mer strokes of his grandsire stunned them, and drove them back. Then an Aquitanian prince sought Saracen aid against the Franks, now the Saracens invoked his help against their own emir. The proud Prankish banners would wave beyond the Pyrenees, and the ecclesiastics /in the camp said that his coming would quicken the hope of deliverance slumbering in many Christian hearts, which even then were speeding their prayers to heaven for his success. Such and similar reasons, the hope of spoil cherished by the warriors, and of rich livings flowing from the conquest, by the bishops and abbots, combined to make the Spanish invasion a most popular undertaking. The heerbaiin was called out, and the martial strength of Francia heard with enthusiasm the summons to a holy war against the infidel Moslems. 77§] Preparations were going on in midwinter ; the armorer's din was heard everywhere, and soon the old Roman roads were thronged with warriors on the march to Spain. The king and his family went early in the year to Chasse- neuil, on the Clain,=' the designated rendezvous. The assembled host, composed of Burgundians, Bavarians, Aus- trasians, Provencals, Septimanians, Lombards, and other bodies not mentioned by name, was divided into two » The title of Khalif was not as- reign of the third emir of the same sumed by his successors until the name (912-961). 2 Annal. Lauriss. ; Metten. , Einh. |l N / IS6 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. armies: the one commanded by the king's uncle, Duke Bernard, of Italian fame ; the other by Charles in person. The plan provided for a simultaneous invasion of the penin- sula from opposite directions, and a junction at Saragossa. Bernard accordingly took the road between the Mediter- ranean and the mountains, and Charles followed the line of Vasconia and the Pyrenees through the valley of Ronces- valles.^ Brilliant and easy success seems to have attended the course of both armies until they reached Saragossa. The governors of Gerona and Barcelona gave hostages ^ to Ber- nard and furnished the necessary supplies, enabling him to conduct his column, without any mishap, to the walls of Saragossa. 77»J On the other hand, the progress of Charles, also, must have been satisfactory ; he entered Vasconia, doubt- less with the concurrence of Lupus, but it is questionable if it was spontaneous or compuL^ory. Although there is no evidence that he was his vassal, his relations to Charles must have been those of formal amity ; cordiality, however, was out of the question. Charles, by the right of conquest, established by his father and asserted by himself, was Lord of Aquitaine, which not long since formed part of the ancestral possessions of Lupus. The loss of Aquitaine, therefore, was one grievance, but by no means the greatest, which rankled in his breast ; he was a Merovingian, and, as such, recalled the history of the mayors of the palace and the wrongs they had inflicted on his house. Had he been able, he would have refused passage to Charles ; he granted it, because necessity compelled. Perhaps he took the cus- tomary oaths of vassalage, under compulsion ; at any rate, if he did, his submission *' was not without umbrage or with- out all the feelings of a true son of Waifre, that he saw the Franks and the son of Pepin so close to him." ^ The passage of the Pyrenees was difficult, but the genius of Charles made it easy.'* At his approach .the confederates ^ Annal. Einh. ; Vita Caroli, c. 9. 2 Annal. Maxim. 3 Fauriel, Histoire de la Gaule. 4 Vita Hlud. c. 2. Chapter V.] INVASION OF SPAIN. 157 of Ibn-al-Arabi surrendered the cities of Pampeluna and Huesca, and accompanied him to the gates of Saragossa, where he effected a junction with Bernard. ** All Spain," says an annalist,^ '^ trembled at the innumer- able legions " of the king of the Franks. This is exaggera- tion, for the Moslems in Saragossa beheld them from their battlements without trepidation, and showed no signs of fear when they cast an iron girdle around them ; nor did fear assail the rest of Spain, for the danger to Saragossa roused the martial ardor of the Moslems, who came in bands from all quarters, swarmed round the Franks, and kept them in a state of incessant anxiety and danger. But why did Saragossa, whoi^ft pretended governor, Ibn- al-Arabi, had already made formal surrender of the place into the hands of Charles many months ago in the depths of a Westphalian forest, not open her gates to the victorious king who demanded admittance ? The city and her defend- ers repudiated the action of Ibn-al-Arabi, who either had drawn upon his imagination, or at the supreme moment found himself deserted by his friends. The brilliant picture of an easy conquest of a fair portion of Spain, with Sara- gossa as a point of support, dissolved like one on the screen of a magic lantern ; the great king had suffered himself to be lured into the heart of a hostile country ; he was in stress of supplies, seemingly caught in a trap, exposed to assault from within the stronghold and from the daily increasing bands of Arabs, that scoured the country for miles around. He was also deficient in the apparatus necessary for a siege, which might be of indefinite duration, for Saragossa was well supplied, and as strongly garrisoned as fortified. The ecclesiastical abettors of the scheme, moreover, had drawn as much upon their imagination as Ibn-al-Arabi ; the splen- did and touching spectacle of multitudes of Christians groaning under Moslem rule, praying, awaiting, and welcom- ing the champion of the faith, the grandson of Charles Martel — that also faded into airy nothingness. « Annal. Mett. 158 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. It is uncertain what took place before Saragossa ; a great battle is said to have been fought there of a Sunday after- noon in which many thousand Saracens were slain, but this assertion is believed to be as fabulous as an alleged defeat of the Franks mentioned by Arab writers.^ It is said that the Moslems made a successful sortie, that sickness broke out in the camp, and that Moslem gold, which Charles divided among his troops, hastened his depart- ure. If gold was paid, it was not paid by Saragossa, but most probably exacted as indemnity of war, or the price of safety from districts or cities which were at the mercy of Charles. It is certain that he scored no victory at Saragossa, neither took nor entered the city, and left from under her walls, because necessity compelled him so to do. Ibn-al- Arabi gave hostages, but the king retained him also, and carried him bound* into captivity; his confederate, Abu- Taher (or Abitaurus), also ga^ hostages, but could not save the fate of Pampeluna, for Charles, on his retreat, caused its w^alls to be razed to the ground either in a fit of anger (as some hold) or '^ that it might not be able to revolt."^ The oath of fealty was doubtless exacted all along the march, and Prankish officers together with adequate troops placed in command of all points of importance. Charles might say, as others have said for him, that he extended his conquest to the Ebro ; still, for all practical purposes, the Spanish invasion was a failure, and the reader may determine if it is true " that all the towns and castles that he attacked surrendered."* It may hold good of other places, but not of Saragossa, unless we infer that he con- tented himself with an investment of the place without an attack. This is hardly credible, for Charles emulated Caesar, and would not have laid himself open to the charge of wilful omission of the third and most important particular of his famous saying. He doubtless tried to win, although he only came, saw — and went. 1 Chron. Moiss. in MG. SS. I., 296. 3 Annal. Lauriss. min., Mosell. Lau- — Fauriel, /. c. III., 344. resh , Einh., Lauriss. maj. 2 Annal. Petav. * Vita Car. c. 9 ad init. Chapter V.] INVASION OF SPAIN. 159 The army retreated in one body, and what befell it on the march is thus told by the king's biographer and friend : " The king brought back his army without any loss, save that at the summit of the Pyrenees he suffered somewhat from the perfidy of the Vasconians. Whilst the army of the Franks, embarrassed in a narrow defile, was forced bj^ the nature of the ground to advance in one long, close line, the Vasconians, who were in ambush on the crest of the mountain (for the dense forest covering those parts is favor- able to ambuscade), descended and fell suddenly on the bag- gage-train and on the troops of the rear-guard, whose duty it was to cover all in their front, and precipitated them to the bottom of the valley. "• There a fight took place in which the Franks were killed to a man. The Vasconians, having plundered the baggage- train, profited by the night which had come on, and rapidly dispersed. They owed all their success in this engagement to the lightness of their equipment and the nature of the spot where the action took place. The Franks, on the other hand, being heavily armed, and in an unfavorable position, struggled against too many disadvantages. '' Eggihard, master of the king s household ; Anselm, count Palatine ; and Roland, prefect of the marches of Brit- tany, fell in this engagement. There were no means at the time for taking revenge for this check ; for, after their sudden attack, the enemy dispersed to such good purpose that there was no gaining any trace of the direction in which he should be sought for." ' The valley of Roncesvalles, or Roncevaux, is situated be- tween the defiles of Sizer and Val-Carlos, that is the valley of Charles, and the small chapel of Ibagueta is pointed out as the precise spot on which the drama was enacted. The roadway is very narrow — so narrow that hardly two men, at the most three, may pass abreast. It was near sunset when the terrible Basques fell upon the mail-clad and heavy-armed Prankish rear, in charge of the baggage and the spoil, and » Vita Caroli, c. 9. i6o CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. almost annihilated it. The Moslems may have made com- mon cause with them.' The date of the disaster (August 15, 778) is fixed by the epitaph on the tomb of one of the slain.^ Thus meagre are the historical notices of an event so famed in poetry and song ; but the deficiency of the record is amply made up by legendary lore, and we may be par- doned in drawing upon it for two or three particulars which few readers of this history might care to have suppressed. The great, sore, and sanguinary disaster which had occur- red was past repair, and would have been so, had Charles caught the bugle-blast of Roland's horn, to which Sir Walter Scott refers in the well-known stanza : " O for the voice of that wild horn. On Fontarabian echoes borne, . The dying hero's call. That told imperial Charlemagne, How Paynim sons of swarthy Spain Had wrought his champion's fall." 3 For Charles was many miles away, and the massacre most probably lasted through the night; he heard the terrible tidings with excessive grief and ordered a halt.* When the Franks returned in quest of their missing com- rades they found them slain, robbed and dishonored in that dark valley of the shadow of death, and no living soul to tell the sad and cruel story. Not a vestige of the enemy was to be seen — but they were Basques, and the story runs that Lupus their duke was implicated in the foul deed, and that he met his reward in the fate of Haman. The Franks saw in it a national act, and so did the Basques, as is clear from the Altabiqaren Cantua, which is of great antiquity, and claimed to have been preserved by the Pyrenean mountaineers to this day.s » It is historically credible and possi- ble. See Reinaud, Invasion des Sar- razins, en France, p. 96. "" That of Eggihard. See DUmmler in Haupt's Zeitchrift fUr d. Alterth. V. 16, p. 279. 3 Rob Roy, ch. 2. Marra. 6, 33. 4Annal Einh. 5 The original song in Basque is on record. A French version, though in- adequate, published by M. E. de Mont- grave, in the Journal Historique, t Chapter V.] INVASION OF SPAIN. 161 The Etcheco-Ioana, a Vasconian chief, hears in his hut on the lofty Ibaneta a shrill cry proceeding from the Escaldunac Unissons nos bras nerveux, deracinons ces rochers, Lancons les du haut des montagnes Jusque sur leurs tetes ! ficrasons les, tuons les. i. p. 76 sqq., may interest some readers. Le Chant D*ALTABigAR. I. Un cri s'est eleve Du milieu des montagnes des Escal- dunacs, Et TEtcheco-Joana, debout devant sa porte, A ouvert Toreille, et a dit : "Qui va \k ? Que me veut on ? " Et le chien qui dormait aux pieds de son maitre S'est leve et a rempli les environs d'Altabi9ar de ses aboiements. 2. Au col d'Ibaneta un bruit retentit, II approche, en frolant, i droite, 4 gauche, les rochers. C'est le murmure sourd d'une armee qui vient, Les notres y ont repondu du sommet des montagnes; lis ont souffles dans leur comes de boeuf, Et TEtcheco-Joana aiguise ses filches. 3. lis viennent, ils viennent ! Quelle haie de lances, Comme les banni^res versicolores flottent au milieu ! Quel eclairs jaillissent des armes ! Combien sont ils ? Enfant compte-les bien ! Un, deux, trois, quatre, cinq, six, sept, huit, neuf, dix. onze, douze, Treize, quatorze, quinze, seize, dix- sept, dix-huit, dix-neuf, vingt. 4. Vingt, et des milliers d'autres encore ! On perdrait son temps 4 les compter. XI 5- Et qu'avaient ils a faire dans nos mon- tagnes, ces hommes du Nord ? Pourquoi sont ils venus troubler notre paix? Quand Dieu fait des montagnes, c'est pour que les hommes ne les f ran- chissent pas. Mais les rochers en roulant tombent : ils ecrasent les bataillons. Le sang ruisselle, les chairs palpitent ; Oh ! combien d'os broyes ! quelle mer de sang ! 6. Fuyez, fuyez, ceux 4 qui il reste de la force et un cheval, Fuis, roi Cai: man, avec ta plume noire et ta cape rouge ! Ton neveu, ton plus brave, ton che'ri Roland, est e'tendu mort 1^-bas ; Son courage ne lui a servi a rien. Et maintenant, Escaldunac, laissons les rochers ; Descendons vite en lan9ant nos filches i ceux qui fuient. 7. lis fuient ! ils fuient ! ou est done la haie de lances ? Ou sont ces bannieres versicolores flottant au milieu ? Les eclairs ne jaillissent plus de leur3 armes souillees de sang. Combien sont ils? enfant compte-les bien ! Vingt, dix-neuf, dix-huit, dix-sept, seize, quinze, quatorze, treize, Douze, onze, dix, neuf, huit, sept, six, cinq, quatre, trois, deux, un ; 1 62 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter V.] INVASION OF SPAIN. 163 \ range. He rushes forth to see and hear, shouting, '' Who's there? What do you want?" His dog, till then asleep, has also heard the cry, and with its bark wakes the echoes of Altabi^ar. The cry is followed by another sound, dull, confused, and strong, shifting from rock to rock, and coming nearer. He concludes that it is the noise of a moving host, hears the familiar notes of the bull-horn^ from every mountain-top, smiles, and sharpens his arrows. A forest of lances, with gay banners and flashing helmets and coats of mail, emerges from the pass. He bids his son count them. The lad counts : '' One, two, three, four," and so forth, to twenty. " Twent}/ thousand, and many more thousands following." " Stop counting ! " he cries. "... 'Tis waste of time to count. Let's use our arms, displace these stones. Direct their course and downward roll, In death involve each living soul, And crush their bones ! " Thus occupied, the father asks : *' What came they for, those northern men ? Why did they enter our mountains and disturb our peace ? " and replies, ** when God made \ \ 8. Un ! il n'y en a meme plus un ! C'est fini. Etcheco-Joana, vous pou- vez rentrer avec votre chien, Embrasser votre femme et vos en- fants, Nettoyer vos fleches, les serrer avec votre Corne de boeuf, et ensuite vous cou- cher et dormir dessus ; La nuit, les aigles viendront manger ces chairs ecrasees, Et tous ces OS blanchiront dans I'eter- nite. ^ The custom of summoning the ^Basque mountaineers with the blast of the bull-horn is primitive, and com- mon to other nations. An old statute requires the mountaineer on hearing the signal to leave his flocks, seize his arms, and follow the call. " Cum homines de villis qui stant in montanis cum suis ganatis (flocks), audierint appelitum, omnes capiant arma, et, demissis ganatis, sequantur appelitum. — Biancae Comment. His- pan. illustr. Compare the lines of "Pibroch of Donald Dhu:" ** Leave untended the herd, The flock without shelter, etc.," showing that a similar custom pre- vailed in Scotland. the mountains, he set them as barriers between man and man." The stones roll down, and bury the battalions. The savage Basque feasts his eyes on the pandemonium below, expatiating on the quivering flesh and shattered bones in seas of blood. Then he bids them fly, knowing that flight is vain ; scorn- fully bids Charles fly, Charles with his sable plume and crimson pall, telling him that his nephew, his brave and loved Roland, lies dead in the vale. Their work is done aloft, but other work awaits them below ; they shoot their arrows after the flying host until they are spent, draw them out of the bodies of the slain, and return to their mountain home. Again the Etcheco-Ioana stands looking, and watching the flight triumphantly exclaims: ''Where is it now, that forest of lances? where are the banners gay ? No sunlight flashes from those blood-stained helmets and coats of mail ! " Again he bids his son count them ; the lad obeys, but reversing the order, says, '* Twenty, nineteen, eighteen," and so forth down to one. *'No, not one," shouts the savage Basque, 'Mt is all finished." " Yes," concludes the poet, '' turn in now, Etcheco-Ioana, and take your dog with you. Kiss your wife and children ; cleanse your arrows and tie them to your bull-horn ; seek your rest and sleep upon them. In the night the eagles will come and feast on the flesh, and the bones they leave will blanch into eternity." The solitary notice of the death of Roland in the massa- cre of Roncesvalles is the groundwork of the famous Song of Roland of the romance writers. A few passages, supposed to describe the event, are suf- ficient for the purpose in hand. Roland '' now blew a loud blast with his horn, to summon any Christian concealed in the adjacent woods to his assist- ance, or to recall his friends beyond the pass. This horn was endued with such power that all other horns were split by 164 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. its sound ; and it is said that Orlando at that time blew it so vehemently that he burst the veins and nerves of his neck. ** The sound reached the king's ears, who lay encamped in the valley still called by his name, about eight miles from Ronceval, towards Gascony, being carried so far by super- natural power. Charles would have flown to his succor, but was prevented by Ganalon who, conscious of Orlando's sufferings, insinuated it was usual with him to sound his horn on light occasions. * He is perhaps,' said he, ' pursu- ing some wild beast, and the sound echoes through the woods ; it will be fruitless, therefore, to seek him.' " Meanwhile Orlando, resigning himself to his fate, con- fesses his sins and dies ; angels appear and carry his soul to paradise. This happened at Roncesvalles, but " whilst the soul of the blessed Orlando was leaving his body, I, Turpin, standing near the king in the valley of Charles, at the moment I was celebrating the mass of the dead, namely, on the i6th day of June, fell into a trance, and hearing the angelic choir sing aloud, I wondered what it might be. Now, when they had ascended on high, behold there came after them a phalanx of terrible ones, like warriors returning from the spoil bearing their prey. Presently I inquired of one of them what it meant, and was answered, * We are bearing the soul of Mansir to hell^ but yonder is Michael bearing the Horn-winder to heaven.* When the mass was over I told the king what I had seen ; and whilst I was yet speaking, behold Baldwin rode up on Orlando's horse, and related what had befallen him, and where he had left the hero in, the agonies of death, beside a stone in the meadows at the foot of the mountain ; whereupon the whole army immedi- ately marched back to Ronceval." The body is discovered by Charles himself, " lying in the form of a cross, and he began to lament over him with bitter sighs and sobs, wringing his hands, and tearing his haif and beard." We omit the words of the lamentation and the " poetry,'* and conclude this veracious account in the words of the monastic forger: Chapter V.] INVASION OF SPAIN. 165 " There did Charles mourn for Orlando to the very last day of his life. On the spot where he died he encamped, and caused the body to be embalmed with balsam, myrrh and aloes. The whole camp watched it that night, hon- oring his corse with hymns and songs and innumerable torches and fires kindled on the adjacent mountains."* * Rodd's Translation of the His- tory of Charlemagne and Orlando, falsely ascribed to Turpin. — Accord- ing to Itinerarium Antonini et Hiero- solymitanum, ed. Pinder-Parthey, p. 217, the road from Spain to Aquitaine ran as follows : Pampalone, Turissa, Summo Pyrenaeo {Roncesvalles), Imo Pyrenaeo {St. Jean-Pied de Port) Car- asa, Aquis Terebelicis {Dax)y etc., etc CHAPTER VI. SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. Plot -Charles quells the revolt in Friuli .-Revisits Italy.-Social condition.- Incidents at Parma, Rome, Milan, etc.-Puppet kings.-Legislation.-In- vasion and submission of Benevento.-War with Tassilo.-He is arraigned and deposed.-Annexation of Bavaria.— The penitent monk. Barely fifteen months after the conquest of Lombardy the political situation in Italy had become most critical. The Prankish governors and officers were not popular ; the court of Constantinople was intriguing with the powerful vassals whose allegiance to the dispossessed king of the Lombards was supposed to have been transferred, at least formally, to the king of the Franks ; and the presence of Adelchis in the metropolis of the East was a standmg menace, which in the eyes of the pope, who had his own grievances, might at any moment break out in open m- surrection, having for its object the overthrow of Prank- ish supremacy and the restoration of the Lombards. The vigilant spies of Hadrian kept him well informed of the threads of the plot, which his own fears, probably also his private designs, magnified into colossal dimensions. Epistle followed epistle full of the most dreadful forebodings, and the most earnest appeals to Charles to hasten to Italy. Such a Job's message awaited him on his return from 775] Saxony ; it was more ominous than any he had yet received, and the pope's account was confirmed in other quarters. A Lombard league had been formed, Hrodgaud, duke of Priuli, had openly proclaimed his independence, and quite a number of cities joined in the revolt. The faithless vassal was in league with the powerful dukes of Spoleto, Benevento, and Clusium, and his father-in-law, Chap. VI.] SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 167 Count Stebelinius of Treviso ; the revolt in Priuli was only the first act of the conspiracy which would be followed by other events in March of the ensuing year, when Adelchis, the son of Desiderius, was expected to arrive with a Greek fleet, seize Rome, and with the support of his confederates, repossess himself of bis ancestral inheritance. '' Rome." wrote the pontiff, '' was to be assailed by land and by water, and all the churches of God were to be robbed ; yea, it was part of the conspiracy, God forbid, to abduct him, Hadrian, into captivity, and restore the Lombard dominion. He adjured Charles by the true and living God to hasten, with the utmost speed, to his deliverance, lest the nations should say, ' Where is the trust of the Romans, which, next to God, they put in the king and government of the Pranks?' He assured him that failure on his part involved consequences for which he must answer at the bar of God, because he, the pope, by divine command, and that of St. Peter, had placed the Church of God and the people of the Roman Commonwealth' under the powerful protection of his most sweet sublimity." Hadrian felt sore, and, in this letter, drew largely on his imagination ; Charles doubtless did not depend solely upon him for intelligence, but judged the situation, in spite of the pope's exaggeration, sufficiently grave to call for instant action. It was midwinter ; the army had been disbanded, but something must be done. The revolt in Priuli must be quelled forthwith and its faithless head chastised ; the exam- ple of a Prankish vassal breaking his oath, and proclaim- ing his independence was perilous to his rule in Italy, and left him no choice but instant action. He left Schlettstadt in Alsace immediately after Christ- mas with a scara of picked household troops, and crossed the Alps with amazing rapidity. He was in the duchy of Priuli before Hrodgaud knew that he was coming. The feeble resistance he offered ended in defeat, imprisonment, and death. It is not certain how he lost his life, whether I Epist. Hadr. Bouquet, V., 549. 547, 548.— Also, as to the pontiff's cf. ibid. Epp. 54, 58, 59, on pp. 545, grievances, ibid., p. 546 A. i68 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book H. he fell in combat, or was put to death by his followers, who went over to Charles in large numbers, not voluntarily, however, but by bribery/ 776] His speedy punishment frightened the rest of the league, and nipped it in the bud. Hrodgaud's father-in- law. Count Stebelinius, with a number of revolted Lorn- bards, withdrew behind the ramparts of Treviso, and pre- pared to stand a siege. Charles took it by storm, and m like manner marched against the other cities, and conquered them. The story that Treviso was betrayed by Petrus, an Italian priest, who reaped the reward of his treachery in the honors and emoluments of the see of Verdun, is not credited, although the unfortunate bishop labors, let us hope, under the false imputation of having performed the same act m the capture of Pavia.^ ^ The conquered cities were placed under the direction of Prankish counts, the customary oaths were administered," the property of the rebels was confiscated, a number of whom were sent into banishment. Charles gave one of the seques- tered estates to his devoted adherent, the grammarian Paulinus, the same who afterwards became patriarch of Aquileia,^ and divided the others, as was his wont, among his warriors and the Church. The rebellion was quelled, the league evaporated, Rome continued safe, and Charles, with more pressing work on hand in Francia, denying him- self the pleasure of an excursion to Rome, as quickly as he had come recrossed the mountains blessed with prosperity and victory,* and accompanied by a number of prisoners, among whom is mentioned by name the Lombard Arichis, a brother of Paul the Deacon. The devotion of Arichis to the Lombard dynasty entailed separation from his wife and children, who languished in misery, and his own most sad and long captivity. Six years later his brother, the deacon, also strongly I Annal. Einh. ; Lauriss. ; Fuld. ; cf. Bohmer, /. c. Nos. 196 c. 198. Andr. Berg. c. 4. '^MG. ss.iv., 44; vni., 351. 3 Bohmer, /. c. No. 198. 4 ♦ ♦ Eadem qua venerat velocitate re- versus est."— Annal. Einh., cf. Lauriss., and note 2, p. 169. Chap. VI.] SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 169 attached to the Lombards, in a touching poem interceded for him with Charles, and obtained his freedom. This was the occasion of his personal relations to Charles, and removal to Francia.' The annals suppress the reason why Charles did not go to Rome, and their language is misleading. He spent more than two months in Italy after the fall of Treviso, and had plenty of time to visit Rome, had such been his purpose. But he clearly avoided Hadrian, and felt as reluctant to admit his inordinate claims to territorial possessions, alleged to have been given or promised to St. Peter, as to espouse his cause against the archbishop of Ravenna, the duke of Spoleto and others. The archbishop of Ravenna had the king's ear, and more influence with him than Hadrian. Charles, moreover, had confirmed to its duke the duchy of Spoleto, which the pontiff claimed for St. Peter ; and, in fact, had completely ignored him in the recent regulation of the affairs of the Peninsula. Under such circumstances a meeting with Hadrian would have been painfully embarrassing, and for these reasons Charles returned to Francia without visiting Rome."" This brief and brilliant Friulian campaign illustrates, per- haps better than any other as yet presented, one of the most striking characteristics of the military ability of Charles. The thirty-two years of Saxon warfare mark the relentless and inexorable purpose of the tyrant, the conquest of Lom- bardy the skill of the strategist and tactician, the invasion of Spain the wisdom of the disappointed general, but this Friulian expedition shows the genius of Charles and the versatility of his powers. Even now, with all the appliances and conveniences of modern contrivance, the sight of an equestrian in any of the hollow approaches to the Alpine passes, who in mid- I Annal. Lauriss., MG. SS. Lang. =^ See Abel-Simson, /. c. I., 25S, to- 15' — Versus Pauli ad regem precando, gether with his authorities and refer- in Poet. Lat. aev. Carolin. I., 47 sq. — ences, especially to Codex Carol. Nos. Cf. Abel-Simson, /. c, I., 253. 5Zi_58, in Bibl. Rer. Germanic. IV., 190. sqq. 170 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book H. winter proposed so difficult and perilous an undertaking would undoubtedly receive the old man's advice so gener- ously given to the hero of '' Excelsior ; " but think of that magnificent scara of troopers, which left Schlettstadt about New Year, ^76, and its wonderful achievements ! The roads, bad at all seasons of the year, at least at that time, were buried in snow ; the terrible savageness of ice-bound preci- pices along whose slippery edge ran their course might make the boldest shudder as he looked upward past sombre and icicled pines to the rocky needles which shot from the base of eternal whiteness into the sky, and down into the black depths of certain death in the wild, seething and roaring waters which yawned at his feet ; a storm, a false step, meant destruction to the mail-clad scara, which in biting cold, and through blinding snow, followed the intrepid captain, who did what only Hannibal and Caesar had done before. He crossed the mountains, swept over the plains of Lom- bardy with incredible speed, strangled the revolt, punished the offenders, and made such wise dispositions in the admin- istration of the conquered territory, that for several years to come revolt did not dare to lift its head. Celerity and executive ability of the highest order achieved this remarkable success in the course of a few months, in a country distracted by faction, jealousy, and misrule. Such was the power of his presence, and the dread of his revenge, that he might leave to his lieutenants the administration of affairs, and attract the rich and spontaneous homage of the duke ITildeprand of Spoleto, who sought and delighted the new king of the Lombards with a visit of state which he paid to him at Verzenay, in the heart of his Prankish dominions. 779] Still he felt the necessity of an early return into Italy, and embraced the opportunity of a lull in the Saxon tempest to make a prolonged stay. The objects of the journey were strictly peaceable; one was religious, the other political.' It was in fulfilment of a religious vow coupled with the » Annal. Einh. Lauriss., Mosell. Chap. VI.] SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 171 desire of praying at the tomb of the apostles, and taking personal cognizance of the internal and external affairs of Italy, that orders were given for t.he progress, in which the Court and part of the royal family participated. The family of Charles was already large ; he had eight children living, two by Himiltrud, and six by Queen Hil- degard ; altogether four sons and four daughters. Pepin, surnamed the Hunchback, and Rothaid were the children of Himiltrud, while Charles. Rothrud, Bertha, Carloman, Louis, and Gisla were those of the latter. Of these Pepin and Charles remained at Worms ; the others accompanied him to Italy.' Couriers were despatched to prepare the way and announce his coming ; the royal party travelled under strong military escort, and probably followed the course of Constance,^ Chur, and the Splugen ; in the absence of royal palaces, villas, or hotels, the monastic and religious establishments on the road offered convenient resting places. It was late in the year when the King of the Franks and of the Lombards made his entry into Pavia, and took up his residence in the palace for the winter. 7§1] Much public business of a miscellaneous nature arising from the conquest, and inadequate, vague, or con- flicting legislation, such as the conduct of the counts and judges, the adjustment of claims, and the correction of abuses, engaged his attention. Two capitularies were set forth, one in the Diet which he held at Mantua, some time before the middle of March,^ whose provisions disclose a most unenviable state of society. The country was infested by robbers ; Christian and pagan serfs were sold into slav- ery ; tolls were unlawfully extorted, and the ends of jus- tice most shamefully perverted. Even the pope had been accused, it is thought by the duke of Spoleto, of encour- aging the nefarious traffic in slaves, and Charles wrote to him on the subject. A few paragraphs from his reply shed some light on it : ^ Same authorities as in the last note. ^ Radperti Casus S. Galli, c. 3. 3 Boretius, Capitul. 108. 'I 172 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chap. VI.] SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. ^71 " You advert," he writes, " to the slaves whom we Romans are said to have sold to the infamous race of the Saracens. God knows that we never committed or authorized such criminal work. But the Lombards on the sea-coast have always kept up this trade with the Greek pirates, and sup- plied them with slaves. We commanded duke Alio to fit out several galleys, chase the said pirates, and burn their vessels ; but he disobeyed our orders, and we, having neither ships, nor sailors to man them, cannot do anything in the matter. But God is our witness that we have not ceased doing all we were able for stopping that shameful busi- ness. Thus, when Greek pirates entered our port of Cen- tumcells [that is, Civita Vecchia], we caused their ships to be burned, and their crews imprisoned. Even at the time of the recent famine, the Lombards knew how to turn the general distress to their own advantage by engaging still more extensively in the slave trade, and entire Lombard families are known to have gone voluntarily on board the Greek vessels as their last means of escape from otherwise inevitable starvation. ... " Your sublimity should not credit the calumnies against our clergy. The more lovingly we feel towards you, so much the more the enemies of the Church sow the tares of discord. But through the aid of God and the interces- sion of St. Peter, their efforts will fail, and we confide in the words of the Psalmist : Disperdat Dominus universa labia dolosa et linguam maliloqua^n, Ps. IL, 4." ' On his way to Rome Charies stopped at Parma and there met for the first time Alcuin, who even then bore the repu- tation of being a very learned and virtuous man, and was on his way to England charged with the mission of carrying Wit pallium to the archbishop of York. He extended to him a cordial invitation to settle in Francia.^ The royal family spent Easter at Rome. The pope had long since expressed the desire of assuming sponsorial duties to one of the royal princes, and now had the gratifica- X Hadr. Ep. Bouquet V., 557. 2 Vita Ale— Jaffe, Bibl. VI., 17, cf. Mon. Sang. I., i, 2. tion, probably on Easter Even, of christening the second son of Hildegard. He had borne before the name of Carloman, but it was changed to that of Pepin, perhaps in compliment of the pope, for the popes had cause to cherish that name. The event explains the expression coinpater which thence- forth appears in Hadrian's letters to Charles. But the offi- cial acts of the pontiff were not confined to the christening, for he solemnly crowned and anointed his godson Pepin king of Italy, and his younger brother Ludwig, or Louis, king of Aquitaine. Both kings were very youthful ; his majesty of Italy numbered four summers, and his brother of Aquitaine only three.' The royal offerings appear to have been truly magnificent, for as such we may regard the donation of the Sabinensian territory. The pope seems to speak of the entire Sabina, but the appointment of a royal commission charged with the duty of examining into his claims warrants the conclu- sion that it was restricted to the patrimony of St. Peter in that territory.^ (It is said that the pope had been approached by the Em- press Irene, through her ambassadors, in the matter of an attempted reunion of the East and the West by means of intermarriages. There is no doubt whatsoever that the Princess Rothrud, the eldest daughter of Hildegard, a young lady of eight, was solemnly affianced to the Emperor Con- stantine (Porphyrogenitus), about two years her senior. The Greeks converted her name into Erythrea, and it was ar- ranged that a Constantinopolitan officer came to the court of Charles and taught her Greek. There the matter ended, for the engagement was ultimately annulled. There is no evidence that the betrothal of the children covered the project of a matrimonial alliance by their parents. The presence of Hildegard, morality, politics, and last, not least, the unenviable reputation of Irene (of having poisoned the Emperor Leo, her husband) may be adduced 'Cod. Carol., Jaffe, No. 61.— An- « Cod. Car. ibid. Nos. 73. 74, cf. nal. Lauriss., Einh., al. cf. Vita 70-72 ; and compare the authorities Hlud. c. 4. - in Bohmer, /. c. 226, a. 174 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chap. VI.] SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 175 as grounds for discrediting the rumor, at least at this time. 1 1 1 f Some think, and probably they are right, that the plan of separate kingdoms with nominal but visible figure heads originated with the pope^ /^fene cannot read without a smile the grave contemporary notice that Charles on that Easter Day divided his dominions among his sons ; ' as a matter of fact the whole arrangement was fictitious, for he held the reins of government with a firm grasp until he died. The juvenile kings were solemnly established in their capitals, put in charge of nurses, governesses, tutors, and guardians, who received their instructions down to the minutest particulars from Charles, and were required to keep him well informed of all their acts. He was also in the habit of despatching at stated intervals his missi, or special commissioners, whom he empowered to inquire into the conduct of the guardians, and, if necessary, to cor- rect or cancel their acts. The record is silent as to the ceremonial observed with respect to the introduction of Pepin into Lombardy ; but we know almost to a certainty that Rotechild, apparently an arbitrary man, was h\s baiiilus, that is, his guardian and administrator. The common state- ment, that abbot Adalhard, and Angilbert, the latter with the title of primicerius, officiated in that capacity during the minority of Pepin, is untenable." In the case o. Loui.«. the information is fuller. The baiulus Arnold was chief-guardian, and with him went a number of Prankish officers of rank and ability, " distm- guished not only for bravery and firmness, but also for adroitness, and such as they should be, to be neither de- ceived nor scared by the cunning, fickle, and turbulent populations with whom they had to deal." A company of good nurses, under strong, military escort, took charge I X Annal. S. Am. ratori, Antiq, ItaL, II., 977 sq.. in ^Vita Adalh. c. 16, is adduced in favor of Rotechild. favor of Adalhard ; Alcuini, ep. 4, 5 See the merits of the question in (Jaffe), in favor of Angilbert ; and Mu- Simson /. c. II., 435, note 6 ; 430, notes I, 2. of the juvenile majesty of Aquitaine, and conducted him in a cradle from the banks of the Meuse to those of the Loire. At Orleans they took him out of the cradle and prepared- him for more dignified and martial presentation of the people. They encased him in a coat of mail, expressly constructed for his tender frame, gave him suitable weapons, set him on a charger, and, as he was too small to guide it or sit alone, held him in place, and thus introduced him into his dominions.* The political situation in Italy was thoroughly discussed by Hadrian and Charles, and the former, as we know from his epistles, did not spare his insinuations as to the inimical attitude of Arigiso, the powerful duke of Benevento, a son- in-law of the dethroned Desiderius. He was truly a thorn in his eye, but Arigiso had cause to say that Hadrian was literally a scourge in his side. The pontiff saw his interest in the humiliation of so dangerous a neighbor, and would fain have persuaded Charles to overrun him with war, so that the patrimony of St. Peter, unright- eously withheld by the husband of Adelberga, might be restored, and so forth.^ The time for Prankish intervention in Benevento had not yet come, but there was another son-in-law of Desiderius, the duke of Bavaria, whose attitude was far from satisfactory to Charles. It is difficult to understand how Hadrian came to interfere, if he acted propria motu, or at the instance of Charles. At any rate, a mixed embassy, composed of two bishops representing the pope, and of the deacon Riculf and the cupbearer Rberhard on the part of Charles, was sent to the refractory duke, to remind him of his oath of allegiance and demand its renewal.^ Leaving this embassy on its way to Bavaria, we accom- pany Charles to Milan, where the archbishop Thomas did for the baby of the royal household, the princess Gisia, what the pope had done in the case of Pepin, that is, he baptized her 781, June] and stood sponsor.'* 1 Vita Hlud., c. 4. 2 Cod. Carol., ed. Jaffe ; Nos. 66, 3 Ann. Einh. 4 Annal. Lauriss. 87. 176 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. By this time Charles had obtained abundant evidence of great and sore evils in the body politic of his transalpine possessions, and set forth other capitularies, one emanating from a council of bishops, the other from an assemblage of ecclesiastical and secular dignitaries. They disclose a state of things which requires no commentary, except that of subsequent legislation ; bishops and the inferior clergy, to- gether with abbots, monks and nuns, led most scandalous lives, not only in violation of the Canons and the Rule, but of morality and decency ; one capitulum denounces in general terms the shameful practices which disgraced the Church and scandalized the people, and others command, but only on pain of pecuniary fines, the immediate annul- ment of marriages contracted by nuns, and of adulterous and incestuous connections; some are directed against witch- craft and superstition, others against injustice, extortion, bribery, sacrilege, perjury, and homicide. Lesser matters, such as the perversion of benefactions, the misapplication of trusts, the shelter or unlawful detention of fugitive serfs, are 0/ constant recurrence ; and we learn from the abuses to which they gave rise, of the existence of exenodochia, that is, of venerable places in which poor, or at least impecunious travellers, or pilgrims, received gratuitous entertainment. The strong arm and inflexible purpose of Charles were needed, but not adequate for moulding such a chaos of wrong into the orderly workings of justice and right.' 7§1] The embassy to Tassilo was in so far successful that he listened to their representations and promised, if hostages were given him for his personal safety, to repair to the Diet and do as he was required. Charles acceded to his request, received his homage, and took twelve hostages for his future good behavior. Tassilo repaired to Worms, and renewed the oath of allegiance to Charles which he had before ren- dered to Pepin, and whereby he promised fidelity and obe- dience to the king of the Franks and his sons. He also brought rich presents to Charles, and in return I Boretius} /. c, 104, 107, 125, 128, 129, 130, 135- Chap. VI.] SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 177 received the villas of Ingolstadt and Lutrahahof in the Nordgau as a beneficium. The king dismissed him in the most honorable manner.* The duke returned to Bavaria, but at the instigation of the duchess Liutperga, soon forgot his oaths, abandoned his hostages, and fell into his old dis- loyal ways.* A few years passed, but the situation in Benevento and Bavaria grew worse. Hadrian and the duke were at dag- gers drawn, and such was the adroit policy of the former and his influence with Charles, that he persuaded him to begin hostilities on the plea that the conquest of Lombardy (and the capture of its king) necessarily involved that of a vassal province. Though an idle pretext it commended itself to the judgment of the conqueror who, deeming the juncture propitious, hastily collected a large army, with- 786] out mishap of any kind proceeded to Florence, where King Pepin, now in his ninth year, joined him, and hastened to Rome. The pope advised immediate invasion of the Beneventan territory. Arigiso, convincedof the utter hope- lessness of successful resistance, sought to avert the coming storm by diplomacy. He sent rich presents by the hands of his son Rumoald, and begged the king of the Franks to abandon the plan of invasion, as he was content in all points to comply with his requests. It seems therefore that a for- mal requisition, the terms of which are not known, had taken place, that it had been refused, and that a Frankish army of occupation was the consequence of the refusal. The pope advised Charles to reject the overtures of Arigiso as unsatis- factory, for he had no confidence in the duke's good faith, and easily persuaded the Frankish nobles to express them- selves to the same purpose. 787] Charles held Rumoald, marched to Capua, and went into camp. His rejection of the Beneventan proposals greatly alarmed Arigiso, who had sought safety behind the walls of the fortified sea-town of Salerno, and now sent a " Annal. Lauriss. maj. MG. SS. I., 162 compared with I., 170 ; Annal. Einh., Petav., Enh. Fuld. — Div. regn. a. 806, c. 2, Capp. I., 127 ; and Abel- Simson /. c. I., 397, notes i, 2, 2 Annal. Lauriss., Einh., aL 178 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chap. VI.] SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 179 second embassy with rich presents, offering both his sons as hostages, together with others, in guarantee of his good faith. The king was touched by his prayers, took twelve hostages, to which he added a thirteenth in the person of Grimoald, the duke's second son, released Rumoald, and prompted by the humane and religious consideration that his acceptance of the proffered submission would prevent the devastation of the country and the desolation of churches and monasteries, ordered the cessation of hostilities. Ari- giso moreover engaged to pay an annual tribute of seven thousand solidi, surrendered the alleged patrimony of St. Peter, and both he, together with Rumoald, and his people, swore fealty to the king of the Franks.' The peace augmented the possessions of the Church, to which Charies presented the city of Capua, and, if the Roman allegations are true, likewise the cities of Populonia, Rosellae, Tosca»«ikk, Viterbo, Bagnarea, Sora, Arce, Aquino, Arpino, and Teano. But this must be doubted until docu- mentary evidence, thus far unproduced, establishes the claim.^ A donation of certain Beneventan cities was made, and the instrument is said to have been set forth in the names of the king, the queen, the royal sons, as well as those of the Prankish bishops, abbots, and nobles present. Hadrian repeatedly exhorts the king in his subsequent epistles to fulfil the promise of the cities which he had donated to St. Peter and himself, but mentions only Capua by name. Charles, moreover, seems to have granted to Hadrian Populonia and Rosellae, possibly also Sovana, Toscanella, Viterbo and Bagnorea. But it is impossible to resist the conviction that Hadrian viewed the nature of the grant in one way, while Charies regarded it altogether differently ; at any rate its execution fell greatly short of the claims and expectation of Hadrian.^ > I Annal. Lauriss., maj. et minor; 3 Simson, /. c. I., 571, citing Jaffe Einh. ; Alamann. ; Fuld.— See Bohm- IV., 252, 255 sq. 259, 264 sq., cf. Epist. er, /. c. No. 277 a.— Vita Caroli, c. Carol. 4. Annal. Juvav. min., state jQ^ that Charles ' ' conquered Benevento a Bohmer, /. f. and gave it to St. Peter," while Annal. On his return to Rome the case of Tassilo came up. That refractory vassal, duly informed of the king's inten- tions with regard to Benevento, and anticipating the result, took alarm, and sent an embassy to Rome entreating the good offices of Hadrian with Charles. The strained relations between Charles and Tassilo were of long standing, and the tension threatened to break out in war. Tassilo was certainly a vassal of the kings of the Franks ; he had sworn fealty to Pepin and Charles ; but he made light of his oath, and evaded its obligations. It is by no means unlikely that his ambassadors, accord- ing to the tenor of their instructions, suited their course to the issue of the events pending in Benevento, and were pre- pared either to make common cause with Arigiso against Charles, or, in the event of his submission to Prankish rule, to invoke the mediation of Hadrian. The sympathies of Tassilo were entirely with his brother- in-law of Benevento, nor is it surprising that Liutperga, his wife, nursed in her heart hatred against the enemy and destroyer of her house. It was, doubtless, at her instance that, in spite of the peace patched up five years before, he was intriguing against Charles with the Byzantines, the Avars, and Sclavonians, as well as the vast army of malcon- tents in the old Lombard dominions. Again and again he assumed the conduct of an independ- ent sovereign, and quite recently, while the king was march- ing against Benevento, undertook to settle a territorial dispute with a Prankish noble in the Tyrol, by the arbitra- ment of the sword. Tassilo was a good churchman, and Hadrian would fain have laid him under obligations, if he could do so without alienating the good will of Charles. The Bavarian embassy, consisting of Arno, bishop of Salz- burg, and Hunrich, abbot of Mondsee, arrived during the Easter festivities,^ and prevailed with Hadrian to act as Maxim. MG. SS. XIII., 21, record that ^ Annal. Lauriss. maj., Einh., he "restored Benevento to St. Peter." Maxim., al. ; cf. Luden, IV., 350, — Compare Forschungen, I., 527. 542, n. 8. i8o CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. mediator between Charles and the duke. The king ac- cepted his good offices, and asked the ambassadors what security they could give for the duke's good faith in the future. They replied, that they had no instructions beyond re- porting to their master the words of Charles and Hadrian. This so incensed Hadrian, who suspected trickery, that he forthwith launched the anathema of the Church against Tassilo, notifying the ambassadors that in the event of a further breach of good faith, the responsibility of a sangui- nary and destructive war must rest on his guilty head, but that Charles and the Franks should be innocent. This message the Bavarian ambassadors bore to their master; Charles took leave of Hadrian and set out for Francia, stopping at Pavia, to add to his train many Lom- bard nobles of suspected loyalty, a number of persons skilled in arithmetic and grammar, together with Theodore and Benedict, two fine musicians, the last for the express purpose of introducing the Gregorian chant in the churches of Francia. 7§7] He arrived in Germany in time for the May Parade at Worms. Tassilo, who ought to have been in attendance, stayed away ; the Assembly heard with great enthusiasm the king's account of the Italian campaign, and with corre- sponding indignation the course of the Bavarian duke ; it was resolved to anticipate the threatened peril to the Frankish monarchy by an immediate declaration of war; three armies were directed to march into Bavaria ; one led by Pepin through the valley of the Adigo to the Enns;'a second, probably commanded by his brother, prince Charles, was massed at Pforing on the Danube, while the third, under the king in person, crossed the Rhine and passed through Suabia to the Lechfeld near Augsburg. Tassilo was in sore plight ; he was simultaneously assailed from three cardinal points; the Greeks and Huns upon whose aid he had counted failed him, and, worse than all, his own subjects deserted him. The stars were against him, but accepting the situation, he went to Charles, humbly Chap. VI.] SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. I8l apologized, returned to him, as an ordinary fief, his duchy, and received it again as the king's vassal. This was done by means of a symbolical ceremony ; he presented to the sovereign a small staff with the figure of a man engraved on the head ; Charles took and then returned it to him ; this signified that Tassilo had become his vassal. The king, moreover, in token of his reconciliation, and of Tassilo's perpetual vassalage, gave him gemmed bracelets of gold, and a steed covered with a housing of cloth of gold. A contemporary poet explains that Charles said while pre- senting the symbols, *' Receive, my son, these symbols of your vassalage," adding that Tassilo then kissed the king's knees, saying, '' O King, you wield your office for the happi- ness of the world, and I acknowledge my service to you world without end." Then he took the royal gifts and re- paired to his camp.^ Both he and the Bavarians, moreover, were required to take the oath of allegiance ; Charles also took twelve hos- tages besides his son Theodo, and bound Tassilo to appear at the forthcoming Diet to be held at Ingelheim near May- ence.* What occurred during the interval is not known ; but to Ingelheim the duke repaired in due course. The Diet was the most imposing thus far convened in that reign ; the whole hierarchy of Francia and the most illustrious dignitaries of the r^alm were assembled. Tassilo came openly without suspicion ; he was seized, disarmed, and placed in arrest ; ^ at the same time the duchess Liutperga, his wife, and their children were surprised and arrested in the palace at Ratis- 7§§] bon ; they also and their hereditary treasure, were transported by royal command to Ingelheim.* A number of Bavarian counts, the counsellors and legates ' Annal. Nazar., Cont. MG. SS. I., 43. Lauriss. maj., Einh., Guelf. contin. MG. SS. I., 43. — Versus Hi- bern. exulis in Poet. Lat. aev. Carol. I-, 399- 2 Annal. Einh., Nazar.; Lauriss. Lauresh., Maxim. — Cf. Vita. Caroli, c. II. 3 Annal. Nazar. /. c. Lauriss. maj., Einh., Maxim., al. * Annal. Nazar., Guelf. l82 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. of Tassilo, stood up in the Diet and laid to his charge numer- ous crimes worthy of death. It was charged that he had, at the instigation of Liutperga, violated his oath, in making overtures to the Avars, in essaying to corrupt the king's vassals, and in recommending or commanding his subjects to take the oath of allegiance with mental reservation ; they also charged that he had said *' that he would rather lose ten sons, if he had them, and die himself than have them fulfil the obligations he had undertaken on oath ; it were better to be dead than endure the disgrace of such a life." Such was the tenor of the crimes of which he was accused ; it is said that he admitted them, and '' did not begin to deny any one of these charges." If he was guilty, it would have been madness to attempt a denial ; if the charges were trumped up, the assertion of his innocence would not have bettered his case, but probably made it worse. His only chance of escaping the headman's axe was silence, or confession. He understood the temper of his cousin and brother-in-law, and knew that his fate was sealed ; he could not possibly err in that conviction, when he found that the crime of herisliz, or desertion, of which he was declared to have been guilty twenty-five years before in the time of King Pepin, was raked up and added to the other charges. That was a capital offence, and the High Court of the Diet accordingly convicted him of high treason and condemned him to death.' 'y§8] What then occurred in the Diet is not of full record ; there was probably a colloquy between Charles and Tassilo, and the unfortunate man doubtless implored the mercy of his all-powerful cousin, nor implored in vain, for Charles of his clemency commuted the sentence of death into compul- sory assumption of monastic vows. The act of deposition and degradation, at the further request of Tassilo, did not take place then and there ; he was spared that humiliation, and permitted to repair to the neighboring monastery of St. Goar, where the metamorphosis was effected privately. The I Annal. Lauriss. maj., Einh., Laur^sh., Nazar.^ al. Chap. VI.] SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 183 monk who issued forth from that cell was sent to the mon- astery of Jumieges in Neustria. He went gladly {libe7iter) to that haven of rest in order to spend the residue of his life in acts of penance for his many sins and to save his soul alive.' A similar fate was meted out to the whole ducal family. The duchess Liutperga (a daughter of Desiderius and a sister of Desiderata) was compelled to take the veil in a convent,^ perhaps that of Chelles, of which Gisla, the king's sister, was abbess; her daughters were forced to renounce the world in that of Laon ; 3 Theodo and Theotbert, the sons of Tassilo, also became, involuntarily, monks, the for- mer at St. Maximin's, the latter in another monastery not known. The estates and treasures of the ducal house were confis- cated by Charles. Such of the Bavarian nobles as had stood by Tassilo, or even after his degradation had the hardihood of resisting, or attempting to resist, Charles, were sent into exile.* Then, most probably immediately after the adjournment of the Diet, Charles proceeded in person to Bavaria to com- plete the subjugation of tjie duchy. He defined the fron- tiers, especially in the direction of the Avars, by military occupation ; undertook the regulation of its internal affairs by immediate annexation and the radical change of its status from that of an independent state into a Prankish province, administered not by a duke, but by counts, acting under his own directions as expounded by his brother-in- law, duke Ceroid (brother of the sainted Queen Hildegard), ' Annal. Lauriss. maj., Einh. — Annal. Nazar. say that tonsure was distasteful {invitus) to him ; Regino, MG. SS. adds that Tassilo prostrated himself before Charles, begging to be permitted to enter a monastery. * Rudhart, p. 323, names Kochlsee, dioc. of Augsburg ; but the place is uncertain. 3 Some say that the Bavarian prin- cesses, who bore the names of Cotani and Hrodrud, were shut up in different convents, the one at Chelles, the other at Laon. — Riezler, Geschichte Baierns, L, 170, note. 4 Annal. Lauresh., Einh., Lauriss., Nazar., Petav. ; Gesta abb. Fontan. c. ; 16; Chron. Moiss.; Vita Caroli, c. II. 1 84 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chap. VI.] SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 185 whom he appointed local governor ; he also commanded the attendance of the Bavarian chieftains and nobles and compelled them to give hostages, and in fine, to use the language of one of the annals, '^ arranged things as he pleased." ' Thus ended the ancient and independent prin- cipality of Bavaria, and thus perished the house of the Agilolfingians.^" All these things, we learn, redounded to the glory and honor of the king, but to the shame and confusion of his enemies, because the Creator of the world made him always to triumph; 3 yea, writes another obsequious scribe, that year Almighty God himself fought for the lord king Charles, as of old he fought for Moses and the children of Israel at the Red Sea ; for the mighty divine combatant delivered Bavaria into his hand without war or a word of strife.^ The Bavarians doubtless thought differently, but what could they do ? They submitted to the force majeure, and hoped for better times. The tantalizing mystification, which runs through the whole of the biography of Charles as writ by Einhard, and often amounts to perversion, may be illustrated by his presentation of the seizure of Bavaria. *' At this time," he says, " the Bavarian war broke out on a sudden, but came to a speedy end." It was due to the arrogance and folly of duke Tassilo. His wife, a daughter of King Desiderius, was desirous of avenging her father's banishment through the agency of her husband, and accordingly induced him to make a treaty with the Huns, the neighbors of the Bava- 1 Annal. Lauresh. Fragm. Chesnii, merit has: "Baiuariam adquisivit ad MG. SS. I., 33. (^c) Tassilonem clericavit," Meichel- 2 Annal. Lauriss. ; Lauresh. ; Max- beck, ib, 80, no. 100 ; and bishop Arno im., Einh., S. Amandi. ; Vita Caroli, caused the inventory of his church to c. II. The regulation of Bavarian af- be drawn up '* unacum consensu et fairs is only vaguely stated in Annal. licentia d. Karoli regis eodem anno Lauriss., Lauresh., Maxim., S. Am- quo ipse Baioariam regionem ad suum andi, cf. Petav. Bavarian documents opus recepit;" Indicul. Arn. ed. extant are dated thus: " regnante Keinz, 26. Charlo rege primo anno quando ad- 3 Annal. Naz. quisivit gentem Baiuwariorum," M.B. 4 Annal. Franc, a. 788, apud 28>>, 13, 16, 19, 31 ; a Freising docu- Duchesne, II., 9. f rians on the east, and not only to leave the king's com- mand unfulfilled, but to challenge him to war. Charles's high spirit could not brook Tassilo's insubordination, for it seemed to him to pass all bounds ; accordingly he straight- way summoned his troops from all sides for a campaign against Bavaria, and appeared in person with a great army on the river Lech, which forms the boundary between the Bavarians and the Alemanni. After pitching his camp upon its banks, he determined to put the duke's disposition to a test by an embassy before entering the province. Tas- silo did not think that it was for his own or his people's good to persist, so he surrendered himself to the king, gave the hostages demanded, among them his own son Theodo, and promised by oath not to give ear to any one who should attempt to turn him from his allegiance ; so this war, which bade fair to be very grievous, came very quickly to an end. Tassilo, however, was afterwards summoned to the king's presence, and not suffered to depart, and the government of the province that he had in charge was no longer intrusted to a duke, but to counts."^ Reviewing the case of Tassilo it seems established that the invincible desire of independence was the remote cause of his fall, and his unpardonable offence. He doubtless felt and believed that the title of the Prankish sovereigns to the suzerainty of Bavaria was neither clear nor absolute. He saw in them the relentless enemies of his house, the usurpers of his hereditar>^ rights and possessions. This explains his conduct in the reign of Pepin, and afterward in that of Charles. Alone, and uninfluenced by Liutperga, the daughter of the degraded and exiled king of the Lom- bards, he might have submitted with good grace and acted the part of a faithful vassal ; but her antipathy to Charles gave him no rest, and fanned the embers of his discontent into open and persistent antagonism. That antagonism, however, was not shared by his sub- jects, who were more loyal to Charles than to their duke, ' Vita Caroli, c. II. 1 86 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. and, if we may credit the Prankish annals, not only acknowl- edged the justice of his claim, but preferred acquiescence to hostile opposition.^ The papal bann of excommunica- tion, moreover, widened the breach between the duke and his people; even bishop Arno, his own ambassador to Hadrian, seems to have shared the popular feeling, and aware of the sentiments both of the pope and Charles, used his influence with Tassilo to counsel submission." Such was the situation at the time of the impressive ceremony in the Lechfeld. Then Tassilo returned to Ratis- bon, while Charles conducted his army into Francia, and set up his court at Ingelheim near Mayence. The duke of Bavaria, in spite of his solemn oath of allegiance and the acceptance of the symbols of his vassal- age, took immediate steps towards making it of non-effect. His course was most impolitic and injudicious; indeed an illustration of the old adage, that those whom God wishes to destroy, He first makes mad. He opened commerce with the enemies of Charles, and denounced him to his people ; he absolved his subjects from the consequences of their oath, and recommended them to swear with mental reser- vation ; he committed himself to the utterance of impas- sioned and hostile sentiments ; he remained blind to the fact that he was surrounded by spies and enemies who reported all he said or did to Charles. His doom was fixed before he went to Ingelheim, and we can hardly doubt that the plan of his arrest, trial, humili- ation, and degradation had been minutely mapped out. His own subjects, the most trusted and prominent of his counsellors, were his accusers, and when he was taken before the Diet, he must have felt that his case was utterly hope- less. The crowning accusation of the capital offence of herisliz demonstrates, first, that the charges enumerated were proba- bly exaggerated, at any rate not sufficiently established by evidence to justify extreme measures ; an d, secondly, that I Annal. Lauriss. maj. 599 —Arno appears soon after as the « See the notes in Simson, /. c. I., partisan of Charles. Chap. VI.] SEQUEL TO FALL OF THE LOMBARDS. 187 it was the set purpose of Charles to ruin Tassilo. None but Charles would have dared to unearth that old and seem- ingly forgotten crime of high treason. When Tassilo heard the word herisliz in the accusation his heart must have failed him, for he knew that it meant death. Then monastic imprisonment was his only hope. Charles did not favor half measures, and effectually settled the Bavarian question by visiting the disgrace and degradation of Tassilo on all the members of his family. He made them all harmless and the whilom duchy of Bava- ria sunk into a province of the Prankish Empire. Special pleading may succeed in justifying the course of Charles on the ground of political necessity, but even- handed justice condemns it as violent and cruel usurpation. The absorption of Bavaria into the Prankish system made the empire of Charles stand forth, well rounded off, in all the splendor of an unbroken whole from the Atlantic to the Elbe, from southern Italy to the northern seas. Only once more in the course of history re-appears the fallen Tassilo, at a place and a time where we might least expect him. The place was the Synod of Frankfort, and the time, the year of grace 794. The scene of Ingelheim was re-enacted, and, as it were, legalized by a Council of the Church. He was dragged from the obscurity of his cell, and introduced to the Synod, the veriest object of misery, invoking the royal clemency, because of his numerous crimes, both in the reign of the late King Pepin and in that of the present most pious King Charles. He renounced, without all wrath and strife, from the plenitude of a truly penitent heart and pure mind, then and for all time to come any and every claim in behalf of himself, his sons and daughters, to all his lawful possessions in Bavaria, and left the fate of his children in the hands of the mighty King of the Pranks. Then, when Charles as sobrinus, or cousin- german, of the deposed and now beggared Tassilo, had se- cured the full legal title to all the personal property at stake, his bowels of mercy constrained him to extend to him the richest and freest token of forgiveness, and receive him i88 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. to the warmth of his love so that thenceforth he might bask in the sunshine of divine mercy. To make quite sure of the legal consequences of this formal renunciation and abdication, the article was drawn up in triplicate, one to be put for safe-keeping in the palace archives, another in the chapel archives of the holy palace, and a third as a precious keepsake to Tassilo, '' that he might have it by him in the monastery." ' The ducal monk and cousin of the king left the council, and as history does not unfold the record of the tender mercies of Charles to Tassilo, his duchess, and their children, it is to be hoped that such record may be found in the book of God's remembrance.^ Not even the year of his death is known, but he died on the eleventh day of December, and traces of the house of the Agilolfingians have been found in the eleventh century .3 » Annal. Lauresh., Baluze, Capit. I., p. 263, MG. Leg. I., 72. 2 The mother of Tassilo was Hil- tnid, sister of King Pepin. It is said that after the Synod of Frankfort, Tassilo, together with his sons, were sent to the Coenobium Gemmcticense, dioc. Rotomagensis ; how long they remained there none can tell ; but three tumuli are indicated as their last resting-place ; " tres enervati, ut vo- cant, in isto monasterio sepulti jacent, quorum tumuli hactenus in oratorio S. Petri visuntur."— Le Cointe, An- na/. Eccl. Franc, VI., p. 5 sq.— See the concluding section of Chapter VI L for additional details relating to Tassilo. 3 Riezler, Geschichte Baiems, I., 171. CHAPTER VII. CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. The Avars. —Preparations. — March.— Pepin's raid.— Stampede of the enemy. — Devastation. — The Avars seek Christianity. — Exploit of Eric. — The " Ring." — The spoils.— Baptism of Avars. — Pepin's aftermath.— Mission- ary work. — Eric's victory. — Death of Ceroid and Eric. — The end. 788] Charles sequestered Bavaria to his own use on the plea that it was his of right, as appears most clearly from the preamble of a diploma in which he donates the monastery of Chiemsee to the archiepiscopal church at Metz. It de- serves to be preserved as affording insight into the hidden workings of his diplomacy, and an example of the forensic medicine which he administered to his conscience. It runs as follows : '' Whereas the duchy of Bavaria, which for some time past had been unfaithfully subtracted and alienated from our Prankish dominions by wicked men, to wit Odilo, and Tassilo our relative, but has now, thanks to the interposi- tion of Divine Providence favoring our righteous cause, been recalled to our proper jurisdiction," therefore, etc., etc' We have seen that he took immediate and effective meas- ures for the absolute subjugation of the entire province, proceeded in person to Ratisbon, and summoned to his pres- ence the Bavarian nobles, requiring them to swear fealty and give hostages. He defined and protected the frontiers, I See MUhlbacher, /. c. No. 289. " Quia ducatus Baioariae ex regno nostro Francorum aliquibus tempori- bus infideliter per malignos homines Odilonem et Tassilonem, propinquum nostrum, a nobis subtractus et alien- atus fuit, quem nunc, moderatore justi- ciarum deo nostro adjuvante, ad pro- priam revocavimus dicionem." — Date of document, October 25th, 788. Apud Sickel K. 120 ; Kleinmayrn, Juvavia, Anhang, p. 48, No. 8. 1 90 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. especially in the East against the predatory incursions of the Avars, regulated the internal affairs of the duchy, divided it into gauen or cantons, set a count over each gau^ and assigned the supreme direction to count Ceroid, a man of worth and ability. The whole country was thoroughly francised, but due regard was had to the traditions, habits, and feelings of the people, to whom he guaranteed their ancient laws, and while holding them liable to military service, accorded to them the privilege of eligibility to public offices in other parts of the Prankish dominions. Royal commissioners (jnissi) moreover might arrive at any time, take cognizance of the conduct of every part of the public service, and report to him the result of their visi- tation.* In close connection with the deposition of Tassilo must be named the grandiose conspiracy which the ever watchful Hadrian traced to the machinations of that unfortunate man and his Lombard brothers-in-law, the duke Arigiso, and Adelchis, the son of Desiderius, who had plotted the overthrow of the Prankish empire by a double blow to be struck simultaneously in Italy and Bavaria. The plot, if it really had such vast and quixotic aims, belonged of course to the secular days of the now monastically secluded and penitent duke, who stood convicted of having called the Avars to his aid. 7§8] It is a fact that two columns of those swarthy and fleet savages made a simultaneous attack on the Marche of Priuli and the eastern districts of Bavaria, but were re- pulsed by Prankish prowess in both quarters, and chased back to their own country with great loss. Undismayed by theif failure, and eager to wipe out the disgrace of de- feat, they returned with incredible speed and in greater numbers on the frontiers of Bavaria, but failed again, for the ^ Bavarians not only offered effective resistance, but pursued them ; an innumerable multitude, it is said, was slain in the encounter, and many of those who escaped the sword ' Annal. Lauriss., Lauresh. , Maxim. ; Vita Car. c. ii ; Baluze, Capit. I., p. 208, cf. Chron. Moiss. Chapter VII.] CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. 191 perished in the surging depths of the blue Danube, as they tried to swim across.' Such were the preliminaries of the war against the Avars, which will now engage our attention. 790] The Avars were troublesome neighbors, and their periodical incursions most vexatious to the people on the Bavarian frontier. It is charged that those pagans not only came to rob, but that they devastated the country, and de- stroyed the churches ; they had no respect for laws human or divine, and did as they pleased. The king's missi warned them off, and they claimed a portion of his dominion as their own territory and stayed. Threats followed, and the result was an Avar embassy to Charles, which he returned by one from himself. Commissioners were appointed to negotiate concerning the delimitation of the frontier. The negotiations were protracted, and ended, as similar negotia- tions are still apt to end, in aggravated variance, and em- bittered hostility. Angry disputations followed, and the king, persuaded that it was his special mission to convert the heathens, resolved upon war. '' He took it up," we learn, "■ with more spirit than any of his other wars, and made far greater preparations for it." ^ A war with a people, regarded with abhorrence by all the nations of Europe, was sure to be popular. The Huns were more martial and formidable than their modern cousins the Chinese. In the eighth century the remembrance of Attlla ciUd his hordes was still fresh, and the sight of a Hun provoked bitterness. The Huns were believed to be in- vincibly cruel, and compared " to the animals that walk very awkwardly on two legs, and to the misshapen figures, the Termini, which were often placed on the bridges of antiq- uity ; they were distinguished from the rest of the human speciesby their broad shoulders, flat noses, and small black eyes, deeply buried in the head ; and as they were almost destitute of beards, they never enjoyed either the manly graces of youth, or the venerable aspect of age." ^ Annal. Einh. Annal. Einh., Lauriss. ; Adon. Chron.; Vita Caroli, c. 13. I 2 3 Gibbon, Decl. and Fall, c. xxvi. See notes in Smith's ed., London, 1854. 192 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book IL The preparations were on a gigantic scale, and we read of " an innumerable multitude," and many thousands of •791] horses ; throughout the winter the whole Prankish world was in commotion ; orders for the mobilization of all available troops were sent to every part of the empire, and as soon as the weather allowed the king himself set out for Bavaria, while all Europe was preparing for the contest to be waged for the acquisition of some of her fairest and richest lands. He ordered the formation of three separate army corps ; the Italians, massing in Friuli, commanded nominally by King Pepin, but in reality by the dukes of Istria and Friuli, were ordered to advance from the south ; a colossal concen- tration of troops from Gaul and Germany took place under his own eyes. Ratisbon witnessed an imposing muster, at which Louis of Aquitaine, then in his thirteenth year, ac- cording to ancient usage was advanced to the degree of a warrior by receiving formally, before the whole army, the investiture of the sword.' He accompanied his father as far as the Cumeoberg, and then returned, probably as the bearer of important despatches for Queen Fastrada, to Ratisbon. Then followed a placitum at which the nobles of the united Franks, Saxons, and Frisians resolved upon war with 791] the Avars in punishment of the many grievous and intolerable acts of malice which they had inflicted on the Franks and the Church of God.* The hierarchy invoked the divine blessing on so laudable an enterprise, and forth went the victorious hosts of Charles in the following order : Count Theoderic, of Siintel fame, and the chamberlain Magenfrid, led a column of Franks, Saxons, and Frisians, through southern Bohemia to the Danube, and followed the course of that river on its northern bank ; Charles with the remaining troops took the southern bank and marched upon Pannonia ; while the Bavarians, on board a fleet with the - Vita Hludov. c. 6. =» Annal. Lauriss., Chron. Regino. Chapter VH.] CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. 193 commissariat, descended the river, and kept open communi- cation between the two armies. The march was interrupted at the confluence of the Enns and the Danube ; the former river being the recognized boundary between the Bavarians and the Avars, a religious service was ordered to inaugurate the war. The whole army went into camp, sheathed the sword and united with the clergy in a three days' fast and litany of prayers for their safety and victory. We glean many particulars of this interesting and strik- ing incident from an epistle of Charles addressed to the queen. The solemn exercises of the triduum of litanies were appointed for the express purpose of invoking the divine blessing on the martial enterprise of the Frankish host. It must have been an imposing, impressive, and edifying spectacle. Charles, the clergy, and the whole army made their humble supplication for peace, safety, and victory, a prosperous march, and a successful campaign, devoutly and fervently praying that God of His mercy and goodness would vouchsafe to guide, help, and defend the Franks in all their tribulations. This triduum moreover bore a penitential character ; it was a Lenten exercise in September, and the entire host, by royal command and episcopal injunction, were required for the space of three days to forego the use of wine and meat. Quite a number of bishops were present ; among them Angilram, archbishop of Metz and archchaplain of Charles, Sindpert, bishop of Ratisbon, and Arno, bishop of Salzburg. Abstinence was to be general, except on the part of the sick, and such as by reason of old age or tender youth were physically unable to observe it. Provision was also made for valetudinarians requiring the use of wine, who, if they were rich, might on payment of a solidus a day indulge their taste, while those in more humble circumstances could procure a license for a denarius a day. It was likewise recommended that every person accord- ing to his ability should make an offering in alms. Every cleric was expected, unless prevented by sickness, to say a spe- 13 194 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. cial mass ; and, if skilled in psalmody, to chant fifty psalms. All the clergy moreover were enjoined to walk barefooted. Charles, in communicating some of these details to Fas- trada, recommended her to propitiate Heaven, by causing similar litany processions to be arranged at Ratisbon, but cautioned her not to overtax her strength by too rigid fast- ing. He wrote feelingly on the subject, for he knew that fasting did not agree with him, and the queen, being in delicate health, might follow his example. Taking all in all, this tridumn of litanies together with the fast was a strange religious preparation for the indiscrimi- nate plunder, devastation and slaughter, which marked the progress of the Franks through the country of the Avar Canaanites.^ The phraseology of the prayer also seems a strange per- version of fact. Is it not a stretch of the imagination to represent so purely aggressive a war as that with the Avars as a tribulation of the Franks? It was a terrible and crush- ing tribulation to the Avars, buf a triumphant exultation to their Christian foe. In this camp Charles received messengers from his son Pepin, informing him that his army had already invaded the enemy's country and on the 23d of August scored a great victory ; the engagement, he wrote, was most disastrous to the Avars, and their loss in slain very great ; it was the most stinging defeat they were known to have sustained ; the victorious Franks also took the fortified camp (the Ring) of the Avars and plundered it ; spent all night there, and at 9 A.M. left with the spoils without opposition ; they took also a hundred and fifty Avar prisoners, and he desired to know the king's pleasure as to their disposition. The king's joy was great : a formal declaration of war to the Avars was proclaimed, and immediately followed by the invasion of their territory.^ Chapter VII.] CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. 195 » Annal. Einh., Lauriss. ; Epist. Carolin. 6 (Jaffe, IV., 349-351) ; Vita Caroli, c. 24. — Cf. Annal. Lauresh. Sithiens., Enh. Fuld., Regino. * Annal. Einh., Lauriss., Lauresh., Meichelbeck, Hist, Prising., I.'^ 81, 82 ; Epist. ad Fastradam (Ep. Carol. 6, Jaffe). The progress of the Frankish hosts was unimpeded ; the Avars were strongly intrenched within the fortifications which they had erected on both banks of the river ; one of the forts, that on the north bank, stood at the mouth of the river Camp, below Krems ; another, on the south side of the Danube, very strong, had been built on the Cumeoberg near the city of Comagenae, that is, in modern phrase in the Wiener Wald, near Tuln, above Klosterneuburg} If the erection of those forts showed a valorous purpose the event proved that it could not ripen in their craven hearts. The simultaneous advance of two armies on both banks of the Danube, and of the vessels in the river, must have convinced them of the utter hopelessness of resistance ; they made not the faintest attempt of defending their forts, but fled like sheep, and allowed the Franks to come up and level them with the ground. The consternation of their flight was un- exampled ; the clergy saw in it the finger of God ; He filled them with dismay, and conducted the hosts of Charles ; it was the invasion of Canaan jDver again ; the Avars were the Canaanites, and Charles was Joshua. At his approach, or that of his army, they deserted the trenches, fortifications, and other defences they had set up on the mountains, in the woods or near rivers, surrendered or were cut down and driven to flight ; they threw down everything, left their engines and whatever could impede their progress. They were utterly demoralized from the start, but their miraculous stampede may possibly be explained by the in- telligence they possessed of the defeat of their brethren at the hands of the Italian army. But be that as it may, they did nothing to check the advance of Charles. He led his legions to the Raab, crossed that river, and swept along its northern bank to where it joins the Danube. There he rested for several days, and ordered the army to return by way of Sabaria, the modern Stein am Aftger^ where the old Roman roads met. His army carried fire and sword throughout the whole country for the space of fifty- * See the authorities for these localities in Miihlbachcr, /. c, p. 119. 196 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. two days. Universal devastation marked the path of all the armies ; they carried off " spoil without measure and number, together with a countless multitude of prisoners in men, women, and children." His loss in men was merely nominal, but in horses prodigious, for an epidemic broke out which carried off nine-tenths of those in his own army. The army-corps of Theoderic and Maginfrid returned by the same way on the northern bank of the Danube through Bohemia, while his own took the southern, and thus retraced its way into Bavaria. Charles disbanded the army, and with his family and the court resided at Ratisbon. The net results of the expedition were these : the dis- comfiture of the impotent enemy was as much an estab- lished fact as the irresistible power and superiority of the Franks. The terror of their presence was prophetic of the ultimate destiny of the Avars. Their strength was broken, and their final subjugation only a question of time. Thus closed the first campaign against the Avars.^ The prosecution of the war was interrupted by several calamities, notably the conspiracy of Pepin the Hunch- back, the massacre of count Theoderic, and revolts of the Saxons, as narrated in other connections, when an unex- pected circumstance set in, which seemed to contemporary writers an almost miraculous interposition. Charles was in his camp at Hliune in the Bardengau when there arrived an embassy from the Tudun, one of the most powerful chieftains of the Avars, with the message that he and his people had determined to surrender them- selves to the king of the Franks, and accept the Christian faith." This was truly wonderful and seemed almost too good to be true ; the king was delighted, and forthwith (for thus we construe what ensued) directed the margrave Eric of ■795] Friuli, as nearest to the country of the Avars, to take advantage of the internal dissensions of the enemy and * Annal. Lauriss., Einh., Lauresh, ; cf. Chron. Moiss. = Ann. Lauriss., Einh., Fuld. , Poeta Saxo. Enh. Chapter VIL] CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. 197 strike a blow. The good news of so favorable a turn, and so signal an augury of success spread far and near, and the gentle Alcuin wrote to the patriarch of Aquileia : *' How great is the goodness and wisdom of God ! by His power and grace the race of the Avars has been wonderfully con- quered. They have sent messengers to the king offering to submit in peace, and welcome the Christian faith ! " ' It is known that a most sanguinary and destructive civil war distracted the Avars ; and that the Khakhan (/. e.y the Khan of the Khans), or supreme ruler, and the Jugur, an- other chief leader, were put to death by their own people.* At this juncture the raid, organized by the margrave Eric in conjunction with the auxiliary troops of Woinimir, a Sclavonian chief, was carried into effect. It was a brilliant and most successful affair. The troopers invaded Panno- nia, swept through the country, entered and plundered the chief Ring, which for centuries had not been molested by an enemy, subdued such of the enemy whom they met, and carried off an immense amount of booty. It was one of the most remarkable exploits, perhaps the most dashing, suc- cessful, and important, in the reign of Charles ; it stunned, crushed, almost annihilated the power of a foe who for ages past had been the terror of Europe.^ Unfortunately the details of the expedition, of record, are hardly fuller than here narrated, but its results are established beyond all doubt. The stronghold or royal cas- 795] tie and residence of the Avars, which the Franks call the *^ ring," and the Lombards "the field,"'* is believed to have stood in the level plain between the Danube and the Theiss, and the most recent investigation indicates the Pusste Sarto-Sar, in the neighborhood of Tatar, as the proba- ble site, where traces of the wonderful circular structure are said to have been discovered.^ The most circumstantial == Epist. 56. =*Ann. Lauriss., Einh. ; cf. Zeuss, Die Deutschen u. die N'achbarstdmme^ PP- 729, 739- 3 Annal. Lauriss., Einh., Enh. Fuld. 4 'Hringus" . . . ''Campus:'^ Annal. Einh., Enh. Fuld. cf. Zeuss., /. c, pp. 4, 73. s Riezler, Geschichte Baiems, I., 182 n. 198 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. description, though rather fantastic and legendary, is that which the garrulous and credulous Monk of St. Gall, writing late in the next century, declares to have committed to writing from the oral description of a certain Adalbert, who took part in the fights with the Avars under count Ceroid, the supreme count in Bavaria. The said Adalbert was greatly his senior, a man of only one topic, with which he ceased not to familiarize the Monk, who at the time was a boy, and a rather reluctant hearer. With this explanation the reader may peruse the subjoined account of that interesting and famous locality. *'* The country of the Huns was surrounded with nine rings — ' 'Rings?' asked the boy. * It was protected by nine walls, or palisades,' explained the old soldier. * The diameter of the first ring [/. c, the distance of the space enclosed between the first and the second] was equal to the distance from Zurich to Constance.' The palisades were constructed of oak, beach, and pine logs, twenty feet in height and twenty feet in width, filled in with stones and lime, and closely covered above with sod. Trees were planted on the edges. Within the enclosures \i. e., the in- terspace] the farms and villages were so disposed as to dis- tance that each was so near the other as to fall within reach of the voice. The impregnable walls had narrow gates through which those living within or without the immediate enclosure were wont to issue forth on their predatory ex- cursions. The distance from the second ring, which resem- bled the first in construction, to the third was equal to twenty Cerman or forty Italian miles, and so on to the ninth, although each succeeding ring was much wider than that before. Homesteads, moreover, were so distributed between the rings, that trumpet-signals given in one were easily heard in the other." ' The picture suggests a kind of Chinese wall nine times repeated, and the ninth concentric circle would enclose the royal residence, in which the accu- mulated wealth of ages, collected on predatory excursions, » Monach. Sang. (ed. Jaffe), I., 34; 11. , i Chapter VII.J CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. 199 from the wars of Attila until then, or extorted as tribute, lay treasured up. Some idea of the last may be had from the undoubted fact that the Greek emperors paid the Avars throughout the seventh century an annual tribute of 80,000 gold solidi, and upon one occasion the emperor Heraclius was forced to submit to the payment of 800,000 gold solidi.' The greater part of this wealth in gold and silver coin, sacred vessels, garments, weapons and the like was seized by the raiders, and taken by Eric to Aix-la-Chapelle. Never before had such a multitude of spoil fallen into the hands of the Franks. *' Up to that time the Huns had passed for a poor people, but so much gold and silver was found in the khan's palace, and so much valuable spoil taken in battle, that one may well think that the Franks took justly from the Huns what the Huns had formerly taken unjustly from other nations."' It is stated that fifteen wagons each drawn by four oxen, and all laden with the aforesaid treas- ure, were laid at the feet of Charles.^ His gratitude was great and sincere, and found expres- sion not only in liberal offerings to the churches of Chris- tendom, but in munificent donations to the poor, the counts, the nobility, the royal officers and servants.^ A large share of the spoil he set apart as a special offering to Pope Hadrian, but before the gifts left Aix-la-Chapelle, he was ^ Simson, / c. II., p. 102. Soet- beer in Forschungen, IV., 351 ; II., 336, n. 2. — Budinger, Oester. Gesch., I., 70. A view different from that presented in the text may commend itself to others. Contemporary and later writers treat the Huns and the Avars as the same people ; this is the current opinion, which some denounce as inaccurate. Soetbeer, /. c. observes : ** It is possible that a large part of the plunder of the Huns found its way into the hands of the Avars ; but the evidence is awanting, and the thing itself hardly probable. Nor is it established that the Avars gathered much booty on their predatory incur- sions of Western Europe, although they possibly took some." If this be the true state of the case, the mystery of the vast treasure found in the Ring is greater than ever ; or are we to hold that the whole of the record is a myth? I accept the record, and the statements of the text rest on it. * Vita Car., c. 13. 3 Annal . Nordh-^ Chron, Melr. * Ann. TSSriss^ Einh., Lauresh., alii. 200 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. grieved by the intelligence of his death, of which more re- mains to be said on a subsequent page ; in due course they were sent to his j^uccessor ; nor did he stop there, for he directed that parts of the Hungarian spoils should be given to the Anglo-Saxon metropolitical cities, and he even remem- bered the king of Mercia in the presentation of a sword- belt, an Avar sword, and two Syrian palls or cloaks.' About this time, we suppose on good groundsj^" Charles was delighted that the Tudun, whose ambassadors had brought such good news into the camp at Hliune, kept his promise, and arrived with a larr;e retinue at Aix-la-Chapelle, 796] made the submission of himself and his people,^ crav- ing Christian baptism. The whole deputation expressed the same readiness, and then, probably at Easter or Whit- suntide, a scene was witnessed in the cathedral, the like of which had never occurred before. A large number of Avars, so great that it is called " a large part of the Avars," in their strange costume, their hair braided in long tresses, intertwined with cords, falling on their necks, presented themselves for baptism, and were received into the church.* The king himself s received the Tudun from the font, gave honorable treatment to all the converts, and sent them, with rich gifts, to their distant homes.^ Their baptism was the theme of universal com- ment throughout Christendom ; the muse of Theodulf de- scribed it in metre, the ready pen of Alcuin rehearsed it in prose, and the eloquent lips of Paulinus announced it to a synod in Friuli.' 'Ep. Carol. lo, ii. ^ See them reasoned out in Simson- Abel, /. c, XL, p. 117. 3 Annal. Lauriss., Einh., Alam. al. 4 The same. v 5 Annal. Maxim. ^ Annal. Lauriss.. Maxim., Lau- resh., Alam. a. 795. 7 Theodulf. Carm. 25 ; Ale. ep. 67 ; Paul. Aquil. Migne, XCIX., 284. Subjoined are the passages in full. Adveniunt gentes Christo servire pa- ratae, Quas dextra ad Christum soUici- tante vocas. Pone venit textis ad Christum crini- bus Hunnus, Estque humilis fidei, qui fuit ante f erox. — Theodulf. Gentes populosque Hunorum, anti- qua f eritate et f ortitudine formidabiles. Chapter VH.] CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. 201 I Unfortunately the Tudun's religious sincerity was equal to his political loyalty ; he returned to Pannonia but soon fell from both, and miserably perished in captivity without the use of his hands, and the light of his eyes.^ The Franks followed up the advantage they had gained the year before. A large army, composed of troops collected in Italy, and an auxiliary force of Bavarians and Aleman- nians, was mustered by Pepin and entered the hostile country. At his coming the new khakhan and many mag- nates presented offerings and voluntarily made their sub- mission to the Franks. Thus encouraged the martial king of Italy advanced, apparently without opposition, to the "■ ring," possessed himself of the treasure which Eric's raid- ers had left, and so effectually demolished the entire enclo- sure that, '* the site of the khan's palace became a desert without all trace of human habitation." That treasure, among other things, contained, if the record is true, many sacred vessels, church ornaments, ecclesiastical vestments, the robes of nuns, and the like, for which the Avars and Huns had a singular fondness, although the uses to which they put them were vile and insulting, it being charged that their own women affected to wear under demoniac influence the hallowed garments of Christian ministers and nuns.^ It is difficult to reconcile this bloodless triumph with the statement, that " the general destruction of the region, and the depopulation of the country, bear witness how many battles were fought in those [seven] years, and how much blood was shed," and that '* the entire body of the Hun nobility perished in this contest, and all its glory with it."^ tuis suo honori militantibus subdidit sceptris [Christus] praevenienteque gratia, colla diu superbissima sacrae fidei iugo devinxit et caecis ab anti- quo tempore mentibus lumen veritatis infudit. . . . — Alcuin. Nunc autem divina opitulante de- mentia attritis utique ferocium bar- barorum superbiae typho erectis cervi- cibus, auxilio per omnia adminiculante de coelo, reddita jam quietissima pace terns, superna prorsus largiente gratia. . . . — Paulinus. I Annal. Einh. ; Leibniz, Annal. imp. I., 190. "^ Hist. Langob. SS. rer. Langob. et Ital. saec. VI. -IX., 11. — Rhythmus de Pipp., etc. Poet. Lat. aevi Carol. I., 116. 3 Annal. Lauriss. ; Alam. (Murb.) ; S. Amandi. — Rhythmus de Pippin. 202 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. The subjugation of the Avars cannot have been so abso- lute and entire, for part of them fled across the Theiss, and Pepin not only carried the treasure to Aix-la-Chapelle, but a large number of prisoners. Besides, it is indisputable that, although we may hold in a general way that the opera- tions and events of the present campaign under Pepin mark the epoch of the fall of the Avars,' much fighting remained to be done, and the final conquest did not take place till years after. Their conversion was not lost sight of. The Franks had stripped them of all their earthly treasures, and sent them houseless into the wide world ; still they might recover a home, and perhaps earn a living, if they would only re- nounce the devil, forswear paganism, and become good Christians. Pepin discussed the matter with a number of bishops in his camp on the Danube, and gravely argued the p^ropriety of administering baptism more frequently than at Easter and Whitsuntide. For thus far the whole of the Chris- tianity of the Avars began and ended with baptism, even 797] without the formal rehearsal of the Creed. It was now proposed to pursue a more judicious and. rational course ; the rude and ignorant people should receive some Christian instruction and not be baptized by violence. Owing to the small number of priests baptism might be lawfully administered any Sunday in the year. Persons already baptized by lawful ministers should not be re- baptized, while those who had been baptized without a confession of faith, and really undergone only ablution with water, were to be considered unbaptized. The con- version of the Avars engaged the minds of Paulinus and Arno, but ultimately the missionary operations were com- mitted to the care of the bishop of Salzburg, and military measures resumed the very next year by the margrave of Friuli. A battle was fought in which Eric triumphed, " con- _ — _____ _ -J Avar., IO-I2 ; Vita Caroli, c. 13 ; ^ Pauli c. Rom., SS. rer. Langobj Poeta Saxo., III., 300-302. et Ital., p. 202, a. 796. Chapter VII.] CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. 203 quered the country and brought it under the domination of 799] the lord king Charles." ^ But even this battle was not decisive, for only two years later the Avars were again in open insurrection, and falsified the hope of their peaceful submission.* New fighting ensued, and it is safe to conclude that the Avars showed mettle and scored a success, since the Frank- ish annals maintain discreet silence as to Prankish victories, and only record the untimely death of count Ceroid, one of the best of the generals of Charles. He was *' slain, with only two other men in his company, by an unknown hand, while he was marshalling his forces for battle against the Huns, and riding up and down the line encouraging each of his command." 2 What then ensued is not known ; but his death appears to have caused a panic, for neither his Alemannian country- men nor his Bavarian followers remained to recover the body of the king's brother-in-law, of late supreme in com- mand, and supreme in the general government of Bavaria. That service of love was rendered by a faithful Saxon, who took up the remains and carried them to far distant Reich- enau for burial in the church of St. Mary.^ By a strange coincidence the death of Eric, margrave of Friuli, took place about the same time. He was perhaps the ablest of Prankish generals, and fell into an ambush which the Croat inhabitants of the town of Tharsatica (Ter:2atto) near Fiume on the Adriatic had set. He fought with desperate and heroic valor against his assailants, main- taining an unequal contest until his shield was broken, his lance dropped shivered from his grasp, and, pierced with * Annal. Guelf., Alam. (Murb.). ^Annal. Lauriss., Alam. (Murb.) a. 798 : " Wandali mentiti sunt." 3 Annal. Lauriss., Einh., Enh. Fuld., al. — Vita Caroli, c 13. 4 See the epitaph and metrical trib- utes to his memory in Simson, /. c. II., 190 sq. Of these the following passage is from Visio Wetini^ 18, in Mabillon, A. S. o. S. Bened. IV. a. ed. Venet. p. 256 : De Gerolto vero quodam comite dixit idem angelus, quos in requie esset gloriae martyrum adaequatus. " Zelo enim," inquiens, ** Dei in defensione sanctae ecclesiae infidelium turbis congressus, tempo- ralis vitae dispendia est passus : ideo aetemae vitae est particeps f actus." 204 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. many arrows, he fell, expiring under a shower of stones. He was not only the hero of this war, but famed for brilliant victories, and personal worth.* It is remarkable that romance writers have neglected Eric. The poem named in the note recites his exploits, how he overcame the fierce barbarians within the confines of the Drave and the Danube, hiding in the flags of the Maeotic marshes (Sea of Azov), encompassed by the salt sea wave over against Dalmatia ; it lauds his personal vir- tues, and extols him as a benefactor of churches, a friend and patron of the clergy, a father of the poor, a comforter and helper of the distressed and of widows. The poet in- vokes all the rivers of the region, and the cities (we omit a score of names) to mourn his loss ; especially his native city, distant Strassburg; he curses the place where his hero fell, the coast of Liburnia and the Laurentian hill ; no re- »freshing dew shall descend on it, nor fruitful rain ; no pur- ple blossom, no ear of corn grow thereon ; no vine fling its arms round the elm ; the fig-tree shall wither, the pome- granate fail, and the chestnut desert its prickly house. The ominous rumor of the melancholy tidings which preceded the positive announcement of his fate unmanned and con- vulsed the people ; matrons and husbands, young men and maidens, masters and servants, every age of either sex, the clergy, yea, all broke out in mournful strains, and disconso- late smote their breast and plucked out their hair. The patriarch Paulinus, of Aquileia, the reputed author of this remarkable dirge, thus laments the loss of his friend, whom Alcuin also held in affectionate veneration.* The Pannonian troubles continued for a number of years, but nothing is known of their character save that from time to time armies were despatched, or Avar deputations arrived, with assurances of loyalty and submission. Three years after his coronation Charles undertook the final regulation of Avar affairs. Even that year a Prankish » Annal. Lauriss., Einh , Ale. epp. Poet. Lat. aevi Carolin. I., 132; Al- 55, 125 ; Versus Paulini. cuin. epist. 55, 56, 125 (ed. Jaffe). « Versus Paulini de Herico duce in Chapter VII.] CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. 205 army entered the country, and returned to Ratisbon with a new Tudun and an Avar legation. They were introduced to the Diet, where they solemnly surrendered their persons and all their country to imperial authority.^ Order was taken for the adjustment of all matters in dispute, and these were so effectual that after the further lapse of two years the poor Avars were in the extremity of political dissolution. Their khakhan Theodore went to Aix-la-Chapelle for the purpose of submitting to the emperor the unsatisfactory condition of his country, and imploring his aid towards its alleviation and redress. Exposed to the incessant and vexatious depredations of the Sclavonians, they desired to quit their country and re- move to a region where greater security might be had, crav- ing the emperor's permission for settling on a tract of land between Sarwar and Haimburg (or as they were then called, between Sabaria and Carnuntum), two old Roman villages on the right bank of the Danube and within the Prankish dominions.^ Such was the low estate of the once potent race of the Avars, and such the practical result of nearly a quarter of a century's warfare. How were the mighty fallen ! The piteous appeal of that broken-hearted Christian Avar chieftain, standing on the verge of the grave, told most eloquently and most pathetically what the Pranks had done. '* This war," writes Einhard, " was almost bloodless so far as the Franks were concerned ; " but the mysterious work of the armies going into Pannonia, and returning in triumph throughout those long years, stands revealed in that dying man's story. The Avars were almost extermi- nated as a nation, and the poor remnant was obliged to retire before the pressure of the Sclavonians, and seek under the protection of the Prankish flag security of life and property. The descendants of the proud khakhans who dictated terms of peace, and exacted golden tribute from the Emperor of the East, came invoking the aid of the mighty Emperor ' Annal. Lauriss., Mett., Einh., Lo- biens. * Annal, Einh. 206 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. of the West, and craving his leave to occupy a strip of land not wider than the interspace of two of their ancient rings. Charles heard, and heard graciously, granted all that The- odore had asked, rejoiced him with tokens of his favor in an imperial gift, and sent him home. Soon after his return Theodore died.' The new khakhan sent a legate to Charles, begging the emperor to permit his resuming the position and authority of old enjoyed by his predecessors. The request was reasonable enough, but only imported the empty honors of a degraded office which, under Prankish supremacy, could never be exalted to its former glory. It is idle to speculate on the precise character of the digni- ties attached to the khakhanship, but the petitioner obtained what he sought. The emperor ordered that thenceforth the khakhan should be clothed, as of old, with supreme power." The khakhan was pleased, and the Bavarian an- nals record the fact that he accepted Christian baptism and was christened Abraham.^ It is certain, moreover, but unrecorded, that the imperial permission was not prejudicial to the interests of the Prankish dominions, and for all prac- tical purposes this is truly the end of the Avar wars and— of the Avar nation. The conquest and conversion of the Avars, and the con- tact of the Pranks with certain Sclavonian tribes on the eastern and southern frontiers of Bavaria, suggest a retro- spective view of the course of events in that country prior to the degradation of its last duke, the unfortunate Tassilo. In no country east of the Rhine had Christianity struck deeper roots. Bavaria was the natural bulwark to western civilization from the fierce barbarism of Asiatic tribes, and her last duke was as valiant a champion in the field, as a zealous propagator of the Christian faith. Synods, composed of secular and spiritual dignitaries, were 1 Annal. Einh. Maxim. 3 Annal. Juv. Maj.; S. Emmer. 2 Annal. Einh. Maxim., Enh. Rat. Maj. Fuld. Chapter VII.] CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. 207 held at an early date, one at Aschheim in 756, another at Dingolfing, about 769 ; several at Preising, and yet another at Neuching, unless it be accepted as identical with that of Dingolfing. The decrees of the last-named synod form part of the so-called " Laws of duke Tassi2o/' incorporated with the Bavarian Code. The twelve Canons of the latter are of a miscellaneous character, dealing alike with civil and ecclesiastical affairs. They enjoin strict Sabbath observance, exhort bishops to live according to the Canons, and abbots according to the Rule, and make the marriage of nuns a canonical offence. They likewise provide for the weregeld of certain laics, the tenure and conveyance of property, and accord to a noble lady ignorantly marrying a man not free the privilege of annulling the marriage ; they also regulate judicial com- bat, etc., etc.^ Connected with the Canons is the " League made by the bishops and abbots in Bavaria for deceased brethren." ^ It was a '' Covenant of Death," or "" Death League," much in vogue at the time, and reflecting the current belief as to the condition of the departed. In the event of a member of the League dying, his surviving brethren, being bishops or abbots, were bound to say for his benefit a hundred masses, or cause to be chanted a hundred psalms. Every bishop or abbot, moreover, was obliged to say himself, or cause one of his clergy to say, thirty additional masses for the same pur- pose. If the deceased was a presbyter or a monk, it was the duty of his bishop or abbot to cause a presbyter or a monk to say thirty masses, and chant the same number of psalms. The Bavarian Death League numbered nineteen members, six bishops and thirteen abbots ; the bishops were the following: Manno (Neuburg), Alim (Seben), Virgilius (Salzburg), Wisurich (Passau), Sindpert (Ratisbon), Heres or Arbeo (Preising) ; and the abbots : Oportunus (Mondsee), Wolfpert (Niederaltaich), Adalpert (Tegernsee), Atto (Schar- nitz-Schledorf), Uto (Illmiinster), Landfrit (Benedictbeuern), ' Simson, I. c. I., 51 sqq. a Leg. III., 461. 208 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Alpuni (Sandau), Roadhart (Isana), Ernst (Oberaltaich), Reginpert (Mosburg), Wolchanhart (Osterhofen), Perahtcoz (Schliersee), and Sigidio (Weltenburg).^ This Death League, it is thought, is the beginning of the interesting and historically important Verbriiderungsbuch of St. Peter's at Salzburg, that is, the book in which the names of all persons who joined the League were entered. The brothers, it seems, undertook to mention each other in their prayers while living, and to continue the pious remembrance after their decease. This obligation necessarily occasioned the practice of keeping accurate lists of all the members of the League, and as these rapidly multiplied, while the record was kept up for centuries, it is evident that this book is one of the most trustworthy authorities touching a great variety of topics and relations.^ The activity and zeal of Tassilo as a devout churchman appears from the part he took in the Translation of the Relics of St. Valentinus from Trent to Passau in "j^^^ and of that of the Relics of St. Corbinianus from Mais in the Tyrol to the Church of St. Mary at Freising in 769.2 Tassilo does not seem to have come in collision with the Bohemians and Moravians in the northeast, but responding to an appeal of the Sclavonian Carantanians, the occupants of Carinthia, Styria, and part of the Tyrol, for help against the Avars, he not only repelled that enemy, but brought the Carantanians themselves to a state of dependence, and, mainly through the missionary zeal of the aforesaid bishop Virgilius of Salzburg, established Christianity among them.* The rapid progress of Christianity received, however, a rude check after the death of duke Chotimir, a man of strong Christian sympathies, when the adherents of paganism again came into power and expelled the Christian mission- 1 Simson, /. c. 55 sq. and notes. 3 Meichelbeck, /. c. I.a 71, 73 ; I.b 2 V. Karajan. Verbriiderungsbuch von 1 8. St. Peter in Salzburg, Introduction I., 4 De Conversione Bagoar. et Carant sqq. — Herzberg-Frankel, Neues Ar- libellus, MG. SS. XI., 7 sq. chiv d. Gcschichie fur dltere deutscfu Ceschichtskunde, XII., 53 sqq. Chapter VII.] CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. 209 aries. For several years no priest labored among the Carantanians, but, thanks to the energy of Tassilo, Carinthia was reconquered, incorporated with Bavaria, and revisited by Christian missionaries. As early as 769 Tassilo donated to the abbot Atto of Scharnitz the place called India (Inni- chen), in the Puster valley on the Sclavonian frontier, for the express purpose of establishing there a monastery as the centre from which the infidel race of the Sclavonians might be led into the way of the truth.^ The conversion of the Carantanians was chiefly carried on from Salzburg, and the mantle of Virgilius, who died in 784, Fell on the shoulders of Arno, a remarkable man, already familiar to us, of whom more remains to be said in subse- quent paragraphs.^ About J'j'j Tassilo founded the monastery of Kremsmiin- ster. According to an ecclesiastical legend the immediate occasion of that pious foundation was the accidental death of his son Gunthar on a boar hunt in the forest near the confluence of the Enns and the Danube. Gunthar having mortally wounded a she-boar, was assailed and fatally hurt by the infuriated animal. He fell and died on the spot ; his dog discovered him, and a stag with luminous antlers indi- cated the place of his burial. Tassilo, says the legend, caused a wooden church to be erected over him, and that humble temple was the beginning of the monastery of Kremsmunster.3 The legend belongs to the fourteenth century, and sheds no light on the true history of the monastery. The ori- ginal charter explicitly states that, impelled by the earnest desire of shunning the horrid abode of Satan, and of enter- ing the blissful mansions of Christ, he had concluded to consecrate to the service of God a portion of those riches with which God had blessed him. As his ancestors of good memory had to the best of their ability consecrated their substance to God, built and endowed churches, founded monasteries and richly provided for them, so he had de- I Meichelbeck, /. c. I.**' 38, no. 22. ' See Index. 14 3 MG. SS. XXV., 641. 2IO CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book IL termined to build a monastery to the glory of Christ near the river Chremsa, etc' When the building was completed, he appointed Fater of Niederaltaich, a monastic institution founded by his father Odilo, abbot of the new monastery, and set him over a number of monks from the same establishment. He then made most generous provision for the support of the insti- tution in land, and a dependent population, and doubtless planted it for the laudable purpose of making it the centre of missionary effort and Christian civilization. Much of the land he donated was uncultivated ; but portions of the territory were well improved, and embraced meadows, fields, vineyards, woods, together with such industrious establish- ments as salt mines, fisheries, etc., and a population skilled in their operation. Many of these settlers were Sclavonians who had embraced Christianity and, from being tributary to the duke, became thenceforth attached to the monastery. The instrument of the donation was made at Krems- miinster, in the presence of the most prominent secular and spiritual dignitaries, and conjointly in the name of Tassilo and of his son Theodo.* It has been stated that several bishops accompanied Charles in the first Avar expedition in 791. Among them was Arno, bishop of Salzburg ; he was, in the unsubstantiated opinion of some, either a Saxon or an Anglo-Saxon, while others with a greater show of probability believe him to have been a Bavarian ; if they are right, the Bavarian Church may justly point to him as one of at least three distinguished men whose zealous labors are of constant mention in the annals of that time ; they were the abbot Sturm of Fulda, archbishop Leidrad, or Leidradus of Lyons, and Arno.' The name of a deacon Arno occurs after 765 in the rec- ords of Freising, of a presbyter Arno after 'j'j^ ; and the same name appears in fyj in the Kremsmunster instrument ^ Hagn, Urkundenbuch fur Krems- munster, p. I. cf. Miilhbacher, /. c. no. 302 ; Histor. Cremifan. MG. SS. XXV., 629. 2 Urkundenbueh, p. 2. 3 Simson, /. c. I., 512, notes and ref- erences. Chapter VIL] CONQUEST OF THE AVARS. 211 of donation, and in 791 in the ratification of the same docu- ment ; they all seem to designate the same person. It is established that Arno did not continuously exercise his min- istry in Bavaria ; he appears to have been engaged in the monastery of St. Amand in the Hennegau about 778, and upon the death .of its abbot in 782 to have been chosen abbot of that establishment. In 785 he was made bishop o( Salzburg, without however sundering his connection with St. Amand. His friendship with Alcuin seems to date from his residence at the monastery, and it is thought that his advancement to the episcopate was mainly due to the influence of the same potent friend. He appears to have possessed the necessary requirements for that difficult and important position to an eminent degree, and been as accept- able to Charles as to Tassilo. We have seen that he was more devoted to the former than to the latter, and it re- mains to add in this connection, that he rose in favor with Charles, was employed by him on important public business, and through his influence advanced to the position of met- ropolitan of Bavaria. This last step was doubtless a politi- cal necessity, and the most potent means of incorporating Bavaria with the Frankish empire. To Arno also was com- mitted the general supervision and direction of the work of evangelizing and Christianizing the pagan inhabitants of the vast territory which the victorious king acquired to the eastward of Bavaria. Arno was a man of executive ability and considerable tact. His ready resource appears from the following inci- dent : On his return from an important embassy to Rome, in 798, Arno, after crossing the river Po, met a royal mes- senger, the bearer of a letter to him from Charles instruct- ing him to proceed in the capacity of a missionary to the country of the Southern Sclavonians. Instead of complying with the king's request, he reasoned that duty, and proba- bly the importance of the verbal communications he had to present, required him to repair to Charles in person. He accordingly continued his journey, conferred with his royal master, and then, without any record of his seeming disobe- 212 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. dience exposing him to censure, proceeded to the Sclavonian territory, engaged in teaching the people, ordaining priests, building churches and consecrating them. On his return Arno submitted a very encouraging report of his visitation to Charles, who approved of his recommendation designat- ing a certain Deoderich as bishop for that important and promising field. Arno consecrated him, and accompanied by count Gerold, introduced the new bishop to the notables of the new diocese, which seems to have embraced Carinthia together with the country north of the Drave to its con- fluence with the Danube.^ ^ Con vers. Bagoarior. et Carant., /. c. XI., 9, 10 ; cf. Simson, /. c. for addi- tional references. CHAPTER VIII. CONSPIRACIES. — QUEENS AND DAUGHTERS OF CHARLES. Fastrada. — '* Conspiracy of Thuringian Counts and Nobles." — " Conspiracy of Pepin the Hunchback." — Peter of Verdun. — Death of Fastrada. — Liut- gard. — The daughters. ^ — Family life. — The Chase. — Diversions. N (Queen Hildegard died April 30, 783,'^bout six months after the Saxon campaign which terminated in the massacre of Verden. It is said that those cruel eyes which looked unmoved on that horror moistened in sorrow as they gazed upon the lifeless remains of the beautiful queen. / Charles caused her to be entombed with regal splendor in the church of St. Arnulf at Metz, and provided for the burning of can- dles on the anniversary of her death, and daily mass for all time to come, for the salvation of her soul, from the revenue of the seignorial estate of Cheminot which he set apart and donated to the said church for that exclusive purpose ; he also commanded the erection of a magnificent monument sumptuously ornamented with golden figures, and bade the deacon Paulus write an epitaph, which remains of record. Hildegard bore the reputation of sincere piety and benev- olence. The monasteries of Reichenau and Kempten, the church of St. Denis, the abbey of St. Martin at Tours, and other establishments, were enriched by her benefactions; the poor and the sick blessed with her kind ministrations. She shone as a wife and a mother, and her untimely death in the twenty-sixth year of her life caused universal sorrow. She died immediately after the birth of a daughter, who re- ceived her name, but survived her only forty days. The epitaph of Paulus Diaconus is unique in its way. He extols her attractions and virtues, lauds her as the most illustrious of her race, as superior to the rest as is a gem of 214 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. the Indies to common clay ; he describes her as the fairest of her sex throughout the western world, alleging that the splendor of her charms eclipsed the flash of precious stones, and that her outward beauty, though that of the lily and the rose, was cast in the shade by the yet greater beauty of her heart and mind, by humility, simplicity, wisdom, skill, cheerfulness, and the rich garniture of all good things. But her highest meed of praise, he says, which included every- thing beside, was that so great a man as Charles chose her his wife.' The days of his mourning for his ^* most sweet consort," who for twelve years past had shared his throne, began on the date aforesaid.* Shortly afterwards 3 he went into still deeper mourning, occasioned by the death of his mother, Queen Bjerthcada. She died at Choisy au Bac, where her remains were tem- porarily interred, and -afterwards by his command re- moved with great pomp to their final resting-place by the side of her husband, King Pepin, in the basilica of St. Denis.* fAfter he^r funeral and the close of the summer campaign Charles went out of mourning, and married Fastrada, a daughter of Count Radolf. She was very handsome, and in some respects a remarkable woman. Her very name in- * Hie regina iacet regi praecelsa po- tent! Hildegard Karoloquae bene nup- ta fuit. Quae tantum clarae transcendit stir- pis alumnos Quantum, quo genita est, Indica gemma solum. Huic tarn clara fuit florentis gratia formae, Qua nee in oeciduo pulchrior ulla , foret. Cuius haut tenerum posslnt aequare decorem Sardonix Pario, lilia mixta rosis. Attamen banc speeiera superabant lumina cordis Simplicitasque animae interiorque decor. Tu mitis, sapiens, solers, iocunda fuisti, Dapsilis et cunctis condecorata bonis. Sed quid plura feram ? cum non sit grandior ulla Laus tibi, quam tanto eompla- cuisse viro ' Epitaph Carol. I 631 ; II., 688 2 Ann. Einh., Lauriss., al. — Bou- quet, v., 749 ; MG. SS. II., 266. 3 loth or 13th of July. 4 Annal. I.auriss., Einh., al. Matt., S. Amandi. — Vita Caroli, e. 18. jisse viro i dh. — MG. Poet. Lat. aev. I ^•, 58, V. 3-16 ; cf. ibid., p. / AQQ I ( Chapter VIIL] CONSPIRACIES. 215 dicates part of her character ; it denotes ' '' firm counsel ; " and the epithet " firm " may stand not only for decision, but for imperious obstinacy and inflexible sternness. These nouns and adjectives rather understate than exaggerate, and it must be admitted, on the evidence furnished by con- temporary writers, that a woman whose strength of will and influence was able to mould the purpose of Charles into subjection to her own, was a prodigy.^ Even his biog- rapher commits himself to the statement that certain devia- tions from '' the usual kindness and gentleness of his dispo- sition " were due to his '' apparent acquiescence " in her conduct. She bore the unenviable reputation of being cold, selfish, and cruel, and was named as the cause of two con- spiracies having for their object the assassination of the king ; the exact nature of her cruelty, though not indicated in express terms, may be divined. The first of these conspiracies is known as " the Cpn- 786] spiracy of Thuringian Counts and Nobles."'^*It^was promoted by a certain count Hardrad, and those engaged in the plot proposed to possess themselves of the person of Charles and put him to death, or, in the event of their inability to compass it, raise the standard of revolt. It was wide-spread, and those implicated in jt were men of great influence ; the ominous secret was betrayed, and it required great tact for arresting the offenders and bringing them to judgment. It is distinctly asserted that the conspiracy was engendered by the cruelty of Fastrada ; to her craft may be assigned the method by which the conspirators were reached, and to her influence the punishment which overtook them. It seems that the daughter of one of the Thuringian con- spirators was affianced to an Austrasian noble ; under Prank- ish law it was his duty to send her to her plighted hus- band, but for reasons not stated he refused to fulfil the obligation ; the Austrasian complained to the king, and a royal command was sent to the Thuringian requiring him to comply with the terms of the law. Again he refused, when Fastrath. « ** Gallias Ctesar subegit, Nicomedes C?esarem >» 2l6 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter VIII.] CONSPIRACIES. 217 ^-J a number of his relatives, as well as almost all the Thurin- gians, took up his cause and resisted the royal authority. Forthwith an Austrasian force entered Thuringia and laid it waste. The conspirators fled and took sanctuary in the monastery of Fulda ; the abbot, at their request, but seem- ingly in response to his advice, interceded with Charles and obtained certain promises in virtue of which the Thuringians were sent to Worms and taken to the royal presence. A conversation took place, in which the king asked them if it were true that they had plotted together to resist his authority and attempt his life. They did not pretend to deny the accusation, and one of them, more fearless than the rest, boldly spoke out, saying : ** If my colleagues and associates had done as I desired, you would never have crossed the Rhine alive." Charles was amazed, but being, as an annalist states, "the most gentle and wisest of kings that ever ruled the Franks, took the matter with great forbearance," and demonstrated those amiable qualities in the following manner : The men were ordered to be put under arrest ; " three of them only lost their lives ; they drew their swords and resisted arrest, and after killing several men, were cut down, because they could not be otherwise overpowered." ^ But those who yielded were sent, under military convoy and accompanied by royal ynissi, some to the tomb of St. Peter at Rome, others to sacred localities in Neustria and Austrasia, and made to swear over the relics that thenceforth they would maintain fidelity to the king and his sons. This seemed a most merciful and, one might sayi religious mode of punish- ment); but it had a very secular and horrible sequel ; some had their eyes put out and were thrust into dungeons on the way ; others (Einhard says, all) were taken back to Worms, and banished without mutilation, and still others, perhaps those mentioned bfefore, were put to death, and yet others had their eyes put out ; one authority, indeed, asserts that that punishment was meted out to all the rebels, while those who were innocent — for innocent persons had also been arrested — regained their liberty. All their possessions, personal and real, were confiscated to the crown, and the royal pair, after this effectual and energetic punishment of the offenders, left the city of Worms unhurt, and, as one of the pious annalists exclaims, '' the best of the kings, ruling the Franks, the Lombards, and the Romans, remained uninjured and safe, because the King of Heaven extended to him His peculiar protection."* About the same time an insurrection broke out in Brit- tany, in the northwestern extremity of Gaul, inhabited by a purely Celtic population. The story ran that once upon a time in the remote past a band of Britons came across the sea and, after possessing themselves of the territory of the Veneti and Coriosolitae, effected a permanent settle- ment in that part of the country. They were in turn sub- dued by the Franks and made tributary to them ; but chaf- ing under the yoke of dependence, strove to shake it off. The revolt was not that of a privileged class, as in Thuringia, but of the entire population. They not only refused to pay tribute, but resisted Frankish supremacy by force of arms. Charles despatched an army commanded by Seneschal Audulf to the seat of revolt. The Franks had [April, 786 to fight their way step by step, through the intrenchments and fortifications which the rebels had planted between the marches, attack and carry them one by one. Then the leaders of the revolt fell into the hands of the victorious Audulf, who at the close of the campaign in August could boast of having quelled the revolt and re-established Frank- ish authority. He took hostages and compelled moreover a number of Breton chieftains, called in their own tongue Mactrians, but Capitanei by the Franks, to swell his train on his return to the Rhine. They were hereditary lords, privileged in their several districts to levy taxes, hold court, and discharge other executive functions. He took them to Worms, and > Vita Caroli, c. 20. I Annal. Nazar. Lauriss., Einh., S. Amandi, a. 785. — Vita Caroli, c. 20. 2l8 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter VIII.] CONSPIRACIES. 219 \j set them before Charles in the Diet there assembled. They appear to have made their submission with good grace, for they were permitted to retain their ancient prerogatives both in his reign and that of his successors.^ f 792] A few years later occurred the '' Conspiracy of Pepin the Hunchback/y for which Fastrada is also believed to be responsible. Again it does not appear what she did, but opinion is general that her hardness made life a burden to all persons who fell under her influence ; still it is only just to add that if all that was said of her is true, she played her cards uncommonly well, so well indeed that her royal spouse was not aware of the extent to which she swayed his will. The year before he wrote a letter informing her of the progress of affairs in connection with the great expedition against the Avars, in which he expresses disappointment at her failure to send him a messenger or an epistle, and the earnest desire for frequent news as to the state of her health, and any other matters which she might deem it her duty to communicate; the tone is cordial and the contents show that she had his confidence and affection.^ But to return to the conspiracy. Pepin, the first born of Charles, the son of his first wife, Himiltrud, was handsome of countenance, but diminutive in size, and otherwise deformed, for he was bur- dened with a hunchback. By this time he must have been upwards of twenty, and probably twenty-two or twenty- three years of age. His step-brothers were considerably his juniors, and his position as the king's eldest son was so well established and recognized that his name stood in the Litany in the following order : Charles the king, Pepin and Charles his sons, Pepin, King of the Lombards, Louis, King of Aqui- taine, Fastrada, the queen, etc., etc.,^ but in spite of it there ^ Annal. Einh., Lauriss. major., 3 Mabillon, Fef. Ajialect. nov. ed. Lauresh.— Vita Caroli, c. 10.— Sim- p. 171, cf. the Verbriideningsbuch von son, /. c. I., 526 sqq.; De Courson, St. Peter, Salzburg ed. Karajan, p. Cartulaire dc V Abbaye de Redon en 7 (col. 35), where the names stand Bretagne, Proleg. cclxix. ; Gottinger thus : Carolus rex, Fastrada, Pippinus, G. A. 1864, 1 77 1 sqq. Charlus, Ludvih, Pippinus. =» Ep. Carol, no. 6, ed. Jaffe. See note 2, page 224. were those who not only derided his person, but cast a slur on his birth ; and if his deformity was not the cause of the slight which had been put upon him in the provision made for the three sons of Hildegard, for Charles also had received three or four years before the duchy of Maine,' his feelings arising from the other point must have been painful. It was moreover his peculiar misfortune of having three step- mothers in succession, and the last and living one, although she had no sons, doubtless increased his misery. This seems not calumny, for it is stated that while the king was passing the summer months at Ratisbon, a plot was made against him by Pepin, his eldest son, and certain Frankish noblemen, who, alleging that they were unable to endure the cruelty of Queen Fastrada any longer, conspired together to take the king's lifc^* It needs no stretch of the imagination, therefore, to con- jecture that the army of malcontents throughout the Frank- ish dominions with real or fancied grievances against the king and the queen, would naturally turn to the sorely tried Pepin and contribute their share in keeping alive the flame of his discontent ; nor is it at all improbable that the scat- tered members of the dethroned royal and ducal families, male and female, sought opportunity of pouring the story of their wrongs into his willing ears ; in fact it is distinctly asserted that others were the instigators of the conspiracy .^ The names of the conspirators are not known ; Count Theudald, who was implicated in the plot, cleared himself of the charge, and the ever-suspected bishop of Verdun also established his innocence to the satisfaction of the king and a whole church council.^ The details of the plot are said- to have embraced the assassination of the king and his three royal sons, and the subsequent proclamation of Pepin as king. This was the ^ Annal. S. Amandi, brev. et brevis. a. 780 ; Mett. a. 790. Theod. Carm. 35, V. II in Poet. Lat. aevi Carol. I., 527- ^ Annal. Einh. a. 793. 3 Vita Hlud. 6 ; Annal Lauresh., Petav., Enh. Fuld. 4 Bohmer-Miihlbacher, No. 327. — Synod. Francof. 794, c. 9. I., i. Ges- ta epp. Vird. 14 MG. SS. IV., 44- 220 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. bait which the conspirators held out to him ; " they seduced him," as Einhard puts it, " with vain promises of the royal authority ; "^ the plot seemed to one of the monkish writers a repetition of the crime of Abimelech, the son of Gideon by a concubine, in the days of the Judges, who killed on one stone both his father and his seventy brothers, and then usurped the throne.^ The secret was well kept. Pepin shammed sickness, and for a while stayed away from court ; the plot was fairly under way and dangerously near a successful termination, when by the inexplicable carelessness of the conspirators the whole of their impious scheme became known. They met in the church of St. Peter at Ratisbon and dis- cussed all the details of the plot in the hearing of a cleric, who from some cause or other had found his way into the church. Perhaps he came to sleep there ; the conspirators found him hiding under the altar, and, strange to tell, con- tented themselves with his solemn promise on oath that he would not divulge the ominous secret. But the oath sat lightly on his conscience, and the moment after the con- spirators had left he ran half-dressed at dead of night to the royal palace and gave the alarm. No one could stay his progress on his way to the royal bedchamber ; he passed through seven doors and at last stood before it, and so frightened the ladies in attendance upon the queen that they shut it in his face ; they tried to stifle their laughter at his appearance with their dresses. But the king had heard the noise and asked what it meant. They said that a half-clad, scraped, silly, and raving scamp demanded to see the king, and made an unmannerly noise. Charles sent for him, and made him tell all he knew. " Be- fore the third hour of the day," writes the Monk, '' all the chief conspirators, not expecting anything of the kind, were either on the way tb exile or punishment. The dwarfish, hunchbacked Pepin received a good beating, was shaved, » Vita Car. c. 20. See Bohmer- =* Ann. Lauresh. a. 792. — Jud. c. 8, Miihlbacher, and Abel-Simson for the 9. authorities, which are numerous- Chapter VIII.] CONSPIRACIES. 221 and sent for a little while to the monastery of St. Gall to do penance."^ The writer must be ironical for the words in italics import incarceration for life. The judgment, though summary, was not quite as rapid and informal as he intimates. Charles immediately con- vened an Assembly of Franks and other of his lieges for action in the matter. The conspirators were accused and convicted of high treason, and condemned to undergo the punishment of death together with the loss of all their possessions. Such was the judgment passed upon the prime movers and leaders, but in the case of others it was more lenient. Some were put to death, but not all in the same manner ; we read of the sword and the gallows, and of the commutation of the capital sentence into blinding, whipping and exile. Some appealed successfully to the judgment of God, established their innocence and recovered their property. In the case of Pepin, the Court respected the king's recommendation of mercy, and commuted the sen- tence of death into compulsory orders. He himself is said to have recognized the kindness of the direction and desired it. The prince was shaved and went for life to the mon- astery of Priim,' where he died twenty years later.^ He was doubtless a sincere penitent, but the Monk of St. Gall's anecdote about him, which is as authentic as many other of his stories, makes him likewise a wag. The king, according to him, having heard of others impli- cated in the conspiracy, sent messengers to question Pepin as to the degree of their guilt, and take his opinion of the punishment they ought to have. They found him in the convent-garden hoeing. '' Tell Charles," he said, " what you see me do : I pluck out the weeds that the good plants may thrive." The Monk then makes Charles cut off their heads, and give their possessions to loyal men of meaner birth.^ 1 Monach. Sangall. 1. II., c. 18. 4 The Monk's story recalls Livy, I., 2 In the diocese of Treves. 54, and that too is an adaptation of 3 Annal. Lauriss., Einh.. Lauresh., the reply of Thrasybulos to Periandcr. Laur. min, Fuld., MoselU—Vita Ca- in Herodotus. roli, c. 20. Poeta Saxo. 222 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. The conspiracy was doubtless extensive ; the inquisition searching and minute, and the punishment most severe ; but the king's gratitude for his merciful deliverance was also very great : those of his faithful vassals, bishops, abbots, counts, and others, who came out of the scrutiny with clean escutcheons, were made the recipients of rich gifts in gold, silver, silk and the like. Fardulf, the Lombard deacon, who discovered the conspiracy, was royally rewarded not only with numerous presents, but with the presentation of the rich emoluments of the abbacy of St. Denis.^ He was in great favor with Charles. A Lombard, and a devoted partisan of Desiderius, he was obliged at the time of his fall to go into exile, but whether to St. Denis, as some think, we cannot tell. Nor is it known what took him to Ratisbon, but his presence in the church of St. Peter at the time when the conspirators were in session w^as doubtless the turning point in his life. The king honored him with his confidence and employed him on im- portant public business ; he acted as missus, and went on an embassy to Rome. On the other hand, Fardulf showed his gratitude by erecting at his own cost, it is thought close to the monastery of St. Denis, a palace for the special de- lectation of Charles and his suite. This is distinctly stated in the metrical inscription, composed by himself, still ex- tant. He also built a church dedicated to St. John Baptist, in fulfilment of an early vow made at the time he went into exile, as appears from another poetical inscription, the product of his muse. vj^rdulf was a many-sided man, and among other attri- butes possessed the gift of poetry; he was on intimate terms with Theodulf, who calls him his sweet friend.^ One of the suspected persons, the bishop J^eter of Ver- 794] dun,3 figures in the (Council of Frankfort^ as promoter ^Annal. Einh., 792, Lauresh. 793, MG. Poet. Lat. aevi Carol. I., 353. ^ His poetic remains are found in MG. Poet. Latin, aevi Carolini, I., 353 sq. He died in 806. An epi- taph of him is contained in Hibernici exulis carm. 13 ; cf. MG. /. c. 633. 3 He is the same who labors under the imputation of having betrayed the city of Trevisa, and — as stated by oth- Chapter VIII. ] CONSPIRACIES. 223 of a spectacle which forcibly illustrates the spirit of the age. In the absence of evidence establishing his guilt, he avouched his innocence, whereupon it was ordered by the king and the council that he should swear before God and, conjointly with two or three other bishops, or with his metropolitan, that he was in no wise concerned in the said conspiracy, or had been disloyal to the king. Peter could not find among his brethren any willing to swear with him. Nothing daunted, the bishop, of his own free will, chose his man to go to the judgment of God in attestation of his innocence. In other words, his man undertook to fight a duel with another, while the bishop declared on oath, neither on the gospel nor on the relics, but before God only, that, as he was innocent, so God would establish his innocence, and agreeably thereto aid his man in the combat. It is not said that he killed his adversary, but the fact that he returned safe and sound was construed as proof of the innocence of Peter ; he was declared innocent, received to the royal favor, restored to all the honors of his station, and fully justified, suffered to depart. This trial by combat, which used to be common in cases of doubt, gradually fell into disuse, and the Canon which officially records the expurgation and restoration of Peter distinctly states that the ordeal was commanded neither by the king nor the council, but the bishop's deliberate and spontaneous act.^ Ur Queen P^astrada died during the session of that council. Shortly before her decease she is mentioned as present at the death of a certain Hostlaicus, most probably by acci- ers — the city of Pa via to Charles. The Gest. epp. Virdun. 14 MG. SS. IV., 44, say that he had been twelve years in disgrace when the Council met ; if this is correct the reference may be to something else. Barre, Hist. Gendr. d'Allem. t. i., p. 425, is too rash in his assertion that Peter did betray the city of Trevisa, that the bishopric of Verdun was the reward of his treach- ery , and misprision of an attempt on the life of his benefactor, the ex- pression of his gratitude. He was suspected, but none of the crimes were proven against him. ^ Synod. Franconofurt. 794. Labbei Concil. ix. (I., i), p. 103. 224 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter VIIL] QUEENS. 225 X dent, although the circumstance is often adduced in illustra- tion of her cruelty.^ /^Her death was regarded by the people as a providential bereavement. She was undoubtedly the best-hated woman of her time, and apparently beloved only by Charles.' Some, perhaps not without cause, see in her a convenient scapegoat. Charles ordered a magnificent funeral in St. Alban's, Mayence. Her remains were interred in the crypt of the north aisle in front of the altar of the apostles. A sumptu- ous marble monument was set up near the arch of the same aisle ; a parcel of land was given to St. Alban's, the revenue to be applied to the service of a daily mass for the salvation of her soul. Theodulf, bishop of Orleans, the most gifted poet of the age, was requested to compose an epitaph, and wrote one of only six lines, of great elegance, singular felicity, and surprising tact, considering the character and reputation of the queen. It ran as follows : " Here lie the glorious remains of Queen Fastrada, whom cold death snatched away in the bloom of life. Noble by birth, she was united in marriage to her mighty husband, and nobler still, she is now united to the King of Heaven. The better part of her soul. King Charles himself, she left behind, to whom a merciful God may grant long life.^ 3^:^-^ The mural tablet with this inscription remained'^^in the church until the monastery was destroyed by fire, when some one less kindly disposed replaced it by another in the cathedral, to which possibly her remains also were re- moved after 1553, of this tenor: '* Fastradana called the pious consort of Charles, and by ^ Roz'ihe, Formzi/es, L, 64, no. 41. 2 About this time, I mean during the last few years of her life, she was in delicate health (Ep. Car. 6, Jaffe). Among other ailings she was a martyr to toothache, and went to St. Goar where the saint cured her. In recog- nition of the deliverance Charles pre- sented his cell with the Villa of Na- sonia. Miracula S. Goar. 16 apud Mabillon A. S. o. s. Ben. ed. Venet. XL, 279. 3 Theod. Carm. — Migne, V., 514. Compare the last clause of this epitaph with that composed by Paulus Diaco- nus for Hildegard, presented before. Theodulf seems to echo his sentiment, and was his peer in the art of flattery. Christ beloved, lies underneath this marble roof. She died in the year seven hundred and ninety-four, a number which the muse in vain tries to adapt to the metre. O pious King, whom the Virgin bore, grant that here she may re- pose, and that her spirit be heir of the fatherland, which re- fuses to bewail her departure." ' The words after the date have now been expunged, but the remainder may still be read in the cathedral. Everybody seems to have had his fling at the unfortu- nate queen, and even the Saxon poet is nastily malicious in comparing her influence over Charles to the incessant throb of an angry carbuncle.^ She was the mother of Theodrada and Hiltrud, with whom we shall become better acquainted in a subsequent paragraph. (Charles was averse to prolonged widowhood, and soon ^ led to the altar the beautiful Liutgard, a noble, or most noble lady of Alemannian descent. She must have been very fas- cinating and winsome, for she stole the hearts of all who knew her, and was unquestionably the most popular and best loved of the wives of Charles. If the contemporary records uniformly paint Fastrada in colors of darkest hue, they as uniformly, and with singular cordiality, shed the richest and most glowing light on the picture of Liutgard. Her radiant presence at the royal hearth was only brief, for she died childless and universally regretted, June 4, 800, in the city of Tours, blessed with the ministrations of the saintly Alcuin, and was buried in the venerable sanctuary of St. Martin.4 ^ ^ ^ i I Le Cointe, Annal. Eccles. Franc, IV., 527. "" Poeta Saxo., I. IH. s a. 792. 3 I reject, as unfounded, certainly as un proven, first the insinuation that she had for years before her marriage stood in near relations to the king ; pulchra virago " is not decisive ; The- odulf may have meant by virago a married woman, and Angilbert about the same time extols her Ti-?, pulcherri- ma conjux. Einhard, Vita Caroli. c. 18, says : Defuncta Fastrada, Liut- gardam Alemannam duxit ; this I take secondly, that the marriage did not to signify that soon after the death of take place until between 796 and 799- F. the king married Liutgard. But see The second point is cleariy the con- the controversy sketched in Abel-Sim- sequence of the first. The solitary son, /. r., II., p. 214 sq. expression, in a poem : " Leutgardis * Annal. Lauriss., Einh., al. 15 226 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. What she was, in appearance, character, and conversation, is fully disclosed in the notices here presented ; the first was written by the bishop of Orleans during her life. *' The beautiful lady Leutgarda displays the riches of her piety in the shining frame of a cultured mind. The nobility and the people everywhere, confess that the brilliant beauty of her accomplishments is eclipsed by the more dazzling beauty of her virtues. Prodigal in her charities, benignant in dis- position, and most sweet of speech, her life is a blessing to all, an injury to none.' An ardent and successful student she stores in a retentive memory the harvest of her toil." * Thus he wrote of her ; the lines which follow he wrote to her : " O potent queen, the glory of the great king and of the people, the light and blooming ornament of the Church. May the Father, throned on high, grant long life to you, and thus bless the people, and the Church of God. You are the light and splendor, the dazzling ornament of all the realm, gracing your beauty with the riches of a godly life. Companion of the pious king, you are his well-merited re- ward, a precious help-mate causing his name to be lauded to the sky. Your outward beauty yields the palm to that within, but I do not venture 'to say which is first. For beautiful is the burden of your speech ; more beautiful your acts, but you yourself are conqueror of both. May God, who gave you the will to do so much good, grant you power to bring it to good effect, and bless you world without end." 3 Similar is the testimony of Alcuin. Writing of her to others he calls her "his daughter, religious, and devoted to God ; " '' having an earnest desire to benefit the servants of God and the Church ; " and addressing her, exclaims : ** Verily, most noble lady, you ever set the example of pure morality to the people, and of most holy conversation be- fore God, causing the tongue of all to rehearse your praise, and their hearts turn to you in love."'* » This seems to reflect on her pre- decessor. ' Theod. Carm. TIL. i, ed. Sismond. 3 Idem, ed. Duirimler, XXXL, 522 4 Ale. Epp. 53, 131, 89 (Jaffe). Chapter VIIL] QUEENS. 227 One of the epistles of Alcuin is believed to be a letter of condolence to Charles on the death of this queen. It should be remembered that Alcuin was at Tours at the time of its occurrence, and we may regard the document either as a letter of condolence, or a funeral address, possi- bly adapted to the occasion. He says : '' I cannot lament the felicity of one who has finished the thorny path of earth and winged her way to Him who made her. For agreeably to the appointment of our first condemnation this is the condition of our frailty : we are born to die, and we die to live. Is it not better to enter upon life than upon death ? " It is said that one whom others sought to comfort con- cerning the death of his son, replied, ' I knew that I was born mortal.' ' Why should we bewail that which we can- not avoid? Time often soothes our sorrow better than reason. ** Let the gifts of our love follow our loved ones. Let us offer the gift of our salvation for them. Let us be mer- ciful that we may obtain mercy. Whatever we do in faith for them, will profit ourselves. '' O Lord God Jesus, gentle and merciful, have mercy upon her whom thou hast taken away from us. Hear us through the Medicine for our wounds [Jesus Christ], who hung upon the Cross, and sitting at thy right hand, now in- tercedes for us. For I know thy mercy, who desirest that all men should be saved. Remit unto her such sins as she may have contracted after the water of salvation [/. e., after baptism]. Remit them, O Lord, we pray, remit them. Enter not into judgment with her. Let mercy exalt itself above judgment. For all thy words are true, even the mercy thou didst promise unto the merciful ; that such as they were, so wilt thou give unto them. Thou who art merciful unto the merciful, O Lord, have mercy upon thy creature ; that thy creature may laud and evermore extol thy mercy ; and the soul that triumphs eternally, will say world with- 1 Allusion to the saying of the philosopher Anaxagoras on the death of his son. 228 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter VIII.] DAUGHTERS. 229 out end ; * In my life I will praise the Lord ; I will sing to my God as long as I shall be ' ^ *' Oh, may for evermore in happiness abide this daughter mine so dear, I earnestly desire, and unto God be dear, I pray. * fShe was the last of the legitimate queens of Charles ; the other ladies, her successors, were united to him by morgan- atic ties.^ ) L Charles had four sisters,'^ but only one of them, Gisla, is mentioned in history. She was a most estimable lady, greatly beloved by him and his children ; on terms of friend- ship with Alcuin, and often exchanged the retirement of her convent at Chelles for the amenities of the social circle at court, especially in the early days of the Palace School, in which she bore the pseudonym of Lucia. r 796-799] About this time Charles had six daughters living, the children of three mothers. Rothaid was the daughter of Himiltrud ; Rotrud, Bertha, and Gisla were children of Hildegard ; and lastly, Theodrada and Hiltrud, the daughters of Fastrada. The eldest was about thirty, but the youngest were mere children. All were singularly favored, and famed for their beauty. ) \ ) The bishop of Orleans has drawn a fascinating picture of the royal family on the occasion of a birthday, or other festal gathering. He represents the affectionate father in the midst of his olive branches, each the bearer of some token of love. Omitting the description of the sons, we catch a glimpse of the royal maidens presenting their sweet offerings. Bertha brought roses, Rotrud violets, and Gisla lilies. Rothaid carried the treasures of Pomona, Hiltrud ^ The citations are from the Vulgate, Haydock's version, 1848. /"^ Alcuin. epist. 138 (Jaffe). 3 See GenEatogical Table. — The uxoriousness 'of Charles occasioned injurious comment. His reputation was bad, so bad that the "Vision of Wetin" representing him as endur- ing singular punishment in most un- comfortable regions, was not only commended by a bishop as good read- ing, but believed by him to be true. He also thought that the punishment was well deserved. Walafrid made a metrical version of the Vision. — See, Hincmar. Op. II., 808. j joJf^U 4 See Genealogical Table. i those of Ceres, while Theodrada bore the produce of Bacchus. Their beauty was enhanced by the richness of their toilet, precious ornaments, and the variety of their graces, in which the charms of voice and bearing vied with the fascination of their mirth and wit.' The bishop's description, though interesting and instruc- tive, is inferior to that of Angilbert, whose long experience at court, evident familiarity with all the mysterious intri- cacies of feminine toilet, and intimate knowledge of the ladies, adds not a little to the vivacity of his account. He sketches them as they rode up to the gathering on the occa- sion of a royal hunt. Rotrud came first ; she was a pro- nounced blonde, and wore a purple fillet resplendent with the glitter of many gems in her wealth of light yellow hair, which from under a jewelled crown of shining gold fell upon a splendid robe held together with clasps. Bertha, he says, shines amid a choir of maidens and a throng of attendant ladies. '' The tones of her voice, her virile mind, the splendor of her countenance and carriage, the flash of her eyes, the shape of her mouth, and her man- ner image forth her royal sire." She also wears a golden diadem, and golden filaments sparkle in her shining hair; her snow-white shoulders nestle in a cape of ermine ; pearls and gems adorn her robe ; the light of many colors flashes from her belt, and the fiery chrysolite from the emerald glory of every part of her attire. The similar description of the toilet of the other royal maidens we omit, but the poet tells us that the voice, the face, and the hair of Gisla coruscate in radiant light.^ This seems unintelligible, unless the '' voice " import the rows of pearly teeth, which might exceed the undefined limits of poetic license in ordinary writers, but hardly in Angilbert, who dwells upon the *' silver hands " and the *' golden fore- head " of the young lady, the light of whose eyes dims the splendor of the sun. Rothaid, the beautiful maid of more than thirty summers, is praised for the metallic and jewelled » Theodulf, Carmina, ed. Dummler, • 2 "Vox, facies, crines radianti luce /. c, I., 2, p. 485 sq. Anno 796. coruscant." 230 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter VIII.] DAUGHTERS. 231 splendor of her attire, and of the more juvenile daughters of Fastrada, we learn that Theodrada, hardly less splendid and coruscating than Gisla, rode forth to the hunt in " Sophoclean buskins; " ' probably all the ladies wore such buskins, but they were not visible as in the case of so young a lady ; her still more youthful sister came last, but no par- ticulars are given beyond the effulgence which singled her out in the throng of her companions.^* The sons of Charles also are introduced in these and other poetical contributions, but as they are already slightly known to the reader, it is unnecessary to cite the lines. Charles, the eldest, was the constant companion of his father, and, it is thought, his favorite, whom he meant to be his immediate successor in the throne ; Carloman, his second son, the same who in baptism was christened '' Pepin," was cultured and skilled in arms. Louis also was a young man of great promise. As a boy the administrators of his king- dom arrayed him in Aquitanian costume, and sent him, with a number of his companions similarly attired, to Paderborn, where their gay uniform and martial bearing captivated the king and the Franks generally. We shall soon meet with the royal sons in other con- nections, but as history but rarely takes note of the royal daughters, present what is known of them at once. " The plan [Charles] adopted for his children's education was, first of all, to have both his sons and daughters in- structed in the liberal arts, to which he also turned his own attention. " As soon as their years admitted, in accordance with the custom of the Franks, his sons had to learn horsemanship, and practise war and the chase ; while his daughters were taught cloth-making as well as the use of the distaff and spindle, that they might not grow indolent through idle- ness. " He fostered in them every virtuous sentiment "... and was so careful of the training of his children, '' that he I I never took his meals without them when he was at home, and never made a journey without [some of] them ; his sons would ride at his side, and his daughters follow him, while a number of his body-guard, detailed for their protec- tion, brought up the rear. ** Strange to say, though they were very handsome, and he greatly loved them, he was never willing to marry any of them to a man of their own nation or to a foreigner, but kept them all at home until his death, saying that he could not dispense with their society. *' Hence, though otherwise happy, he experienced the malignity of fortune as far as they were concerned ; yet he concealed his knowledge of the rumors current in regard to them, and of the suspicions entertained of their honor."' These statements of the biographer of Charles require correction and comment in sundry particulars. It will be remembered that the princess Rotrud was affianced in child- hood to the emperor Constantine. For reasons not known Charles cancelled the engagement.^ His court was certainly licentious, and unfortunately his beautiful daughters were most indiscreet. Count Roriko of Maine had a liaison with the princess Rotrud, and their son Louis became subse- quently abbot of St. Denis and other monasteries as well as prothonotary to Charles the Bald.^ In view of this un- doubted fact, it is surprising that contemporary writers not only extol her beauty and intellectuality, but her virtue.'* She took much interest in poetry and theology, and Alcuin, at any rate, must have had a lofty conception of her purity. X *' Sophocleoque . . coturao.' 2 Angilbert, Carviefi, Dummler, /. c. I., p. 371 sq. — Illustrative Extracts^ Appendix I. I ^ Vita Caroli, c. 19. 2 Annal. Einh. a. 788. The official betrothal of Rotrud to Constantine VI. was solemnly enacted on the occa- sion of the king's presence at Rome in 781. Annal. Mosell. ; Vita Caroli, c. 19 ; Theophanes, ed. de Boor, I., 455. The engagement was broken off in 787, according to Annal. Einh., and other Prankish authorities at the instance of Charles, but the Byzantine authorities represent Irene as taking the initiative. Theophanes, /. c. p. 463 sq. 3 Hincmar, Rem. Ann., 867. Mabil- lon, Ann, Bened. 11. , 634, 648, 650, 667. Lup. ep. 25, Migne v. CXIX., 475- 4 Rotthrud carmen amat, mentis clarissima virgo, virgo decora satis et moribus inclita virgo. — Angilb. Carm. 2, 43 sq. 232 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. for he bestowed upon her the endearing nickname of Co- lumha (dove) and dedicated to her, in conjunction with her aunt Gisla, the commentary on the Gospel of St. John,' which he wrote at their request.^ She died in 8iO, and all the world knew that Charles shed many tears for her, and that his forgiveness sweetened her death. The princess Bertha also had a peculiar history. It is of record that her brother Charles was suitor for the hand of the daughter of Offa, King of Mercia, and that that monarch refused his consent unless the King of the Franks agreed to sanction the marriage of a Mercian prince and the Prankish princess Bertha. Charles indignantly rejected the proposal, and broke off all intercourse with Mercia.^ The royal maiden, though denied to a royal suitor, might favor the attentions of the poetic Angilbert, her senior in years, an abbot, and honored with the special confidence of her sire. The auriculus of Charles won her heart and they were mar- ried in private. It was a dreadful mesalliance and the dis- covery a great shock to all concerned. Nevertheless it is believed that the king recognized and legitimated the union, and certain, that Hartnidus, and Nithardus, the his- torian, were its offspring. Nithardus himself narrates the fact, and the poetic husband of Bertha in one of his produc- tions, written in a foreign land, adverts with tender feeling to the royal palace, and to his own house near by, where his sons play in the garden. How he spoke of Bertha is evident from the passage already presented,* but it is diffi- cult to reconcile the dates and the tradition of an alleged . dissolution of their marriage by mutual consent. It is un- doubtedly false that Bertha took the veil in 790, for in 799 she is foremost in the gayeties of court-life ; she is at court in 814 at the time of her father's death, and appeared as late as 826 at the court of Louis in Soissons.5 Of Angil- 1 Ale. Epp. 136, I37» 158, 159. ed. Jaffe. 2 Vita Alch. ibid. p. 28. 3 Gest. abb. Fontan. MG. SS. II., 291. 4 See p. 229. 5 Hariulf, Chron. Centul. in Achery, Spicileg. ed. 2, II., 291. Angilberti Vita apud Mabill. I., 108 sqq. Chapter VIII.] DAUGHTERS. 233 bert more remains to be said, andVe pass on to what is known of the other sisters. The princess Gisla was by common consent the noblest and most virtuous of the daughters of Hildegard. Not a whisper is heard to dim her fair fame for goodness, piety, and the loftiest accomplishments of her age. A similar encomium is due to the princess Theodrada, the eldest daughter of Fastrada, who, though abbess of Argenteuil, lived at court and seems to have escaped the taint of its atmosphere. Her sister, princess Hiltrud, was less fortunate. She also was a titular abbess, but had a love-affair with count Odilo. Princess Rothild, the daughter of Maltegard, likewise abbess of Faremoutier, is also entitled to the benefit of the doubt, for the annals maintain an almost absolute silence concerning her. The same applies to Adaltrud, the daughter of Gersuinda. It would be wrong to stain these pages with the record of dark and unsubstantiated rumors, but that of the inci- dent immediately after the death of Charles cannot be withheld. One of the first acts of Louis, preceding his arrival at Aix-la-Chapelle, was the appointment of four commissioners charged, among other things, with the duty of setting in order the imperial establishment, and stopping the scandal connected with the conduct of the princesses of the blood royal. Some of the courtiers implicated in it appeared before the commissioners as suppliants for mercy and obtained for- giveness ; but a certain Hodoinus adopted the attitude of a rebel, and when two of the commissioners, Warnarius and his nephew Lantbertus, attempted his arrest, he drew his sword and killed Warnarius. Lantbertus slew the murderer on the spot, but was severely wounded in the encounter. Louis was exasperated and visited his indignation on Tullius, another lover ; he spared his life, but had his eyes put out. This was followed by more radical measures. He applied 234 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book IL himself to the conscientious execution of his father's will, and then commanded all females, who on various pretences had taken up their abode in the palace, to leave it forth- with ; only very few were permitted to remain in the ser- vice of the court. As for his sisters, he required them to withdraw to the places which Charles had assigned to them, and made pro- vision for those who had not been thus remembered. But all went to where they were bidden. The language of the biographer of Louis is most sweeping, for he excludes not one of the sisters.' ^ Such being the family of Charles, a few facts of its daily life and habits may not be out of place. y jt^-~S- ^ - Charles disliked extravagance and ostentation. His meals were simple, for '' he was temperate in eating, and especially in drinking, since he abominated drunken- ness in anybody, much more in himself, and those of his household ; but he could not easily abstain from food, and often complained that fasts injured his health." * His large frame, robust health, and plentiful exercise in- duced a state of chronic appetite, which abhorred fasting. An excellent churchman, he held that the Lenten fast was indispensable to the salvation of others, and we have seen that the poor Saxons, who dared to break it in the matter of meat, lost their heads. He doubtless disgusted the army with General Orders promulgated upon the occasion of the Prankish victory over the Avars, enjoining a three days' ab- stinence from meat and wine, although we learn that pro- vision was made for those who, like himself, could not abstain, in the purchase of the necessary dispensation.^ In his own case he was wont during Lent after Mass and Vespers had been said to dine at the eighth hour of the day, because, according to the Monk, he did not in doing so break the Rule, for he took nothing from that hour until the same hour on the following day, '' according to the pre- cept of the Lord." I Vita Hlud. Pii, apud Bouquet, VI., 97. 2 Vita Caroli, c. 24. 3 Epist. adFastr., Bouquet, V., 623. Chapter VIH.] HABITS. 235 A certain bishop, more severe than wise, undertaking to censure the royal practice, overshot the mark. The king humbly received the correction, and suppressing his indig- nation said to the ecclesiastic : '' You have well spoken, sir bishop, but I now desire you to take your dinner after the servants of the court have had theirs." The ninth hour, that is 3 P.M., it is proper to add, was the hour of the day when dinner might be taken, and that in the Middle Ages, the canonical hour for Vespers was 4 P.M., or later. The apparent contradiction that Charles, according to the Monk, dined after Vespers, may be ex- plained on the supposition that in order to satisfy his con- science, he caused Vespers to be said for himself before 2 P.M. A French writer calls the arrangement, if it took place, U7ze tricherie^ and seems to hit the nail on the head. But to continue the story. Charles sat down to his meal, and was waited upon by kings (?), princes, dukes, and such exalted personages ; at the close of his dinner the said kings, princes, and dukes had theirs, and were served by counts and prefects ; then the counts and prefects dined, and were followed in succession by those next in rank, the military and palace functionaries, the guards, and lastly by the ser- vants, whose turn came not until the middle of the night. After them the critical bishop was served. When Lent was nearly over, and the aforesaid bishop was still smarting under the imperial castigation, Charles said to him, not without a spice of humorous malice, ** Look here, sir bishop, I think you have found out that if in Lent I dine before Vespers, I do so on prudential grounds rather than because I cannot abstain." ' The Monk's anecdote depicts the palace usage as to the order in which those connected with the establishment sat down to their meals. The daily dinner served to the king consisted of only four courses besides the roast, mostly of game, which the hunters brought in on the spit ; this was the king's favorite dish. I Monach. Sangall. — Bouquet, V., m. 236 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book H. Charles shared the table with his family; a chaplain said grace ; conversation was carried on in a low voice, for pro- vision was made for recitations or readings, which were never omitted.' The reader mostly gave select passages from the writings of St. Augustin, the king's favorite author, and especially from the '' City of God," which he preferred to all the rest. Charles rarely drank more than thrice of wine or any other beverage. In summer he was wont to take a light dessert of fruit after the midday meal, with one cup ; then he un- dressed and slept two or three hours.^ This habit explains another to which it gave rise, that of rising four or five times during the night, for he suffered from sleeplessness. Whilst dressing he allowed his friends to bear him com- pany, and if the Count Palatine then notified him of some cause which could not be settled without his decision, he ordered the parties to be introduced, took cognizance of the points at issue, and gave sentence as readily as if he were sitting on the bench. In addition to such judicial decisions, he mapped out the work of the day, and gave necessary orders to his ministers.^ State dinners were of rare occurrence, but he was wont to mark the principal feasts of the year by royal banquets to which numerous guests were invited. He loved to display in his ordinary dress the same sim- plicity which reigned at his table. " He wore the national, that is, the Prankish dress, — next to his skin a linen shirt, and linen breeches, and above these a tunic fringed with silk ; while hose fastened by bands covered his lower limbs, and shoes his feet ; he protected his shoulders and chest in winter by a close-fitting coat of ' Poeta Saxo. ciples some one brought in a blind 2 Vita Caroli, c. 24. Long before man, called Bemlef, who was much the time of Charles it was customary beloved throughout the neighborhood, to sing vulgares cantilena^ gentilitia because of his amiability, and skilful camiina during meals. Alfridus says singing of the exploits and wars of the in Vita Liudgeri, 1. H., c. I., that ancient kings.*' "while he was at table with his dis- 3 Vita Caroli, c. 24. Chapter VHL] HABITS. 237 otter or marten skins. Over all he flung a blue cloak, and always had a sword girt about him, usually one with a gold or silver hilt and belt ; he sometimes carried a jewelled sword, but only on great feast days, or at the reception of ambas- sadors from foreign nations. ... On great feast days he made use of embroidered clothes, and shoes bedecked with precious stones ; his cloak was fastened by a golden buckle, and he wore a golden diadem set with gems ; on other days his dress varied little from the common dress of the people." ' The ordinary and inevitable cloak or pallium was double, either white or sapphire-colored ; the shape was four-square and it fell from the shoulders so as to touch the feet behind and before, but left the sides from the knees downward entirely free; the hose were really leggings, and the linen of that peculiarly glossy kind, still manufactured in Germany, and known as Glanz-Lcinwand.^ Equestrian exercise, the hunt, and the bath were his favorite pastimes. The first two were peculiar to his family and nation, for the Franks were famed for their horseman- ship and love of the chase. A large piece of forest, enclosed throughout with walls, and near the palace at Aix-la-Chapelle, was reserved as a park for game. Woodland, glade, and meadow, enlivened by the little stream of the Worm, made it a splendid pre- serve, in which game of every kind, especially deer, stags, and wild boar, were kept. It was the chosen scene of the royal hunt, of which a frequent participant and spectator has left a spirited description. He says : "A vast concourse of huntsmen and ladies including the princesses royal, indeed the whole court, await the signal for the start. Trained dogs and hounds are let loose ; their yelping, howling, and barking fills the air; eager for the blood of their victims they tear through the thick under- brush and follow the scent. An animal is brought to cover, and the huntsmen surround the copse in which it has sought shelter. A wild boar bounds through the valley, pursued ' Vita Caroli, c. 23. = Monach. Sangall. SS. II., 747, L. 36. MG. 238 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. by the hounds ; the sound of the dogs directs the hunters through the depth of the forest. One of the hounds flies with unerring instinct over the wild boar's track, without uttering a sound ; others, athirst for blood, yell aloud, but misled by the scent, renew the pursuit ; other canine eyes have sighted the beast and madly follow its course. '' The chase grows exciting ; the forest rings with the loud echoes of the wild din ; the notes of the horn rouse and quicken the most savage instincts of the savage brutes and conduct them to where the infuriated boar shows its terri- ble tusks. '' The rustling leaves drop from the shaken boughs ; the boar escapes, bounds away from its pursuers up the steepest places, and terribly grunting, climbs the most inaccessible points of the rocky crest ; at last, utterly exhausted with the effort, and unable to use its feet, sits panting on its haunches. The dogs have tasted its blood and felt its tusks ; some are driven back; others, fiercer than the rest, are tossed bleeding into the air. '' At that supreme moment the king arrives on the scene ; fleeter than bird in its flight, he tears through the crowd, strikes the breast of the beast with his sword, and drives the cold blade home to the hilt. The wild boar falls and, the blood streaming forth from the fatal wound, expires, and its body rolls in the yellow sand. " The royal family, maidens and all, have witnessed the feat from a commanding point." ' On another occasion Charles treated the Persian ^ ambas- sadors to an auerochs (i. e., a buffalo) hunt ; they were not very plucky, for the sight of the game was enough for them, and they incontinently left the park. Not so Charles, who knew not what fear was. Vaulting into the saddle, and urging his fleet charger, he bore down upon one of the fierce animals, drew his sword ; but in the attempt of cutting off its 1 Carmen, etc., apud. Bouquet, V., and other contemporary authorities 390. -Appendix, L figures as "Aaron, King of the Per- 2 That is, the ambassadors of Ha- sians." Annal. Einh , a. 801, 802, run al Raschid, who in the Annals 807 ; Monach. Sangall. II., 8, al. Chapter VIII.] HABITS. 239 head, missed the mark. The infuriated beast turned to the assault and with its horns tore the king's shoes, slightly grazed his legs, and then rushed into the thicket. The cavaliers surrounded him and would fain have torn off his shoes and dressed his wounds, but he forbade them. It so happened that count Isambart, against whom Irmin- gard, the queen of Louis of Aquitaine, for some cause unknown, had a grudge, pursued the auerochs, and hurling his javelin at it, sent the weapon between the throat and the shoulder. It pierced the heart, and the count took it still palpitating to the king. Charles, apparently ignoring the feat, bade the courtiers divide the body, rode home, and, sending for Irmingard, said to her : '* What does the man deserve who saved me from the enemy that gave me this wound?" ''Any and every kind of reward," replied the queen. Then Charles told her all, sent for the horns of the animal, and pledged the queen to intercede with her husband for his deliverer. Thus the lucky Isambart was restored to favor and amply rewarded.' Besides the chase, bathing was an exercise in which Charles took great delight. In summer he loved to swim in the Rhine, or wherever he might be. He was an excellent swimmer; aptitude and practice had made him so perfect that none could surpass him in the art. He was also very fond of the hot water springs at Aix, and for that rea- son, it is said, built there the most famous of his palaces. He was wont to bathe not only with his sons but his nobles and friends, and occasionally invited the troop of his body- guard and satellites, so that sometimes as many as a hun- dred persons or more were his companions in the bath.^ Such modern pastimes as the theatre and the concert, perhaps also the opera, were not unknown at the court of Charles. Traces of spectacular displays are not wanting. Angilbert was passionately fond of them, and Alcuin de- nounced them as sinful i^ a capitulum forbidding actors, on I Monach. Sangall., II. II., 15; Angilbert, Carm. 6, 106- * Einh. Vita Caroli, c. 22; Poeta iii. Saxo., v., 321 sqq ; Monach. Sangall. 3 Ale. epp. 116, 177 ed. Jaffe. 240 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. pain of corporal punishment and banishment, to appear on the stage in the costume of clerics, monks, or nuns, not only demonstrates the existence of theatrical performances, but shows the estimate in which players were held, the extent to which clerical influence shaped public sentiment, and that the exhibitions were not miracle plays.' Musical diversion and exercise and buffoonery may lurk in the acroama or dinner accompaniment, for the term des- ignates anything heard with pleasure, such as jocose recita- tions of punsters or court wits, festal or ludicrous composi- tions, musical and even mimic exhibitions.^ The regular institution of religious readings may have been relished by the clerics present, but it stands to reason that the literary productions or conceits of members of the Palace School, although writ in Latin, commanded better attention by the general company, while the recitation of old heroic and national songs, in use among the several nationalities merged in the Prankish empire, and especially in voeue with the soldiers as march-songs, was probably the most popular of such prandial accompaniments. It is known that Charles was much interested in their collection, and their reduction to writing was probably the beginning of the heroic and romance literature of a later age. » " Si quis ex scenicis vestem sacer- dotalem aut monasticam, vel mulieris religiosae vel qualicunque ecclesiastico statu similera indutus fuerit, corporali poense subsistat, et exilio tradatur. Capitul. 1. V. c. 2, apud Heineccius. ^ Ducange, s. v. acroama sq. CHAPTER IX. THE PALACE SCHOOL. — CHARLES AND ALCUIN. Alcuin. — The Palace School. — Pseudonyms. — Colloquies between Alcuin and Pepin, and Alcuin and Charles.— Culture of Charles. Perhaps the least roundabout way of solving the ques- tion of the intellectual ability and culture of Charles is to dive into medias res and catch him, as it were, in the Palace School, which in the early years of his reign was peripatetic, that is, it went with him wherever he went. Its head, its life and soul, was Alcuin, doubtless the ablest and best informed man of his age, and next to Charles the most remarkable. His history, for the purpose in hand, may be told in a few paragraphs. He was born at York in 735, the year in which the venerable Bede died, of noble parentage, and at an early age entered the monastery school conducted by archbishop Egbert, and Aelbert. The former taught him the theology of the New Testament, the latter science and General Literature. The secular course comprised Grammar, Rhetoric, Juris- prudence, Poetry, Astronomy, Physics, and the Explanation of the Old Testament.^ At the age of about twenty he accompanied his master to France and Italy, and upon his elevation to the episcopate, succeeded him in the school at York. The archbishop died in 780, and Eanbald, his successor, sent Alcuin to Rome to obtain his pallium. On that journey he was presented to Charles at Parma (in 781), and invited by him to settle in his dominions for the purpose of organ- izing the schools of his empire. This led to his removal to » Alcuin, Poema de Pontif. et Sand. Eccl. Ebor. v. 143 1 sqq. 16 242 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. the Prankish court, and a residence of eight years. Into that period, say from 782-790,' falls the establishment of the Palace School, and other scholastic institutions. This appointment was not permanent, and the necessities of the Church in his own country induced his return. The turbulent condition of England, however, made him long for the more genial atmosphere of Francia, and enter- tain the brilliant offers of Charles, who, in due course, con- ferred upon him the rich enjoyment of the abbeys of Fer- rieres, St. Loup, St. Josse-sur-Mer, and St. Martin at Tours. The last of these he chose as his permanent home, and established there the model school of all conventual institu- tions. There he lived and taught, there he wrote, dreamed, and revised the Scriptures ; there he died in 804, and was buried by the side of St. Martin.* His relations to Charles \vere intimate, cordial, and confi- dential. One can hardly err in ascribing to him almost all the theological documents and writings interblended with the political growth and development of the Prankish empire in that reign ; the theology of Charles ; the theology, and probably much of the jurisprudence of the Capitularies ; to his influence must be traced some of the enlightened views of Charles ; the mercy, the lofty aims, and the ethical apothegms, so remarkable in the life and speech of that remarkable monarch. Of the works of Alcuin extant we refer to his epistles, so often mentioned and cited in different portions of this vol- ume ; his theological treatises on exegetical and dogmatical topics ; his liturgical, hagiographic, and ethical essays ; a volume of poems, and a compend on education touching grammar, orthography, dialectics, and astronomy. Of these he is known to be the author, but there are a number of others besides which are ascribed to hirh. He influenced his age, by his writings, his teaching, and ^ His pupils Wizo (Candidus), Fri- dugisus {Nathanael\ and Sigulf ( Vetulus), all men of parts, accom- panied him. = Vita Alcuini auct. anonymo, pre- fixed to his works ; and Lorenz, Alcuin, Chap. IX.] PALACE SCHOOL.— CHARLES AND ALCUIN. 243 the force of his virtuous example, and conferred a lasting benefit on mankind at a time when darkness covered the mind of the world^nd thick darkness the liberal arts. lie even subjected the corrupt text of the Latin Script- ures to a remarkable recension, and taking all in all, the world has reason to thank God for sending Alcuin to Charles. In many respects he was his good angel ; proba- bly the purest, doubtless the most able, affectionate, and thoughtful of his advisers. A synopsis of his letters to the king, presented elsewhere, sheds light on their intellectual and personal intercourse.' A glance at the famous Palace School is now in order. Such a school had always — from time immemorial — formed part of the Prankish Court,^ but Charles infused new spirit and life into it. « His own children and those of the court population, as well as himself, older members of his family, and the court- iers generally are named among the pupils. The children, of course, received ordinary and extraordinary instruction ; the older pupils, however, appear to have pursued less for- mal and more discursive studies. Among the former we can mention by name the royal children, and among the latter Charles, Gisla the abbess of Chelles, the abbot Adal- hard and his sister Gundrada ; the famous Angilbert, the queen Liutgard, the archbishops of Mayence and Salzburg, the bishop of Orleans, Einhard, and others. These illustri- ous personages, presumably under the predominating in- fluence of Alcuin, agreed to form an academy or literary club which met at stated times for literary, scientific, and social intercourse. They interchanged poetic epistles, dis- cussed literary and scientific topics, and even brought in conundrums and puzzles. 3 The members of the coterie dropped their true names, ^and assumed pseudonyms of pagan, profane, and sacred origin. Charles figures as Davids ^ See Appendix, D. Frdnkische Reichs-wtd Gerichtsver- * See Leon Maitre, Les Scales pis- fassung, p. 342. copales^ p. 34 sqq ; cf. Sohro, Die 3 Wattenbach, 1. c, p. 147; Oebeke, De Academia Caroli Magni, 244 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chap. IX.] PALACE SCHCOL.-CHARLES AND ALCUIN. 245 his sister Gisla, as Lucia, and his daughter, her namesake, as Delia; Rotrud was called Columba, the queen Liutgard^z/^, and the aforesaid Gundrada Eulalia ; Alcuin bore the name oiFlaccus, Angilbert that of Ho7ner, and Theodulf of Orleans that of Pindar ; the archbishop of Mayence answered to the call of DamcBtas, and the bishop of Sens to that of Samuel; while Audulf the seneschal, and Magenfrid the chamberlain, bore the idyllic nicknames of Menalcas and Thyrsis. These curious pseudonyms appear to have been chosen, at least in some instances, from a supposed resemblance on the part of the several members of the association to famous personages in antiquity, real or factitious. Thus Einhard, who held the post of superintendent of public works, was dubbed Beseleel, after the skilful architect of the Tabernacle ; but sometimes the meaning of a common name suggested a more poetic form, as in the case of Witto, or Wizo, signify- ing white, who became known as Candidus, and in that of Arno, signifying eagle, who received the name of Aquila, The whole nomenclature was perhaps originally only a pleasantry of Alcuin's, who gravely justified the change of name on evangelical authority ; the practice was kept up for many years, and as late as 836 the abbot Wala of Cor- bie appears in the guise of Arsenius 2.xvd. Jeremiah, and in 837, Amalarius, the priest-headmaster of the Palace School, in that of Symphosius, An entertaining specimen of catechetical instruction drawn up by Alcuin for Pepin, and, presumably, other of his more youthful hearers, is here presented. It is taken from The Disputation of Pepin, the most noble and royal youth, with Albinus [another nickname for Alcuin] the pedagogJie, and we add, that Pepin was then abo^ sixteen years old. P. What is writing ? A. The custodian of history. P. What is speech ? A. The interpreter of the soul. P. What produces speech ? A. The tongue. P. What is the tongue? A. The whip of the air. P. What is air? A. The guardian of life. P. What is life ? A. The joy of the good, the sor- P. What is death ? row of the evil, the expecta- tion of death. A. An inevitable event, an un- certain journey, a subject of weeping to the living, the ful- filment of wills, the thief of men. A. The slave of death, a tran- sient traveller, a host in his dwelling. A. Like a fruit-tree. A. Like a lantern exposed to the wind. A. Between six walls. A. Above, below; before, be- hind ; right, left. . . . A. To six. A. Hunger and satiety; rest and work ; waking and sleeping. A. The image of death. A. Innocence. A. The top of the body. A. The domicile of the soul. P. What is man ? P. What is man like ? P. How is man placed? P. Where is he placed ? P. Which are they ? P. To how many changes is he liable? P. Which are they ? P. What is sleep ? P. What is the liberty of man? P. What is the head ? P. What is the body? Then follow twenty-six questions on the different parts of the body, of which a few may suffice. P. What is the beard ? A. The distinction of sex, the honor of age. A. The nourisher of the body. A. The cook of food. A. A movable foundation. P. What is the mouth ? P. What is the stomach ? P. What are the feet ? From a number of questions on natural science, we select these : P. What is light ? P. What is day ? A. The torch of all things. A. An incitement to work. 246 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. P. What is the sun ? P. What is the moon ? P. What are the stars ? P. What is rain ? P. What is fog? P. What is wind ? P. What is the earth ? P. What is the sea ? P. What is frost ? P. What is snow ? P. What is winter? P. What is spring ? P. What is summer? P. What is autumn? A. The splendor of the uni- verse, the beauty of the sky, the glory of day, the distribu- tor of the hours. A. The eye of night, the dis- penser of dew, the prophet of storms. A. The pictures of the roof of the heavens, the guides of sailors, the ornament of night. A. The reservoir of the earth, the mother of the fruits. A. Night in day, a labor of the eyes. A. The disturbance of the air, the commotion of the waters, the dryness of the earth. A. The mother of all that grows, the nourisher of all that lives, the barn of life, an om- nivorous gulf. A. The path of the daring, the frontier of land, the divider of continents, the hostelry of rivers, the fountain of rain, a re- fuge in peril, a treat in pleasure. A. A persecutor of plants, a destroyer of leaves, a fetter of the earth, a fountain of water. A. Dry water. A. The exile of summer. A. The painter of the earth. A. The reclothing of the earth, the maturer of the fruits. A. The barn of the year. Omitting the rest of this class of questions, a few of a miscellaneous character are now in place. Chap. IX.] PALACE SCHOOL.— CHARLES AND ALCUIN. 247 P. What makes bitter sweet ? P. What is it that men never tire of? P. What is the dream of the waking? P. What is hope ? P. What is friendship ? P. What is faith ? P. What is wonderful ? P. How can this be? Please explain. P. Why did I not under- stand this by myself, con- sidering that I have often seen such a man ? P. I will try, but if I fail, please correct me. P. You dreamt, master, I think ; did you ? P. By the friction of boughs fire is produced, which de- vours them. A. Hunger. A. Gain. A. Hope. A. The refreshment of labor (a doubtful event). A. Similarity of mind. A. The certainty of things un- known and wonderful. A. I lately saw a man stand and a dead man walk who never existed. A. It was an image in the water. A. Because you are a good young man, and quick of per- ception, I shall speak to you of other wonderful things. Try, if you can, to find them out by yourself. A. Rest assured that I will do as you desire. A person un- known to me has spoken to me without tongue or voice; he never existed before, does not exist now, and never will exist hereafter; I never heard nor saw him. A. Right, my son. Now hear another. I saw the dead bring forth the living, and the breath of the living devour the dead. A. That is true. . . . 248 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. After a number of similar puzzles the colloquy terminates as follows : A. Do you know what is, P. Nothing. and is not, at the same time ? A. How can a thing be and P. It exists only in name, not not be ? in reality. A. What is a silent messen- P. I hold one in my hand. ger? A. What do you hold in P. My [al. thy] letter. your hand? A. Go, and be happy in the reading.^ This catechetical exercise illustrates the method of Alcuin's instruction of the young, while the conceits and pleasantries .introduced doubtless shed light on the eminently social character of the proceedings in the Palace School. They prove among other things that eleven centuries ago there was as much humor and poor punning in vogue at Aix-la- Chapelle as in miscellaneous gatherings of modern times. They entered into the literary recreations of the Court, and it is pleasant to think of David, Homer, Flaccus, Nathanael, Lucia, Columba, and Ava, cracking jokes, and beguiling the tedious hours with such harmless and entertaining pursuits. Their perusal can hardly fail to raise a smile, but it should be borne in mind that in those days there was hardly any literature, and even the light literature of the age was drawn from occult sources, and familiar to only a few. It is probable that Dialogue was the distinctive feature of Alcuin's oral teaching ; at any rate it characterized his instruction of the king, as appears from the subjoined ex- ample, in which Charles is introduced as pupil and Alcuin as his teacher. Charles. Proceed now with your philosophic definitions of the virtues, and first of all define virtue. * Alcuini Opera, Migne, CI., 975 sqq. Chap. IX.] PALACE SCHOOL.-CHARLES AND ALCUIN. 249 Alcuin. Charles. Alcuin. Charles. Alcuin. Charles. Alcuin. Charles. Alcuin. Charles. Alcuin. Charles. Alcuin. Charles. Alcuin. Charles. Alcuin. Virtue is a habit of the mind, an ornament of nature, a rule of life, and an ennobler of manners. How many parts does it contain ? Four: prudence (wisdom), justice, fortitude, tem- perance. What is prudence ? The knowledge of things and nature. How many parts does it contain ? Three: memory, intelligence, and foresight (/^r^ videntid). Tell me their definitions also. Memory is the power of the mind which recalls the past ; intelligence is the power by which it per- ceives the present ; foresight is the power by which it foresees something future before it comes to pass. Explain the nature of justice. Justice is the habit of the mind which gives to everything the merit it deserves ; it preserves the, worship of God, the laws of man, and the equities of life. Unfold also the parts of justice. They spring from the law of nature, and the uses of custom. How from the law of nature ? Because it comprises certain powers of nature, such as religion, piety, gratitude {gratia), vindica- tion, observance, and truth. Explain this more clearly, and one by one. Religion is the careful pondering of things per- taining to God, together with the ceremonial due to him. Piety is the loving discharge of what is due to kin, and to one's native land [i. e., in modern phrase, patriotism]. Gratitude is the recollection of another's acts of friendship and kindness, and the disposition to reward them. Vindication is the effectual defence of what is right, and the effectual punishment or avengement of injury and wrong. Observance is the respectful and \ 250 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. honorable recognition of the dignity of superiors. Truth is the power whereby things present, past • and future are declared. Charles. How is justice subserved by the use of custom? Alcuin. By pact or agreement ; by parity, i. e., equity ; by judgment ; and by law. Charles. I ask also for more information on these points. Alcuin. A pact is an agreement reached by mutual con- sent. Parity is observing equity or impartiality to all men. Judgment is a decision rendered by some great man, or established by the sentence of a plurality. Law is right set forth for the whole people, which all are bound to guard and ob- serve. The remainder is omitted to make room for the conclud- ing part of the dialogue. Charles. ... Master, you predict some great and truly blessed man. Alcuin. May God make you great, O lord my king, and truly blessed ; may He grant that in the four- span chariot of the virtues, of which we have con- versed, you may, unhurt by this wicked world, wing your way to the citadel of heaven. Charles. God grant that your prediction may come to pass. Alcuin. I trust that this discussion, which began in the ever-changing whirl of ordinary conversation, may have such a blessed consummation of everlasting stability, that no man may charge us with having only indulged in useless disputings by the way. Charles. Could any one really interested in the pursuit and investigation of matters so important to society at large, and truly desirous of practicing such ex- cellent virtues, have it in his heart to hazard the daring assertion that our discussion has been in vain? For myself I frankly confess that love of knowledge only has prompted my questions ; and I thank you for your kindness in answering them. A CHAP. IX.] PALACE SCHOOL.-CHARLES AND ALCUIN. 2$ I I highly value the affectionate candor of your replies, and feel convinced that they will be most profitable to all who without prejudice or the blot of envy may sit down and read them.' Thus Charles spoke and thought ; and this brief dialogue both marks the man in at least one grand and unusual ele- ment of his greatness, and to some extent sheds light on at least one prolific^source of his power. He was ever learning, and fond of learning ; no subject came amiss to him ; everything from the most commonplace every-day occurrence to the profoundest philosophical and theological inquiries interested him. The price of commodities ; the stocking and plantmg of farms ; the building of houses, churches, palaces, bridges, fortresses, ships, and canals ; the course of the stars ; the text of the Scriptures ; the appointment of schools ; the sallies of wit ; the hair-splitting subtleties of metaphysics ; the unknown depths of theology ; the origins of law ; the reason of usage in the manner and life of the nations ; their traditions in poetry, legend, and song ; the mysterious framework of liturgical forms; musical notation ; the Gre- gorian chant ; the etymology of words ; the study of lan- guages ; the flexion of verbs, and many more topics \ (He was the most many-sided man intellectually m all ■ Europe, and with all his marvellous powers, there lay in his relations to Alcuin the irresistible charm of unaffected docility, sincere attachment, reverential regard, and true modesty. i i j r^.v He spoke Latin as fluently as German, and had a fair knowledge of Greek. Einhard says that " he spent much time and labor with Alcuin in the study of rhetoric, dialectics, and astronomy, learned arithmetic, and with eager curiosity and intelligent scrutiny applied himself to tjiemvest^gat^ Deutschlands GeschichUqutlUn im L Ecole et lAcaaem MittMUr, 5 ed., I., U^ sqq.; Mul- cum. Amiens. 1878. 252 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. of the motions of the heavenly bodies. He also tried to write, and used to keep tablets and blanks in bed under his pillow, that at leisure hours he might accustom his hand to form letters ; however, as he did not begin his efforts in due season, but late in life, they met with ill-success.^ *) ' Vita Caroli, c. 24. CHAPTER X. FAMOUS MEN. - LITERATU RE. - LIBRARIES. - ARCHITEC- TURE. — PUBLIC WORKS. Adalhard _ Angilbert. -Einhard.-TheoduU.-Clement.-Peter <>{ r^.- Pau us Dlac69us.-//.«i/.«"«..-Other distinguished --.-Schools^ Blks -Libraries-Astronomy.-Grammar.-Names of the »mds and ;;;e Inths.-Medical „en.-Architecture.-Basilica and Palace at A..-la- Chapelle. -Rhine-bridge at Mayence.-Canal-building. BESIDES Alcuin Other men of note, already mentioned by name stood in near personal relations to Charles Perhaps the oldest and most int.mate of his fr.ends was Adalhard, a son of count Bernhard, a grandson of Charles Martel, and cousin-german of Charles Early m hfe he chose the monastic calling, and was abbot of Corb.e, and Jounder of the abbey of Corvey in the Saxon country whe^ he died in 826. He wrote several works but the most celebrated of them, his " Treatise of the Order and Sta e of the Palace throughout the Prankish Realm," ex.sts only in the reproduction of Hincmar, archbishop of Rhe.ms^ Charles consulted him on important matters and employ d him in positions of the highest trust such as nnper al „,issus, administrator and baiulus of Bernhard, Kmg of Italy etc. He was a man of singular purity and strength, and one of the brightest ornaments of this reign. Anglfrt had been brought up with Charles and wa essentially a man of the Court. His taste anj hab.ts .ere scholarly • much reading and culture, the g.ft of poeUy quick observation, and conversational power, -a^e h.m a delightful companion. The king made htm \^"'lll[l''^^ privy councillor, and often singled him out as h- represen- tative on occasions requiring tact, good Judgment, and statesmanship. The story of his love affair with the pnn 254 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. cess Bertha has been told. His cordial relations to Charles remained undisturbed to the last, and, by a singular coinci- dence, the abbot of St. Riquier died in his monastery about the time when Charles breathed his last at Aix-la-Chapelle. Next to Alcuin, Einhard is believed, by some, to have been the most learned, and a very influential man at Court. A native of the Maingau, he was sent to school at Fulda ; his bright ability attracted attention and led to his intro- duction, by the abbot, to Charles. He took an interest in him and placed him, as the companion of his own children, in the Palace School. He rose rapidly, and successively filled the positions of superintendent of public works, councillor, and notary, or private secretary to Charles. He enjoyed to a remarkable degree the confidence of his sovereign, and to his influence is ascribed the designation of Louis, King of Aquitaine, as the associate of Charles in the imperial throne. His biography is a masterpiece, constructed upon the model of the Life of Augustus by Suetonius. His por- traiture is valuable both for what it states and suppresses; it was written in the next reign, and the fact that Louis was even more bountiful to him than his father, appears to be the true explanation of his vexatious silence and occasional perversions. He is generally credited with the authorship of the Annals, which are among the most valuable authorities for this portion of history and generally cited by his name ; but a collection of "Epistles" as well as the " History of the Translation of the Relics of St. Marcellinus and St. Peter Martyr " are unquestionably products of his pen.' He was abnormally small in stature, and all the contem- porary writers at the Court allude to him, but in a pleasant spirit, as a "manikin." Theodulf, Alcuin, and Walafrid Strabo jest about it, rehearse his praise, and express sur- prise that so much power, wisdom, and excellence should be housed in so very small a dwelling. * Wattenbach, /. c, I., i86sqaj_ Chapter X.] FAMOUS MEN. 255 He was married to a certain Emma, or Imma, who is de- scribed in one of several worthless epitaphs at Seligenstadt, as the legitimate daughter of the great emperor Charles.' The well-known legend of Einhard and Imma rests upon the unsupported authority of the chronicle of the monas- tery of Lauresheim, an establishment endowed by Emhard. Had the writer been a contemporary, or possessed accurate information, his statements might be entitled to respect But he wrote more than three centuries after the death of Einhard, introduced the name of Imma as that daughter of Charles who at one time was affianced to the emperor Constantine, and applied to her the part performed by the sister of Emperor Henry III., as told by William of Malmes- bury in the Chronicle written about forty years before his own This stamps the legend as purely fictitious; its mythical character is further apparent from the language in which Einhard refers to the daughters of Charles, which he would hardly have used if one of their number had been his wife,^ and from the total silence of the lists as to the existence of a royal daughter who bore the name of Imma.3 It is impossible to determine if Imma was related to Charles or how, but there is no uncertainty whatsoever as to the affection in which the king held Einhard, or the intimacy of their relations. This is stated best in his own words. , . r -r - To these reasons," he writes in the Prologue to his Life of Charles, *' comes yet another, which in my opinion out- weighs the rest, and of itself not only justifies, but neces- sarily compels me to write. I mean, the tender care be- stowed upon me since my childhood, as well as the constant friendship with which both King Charles and his sons have favored me ever since I began to live at the Court - I feel bound to him by so many tokens of kindness, that I must needs cherish for him, now that he is dead, the same X They are published in Weinken, legend in Bouquet, V 383. It is re- Eginhartus iLtratus, pp. 16, 21. jected by Bouquet, Gmzo^ Teulet, a Vita Caroli, c. 19. ^^^ the best writers generally. 3 See the passage relating to the 256 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. gratitude which I bore to him when he was ahve. Indeed I should be an ingrate if, forgetful of the benefits he ever lavished upon me, I could suffer his memory to pass away without narrating the most glorious and illustrious achieve- ments of the man to whom I owe everything, and suffer his life to remain as if he had never lived, without the memorial and tribute of praise to which his shining merit entitles him."' Einhard and Imma had an only son, called Vussinus, who seems to have chosen the monastic profession, and after a preliminary education at Seligenstadt, was sent to the great monastery at Fulda and placed under the cele- brated Rhabanus Maurus, its abbot from 822 to 847. A letter of Einhard addressed to that son at the time of his departure for Fulda, opens an insight into his heart, and proclaims the man. No true parent will read it without profit or emotion. " To my most dearly beloved son Vussinus, greeting in the Lord. *' I greatly fear that, when you have left the sheep-fold [his home at Seligenstadt], you may be alike forgetful of yourself and me, for inexperienced youth, unless held in by the bridle of discipline, is apt to forsake the ways of right- eousness. ''Strive, therefore, dear child, to follow good example, and in no way give umbrage to the excellent man whom I have set before you as your model ; as much as you are able, and your master may direct, remember your calling, and apply yourself to study. '' If you follow in practice his instructions, you will not fall short in vital knowledge. As I have advised you by word of mouth, so I now urge you to persevere in study that you become skilled in all the sciences which the brilliant genius of the eminent orator, your master, may unfold to you. '' But, above all things, endeavor to imitate his great ^ Vita, Prolog^us. Chapter X.] FAMOUS MEN. 257 virtues, for grammar, rhetoric, and the rest of the liberal arts are vain things and hurtful to the servants of God, unless grace divine convince us to subordinate them to good morals, for ' knowledge puffeth up, but love edifieth.' '' I would rather know that you were dead, than that you are stained with vice and pride, for the Saviour enjoins us to learn and copy His gentleness and humanity, but He nowhere bids us imitate His miracles. -What more shall I say? These and similar counsels you have often heard from my lips. God grant that by His grace you may sincerely love whatever promotes purity in heart, and purity in body. . . ." ' Among the personal friends of Charles and the royal I family Theodulf, bishop of Orleans, held a distinguished, honored, and prominent position. He was the recognized poet of the Court, and in the Palace School bore the pseu- donym of Pindar. His merits were considerable, and quite a number of his poems have been preserved. Some of his graphic descriptions are already familiar to the reader, as lively delineations of persons and incidents. This makes them peculiarly interesting and instructive. His percep- tions were accurate, his vocabulary large, his culture con- siderable, his expression fluent and telling. One of his poems describes a royal dinner, and the epis- copal bard narrates a curious episode or incident when, after the courses of eatables had been despatched, he rose for the purpose of reading one of his compositions. They might be pleasant enough to the king, the royal family and mem- bers of the Palace School, but not over interesting to the bibulous sons of Mars present, one of whom, sarcastically introduced as '^ Wibodus the hero," appears to have been an absent-minded hearer ; he struck his thick head three or four times, and fiercely glared at the poet. The king watched him closely and either frowned or expressed his disapprobation. The broad-shouldered and huge-linribed warrior thereupon set in motion the vast machinery of his I "Ad Vussinum filium suum," in Einh. Epist. ed. Teulet, II., 45 sq. 17 258 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. frame, whose middle portion by reason of its hilly character was ever in the van, and with shaking knees pursued an oblique line of retreat, to the intense mirth of the spec- tators, who needs thought of Vulcan when they beheld his feet, and of the thunders of Jove when they heard his voice/ In spite of his high culture and sacred vocation, he occa- sionally dipped his pen in vitriol, and threw off unepiscopal adjectives and epithets in great profusion. Thus he lashed most unmercifully, in a carmen addressed to Angilbert (who by the bye was also a graceful poet and would relish the thrust), an unfortunate Irish schoolmaster, who somehow had disobliged him and obtained his reward ; he calls him Scottus, sottus, coitus, dubs him " a thing," dire, atrocious, savage, vile, infamous, pestiferous, and worse. His crime seems to have been the unpardonable one of contradicting the bishop in argument, and, the savage assault implies as much, worse than all, defeating him.^* Some think that the castigation was intended for the Irish Clement, of whom the ever-communicative monk of St. Gall draws, however, a very different picture. '' It so happened," he says, '' that one day there arrived in ' Theod. Carm. Ad Carolum Regent. 2 Idem, Ad Angilbert. — Migne, cv., 322. ** Haec ita dum fiunt, dum carmina nostra leguntur Stet Scotellus ibi, res sine lege furens, Res dira, hostis atrox, hebeo horror, pestis acerba, Litigiosa lues, res fera, grande nefas. Res fera, res turpis, res segnis, resque nefanda, Res infesta piis, res inimica bonis, Et manibus curvis, paulum cervice reflexa, Non recta ad stolidum brachia pectus eant. Anceps, attonitus, tremulus, furibundus, anhelus, Stet levis aure, manu, lumine, mente, pede, Et celeri motu nunc hos nunc comprimat illos, Nunc gemitus tantum, nunc fera verba sonet. Plurima qui didicit, nil fixum, nil quoque certum, Quae tamen ignorat, omnia nosce putat. Non ideo didicit, sapiens ut possit haberi, Sed contendendi ut promptus ad arma foret." Chapter X.] FAMOUS MEN. 259 Gaul two Scotchmen from Ireland,^ fine scholars, well versed in letters sacred and profane. They had no merchandise to sell, but day after day cried in the market-place : ' Whoso des'ireth knowledge may have, it of us, for we sell it.' This was only a figurative way of theirs, for they perceived that even then people were wont to value what they received, not according to its intrinsic worth, but according to what they paid for it. '' The matter being reported to Charles, he sent for the merchants of knowledge, and asked them if it was true that they carried knowledge about with them, as he had been told. " ' Yes,' said the men, ' we have it and are willing to part with it to such as sincerely seek it, for the glory of God.' '' Their answer pleased the king, and he committed to the care of one of them a number of children, belonging to the nobility, the middle and the lower classes, to teach them. This was Clement. '' After a long absence the most victorious Charles re- turned into Gaul, and caused the children, whom he had left with Clement as his pupils, to be brought before him. He required them to be examined, and was amazed at the commendable progress of the poorer class of children, whose written productions were most creditable to them. On the other hand, those of illustrious parentage showed very poor specimens of their skill. " He then set the good scholars on his right, and the poor on his left, saying : ' I praise you much, dear children, for your excellent efforts, and desire you to continue so that you may attain unto perfection ; then I intend to give you rich bishoprics, or splendid abbeys, and shall ever regard you as persons of merit.* ^ Dungal, mentioned in a later para- graph, Clement, a certain Joseph (on terms of friendship with Alcuin and Liudger), and perhaps Dicuil, were Scotchmen from Ireland. Joseph versified and addressed sev- Carmina Medii Aevi, p. 116, sqq.; Poet. Latin, aevi Carolin., I., I49 sqq- Dicuil wrote a work, De mensura orbis terrae ; verses on grammar, and a metrical manual of astronomy in four books, remaining in manuscript. eral metrical pieces, remarkable forar- -DUmmler, N.A IV 256. andPoet. tificial acrostics, to Charles.-Hagen, Latin, aevi Carolin., I., 666. 26o CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book H. Chapter X.] FAMOUS MEN. 261 ** Then he turned in anger to those on his left, who trembled at his frowns and the sound of his voice, which resembled the roll of thunder, as he cried out to them : * Look here, ye scions of our best nobility, ye pampered ones who, trusting to your birth or fortune, have disobeyed me, and instead of studying, as you were bound, and I expected you to do, have wasted your time in idleness, on play, luxury, or unprofitable occupation.* " He then took his accustomed oath, and with uplifted head and arm, said in a voice of thunder : ' By the king of heaven, let others admire you as much as they please ; as for me, I set little store by your birth or beauty ; under- stand ye and remember it well, that unless you give heed speedily to amend your past negligence by diligent study, you will never obtain anything from Charles."^ Peter of Pisa, a fine grammarian, taught grammar at the Court. Charles found him at Pavia, and claimed him as part of the spoil when he took that city. He was much beloved by Charles, Alcuin, and Angilbert. Alcuin heard him in his youthful days in a public disputation with Lullus, at Pavia, and sundry tributes to his memory have been preserved. He was advanced in years and died before 799; a grammar of his is still extant.^ Speaking of grammar, the name of Smaragdus, who taught it with great success at St. Mihiel on the Meuse, occurs, of whom it is known that he wrote a commentary on Donatus in which he selected his examples, not from the classics, but from the Bible and the Fathers. This he did in order to silence the objections of ultra-orthodox Christians and lazy scribes, who were wont to denounce grammar as a heathenish study. ^ Among the men of note whom Charles drew to his court, Paulus Diaconus, the son of Warnefrid, deserves to be * Monach. Sangall. I., 3, Bouquet, v., 107. On Clement, see Simson, Jahrb. Ludw. d. Frommen^ II., 256 sqq. ^'Alcuini ep. 112 (Jaffe) ; Einh. Vita Caroli, c. 25 ; Ale. Carm. IV., 42 sqq., Angilb. Carm. II., 19 sqq. al. in Poet Latin. Carolin, I. 3 Mabillon, Vet. Analect. nov. ed. p. 358 ; Wattenbach, Schriftwesen im Mittelalter^ 2 ed. p. 37. specially mentioned. He was a native of Friuli, born about 720-725, of noble parentage, and received his education at the court of Rachis in Pavia ; he was also warmly attached to Desiderius, and much beloved by him. His daughter Adelperga, the wife of Arigiso, duke of Benevento, was his pupil, and at the time of the fall of the Lombards he found an asylum at the Beneventan Court. Arigiso was a man of intellectual tastes, and his Lombard wife fully sympathized with him. She was highly edu- cated and an enthusiastic student. Her tenacious memory stood her in good stead, and she was wont to grace her conversation with apt citations from the classical poets and the ancient philosophers. Paulus Diaconus placed in her hands the historical compend of Eutropius, but his gifted and diligent pupil deemed it unsatisfactory both on account of its great brevity and total silence concerning sacred history. She induced him to enlarge the history and supplement the necessary references to sacred subjects. Paulus per- formed the work but not independently, for his additions are taken mostly from Orosius, Jerome, Jordanis, and others, and not very skilfully welded together. He extended the narrative of Eutropius from the reign of Valens to Justinian, but never carried out a projected continuation to his own time.' It so happened that his brother Arigiso, or Arichis, who was implicated in the Friulian revolt, had been taken prisoner and carried into Francia. Six years after that event, Paul, convinced of the clemency of Charles, ad- dressed, and presented in person, an elegy to him, in which he made intercession for that brother. Charles accorded to him a friendly reception, and in- duced him to spend several years in Germany. Paulus bore the reputation of being a very learned man, and men fabled of his proficiency in Greek and Hebrew. I^ was reported that he taught Greek to the Metz clergy, and Peter of Pisa, » MG. Auct. antiquiss. II., 4 sq.; Simson, /. c. I., 365. Paulus seems to have continued at the court of Arigiso a number of years, probably until 781, when cir- cumstances introduced a change. i 262 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book H. on the strength of that report which had reached the king's ears, by his command and in his name, indited a poetic epistle to Paulus, desiring him to instruct the companions of Princess Rothrud, then still affianced to the Emperor Constantine, in Greek. The deacon declined the offer, and his reply shows that his own estimate of himself was much more modest, for he wrote that if the Metz clergy spoke only the Greek they had learned of him, they would, like dumb statues, be the laughing stock of all who heard them.' During his stay in Germany, Paul, who was a fair his- torian, and wrote poetry, composed a history of the bishops of Metz, and took pains, it is thought, to dwell at great length on the family and ancestry of Charles, with the evident design of representing the Carlovingian usurpation as justifia- ble, and the whole race entitled to the throne by virtue of its saints.' But this is hardly a fair statement of the case, and a gratuitous reflection on his character as a historian.^ While there is no reason to doubt his ultimate loyalty and sincere attachment to Charles, it is nevertheless certain that both were less profound than his strong feelings for the Lombard family. It is said that he never would suffer a word injurious to the memory and character of his former master, the King of the Lombards. The Franks reported the matter to Charles, and in the excess of their loyalty recommended the savage remedy of cutting off his hands, and putting out his eyes. But Charles would have none of their counsel, and stop- ' Bouquet, V., 849 ; Poet. Lat. I., 48 (Dlimmler). Some think that the lines of Peter, written as stated, in the name of Charles, establish the fact that he did instruct the Frankish ecclesiastics designated to accompany the princess to Constantinople. They read as follows : Haud te latet, quod iubente Christo nostro filia, Michaele comitante, sollers maris spatia ad tenenda sceptra regni transitura properat. Hac pro causa Graecam doces nostros, ut in eius pergant et Graiorum videantur Clericos grammaticam manentes obsequio eruditi regulis. 3 Bethmann, in Archiv., X. 303. 3 Bonnell, Anfiinge, p. 45. Chapter X,] PAULUS DIACONUS. 263 ped the matter saying : " God forbid that I should thus treat so excellent a poet and a historian." Whatever may be the worth of the anecdote, it certainly is alike creditable to the king and the deacon. Paulus was not a first-class historian. His best work, the History of the Lombards, unfortunately closes with the death of Liutprand (744) ; had he lived to continue it through his own time, his excellent information and unquestioned veracity would have made it a most valuable contribution to the history of that important and interesting period.^ At any rate he returned to Italy, and we know that he composed epitaphs for Queen Hildegard and other members of the Frankish family, as well as for Arigiso, duke of Bene- vento. A list of his works is given below.^ One of them, more especially connected with the history of Charles, is the col- lection of homilies which he prepared at the king's express request. ' As his father, King Pepin, had directed his efforts towards the introduction of the Gregorian chant into the churches of Francia, so it was his desire to supply the want of a good collection of homilies. Those in use were utterly inadequate, and Charles denounced their intolerable and offensive sole- cisms. He accordingly requested Paulus to supply the deficiency. Paulus, who was then at Monte Casino, asso- ciating with himself his monastic father and friend, the abbot Benedict, selected the best homilies he could find among the tracts and sermons of the Fathers, in sufificient number to cover the entire circle of the church year, edited them in two volumes, and presented them to Charles. The ^ For an estimate of Paulus as a his- torian, see Wattenbach, /. c. I.. i6o sqq. ^ The works of Paulus Diaconus, now extant, embrace the following : I. " Eutropius historiographus, et post eum Paulus Diaconus de historiis Italicae provinc. ac Romanor." ; 2. " De gestis I^angobardorum libri sex 3. ' ' Gesta episcoporum Met- tensium."; 4. " Homiliarium." Of his poetry, besides the verses printed by Waitz in Monum. Germ. Hist. Langob. Saec. VI.-IX., p. 12 sq., the hymn for the feast of St. John, " Ut queant laxis," etc., is of special inter- est in the history of music ; see ' * Gui- de d*Arezzo " in the cyclopedias. > 264 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. king having read and approved them, set them forth, ac- companied by a remarkable circular letter in which he com- mended them to the '' readers." This Book of Homilies, known as the Homiliarium, has often been printed between 1482 and 1569, and translated into German and Spanish.' Among those, who, like Einhard, were indebted to Charles and the Palace School for their education, may be named Angilbert; Adalhard and Wala, the king s cousins; Tatto, afterwards master of the monastery school at Reichenau ; Walafrid Strabo, his pupil ; Grimald,^ subsequently abbot of St. Gall ; Bernald, a Saxon, who became bishop of Stras- burg, and others.^ Other schools in different parts of his empire enjoyed i the munificent patronage of Charles. The school at Tours, 1 Caroli epistola generalis, 786-800 ? apud Boretius, Capitul p. 80. Com- pare the Dedication of Paulus in " Poet. Lat. aev. Carol." I., 68, No. 34- An entry in Bemold. Chron. 781. apud MG. SS. V., 418, states that the two vol- uraes were completed in a.d. 808. The Dedication referred to runs thus : En iutus patris Benedicti mira patrantis Auxilio meritisque piis vestrique fidelis Abbatis dominique mei, etsi iussa nequivi Explere ut dignum est, tamen, o pietatis amator, Excipe gratanter, decus et mirabile mundi, Qualemcumque lui famuli, rex magne, laborem ; Quodque sacro nuper mandasti famine condi, etc. For notice of a collection of homilies in two volumes by Alcuin see V. alch. 12 (Jaffe VI) ; Pertz, Archiv. IX., 469; Werner, Alcuin, p. 38. 2 Ne vero oblivisci vel neglegere videar de Albino, hoc vere de industria vel mentis eius agnovi, quod de discipulis eius nullus remansit, qui non abba sanc- tissimus vel antistes extiterit clarissimus. Apud quern et domnus mens Gri- maldus primo in Gallia, post vero in Italia liberalibus est disciplinis imbutus. — Monach. Sangall. I., 9 (Jaffe). 3 Concerning Bernald, Ermoldus Nigellus (Eleg. I., 147 sqq. MG. SS. 11., ^iQ^ writes • Quem Carolus. sapiens quondam regnator in orbe, Doctrine studiis imbuit atque fide, Saxona hie equidem veniens de gente sagaci. Sensu atque ingenio nunc bene doctus homo, etc. Simson /. c, II., 572 n. 5 adds the following references : Mommsen's Frag- ment of his epitaph {Rhein, Museum fiir Philologie N. F.,1X., 1854, p. 309) *» Erchenbald, Vers, de episc. Argentin. Boehmer Fontt., III., 2. Chapter X.] SCHOLARS. 265 under the direction of Alcuin, was one of the most cele- brated ; it sent forth a large number of distinguished men, and almost every man of parts of the next age was a pupil of Al- cuin ; Wizo, Fridugisus, Adalbert, Rhabanus Maurus, Hatto, Haimonus, and many more are said to have been his disciples. The Missionary School of Utrecht, which flourished in the time of Gregory, bore an enviable reputation, and was much frequented. The celebrated Rhabanus (Hrabanus)' Maurus taught at Fulda ; Smaragdus at St. Mihiel on the Meuse ; the schools at Wurzburg, Reichenau,^' Hirschau, St. Aniane in Aqui- I The successors of Sturmi as abbots of Fulda were : Baugulf (780-803) ; Ratgar (803-817); Eigil (817-822); Rhabanus (822-842). Of these Rhaba- nus is the most celebrated. He was a pupil of Alcuin, who called him Mau- rus after the favorite pupil of St. Benedict. About 804, the year of Alcuin's death. Rhabanus presided already over the school at Fulda, which enjoyed the patronage of the best society throughout the Frankish Empire. The students at Fulda might according to their intended vocation pursue an ecclesiastical or a secular course of studies. Many of course entered the Church, but quite a number followed the secular discipline. Rhabanus was an advanced thinker, and held that the study of the Classics was indispensable to the right under- standing of the Scriptures.— Schneider, FuMa, p. 4 sqq.; Wattenbach, /. c. I.. 221 ; Kunstman, Hrabanus Magnentius Maurus, Mainz, 1841. = Heito, afterwards bishop of Basel, was at the head of the monastery- school of Reichenau. Among his pupils was a noble youth, caUed Erlebald, who ultimately became his successor. Heito, it seems, only taught him the Scrip- tures, and he acquired the seven liberal arts under the direction of a learned Scot, not improbably Clement. See a collection of references in Simson, /a-^r^. Ludwigs des Frommen, II., 256 sqq. (concerning Clement) and Abel-Simson, /. c. II., 575 (concerning Erlebald). The following passage is interesting : Post septem denosque petit venerabilis annos Insulanense solum : sociatu fratribus illis Atque magisterio Hettonis contraditur almi. Quo monstrante, sacris non parva ex parte libellis Imbuitur, variaeque vetant ne traderet artes Septenas curae, antiqui quas auribus indunt Nobilium ; namque ilia refert scriptura Joannis Ante retroque animalia sancta oculata fuisse. Sensus adest : sic doctus homo ex ratione biformi Ante superna videt, retro terrena cavetque Hac ex parte foret ne clauso lumine caecus. — Visio Wetini metr. 3. Mabillon A. S. o. s. Ben. IV., i, p. 260. 266 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. taine/ St. Wandrille, St. Germain d'Auxerre did noble work. Laidradus, archbishop of Lyons, had excellent '^singing schools,"- and '' reading schools ; " of the former he wrote to the emperor, that such was the proficiency of the pupils that they had not only mastered the art of chanting the service, and conducted it after the pattern of the imperial chapel at Aix-la-Chapelle, but instructed others; concerning the *' reading schools " he reported that the pupils not only read well, and gave evidence of their understanding what they read, but studied the Scriptures and were competent to explain the spiritual sense of the New Testament. This was truly remarkable. The impetus to education, moreover, was general through- out the Frankish empire. In the diocese of Orleans, Theo- dulf charged the parochial clergy to found village schools, and provide for the gratuitous instruction of youth, remind- ing them that '' teachers should shine as the brightness of \ the firmament, and they that turn many to righteousness as ^ the stars forever and ever." ' In a cell or hermitage near St. Wandrille sat the pres- byter Harduin, and taught a large number of pupils the arts of writing and arithmetic. He bore a good reputation for morals and learning, and allied to the contemplative habits of the hermit the more practical avocations of a teacher. The history of the cell, consecrated to a famous martyr, and built by the illustrious founder of the neighboring monastery, might stimulate profitable meditation, for St. Vandrille or Wandregesilus, was a remarkable man in his day and generation ; he was a near relative of Pepin of Landen, ,and consequently connected with the ancestry of Charles ; an energetic and zealous worker, who in spite of his austerities attained the rare old age of ninety-six. Har- duin not only mused upon the virtues of the martyr and the saint, but spent much of his time in useful employment, and like St. Vandrille reached an exceptionally old age ; he died, 8i I, in the abbacy of Trasarus.^ I On St. Aniane, and its founder, see Chapter IX., and Index. 2 Dan. XII., 3. 3 See note 2, page 267, Chapter X.] SCHOLARS. 267 At St. Denis, and later at Pavia, Dungal, the Scot, taught astronomy and other branches ; in fine, every monastery and cathedral became a centre of intellectual activity, and the enlightened views of Charles are abundantly set forth in circular letters and capitularies still extant.' Without going into greater detail it may suffice to say that the intellectual life of the Frankish empire, its culture and influence for ages to come, are due to the intelligence, liberality, patronage, zeal, and enthusiasm of Charles. It is impossible to resist this conclusion, attested by Alcuin, Einhard, Angilbert, Theodulf, Rhabanus Maurus, Hinc- mar, Nithard, Otfried, and many other illustrious men. Indeed we ought to say more on this head, at least, in one or two additional observations. As every school, and every church, stood in need of books, their supply gave an impetus to the art of writing and the production of libraries. Thus the aged Harduin not only taught youth the art of writing in the cell of St. Saturnine, but copied quite a num- ber of books, among them a book of the Gospels in uncial letters, which he bequeathed to the abbey of St. Wandrille.* Willehad, afterwards bishop of Bremen, engaged in the same occupation during his residence at Echternach ; Laidradus, archbishop of Lyons, caused many volumes to be copied by monks and others ; Angilbert collected at St. Riquier a library of two hundred volumes ; Benedict of Aniane dis- played a similar activity in the collection of books ; and there is no doubt that Charles himself formed a most valua- ble library, some speak of several libraries, at Aix-la-Cha- pelle. It would lead too far to mention by name the mag- nificent specimens of the calligraphy of the Caroline age extant, but they are a feast to the eyes of all lovers of the beautiful, and standing monuments to the intelligence of Charles.3 ^ Epistola generalis, 780-800 ; " De et Charlemagne, p. 79 ; Werner, Al- litteris colendis," Capp. reg. Franc, cuin p. 37. I:, I, p. 79; see also Boretius, /. c. 2 Gesta abb. Fontanell., c. 16, MG. p. 78. — See on the most important SS., II., 202. schools of the period, Monnier, Alcuin 3 See on this subject : Wattenbach, 268 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter X.] ASTRONOMY. 269 Before passing on to other topics, the interest he took in astronomical subjects may detain us a little longer. He spent much time in the study, and corresponded on it with Alcuin ; ' he acquired the art of the computation of Easter,' and there is evidence that astronomy was much cultivated ' at the Court. Two solar eclipses, one on the 5th of July, and the other on November 30th, 810, occasioned direct inquiries made of Dungal, then at St. Denis.^ The nature of the observa- tions, and the manner of their record, indicating the state of astronomical science, will appear from the following notice for one year beginning September ist, 806: " On the 4th nones of September occurred an eclipse of the moon ; the sun stood in the sixteenth degree of the sign of Virgo, the moon in the sixteenth degree of Pisces. " This year on the day before the kalends of February, the moon being seventeen days old, the planet Jupiter seemed to make the transit of the moon. *' On the 3d ides of February, about noon, an eclipse of the sun took place ; the two stars stood in the twenty-fifth degree of Aquarius. "Again, on the 4th kalends of March there was an eclipse of the moon, and that same night many meteors of astounding magnitude were seen ; the sun standing at the time in the eleventh degree of Pisces, the moon in the eleventh degree of Virgo. "On the i6th kalends of April, the planet Mercury ap- peared on the sun like a small black spot, and it was ob- served for the space of eight days slightly above the centre of that star; but clouds prevented our noting the exact time both of its entrance of the sun*s disc and of its exit. "In the month of August also, on the nth kalends of September, occurred an eclipse of the moon in the third Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter, 2 ed., p. Ill ; and Mabillon, A. S., s. B. ed. Ven. IV., I, p. no, on the Evange- liarium with letters of gold, illumina- tions in silver, and precious stones. » See Appendix D. » Vita Alch., 6, Jaffe, VI., 17. 3 Epist. Carol, 30, Jaffe, IV., 396 sqq. hour of the night, the sun standing in the fifth degree of Virgo, the moon in the fifth degree of Pisces. " Thus from the month of September of the last year to the month of September of the present year, the moon was obscured three times, and the sun once." ' In a former paragraph the breadth, and vast range of the king's interest in every conceivable variety of subjects were mentioned ; in this we may furnish some illustrations. He noticed the inconvenience arising from the deficient method then in vogue of designating the quarters of the heavens by the four cardinal points only, and forthwith applied himself to the device of a scheme for defining the regions with greater accuracy, and upon its completion, gave the names and the bearings he had gained to the winds.^ His partiality for German, his mother-tongue, was re- markable; it grieved him to think that the vast capabili- ties of that noble language should lie fallow or droop into decay. With that feeling, Charles encouraged its study, rec- ommended its use in preaching and reading, in the collec- tion of songs, poems, and laws, and with a view to freeing it from foreign and barbarous admixtures, and elevating it to the rank of the dead languages, especially Latin, began to compose a German grammar. For throughout his reign Latin reigned supreme in the realm of letters ; everything was written in Latin : the Scriptures, laws, epistles, poems, and even history ; for instance, all the authorities of con- temporary origin pertaining to his reign are written in Latin, although Latin had long ceased to be spoken. He also invented a set of German names of the months instead of the Latin and barbarous designations in use. The Latin names, however, could not be displaced, and his list, though ingenious, and in some of the names poetical, was never adopted. It possesses, nevertheless, a philological interest as showing what passed for good German in his day.' The medical profession also was represented at the court 1 Annal. Einh , a. 807. 2 See Appendix, E. 3 See Appendix, F. t'^ 2/0 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter X.] ARCHITECTURE. 271 i of Charles, but its representatives appear to have been sadly deficient in knowledge. As a class they were known as the '' Sect of Hippocrates," and even the inventive genius of Alcuin could say nothing better of them than that they bled their patients, compounded mixtures of herbs, and boiled poultices. I It seems that they practised medicine in connection with other avocations ; perhaps they were monks or clerics other- wise provided for in the matter of support, or he would not have recommended the gratuitous dispensation of their art in order that the blessing of Christ might rest upon the labor of their hands.' One of these physicians, the king's physician in ordinary, was a friend of Alcuin's ; his name was Winthari. The aged and infirm Sturmi, abbot of Fulda, being about to travel from the Eresburg to his monastery, was placed by royal command in charge of the said Winthari, in the expectation that the arrangement would minister to his comfort and possibly lead to his recovery. The nature of his ailing is not known, but Eigil, the biographer of Sturmi, narrates as follows : '^ On a certain day the doctor made him take I know not what potion of his art, thinking it would lessen the pain, and improve the condition of the patient. But it had the opposite effect ; he grew^ worse and worse, and the most alarming symptoms of the disease appeared in the most aggravated form. The poor abbot said full of anxiety, that the physician, who ought to have lessened the malady, had inflicted a worse evil."* Sturmi protested, but in vain, his case was beyond the skill of the royal physician in ordinary, for he soon died. ' Accurmnt medici mox, Hippocratica secta : Hie venas fundit, herbas hie miseet in olla, Ille coquit pultes, alter sed pocula praefert. Et tamen, o medici, cunctis impendite gratis, Ut manibus vestris adsit benedictio Christi. Ale. Carm. 26. vv. 12-16. 2 Vita Sturmii, MG. SS II., 377. Alcuin called him simply ** Winter'* (Uinter) ; he mentions his name in connection with a promised present of choice wine. — Ale. ep. 16 (Jaffe, VI., 171). Charles had a very indifferent opinion of the medical pro- fession and made light of- their advice. Being generally in robust health himself, and watching their experience in the case of others, he conceived the notion that he could prescribe for himself far better than they were able. He was in the habit of confiding in the healing power of nature, and considered plentiful physical exercise, together with temperance and an occasional fast, the medicine best suited to his constitution. Sometimes he consulted the medical poem of Serenus Sammonicus and followed his advice.' But as a rule he preferred his own inclinations to medical directions, and in the last years of his life, almost hated physicians, '' because they wanted him to give up roasts, to which he was accustomed, and eat boiled meat instead." * The king encouraged to an uncommon degree the intro- duction and development of art, especially in connection with architecture. Palaces on a grand and imperial scale* rose at Nimeguen,^ Ingelheim, and Aix-la-Chapelle, but the grandest of his architectural undertakings were churches, not palaces. The most beautiful of these was the basilica at Aix-la- Chapelle, erected in honor of the Virgin Mary, built through- out in the most massive style, of cut stone and exquisite symmetry, and, in the opinion of competent critics equal, if not superior, to the best and most ancient specimens then extant. He summoned the most skilful workmen from every part 1 Teuffel, GescA. der roniischen Literatur, ed. 4, p. 877 sqq. Compare on the medical profession in the next reign, Simson, Jahrb. unter Ludw. d. From- men, II., 255, No. 4. 2 Vita Caroli, c. 22. 3 Vita Caroli, e. 17 : Erm. Nigell. Ill , 583 sqq. ; IV., 179 sqq. ; Poeta Saxo, v., 429 sq. The last named author says of Ingelheim : Ingylemhem dictus locus est, ubi condidit aulam, Aetas cui vidit nostra parem minime*. Quorum multiplicem si quis deseribere laudem Curabit, longum texet opus nimium. The best and fullest description of this palace, and the church at Ingelheim, is that of Ermold. Nigell. /. c. 272 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. \ of Europe, and imported the choicest columns, marbles, and mosaics from Rome and Ravenna.' The mosaics were used in the ornamentation of the walls and pavements. This splendid cathedral, adorned with gold and silver, superb candelabra, railings and doors of solid brass, and admired as a masterpiece of the age, is said, but on doubtful authority, to have been consecrated by Leo III. Master Odo of Metz was the architect of this celebrated cathedral ; the roof was covered with tiles of lead, and ornamented with a golden apple on the dome. Two entertaining, but unsubstantiated, anecdotes relate to this period. Charles, says the Monk of St. Gall, set the most skilful of all his architects over the workmen employed in the building of the cathedral. He was an abbot, but that did not prevent his being a sharper. '' The moment the emperor left home, the overseer undertook upon his own authority to discharge a number of the mechanics for the sole purpose of extorting from them bribes for their reap- pointment. As for those who were unable to pay the bribe, or for whom their masters refused to pay, they were in sore plight, for the abbot, after the example of the Egyptian overseers, laid grievous burdens upon them, and never gave them a moment's rest. " By such nefarious means he accumulated a large fortune in silver and gold, and silk garments. He showed only the least valuable of his treasures openly in his room, but care- fully concealed the most precious of them in chests and closets. One day he heard that his house was on fire ; he I The use, for the purpose named, of those at Ravenna, was granted by Hadrian, as appears from his epistle to Charles : Praefulgidos atque nectareos rega- lis potentiae vestrae per Aruinum du- cem suscepimus apices. In quibus referebatur, quod palatii Ravennate civitatis mosivo atque marmores cete- risque exeraplis tarn in strato quam- que in parietibus sitis vobis tribuisse- mus. Nos quippe libenti animo et puro corde cum nimio amore vestre excellentiae tribuimus eftectum et tarn marmores quamque mosivo ceterisque exemplis de eodem palatio vobis con- cedimus abstoUendum. — Cod. Carol. 89 (Jaffe, IV., 268). The alleged use of marbles and mosaics from Treves (Gesta Trever. 25, MG. SS. VIII., 163) and Verdun (MG. SS. VIII., 352) is legendary. Chapter X.] ANECDOTES. 273 ran home and rushing through the flames made his way to the room in which his gold lay secreted ; eager to save as much as possible, he was not content with removing one chest at a time, but placed several boxes on his shoulders, and was on the point of leaving the burning chamber, when suddenly a huge beam, undermined by the flames, gave way, and falling on him, delivered his body to the tongue of terrestrial fire, but his soul to the unquenchable flames of hell. Thus did divine justice protect the cause and interest of Charles, when by reason of other and more important matters of his empire, he could not be present in person.'' Such is the pious reflection of the chatty monk, who continues that " on these' selfsame works was employed a singularly expert artificer in metal and glass. Tanchon, a monk of St. Gall, having cast a very fine bell of sweet tone, which greatly delighted the emperor's ear, the aforesaid skilful artificer said to him : * May it please Your Majesty to command copper in large quantities to be delivered to me, and in order to make it absolutely pure in the casting, to direct that in place of tin, as is usual, the necessary weight of silver be placed at my disposal, not less than a hundred weight ; let this be done, and I will make you a bell within the hearing whereof that of Tanchon shall seem dumb!"* The speech pleased the emperor, who, '' though immensely rich," did not set his heart on his riches, and commanded that the man should have all the precious metal and the copper he had asked for. The wretch, however, immedi- ately after receiving it, went his way rejoicing, and purified the copper as well as he knew how to do it, not with silver but with tin thoroughly refined ; nevertheless even of this debased metal he contrived to produce a bell which was in all respects superior to the first ; it was tested, and in due course presented to the emperor. He much admired the elegance of its shape, ordered the clapper to be attached, and the bell to be raised to the belfry. " And so it was done forthwith, even as he commanded." 18 274 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. The bell, it seems, though hoisted to its proper place, and made fast by proper rule, was unmanageable. The guardian of the church, the chaplains of the imperial establishment, the most able and skilful mechanics, in turn tried to ring the bell, but tried in vain. ** At last, the maker, even the same who had cast it, and been guilty of such unparalleled knavery, grasped the rope, and pulled the bell ; suddenly the iron cross-piece to which it was fastened gave way and fell upon his head already weighted with so much iniquity ; it went clean through his body and killed him outright. It was an appalling spectacle ; " it was the judgment of heaven ; " all the silver was found, which the most just Charles dis- tributed among the poorest of the palace servants."* Of the alleged prodigies connected with this church we shall speak on a subsequent page, but note here the partial denudation of the roof in an earthquake which shook Aix- la-Chapelle in the year 829. A portion of it remaining in the present cathedral is im- properly called " the nave." It is an '' octagon in the style of S. Vitale at Ravenna, fifty feet in diameter, surrounded by a sixteen-sided gallery, and terminates in a cupola [which in the words of the Saxon poet ' climbs to the stars ']. It ] is one of the most remarkable monuments of early Christian i architecture, but unfortunately marred by modern disfigure- ments." The marble and granite columns, and the gates of the archways of the upper gallery date from the time of Charles. " As long as his health allowed he was a daily worshipper at this church, going morning and evening, even after night- fall, besides attending mass ; and he took care that all the services there conducted should be administered with the utmost propriety, very often warning the sextons not to let any improper or unclean thing be brought into the building, or remain in it. He provided it with numerous sacred ves- sels of gold and silver, and ecclesiastical vestments in great abimdance, so that not even the door-keepers, who fill the * Monach. Sangall. I., 30, 31 ; Bouquet, V., 118 sq. Chapter X.] RHINE-BRIDGE. 275 humblest office in the church, were obliged to wear their ordi- nary clothes when in the exercise of their duties. He was at great pains to improve the church reading and psalmody, for he was well skilled in both, although he neither read in public nor sang, except in a low voice, and with others." ' The basilica was connected by a porticus with the royal palace, which among other peculiarities riveted attention by a bronze eagle with outspread wings which crowned the pinnacle, and the magnificent equestrian statue of Theoderic, which also came from Ravenna. It impressed Charles more than any other similar work of art he had ever seen. It was of colossal dimensions, and represented a snorting charger, the nostrils distended, and the opened mouth showing a terrible set of teeth. The spirited figure of the rider displayed a shield protecting the left shoulder, and holding a lance in the act of hurling in the uplifted right hand. The birds of the air chose the body of the horse for their nests, and flew in and out by the nostrils and the mouth. The statue, it is said, was in the first instance set up in honor of the Emperor Zeno, and Theoderic only placed his name on it."" The Rhine-bridge at Mayence was one of the most re- markable public works erected by Charles. Though only a wooden structure, it was of prodigious strength through- out its entire length of five hundred paces, and seemed as if it must last forever. This fine bridge, which associated his name with Caesar's, had been ten years building, and con- structed with admirable skill, was so completely destroyed by fire in the space of three hours that not a splinter of it was left except what was under water.^ It must have been a marvel for strength ; the Saxon poet states at the close of the ninth century that the piers of stone and earth re- I Vita Caroli, cc. 26, 27 ; Franc. Petrarcha, I., ep. 3 ; Petrus k Beek, Aquisgi'ano, c. IV., Cod. Carol, ep. 77 (Jaffe) ; Badeker, Northern Ger- many, p. 5. — Also, VitaCaroH., c. 32 ; Annal. Einh., a. 829 — Vita Hlud. 43. 2 Agnelli, Lib.pontif. Raven., c. 94 ; cf. Vita Caroli, c. 26 ; and Cod. Carolin., 89 (Jaffe). 3 Vita Caroli, c. 32. 276 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. mained visible as monumental ruins of its former splendor ; nine hundred years later the submerged portions of the wooden buttresses had not yet disappeared (in 1881); but stranger still, this is contradicted, the intimation being, that the ancient oaken buttresses are not remnants of the bridge of Charles which was burned in 8 13, but of the Roman bridge built probably before the Christian era ! ' The accidental character of the fire, however, has been disputed ; but the explanations offered instead are far from convincing. One says, that it was either the work of robbers who came at night in quest of discharged merchandise lying on the bridge, or of incendiaries desirous of building up a profitable ferry business. Others pretend that Richulf, arch- bishop of Mayence, ordered the bridge to be set on fire as the best method of stopping the highway robberies enacted on the bridge, and often attended by the murder of luckless pas- sengers and their disappearance in the river. This is incred- ible, for such an act on the part of the archbishop would necessarily imply the express approbation of his imperial master ; the loss of the bridge, moreover, was regarded as a national disaster of ominous significance, and it is known that Charles entertained the idea of replacing it by one in stone.* His death prevented the execution of his purpose, and the Saxon poet describing the ruins, about the close of the century, breaks forth in lamentation, and predicts with gloomy forebodings that the work would never be per- formed.' This prophecy proved true for nearly a millennium, for the first stone bridge over the Rhine at Mayence was not erected until 1862. In the same connection deserves to be mentioned the grandiose scheme of a system of canalization designed pri- marily to establish a water-way from the Rhine to the Danube, and ultimately, from the North Sea to the Euxine. » Dummler, AUg. D Biogr., XV., Scot. Chron. a. 835; Annal. Wirz., 147 ; Simson, /. c, II., 512. a. 813 ; Disibodenberg, a. 813. " Monach. Sangall, I., 30, Marian. 3 Poeta Saxo, V., 601 sq. Chapter X.] CANAL. 277 It came up during the war with the Avars, as a feasible plan for the transportation of armies by water from and to the seat of war. The military advisers of Charles repre- sented that troops, material of war, and especially pontoon- bridges, which until then had to be carried in sections overland, might, by means of a short canal connecting two given points, be conveyed from the heart of Francia, and at a vast saving in time and expenditure, to any locality in the enemy's country suitable for military operations.' The projected canal contemplated the connection of the Altmiihl and the Rednitz, or more accurately, of the Sua- bian Rezat, a tributary of the latter. The scheme pleased Charles, and he commanded the work to be undertaken at once. A large force of men was detailed for its execution, and such was his interest that he proceeded in person, accompanied by the entire court, to the designated spot. The royal party sailed up the Danube and the Altmiihl and disembarked at Sualafeld,* one of the termini. There was no lack of energy in the prosecution of the work, and the personal presence of Charles animated and encouraged all engaged in 'it. It was vigorously pushed forward through- out the autumn, and the workmen began to make the neces- sary excavations for the distance of two thousand steps at the width of three hundred feet ; the data of the depth are not known. But in spite of the most unremitting zeal and perse- verance, the enterprise made no headway, and the bright prophecy of its easy and speedy accomplishment was falsi- fied by the event. It was a grand and total failure. Canal-building was one of the things which neither Charles nor his engineers understood. It is doubtful if the survey rested on accurate data touching the water-level of the respective rivers, and if the objective points were practica- ble ; at any rate the skill of the engineers was not equal to the local difficulties of the line they selected. It ran through 'Annal. Lauresh.,Guelf., Einh.fl/. not agree with the names given by 2 Annal. Guelf. The locality does later writers. 2/8 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book H. a low and swampy region, and the naturally soft character of the soil was aggravated by continuous rain. The greatest obstacle they encountered was found in a section called the " Ried," ' where a quicksand baffled their efforts. The shifting and slippery nature of the spot for- bade all progress ; the superstitious workmen said that the devil was in it ; that the place was bewitched and under the spell of fiends more potent than the labor of thousands of Christian hands ; it had an invisible, unfathomable, omnivo- rous maw which devoured during the night the multitudi- nous loads of mud which the workmen dug out during the day.^ It was an unholy and evil enterprise, thought or muttered the monks ; nor stopped at the thought and the speech, but set it down in writing, for we read in the Annals, drawn up in the neighboring archiepiscopal establishment at Salzburg, that " it was an idle work. But prudence and counsel can- not prevail against the Lord." This was evident by the result, for ** afterwards might be heard every night the hurly- burly din of hideous noises, roaring defiance, and exulting in the laughter of derision." ^ The record does not say if the nocturnal din and the ominous voices troubled Charles ; but he ordered the work to be stopped. Archaeologists indicate Bubenheim on the Altmiihl as the initial point of the '' ditch," a place called '' Graben " {t. e,, ditch), as a station, and "■ Weissenburg " on the Rezat, as its extreme terminus. Traces of the " Karlsgraben " {i. e., the ditch of Charles) remain there to this day.^ By a strange coincidence this undertaking, like that of the permanent bridge at Mayence, remained unexecuted until the present century. The scheme, which so greatly inter- ested Charles, was taken up more than a thousand years later by Louis L, King of Bavaria, and pushed to a successful * Eckhart, Franc. Orient,, II., 750 ; he gives a diagram. 2 Annal. Einh. a. 793 ; Moseli. 792 ; Lauresh. 3 Annal. Salisb., MG. SS. XIII., 23. 4 Auctarium Ekkehardi Altahense, 792, MG. SS. XVII., 362. Riezler, /. c, I., l8i, no. I. Chapter X.] CANAL. 279 termination. The canal, called after him the " Konig Ludwig Kanal," connects the river systems of the Danube and the Rhine by a different and much longer line. Its length of twenty-three German miles, however, bears no proportion to its width and depth, which are unfortunately inadequate to the requirements of a remunerative naviga- tion, and a successful competition with the railroads. In these respects it is an absolute failure.' ' Daniels, /. c. I., 233 ; Heigel, Ludwig I. , Konig von Bayem, p. 170 sq. — Riezler, /. c. I., 181. Chapter XI.] BOHEMIAN WAR. 281 CHAPTER XL BOHEMIAN WAR. — THE ROYAL SONS AND THEIR KING- DOMS. — EXTRANEA. Conquest of Bohemia.— Affairs of Aquitaine and Spain. — Adalric. — Saracen invasion. — Incident of Datus. — Poverty of Louis. — Domanial lands and villas. — Diplomatic intercourse with the Saracens. — Mission of Theodulf and Laidradus. — Theodulf on bribery. — Louis meets his father at Tours. — Alleged prediction of his succession in the imperial throne. — Affairs in Pepin's kingdom.— The Beneventans.— Defeat of the Byzantines.— Death of Adelchis. — Revolt of the Bretons. — Piracies. — Anecdote. 805] The cause of the Bohemian war is obscure. It occurs in point of time as a sequel to the subjugation of the Avars. The Bohemians were belHcose, irritated the Franks, and roused the martial ire of Charles ; ' they took advantage of the misfortunes of their neighbors, the Avars, and so vexed them with perpetual inroads of their territory, that they had to leave it and seek a new home in a more remote region. But as the Avars were now the friends, allies, and subjects of the emperor, and their former territory had become his by the right of conquest, its wanton invasion by the Bohemians was construed as a casus belli, and an insult that could not remain unpunished. This explanation is offered at its worth ; it is only a con- jecture proceeding on the hypothesis that the Sclavonians of Bohemia, and the Southern Sclavonians were equally inimical to the Franks, and naturally opposed to their policy of conquest. But it is not improbable that the war was unprovoked and purely aggressive. Accordingly the heerbann was called out, and a large s i ' Poeta Saxo, 1. v., 164 sqq. army ordered to invade and conquer Bohemia. The Prank- ish hosts moved in three columns, while a fourth sailed up the Elbe to Magdeburg and devastated the region of Gene- wana.^ The first of the three columns, commanded by the young " king *' Charles, advanced through Franconia and the Bohemian Forest ; the second, composed of Alemannian, Suabian, and Bavarian troops, and commanded by the gen- erals Audulf and Werinarius, approached the hostile coun- try from Bavaria ; the third, commanders unknown, moved through Saxony, and after collecting the Saxon and Wen- dish contingents, proceeded to Werinofelde beyond the Saale, entered the country of the Demelcians v/ith the ulti- mate destination of reaching Bohemia through the passes of the Ore Mountains. In other words, the plan provided for the simultaneous invasion of Bohemia by the only three practical routes from the north, the south and west. The third column met and defeated Semela, prince of the Demelcians, took his two sons as hostages, pushed through the Ore Mountains to the champaign country on the Eger, and at that point effected a junction with the two other col- umns. There the young king held a muster of the entire host, and received the homage of the Sclavonian vassals of the Frankish crown. The three divisions went into camp, and from that base overran the whole country. The Bohe- mians avoided an engagement, and retreating before the overwhelming number of the Franks, withdrew to the depth of inaccessible and pathless forests. Beyond the meagre notice that the invading army laid siege to Canburg, an unidentified fortress,^ the annals, with- out exception, record not a single warlike achievement; even the result of the siege is unknown. They state, how- ever, that for the space of forty days the immense army, under the lead of Charles and his generals, engaged in the work of savage and relentless devastation. The whole country was ** depopulated," and so universal was the indis- I Chron. Moiss. while Palacky and others name Kaden =* Eckhart suggests Camburg on the on the Eger. Saale, Pertz conjectures Kammerburg, 282 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. criminate destruction of whatever could be set on fire, that the entire region was " reduced to nothing." One of the Czech lechos, or princes, also was put to death. Having converted Bohemia into a wilderness, so that neither man nor beast could find food, the king ordered the home march. The columns retraced their steps to the ** marches," and dispersed to their homes ; their royal leader returned " victoriously, prosperously, and with great joy " to his father in Francia ; and thus was conducted, and thus gloriously ended, the first Bohemian campaign.* 806] The annihilation of the Bohemians, however, was only a figure of speech, for the younger Charles left plenty of work to be performed by a new army of Bavarians, Ale- mannians, and Burgundians in a second campaign, which again destroyed the greater part of the unhappy country already ** reduced to nothing." Beyond this the operations of the army appear to have been rather passive than active, for the ominous sentence in the official annals that the host " returned without serious calamity," seems to justify the inference of a Bohemian historian that the natives showed sufficient vitality for inflicting some loss, and compelling the invaders to beat an inglorious retreat.^ " King " Charles, at the same time, scored a great vic- tory over the Sorabians, who occupied the country between the Saale and the Elbe, and bordered upon the Czechs, Eastphalians, and Thuringians. After mustering the troops at Waladala in Thuringia,^ and detailing a number of scarae for service beyond the Elbe, he crossed the Saale. The scarae ravaged the entire district with fire and sword, and the king seems to have encountered the enemy at Werino- felde, and slain in battle Milito, a proud Sorabian prince. His death decided the fate of the country. Charles retraced his steps to the Elbe, and marked his progress with the cus- ' Annal. Einh., cf. Guelf., S. Aman- 2 Annal. Einh., Max ; Palacky, /. ; Advers. Elip. I., 5; HI. 20 (ed. ,Froben.). 3 Annal. Lauresh.— The pun or play was a sort of standing joke. Thus Jon. Aurelian has, "Felix nomine, actu infelix ; " and Hincmar writes, **Felicem, infelicem . . . episco- pum." 4 Codex Carol. 99 (Jaffe, IV., 294 sqq.). 5 Mabillon, A. 5. ; IV., 600 ; praef. III., Annal. Ben. XL, 273.— Alcuin. adv. Felicem, I., 8. — Simson, /. c.y II., 32, n. 4. 6 Annal. Einh., Maxim., al. a. 792. Ale. adv. Elip. (ed. Froben.) I., 3» P* 882. 7 Ale. /. c, Annal. Einh., Maxim. who should dare to say that our Lord Jesus Christ was as to the flesh only the Son of God by adoption.' Nor did this recantation suffice, for Charles, who eschewed half work, caused many of the writings of Elipandus and Felix to be burned,* required Felix to make his peace with the Church at large, and for that purpose sent him, in charge of Angilbert, to Rome. There, it seems, he was held in confinement, and, under the godly instruction of Hadrian, drew up an orthodox declaration in which he again recanted absolutely his former opinion, and confessed that our Lord Jesus Christ is truly the Son of God. This his belief he then attested in a sol- emn oath before the pope, his orthodox declaration having been placed first upon the '' sacred mysteries " of the Gos- pels, and then upon the apostle's tomb ; that is, he swore twice.3 Then in full reconciliation with the Church, he returned to his Pyrenean diocese 4— and preached his heresy as lustily as ever. 794] Two years later took place the famous Synod of Frankfort, over which Charles again presided.^ Two papal legates (the bishops Theophylact and Stephanus), the whole hierarchy of Francia including that of Italy, Aquitaine, and the Provence, together with a large number of presbyters, deacons, subdeacons, and monks were in attendance.^ At the king's express desire, the Synod by a unanimous vote received Alcuin to its fellowship and prayers.^ 1 Annal. Einh., Juvav, (791); Lau- riss., Alcuin. /.' r., Poeta Saxo, V., 469 sq. — Concil. Rom. a. 799. 2 Annal. Maxim. 3 Annal. Lauriss. ; — Concil. Rom. a. 799 ; Adon. Chron., Bouquet, V., 320. Some think that " orthodoxum in vin- culis libellum," does not necessarily imply imprisonment, but indicates a local reference, viz. : to San Pietro in Vincoli (?). 4 Annal. Einh. —Some say that Felix upon his return to Spain fled into Saracen territory ; this is not improb- able, for the sequel seems to intimate that though he returned to Spain, he was not reinstated into his see. — Ale. adv. Elip. I., 16 ed. Froben. I., 3, p. 882; — Concil. Rom. a. 799. 5 Ep. cone. Franc, Migne, t. CI., p. 1331 ; but the Annal. Lauriss. only state that the Synod took place "in praesentia principis." 6 Simson, /. c. II., 63 sq.; Bohmer- Muhlbacher, /. c. p. 125. 7 Synod. Franconof. (a. 794) 56. Cf. Capitulare ^o. II., Book III., ch. I., below. 328 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. The primary object for which this great Council had been convened was the condemnation of the heresy of Adoptian- ism/ The condemnation of the doctrine, and the recanta- tion of FeHx, so far from extinguishing the pestilent error, had caused it like an angry boil to throb and gather with increasing violence.^* ^ It seems that the Spanish bishops in vindication of their dogmatic position set forth two documents, one addressed to the Prankish hierarchy, the other to the king ; they desired the Synod to examine and debate it before Charles, and conjured him to reinstate Felix into his see ; they even had the audacity of warning him against the fate of Constantine, who after his conversion to Christianity through the influence of his serpent of a sister turned Arian and went to hell.^ This was a little strong and as unpalatable to the king as to Hadrian, to whom he forthwith referred the matter. The result of the reference was the Synod of Frankfort, which took up the Spanish memorial, sentence by sentence, and ultimately by a unanimous vote condemned the dogma as rank heresy. Charles sent to the Spanish episcopal heretics three dis- tinct essays on the condemned dogma, one of which, at least together with the synodal resolution, was duly signed by all the Frankish bishops present.^ His own epistle accompanying the documents, stated that he fully shared the conclusions reached by his clergy, notifying them, that in the event of thei r persistence in error, he must treat them I Annal. Einh., al. see Simson. /. c. longe eflficiat, de Constantino impera- - , tore, qui dum esset idolatriae cultor ' The words of Charles according to per beatum Sylvestrium factus est the Libell. sacrosyll. of Paulinus (Op. ed. Madrisius, p. i) ; Chron. Moiss. cod. Anian. MG. SS., I., 30i' 3 See the epistle to Charles in Florez, Espaua sagrada, V., 539 sqq- (Migne t. XCVI., p. 867 sqq ), and that to the hierarchy in Migne, t. CI., p. 1321; both in Ale. Opp. ed. Froben., II., App. 2, p. 567 sqq.—" reminiscens et illud, quod omnipotens Deus a vobis christianus, postea per serpentem so- rorem suam sanctorum trecentorum de- cern et octo sententiam refutans, in Ariano dogmate et ad infemum flenda ruina dimersus, diem clausit extre- mum."— Migne, XCVI., 869. 4 Annal. Lauriss., Einh. a. 794. See Simson, /. c and Muhlbacher for full lists of authorities. Chapter XII.] CHARLES AND THE CHURCH. 329 as heretics and refuse all further intercourse with them. He also pointed out to them the inevitable secular dis- abilities and inconveniences of their schismatic separation from the unity of the Church, which would render it im- possible for him to carry out his intention of delivering them, at a favorable juncture, from the yoke of Moslem domination.' But Adoptianisrn was far from extinct ; five years later the new pope/Eeo III., spoke of it as sprouting with renewed vigor.^ The Spanish bishops in the Moslem territory remained toughly heretical. Alcuin addressed himself to the task of rooting out the heresy ; he wrote to Felix, and drew up a collection of passages from the Scriptures and the Fathers, condemnatory of the error, which he sent to the abbots and monks of Gothia. Felix replied at length in a strong pamph- let, and sent a copy to the king. It was so intensely and dangerously heretical, that Alcuin while urging the neces- sity of a thorough and exhaustive refutation, frankly admit- ted his inability to do it unaided, and proposed that copies of the pamphlet should be sent to the pope, the patriarch Paulinus of Aquileia, the archbishop of Treves (Richbodo), and the bishop of Orleans, with the request that they also should draw up and submit their refutations.^ Charles acted upon his suggestion, and, moreover, re- quested the pope to convene an ecclesiastical Synod for the express purpose of passing sentence on the book of Felix. It met and condemned it, by irrefragable proofs from the Scriptures and the Fathers, in perpetiium^ But even this did not end the matter. The king gave Felix the assurance of personal safety and commanded his attendance at a Synod to be holden at Aix-la-Chapelle, to which Alcuin also had been summoned, for the purpose of ' Mansi, XIIL, 901-906, cf. Cod. 3 Ale. epp. 99, 139, 142. Carol. 78, 79, 99(Jaffe); Hefele, /. Ep. Carol, ic— Annal. Einh., a. 796. 340 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter XIII.] CHARLES AND LEO IIL 341 forwarded to Hadrian, when the intelligence of his death caused a delay ; it congratulates Leo on the unanimity of his election ; apprises him that Angilbert is authorized to confer with him on all matters touching the glory of the Church, the dignity of the pontifical office and his pwn patriciate ; and exhorts him to enforce the Canons. In one place he writes : ''As I made a league of sacred confraternity with your sainted predecessor, so I desire to form with your holiness an inviolable compact of the like faith and love. It is my duty, by the grace of God, to defend the Church of Christ everywhere: against the assaults of pagans or the ravages of infidels, which may threaten her from without, and to exert all my power towards the stability of the Catholic Faith in my realm. It is yours, most holy father, like Moses to lift up your hands in prayer to God for the success of my arms. . . . " In your wisdom you will not fail everywhere to enjoin and enforce the commandments and statutes of the Fathers, so that the shining example of your holiness in such godly conversation may be known to all men, while your saintly admonitions fall on willing ears ; yea, let your light so shine before men that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father who is in heaven." Charles must have had some private information leading him to fear that matters at Rome might not run as smoothly as Leo seemed to think they would. His private and con- fidential letter instructed Angilbert to remind the holy father of the duties of his office, both as to his morals and the maintenance of canonical authority in the godly con- duct of church government. " Tell him often," he writes, " that the honors of those clothed with the sacred office last but a few years, but the reward of those who well discharge its duties, is eternal. Press upon him the necessity of abolishing the heresy of simony, so grievously defiling the Church in many parts, and of correcting all other abuses which we have so often bewailed together." ' . ^ * Ep. ad Angilb. ib. p. 353* It is thought that the expense of a large number of vases and rich ornaments, made by order of Leo in the beginning of his pontificate, for the Roman churches, was defrayed by the royal offering of part of the Fannonian spoils. Among those works of art was the grand banquet-hall in the Lateran, all in marble, and richly ornamented with columns and mosaics. One of the latter, still shown, repre- sents St. Peter seated, with three keys on his knee, Leo on his right and Charles on the left, in the act of presenting to the pope a pallium, and to the king a standard with six roses, inscribed : *' May St. Peter grant life to Pope Leo, and victory to King Charles." ^ This mosaic was the pendant of another, on the opposite end of the hall, representing Christ delivering to Peter (or Pope Sylvester) two keys, and to Constantine the Great a standard. ^ 799] Leo's popularity was of short duration. A revolu- . / tionary outbreak directed against his person occurred in the third year of his pontificate. Two papal officers, to wit, the primicerius Paschalis, and the sacellarius Campulus, together with many Roman nobles, had entered into a con- spiracy against the pope. Paschalis was a nephew of Pope Hadrian, and Campulus was personally known to Charles.* The causes of the con- spiracy are not established. It was alleged by the partisans of Leo, that he incurred the hatred of the Romans from his^ stern opposition to their contemplated revolt from Frankish \ rule, and that the promoters of the plot were moved by jealousy ; on the other hand the opponents of Leo charged that his notorious adultery, perjury, and other crimes, pro- voked che revolt.3 It is certain that Leo continued hateful to the Romans to the last.'* * Anastas., /. c. toration, was most unpleasant. In 2 Annal. Einh. ; Vita Leonis, III. ; 804 he was glad of a convenient tem- Cod. Carol. 62, 68 ; Epist. Caroli. 10. porary escape from the city ; nine 3 See the authorities in Simson, II., years later another conspiracy against 165, n. and below, pp. 348, sqq., 364. him was suppressed with blood, and 4 His position, even after his res- during his sickness the people rose in 342 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. V On the twenty-third day of April, being St. George's Day, the Great Litany was chanted in the church conse- crated to his memory, which, two days later, on St. Mark's Day, was ordered to be concluded in the Church of St. Laurentius ad craticiilam, that is, of the gridiron. The pope was riding in the procession of the "black crosses," instituted by St. Gregory, and the aforesaid Pas- chalis and Campulus ought to have taken their places m it, but arriving after it had formed, the former without his pla7ieta, apologized to Leo on the hypocritical plea of sick- ness and other excuses, but accompanied him in friendly discourse. Meanwhile the rest of the conspirators had taken up a concealed position near the monastery of Saints Stephen and Sylvester which lay in the way of the procession. When it came up, a band of assassins rushed from their hiding place into the thick of the unarmed people who were fol- lowing the pope. They terrified, and speedily dispersed the populace, made their way to Leo, Paschalis standing before, and Campulus behind him, seized him, tore him from his seLt, threw him to the ground, and cruelly beat and plundered him. It was their intention to put out his eyes, cut off his tongue, and even— kill him. Some witnesses declared, and the perpetrators of the outrage are reported to have :believed, that the double mutilation was really accomplished ; .at any rate, the conspirators left him where he lay in the street, naked and half dead. The papal account adds, that when the assassins had . gone, Paschalis and Campulus dragged Leo into the con- ventual church of Saints Stephen and Sylvester, trying to ..complete before the altar of the same the mutilation which had only been imperfectly performed in the street. At night, the same high officials, together with Maurus , de Nepi, .an accomplice, caused him to be removed to the .monastery of St. Erasmus where he would be in safe keep- ing (for it w as a prison), and might recover from his wounds. arms, t>lundered his farms, and set 26; Annal. S. Amandi ; Lauresh. a. them on firc.-Monach. Sangall. I., 800. Simson, /. c. II., 166. Chapter XIII.] CHARLES AND LEO IIL 343 In that place, as some say (or on the way to it, as others affirm), a miracle was wrought, for the maltreated pontiff recovered the use both of his tongue and eyes. Some actu- ally fable of a double miracle, alleging that Leo had recovered the use of the missing members on the way to the monas- tery, when his cruel enemies deprived him absolutely {radi- citus) both of his tongue and eyes. Then, according to the Monk of St. Gall, the divine vindicator of his innocence replaced the eyes, thus cruelly removed by wicked hands, with others more beautiful than the first, except that the mark of his virtue remained in a most beautiful wound like a delicate thread of snowy whiteness distinctly visible on the pupil.' Albinus, the chamberlain of Leo, came by night, probably with other faithful dependants, and enabled the sacerdotal captive by means of a rope to leave his monastic prison. This exit becomes in the hands of one of the scribes another miracle, and in those of a third truly apostolic, for he makes him, like St. Paul, descend by the city wall. His deliverers took him to St. Peter's where two royal missi, to wit, Wirundus, abbot of Stablo, and Winigisus, duke of Spoleto, received him. The latter, apprised of the outrage, forthwith collected a body of troops, hastened before the city (St. Peter's then stood without the walls) and conducted the pope to Spoleto. The rebels, it is added, resented the action of the devoted chamberlain,' and having nothing else to do, attacked his house, plundered, and destroyed it." Messengers from Leo, the royal missi, and not improbably 799] from others,^ hastened to inform Charles of the occur- rences at Rome. It is not certain, though highly probable, that the exigencies of the case and public pressure moved Leo to invoke the royal aid. ' Monach. Sangall. I., 26. MG. ss., 11. , 743. ''Vita Leon is ; Annal. Maxim., Lauresh., Theophan. Chronogr. (Bou- quet, v., 188); Annal. Einh., Lauriss. al. Compare for a minutely circum- stantial examination of the attempt on Leo, Excurus /., in Simson, /. c. II., 583. 3 See p. 346, line i, sqq. 344 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter XIII.] CHARLES AND LEO III. 345 ^/ According to a poetic version, the king sees in a vision the mutilated pontiff, supplicating his protection, and sends three messengers to Rome. The pope summons them to Spoleto, bidding them conduct him to the king in order that he might examine and avenge his cause ; they honor his request and conduct him to Germany.' According to history, Charles immediately commanded the pope to be conducted to him, and designated his arch- chaplain Hildibald, archbishop of Cologne, and count Asca- rius as special commissioners to meet and escort him;"" it would seem, however, that it was the king's first impulse to hasten to Rome in person, but that he changed his mind, because he felt that he could not omit his contem- plated journey into Saxony, which was then undergoing the process of pacification.^ As for Leo, he travelled, doubtless under military escort, furnished by the duke of Spoleto, and attended by a goodly number of bishops, presbyters, and nobles {primatibus).^ His progress excited universal attention, and stirred up the religious enthusiasm of the people wherever he went ; mul- titudes came forth to kiss his feet, gaze upon his new eyes, listen with enraptured emotion to the words he uttered with his new and heaven-sent tongue, and enrich him with their gifts.5 What took place in Germany is best told in the language of the poem, which is generally ascribed to the pen of Angil- bert, who from his confidential and intimate relations to Charles, and personal acquaintance with most of the actors, and knowledge of the localities, could write more intelli- gently on the subject than any one else. Still it is proper to preface his account with a caution ; he writes poetry, and the reader should remember that a penchant for picturesque embellishment and an exuberant fancy guided his hand ; he exaggerates, but that is poetic license. ' * Ang^lbert, Carm. vv. 332 sqq. 342, 376, 400, p. 374 sqq. ^ Ann. Einh. Vita Leon. 3 Alcuini Ep. 118 ; Annal. Einh. a. 799. 4 Annal. Maxim., Lauriss. min. ; Liber pontific. (V. Leonis III., p. 198.) 5 V. Leon. ib.\ Angilbert, /. c. v. 408 sqq. His description is substantially as follows: "When Charles heard that the papal procession was drawing near, he sent his son Pepin, King of Italy, at the head of an army of a hundred thousand (?) men to meet him. The spectacle of so vast a multitude of armed men was overwhelming; the pope lifted his hands to heaven, invoking the divine blessing on the Franks. When he came up to Pepin he clasped him to his heart, tenderly embraced and kissed him. Then the pope and Pepin walked side by side to meet the king ; the venerable hero forthwith ordered the entire host under arms, saying to his brave veterans : * Go as you are wont to go into battle and give martial greeting to the pontiff ! * " The host is profoundly moved ; a forest of spears, thrice- leashed cuirasses, helmets, javelins, and shields, sways to and fro ; the clash of the brazen shields resembles the voice of thunder; the cavalry sweeps round as to a charge ; the air is dark with clouds of dust, and vocal with the clangor of trumpets, and the shrill tones of bugle signals ; the very ground seems to tremble under the hoofs of the fierce chargers ; in the midst of the concourse wave the bright banners, and the multitudes in motion are eager to hear the pontiff's voice ; a burning desire seems to enter the very marrow of their bones. . . . *' At the extremity of the camp the whole army is ordered to halt : the clergy in large numbers, arrayed in sacerdotal costume, form into three companies or choirs, ranging them- selves under the sacred banner of the cross in an inner circle, round which in ever-widening lines the whole army is dis- posed like a city wall ; in the very centre, overtowering all the rest, Charles awaits the pontiff. "Leo beholds with wondering eyes the magnificent spectacle of that vast multitude, representing so many nationalities collected from all quarters, compacted together, so different in appearance, speech, uniform, and arms ; it is an overwhelming sight; he looks hither and thither, and beholds Charles coming forth; he lies prostrate in lowly veneration, and rising, gives him a tender, loving welcome in cordial embrace. 346 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter XIII.] CHARLES AND LEO III. 347 *'The king and the pontiff join hands, and walk together, engaged in earnest and affectionate conversation. At a signal the entire army, thrice in succession, falls prostrate before the pope, to be enriched with his prayers and bene- diction thrice bestowed. *' Again Charles, the father of Europe, and Leo, the sovereign pontiff, move forward ; the king desires to know the story of his trouble ; the wickedness of the Roman people astounds and horrifies him ; he beholds with amaze- ment the light stream forth from the windows that had been bereft of it, and catches in wonderment the accents of the tongue which the cruel forceps had torn out.** At this point the choirs of the priests sing their antiphons of praise for his marvellous restoration ; the earnest and loud strains of their chants make the welkin ring.' Under the guidance of the blessed Charles the pope enters the church and celebrates Mass. . . . At the conclusion of the sacred ofifice, the pope is led to a magnificent repast; the sedilia are ornamented with purple and gold ; the king and the pontiff, the Court, and the glittering host of grandees sit down and feast upon the rich and abundant provisions of that royal banquet ; I ** Exoritur clamor, vox ardua pul- sat Olympum," may be illustrated by the following passage, in which an Italian, with an educated ear, com- ments upon the musical performances of the transalpine clergy. He says, that like other European nations, the Germans and Gauls had repeatedly essayed the mastery of the superior merits of the Gregorian Chant, but their attempts were failures partly from carelessness in mixing up with it their own methods, and partly from their natural wildness ; for " the bodies of the transalpines who are wont to emit a thundering noise with their voices, cannot reproduce the sweet modulations which are sung to them for imitation, because the bar- barous wildness of their drunken throat seeks in vain to utter by means of arti- ficial contortions and resonances the soft tones of a melodious voice ; the stiff sounds they send forth resemble the roll of distant thunder or the confused noise of a number of empty barrels in rotary motion, whose roughness instead of delighting, irritates and confuses the minds of the hearers." Who can fail to recognize in this description the familiar beer voices of the opera, the concert room, and " horresco referens," of the cathedrals of continental Eu- rope, Great Britain, and even of minor churches elsewhere? See the whole passage in Joann. Diacon., Vita Gre- gorii M. c, VI. in 0pp. Gregor. T. II., p. 47. on all the tables the fiery Falernian is served in golden bowls. " King Charles and the sovereign pontiff are seated by themselves, and feast together ; they quaff bowls full of sparkling wine in long delicious draughts. The exquisite food and sweet cups of Bacchus come to an end ; pious Charles presents many gifts to Leo, and in happy mood, withdraws to the inner chambers of the palace, while the apostolicus retires to his camp."^ Thus hilariously, humorously, and quaintly, run the verses of the courtly Angilbert, who plainly recalls the festive scene with pleasant recollections. His verses show in nu- merous verbal coincidences an intimate knowledge of Vir- gil, and afford a lively insight of the manners and usages of the Prankish Court. The peculiar turn of the '' apostolicus " expresses familiarity, and unless the language is to be taken literally, the manner ii\ which the miraculous restoration of the windows and the tongue of the pontiff is told, seems to insinuate a doubt both in the mind of Charles and in his own. Leo spent some time at Paderborn, where the meeting took place. The church in which he celebrated Mass had a peculiar history. As far back as "j"]"], Charles caused a church to be built there in honor of the Saviour, which the fierce pagans repeatedly set on fire and destroyed. But his will and zeal being stronger than their hatred and violence, he built a much larger church and had it consecrated. Leo consecrated one of the altars, and deposited therein the relics of St. Stephen, the proto-martyr, which, at the express desire of Charles, he had brought from Rome, assuring the king that the virtue of the relics would protect the church from a repetition of such a calamity in the future. This was a safe prophecy so far as the pagan Saxons were concerned, who had already ceased to be an object of terror, and would soon be placed beyond the reach of possi- ble harm ; they never set that church on fire thereafter — I Angilberti Carmina dubia, in Poetae Latini Med. Aevi. I. i, 377 sqq. 348 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter XIII.] CHARLES AND LEO III. 349 v^ but the relics were not an absolute insurance against it, for it burnt down in A.D. looo.' The enemies of Leo, however, were not idle ; the report of his distinguished reception by Charles roused the worst passions of '' those wicked sons of the devil," as the biog- rapher of Leo calls them ; they set on fire the pontifical domains, and would fain have consumed him by means of - the terrible accusations against him which they sent to the king. They were doubtless greatly exaggerated, but too grave to be disregarded. Where there is so much smoke, men said, there must be some fire. The charges of adul- tery, carnal or spiritual, and perjury, were freely circulated, and not entirely disbelieved at the Court. Even Alcuin, who appears as the staunch friend of Leo, seems to have been not altogether incredulous as to their truth. His information, moreover, came not from the con- spirators, but from his friend Arno, archbishop of Salz- burg, who had recently been at Rome, and in a confidential letter enumerated the complaints so injurious to the pon- tiff's morality. Alcuin in reply states, among other things, that he had burnt the letter, because he did not wish it to fall into other hands, lest through the negligence of his ser- vants the contents might become known and the occasion of scandal.* The matter of the abdication of Leo was freely discussed, and recommended by some as necessary ; it was argued that the exigencies of the case required his withdrawal from the pontifical chair and retirement to a monastery. But Alcuin opposed the measure as unwise and mischievous, and his counsel prevailed.^ Charles finally decided that the charges should be inves- tigated by a royal commission, and Leo reinstated to office.'* Pending these discussions, others, not of record, are be- lieved to have taken place at Paderborn. The intercourse » Annal. Einh., a. 799; Transla- tio S. Liborii, in MG. SS. IV., 150. a Epist. Alcuini, 127 (Jaffe). 3Ep. Ale. 120, 119. ♦ Vita Leonis, III. ; Flodoard, De Poniif. Rom, Murat. III. b., 284. Annal. Einh., Maxim., al. between the king and the pope led to important results. It would be strange if the political aims of Charles had not been freely and confidentially unfolded to Leo. History, with one exception, is silent on the subject. Still it is impossible to resist the conviction that elevation to imperial dignity had long filled the mind of Charles. It had doubtless been discussed orally, and otherwise, with Hadrian. William of Malmesbury expressly affirms that Hadrian often proposed it to the king of the Franks, but on conditions, which the latter thought exorbitant and unacceptable.^ The nature of these conditions is clearly intimated in one of Hadrian's epistles, still extant. He writes, '' that if Charles would restore to the Church the possessions which Constantine, the patricians, and other godly benefactors had granted to her, the nations of the earth would exclaim : ' O Lord, save the king, and hear us in the day when we call upon thecj^* for a new emperor of God, a most Christian Constantine has risen in these days,'" adding that ''St. Peter, the prince of the Apostles, could not pray before the throne of God for the prosperity, long life, and exaltation of the king, or the majesty of his divinely established dominion, until such restoration had been made."^ That was Hadrian's price, which Charles would not, and could not pay. It meant the renunciation of his own sov- ereignty in Italy, and the exaltation of his vassal, or, more accurately in point of law, of the Greek emperor's vassal, to temporal sovereignty. On that point Charles remained inflexible, and when Hadrian died, Leo, as has been explained before, succeeded him in the same capacity of vassal, and actually desired the king to send commissioners that they might administer the oath of allegiance to the Roman people. Then followed the incidents which led to the pontifical presence at Paderborn. In this connection it is now perti- nent to read the statements of a contemporary : ___^ iWil. Malmesb. in MG. SS. X., 453. 2Ps. XIX., 10. 3 Cod. Carol, ep. 60 (Jaffe). 350 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II- Chapter XIII.] CHARLES AND LEO III. 351 t t " At that time," he writes, *' wicked men having conspired together against Leo III., pontiff of Rome, possessed them- selves of his person. It was their purpose to put out his eyes, and in the tumult which broke out among themselves, as it often happens, slightly hurt one of his eyes. The pontiff thereupon ff ed to King Charles for protection, prom- ising, that if he would defend him from his enemies, he, for his part, would crown him with the imperial diadem. Charles, having heard the wished-for promise, immediately marched against the enemy with great power, took the city, and reinstated Leo to office. Then he crowned Charles, and took a dignified revenge upon his enemies." ^ The concluding sentences of this passage are not accu- rate, but they may pass for a loose statement in a condensed form. The testimony of John the Deacon is not good, and the foregoing statement, in the opinion of thoughtful, learned, and judicious critics, not credible. They may be 799] right, still few unbiased minds will read it in the light of what is known and established beyond all doubt, and deny its accuracy. The chronicler may have expressed him- self boldly and set the matter down from hearsay rather than authentic sources, but he doubtless recorded what men said and thought of the subject. Charles dismissed Leo as honorably as he had received him. A most distinguished escort of royal missi conducted him to Rome and reinstated him with every mark of honor, which rises in the phrase of one of the Annals to the " high- est glory " into the pontifical chair. They were : the arch- bishops Hildibald and Arno, the bishops Cunipert, Bern- hard, Hatto and Jesse, the bishop-elect Flaccus, and counts Helmgaud, Rothgar, and German^ He made his solemn entry into the city November 29th, under circumstances which in the eulogistic coloring of the Papal record exceeded in demonstrative enthusiasm the cordial and reverential greetings he had received on the journey. In the exuberance of their joy at his safe return I Job. Diac. Chronic, apud Murat. * Annal. Lauriss. Maxim., Einh., /. c. I., 2, p. 312. Lauresh., Petav., Vita Leon. III. all the ecclesiastical dignitaries, and the lower clergy, together with the nobles, senators, military, the entire peo- ple, the ladies sanctimonial, the deaconesses, the most noble matrons, and, in fine, the entire female population, likewise the united Schools of foreigners, to wit, Franks, Frisians, Saxons, and Lombards, went conjointly out to the Milvian Bridge, and with the banners and standards gayly waving, welcomed their pastor, and conducted him to St. Peter's, where Mass was said, and all took the Holy Com- munion.'^ On the next day they led him with similar demonstrations of joy into the city, and thus proceeded with him to the Lateran. The royal missi, a few days later, assembled in the tri- clinium of that palace, and began their inquisition into the causes of the late rebellion. Paschalis, Campulus and their accomplices underwent a searching examination, and being unable to substantiate their charges against Leo, the Court, after remaining more than a week in session, ordered their arrest, and sent them to Charles.^ The king undertook, as stated on a previous page, the journey to the coast, and conferred on his circular tour to the Holy Places with Angilbert, Alcuin, and Theodulf. Soon after, in the month of August, 800, he acquainted the Diet, assembled in Mayence, with his intention of visiting Italy. The ostensible reasons for his visit were: i, the exam- ination of the charges preferred against Leo, and in the event of their falsity, the punishment of the outrage; 2, the restoration of order and confidence at Rome and the regulation of the affairs of Italy in general ; 3, the chastise- ment of Benevento.3 He would fain have had the company of Alcuin, and the benefit of his counsel in the important business which he had in hand. He begged him to exchange the smoky roofs of Tours for the golden palaces of Rome. But his saintly 1 Anastas. apud Muratori, t. III., p. 198. 2 Ibid. p. 198 sq. — Flodoard, De pontif, Rom. ibid. III. b., 284. 3 Vita Caroli, cc. 27, 28 ; Annal. Lauriss., Einh., al., Capitul. Italic 801. 352 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. friend declined, saying he knew that Charles was familiar [was he personal?] with the excellent counsel of Solomon writ in Proverbs, xxi., 9. " And I will say in all peace," he added, '' that iron is more hurtful to the eyes than smoke. Tours with its smoked roofs is content, by divine permission and your kindness, to enjoy the blessings of peace, whereas Rome suffers from fraternal dissensions whose venom is still operative; but I trust that you, who have left your sweet German home with a view to destroy it, may be eminently successful in eradicating so hurtful a scourge." ' Charles, by this time, had doubtless sounded, and others, themselves inspired, had inspired the pontiff on the provi- dential leadings pointing so unmistakably to the necessity of a revival or restoration of the Roman empire in his per- son. There were many, and excellent reasons why such a restoration should take place.^ It was, moreover, a measure as familiar to the mind of Leo, who on prudential grounds would hardly have origi- nated it, as to Angilbert, Alcuin, and Theodulf of Orleans, with all of whom Charles had just conferred in their homes. The view of Alcuin, communicated the year before soon after the Roman outrage, may have suggested, prompted, or justified the measure. *' The three highest persons in the world," he says, in substance, '' are, first, the apostolic sublimity, wont to rule the chair of St. Peter ; second, the imperial dignity and the secular power of New Rome ; third, the regal dignity to which the goodness of the Lord Jesus Christ has advanced you, as the governor of Christendom. '' You are," says the Briton, in plain and suggestive speech, '' superior to the other dignities in power, wisdom, and the glory of your kingdom. On you alone depends the salvation of the Church ; you are the righteous judge that punishes the wicked ; you are the guide of all that err from ^ Migne, t. C, p. 331. IV. lib. X. ch. XIV. Von der Herstel- 2 They are well argued by Luden, lung der Kaiserwurde. Geschichte des deutschen Volks, vol. Chapter XIII.] CHARLES AND LEO III. 353 the truth ; you are the comforter of all that mourn, yea, you are the exceeding great rewarder of all good people." ' Thus wrote the abbot of St. Martin's, and the poetic bishop of Orleans echoes the sentiment in the following lines : "You are the righteous judge that punishes the wicked and rewards the' good. Whatever you do, may it thus turn out by the favor of God. You are the shield of the pontiff, the hope and defence of the clergy, through you^ the pontiff wields his sacred office."^ ,1. t^-K.-t^ . Such language, from such men, and at such a juncture, was more than oratorical flourish ; one feels tempted, in the absence of all authentic information on this instructing theme, to read between the lines, reason, speculate and even listen, for the nonce, to the tittle-tattle of the loqua- cious Monk of St. Gall. The saying of children and the other folk, whom one must not name, comes up, as one reads the story as it ran in the monastery, to wit, that his holiness, deeming it to be the will of God that the invinci- ble Charles, already wielding imperial power and directing the destinies of most of the nations of the earth, ought, by and under apostolical authority, to be likewise endued with the names of Emperor, Caesar, and Augustus, bade him come for that purpose to the city of Rome.-^ 'Alcuini Epist.no. ii4(Jaffe). 2 Monach. Sangall. apud Bouquet, v., p. 117. 23 CHAPTER XIV. THE CORONATION. Reception of Charles at Rome. — Trial of Leo. — His exculpation. — Symbolical gifts from Jerusalem. — Debate on the restoration of the empire. — The Coronation: Charles crowned and anointed "emperor;" Charles the younger " king." — Offerings. — Statement of Einhard examined. — Judgment on the conspirators. — Imperial prerogatives at Rome. §00] It is known that the expedition conducted by Charles and his son Pepin made a halt of only one week at Ravenna and proceeded to Ancona, whence Pepin, by com- mand of his father, led it through the duchy of Spoleto and invaded Benevento, while Charles, with whom we are now concerned, continued the journey in the direction of Rome. On the twenty-third day of November he was met at Momen- tum (the modern Mentana), situated at the fourteenth^ mile-stone from the city, by Leo and the Roman Senate, who received him with great humility and honor. After a joint meal the pope returned to the city in order to make the necessary preparations for the reception due to the illus- trious visitor, who spent the night at Momentum.^ On the following day, all Rome hastened forth to greet their potent patrician ; the road was lined with eager and enthusiastic multitudes, the native military, and the foreign Schools with their ensigns and standards, singing the cus- tomary lauds. The royal procession at last drew near to the venerable basilica of St. Peter, where Leo together with the hierarchy and clergy of the city awaited the king on the platform of the magnificent marble staircase. Charles dismounted and solemnly ascended the stairs ; Leo received him, offered a prayer of thanksgiving, and con- ducted him, amid psalms of praise, into the church.^ » Not the twelfth, as some of the annals state. — Nibby ; Gregorovius. 2 Annal. Lauriss., Einh., Maxim.; Chron. Regin., Moiss. 3 Annal. I.auriss., Einh.; V. Leon. III. Chapter XIV.] THE CORONATION. 355 An entire week was devoted to rest, and probably to pre- liminary work connected with the impending trial. Then followed the opening session of the Great Synod which he had convoked ; it consisted of the archbishops, bishops, abbots, presbyters, and deacons, together with the counts, and other Prankish nobles in attendance upon the king, as well as the Roman nobility and people. The Synod assem- bled in St. Peter's, and it is known that the archbishops of Mayence and Salzburg as well as the bishops of Orleans and Auxerre were present. The king s eldest son Charles and his daughters were also in Rome, but it does not appear that they attended the sessions of the Synod.' Charles, arrayed in the Roman costume of the patrician, to wit, a long tunic, a chlamys, and Roman shoes,=^ announced to the Synod the objects which had brought him to Rome, and charged it to investigate— doubtless under his own direction and presidency— the charges preferred against the pontiff.3 The account of the proceedings is confused, and, in some respects, contradictory. There is no doubt that they were protracted,^ for the Synod met December ist, and the solemn act of Leo did not take place until more than three weeks after. It was a most difficult matter; it was taken up first, and Charles entered into every detail with the greatest diligence.^ There is no reason to doubt that Paschalis and Campulus, together with their accomplices, were summoned to appear before the Court ; that the former had been brought for the pur- pose from beyond the Alps,— and were probably put to tor- ture, for the ominous word quaestio intimates as much.^ But they came only as witnesses then, for their own case was n(>t taken up until after Christmas. Charles discovered that there was no valid, legal foundation for their charges, but that they sprang from envy.^ On the other hand it is distinctly stated, and probably ^ Vita Leonis III., Annal. Lauresh., Lauriss., Einh. 2 Vita Caroli, c. 23. 3 Annal. Lauriss., EJnh., Maxim. 4 Annal. Lauriss., Einh., Maxim. 5 Annal. Einh. Lauresh. 6 Annal. Lauresh. 356 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter XIV.] THE CORONATION. 357 true, that the witnesses were cowed into silence; refused to testify against Leo ; that none was willing to assume the burden of proof.* It is also an established fact that the powerful influence ' of Alcuin in favor of the pontiff made itself felt in the elo- quent advocacy of his innocence by the archbishop of May- ence (Richulf) and the bishop of Orleans (Theodulf). And lastly, it is alleged, but not credible, that the archbishops, bishops, and abbots present, in response to the king's charge to adjudicate the case put in the plea of incompetency and with one voice exclaimed : '' We dare not sit in judgment upon the chair of St. Peter, which is the head of all the churches of God ; for that chair and its vicar is our lawful judge. That chair cannot be judged by any man, for thus it has been held from of old, and we are ready canonically to obey the pontiff, even as he may direct."^ Such a declaration, under the circumstances, and due regard being had to the relations of Charles to the popes and the Church at large, is inconceivable and seems to justify the conclusion, that the biographer of Leo is intentionally wrong.3 But be that as it may, the result is unchanged, for the / Synod did not pronounce a sentence ; the charges against / Leo were not proven, and it was left with him to clear him- self of them by oath, yet so that the solemn act should appear to be strictly voluntary on his part.'* According to Anastasius, Leo said after the aforesaid declaration of incompetency: " I desire to tread in the foot- steps of my predecessors, and am ready to purge myself ' Annal. Lauriss., Einh. Maxim., Enh. Fuld. "^ Vita Leonis III., Migne, t. CXXVIIL, 218. 3 So Dollinger, in MUnch. n. Jahrb. fUr 1865. Simson, /. tn was crowned and ^ See the authorities cited by Sim- anointed, repeated in otherwise re- son, /. c. II., 6. dence to that effect can be found in contemporary writers. Whoever is responsible for that given by a Roman cardinal we cannot tell, but as it is the form which, upon his authority, was afterwards used on similar occasions, it is here presented. It reads thus : " I, Charles, emperor, engage and promise, in the name of Christ, in the presence of God, and St. Peter the apostle, to protect and defend the Holy Roman Church in all things profitable to the same, and, God being my helper, to the best of my knowledge and ability." ' Mass being ended, Charles made a precious offering to St. Peter's, and extended his liberality both to that basilica and other churches. Thus we read that he presented imme- diately after the coronation a silver table, and, in conjunc- tion with his son Charles and his daughters, divers golden vessels, belonging to the table, weighing five hundred pounds ; this he followed up on the Feast of the Circum- cision, by a superb golden corona, ornamented with pre- cious stones, which was suspended over the altar, weighing fifty pounds, and on the Feast of the Epiphany by three golden chalices, forty-two pounds in weight, two for his children and one for himself, and a golden paten twenty-two pounds in weight. The basilica of St. Paul received a silver table, fifty-five pounds in weight, with sundry vessels thereto pertaining; the basilica of Constantine, a magnificent cross set with sapphires, an altar, and an cvangcliiim of purest gold, set with jewels, etc., etc. ; the pope also was made the recipient of magnificent- gifts, and he distributed three thousand pounds of silver among the poor." His biographer doubtless thought of these and previous offerings when he wrote : " He cherished the Church of St. 1 Baronius, t. ix., ad a. 800. "\ = Authorities for the coronation, etc. General: Annal. Einh,, Maxim., Lauriss., V. Leonis III., Vita Caroli, c. 28, and the lesser authorities cited in Simson, /. c. II., 235 sqq. Miihl- bacher, /. c, p. 147 sq. On the unction : V. Leonis III. ; Flodoard, /. c. (Muratori, col. 285) : cf. Theoph. Chronogr. /. r., p. 733 ; Const. Manasses, Compend, Chronic. V. 4517 sqq. On the offerings : Vita Leonis III.; Annal. Altah. in MG. SS. XX., 783 ; Nordhumbr. a. 800, cf. Vita Carol, c. 27. % ki 3^4 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter XIV.] THE CORONATION. 365 Peter the Apostle at Rome, above all other holy and sacred places, and heaped its treasury with a vast wealth of gold, silver, and precious stones. He sent great and countless gifts to the popes ; and throughout his whole reign the wish he had nearest at heart was to re-establish the ancient authority of the city of Rome under his care and by his influence, and to defend and protect the Church of St. Peter, and to beautify and enrich it out of his own store above all other churches." ' Such are the details of that important act, so long, laboriously, and thoughtfully prepared, and provided for, concerning which the biographer of Charles writes as fol- lows : *' It was then that he received the titles of Emperor, and Augustus, to which he had at first such an aversion, that he declared, that had he been able to foresee the pope's intention, he would not have set foot in the church the day they were bestowed, although it was a high festival." ' This passage is positively startling ; it takes one's breath away by its flat contradiction of all that had occurred since Leo's visit to Paderborn. One shrinks from applying the sting and stigma of hypocrisy to the high parties concerned in the transaction. Charles was certainly no hypocrite, still less the creature of Leo. Why, then, should he, how could he, have committed himself to so transparent an affectation ? History, as read in the Annals, the epistles of Hadrian and Alcuin, the verses of Theodulf, the Chronicle of John the Deacon, and the events culminating in the coronation, as just narrated, would require the absolute rejection of Einhard's statement, if it bore only one explanation, but; fortunately for his reputation as a trustworthy historian, it admits another, which does not lie on the surface. The impending coronation, so long and ardently desired, could not have been a surprise to anybody, least of all to Charles. The surprise was the unexpected, unforeseen, and auda- cious act of Leo. The crown lay on the altar ; Charles had knelt in prayer, and was in the act of advancing, on bended knee and in reverential adoration, to the altar, for the purpose of taking the crown and with the intention of placing it on his head with his own hands, when Leo, in an access of irresistible impulse, some say, by inspiration, seized the diadem, and performed the coronation. The solemnity of the moment, and regard for decorum, moved Charles to repress his indignation, and tolerate the unwar- ranted and unauthorized improvisation. But he divined the pontiff's motive, and dreading the consequences of his officious interference, as a most dangerous precedent which might be cited in support of the papal claim to the be- stowal of the imperial crown, tried to correct it on the occasion of his son's institution as his successor. Viewed in this light, it is credible, and highly probable, that the reception of his imperial titles, under such circumstances, filled him at first " with such an aversion that he declared that he would not have set foot in the church the day that they were conferred, although it was a great feast-day, if he could have foreseen the design of the pope." ' This construction is confirmed by the circumstances attending the coronation of Louis, when neither the pope nor any other ecclesiastic placed the crown on his head but he himself commanded Louis to take it from off the altar and set it on his own head.^ Einhard says, that Charles placed it on his head, but he is doubtless inaccurate in that statement.^ That feeble monarch allowed himself to be persuaded that the act was not sufficient, and not only submitted to a second coronation at St. Remi by Pope Stephen V. (who brought the crown along with him, which later writers said was that of the Emperor Constantine), but to unction.^ The reader will bear in mind that Einhard wrote the biog- raphy of Charles in the reign of Louis and his own saga- city may supply the rest. ' Vita Caroli, c. 27. » Ibid. c. 28. « Vita Caroli, c. 2S. * Thegan. c. 6. 3 Vita Caroli, c. 30, cf. Einh. Annal. 4 a. 816. — Thegan. cc. 16, 17 ; Erm. Nig. /. c. II., 451. ,/ !F I" 366 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. Chapter XIV.] IMPERIAL RIGHTS. 367 V The coronation of Charles as emperor of the Romans necessarily abolished his title of " patrician," and sundered the bond of union which had so long existed between the ancient Rome of the West, and the New Rome of the East. A sarcastic Greek, in not over-complimentary phrase, calls it the separation of '' New Rome, the beautiful maiden, from the wrinkled Old Rome." ^ Some papal writers de- scribe the transaction which was manifestly a coup d'etat, and an act of usurpation, as a transfer of the empire, by Leo, to Charles. But neither had the Empress Irene renounced her rights, nor Leo, her vassal, acquired any, except by the danger- ous and astounding fiction of the Vicar of St. Peter's title to all the kingdoms of the earth. The notion of a transfer, therefore, is absurd. The Western empire, more- over, had practically ceased to exist, and this shows that the event of the coronation was not, and could not be, in any sense, a transfer, but a renewal or restoration, and this was manifestly the view taken at the time, as attested by commemorative coins still extant, bearing the legend, Renovatio Imperii^ that is, the Restoration of the Empire. It is, therefore, more correct to say that Leo restored the title of the imperial office, which more than three centuries before lapsed with Momyllus Augustulus, the last emperor of the West, in order that the Church of Rome might have in Charles a protector against the machinations of heretics and tumultuous persons, an office which the emperors of the East appeared to have relinquished long before.* 801] It remains to state that a few days after the corona- tion the emperor sat in judgment upon the promoters of the conspiracy against Leo. The facts established against them appear to have been overwhelming ; it is said that during the examination, which at one time, at least, included the confrontation of the accused, Campulus cried out to Pascha- lis : " It was an evil hour in which I saw thy face, for it is I Constant. Manass. Chron. Syn. perii, I., 4 ; Sigonius, De regni Ital , = Baronius ; Bellarm. De Trans/, ivi- ad a. 801 ; Pagi, ad a. 800, No. 10. thou who hast brought me into this peril." ' Their mutual incriminations established the guilt of all, and under Roman law they were tried for the crime of high treason, and sen- tenced to death. Leo interceded for them successfully, while the emperor granted them life, forbade their mutila- tion, and sent them into exile in Francia.'' The statement that only the most distinguished con- spirators had the benefit of executive clemency, and that three hundred of the rest were executed with the sword, or hung, is remanded to the realm of fable.^ A concluding paragraph of this section may be devoted to a brief outline of the imperial power at Rome. The emperor had the prerogative of revising the election of the pope, who could not be consecrated without his express approbation. It was required *' that the decree of the elec- tion, duly furnished with the signatures of the electors, should be sent by the hands of ambassadors to the emperor for his written approbation."'* He had the right of exact- ing the oath of allegiance from the Romans.^ He had the right of sending his missi into the papal possessions, and they sometimes discharged the duties of their office in so objectionable and injudicious a manner as to draw forth a mild protest on the part of Leo. They disregarded the authority and feelings of the pontiff in the arbitrary re- moval of many people from one place to another, and the imposition of onerous taxes, even to the extent that the pontifical dukes were unable to collect and remit his own dues.^ There is also of record an instance in which the emperor, as was his wont elsewhere, exercised supreme judicial func- ^ Vita Leonis III., Migne, t. CXXVIIL, 1218. 2 Annal. Lauriss., Einh., Maxim. Vita Leon. III. 3 Annal. Einh., Maxim., Guelf. a. 800. — Annal. Nordhumbr. a. 800 ; Libell. de imper. pot. MG. SS., HI., 720; Ekkehard. Chron. 801, ib. VI., 169. 4 Simson, /. c. II., 245 and the notes, containing all the authorities in extenso. ■iThegan. 16, MG. SS. II., 594. Vita Sergii. II., apud Murat. Rer. It. SS. III., I, p. 228. Flodoard. ib. III., 2, 292. ^ Leon. ep. 2 (a. 808), ed. Jaffe, IV., 312. 368 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book II. tions in the city of Rome, and at the time immediately following his coronation. He sat in St. Peter's where the bishop of Arezzo appeared as plaintiff against the bishop of Siena in the matter of the monastery of St. Ansanus and other churches, of which he and his predecessor in the see of Siena had unjustly deprived him, and now prayed for their restoration to the jurisdiction of Arezzo. Charles taking cognizance of the sentence, ren- dered at his request by the pope and other bishops present, ordered, according to Canon Law, the restoration of the ancient possessions of the church of Arezzo, and issued his diploma under date, March 4, 801.' These facts agree in all points with the tenor of an entire capitulum, claiming on the part of Charles supreme juris- diction throughout those parts of Italy which obeyed his sceptre, and embraced, of course, the papal possessions.^ BOOK III » Bolimer-Muhlbacher, /. r., p. 149, No. 363; Sickel, K., 173 1 Simson, /. c, II., 248. 2 Capitulare Italicum, apud Bore- tius, /. c, p. 119 ; Bohmer-Muhl- bacher, /. c. No. 366. THE IMPERIAL PERIOD, BOOK III. THE IMPERIAL PERIOD. CHAPTER I. THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. The imperial "Title." — Forms of oath of allegiance. — The Diet: times of meeting, and method of business, in Committee, and in Joint Assembly. — Activity of the monarch. — Executive, and other officers. — Charles, supreme Judge. — His policy towards conquered provinces. — Military service: — " Capitulary of Boulogne. " — Missi. — Despotism of the Caroline government. — Kpopular ratification. — The Capitularies. — Their classification. — Exam- ples : Heristal, 779 ; Frankfort, 794 ; Thionville, 805 or 806, — Legislative ability of Charles. — The " Provincial Synods : " their work, and its redac- tion by Charles. — Abstract of canons. §01] One of the first authentic tokens of the change introduced in the administration of the Prankish realm appears in the preamble to the legal instrument named at the close of the preceding chapter. The phraseology is strikingly peculiar, and reads as follows : " Charles, by divine command crowned, ruling the Roman Empire, Serenissimus Augustus, to all dukes, cotints, pre- fects, and all others of our clemency set in authority through- out Italy, greeting. In the year of the Incarnation of our Lord DCCCL, of the Indiction IX., of our reign in Francia XXXIIL, in Italy XXVIII., and of our Consulate I."^ It differs in some respects from the new title, found in almost all ofificial documents of later date, of the tenor here set forth : " Charles Serenissimus Augustus by God crowned I Baluzius, I., 346 ; Boretius, /. r., 119. 372 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book HI. Chapter I.] THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. 373 great and pacific emperor, ruling the Roman Empire, and by divine mercy King of the Franks and Lombards."' A similar change was introduced in the important form of the oath of allegiance so often mentioned in the course of this history. The old form ran thus : " I declare and promise without fraud and malice that I am, and will be, faithful to my lord King Charles, and his sons, all the days of my life." ^ Its terrible simplicity was well understood throughout the Prankish dominions, and the consequences of its infrac- tion may be illustrated by the fate of the Saxons and Avars, the fall of the Lombards, the degradation of Tassilo, and hosts of others. The new oath, prescribed to be administered by special missi throughout the realm to all persons, from twelve years upward, was set forth in two forms, one for those who took it the first time, and another for those who had taken it to the king, and were now required to renew it to the emperor. The former swore : "■ I promise on oath that from this day forward I am faithful to lord Charles, the most pious emperor, son of King Pepin and Berthana his queen, with a pure mind, without fraud or malice, of my part to his part, and to the honor of his government, as of law a man is bound to be to his master. So help me God and the patronage. of the Saints, whose relics are in this place, because all the days of my life I will thus attend and of my own free consent, according to the light to me vouchsafed." The latter swore : *' I repromise on oath to lord Charles, the most pious emperor, son of King Pepin and Berthana, that I am faith- ful as of law a man is bound to be to his master, both as touching his reign and his rights. And this oath, which I have taken, I will, and intend to keep, so far as I know and understand, from this day forth. So help me God, who made heaven and earth, and the patronage of these Saints."' Special missi had instructions to administer this oath to every subject, cleric, or layman and explain it publicly, in order that all persons might understand it in all its bear- ings. They were most comprehensive, covering not only fideUty to the emperor throughout life, and binding the subject on no pretence to facilitate the ingress of enemies ; aid in, abet, or conceal any act of unfaithfulness on the part of others, but enjoining him to keep the laws of God, refrain from withholding anything belonging to the emperor, from acts of violence against churches, widows, and stran- gers, on the ground that next to God the emperor is bound to hold such under his immediate protection. It warned him, moreover, to refrain from the alienation of imperial fiefs, the neglect of the heerbami, and, in the case of counts, from unlawful or corrupt dispensation from the same, from every kind of disobedience, and from the corrupt or unjust administration of the law. ' Sickel, U. Z., 263. » Capital, a. 789. — Baluz. I., 241, 243, c. 2 ; Boretius, /. c, 67. ^ Capitul. a. 802 ; Baluz. I., 362 ; Boretius, 71. Text of the forms of oath. I.— Old Oath. *' Sic promitto ego ille partibus domini mei Caroli regis, et filiorum eius, quia fidelis sum et ero diebus vitae meoe, sine fraude et malo ingenio.'* II.— New Oaths. I. " Sacramentale qualiter promitto ego quod ab isto die inantei fidelis sum Domno Karolo piissimo Imperatori, filio Pippini Regis et Berthanae Reginae, pura mente, absque fraude et malo ingenio de mea p^e ad suam partem, et ad honorem regni sui, sicut per drictum debet esse homo domino suo. Sic me adiuvet Deus, et ista Sanctorum patrocinia quae in hoc loco sunt, quia diebus vitse mese per meam voluntatem, in quantum mihi Deus intellectum dederit, sic attendam et consentiam.'* 2. "Sacramentale qualiter repromitto ego Domno Karolo piissimo Imperatori, filio Pippini Regis et Berthanae, fidelis sum sicut homo per drictum debet esse domino suo, ad suum regnum et ad suum rectum. Et illud sacramentum, quod iuratum habeo, custodeam et custodire volo, in quantum ego scio et intelligo, ab isto die inantei. Sic me adiuvet Deus qui coelum et terram creavit, et ista Sanctorum patrocinia." — Baluz. I., 378. 374 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. It was a most solemn and important act, and left no loop- hole of escape to any tempted to take it lightly, unadvis- edly, or with mental reservation.' Before passing to the consideration of the legislation of Charles, as the most striking characteristic of the imperial period of his reign, it seems appropriate to glance at the constitution, method, and rules of order observed at the Diets, placita, or Annual Assemblies, at which the laws were made and promulgated. Our sketch follows the account of Adalhard, abbot of Corbie, the cousin-german of Charles, his trusted, loved, and highly-honored confidential adviser and friend. It was originally in the form of a treatise unfortunately lost. But Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, who in early youth was personally acquainted with Adalhard, fortunately read and copied the lost treatise, and was able to reproduce it about the close of the ninth century for the guidance of certain nobles seeking his advice with respect to the government of Carloman, son of Louis the Stammerer.^ It specified among other matters that the status of the whole empire consisted of two grand divisions, one contain- ing the fixed and permanent constitution of the Court, the other defining the policy to be followed in the government of the entire monarchy. Among the provisions laid down for the holding of the Diet are these : " It was customary at this time to hold two Assemblies every year, one in spring, of a general character, and another in autumn, attended only by the most prominent seniors and counsellors. ... " In both, that they might not seem to have been con- voked without motive, there were submitted, ... by virtue of royal order, the fragments of law, called capitula, which the king himself had drawn up under the inspiration of God, or the necessity for which had been manifested to him in the intervals between the meetings. . . . " On these communications they deliberated two or three ^ Capit. missonim generale, 1-9, //. cc. ^ Ep. Hincmar. de ord. etoffic. palat apud Duchesne, 11., p. 490 sqq. Chapter I.] THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. 375 days more according to the importance of the business. Palace messengers, going and coming, took their questions and carried back the answers. No stranger came near the place of their meeting until the result of their deliberations had been submitted to the scrutiny of the great prince, who then, with the wisdom he had received from God, adopted a resolution which all obeyed. " Thus things went on for one or two capitularies, or a greater number, until, with God's help, all the necessities «i the occasion were regulated. '' Whilst these matters were thus proceeding out of tlic kirig s presence, the prince himself, in the midst of the multi- tude, came to the General Assembly, was occupied in receiv- ing the presents, saluting the men of most note, conversing with those he saw seldom, showing towards the elder a tender interest, disporting himself with the youngsters, and doing the same thing, or something like it, with the ecclesi- astics as well as the seculars. However, if those who were deliberating about the matter submitted to their examina- tion, showed a desire for it, the king repaired to them and remained with them as long as they wished ; and then they reported to him with perfect familiarity what they thought 'about all matters, and what were the friendly discussions that had arisen amongst them. *' I must not forget to say that, if the weather were fine, everything took place in the open air ; otherwise, in several distinct buildings, where those who had to deliberate on the king s proposals were separated from the multitude of per- sons come to the Assembly, and then the men of greater note were admitted. *' The places appointed for the meeting of the lords were divided into two parts, in such sort that the bishops, the abbots, and the clerics of high rank might meet without mixture with the laity. '' In the same way the counts and other chiefs of the State underwent separation, in the morning, until, whether the king was present or absent, all were gathered together ; then the lords above specified, the clerics on their side, and 37^ CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Chapter I.] THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. 177 > the laics on theirs, repaired to the hall whiCli had been assigned to them, and where seats had been with due honor prepared for them. '* When the lords, laical and ecclesiastical, were thus separated from the multitude, it remained in their power to sit separately or together, according to the nature of the business they had to deal with, ecclesiastical, secular, or mixed. In the same way, if they wished to send for one, cither to demand refreshment, or to put any question and lo dismiss him after getting what they wanted, it was at their option. Thus took place the examination of affairs proposed to them by the king for deliberation. ( " The second business of the king was to ask of each what there was to report to him, or enlighten him touching the part of the kingdom each had come from. Not only was this permitted to all, but they were strictly enjoined to make inquiries, during the interval between the Assemblies, about what happened within or without the kingdom ; and they were bound to seek knowledge from foreigners as well as natives, enemies as well as friends, sometimes by employing emissaries, and without troubling themselves much about the manner in which they acquired their in- formation. The king wished to know whether in any part, in any corner of the kingdom, the people were restless, and what was the cause of their restlessness ; or whether there had happened any disturbance to which it was necessary to draw the attention of the Council-General, and other similar matters. ) *' He sought also to know whether any of the subjugated nations were inclined to revolt ; whether any of those that had revolted seemed disposed towards submission, and whether those that were still independent were threatening the kingdom with any attack. On all these subjects, when- ever there was any manifestation of disorder or danger, he demanded chiefly what were the motives or occasion of them." The decisions, resolutions, decrees, precepts, and capitu- laries enacted by the Annual Assembly passed into the hands of tlT« Executive, always in attendance upon the per- son, or within call of the monarch, in the palace, which, during the last years of his reign, was established at Aix-la- Chapelle. (Although/an autocracy, pure and simple, the government of Charles was patriarchal, paternal, and even domestic.) The whole realm was his family and household, over which he presided as father, and his queen as mother. All matters of etiquette and ceremony, the annual gifts of the soldiers, and the general conduct of palatial and domes- tic affairs devolved officially upon the queen.' The military estate was the foundation of the Caroline government ; it was the avenue to preferment, and, with few exceptions, all civil officers were also soldiers ; those who were not soldiers were ecclesiastics. The chief officers, few in number, will be considered separately ; of the Vest it may suffice to indicate the name and nature of their functions. The Arch-Chaplain, also called Custodian of the Palace, and apocrisiarius, literally the answer-giver, was the sover- eign's eye, ear, and mouth, his privy councillor, notary, and secretary. All matters spiritual and ecclesiastical passed through his hands, and as these, in the reign of Charles, were of supreme importance, it follows that his office was first in dignity and influence. The Arch-Chaplain was also clothed with judiciary powers second only to those of the monarch. This high office was held successively by Folrad, abbot of St. Denis, Angilram, bishop of Metz, and Hildibald, archbishop of Cologne. Among other functions which he held was that of Dean of the Royal, or Imperial Chapel, an establishment to which quite a number of distinguished men were permanently attached. It was of a collegiate character, and Maginarius, Angilbert, the presbyter Zacharias and others belonged to it. The Arch-Chaplain seems to have shared the vast burden of his portfolio with the Chancellor, whose duties appear to * Hincmar, /. c.y c. XIII. 378 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book IH. have been of a similar character. He stood in near personal relations to the sovereign, and held a post answering to that of a modern Prime-Minister, or Secretary of State. It is known that Hitherius, Rado, Ercanbald, Jeremias, and Einhard, successively discharged the duties of the chan- cellorship. Next in importance and influence was the office of the Count Palatine, which seems to have combined the functions of a supreme judge and those of a minister of police. "Among the countless other matters pertaining to his department were all law suits, no matter where they might have originated, which came up for final adjudication, in order that justice and equity might prevail, and all false or unjust decisions undergo correction conformably to the law of God and that of established usage. Cases not provided for in the Codes, or belonging to laws in conflict with the spirit and genius of Christianity, the Count Palatine was obliged to refer to the king. The latter, on such occasions, took the opinion of good and learned lawyers, fearing God more than man, with a view to determining the true merits of such cases, and deciding them, if possible, by the law of God or of man ; but if that could not be done, the human code had to yield to the divine, in order that the justice of God might prevail." ' Modern lawyers may smile or tremble at the thought of such herculean labor. Perhaps it sounds more tremendous than it really was, for we learn, on the same authority, that the Executive was supplied with a numerous corps of prudent, intelligent, and honest men, who wrote the royal precepts *' without exorbitant venality of cupidity, and faith- fully kept the confidential matters therein contained."^ Such exemplary fidelity, trustworthiness, and purity would deserve to be held up to the admiration and imita- tion of all government officers, if the picture were only true. We may believe, or doubt, if the saintly Adalhard thought so. The good archbishop of Rheims doubtless cited him as I Hincmar, /. c, c. XXI. 2 Ibid. c. XVI. Annal. Lauresh. a. 802. Chapter I.] THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. 379 his authority, but unfortunately his good opinion is flatly contradicted by numerous Capitularies and the Annals. The other officers were : the Chamberlain or Custodian of the Treasury ; the Seneschal, or Marshal set over the rest of the servants, and over the table ; the Constable was Master of the Horse; the buticularius, or Chief Butler, had charge of the cellar; the maiisionarius, or Quarter-master General had the duty of providing ''mansions" or quarters for the Court and strangers. There were four Masters of the Hunt; a Chief Falconer ; a Chief Door-keeper; ^. sacel- larius, or Custodian of the Fiscus, was probably only a janitor ; a Master of the Wardrobe ; there were likewise Masters of the wicker enclosures of the Game, Masters of the Hounds, and Masters of the Beavers.^ The policy of Charles towards the conquered provinces bore harder on the deposed princes than on their subjects ; the Lombards and Bavarians fared as well under his rule as under that of their former masters ; perhaps, on the whole, their absorption into the Frankish dominion made life less burdensome and more enjoyable. As to the princes, they were made harmless by the simple expedient of sending them to the cells of monasteries out- side their dominions, where, free from the perplexing cares and distractions of this naughty world, they might repent them of their sins, and make their peace with God. There they found peace, and ultimately— a grave. Their places, shorn of the attributes of sovereignty, Charles gave to loyal Franks, who under the title of Duke administered the provinces as local governors, and at his pleasure. The term " duke " in his reign lost its political significance, and designated not a sovereign or prince, but a military leader. The Counts, centenarii or Hundreders, as well as the I For full details on these several buticularius ; comes siahuli ; mansio- officers, their functions, etc., see Du- nanus; venator; falconarius ; ostiar- cange, and the older glossaries under: ius ; sacellarius ; dispensator scapoar- Apocrisiarius ; cancellarius ; comes dus ; ber sarins ; veltrarius j beverar- palatii ; camerarius ; senescalcus ; ius. 380 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book IH. Chapter!.] THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. 381 thungini retained the status they had held in Merovingian times ; but the power of the first, as well as their dignity, became greater. They were directly responsible to the crown, and often in their respective cantons, '" counties," ox gauen the highest functionaries in a military, judicial, and administrative capacity. The other judicial ofificers named were petty judges, in- ferior to the Counts, with functions restricted to trifling matters, for as they lacked the competence of taking cogni- zance of cases of life and death, liberty and property, it is evident that they were only police magistrates. By far the most onerous duty devolving upon the people and flowing from the iron-clad oath of allegiance was the obligation to military service. This topic has already engaged our attention in another connection ; ' but additional interesting details, drawn from one of the capitularies relating to it, are now in place. The bill recites : 1. That every freeman is liable to military service and, in the event of failure, subject to a fine of sixty solidi, called the heerbann, or the loss of his liberty, if he cannot pay the fine ; the payment of the fine restores him to freedom ; death alone annuls the obligation. 2. Two-thirds of the heerbann are payable to the sover- eign, one-third to the count. Gold, silver, clothes, arms, game, and serviceable cattle are legal tender, but land and slaves are not legal tender, in payment of the bann. 3. Delinquent beneficed persons, tardy in responding to the call for field service, are to undergo the punishment of subsisting on bread and water only for as many days as they are late. 4. The crime of herisliz, or desertion from before the * enemy, to be a capital offence. 5. Refusal of a beneficed person to serve with his equal, to be punished with the loss of his benefice. 6. Absolute defence of a demand for drink before the enemy. Inebriates in the army to be put on water. . . . fi I See p. 103. \ 'J The eighth article is given in full : " Ordered, that preparation for war follow ancient usage, as here set forth, to wit, ' victuals from the marche ' for three months, arms and clothing for half a year. Which is to be understood as follows : For soldiers marching from the Rhine to the Loire, the Loire is the point where their victualling begins, but those marching from the Loire to the Rhine must have their three months' supply from the Rhine, while those living beyond the Rhine and marching through Saxony to the Elbe will understand that the Elbe is their ' marche ; * and lastly those living beyond the Loire and under orders to march into Spain, will understand that the Pyrenees are their ' marche.' " ' It may not be superfluous to explain that as the victual- ling had to be supplied by the soldier, and the three months counted from the '* marche," it follows that he had likewise to provide for his support to and from the '' marche," which sometimes amounted to many days beside. As a rule the people were guaranteed the benefit of established usage and judgment under their own laws, pro- vided they did not conflict with the numerous capitularies, promulgated at an alarming but doubtless necessary rate, for the laudable purpose of furthering the ends of justice and equity, and of correcting the defects and errors of the national laws. But as these were not only uncodified^ throughout the greater period of this reign, but most loosely and shamefully administered, it stands to reason that such a system was open to the gravest objections, and far too complicated to work smoothly. Even the institution of missi, or special commissioners, clothed with extraordinary visitatory powers, and chosen— at least during the imperial period— from the purest, most afifluent and able of dignitaries, secular and ecclesiastic, was inadequate to the correction of abuses arising from the I Capitul. Bonon. apud Boretius I., exercit. in placito tractanda, a. 811, 166 sqq. Cf. the Capitulary named Boretius, I., 164. in n. I, p. 104 ; and Capitula de rebus ^ The first codification was made in 803. 382 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. avarice, arrogance, and incompetence of many counts and their subordinates. The despotism of the whole government of Charles was opposed to popular co-operation and decentralization. Lib- erty, as understood, say in Great Britain and the United States, was not only unknown, but inconceivable to Charles, who was undoubtedly the most liberal and intelligent man of his age, and in many of his views about five centuries in advance of his servants in or out of the Church. The reports of the inissi led to new acts of legislation, as they occurred to the father of the vast Prankish fatherland, and explain the singular repetitions found in the capitularies. A good illustration of the insufficiency of the Old Codes and their attempted amelioration by means of additions, together with the method observed for their ratification, is found in the brief preamble to the so-called Supplementary Capitula to the Salian Code, which are also embodied in the Ripuarian, Bavarian and Lombard Codes. It reads as follows : '' In the name of Christ here begin the capitula of the 803] law of the emperor Charles lately set forth {inventd) in the third year of our most clement lord Charles Augustus. "■ In the said year these capitula were made and com- mitted to Count Stephen for proclamation in the City of Paris at a public mall, and reading therein before the scabini. This having been done, all with one consent assented thereto, promising to observe them from that day forth for all time to come ; and this all the scabini, bishops, abbots and counts confirmed under their own hand." ^ In Italy they were simply '' proclaimed " without a popu- lar ratification, and this arbitrary act gave rise to consider- able trouble.^ The ratification, of course, was a transparent farce, for since the missi chose the scabini, and the bishops, abbots and counts present were bound to say " yea " to whatever came to them by imperial command, the unanimous accep- * MG. Leges, I., 2, p. 112. = Epist. Carol. 27 (Jaffe) ; cf. capp. I., I, apud Boretius. Chapter!.] THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. 383 tation and confirmation of the said laws by the mall was a foregone conclusion ; even if the public, in a much wider sense, was present in the mall, and voted upon the laws, their vote doubtless confirmed that of the scabini, etc., for the Latin language, in which they were written, was unin- telligible to them, the whole mall was made up oi Jamanner, i. e., of men whq said '' yea " to whatever the rnissus, and after him the scabini, might propose. The whole proceeding strikingly resembles the famous pUbiscites of Napoleon III., and the cut-and-dried business at the public meetings of political parties. The Ca^ ularies open so vast, diversified, and instructive a range of topics that it is difficult to drop them, after they have been taken up. They contain by far the truest history of the times, and shed light on matters which the Annals, Chronicles, and Letters of the period touch only slightly, or wholly conceal. They are indispensable to this history, and, in fact, no person can write intelligently of Charles and his reign, or essay the portraiture of his age, without studying them in the light of the magnificent help provided by the laborious zeal of recent German investigators.' — They , are very numerous,^ and touch almost every con- ceivable subject in the realm of religion and the daily life of the period. They contain, according to one enumeration, eleven hundred and fifty-one articles or capitula, of which eighty-seven belong to morals, two hundred and seventy- three to politics, one hundred and thirty to penal provisions, one hundred and ten to civil subjects, eighty-five to religion, three hundred and five to Canon Law, seventy-three to domestic matters, and twelve to miscellaneous themes, or topics of circumstance.3 j This enumeration with analysis, may pass for general pur- poses, but the new material recovered will yield very differ- ent results.* X I refer more particularly to the * See the list, Appendix G. works of Boretius, Ficker, Sickel, 3 Guizot, Hist, de la Civiliz. en Bohmer-MUhlbacher, and Abel-Sim- France, t. II., p. 146 sqq. son, so frequently cited in this volume. 4 See the list, Appendix G. V 384 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book HI. Space fails us to enter fully into the subject, and the synopsis, without comment, of three capitularies, belonging to the three separate periods of the reign of Charles, must suffice in evidence of the statements made. I. Capitulary set forth in the Diet holden at Heristal in the month of March, 779. 1. Enjoins Suffragan Bishops to obey the Metropolitan as the Canons provide. 2. Enjoins the immediate consecration of Bishops not yet consecrated. 3. Enjoins the inmates of monasteries and convents to live according to the Rule. 4. Confirms the canonical jurisdiction of diocesans over their clergy. 5. Grants to Bishops executive power over incestuous persons, and widows. 6. Forbids the reception or ordination of stranger clerics. 7. Enjoins tithes and their use as the Bishop directs. 8. Denies the right of asylum and support to murderers and criminals under sentence of death who have taken sanctuarv in a church. 9. Enjoins the extradition of robbers from places of im- munity to the Count's Court on pain of loss of fief or payment of the bann. 10. Adjudges a perjurer to the loss of his hand, accords to the plaintiff the privilege of proof by the Ordeal of the Cross, but enjoins the use of lawful means in more important cases and especially in cases relating to liberty. II. Treats of the punishment of robbers, and of unjust sentences. 12. Enjoins the observance of the laws set forth by his father Pepin. 13. Enjoins the payment of tithe and the ninth, with in- terest, on rented ecclesiastical possessions, the renewal and recording of precarious possessions \^precaricB\ and discriminates between prccarice de verbo nostra and those voluntarily entered into. Chapter I.] THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. 385 14. Prohibits trustes. 15. Enjoins the observance of established regulations con- cerning tributarii ecclesiariim. 16. Prohibits guilds requiring members to take an oath, but freely permits associations for mutual aid in fire and shipwreck not requiring the taking of an oath. 17. Accords to travellers protection from bands [of rob- bers?], and limits the supply of provender to the military and missi. 18. Forbids the levying of tolls previously forbidden. 19. Forbids the sale of serfs except in presence of a Bishop, Count, Arch-deacon, Hundreder, etc., or other persons of good repute, and not beyond the marche. 20. Forbids the export of corslets [brunia — loricd]. 21. Regulates the process of such to whom justice has been denied. 22. Regulates the process in cases where the penalty for feud is refused to be received or paid. 23. Prescribes the punishment of robbers.' II. Capitular e, set forth in the Synod of Frankfort, con- vened by papal authority and royal command, in the twenty- sixth year of the reign of Charles. 1. Condemnation of the Adoptian heresy of Elipandus, Bishop of Toledo, and Felix, Bishop of Urgel. 2. Condemnation of the Constantinopolitan decree on Image Worship. 3. Proceedings in the matter of Tassilo. 4. Tariff on cereals and bread; injunction to the royal lieges, or beneficiaries, not to allow any of their serfs ^ to die of starvation, and to sell first the stored sur- plus. 5. Legalization of the new denarii, with fines. 6. Jurisdiction of bishops over their clergy; co-operation of the counts ; metropolitans and their suffragans to 1 Boretius, Capit. 57 ; B6hmer- born, and without any right to go MUhlbacher, no. 213. elsewhere without the consent of 2 Serfs, that is, persons compelled to their lord, or master, labor on the soil where they were 25 \ 386 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book HI Chapter!.] THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. 387 7. 8. 9- 10. II. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17- 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23- 24. 25. 26. be a Court of Appeal in the second instance, the king in the last instance. Residence enjoined upon bishops and the parochial clergy. Decision of the difference between Bishop Ursio of Vienne, and the advocate of Bishop Elifant of Aries, etc. Decree concerning the purgation of Bishop Peter (Petrus) of Verdun, etc. Deposition of Bishop Gaerbod, upon his own confes- sion of not having been ordained deacon or priest. Of the exclusion of monks from secular affairs, and judicial proceedings. Reclusi must have the approbation of the bishop and the abbot. The abbot to sleep with his monks. Qualification of cellarists in monasteries. Of monasteries containing the bodies of saints. No money to be exacted from persons entering a monastery. No abbot to be elected without the bishop's consent. Abbots prohibited to blind or mutilate monks. Clerics forbidden to frequent taverns. Bishops required to know the Canons and the Rule. Sunday observance. Bishops not to be appointed in small towns and villages. Stranger serfs not to be ordained or received without the approbation of their masters. Of clerics and monks retaining their vocation. Ecclesiastical beneficiaiyes bound to pay the ninth, tithe, and rent ; payment of tithe on personal property, with reference to the experience during the year of the great famine (a. 793) of vacuus annonas a daemonu bus devoratas^ Beneficiaries bound to keep their churches in repair. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31- 32. 33- 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39- 40. 41. ' See p. 308. 42. 43- 44. 45. 46. Clerics forbidden to take a new cure, etc., without episcopal approbation. Absolute ordinations forbidden. Bishops enjoined to provide for the education of well- qualified successors. Disputes betwixt clerics to be decided by Canon Law, those betwixt clerics and laics by the joint action of the bishop and the count. Prohibition and dissolution of conjiirationcs et conspi- rationes. Of the conservation of monasteries. Of preaching on the Catholic dogma of the Trinity, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed. Against cupidity and covetousness. Of hospitality. Of the disqualification of vicious persons as plaintiffs against nobles and bishops. Of ecclesiastical reconciliation in times of distress. Clerics of the Chapel Royal forbidden conversation with refractory priests, to prevent their falling under the ban. Of legal proceedings against priests seized in criminal acts. Female orphans to be educated by honorable matrons under the supervision of the clergy. Of the residence of the bishop in his see ; his absence from the see on private business not to exceed three weeks ; personal property acquired by him during his episcopate to go upon his decease to the Church, not to his relatives. Prohibition of the adoration of new saints. Of the continuance of the ecclesiastical injunction touching the destruction of holy trees and groves. Of the recognition of umpires chosen by both parties. Validity of church usage concerning witnesses; the exclusion of children as witnesses siciit Guntbadingi faciunt. Observance of the Canonical Rule as to the time when 388 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. virgins may take the veil, and of their occupation to the twenty-fifth year of their life. 47. Abbesses living contrary to their Rule to be denounced by the bishop to the king with a view to their deposi- tion. 48. Of the application of alms to the Church and the poor, agreeably to ecclesiastical statute. 49. Ordination to the priesthood forbidden to take place before the thirtieth year. 50. General pax after Mass ; participation in the Mass to be the token of mutual peace. 51. The reading from the Diptychs not to take place until after the Oblation.' ^i Let no man believe that God may be prayed to in three languages only. 53. Bishops and priests are required to know the Canons (cf. No. 20). 54. Churches erected by free persons may be donated or sold, provided that they be not desecrated or destroyed. 55. Address of the king, reciting that as with the appro- bation of Pope Hadrian, the archbishop Angilram was permitted propter utilitatcs ecclesiasticas perma- nently to reside at Court, so, with the like papal approbation already obtained, he desired the Synod to sanction a similar arrangement on behalf of Bishop Hildibald (of Cologne). — Consent of the Synod. 56. Request of the king that the Synod would on account of his ecclesiastical erudition receive Alcuin into their communion, and include him in their prayers. — Consent of the Synod.* I According to ancient usage there were in every church two written tables, " whereof one contained the names of all eminent bishops and clergymen then living, with whom the Church held communion and corre- spondence ; the other the names of all eminent bishops and other men of their own or other churches then dead. The deacons rehearsed all the names in both tables, at the altar, whenever the Eucharist was cele- brated. Those tables were by the Greeks called Diptycha, and by some English writers diptychs." — Johnson, Vade Mecum. 2 Mtihlbacher. /. c. No. 316. Chapter I.J THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. 389 III. Instruction for the Missi, set forth at Thionville, either in 805 or 806. 1. Punishment of breakers of the peace. 2. Legal protection for churches, widows, and orphans. 3. Due regard to the royal immunity. 4. Directs public prayers to be said in seasons of famine, pestilence, and other public calamity without special command of the king; the relief of the poor during the prevailing famine ; the cheap price of grain ; and forbids the exportation of necessaries of life. 5. Forbids the use of arms at home, in order to check avengement of blood. 6. Equipment for war as formerly directed, together with a corselet for every twelve mansi on pain of loss of the fief and of the corselet, if it is left behind. 7. Defines commercial limits against the Sclavonians, and Saxons on the line of Bardowick, Schessel, Magde- burg, Erfurt, Hallstadt, Forchheim, Bremberg, Ratis- bon, and Lorch, and forbids the exportation of arms on pain of confiscation. 8. Directs the maintenance of the old regulation requir- ing the incarceration of litigants refusing to respect or denounce the sentence of a judge. 9. Enjoins the oath of allegiance to the emperor to be administered to those who could not take it before because disqualified by age. 10. Directs the severe punishment of oath-bound con- spiracies. 11. Of the evidence of witnesses ; perjury to be punished with the loss of the hand. 12. Directs the removal of bad judges ivogte) and oflficers, the choice of others able and willing to render jus- tice, and the denunciation of bad ones to the em- peror. 13. Treats of the levying of only established and lawful tolls, etc. 14. Treats of the process with regard to fugitives, etc. 15. Forbids freemen to enter the clerical vocation without 390 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book HI. the emperor's permission, because men frequently did so in order to evade the hecrbann and the royal ser- vice, or to escape from covetous oppression. 1 6. Forbids the oppression of poor freemen, etc. 17. Forbids the worship of new saints and [erection of new] churches, unless by episcopal permission, etc. 18. Forbids the stamping of coin in all places other than the royal palace until the capitulum is countermanded, because of the frequent occurrence of counterfeit money, etc. 19. Enjoins the conscientious collection of the forfeited heerbann. 20. Enjoins the payment of the royal tax {Konigszins) on the person, and property, where it has been in use. 21. Process against robbers as formerly directed.* 22. Treats of the security of patrimony, defence of one's own cause, and the competence to testify on the part of freemen marrying female serfs attached to domanial estates, as an honor due the emperor and his ances- tors.^ It is almost certain that all the Capitularies, down to the minutest detail of each title, were drawn up under the dic- tate or eye of Charles, and express his mind far better than anything else which has come down to us. His legislative and administrative capacity was marvellous.^ The diffi- culties in the way of harmonizing the several national codes seemed to him much greater than the reconciliation of church laws, and the framing into one general Capitulary of the legislation necessary for the correction of abuses which had crept into the Church. The year before his death he directed, with a view to this grand reformation, the holding 813] of five Provincial Synods at Mayence, Rheims, Tours, I The process was brief but very emphatic ; a robber was punished with the loss of his limbs for the first two offences, and of his life for the third. Capit. 779, c. 23, ed. Baluz., I.e., t. I., p. 195. « Boretius, /. c, Capit. 87. Baluz., Capit. I., 423. Bohmer-Muhlbacher, /. f., no. 406. Such serfs were called Jiscalinen. 3 See the number of Capitularies set forth after 800, as plainly stated in the list, Appendix G. Chapter I.] THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. 391 Chalons-sur-Saone and Aries. They were directed, most probably in a General Admonition, to give their attention to particular points, legislate upon them, and submit their resolutions for examination and final action to the emperor. The Councils met, adopted altogether two hundred and forty-three Canons, and presented them to the emperor. The Council of Aries which adopted twenty-six Canons, of which only the first related to the Catholic Faith, the rest to discipline, accompanied them by a brief clause addressed to the emperor personally, in which the fathers desired his prudence to supply any deficiency, his judgment to correct any error, and his clemency, with the aid of God, to confirm whatever was reasonable in their legislation.' The other Councils added similar clauses, and all the Canons after examination in Committee, probably under the immediate presidency of Charles (who was the best canonist of the age), were reported to the Diet, in the form of a digest or collation, from which he selected twenty-six brief capitula which were set forth for the whole empire. Copies might be had in the several episcopal cities, as well as at Aix-la- Chapelle where they were placed in the Archives.^ It would lead too far to open the questions under discus- sion, but the method followed in the Synod of Mayence, which conformed to the example set in the Diet of Aix-la- Chapelle,3 jg instructive and interesting. It was composed of thirty bishops, twenty-five abbots, a number of the clergy, monks, counts and laymen. The arch-chaplain and archbishop of Cologne, the archbishops of Mayence and Salzburg, and the bishop of Worms were present in the character of imperial missi. They deliberated not conjointly, but in three .sections: in the first were the bishops and clergy ; in the second the abbots and monks ; in the third the counts and other laics. The bishops discussed ^ This was not empty verbiage, but profound conviction. "^ Labbe, Concil. ed. Coleti IX., 375 ; Mansi, XIV. ^ 343 ; Sirmond. Concil. II., 323 ; Le Cointe, AnnaL Eccl Franc. VII., a. 813. — Bohmer- Muhlbacher, /. r., no. 468 ; Abel-Sim- son, /. c, II., p. 502 sqq. — Anna!. Einh., Chron. Moiss., a. 813. — Cf. also Fragm. Vitae S. Bamardi, apud Bou- quet, v., 481. 3 Held October, 802. 392 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. church matters with reference to the Gospels, Epistles, and Acts of the Apostles, the Canons, and certain works of the Fathers, especially the pastoral book of Gregory, and other dogmatical works ; the abbots and approved monks deliber- ated on the amelioration of the monastic estate with special reference to the Rule of St. Benedict ; lastly, the counts and laics took cognizance of legal points and settled knotty questions which came before them. The results were fifty- six Canons.* Those which the emperor set forth were the following : Abstract of the Canons.^ 1. Enjoins archbishops to exhort their bishops to stop the abuses concerning baptism of which presbyters were guilty. 2. Forbids the laity to eject their ministers. 3. Forbids the laity to sell livings. 4. Enjoins the strict observance of the Canons and the Rule. 5. Authorizes the clergy to say Mass in convents, but enjoins them to leave immediately after Mass. 6. Forbids the unnecessary crowding of conventual establishments. 7. Enjoins the payment of tithes. 8. Enjoins the purification of the Church from incest. 9. Enjoins bishops and counts, the clergy, monks, and the laity generally to live peaceably with one another. 10. Enjoins counts, judges, and the people generally to obey the bishop, and all concerned to render justice, refusing bribes and false witnesses. 11, Enjoins the care of servants and serfs because of the famine. 1 Concil. Mogunt. praef, col. 64, 65. 2 Capitula e Canonibus excerpta. a. 813, apud Boretius, /. c, p. 173 sqq. MUhlbacher, /. c, No. 468. Cod. Gandav. contains four additional capit- ula, of which the last two are expan- sions of cc. 4, 5, but the first two are new, enjoining the investigation of the alleged charge against Austrasian priests of extorting money from per- sons known to them through the Con- fessional as robbers, and severe meas- ures against homines faidosi addicted to causing disturbance on Sundays and Holy Days. Chapter I.] THE DIET AND THE CAPITULARIES. 393 12. Authorizes bishops to sustain the poor from church funds. 13. Commands just and equal weights and measures. 14. Enjoins preachers to preach intelligently. 15. Enjoins the sanctity of the Lord's Day. 16. Enjoins bishops to visit their dioceses. 17. Interdicts presbyters, on pain of deprivation, to give chrism as medicine, or against witchcraft. 18. Enjoins sponsors to do their dutj^. 19. Interdicts the practice of depriving old churches of tithes or property in order to benefit new ones. 20. Interdicts sepulture in churches except in the case of bishops, abbots, and good presbyters. 21. Interdicts placita to be held in houses or churchyards. 22. Prohibits counts and the judiciary generally to buy or seize the property of the poor. 23. Enjoins bishops to remand fugitive priests to their own bishops. 24. Enjoins the beneficed clergy to be at the charge of repairing churches. 25. Enjoins that public criminals be sentenced in public and required to do penance in public. 26. Enjoins presbyters to lead good lives and teach the people so to do. CHAPTER II. ADMINISTRATION. Finances and Revenue. — Contributions in kind for the army, the missi^ and the Court. — Taxes. — Tolls. — Pilgrimage. — The Villas : their government ; Capitulary concerning them ; Inventories. — Commerce. — Coinage. The finances and revenue of the Prankish empire were peculiar. Under the ancient unwritten laws taxation was incompatible with liberty ; the payment of any tax whatso- ever was denounced as a token of subordination. This principle remained in force long after the establishment of royalty. The revenue of the sovereign was derived from the income of his own possessions, from dues payable by vassals, from tolls, from fiscal fines, and from the yield of the law of inheritance, by which the fiscus fell heir to the possessions of childless freemen to the third generation, and the estates of disfranchised freemen.^ f Charles had no public exchequer or treasury in the modern acceptation of the term ; his exchequer was only the receiver, not the dispenser, of the public revenue, except for purposes of war as he saw fit.] He had no salaried ofificers. The counts, and their subal- terns, charged with the administration of the public business in districts smaller than the '' Gau," or county, received cer- tain benefices in landed estate, royal or fiscal. The counts were in things temporal what the bishops and abbots were in things spiritual. They were either large land-owners in fee simple, or royal beneficiaries, privileged to levy banns or fines for offences of every kind or degree. These pecuniary compositions were their incorne. The sys- tem worked well enough for them, but most disastrously to the morals, as well as to the secular and eternal welfare of the people, who groaned under their extortions, suffered, Chapter II.] ADMINISTRATION. 395 wept, entered into involuntary slavery, praying for better times which came not for many long and dreadful centuries. Although the ordinary revenue of Charles was insufficient for the cost of his many wars, his armies entailed neither on him, nor on the State proper, an expense proportionate to that incurred in military countries at the present. The burden fell wholly on the people, who as the vassals, feudaries, and lieges of their several lords, were bound to march against the enemy, or, as freemen, expected to come cheerfully when commanded so to do. The count or lord was, in theory, supposed to be at the charge of arming and supporting his men, but the capitu- laries show that the supposition was generally at fault. The soldiers on their journey to and from the " marche," or rendezvous, lived at the cost of the several districts through which they passed. The sovereign's treasurer had to provide for such expen- ditures as the cost of ammunition and transportation ; the cost of the schaar, or household-troops ; that of embassies ; that of the missi, together with the expenditure necessary for the support of the entire Court. The first and third of these items were nominal, for the counts were bound to fur- nish 2. pro rata contribution in ammunition and transporta- tion, while the missi were privileged to receive relays of horses, free quarters and entertainment. But the wants of a missus were neither few nor small. If he was a bishop he might feast upon a daily allowance of forty rolls, three fresh hams, three modii of drink [wine, brandy, or beer, it is not clear which], a young pig, three chickens, fifteen eggs, and four modii of horse-feed ; if he was an abbot, count, or other ministerial officer, he had to content himself with only thirty rolls, two fresh hams, two modii of drink, a young pig, three chickens, fifteen eggs, and three modii of horse-feed ; and if he was only a common vassal his claim must not rise higher than seventeen rolls, a fresh ham, a young pig, one modius^oi drink, two chickens, ten eggs, and two modii of horse-feed. These were only the major constituents of the daily rations of a missus, 39^ CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book HI. which consisted altogether of about forty articles, duly pre- scribed, down to the requisite quantities of pepper, salt, and cinnamon.^ Even the monarch and his Court received, and was entitled to receive, such entertainment on his journeys. The hospi- tality of his lieges was compulsory, not voluntary ; it is not surprising to read that some were ungracious enough to petition for relief.'' In spite of such uncommon facilities for the conduct of war, the expenditure exceeded the income, and the deficit was made up by extraordinary extortions, such as contribu- tions in kind of provisions and necessaries for the use of the Court and of the army on a march.^ These unpleasant and ruinous innovations soon became established. The old Merovingian custom of so-called vol- untary gifts presented by the Franks to their king at the annual May-Field was converted into a regular tax;* and there is hardly room to doubt the existence of a general tax, a tax on real estate, and a capitation tax.s ^ Little is known of the means resorted to for the collection of those obnoxious taxes, which were thorns in the side of the poorer freemen and almost drove them to despair. As for the bishops, abbots, counts, and magnates generally, they understood how to secure immunities and avoid pay- ment by other expedients. The tolls were a terrible institution to all classes and con- ditions of men except the privileged. They took root in the principle that every man, as lord absolute of his own posses- sions, is endowed with the inalienable right of dictating and enforcing his own terms upon all who set foot thereon, or seek in any other way to use it for their own benefit. The whole country, with its roads and rivers, belonged to 1 Hludovici Pii Capit. Missor. a. 819. Cf. Marculf., Form 1. 1., c. XI. 2 Hiillmann, Deutsche Finanz-ge- schichte. 3 Capitulate a. 813. c. 10. MG. LL.. I.. 188. 4 Hincmar, /. c. c. XXX. 5 See above, the Instruction, etc., c. 20, p. 390, and cf. Luden, /. c.^ V., 560. Chapter II.] ADMINISTRATION. 397 the sovereign and his vassals. Landed estates were royal domains, or benefices, granted to the lords spiritual and temporal, or allodial possessions belonging to freemen. The sovereign was lord and master on the royal villas, the vassal held that position on benefices, but on the allodial or free- hold estates the nation, or the king as its representative, claimed and held sovereign rule. All these several lords and masters established dues or tolls for the use of their meadows, woods, gates, bridges, rivers, streams, canals, etc., etc. ; the whole country was filled with toll-gates and toll-gatherers ; no trader might enter with his commodities a village or castle and attempt their sale without paying toll for the privilege. The robber-knights of the Middle Ages, whose romantic strongholds, now mostly in ruins, enchant the eye of travellers, were the bane of their contemporaries, and their prototype, as well as the proto- type of the army of modern tax-gatherers who are the bane of modern travellers, flourished under the bishops, counts, and nobles in the glorious reign of the invincible Charles. In that halcyon epoch of the minions and protdg^s of the conqueror of Europe the only persons or things exempt from toll were the royal missi and officers on their journeys to and from the Court, commodities in course of transporta- tion to the same place, conscripts called out for military ser- vice, pilgrims, and travellers for pleasure. The latter were few, but the pilgrims most numerous.' One hardly knows, without hurting the sensibilities of some, how to denominate this singular movement which was quite general in the reign of Pepin.=* Numbers of Frankish pilgrims interfered with the monastic repose of Carloman on Mount Soracte.3 Ansa, the queen of the hapless Desiderius, had the merit of providing for the wants of pilgrims in such wise that such as hailed from the West and undertook the pilgrimage to St. Peter's, or to the sanctuary of the arch-angel Michael on Mount Gargano, might quietly and safely march ^ See Luden, /. c. t. V., 1. XL, cc. * Oelsner, Jahrb. d. frank. Reichs 7-10, p. 109 sqq. unter K. Pippin, p. 106. 3 Vita Caroli., c. 2. 98 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. along, for thanks to her liberality they need fear in the dark- ness of night, neither the arms of robbers, nor frost and rain, but find ample accommodation of food and shelter under the hospitable roof, presumably of some hospice which she had founded.' Besides Rome, the cities of Tours, Paris (St. Denis and St. Germain des Pr6s), St. Quentin and Rheims, and Echternach, were frequented by multitudes of pilgrims. The Anglo-Saxons were wont to go in large numbers. Charles himself not only visited the Holy Places, as has been stated before, but took them, and the pilgrims, under his peculiar protection.^* He granted them privileges, and pro- vided for their wants, but the numbers of the pilgrims were so great and led to so many abuses,^ that it became neces- sary to take legislative measures for their correction. It not unfrequently happened that the rich undertook pilgrim- ages as a pretext for extortion, and vagabonds pretended to be pilgrims in order to beg.* Negligent clergymen, more- over, and peccant laics saw in a pilgrimage the atonement for their sins of omission and commission.^ The matter came up in the Provincial Council of Chalons, and the fathers unanimously resolved that the clergy, without the express permission of the bishop, were forbidden to make the pilgrimage of Rome or Tours,^ citing the words of Jerome, that ** it was more praiseworthy to have lived well in Jerusalem, than to have seen Jerusalem." ^ Theodulf also adverts to the matter, and expounds the Hieronymian idea into the sentiment that '' not the way of the feet, but that of pure morals conducts men to heaven." ® After this digression, we resume the topic of internal government. ^ Pauli diacon. Carm. 8, in Poet. Lat. aevi Carol. I., 45, 46 ; cf. Simson, /. c. II., p. 505 sqq. Capit. missor. generale a. 802 c. 27 ; Pippini regis capif. 782-786, c. 10. See the epistle to Offa, p. 335. 4 Concil. Cabilon. 813. c. 46 apud Mansi, XIV., 102 sq. ly 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. c. 44. 7 Ibid. c. 46. 8 Theodulf. Carm. 67. See the whole subject in Simson, /. c, II., 505 sqq., to whom I am indebted for the collection of the facts. Chapter II ] ADMINISTRATION. 399 The royal villas were much better managed, and their administration may now be briefly considered. They were quite numerous, and unlike anything to be found in lands of modern culture. More vast and primitive than the castles of the next ages, they were not cities or villages ; but the modern German, Flemish, or French village with a mansion house in the centre, a large number of houses in the streets and lanes radiating from it, and terminating in the open field or forest, is perhaps the nearest picture to be had of villas as they existed at Aix-la-Chapelle (before the cathedral and palace were built), at Attigny, Chasseneuil, Compi^gne, Corbeny, Douzy, Duren, Frankfort, Heristal, Ingelheim, Li^ge, Mayence, Nimeguen, Paderborn, Quierzy, Ratisbon, Salz, Schlettstadt, Thionville, and many other places. We have interesting and contemporary documents de- scriptive of their construction, the number of their dwell- ings, and their general conduct. One of the best known of the Capitularies states in the opening article the general sentiment of Charles on the sub- ject of the villas. *' We desire," he says, '' that our villas which we have founded for our own use, should wholly minister to our own wants, not to those of others. " We desire that our family be well cared for, and none thereto belonging be reduced to want. "We desire that our judges presume not to bring our family into their service, or compel them to render villein socage, hew wood, or do any other kind of work, or accept of them any gift, neither horse, steer, cow, pig, ram, shoat or lamb, except bottles and fruit of the garden, apples, chickens, eggs," etc., etc' The government of the villas resembled that of the em- pire. The sovereign gave his general directions, and his consort her special orders through the seneschal or butler, to the judge or director of the villa. This judge had under him a superintendent set over managers in charge of the ^ Capit. de Villis, /. c, p. 83.— The bottles were not empty. 400 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book IH. several estates, and the managers directed the stewards placed over each estate. The stewards were chosen from persons not freemen but attached to the place, and had under them the foremen of the numerous institutions of the villa establishment. All these officers were beneficed, and the judge, the head of all, held a very responsible position. He issued general orders to those in inferior appointments, held them accountable for their execution, received their reports, and sent his own to the sovereign. He was, moreover, clothed with the authority and power of a judge in the composition of differ- ences, and the infliction of punishment on those convicted of minor offences. All the directions emanated in the first instance from Charles and were drawn up with an almost incredible mi- nuteness of detail ; they specified everything essential to the prosperity of the establishment. The farm and the forest were model establishments for thrift and cleanliness, as well as for the variety and quality of the produce. The aim was to have the best of everything in . large quantities and with a provident anticipation of the future. In this respect Charles was another Joseph. The royal villas supplied each other's wants by an interchange of com- modities ; the fields and meadows, forests, mountains, rivers, and ponds were planted and stocked with the very best vari- eties suitable to the climate and capabilities of the domain. All the cereals grown in the country were cultivated ; the flower gardens were furnished with the choicest specimens for beauty and fragrance, the orchards and kitchen gardens produced the richest and best varieties of fruit and 'vegeta- bles. Charies specified by name not less than seventy-four varieties of herbs which he commanded to be cultivated ; all the vegetables still raised in Central Europe, together with, many herbs now found in Botanical Gardens only, bloomed on his villas ; his orchards yielded a rich harvest in cherries, apples, pears, prunes, peaches, figs, chestnuts, and mulberries. The hill-sides were vineyards laden with the finest varieties of grapes. Chapter II.] ADMINISTRATION. 401 His cattle was thoroughbred throughout ; his stables con- tained only the most superb and purest breeds ; the lineage of all his animals was accurately traced. Domestic animals of every kind were kept, and every villa had a stock-farm ; multitudinous herds of swine were driven to mast in the woods, while flocks of geese, chickens, and pigeons were kept in appropriate yards. Peacocks, pheasants, guinea- fowl, ducks, pigeons and turtle-doves were not forgotten for ornamental or gastronomical purposes ; hawks and falcons might be seen, together with every variety of canine for domestic use or the chase. The utmost care was given to the preservation of game and of the woods. Not even the culture of fish and bees was neglected. Very careful book- keeping of the yield, consumption, and disposal of every- thing, together with the stock on hand, was maintained, and the tenth of the yield religiously given to the Church. The choicest of everything went to the royal table and the tables of the Court ; a large share was prepared and set aside for unforeseen emergencies ; whatever was in excess of present or future use was duly catalogued, sold in the market, and accounted for at Christmas. Attached to the royal villa, in the centre of which stood the palace or manse, were numerous dependent and humbler dwellings, occupied by mechanics, artisans, and tradesmen, or rather manufacturers and craftsmen, in great numbers. The dairy, the bakery, the butchery, the brewery, the flour- mill were there. Almost everything was ''home-made;" the '' semmel," loaf, sausages, cheese, beer, mead, wine, in fact everything belonging to the kitchen and the table came from the villa. But whatever pertained to the household in a much wider sense was made on the villa. The finest of wool and flax was spun by the women, while others of their sex wove the thread into linen and cloth. Dyers were at hand to dye the fabrics ; tailors, tailoresses and seamstresses made them up into garments. Furriers, tanners, saddlers, and shoemakers plied their trades with material raised on the villa ; there were also carpenters, joiners, cabinet-makers, masons, smiths 26 402 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book HI. of high and low degree, from the blacksmith to the gold- smith, together with armorers and turners — and on some of the villas even mints were kept busy. It was the judge's duty to see that all these multifarious trades and pursuits should be plied and followed by those skilled in them. The villa was a city in embryo, and in due course grew into one, for as it supplied in many respects the wants of the surrounding country, so it attracted population and became a centre of commerce. j This cursory sketch may be illustrated by a paragraph from the capitulary cited, setting forth the royal directions, with respect to the ''judge." { Cf^t,^ ct^/^r f/:xKt^f^) It ordains that *' each judge shall make an annual state- ment of all the work done by our ploughmen with oxen ; of the number of mansi under cultivation ; of the revenue from the fields and rents ; of payment from credits and fines for breaches of the peace ; of the number of animals in our forests caught without our leave ; of receipts from legal fines, mills, forests, fields, bridges, and vessels ; from free- men and hundreders attending to our fiscal business ; from markets, vineyards, and vendors of wine ; from hay, wood, and torches ; returns of the stock of axes and other mate- rial ; of peat ; of the yield, consumption, and stock of millet and fennel-millet ; of wool ; of flax, linen, and canvas ; of orchard-fruit, large and small nuts, grafted fruit ; of turnips ; of fish-ponds ; of hides, skins and horns ; of honey and wax ; of fat, tallow, and soap ; of mulberry wine, cooked wine, mead, vinegar, beer, new and old wine ; of new and old crops ; of chickens, eggs, and cheese ; returns from fisher- men, armorers, smiths, and shoemakers ; of bake-houses, safes, and closets ; from saddlers, turners, and blacksmiths ; of iron and lead-mines ; of royalties ; of fillies and other young animals — such statement to be presented to us sepa- rately, distinctly, and in proper order, at Christmas, that we may know how much we are worth, and the exact quantity of these several things." ' III I ■ ■ , ■ " Capit de Villis, ed. Boret., /. c, I., 88, sq. Chapter II.] ADMINISTRATION. 403 The foregoing blank, or form, of the judge's report con- veys an animated though not exhaustive view of the royal villas. The law, of which it forms part, consists of seventy sections, or capitula, specifying in addition to the items named, that the villas were used as prisons or places for the safe-keeping of hostages, and stations for the manufacture and storage of material of war. Great attention was paid to forestry, not only with respect to the felling of trees for fuel and other purposes, but the culture of new plantations, tlie supervision of game, and especially the destruction of wolves, whose skins were sent to headquarters, while the foresters were required to devote the month of May to the extermination of young wolves. Christmas was the set time for the reports from all the villas, and Lent the season for the transmission of the sur- plus in money. Charles, doubtless with the assistance of a corps of expert accountants, found time for the personal examination of the reports, and provided for the systematic visitation of the villas by comptrollers charged with the duty of inventorying any and everything belonging to them, and in due time forwarding their reports to him. Examples of such reports have escaped the gnawing tooth of time, and one relating to the status of the fiscal villa of Asnapium, supposed to be identical with Gennapium, near Cleves, unfolds the nature of the investigation. The com- missioners went over the whole territorial extent of the establishment, which appears to have belonged to the prim- itive order in vogue in Merovingian times. They traversed the fields and woods, entered every dwelling, hut, barn, and stable, visited every room from the garret to the cellar, opened every cupboard, closet, and drawer, inventorying not only all they found, but certain things or persons, called for in their blanks, they did not find. A few paragraphs from that instructive and entertaining return, presented without further comment, show how the royal instructions were carried out. '' In the domanial fiscus of Asnapium we found : a royal hall, built of stone in the best manner; 3 rooms; the 404 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Chapter II.] ADMINISTRATION. 405 house entirely surrounded by balconies ; 1 1 female apart- ments. *' Below : i cellar, 2 porticoes. " Other houses below the yard : 17 frame dwellings, with as many chambers and other attachments, all well con- structed ; I stable ; i kitchen ; i mill ; 2 granaries ; 3 barns. " [We found] the yard well protected by a fence with a stone gate, and above, a balcony for offices ; the inner yard likewise set off by a fence, laid out in the usual manner, and planted with a variety of trees. '* Vestments : i bed, ready ; i table-cloth ; i towel. ** Utensils : 2 ore dishes ; 2 drinking cups ; 2 ore caul- drons ; I iron cauldron ; i brewing pan . . ; i pair of andirons ; i lamp ; 2 hatchets ; i stone-chisel ; 2 braces ; I axe ; i fire basket ; i large plane ; i small plane ; 2 scythes ; 2 sickles ; 2 spades. — Wooden vessels for household use in sufficient quantity. " [We found] of farm produce : Old spelt, last year's crop, 90 baskets, equal to a yield of 450 pensas of flour ; 100 modii of corn. ** This year's spelt : yield, 1 10 baskets ; planted, 60 baskets ; the remainder found. ** Wheat : yield, ICX) modii ; planted, 60 modii ; the re- mainder found. *' Rye : yield, 98 modii ; planted as many. ''Barley: yield, 1800 modii; planted, 1500; the re- mainder found. "■ Oats, 430 modii ; beans, i modius ; peas^ 12 modii. " [We found] 5 mills ; 800 modii, small measure ; given to the prebendaries, 240 ; the remainder found ; — 2 bridges. ** Salt : 60 modii, and 2 solidos [i.e., valued at so much]. " Gardens, 4 ; 1 1 solidos ; honey, 3 modii. ** Census : Butter, i modius ; lard, — last year's bacon 10 [sides?], new bacon, 200, together with sausages and ren- dered lard ; this year's cheese, 43 pensas. '' Stock : Old draught cattle, 5 1 head ; of the third year, 5 ; of the second year, 7 ; of this year, 7 ; fillies of the sec- ond year, 10 ; of this, year, 8 ; stallions, 3 ; oxen, 16 ; asses, 2 ; I cows with calf, 50 ; young bullocks, 20 ; yearling calves, 38 ; bulls, 3 ; pigs : old, 260 ; young, loo ; boar-pigs, 5 ; sheep with lamb, 150; yearling lambs, 200; rams, 120; goats with kid, 30 ; yearling kids, 30 ; bucks, 3. Geese, 30 ; chickens, 80 ; peacocks, 22." The inventory of one of the dependencies states : "■ We found all the dry and liquid measures even as in the palace. " Of handicraft-men we found neither goldsmiths, nor silversmiths, nor blacksmiths ; nor were there any huntsmen and other attendants. " We found of garden produce : lilies, cost-wort, mint, parsley, rue, celery, small beans, sage, hyssop, savina, leek, garlick, wormwort, heart's-ease, coriander, shallots, onions, cabbage, cauliflower, betonica officinalis. " Trees : pear, apple, mispil, peach, walnut, filbert, mul- berry, and cotton-mulberry." ^ Commerce, in the Caroline age, moved in narrow chan- nels. Anglo-Saxons, Frisians, and Sclavonians are often named in connection with the foreign trade of Central Europe. Boulogne, Ghent, Malines, Paris, Poitiers, Quentowic on the Canche, Duurstede, and Sluis were commercial centres, and sea-ports, in Central Europe ; Venice maintained com- mercial intercourse with the Levant, and Ancona, together with Porto Venere, in the Genoese territory, had a sea-trade. The fair of St. Denis (Paris) was much frequented in Merovingian times ; on the Rhine, Worms and Mayence, were the oldest and most important commercial cities. Frisians, the progenitors of the Dutch, were famous traders and wont, on the Rhine, to exchange cloth, gar- ments, and pottery for wine, cereals, and wood. The Sclavonians also excelled in trade ; an old commer- cial road connected Thuringia with Mayence ; it ran through the great Buchonian forest, and was much frequented by Sclavonians. » " Brevium exempla, etc.," Bore- Fiscor. Regal, describ. Form.," tius, /. c. p. 254, sq. — " Beneficiorum Pertz., /. c. p. 178 sqq. 4o6 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III, Abbot Sturmi, wandering through that forest, in search of a suitable locaHty for the establishment of a monastery, came to the valley of the Fulda, and finding great numbers of Sclavonians bathing in the river, near the spot where the said commercial road crossed it, made choice of that place as best suited to his purpose. In later time?^ a chain of commercial points, running from the mouth of the Elbe to the confluence of the Enns with the Danube, was established for the regulation of the frontier-trade with foreign nations. Such establishments, under government supervision, existed at Bardowick, Schles- sel, Magdeburg, Erfurt, Hallstadt, Forchheim, Ratisbon, and Lorch, and foreign traders were not permitted to carry their commodities beyond them.' The old standard of the coinage extant at the accession of Charles was the Roman pound of 325 grams, divided into 240 denarii of 1.35 grams. The gold solidus of the Gauls, Franks, Anglians, etc., of 40 denarii had an approximate value of about $3.50. Charles introduced a heavier stand- ard, based on a pound of about 367 grams, which for centu- ries later was known as " Karles lot," or pondtis Caroli, that is, Charles's weight. Much of the silver, used for coinage, came from Poitou, and the locality which from that circumstance received the name of " Metallum," the modern Melle, was surrounded with the halo of secrecy ; at any rate the approaches to the mines were religiously concealed. Counterfeiting prevailed to a large extent and led to special legislation, restricting the issue of coin to mints established in the imperial palaces, and certain villas.^' I Vita Sturmii, c. 7 I Einh. Trans- latio SS. Marcell. et Petri, IV., 39 (Jaffe) ; Mirac. S., Goar, cc, 20, 27, 28 ; Ermold. Nigell. 1. V., 107, sqq. ; Monach. Sangall. I., 34; 11. , 9 ;— -Mllhlbacher, /. r., p. 167, no. 406. See p. 389. 2 Beverin. De Pond, et Mens., p. 51 ; Soetbeer; Forschungen z. deutschen Geschichte, IV., 293, sqq.— See p. 390. CHAPTER III. THE NEW ERA. "Pacific"? policy— The Empress Irene.— War with Benevento.— War with the Saracens. — Siege of Barcelona.— Capture of Zeid. — Surrender of the city.— Intercourse with Harun al Raschid. — The elephant Abul-Abbas. — Fortunatus. — ^Venetian affairs.— Discovery of the blood of Christ.— Leo visits Charles. -^eath of Alcuin— Christmas celebration cum gaudio ?t Thionville. — Partition of the empire. The familiar announcement that " the empire is peace *' was a coincidence or an adaptation, and as true as the epi- thet '' pacific " imbedded in the title of the new Emperor of the West. At the time of its bestowal it was glaringly inapt, for he had in hand the wars in Benevento and Spain, and his mind was bent on war with the Saxons and Scla- vonians until he could have peace on his own terms. Per- haps it was intended as a manifesto to the Byzantine Court, which would not view the Coronation in the same light in which it was regarded at Rome and throughout the Prank- ish dominion. There his motives were certainly suspected ; it was even rumored at Constantinople that he had hostile designs upon Sicily, and the flight of the spatharius Leo, a Sicilian, to the emperor, seemed to give color to the sus- picion.' The biographer of Charles intimates as much when he writes that " the Greeks suspected him of designing to wrest the empire from them, because of his assumption of the title of emperor. ... In fact, the power of the Franks was always viewed by the Greeks and Romans with a jealous eye, whence the Greek proverb, ' Have the Frank for your friend, but not for your neighbor.' " ^ The Empress Irene, whose name was peace, took the ini- » Theophaa. Chronogr. (ed. Bonn), » Vita Caroli, c. 16. p. 736 sq. ; Annal. Einh. a. 811. ..'J 408 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Chapter III.] THE NEW ERA. 409 tiative in the direction of amity, and despatched an ambas- sador to Charles in the person of another spathartus,^ also called Leo, while the emperor returned the attention by an embassy of his own composed of Jesse, Bishop of Amiens, and count Helmgaud, for the purpose of conducting nego- tiations looking to the conclusion of a definite treaty of peace.* They were accompanied, if the Greek historians state correctly, by papal legates, and instructed to propose to the Empress of the East a matrimonial union with the new Emperor of the West. The statement, though unsup- ported by the Prankish records, is not incredible. The grandiose scheme was favorably entertained by the lady, but sternly and violently opposed by the patrician Aetius, who made it the pretext for the execution of a long-cher- ished and deeply-laid plot looking to the dethronement of Irene and the elevation of Nicephorus, his brother. The palace revolution was entirely successful, terminated in the fall of Irene, and entailed of course the utter failure of the projected matrimonial alliance. The conspirators arrested and deposed Irene, proclaimed Nicephorus emperor during the night, and crowned him in the morning. She bore her misfortune with dignity, and the ambassadors of Charles saw her on her way to the exile chosen for her in the mon- astery on Prince's Island, which she herself had founded. This happened October 31st, 802. Nicephorus, a man of low origin, and distinguished only by his vices, dreading a popular movement in favor of his benefactress, who, in spite of the crimes by which she had procured the purple, was a good sovereign, much beloved by the clergy and people, took advantage of a fierce Novem- ber gale, sent her to the island of Lesbos, and placed her in close confinement. No person was permitted to see her, and it is said that the ingrate emperor withheld from her even the necessaries of life and compelled her to spin for a * The coincidence is peculiar, but scaramangium^ a sword, and a chain. established ; see Muhlbacher, /. <:., p. — Zanetti, apud Pertz, MG. SS., 14 149. Spatharius is a term almost n. 49. equivalent to "knight." The spa- 2 Annal. Einh. a. 802. thatii wore a peculiar dress called living. She fell sick, died August 9th, 803, and was buried on Prince's Island. Her unfortunate son survived her, but died in the same obscurity and distress.' The Prankish ambassadors left Constantinople, and, accompanied by those of Nicephorus, in due time were received by Charles at Salz. The mission of the Byzantines v/as pacific, and negotiations looking to a treaty of peace and amity were opened. A preliminary treaty was drawn up and given to them ; it seems also that they were directed to return by way of Rome, where they doubtless conferred, at the instance of Charles, with the pope, who invariably appears in negotiations with the Byzantine Court. They also carried an epistle of Charles to Nicephorus, in which, as is inferred from one of later date,^ he specified the terms essential to his acceptance of a formal and definite treaty of peace, among which his recognition as Emperor of the West was doubtless the conditio sine qua non. Nicephorus, however, was not in a hurry to commit him- self on that point, and years elapsed before the proposed peace became reality .^ The Beneventan war, which was resumed immediately after the coronation, lasted throughout the summer, but did not result in much. We only read of the customary devastation of the country, the capture and burning of Chi- eti, and the taking of Roselmus, its governor, as prisoner of war. Pepin sent him to Aix-la-Chapelle where he arrived on the same day with Zeid, the captive governor of Barce- lona, and like him was sent into exile.^ . Pepin returned to Benevento the next year, and scored new successes in the subjugation of Ortona and Luceria(not Nocera) ; to the lat- ter place, which had successfully resisted several previous * Annal. Einh., Maxim., Guelph. — Theophan. Chronogr. ap. Bouquet, v., 188 ; Andr. Dandul. Chron. ap. Murat. Rer. It. SS. XII., 150 D.— Cf. Harnak, Das Karol. u. Byzant. Reich, etc., 43 ; Dollinger, in MUnch- ner Jahrb. f. 1865, p. 355, 380, no. 33. =^ Epistol. Carol., I.e., 29. 3 See on the whole subject the au- thorities adduced by Muhlbacher, /. c.y p. 160, and Simson, /. c.^ II., p. 289 sqq. 4 Annal. Einh., a. 801, Erchemp. Hist. Langob. c. 6. See p. 413. 4IO CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. sieges and was very strong, he gave a Prankish garrison, commanded by Winigisus, duke of Spoleto, and left. Soon after he had gone the duke succumbed to sickness, induced probably by the unhealthy climate,^ and the matter becom- ing known to Grimoald, the latter appeared in force, recon- quered the city and took Winigisus and the whole garrison prisoners of war. He held him for an entire year in honor- able captivity and then set him free.^ Beyond these mea- gre data nothing is known of the condition of Benevento during the next few years, except that it continued in a state of chronic resistance to the Franks, and experienced the periodical visitations of Pepin.3 Meanwhile his brother Louis had not been inactive, and pushed the progress of Prankish enterprise in Spain. Zeid, the wali of Barcelona, it will be remembered,^ submitted himself and his city to Charles as far back as 797. Louis, however, found that Zeid could not be depended on, for on his coming to the vicinity of Barcelona, the wali hastened forth to greet him, but did not surrender the city. Since then Prankish troops, for the space of two years, maintained a desultory siege of the place, which, according to the panegy- rist of Louis, was always inimical to the Pranks, the rendez- vous and hiding-place of enemies, wont to sally forth from thence on destructive and tantalizing raids into the Prank- ish territory. The Pranks retaliated by similar visitations, generally about harvest-time, when they reaped the crops the Moors had planted, and removed them to their own country. But as Barcelona succeeded in drawing supplies by the sea, an investment in good earnest, and not by fits and starts, was now undertaken. A strong army, divided into three corps, was despatched for that purpose. The corps, under command of the king, remained at Roussilon, north of the Pyrenees ; the second corps, commanded by Rostagnus, Count of Gerona, had » Cf. Alcuini ep. 165. 2 Annal. Einh., Maxim, a. Erchemp. /. c. c 5. 3 See p. 309. 802 ; 4 See p. 295. Chapter III.] THE NEW ERA. 411 orders to invest the city, while the third, commanded by William, Duke of Toulouse, and Hademar, was directed, as an army of observation, and support of the second army, to take up a position west of the beleaguered city. Barcelona invoked the aid of the emir of Cordova. He sent an army of relief which proceeded to Caesar-Augusta, i. e., Saragossa, but, finding the corps of Rostagnus in the way, turned in the direction of Asturia, surprised and de- feated the Christians, but was in turn defeated with greater loss. Rostagnus then marched upon Barcelona and effected a junction with the investing force. The siege lasted seven months, and, by a fortunate cir- cumstance, the wali Zeid fell into the hands of the Pranks. It happened, according to the poet, as follows : Zeid, in the extremity of the distress occasioned by famine and disease, essayed the desperate expedient of repairing in per- son to Cordova, in order to obtain the necessary succors. Having espied from the ramparts a point in the enemy's line less protected than the rest, at which he believed him- self able to make his escape into the open country without the knowledge of the Pranks, he announced his purpose, charging his friends to hold out until his return, and even, in the event of his capture, refuse to capitulate. He chose a very dark night for the execution of his pur- pose ; silently a sally-port was opened, and Zeid, mounted on his swiftest horse, rode at its softest tread into the Prankish lines. He had almost cleared the camp unob- served, when the horse unfortunately neighed ; the tell-tale sound was heard and the enemy in great numbers flew to the point whence it proceeded. Zeid would fain have made good his escape, but failed ; he was taken prisoner, and led to the royal (?) tent. Great was the excitement in the Prankish camp when in the morning the quality of the prisoner became known. The king, whom the poet places in command, sought to turn the capture to good account, ordered William of Tou- louse to take Zeid close to the walls, and compel him to demand the surrender of the city. The duke accordingly 412 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book HI. Chapter III.] THE NEW ERA. 413 conducted him, the one hand in gyves, but the other free, to a spot adapted to a parley. " Open the gates, friends ! " shouted Zeid to the soldiers on the rampart, '' surrender the city ; it has held out long enough." The soldiers heard his words, but observed that he con- tradicted the command by a sign with his free hand, consist- ing in a nervous movement of the fingers by which he closed the opened hand. The sign, though quickly and adroitly made, did not escape the eagle eye of William ; he flew into a rage at the ruse and struck Zeid with his fist, saying, that but for his duty to the king, he would take his life. The besieged took the manual direction, and maintained the defence, while the Franks, with redoubled energy, made the most desperate efforts for taking the city by storm. All their engines were set in motion and they breached the walls. But the Saracens still held out, until according to the poetic biographer of Louis, a miracle took place. Among the volleys of arrows, which flew into the city, they noticed one which rose higher than all the rest, and in its downward course entered and disappeared in a block of marble. That arrow came from a bow of prodigious strength and was sped on its way by no less a person than the king (who was, however, far away at Roussilon). The Saracens beheld their doom in that arrow and capitulated on honor- able terms, etc., etc' But to return to history. The wali became a prisoner of war and famine broke out in the city ; it is said that the poor people ate old leather curtains,^' and cast themselves headlong from the ramparts; the surrender of the city could not be long delayed ; the king was sent for that the glory of the capitulation might belong to him ; 3 and so the city surrendered on honorable terms, the garrison was ac- corded the privilege of free retreat, but many of the citizens became prisoners of war. It is added, that at the time of the surrender a temporary garrison was placed into the city, and that on the next day Louis made his solemn entry with military and religious pomp ; he proceeded amid hymns of praise to the Church of the Holy Cross' where a solemn act of thanksgiving was celebrated. The city was permanently garrisoned by a body of Gothic troops under Count Bera, and Louis returned in peace and triumph into Aquitaine. A special messenger hastened to inform Charles of the fall of Barcelona ; Louis also sent to him a share of the spoil as well as the wali Zeid in chains. His fate is known to the reader.^ The emperor, at the first intelligence of impending peril in Spain, directed his son King Charles to proceed with an auxiliary force to the seat of war ; he had advanced as far as Lyons, when a messenger from his brother brought the news of the fall of Barcelona and that consequently the succors were not required ; so he retraced his steps and returned to his father.^ Apart from the military events of this period certain matters relating to foreign politics remain to be narrated. First among these in point of time, and in logical connec- tion with the Moslems of Spain, was the arrival of an em- bassy from the khalif Harun al Raschid, of whom Einhard writes that such were the relations of Charles to him, that ** that prince preferred his favor to that of all the kings and potentates of the earth and considered that to him alone marks of honor and munificence were due. . . ." Further on he states that *' Charles had asked for an elephant, and he sent the only one that he had." ^ If the reader asks, '' whence this strong bond of amity between the Defender of the Cross, and the Head of Islam ? " the simple answer is, ' Ermold. Nigell. 1. I., iii sqq. ' I read " ostiis detrahere coria ; " cf. Vita Caroli, c. 33. 3Chron. Moiss. a. 803. * See on the probability of the exist- ence of that church after ninety years' occupation of Barcelona by the Sara- cens, the authorities /n? and contra in Simson, /. c. H., p. 267, n. i. ' See p. 409. 3 Annal. Einh. Maxim. ; cf. Bou- quet, v., 386. — For full accounts see Vita Hlud. c. 13 ; Ermold Nig. /. 4i8 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Chapter III.] THE NEW ERA. 419 of the Franks at Thionville, and announced his purpose to the effect that the proposed partition of the empire into three parts should subserve the ends of peace, so that each of his sons might be certified beforehand as to the portion of the empire over which he was to reign.' 800] The extreme importance of this well-attested instru- ment cannot be overrated. The division, it is true, was frustrated by the early deaths of Charles and Pepin, but the principles laid down in it have had an important bear- ing on the subsequent history of Germany, France, and Italy, and their frontiers. Indeed it may be viewed in the light of a veiled history of the reign of Charles, and a revelation of his secret thoughts and feelings on matters which Einhard and other annalists pass over in silence. For these reasons it is given entire. '* In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Serenissimus Charles Augustus of God crowned Great and Pacific Emperor, ruling the Roman empire, and by Divine mercy King of the Franks, and of the Lombards, to all the faithful of the Church of God, and to all our loyal subjects, present or future, greeting. " We believe that all of you know that God, who of His mercy is wont to check for generations to come the inevi- table tendency of all earthly things to fall into decay, has in the gift of three sons, enriched us with His singular blessing and mercy; for through them He confirms our vows as to the perpetuity of this government, and makes us hope that our memory will be preserved to distant generations. '* Be it therefore known to you that it is our will, by Divine permission, to constitute these our sons, our asso- ciates in the throne while we continue to live, and heirs of our government and empire after our decease, and that loth to transmit this inheritance to them in confusion and dis- order, so as to provoke strife and dispute, we purpose to divide the entire body of the empire into three parts, and assign to each of their number the part he is to rule and * Annal. Einh., Maxim. defend ; and agreeably thereto, that each, we hope, will be satisfied with the lot we appoint to him, and by the help of God give all diligence to defend the frontiers of such part against enemies without, but maintain peace and love with his brothers. ** I. It has pleased us to make the division of our king- dom and empire as here follows : To our beloved son Louis we have assigned the whole of Aquitaine and Vasconia, except the canton of Tours [Touraine] ; and whatever lieth beyond that point looking westward and towards Spain ; the city of Nevers on the Loire with its canton, as well as the cantons of Avalon, Auxois, Chalon-sur-Saone, Macon, Lyons, Savoy, Maurienne, Tarentaise, Mount Cenis, the valley of Susa to the Cluses [clausas] ; thence following the mountains bordering upon Italy to the sea ; these cantons with their cities, and whatsoever beyond them lieth to the westward unto the sea, and unto Spain ; that is to say, this part of Burgundy, Provence, Septimania, and Gothia. " 2. To our beloved son Pepin we have apportioned Italy, which is also called Lombardy, and Bavaria, such as Tassilo had it, excepting only the two villas of Ingolstadt and Lutrahahof, which we have given in benefice to Tassilo and which belong to the Northgau, together with that part of Alemannia situated upon the southern bank of the river Danube, and from the sources of the Danube to the Rhine, within the confines of the Chletgau, and the Hegau, to a point called Engi, and thence following the course of the Upper Rhine even unto the Alps ; whatsoever is con- tained within these limits looking southward and eastward together with the duchy of Chur [Coire], and the canton of Torgau. ** 3. To our beloved son Charles we have assigned what- ever of our dominion lieth outside of the limits aforesaid, that is, France and Burgundy, except that part which we have given to Louis ; and Alemannia, except that part which we have assigned to Pepin ; Austria and Neustria, Thurin- gia, Saxonia, Frisia, and that part of Bavaria which is called the Northgau ; so that Charles and Louis may go into 420 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Italy to carry aid to Pepin, should the necessity arise, Charles, by the valley of Aosta, which belongs to his king- dom, and Louis by the valley of Susa ; and that Pepin like- wise may come or go by the Norican Alps and Chur. "4. In making these dispositions, we provide that if Charles, our first-born, should die before his brothers, the portion of the empire which belonged to him shall be divided between Pepin and Louis, as aforetime such divi- sion was made between us and our brother Carloman, in such wise that Pepin shall receive the share once had by our brother Carloman, and Louis the share which in the same apportionment fell unto ourself. *' But should Pepin during the lifetime of Charles and Louis pay the debt of nature, then Charles and Louis are to divide among themselves his kingdom, and effect such divi- sion as follows : entering Italy by the city of Aosta, Charles is to receive Yor^e, Verceil, Pavia, and the country along the river Po to the territory of Reggio ; the city of Reggio, the New City, and Modena, even unto the territory of St. Peter. These cities with their suburbs and territories, and the coun- ties thereunto belonging, and whatever on the way to Rome is situated on the left, together with the duchy of Spoleto, shall be the kingdom of Pepin to be given to Charles, as aforesaid ; but that part of the said kingdom which on the way to Rome is situated to the right of the aforesaid cities and counties, that is, the remaining part of the country beyond the Po [Transpadana], together with the duchy of Toscana, unto the Southern Sea, and unto the Provence, shall go to the augmentation of the kingdom of Louis. " In the event of Louis dying during the lifetime of his brothers, Pepin is to receive that part of Burgundy which we have added to his kingdom together with the Provence, Septimania or Gothia, as far as Spain ; but Aquitaine and Vasconia are to go to Charles. " 5. If there be born to any of these three brothers a son whom the people wish to choose as his father's successor in the throne, it is our will that the uncles of such child shall give their consent to their choice, and permit the son of Chapter III.] THE NEW ERA. 421 their brother to rule in that portion of the kingdom over which his father, their brother, did rule.' ''6. After these dispositions by our authority set forth, it has pleased us to establish and ordain as betwixt our sons, that in view of the peace which we desire to establish forever amongst them, none of them presume to invade his brother's frontiers, or fraudulently enter them with intent to trouble his kingdom, or diminish his territory ; but that each shall help his brother and, so far as reason, or his ability, may permit, aid him against enemies, either at home, or against foreign nations. " 7. That none of the brothers shall receive any subject of his brother, who for whatsoever cause or crime shall fly to him for refuge, or make intercession for him, because it is our will and pleasure that a man at fault and stand- ing in need of intercession, shall seek refuge within his own master's kingdom, either by taking sanctuary at the Holy Places or with honorable persons, and there shall ren- der himself worthy of such intercession. . . . " 8. Likewise we ordain that any free man who against the wishes of his lord leaves him and passes from one king- dom to another, shall not be received by the king, nor shall the king allow him to tbe received by his subjects, or by them unjustly be detained. . . . "9. For which cause it seems expedient to us to ordain that after our decease, a subject of any one of our sons shall hold benefice only in the kingdom of his own lord, but not in that of another, lest such practice give occasion to trouble. Nevertheless such a subject may with impunity enjoy an inheritance in that kingdom where of right he may possess the same. " 10, A freeman may, after his master's death, commend 'Schmidt, i.e. t. III., p. 44, ob- preferred him, and that settled the serves on this clause that it explains matter. The grounds of their prefer- the principle on which Charles ex- ence are not stated, but doubtless pre- cluded the children of his deceased ceeded from the argumentum ad brother Carloman from the succession. hastam. The nobles of Carloman's kingdom 422 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book HI. Chapter HI.] THE NEW ERA. 423 himself [that is, become vassal] to any one within the three kingdoms; the same to apply to persons who have not yet commended themselves.' *' II. Concerning cessions, bequests, or purchases, betwixt several parties, it is ordered that none of the three brothers shall receive or acquire by title of cession, bequest, or pur- chase, any real estate within his brother's kingdom, such as lands, vineyards, forests, serfs \servi\ and slaves \casati\ and all other things in the name of inheritance comprised, except gold, silver, gems, arms, vestments, emancipated slaves, and all other things which are properly negotiable. But this shall not apply to other freemen. " 12. If women, as is usual, are lawfully asked in marriage from one of the three kingdoms, such just demand is not forbidden, but expressly allowed, and such marriages may be contracted, seeing that by such affinities the several nations may be the closer bound together. Women, more- over, may freely dispose of their possessions within the kingdom of their nativity, although because, and in con- sequence, of their marriage they should live in another king- dom. ** 13. Concerning hostages given in pledge, and by us sent for safe keeping to sundry places, it»is our will that the king in whose kingdom they happen to be, shall not, without the express consent of the king from whose kingdom they were taken, suffer them to return to the land of their birth. Con- trariwise it is enjoined that the brothers shall hereafter mutually aid and protect each other in the custody of host- ages whensoever one of their number shall make of the other a reasonable demand of this kind. It is ordered that the same principle apply to persons now in exile, or to be exiled, because of crimes by them committed. " 14. In the event of differences and disputes respecting the frontiers and confines of the several kingdoms which cannot be settled by evidence, it is our will that the dec- laration of the matter in doubt, the will of God, and the truth of the facts be ascertained by the judgment of the cross [ordeal], and that such cause be never decided by war, or any kind of combat. And if a subject of one king- dom appear before his own lord charging the subject of another kingdom with disloyalty to his lord's brother, his lord shall send such plaintiff to his brother, that he may there prove his charge. " 15. Above all things we command and enjoin that the three brothers unite in undertaking the care and protection of the Church of St. Peter, even as aforetime was done by our grandfather Charles, by our father Pepin, of blessed memory, and afterwards by ourself ; that with the help of God they wik exert themselves in protecting her from enemies, and so far as they are bound, and reason may require, in the enjoyment of all her rights. We enjoin the same with respect to all other churches placed under their care ; in order that they may enjoy their rights and honors, and that the pastors and rectors of all venerable places may have power over all things to them pertaining, no matter in which of the three kingdoms the possessions of such churches may be situated. " 16. If, contrary to our expectation, these our statutes and conventions shall through ignorance or inadvertence be infringed upon, we command that such infringement be at once corrected, lest through delay still greater mischief should ensue. '^ 17. As to our daughters, the sisters of our sons afore- said, we command that after our decease any of them shall be at liberty to choose the brother in whose kingdom, and under whose care, she desires to make her home. If any of them makes choice of the monastic profession, she shall be at liberty to live honorably under that brother's protec- tion whose kingdom she shall choose. If any of them be justly and reasonably asked in marriage of a man worthy of her, and she prefer the married estate, her brothers shall not oppose her wishes, provided that the intentions both of the suitor and of her who accepts his suit, be honest and reasonable. " 18. As to our grandsons, the sons of our aforesaid sons, born or to be born, it has pleased us to command that none 424 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Chapter HI.] THE NEW ERA. 425 of our sons, upon any pretext whatever, shall cause any of our grandsons, who to any of them may be accused of crime, to be put to death, mutilated, blinded, or forcibly shaved [t. e. sent to a monastery], without a just trial and examina- tion previously had ; and to notify our will that they may be honored near their fathers and uncles, and likewise that they be obedient unto them in all subjection as pertaining to such degree of consanguinity. '' 19. Finally it is ordained that should we see fit hereafter to add unto these present decrees and constitutions, other provisions profitable and useful to our beloved sons afore- said, such additions shall be kept and observed as we enjoin that these present decrees and statutes shall be kept, and observed. " 20. All these things, moreover, are here in order set forth and established with the proviso, that so long as it may please the Majesty of God to preserve our life, our power over this government and empire shall remain un- changed and unimpaired, as heretofore it has been, in every attribute of royal or imperial prerogative, and that we may have the full obedience both of our beloved sons, and of our people beloved of God, with all the submission due a father from his sons, and an emperor and king from his subjects. Amen." ^ Reading this remarkable instrument, the transcript of the hidden purpose of the heart of Charles, in the light of the history unfolded in this volume, it is difficult to resist the conviction that Article 5 not only seeks tp justify his usurpa- tion of the inheritance of right belonging to the children of Carloman, but that it expresses remorse, or the workings of a conscience not at ease.^ The several points enumerated in the next nine articles illustrate the working of the feudal system and the rude state of society and morals. 1 My translation follows the text of Leibnitz, AnnaL imp. I., 239-242; Boretius, /. c, p. 126 sqq. Muratori, Annali a' Italia, IV., 2, p. 2 Boretius, /. c.\ Simson, De statu 240 sqq.; Luden, /. c. V., 218-221, qucBstionis, etc., p. 32, No. i.; Mani- 572 sq.; Waitz, IV., 554 sqq. tius, Neues Archiv. VII., 564 ; cf. Article 17 seems to imply the injurious reports current as to the daughters of the imperial family, and Article Tq \ as plainly intimates that Charles thought the brothers capa- ble of such atrocity as therein described. Nor was he mis- taken, for Louis, their sole survivor, meted it out to Bern- hard, the lawful son and heir of Pepin. If the document is genuine, as not generally admitted by competent critics, it settles the point of the legitimacy of his other sons, for he recognizes only three. The document was adopted and sworn to by the nobility assembled, and sent by the hands of Einhard to the pope for his cognizance and written approbation.* * The date of this document is fixed by an entry in Cod. No. 272, Biblioth. Sangall. p. 272, of contemporary origin, reading: " Anno 806 ab incar- natione Domini, indictione 14. anno 38 regnante Karolo imperatore, 8. Id. Febr. die Veneris, divisuni est regnum illius inter filiis suis, quantum unus- quis post ilium habet^ et ego alia die hoc opus. . . . ) Chapter IV.] PIRACIES. 427 CHAPTER IV. EVENTS FROM THE DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE TO THE DEATH OF PEPIN. In Italy : Piratical descents of the Saracens.—Grimoald Storesaiz, duke of Benevento.-Relations of Pepin to Leo, and to the Byzantines.-Submis- sion of Venetia. In Spain ' Struggle for Tortosa ; two ineffectual investments of the place. In the Empire: Embassies to and from Bagdad.-Presents.-Restoration of the fugitive king of Northumbria.— Danish invasion by Gottfried, of Northalbingia.-Fortresses.-Commissioners of peace. -Assassination of Thrasco an ally of Charles.— Danish descent upon Frisia.— Charles marches' against Gottfried.-His fate.-Camp at Verden-on-the-Aller.- Death of Pepin.— Domestic sorrows.— The epizooty.-A prodigy.- 1 he Filioque. §06] After the adjournment of the Diet Charles sailed down the Moselle and the Rhine to Nimeguen, while his royal sons, Pepin and Louis, returned to their distant dominions.^ . . An interval of about f^ve years lies between the partition of the empire, or the first and public testament of Charles, and his second testament concerning his personal estate. In tracing the course of events belonging to that period, we propose to take up first the affairs of Italy, then those of Aquitaine and Spain, and lastly those of the empire at large. . The frequent piratical descents, by the Moors of Spain, upon Corsica, Sardinia, and other islands were most vexa- tious and needed chastisement. King Pepin accordingly fitted out a fleet against them and ordered it to Corsica ; at its unexpected approach the pirates made for their fast ves- sels and sailed away, not however without a fight, impru- dently brought on by the Genoese count Hadumar, in which he lost his life. Otherwise the Franks scored an almost bloodless victory, and, under the law of conquest, claimed the island of Corsica, which the Moors, by the same right, had snatched from the Greeks.' The pirates, how- ever, did not return empty; besides the Corsican plunder they carried off sixty monks from the small island of Pate- laria, between Sicily and Africa, and sold them in Spain. Their misfortune excited the sympathy of the emperor, who generously ransomed, and restored them to their home.^ By direct command of Charles, an imperial fleet, under the constable Burchard, was despatched into Corsican 807] waters in anticipation, of another visit of the pirates in the year following. They came in due course, and began operations with a descent upon Sardinia ; the inhabi- tants gave them a warm reception and signally defeated them in an engagement with a loss to the pirates of three thousand. Still enough of their number survived to undertake the unfinished part of their enterprise. Sailing straight for Corsica, they ran into the jaws of the Prankish fleet ; Bur- chard compelled them to fight, defeated them, took thirteen of their vessels, killed a large number of their men, and drove the rest to flight.^ Leo took a peculiar interest in the conquest of that island by the Franks as included in the alleged grants to St. Peter made by certain patricians, emperors, and other God-fearing men for the salvation of their souls, and in atonement of their sins.^ Having received several communi- cations on the subject from Charles, alluding to the restora- tion, to St. Peter, of divers papal possessions on the island, he notifies the emperor, in reply, of his willingness of leav- ing the final adjustment of the said claims, based on deeds of donation and promises, with him, and after advert- ing to certain oral messages of the emperor's delivered by I Annal. Einh. * Annal. Einh., Enh. Fuld., Maxim. 2 Annal. Einh., "aliqui;" Maxim, a. 807; "multi.' 3 Annal. Einh., Maxim., Enh. Fuld. 4 Cod. Carol., ep. 61 (Jaffe). 428 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Count Helmgaud, expresses the confident and prayerful expectation that the imperial donation may be permanent, and through the joint intercession of the Virgin Mary, and the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, as well as the emperor's most valiant arm, safe from the insidious malice of enemies.' The last especially was needed, for the Moors returned two years later, and on Easter Even, when the Christians were preparing for the high festival of the Resurrection, fell upon a city in Corsica, plundered it, and, with the exception of the bishop and a few infirm and aged people, dragged the entire population into captivity.* §10] This they followed up, in the following year, on a much larger scale, with a powerful fleet from all parts of Spain, which, after touching in Sardinia, sailed for Corsica, and finding the island utterly unprotected, devastated and almost wholly subdued it. Then they sailed away, but re- turned in the autumn and consummated the conquest.^ In Italy proper the duke of Benevento successfully main- tained his independence to the last. He died in 806, and was succeeded by another Grimoald, surnamed Storesaiz, a Lombard word signifying '' the treasurer," in allusion to his oflficial position in the reign of his predecessor. He was a man of a pacific turn of mind, but his policy towards the Franks was unfriendly throughout this period.* The personal relations of Leo and Pepin were not good. This appears from the pontiff's epistle to Charles,^ protest- ing that '' while his feelings for Pepin were sincerely cordial, bad men were ever sowing zizania [that is, tares], and making mischief;" continuing ''that he had received the presents and letters with which Charles had honored him and been much gratified by the announcement of a prom- ised visit, at mid-Lent, of King Pepin ; that he had made the necessary preparations, but on the day before the ap- X Leonis III., ep. I., Jaffe, IV., 310 l,c ., c. 7 Chron. S. Bened. Cas.; Ago sqq. bard, De grandine, etc., in Bibl. Patr. 2 Annal. Einh., Maxim, a. 809. Lugd. XIV., 74 ; Pasch. Radb. MG. 3 Annal. Einh., Maxim, a. 810. SS., II., 527. 4 Annal. Laur. min. — Erchempert, 5 The same as in note i. Chapter IV.] LEO AND PEPIN. 429 pointed meeting Pepin sent messengers saying that he could not come till after Easter ; that the imperial missi, moreover, had informed him, the pope, that their imperial master had commanded them to proceed to Pepin, enjoining him, in his father's name, to consent to a personal interview with him- self, at a convenient point, for the purpose of establishing peace and concord between the king and himself ; that he was truly grateful for these, the emperor's good offices, who justly bore the title oipacificus, and illustrated the biblical de- scription of an evangelist of peace,' assuring him of his ready co-operation towards promoting the rights of the churches of God and placing the coasts in a proper state of defence against pagan and inimical assaults, adding that both he, the pope, and Pepin needed the emperor's counsel and help."^ It is not known how the matter ended, but it appears from a second epistle of Leo's to Charles, written after Eas- ter, 808, that the imperial rnissi on their return-journey stopped at Ravenna, and on Palm-Sunday took luncheon with the archbishop. The pope submits that the emperor had better ask the missi, if the lessons and exhortations they heard there were appropriate to Lent, for his own sense of shame forbade his setting them down in writing.^ This shows that there was not much love lost between Rome and Ravenna, and the understanding between Rome and Verona, the favorite residence of Pepin, was not much better. The Byzantines, however, gave the king of Italy more to do than the Moors, Benevento, and the pope. The Court of Constantinople resented the action of Charles in the matter of Venice and Dalmatia.^ A fleet, commanded by the patrician Nicetas, having orders to reconquer Dalmatia, §06] appeared in Venetian waters and blockaded the coast. The Venetians, if their historian writes truly, straightway forgot their allegiance to Charles and furnished military aid to the Greek admiral.s The patriarch Fortunatus ran away » " How beautiful are the feet," etc. 4 See p. 415. 2 Leonis III., ep. i. 5 Annal. Einh., Andr. Dandul. /. c. 3 Ibid. ep. 2. 1. VII., c. 14. 430 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book HI. from Grado, and, again by the emperor's favor, was enabled to take up his seat at Polo in Istria, though not without a gentle demurrer on the part of Leo, who did not hold him either in the bonds of brotherly love.' The blockade was not effective, for a vessel having on board the ambassadors of Charles to Harun, now on their return-journey, together with an ambassador from Harun and a deputation from Jerusalem, ran it without trouble, and entered the port of Treviso.' The nature of the hostilities perpetrated by the Byzantines cannot be determined, but there is no uncer- tainty whatever concerning the moral effects of the Greek fleet. Nicetas appears to have been a man of great tact and ability, for he succeeded in alienating the doges and their party from the Franks. He conferred on the doge Obelierius the dignity of a spatharius, and induced Beatus his brother to accompany him (with Venetian hostages, as well as the bishop of Olivolo and the tribune Felix ** because they favored the Franks") to Constantinople. Having thus re-established the authority of the Byzantine emperor, he had no difificulty in moving Pepin to agree to an armistice to last until August next ensuing (i. e,, 808), and the preliminaries of a treaty of peace, subject to ratifi- cation by Nicephorus. He raised the blockade, and having accomplished the objects of his expedition, among which should be understood the submission of Dalmatia, sailed away. Nicephorus seems to have approved the action of his admiral, for he sent the Francophile bishop and tribune into banishment, but rewarded the converted Beatus with the honorary distinction of hypatos, or titulary consul, and allowed him to return to Venice, where he and his brother Obelierius associated their third brother Valentinus with themselves in the government, so that Venice might now boast of a fraternal triumvirate of doges.^ ^ 1 Chron. Johan. in MG. SS. VII., 3 Annal. Einh. a. 807 ; Joh. Chron. 13 sqq. Cf. Leonis III., ep. 5 Gaffe) ; Venet, /. c. p. 14 —Cf. Harnak, Das Liber de S. Hildulfi, MG. SS. IV., Karoling. u. Byzantin. Reich, p. 49; gg^ and on hypatos, Zanetti apud Pertz, 2 Annal. Einh., cf. Vita Caroli, c. MG. SS. VII., no. 50. 16 and below. Chapter IV.] VENETIAN AFFAIRS. 431 The truce expired, but the peace fell through, and another 809] Greek armament appeared in the Adriatic, which, after touching in Dalmatia, sailed to Venice and spent the winter there. A squadron, under orders to attack Comacchio, had an engagement with the garrison, was defeated, and com- pelled to return to Venice. Paulus, who was in command of the fleet, showed a conciliatory disposition and, alleging to have orders to negotiate for peace, opened communica- tions with the king of Italy, but finding that the doges bit- terly opposed him in every way, and imperilled his safety by secret machinations, cut the Gordian knot and sailed away. It is difficult to explain the policy of the doges. Their action against the admiral seemed inimical to the Byzan- tines, and it was clearly not friendly to the Franks. Did they intrigue for independence, thinking it their advantage to keep the belligerents asunder? Perhaps they only played fast and loose, for a favorable turn. They were cer- tainly slippery and treacherous, and it might be argued, that any arrangement which placed Venice under Prankish domination would be odious to them, as entailing a pun- ishment which they knew they richly deserved.' There is little doubt that Pepin regarded their conduct as perfidious, and resented it by ordering an attack upon Venice by land and by sea. An armament, having on board a very powerful army of Lombard troops, including cavalry, penetrated to the heart of Venetia, crossed the lagoons, or, in the language of a Venetian authority, the " ports " which ^separate the isles, under great difficulties, took Palestrina, and advanced to a place, now disappeared, called Albiola, which was situated near Malamocco. At that point the Venetians were able to check the advance of the enemy, by blocking the channel with masts and spars which they sunk in the shallow water. This, it is said, pre- vented the vessels of Pepin from carrying his troops, which were posted on the coast, to the Rialto, and compelled him ' I do not pretend to explain the 381, Hamak, /. c, p. 50 ; and Simson, puzzle. See Dollinger, /. c, pp. 357, /. c, II., p. 395, text and notes. w 432 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book IH. Chapter IV.] STRUGGLE FOR TORTOSA. 433 to confine his operations to a blockade by land for the space of six months. To this dubious account must be added the fabulous story that the doges attacked and defeated Pepin with great loss at Albiola and forced him to withdraw in confusion.' Other versions still more fabulous, and demon- strably the manufacture of a later period, need not be repeated. We drop therefore the Venetian account, and, though admitting the probability of a check to the army of Pepin, state the result of the expedition in the language of the Prankish annals, to wit, that Pepin subdued Venetia and 810] compelled the doges to make their submission. This appears to be established and confirmed by a Greek writer, saying, that the Venetians, owing to the distress caused by the long blockade and the devastation of their country, were forced to sue for peace.^ The fleet of Pepin thereupon was ordered to proceed to the coast of Dalmatia and waste the country, but that part of the expedition proved an utter failure, for the arrival of Paulus, Prefect of Cephalonia, who came with a Greek fleet in aid of the Dalmatians, compelled the Franks to desist from their purpose and sail away. It may not be superfluous to add that the explicit record of the failure, by the same authority which notes the pre- vious success, enhances of course the credibility of the whole.3 We now turn to the kingdom of Aquitaine and the affairs of Spain. The first event to be chronicled is the submission 806] of Navarra and Pampeluna. The first reduction of these cities to Prankish authority occurred twenty-eight years before when Charles invaded the peninsula in person. Since then, most probably in recent years, the victorious 1 ** Confususrecessit." — J oh. Chron. Ven. p. 15. 2 Const. Porphyro. de administr. imper. c. 28, ed. Bonn. 3 The authorities for this, the last military enterprise of Pepin, are the following: Annal. Einh., Maxim. — Joh. Chron. Venet. MG. SS. VIL, 14, 22 ; Const. Porphyr., De adm. imp. c. 28 (ed. Bonn) ; Andr. Dand. apud Muratori, Rer. lb. SS. XII., 158 sq. — Cf. Harnak, /. >., p. 51 n.— Muhl- bacher, /. <:., no. 437 a. See an ex- haustive critical examination of the legendary account of the attack of Venetia in Simson, /. r., II., Excursus, VI., p. 594 sqq. emir of Cordova reconquered them, as Arab authorities state the case, while the Prankish annals speak of their defection to the Saracens. The circumstances under which they re- turned to Prankish allegiance are unknown.' We have better information of an aggressive movement directed against the city of Tortosa, at the mouth of the Ebro. It was strongly fortified and commanded that river. Its importance as a military position did not escape the emperor's eye. He accordingly directed Louis, in a personal interview with him at Aix-la-Chapelle (February, 809), to strike a blow for its possession. The king of Aquitaine moved at the head of a seemingly adequate army into Spain, and proceeded to St. Columba, two marches west of Barce- lona in the direction of Lerida. There he divided it into two columns, a greater and a lesser. With the former, under his own command, he marched to Tarragona and captured the Moslems whom he found there, that is, those who were unable to escape. Detached companies scoured the country and spread consternation throughout the region ; he set on fire and destroyed whatever lay in his path ; ham- lets, castles and cities, all the way to Tortosa, were laid in ruins ; and then, having by such indiscriminate destruction isolated the place, he pitched his camp under its walls. The second column, evidently composed of picked troops, and conducted by able commanders, among whom Isambard, Hademar, Bera, and Burellus are mentioned by name, was under orders to cross the Ebro, surprise the enemy from the rear and either attack or otherwise harass him. The work assigned to the raiding expedition was difficult and perilous. It had to proceed with the greatest caution and, in order to conceal the movement, was obliged to turn night into day. The raiders marched only by night and rested during the day in the dense seclusion of the woods ; ^ Annal. Einh. Maxim, a. 806. — 319 sq.; Yoss, Ludwig d. Fromme vor Vita Hludov. c. 18, cf. also Annal. seiner Thronbesteigting, p. 23. — See Metten., and for a rich crop of con- also Lembke, Gesch. von Spanien, I., jectures : Leibniz, Ann. imp. I., 244 ; 378. Funck, Ludwig d. Fromme^ p. 30 sq. 28 434 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. they were even forbidden to light camp-fires, lest the smoke should betray them. Thus stealthily advancing they reached on the morning of the seventh day the neigh- borhood of the Cinca, swam that stream, which after its junction with the Segre, forms a confluence with the Ebro at Mequinenza. Near the latter point they also swam this river and forthwith began the work of devastation throughout the region, one of the most fertile and opulent sections of the whole peninsula. Thus they advanced with- out opposition to a place of considerable size, called Villa- Rubea, and as the Saracens in the consternation of such a sudden irruption gave what they had or fled in hot haste, they were able to carry off rich spoils. But the news of their coming spread like wildfire, and a considerable {non minima) multitude of Saracens and Moors {sic) collected near the opening of the Valla-Ibana, a deep ravine hidden between high and precipitous rocks, to dispute their passage in a well-set ambush. Had the raiders entered that hollow they would either have been killed to a man or taken prisoners, for escape was impossible. But precaution and prudence, or some other cause, directed their course and led them to make choice of another road, not as direct, and seemingly in a line opposite to their advance. The Moors seeing them turn round, thought they were flying and gave the pursuit. The Franks soon disabused them, for leaving the spoils, they faced about, engaged, de- feated, and chased their Moslem pursuers ; those who fell into their hands, they put to the sword ; then taking up the spoils, and flushed with victory, they began and completed the return march. They accomplished this plucky and suc- cessful raid in twenty days and, it is added, with inconsider- able loss. The king doubtless rejoiced at the safe return of his troops with such valuable booty, and would have rejoiced still more had his own operations been correspondingly suc- cessful. His biographer records with laconic and judicious brevity that after devastating the country all around, he Chapter IV.] CASE OF AMOROZ. 435 returned home. A supplementary notice, on Arab authority, explains that brevity. It seems that El Hakem, the emir of Cordova, at the first intelligence of the Prankish invasion, ordered his son Abd-el- Rhaman, then at Saragossa, to effect a junction of his avail- able forces with those of the emir of Valencia and by forced marches hasten to the relief of Tortosa. His order was instantly and intelligently obeyed ; the Moslems attacked the Franks in their camp, defeated them, and compelled Louis to raise the siege and retreat. They were neverthe- less not strong enough to give the pursuit.^ 809] About the same time a curious incident occurred, which claims attention. Count Aureolus, the Frankish com- mandant who had his head-quarters in the Spanish Marche at a point opposite to Huesca and Saragossa, died, and at his death, a certain Amoroz, wali of those cities, occupied his territory and put garrisons into his castles. He then sent an embassy to Charles, charged to explain or justify his strange proceedings on the plea that it was his purpose to submit himself with all things to him belonging, and accord- ing to another notice, with all his people, to Frankish rule. §10] The emperor must have thought favorably of the pro- posal, for he sent legates in return requiring the crafty Amoroz to fulfil his promise. He made further promises and proposed a conference with the Frankish counts in the Spanish Marche at which the promised submission was to take place. The emperor approved also of this proposal, but the matter fell through, because '' many causes occurred to prevent." What they were we do not learn. But the sequel seems to imply that the whole thing was a ruse, and as objectionable to the Moslems as to the Franks ; the affair became the subject of diplomatic intercourse and led to the appointment of an Arab embassy to Charles, em- powered to treat of peace. It was virtually concluded, and * Annal. Einh.; Vita Hlud. c. 14; cf. Ademar, apud Duchesne, II., 84. — Conde. I., pt. II., p. 35 ; Fauriel names the Arab historian, Ahmed el Mocri, MS. Arab. 704.— See also Funck, /. ^., 290 sq. ; Lembke, /. <:., I., 379, note 2. 43<5 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. in reciprocation of the emir El Hakem setting free the Frankish Count Haimrich, a prisoner of war, the emperor appears to have surrendered, or, at any rate, reHnquished his hold upon his dubious vassal Amoroz, who was forced by Abd-el-Rhaman, the emir's son, to fly from Saragossa and escape to Huesca.^ Tlie terms of the peace, according to a Spanish writer, were these : The Moors and the Franks to live in peace ; each of the two sovereigns to be satisfied with the territory then in his possession ; the king of Cordova to drive his vassal Amoroz from the fortresses, and restore to Charles the count Henri- cus, for some time past a prisoner in his hands. — El Hakem fulfilled the terms of this agreement, set the count at liberty, and commanded his son to take up arms against Amoroz, faithless alike to both kings. Abd-el-Rhaman forced him out of Saragossa, and pursued him to Huesca, where he intended to fortify himself.^ The first two conditions appear to be purely imaginary ; at least they were flatly contradicted by the events then in progress. The peace, moreover, cannot have been general, for it did not stop hostilities. A new expedition, destined to accom- plish the objects proposed in that of the preceding year, was ordered to be prepared. Louis intended to conduct it in person, but the emperor decided otherwise ; the military ability he then displayed did not render his presence indis- pensable, besides he was wanted for other work of great urgency. He was directed to push and watch the building of ships on the Rhone, the Garonne, and the Silida (P),^ for service against the Northmen,'* and count Ingobert was ac- cordingly placed in command as his lieutenant or repre- sentative. He safely conducted the army to Barcelona and held a military council ; it was decided that the former plan with * Annal. Einh. a. 809, 810; Maxim., 3 It is not known what river is a. 810. meant. Conjectures are abundant. " Historia Critica de Espafia, XII., 4 See p. 443. p. 114 sq. Chapter IV.] RAIDS IN SPAIN. 437 a diversion beyond the Ebro should be repeated. The bulk of the force was to remain with count Ingobert and under- take the siege of Tortosa. A flying column of picked men, commanded by Hademar and Bera, was to march to the Ebro and observe the same cautions as before ; it was ordered, however, that they should not swim the river, but cross on boats. For this purpose the necessary number of boats was built in sections, four sections to each boat, each section to be drawn by two horses or mules. Clamps and nails for putting them together, as well as pitch, wax, and oakum for calking the seams, were provided, and when all was ready, the raiders set out on their perilous venture. Their former experience stood them in good stead, and as they were neither encumbered with unnecessary baggage, nor troubled with tents, they did not loiter by the way, and as stealthily and unobserved as on the former occasion,' per- formed the journey in only three days, or less than half the time then consumed. On the fourth day the men crossed the Ebro on the boats, but the horses swam the river. I /ertheless they failed in surprising the foe. It seems that the wali of Tortosa had been on the alert, and in anti- cipation of a sudden descent placed troops on both banks of the Ebro, which proves that he had profited by past experi- ence. Now it so happened that a Moor, while bathing, detected in the water evidence of the presence of Frankish horses and gave the alarm. Two mounted sentries galloped up the river and, sighting the enemy in force, informed their brethren who fled in hot haste and left their camp, with all its belongings, as it stood, so that the Franks could take and turn it to good use by spending the next night in Arab tents. On the following day Abaidun, wali of Tortosa, came out to meet them. An engagement took place in which the Moors, though greatly superior in numbers, were defeated with great loss. The Franks gave the pursuit and killed the flying enemy until night stayed the massacre. They » See p. 433* 438 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Chapter IV.] HARUN AL RASCHID. 439 gathered a rich booty, and, flushed with victory, repaired to the investing host to join in the operations against Tortosa. But here they were not successful, for the Moors defended their city with skill and valor, and defied the efforts of count Ingobert, who was at last compelled to raise the siege and return/ Events belonging to this period, other than legislative and administrative, in which the emperor appears personally, are now in order. The reader will remember the ship which ran the blockade and entered the port of Treviso.^ It bore the emperor's ambassadors to Harun al Raschid, returning, and accompanied by Abdallah, the khalif s ambassador to Charles, together with George and Felix, two monks from Jerusalem, who came on a mission from the patriarch Thomas.3 Abdallah was the bearer of many rare, costly and artistic presents, which excited universal interest and admira- tion. Besides rich silken vestments, perfumes, salves, and balsam, together with two splendid candelabra of brass or bronze, exquisite in form and of large dimensions, they brought a remarkably fine tent and a water-clock which were extolled above the rest. The tent was a prodigy in size and beauty, and the door curtains together with the ropes and cords were of byssus dyed in variegated colors. The Saxon poet fables of its wonderful dimensions and con- trivances ; it was so lofty that no arm was strong enough to shoot an arrow beyond its roof, and so spacious, and con- tained so many splendid apartments, that it seemed to be a palace.* The brass or bronze water-clock was a most artistic work. A mechanism, set in motion by water, marked the course of twelve hours ; at every full hour as many bronze balls as the dial indicated fell upon a bell placed underneath and made it strike the time ; there were also twelve win- dows which opened as each hour passed away, and lastly at the end of the twelve hours, twelve cavaliers issued forth 1 Vita Hludov. c. 15, and see the record of Arab writers in Funck, /. ^., p. 290. 2 See page 430. 3 Annal. Einh. a. 807. 4 Poeta Saxo 1. IV., v. 85 sqq., 208 sqq. from the twelve windows in so spirited a way that the win- dows could not resist the shock and shut in consequence. The clock had yet many other surprising contrivances too numerous to be mentioned, as the annalist observes, and we therefore drop the subject.' It is doubtless with reference to this embassy that we read that *' when the ambassadors sent by Charles to visit the most holy sepulchre and place of resurrection of our Lord and Saviour, presented themselves before him [Harun] with gifts, and made known their master's wishes, he not only granted what they asked, but gave possession of that holy and blessed spot. When they returned, he despatched his ambassadors with them and sent magnificent gifts, etc."= The evangelical accuracy of this statement may fairly be questioned, but there is no reason to doubt the fact that the khalif ratified the nominal suzerainty of Charles over the Holy Places, whose symbols the patriarch of Jerusalem had sent him on the eve of his coronation (8oo).3 In the hands of the Monk of St. Gall the khalif goes so far as to propose to the ambassadors of Charles a cession of the entire Holy Land, content to administer the same in the capacity of a deputy {advocatus) \^ The embassy of Harun was purely one of amity, but of the object of the mission of Brothers George and Felix the record is silent. We may connect it, however, with the generosity of Charles who upon the discovery of " Christians living in poverty in Syria, Egypt, and Africa, at Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Carthage, had compassion on their wants, and used to send money over the seas to them. The reason that he so zealously strove to make friends with the kings beyond seas was that he might get help and relief to the Christians living under their rule."s 80§] During the emperor's stay at Nimeguen he accorded hospitable protection to Eardulf, the fugitive king of North- umbria. His subjects, as appears from the epistles of Alcuin,^ ' Annal. Einh. « Vita Caroli, c. 16. 3 See page 216 sq. 4 Monach. Sangall. II., g. 5 Vita Caroli, c. 27. ^ Alcuini Epp., /. c, 65, 79, 173, 229. 440 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book IH. had just grounds of complaint against him, but he always maintained friendly relations with Charles' and naturally turned to him in his distress ; he also had the ear and inter- est of Leo to whom he was wont to send embassies. The latter, moreover, espoused his cause and sent the Anglo- Saxon deacon Aldulf as his legate into Great Britain, for the purpose of composing the difficulty. In the meantime Ear- dulf, upon consultation with Charles, proceeded to Rome,' where he spent some time, and, thanks to the joint good offices of the emperor and the pope, was enabled to return to his kingdom. His restoration appears to have taken place under imposing circumstances, for we read that the aforesaid Aldulf, representing the pope, and the notary Hrotfrid together with Nautharius, Abbot of St. Omer, representing Charles, accompanied him on the occasion. ^ The ambassadors, upon the successful execution of their mission, set sail for their distant homes. Those of Charles 809] escaped the dangers of the sea, but the papal legate was less fortunate ; he fell into the hands of pirates who carried him back to Britain, and held him until a vassal of Coenulf, King of Mercia, paid his ransom. It appears that his deliverance, perhaps only his ultimate safe return to Rome, was due to the kind intervention or assistance of Charles.* About this time (808) the inimical conduct of Gottfried,^ King of the Danes, called for energetic resistance and chastise- ment. He invaded the territory of the Abodrites, whom we left in possession of the land of the expatriated Northalbin- gians,^ and committed terrible outrages, in which the Wilzen or Welatabians, the Smeldings, and Linonians appear as his allies. It is stated that he took and destroyed a number of castles, and devastated the country; that he drove away Thrasco, the not over-popular ruler of the Abodrites, treach- ' Leonis III., epist. 2 (Jaffe). 2 Annal. Einh. a. 808. 3 Annal. Einh., a. 8o3, 809 ; Maxim., 808. 4 Annal. Einh. e. a. Leon HI., ep. 4. 5 The Danes call him Gottrik, and a saga of his acts and exploits has been published by Olaiis Verelius. 6 See p. 140. Chapter IV] GOTTFRIED OF DENMARK. 441 erously possessed himself of the person of Godelib, another duke of the same people, and hung him ; and that he made two-thirds of the people tributary. His successes, however, were dear-bought, for the Abodrites offered stubborn resist- ance, and in the defence of an unnamed town fought so valiantly that by far the best of the Danish warriors lay dead on the field, and Reginold, the king's own nephew and heir-apparent in the throne, was among the slain. The announcement of the invasion provoked immediate action. It was feared that the intrepid Dane might attempt to cross the Elbe, and the emperor accordingly sent his son Charles at the head of a strong army to that river, with orders to resist the advance of the insensate {vcesajio) king. When Charles arrived at the Elbe he cast a bridge over that river, and learning that the enemy, doubtless too weak, after his severe losses, for further offensive operations, was in retreat with great celerity entered the country of the Linonians and the Smeldings, and laid it waste. The campaign, however, was not successful ; his losses in men were considerable, and he deemed it prudent to recross the Elbe. Gottfried, on the other hand, appears to have pursued his march to the coast, and, after the destruction of a mercantile sea-port called Reric, and the removal of the traders on board his vessels, set sail and disembarked his army at Sliesthorp, the modern Sleswig. There, it is added, he provided for the protection of his frontier against encroachments from the direction of Saxony, by ordering the building of a wall, on the northern bank of the Eider, from the Baltic to the North Sea, furnished with only one gate for the ingress and egress of wagons and horses. Leaving the execution of this pro- digious work in the hands of his army, he went home.' Nor was the emperor remiss in the protection of his fron- tier. He ordered his missi to direct the building of two castles on the Elbe, in which he placed Prankish garrisons as a precautionary measure against the Sclavonians.^ The T Annal. Einh. a. 808. these castles was probably Hohbuoki. ^ Annal. Einh.; Maxim.; S. Aman- See Simson, /. r., II., p. 390, note 8. di ; Chronic. Moiss. a. 808. One of 442 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Danish king, however, apprehending further trouble, and ostensibly with a view to peace, sent several merchants with a message to this effect : he had heard that the emperor was angry with him for having made war, the year before, with the Abodrites,. and avenged his injuries ; this he could easily explain since it was they and not himself who in the first instance had broken the peace ; so, with a view to a satisfactory discussion and solution of the pending difficul- ties, he recommended the appointment of an international commission. The emperor did not disfavor the Danish proposals and consented to the appointment of his commis- sioners, who met the Danish deputies at a place beyond the Elbe, called Badenfliot. The conference took place, the commissioners discussed the criminations which were made on both sides, and separated without any practical results. Meanwhile the excitement among the Sclavonian tribes was at flood-tide. Thrasco, it seems, who in compliance with the demand of Gottfried, had given him his son as hostage, felt at liberty to return to his country, and straight- way undertook to avenge his wrongs. He collected an army, composed of his own people and Saxon auxiliaries, and in punishment of their alliance with Gottfried, invaded the country of the Welatabians, laid it waste with fire and sword, and, laden with booty, returned home. Flushed with his success, he accepted still more Saxon {i. e. Prankish) auxiliaries and fell upon the Smeldings. He took their capital city, and forced them, as well as others, who had revolted from his rule, to return to their allegiance. We understand that he did this as the ally and vassal of Charles, under his directions, and with the troops which he sent him.* The effect of these events on the mind of Gottfried may be divined. Thrasco had absolutely destroyed his work and made his former success of none effect ; and on Thrasco he meant to be avenged. He succeeded in enticing him by specious representations to Reric, and there caused him to be assassinated by one of his vassals.^ * Annal. Einh., Maxim.; Regino ; Chronic. Moiss. 2 Chron. Moiss. Annal. Einh. Chapter IV.] DANISH DESCENT. 443 Gottfried was a reckless and most dangerous enemy, so ** puffed up with vain aspirations that he counted on gain- ing empire over all Germany, and looked upon Saxony and Frisia as his provinces. He had already subdued his neigh- bors the Abodrites, and made them tributary, and boasted that he would soon appear with a great army before Aix-la- Chapelle, where the king held his court. Some faith was put in his words," ' and Charles, in anticipation of further hostilities, ordered the immediate erection of a strong for- tress at Esesfeld on the Stoer, the modern Itzehoe.^ 810] But the Dane stole a march upon him and struck a blow where he was least expected. The emperor was still at Aix-la-Chapelle, when suddenly tidings came of a most alarming character. A Danish fleet of two hundred sail, after devastating the islands off the coast, had landed in Frisia, defeated the Frisians in three successive engage- ments, made them tributary, and already exacted a first contribution of three hundred pounds of silver. The report continued that the descent had been made by Gottfried's lieutenants, but that he himself had stayed at home. Inquiry proved that the announcement was strictly true ; it was by far the boldest attack on the Frankish dominions ever made by northern foe. It fairly stunned Charles, and roused not only his anger, but all the latent energy of his nature. He summoned the heerbann, ordered the comple- tion of the ships building in different parts of the empire, the collection of a fleet, and the coast-guard to every point where the enemy might be able to land.^ He immediately left the palace, it being his first purpose to attack the hostile fleet ; but as this was not practicable, he changed his mind, and deeming it best that operations should begin from a point near the reported descent, pro- ceeded with the younger Charles to Lippeham, the desig- nated rendezvous of the troops, led them by forced marches to Verden on the Aller, and went into camp. ' Vita Caroli, c. 14. 3 Ann. Einh. a. 811.— See p. 426^ 2 Annal. Einh., Maxim., a. 809. and Vita Caroli, c. 17. Chron. Moiss. a. 810. 444 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Chapter IV.] DEATH OF PEPIN. 445 There he awaited further developments, for the move- ments and designs of the enemy were shrouded in mystery. Would Gottfried fulfil his boast and meet him in open field? Whence would he come? From beyond the Elbe, or from Frisia ? Prepared for every possible emergency, and pending the uncertainty, he held a placitum, received a deputation of his staunch allies, the Abodrites, and in response to their solicitation, designated Sclaomir successor to their murdered king.' The long continued dearth of intelligence and suspense at last gave way to a series of startling announcements. " The Danes had re-embarked and sailed home," was the burden of the messages which came from Frisia ; ** Gott- fried has been assassinated by one of his own body-guard," shouted couriers from the Elbe as they entered the camp. This ended the war in a most wonderful and unexpected way.^ The fate of Gottfried was a Nemesis, which Charles and his warriors heard with a sense of relief, but on the heels of its announcement came another of an opposite character. The Welatabians had surprised the castle of Hohbuoki on the Elbe, with a garrison of Eastphalian troops, commanded by an imperial missus, and destroyed it ; the loss was vexa- tious, but easy to repair.^ It was the precursor of one much sorer, and irreparable, in the untimely death of Pepin, King of Italy. The circum- stances under which it occurred are not known, for the vague statement of a later writer, that it was preceded by a painful illness, sheds no light on the subject.^ It was ' Annal. Einh., a. 817; Aquens. 809; MUhlbacher, /. c, pp. 181, 251. 2 Annal. Einh. ; Maxim. ; Chron. Moiss. ; Vita Caroli, c. 14. The Monk of St. Gall says, that Gottfried was slain by his own son in revenge for the repudiation of his mother, adding that while Charles glorified God for this singular judgment, he greatly de- plored the calamity of his own ab- sence, and the consequent escape of the Danes, exclaiming : " Woe is me, that I was not worthy to see how my Christian soldiers would have handled those dogheads ! " Monach. Sangall. II , 13 ; Ekke- hard, Chron, Univ. MG. SS. VI., 162, 170. 3 Annal. Einh. 4 Poeta Sax. IV., 241. utterly unexpected; the last tidings of Pepin were those of the Venetian campaign,' which must have swelled his father's heart with grateful joy, and fond expectation; and now, in immediate succession, came this crushing blow. Twice before that year, not yet eight months old, the angel of death had visited his house; first he summoned away Gisla, his beloved and only surviving sister, the saintly abbess of Chelles, who was as dear to him as his mother ; =* then he took his eldest daughter, princess Rotrud, once affianced to the emperor Constantine, Alcuin's Coliunba, the mother of Louis, subsequently abbot of St. Denis, and of late years the frequent companion of her aunt ; and now he removed, in distant Italy, his well-beloved Pepin.^ It was a great sorrow, and he wept for him — for he was wont to weep in bereavement^ — in his camp at Verden on the Aller, the same place where in years gone by he gazed, with unmoved eye, on the gory punishment of the perfidi- ous Saxons. Pepin died in the thirty-third year of his life, and was reputed to be a kind and tender-hearted man, of winsome presence, and considerable culture. He excelled most in arms, as the Beneventans, Avars, and Venetians knew to their cost, and Angilbert told in verse.5 He was buried at Milan, and a mural tablet of recent recovery, in the left nave of St. Ambrose, bears a Latin inscription of this tenor : " Here rests in peace Pepin who reigned in this province twenty-eight years and three months. He was buried on the fifth of the Ides of July in the third year of the Indic- tion. A son of the great lord Charles." ^ ^ See p. 432 sq. » Vita Caroli, c. 18. 3 Erm. Nigell. Eleg. II., 175. 4 Vita Caroli, c. ig. 5 Carm. /. c. VI. , 200 sqq. ^ The Latin inscription is as follows : + Hie Pipinus rex quiescit in pace qui in hac regnavit provincia ann. XXVIII. m. III. Depositus V. Idus lul. indictione III. fil. d. m. Caroli. The death and burial of Pepin, in Milan, are attested : i. The death, by Sigebert, /. c. a. 809 ; Dand., Mura- tori, Rer. It. SS., XII., 158 E.; 2. The burial, Annal. Lauriss. minor. h 446 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Chapter IV.] THE EPIZOOTY. 447 The emperor at once sent for his children, one son and five daughters/ placed Bernhard, for some time, in the mon- astery at Fulda,* for the purpose of profiting by the instruc- tions of the famous Rhabanus, its abbot, and provided for the orphaned daughters at the Court, where they found a loving home, and were educated under the direction and in the company of their aunts. Besides these personal and domestic griefs, Charles was much cast down by a great national calamity, which bore, with unexampled severity, especially on the army in West- phalia. The epizooty, a pestilential murrain, broke out, and cut off all the cattle of the expedition to a head. The prevalence of that fatal disease in every part of the Prankish empire filled the people with despair and led to terrible results. The ignorant, suspicious, and unreasoning populace sought to explain the epidemic, and from inability to find a solution, believed a wide-spread rumor that Grim- oald, Duke of Benevento, had sent out emissaries who poisoned all the wells, meadows, and even the grazing lands of mountainous regions by scattering broad-cast '' mortal powder," as it was called. In vain did more enlightened persons protest, denounce the wickedness and absurdity of so dangerous a rumor, explaining that the Grimoald, who for so many years had been at enmity with the Franks was dead, and that the new Grimoald, who had risen in his place, was an urbane and peaceful man, and inclined to be the friend of Charles. They preached to deaf ears, for the cod. Rem. ; Chronic Vedast. MG. SS. XIII , 707. The tradition, naming St. Zeno in Verona as the place of his burial, is untenable. See Malfatti, Bernardo re d'ltalia, p. 53 sq. The authenticity of the mural tablet in St. Ambrose's is not undisputed. Another, and very elegant epitaph, printed by DUmmler in Poet. Latin, aev. Carol. I., 405, bears intrinsic evidence of having been intended to be placed over the tomb, and presumably was set up. The first two lines ex- pressly and emphatically affirm as much : Hoc iacet in tumulo Pippinus, rez ven- erandus, Hesperiam rexit, hoc iacet in tumulo. ' Their names were : Adelaide, Atula, Gundrada, Berthaid, Theodra- da. — The name of their mother is not known ; an allusion to her occurs in Ale. ep. 77. =» Simson, /. c, II., 485. insensate people would arrest strangers or suspicious charac- ters, accuse them of scattering poison, and lay violent hands on them. Some, according to an eye-witness, they killed on the spot, but most of the victims were tied to boards and drowned. By far the most wonderful feature of the mur- derous excitement was the strange circumstance that some of the persons seized actually confessed that they had scat- tered '' mortal powder." The writer does not state that their confession was volun- tary, but torture is probably its explanation. The frenzy was so dangerous that special legislation be- came necessary, and the clergy were instructed to admonish the people to give alms and humble themselves in prayer for the removal of the many plagues with which for their sins they were grievously afiflicted.^ A sample of the manner in which the metropolitans com- plied with the imperial mandate has been preserved. The circular enjoins a three days' fast with humiliation and prayer to be universally observed, throughout the archiepLs- copal see by all persons, except such as by reason of old age, or infancy, were unable to keep it ; directs the fast to extend to abstinence from meat and wine, from beer, mil- sehida (a concoction of beans and honey) and mead ; and that all persons unable to fast were fined a solidus a day if they were rich ; if in middling circumstances, in six denarii a day, and if poor, in as much as they were able to give. Perhaps these amounts were required of all persons as part of the fast. The clerics and nuns able to recite the Psalter were re- quired to repeat the entire book in three daily portions of fifty Psalms. The remainder of the circular is wanting.' On this, the last expedition conducted by Charles in per- son, occurred the accident included among the prodigies prophetic of his death.3 If it happened at that time, it * Agobard, De grand, et tonitruis, = Rhicolfi archiepisc. ad Eginonem c. 16; Capit. Missor. Aquisgr. i, a. epistola a. 810, apud Boretius, I.e., p. 810 ; idem, 2, 810 ; apud Boretius, /. 249. r., p. 153. 3 Vita Caroli, c. 32. See p. 490. / 448 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. h impressed him doubtless as a similar event would impress strong-minded and enlightened men of common sense now, who would view it as a merciful deliverance, or, should their convictions tend that way, as a special providence. The intimation of impending death would probably be as remote from their minds as it was from the thought of Charles. But that camp at Verden marks a change in his life ; the hand of God had touched him inly, and he left the Aller, a chastened and a better man/ Another subject of great moment to theologians of the ninth century, and still of considerable interest, remains to be considered. The dogma of the Procession of the Holy Ghost, often remanded to the realm of the unknown or unknowable, is one of the questions which led to the great schism eventu- ating in the separation of the Greek and Latin Churches. It is an indisputable fact that the Council of Constantinople A. D. 381] inserted in the Creed of the Council of Nice A. B>. 325] the words ''proceeding from the Father," and A. D. 431] that the Council of Ephesus decreed that thence- forth no additions should be made to that Creed. The Greek Church accordingly taught that the Holy Ghost pro- ceeded from the Father. Thus the dogma stood in the Creed, although there is good ground for the opinion that both early Greek and Latin theologians held the view that the Holy Ghost proceeded from tbe Father and the Son. A. D. 5§9] In the Latin Church, the Council of Toledo inserted the words filioque, i. e., '' and from the Son," in the aforesaid Creed, and thus it passed into the Frankish Church. The question was examined in a Synod held at A. D. 767] Gentilly in the reign of King Pepin, at which Byzantine and papal representatives were present, but it remained open. At the instance of Charles it was taken * For the whole section, besides the special references see on the Danish expedition : 8og, Annal. Mett. ; Einh.; Maxim.; Chron. Moiss. — 8io. Annal. Einh., Maxim., S. Amandi ; Chron. Moiss. ; Annal. Aquens. — Vita Caroli, cc. 17, 14. — On Pepin : Annal. Einh. Chapter IV.] THE FILIOQUE. 449 up, and Alcuin wrote a treatise upon it which took strong ground in favor of the double procession.^ A monk of St. Sabas at Jerusalem, the presbyter John, raised the question in a vehement attack of the Frankish congregation on the Mount of Olives, and declared them and all the Franks, because of the obnoxious interpolation, heretics. The excitement was intense*, and the controversy grew so hot that it became necessary to refer the dispute for decision in the first instance to Pope Leo IIL, and through him to the emperor. Charles introduced the mat- §09] ter in the Synod of Aix-la-Chapelle, but although that Council showed a strong leaning in favor of the view ably presented by the bishop of Orleans (Theodulf), and Sma- ragdus, abbot of St. Mihiel on the Meuse, that the dogma of the Double Procession rested upon the express testimony of passages from the Old and New Testaments and the Fathers, did not reach a decision.^ But the emperor, unwilling to leave the matter unsettled, appointed Bernharius bishop of Worms, and his cousin Adalhard, abbot of Corbie, ambassa- dors to Leo with a view to bring it to a formal decision. They read to Leo all the proof passages in favor of the filioque, and then discussed them with him in a very friendly spirit, urging that if the dogma of the Double Procession set forth an important truth, every means of making it known should be adopted, submitting that the chanting of the Creed with the filioque in public [/. e., especially in the imperial Chapel Service], would greatly conduce to so desirable an end. The pope, while adopting the dogma that the Holy Ghost ''proceeded from the Father and the Son, opposed the introduction of the word filioque as an unau- thorized interpolation, on the ground of veneration of the fathers who framed the Creed, and of tender regard for the Greeks to whom it was obnoxious. He declared it as his opinion that the word should be dropped, and that the I Libellus de processione spiritus is ascribed to Charles ; probability sancti, Opp. ed. Froben. I., 3 ; Al- points to another authorship, but cuini ep. 242. whose I do not pretend to affirm. - The Hymn Veni Creator Spiritus 29 450 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book IH. chanting of the Creed, because it was not chanted in his own church, should be gradually omitted. In order, moreover, to give a public intimation of his views he caused to be set up in the churches of St. Peter and St. Paul, at Rome, the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed in the precise form (/. ^., without the filioque) in which it had been set forth. It was engraved on two very- massive silver shields, on the one in Greek and on the other in Latin, which appeared on either side of the entrance to the tomb of St. Peter, and again on another such shield at the entrance to that of St. Paul. Underneath he added these words : '' I, Leo, have set this up in token of my love and protection (cauteld) of the orthodox faith.*' ^ In spite of his opinion, however, the use of Aix-la- Chapelle remained in force ; and in due course the famous word gradually found its way into the form of the Creed throughout the Latin Churches. ^ Epist. Carol. 22, 23 (Jaffe); Migne t. CV., p. 239 ; t. 98, 923. — Epist. Mo^nt. I (Jaflfe, HI., 317). Annal. Einh. a. 810; Maxim.; cf. Adonis Chron. MG. SS. H., 320. — Mansi XIV., 18. See also Le Cointe, An- nal. Eccles. Franc, t. IV., ad. a. 809. Longueval, Histoire dc V ^glise Gallicane, t. V., p. 151. — Vita Leon is III., ap. Muratori, Rer. It. SS. \\\,y I, p. 208. CHAPTER V. LAST YEARS OF CHARLES. Provisional government of Italy by missi. — Peace with Nicephorus. — Charles divides his treasure. — Text of the Testament. — Case of Obelierius. — Events in the Eastern empire. — Michael I. emperor. — Ratification of peace. — Leo V. emperor. — Peace with Denmark. — Affairs in that country. — Norman and Saracen pirates. — Peace and war in Spain. — Futile investment of Huesca. — Military expeditions against the Vasconians ; the Bretons, Linnonians, etc.; and, for the establishment of order, to Pannonia ; later, against the Weia- tabians — Final submission of Benevento. — Adalhard. The death of Pepin imposed the necessity of immedi- ate provision for the administration of his kingdom. His rule, like that of Louis, was strictly dependent on that of Charles,^ and purely nominal. Even in the matter of the coinage, the supremacy of Charles was strictly maintained, and coins struck in Italy, Aquitaine, and the Spanish Marche, still extant, bear his name.^ Accordingly at his death the instructions, before given to him, were transferred to imperial inissi, among whom the abbot of Corbie was the most illustrious.^ The arrange- ment, however, was only provisional. Soon after his demise, the spatharius Arsafius, an ambas- sador from the Greek emperor, the bearer of letters, and messages for Pepin, arrived in Italy. Charles, upon his own testimony, heard the announce- ' See Art. 20 of the Instrument of The last place names the patriarch Division, p. 424. 2 Soetbeer, Forschungcn, IV. , 299, 303» 307, 341, sq. 3 Tiraboschi, Storia della badia di Nonantola, II., 36, no. 20 ; — Mura- Paulinus, archbishop Arno, abbot Far- dulf, and the count palatine Echerigus as imperial missi in Italy, before this period ; and the last but one distinctly states that Rotechild was the baiulus rori, Antiq. Ital. II., 977; V., 953. of Pepin. 452 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. ment of his arrival with pleasure, and unable to doubt the purport of his mission, concluded to treat it as directed to himself, and invited the spathariiis to proceed to his court. The tenor of the imperial letter, and the oral communica- tions of the ambassador, convinced him of the pacific inten- tions of the Byzantine government and paved the way for an amicable understanding. A preliminary treaty of peace, on the basis of the restoration to Greek supremacy of Venetia and the sea-ports in Liburnia and Dalmatia, and the recognition, by the Byzantine emperor, of Charles as Emperor of the West, was the result of the negotiations. Charles, upon the conclusion of this treaty, addressed a very cordial epistle to Nicephorus, in which he dwells with mani- fest gratification on the pacific disposition of his imperial ** brother " (for whom he has also such endearing terms^as •' amiable fraternity," '' loving dilection," " affection "), and concludes with the announcement of his purpose of speedily sending to him an embassy for the continuation, and, eventu- ally, the confirmation and ratification of the peace.' He probably made Arsafius, in a farewell audience, bearer of the said epistle, and soon after, say early in 8ii, sent his own ambassadors, to wit, Heito, Bishop of Basel, Hugo, Count of Tours, and the Lombard Aio of Friuli to Constantinople. It is added, that the embassy, — doubtless in consequence of a previous understanding reached by Charles and Arsafius — conducted Obelierius, the deposed doge of Venice, to " his master," i. e., the Greek emperor, as well as the spatharius Leo of Sicily, a fugitive at the court of Charles, who now desired to return to Constantinople.* Before the departure of the said embassy ,3 the emperor took action in a matter which is doubtless closely connected with his sad bereave- ments. » Annal. Einh. Maxim, a. 8io, 8ii, cf. 812. — Vita Carol, cc. 15, 16, 28. — Epistol. Carol. 29 (Jaffe), and see on the whole subject, Simson, /. f., H., p. 444 sqq. and ibid.^ Excursus V. 2 Annal. Einh. Maxim, a. 8i;[. Cf. Monach. Sangall. H., 6, and on Obe- lierius, Johan. Chron. Ven. MG. SS., vn., 15. 3 This is established, for Heito, bishop of Basel, was one of the wit- nesses of his testament. Chapter V.] LAST YEARS OF CHARLES. 453 811] There were monitions, which the stealthy approach of old age bade him heed. Five years before he had regu- lated the division of his empire, and the succession, but he had not yet made his will. Strictly speaking he never dis- posed by testamentary provision of his real estate. Ein- hard writes that '' he had intended to make a will that he might apportion to his daughters and the children of his concubines shares in his inheritance, but it was begun too late, and could not be finished. Three years before his death, however, he made a division of his treasure, etc." ' It is with this division that we are now concerned. Con- cerning this interesting document, happily preserved, it is known that on a certain day, not mentioned, he assembled his friends and ministers, and called them in as witnesses, that their voices might insure the ratification of his disposi- tions after his decease. He had a summary drawn up of his wishes regarding this distribution of his property, the terms and text of which are as follows : ^' In ^ the name of Lord God Almighty, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. '' This is the inventory and division made by the most glorious and most pious ^ Lord Charles, Emperor Augustus, in the year of the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ DCCCXL, of his reign in Francia XLIIL, in Italy XXXVII., of his empire XL, and of the Indiction IV., which considera- tions of piety and prudence have moved him by divine favor to make of his treasures and money as found this day in his treasure-room^ '* By this act he specially desires to provide not only that out of his wealth there be made for himself such largess of alms as Christians are wont to make of their possessions, but that his heirs shall be free from all doubt, know clearly what is their own, and be able to secure their share * Vita Caroli, c. 33. 3 The words pious and piety do not 2 I have used the text of Teulet, but signify religious veneration as to God, compared it with the texts of Pertz, but denote humane considerations as Schmincke and Jaffe. to man. 454 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. in the property by just partition without Htigation or strife. ** With this purpose and to this end he has divided all his substance and movable goods, found this day in his treasure-room, consisting of gold, silver, precious stones, and royal ornaments, first into three lots, and then subdivided and set off two of these three lots into twenty-one parts, but reserved the third entire. " The first two lots have been thus subdivided into twenty- one parts because there are in his empire twenty-one ' met- ropolitan cities, and it is ordered that each archiepiscopal see shall receive as alms at the hands of his heirs and friends, one of the said parts, and that the archbishop, then adminis- tering the affairs of the *same, shall take the said part and in such wise share the same with his suffragans that one third thereof be given to his Church and the two-thirds re- maining be divided among the suffragans. The twenty-one parts into which the first two lots are to be divided conform- ably to the number of the metropolitan cities, have been separated, and each of them has been placed by itself in a box inscribed with the name of the city for which it is des- tined. The names of the cities to which this alms or lar- gess is to be given are these: Rome, Ravenna, Milan, Friuli, Grado, Cologne, Mayence, Juvarum (Salzburg), Treves, Sens, Besangon, Lyons, Rouen, Rheims, Aries, Vienne, Moutiers- en-Tarantaise, Embrun, Bordeaux, Tours, and Bourges. » There were twenty-four metropoli- tan cities in his empire. Eause {Elusa); Aix in Provence ; and Narbonne, are omitted. Eause, the metropolis of Novempopulania, having been de- stroyed by the Vandals the metropoli- tan seat of the province was tempora- rily reunited to that of Bordeaux, and not restored to the Church of Auch until about 845. The Church of Aix, metropolis of the second Narbonnessia, appears to have lost its metropolitan title about 596, and not recovered it until 828 ; throughout that period it vi^as regarded as a suffragan see of the metropolis of Aries. The omission of these two names from the list is easily accounted for, but that of so famous a metropolis as Narbonne is difficult to explain. See Le Cointe, Ann. Eccl. Franc, ad. a. 811, no. VHI., and Baluzius, CapituL Reg. Franc, II., 1071. — Teulet. Compare also Leibniz, Ann. Imp. !•, 275 ; Synod. Francof. 794, 8. Jaffe, Reg. Pont. Rom. no. CCCXXIV., Muhlbacher, /. c, p. 126. Chapter V.] LAST YEARS OF CHARLES. 455 ** The third lot, which he wills shall be kept entire, shall be appropriated as here set forth : while the first two lots shall be divided into the parts aforesaid, and under seal set aside, the third lot shall be applied to the owner's daily wants, as property exempt from alienation because of the obligations of any vow, even so long as he shall survive, or deem it necessary for his use. But upon his death, or voluntary renunciation of the affairs of this world,' this lot shall be divided into four parts, one of which shall be added to the aforesaid twenty-one parts ; it being his will that the second part shall be given to his sons and daughters, and to the sons and daughters of his sons, and distributed among them in just and equal partition ; that the third part, agree- ably to the custom observed by Christians, be appropriated to the poor ; and that the fourth part, in like manner, and as alms, be applied to the men-servants and maid-servants holding office in the palace. *' To this third lot of the whole estate which, like the two first lots, consists of gold and silver, the testator directs, shall be added all vessels and utensils of bronze, iron, and other metals, together with arms, vestments, and other movable goods, costly or cheap, adapted to divers uses, such as hangings, coverlets, carpets, felt-cloth,'^ leather ware, saddles, and whatsoever may be found in his treasure-room and wardrobe on that day, to the end that the parts of the said lot may be thus augmented, and the distribution of the alms benefit a greater number of persons. '* As to his Chapel, that is to say, all the objects pertain- ing to the service thereof, both those by himself provided and collected, and those which came to him by inheritance from his father, shall according to his will remain entire, and not be dissevered by any partition whatsoever. If, how- ever, there be found in the same any books, vessels, or other articles, of which it is positively ascertained that they were not given by him to the aforesaid Chapel, which any one * This seems to intimate that such housings of horses and tent covers, an idea had passed through his mind. See Ducange, s v. , feltrum, ^ Filtrum, then much used for the 456 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. i desires to have, he may secure them on payment of their value at a just estimation. ** He Hkewise directs that the books which he has collected in great numbers in his library, may be sold for just prices to those who may desire to have them, and that the money received for them be given to the poor. " It is well known that among his other property and treasures there are three silver tables and one very large and massive one of gold. He directs and commands that the square silver table, upon which appears a representation of the city of Constantinople, together with the other gifts set apart for the same, shall be sent to the Basilica of St. Peter the Apostle at Rome ; that the second table, of circular shape, and ornamented with a delineation of the city of Rome, shall be given to the Bishop's Church at Ravenna ; that the third, which in beauty of workmanship and weight surpasses the other two, and is made in three circles dis- playing the plan of the whole universe skilfully and deli- cately drawn,' together with the golden table already named before as the fourth, shall be applied to the augmentation of that lot ordered to be appropriated to his heirs and to alms. " This act, and the dispositions thereof he has made and constituted in the presence of the bishops, abbots, and counts able to be present, whose names are hereunto sub- scribed : Bishops : " Hildebaldus,* Ricolfus,^ Arno,^ Wolfarius,** Bernoin,* Laidradus,^ Johannes,^ Theodulfus,** Jesse,' Heito,^ Waltgaudus.*" Abbots : '' Fredugisus,* Adalung," Angilbertus," Irmino.° Counts : '' Wala,^ Meginherus,** Otulfus," Stephanus,'' Un- ruochus,' Burchardus," Meginhardus,^ Hatto^ The table, a marvel for size and beauty, displayed in relief, and in separate places, the terrestrial globe, the constellations, and the movement of the planets. Thegan. c. 8. — Annal. Bertin. — Bouquet, V., 6i. I This is the only object of his father's treasure which Louis took as a memorial of him. It was formed of three circles like three bucklers united, and remained at Aix-la-Chapelle until 842, when Lotharius removed, and divided it among his partisans. Chapter V.] LAST YEARS OF CHARLES. 457 Richowinus,"^ Edo, Ercangarius, Geroldus,* Bera," Hildigern, Rocculfus.' " ' It will be remembered that the embassy of Charles con- veyed Obelierius, the ex-doge of Venice, to Constantinople. His case was peculiar ; alike faithless to both emperors, his fall was inevitable. Arsafius demanded his extradition, and upon the conclusion of the preliminary peace, went to Venice for the regulation of its affairs. The Prankish annals state that Obelierius was degraded because of his perfidy, and sent to his master at Constantinople, while Venetian authorities explain that the deposition of all the doges was effected by joint action of Arsafius and the Venetians, add- ing that ObeHerius was sent to Constantinople, and Beatus a. b. c. d. e. f. S- h- << Bishop >• Abbot m. *t n. << (< t( it ^ Notices concerning the signers of the will. Archbishop of Cologne. *' " Mayence. " Salzburg. Rheims. Besanfon. Lyons. Aries. Orleans. Amiens. Basle. Liege. St. Martin's, Tours, and Cormery. Lorsch. St. Riquier. St. Germain-des-Pres. Son of Bernhard, brother of Pepin, King of the Franks ; first cousin of Charles, and brother of Adalhard. Probably Count of Sens. — Simson. , Probably identical with the seneschal, Audulfus. Count of Paris (?). See page 382. Imperial missus ; grandfather of Berengar L The constable mentioned p. 427. ^- One of the plenipotentiaries at the peace with Denmark, a. 811. ^- Patavinus, ambassador of Louis to Leo V., a. 814 (?). *• Count of the East Marche. — Cf. Dummler, Siidostliche Marken, p. 19, no. 4. — Miihlbacher, /. c, p. 186, no. 452. y- Commandant at Barcelona, a. 801. *• Cf. Epist. Carol. 41 (Jaffe), Boretius, /. c, I., i (?). (( << r. s. t. u- \ 458 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. to Zara, but that their brother Valentine, on account of his youth, was suffered to remain. At the same time the Rialto was chosen as the seat of the doge ; Agnello Partecipazio, a brave and cathoHc man, raised to the dogeate ; and two tribunes, holding office for one year, were appointed as his assistants in the administra- tion of justice.* When the ambassadors of Charles reached their destina- tion, they learned that Nicephorus was dead, and had been succeeded by Michael, his son-in-law. 811] Nicephorus, " unskilful and unfortunate in war," perished at the hands of Krumm, the fierce Bulgarian khan, who in a nocturnal surprise ^of the imperial camp, massacred the emperor and many Byzantine nobles, severely wounded Stauracius, the emperor's son, set up the head of Nicephorus on a pole, made the people, as he went, tributary, marched on Develtus, took that city and other places, and carried off their inhabitants to his own thinly-settled territory on the Danube.^ Stauracius, having escaped from the massacre, succeeded his father ; " yet six months of an expiring life were suffi- cient to refute his indecent, though popular declaration, that he would in all things avoid the example of his father. On the near prospect of his decease, Michael, the great mas- ter of the palace, and the husband of his sister Procopia, was named by every person of the palace and city, except by his envious brother. Tenacious of a sceptre, now falling from his hand, he conspired against the life of his successor, and cherished the idea of changing to a democracy the Roman .empire. But these rash projects served only to inflame the zeal of the people, and to remove the scruples of the candidate: Michael the First accepted the purple, and before he sunk into the grave, the son of Nicephorus implored the clemency of his new sovereign. "3 » Ann. Einh. a. 8ii ; Joh. Chron. Ven. Vn., 15, 16 ; Andr. Dand. /. c. xn., 159. 160, 161, 165, 173. 2 Annal. Einh. a. 812, 813. Theoph. Chronogr. ed. Bonn., p. 764. Hamak, /. c,y 54, no. 2. 3 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. xlviii. Chapter V.] LAST YEARS OF CHARLES. 459 Michael I. ascended the throne, October 2, 811. He received the ambassadors of Charles, and on their depart- ure gave them his own as their companions. They were : Michael, Metropolitan of Philadelphia, and the protospa- tharii Arsafius and Theognostus. Empowered to ratify the preliminary peace and extend it to Theophylactus, the emperor's son whom he was about to associate with himself in the throne,' the ambassadors bore likewise honorable, imperial gifts, and upon their arrival at Aix-la-Chapelle pro- ceeded to the basilica, where the act of ratification was cele- brated with religious solemnity. 812] They received at the hands of Charles the treaty of peace, duly subscribed by himself, and the most distinguished ecclesiastical and secular dignitaries. Then, agreeably to Byzantine usage, the ambassadors rehearsed in Greek a laudatory litany, for the first time addressing Charles as basileus, or emperor. This was the recognition of his impe- rial dignity, for until then the Greeks had only called him by the lesser appellative of rex, or king. Returning by the way of Rome the pope, after attaching his signature to the treaty, finally delivered it to them in the basilica of St. Peter. Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, moreover, in token of the restoration of fraternal intercourse, had ad- dressed to the pope a synodal communication, and commis- sioned the ecclesiastic member of the embassy to present it, with his gifts.^ The solemn delivery of the treaty in St. Peter's com- pleted only the occidental part of the ratification, the orien- tal part remaining to be performed at Constantinople.^ This appears from the extant text of an epistle of Charles to the Emperor Michael, sent by the Greek ambassadors, dwelling with great satisfaction on the restoration of peace, and the reunion of the Catholic Church, and notifying the I Annal. Einh., 812. Theoph., /.<:., cc. i6, 28; Ep Carol. 40; Mansi, p. 770. XIV., 29, sqq.; 53, 56.— Dollinger, /. =* Annal. Einh., 812. Theoph., /. c, c, p. 358 ; Harnak, /. c, p. 53. Poeta Saxo, V., 311 sq.; Vita Caroli, 3 Harnak, /. c, p. 55. 460 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. Eastern monarch that as he, Charles, had done everything towards the consummation of so joyous a result, so he had arranged with the ambassadors that the same should be done by his beloved and honorable brother, to whom he proposed to send, at the proper time for navigation, Amal- harius. Bishop of Treves, and Peter, Abbot of Nonantola, as his ambassadors, for the purpose of receiving of him a copy of the same treaty, drawn up in Greek, duly subscribed by himself, his bishops, patricians, and other notables, desiring him to take the same with his own hands from the altar and deliver it to the aforesaid ambassadors.* They set out for Constantinople in the spring of 813, and by a strange coincidence,^ upon their arrival found a new occupant of the imperial throne in the person of Leo V. The Emperor Michael, unequal to the exigencies of his position, and like Nicephorus, '* unskilful and unfortunate June 22] in war," after a stinging defeat by Krumm, in the battle of Bersinica, fled for his life, and lost his crown. It is uncertain if he abdicated voluntarily, or under compulsion, §13] in favor of Leo, son of Bardas, an Armenian, who, after a tumultuous proclamation in the camp, received the imperial diadem at the hands of the patriarch Nicephorus. The new emperor spared the life of Michael, caused him to be shaved, banished him to an island in the Propontis,^ and commanded his martial wife with her sons to withdraw to the seclusion of a convent.^ Leo gave audience to the Prankish ambassadors, drew up a new treaty of peace, placed it in the hands of his own ambassadors, together with a formal application to the Emperor of the West for assistance against the Bulgarians, and sent them in company of the Franks to Aix-la-Chapelle. Having thus briefly outlined the course of diplomatic intercourse with the Byzantines, we take up that with Den- mark. Hemming, a nephew of Gottfried,'* succeeded him in the ^ Epist. Carol. 40 (Jaffe). 2 See p. 458. 3 Anna). Einh., Joh. Chron. Van., Andr. Dandol. — Leon. epp. 7, 8 (Jaffe); Jacobs, Das Jahr%\'>,, 4 See p. 443. Chapter V.] LAST YEARS OF CHARLES. 461 throne. Charles concluded with him a preliminary peace, of an informal character, since the contracting parties swore only on their arms, because the severity of a late winter, interrupting communication by land and by water, pre- vented the conclusion of a definite treaty. But, as soon as the vernal sun opened the roads, an inter- national commission of twelve Franks, and the same num- ber of Danes, met for the promotion of peace on the Eider. The negotiations were entirely satisfactory, and the pleni- potentiaries confirmed the peace by oath, agreeably to the rite and usage observed by both nations.^ The reign of Hemming was of short duration, for he died early in the next year. Then two claimants of the throne presented themselves, to wit, Siegfried, another nephew of Gottfried, and Anulo, the nephew of a former king, called Heriold, or Harald. So fierce was the contention, and so unyielding the disposition of the rivals, that they had recourse to arms. They fought a pitched battle of most sanguinary character, with the result that nearly eleven thousand of the combatants lay dead on the field, the claimants among the slain. Victory remaining with the partisans of Anulo, they proclaimed Heriold and Reginfried, his brothers, kings, and compelled the vanquished party, in spite of their influence and number, to acquiesce in their choice.* Their adherence, however, was not cordial ; Gottfried had other sons, and these, together with a large number of nobles, preferring exile to submission, went to Sweden. Nor was their defection solitary, for the whole province of Westerfalda refused to recognize the new government.^ Heriold and Reginfried inaugurated their reign with an embassy to Charles, suing for a continuance of the peace, and the liberation of their brother Hemming, a cap- tive in his hands. The Franks, in a General Diet, ordered the appointment of sixteen Prankish and Saxon nobles, as ^ Annal. Einh., Lauriss. maior. * Annal. Einh., a. 812, cf. Chron. minor.; cf. Maxim. Moiss. 3 Annal. Einh., 813. 462 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. commissioners, to meet the same number of Danish com- missioners at a point beyond the Elbe, on the '' Norman " frontier, and ratify the peace. The arrangement was carried out, the peace confirmed by oath, and Hemming, the Danish prince, surrendered to his countrymen.' The event took place during the absence of the royal brothers on a military expedition against the refractory Westerfaldans, the occupants of a district in South Norway, quaintly described in contemporary phrase, as '' situated in the remotest region of their dominions between north and west and looking towards the northern extremity of Britain." * Their efforts were crowned with success, and their rejoicing augmented by the Prankish peace and the return of their brother, whom they associated with themselves in the kingdom.3 Unfortunately they were not permitted to enjoy the blessings of peace for many days, for the sons of Gottfried had not been idle, having been able to collect a large army in Sweden, and invade Denmark. A large number of dis- affected Danes flocked to their standard; the opposing hosts met in battle ; the royal brothers were defeated, and compelled to fly from the wrath of the victors into the country of the Abodrites. There they found an asylum, hospitable welcome, and substantial tokens of the sympathy of Charles, together with his best wishes for the recovery of their kingdom.'* The successful Danish dynasty, however, revived the aggressive policy of Gottfried, inaugurating it with a pirati- cal descent on the Frisian coast, in which they took rich booty, and dragged a number of the inhabitants, of both sexes, into captivity.^ Normans made a similar descent, the year before, on a more distant region. A piratical fleet appeared off the coast of the island of Hibernia Scottorum, that is, Ireland, and effected a landing. The plucky Scots engaged with » Annal. Einh. a. 812, 813. Chron. Moiss. 2 Annal. Einh. 3 Chron. Moiss. 4 Chron. Moiss., a. 813. 5 Annal. Einh. Chron. Moiss. Chapter V.] LAST YEARS OF CHARLES. 463 them in battle, defeated them with great loss in slain, and drove the survivors in ignominious flight to their ships. One of the authorities mentions '' an innumerable multitude of slain Normans," but that is doubtless rhetorical flourish.^ The Norman piracies, though vexatious, were less exten- sive and destructive than those of the Saracens in the Mediterranean. But the matter was of infinite importance, and stimulated the energies of Charles in the direction of efficient maritime defences and the creation of a fleet. 811] Thus we find him on an inspecting tour to the ship- yards at Ghent, on the Scheldt, and Boulogne-sur-Mer. In the latter place, the old Gesoriacum^ and in Roman times the seaport for passage to Britain, stood an ancient light- house, erected in the reign of Caligula, which had fallen into decay. Charles repaired it, and *' lit thereon a noc- turnal light for directing the course of mariners." ^ During that visit to Boulogne he also set forth a Capitulary, pro- viding, among other things, for liability to naval service.^ The Saracen piracies open the question, how far they were the act of the emirate of Cordova. The pirates were privateers, and their infamous trade so lucrative that the power of the emir appears to have been inadequate to its suppression, even in times of peace, or, more accurately, during the continuance of a prolonged truce, or armistice. Such truces were very loosely observed. For instance, the *' peace " of 8io arrested hostilities neither by land nor by water. A year after its conclusion, the king of Aquitaine undertook the siege and final reduc- tion of Tortosa. At the head of a powerful army, and supported by such able generals as Heribert, Liutard, and Isambard, he moved upon the city, enclosed it, for forty terrible days, with an iron girdle, hurled missiles into it, shook its walls with battering-rams and other military engines until they tottered and fell, and the inhabitants, ^ Annal. Einh. 812. Ademar, apud » Annal. Einh. a. 811. See Pauly, Duchesne, II., 86. R. E. des Class. Alterth., III., 852. 3 Capitul. Bononiense, a. 811. 464 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. unable to offer further resistance, were forced to capitulate. He took the keys of the city and carried them to Aix-la- Chapelle, content with the conquest of a stronghold, whose fall was a warning example to the Saracens, prophetic of the fate of other cities reluctant in making their submission to the Franks.^ A year later the Saracens took their revenge by sea. §12] Early in the spring, tidings of an impending naval expedition, composed of Spanish and African vessels, arrived at Aix-la-Chapelle, in consequence of which Charles forthwith warned the pope, and instructed his missi to make the necessary preparations.^ The Saracens made a simultaneous attack on Corsica and Sardinia, but not with equal results. That on Sardinia was an absolute failure, and most disastrous to the Saracens, for the greater part of their fleet was destroyed ; but in Corsica they scored a success, and carried*off much spoil.^ An epistle of Leo III. to Charles, dated August 26th, and assigned to this year, sheds light on the nature of these piratical enterprises. He informs Charles of a contemplated Saracen descent on Sicily; thanks him for his timely warning, specifying that the pirates had attacked certain islands belonging to the Byzantines, and that the Emperor Michael I. had sent a patrician and several spatharii for their protection to Sicily ; that the said patrician applied to Anthimus, Duke of Naples, for help, and that, while the said Anthimus ignored his request, the cities of Gaeta and Amalfi had sent him a few small vessels ; that the Moors thereupon fell upon the island of Lampedusa, and plundered it ; that the Moors captured seven Byzantine vessels and put the crews to the sword ; that then the entire Byzantine fleet assailed, and, through the compassion of Christ, annihilated the iniqui- tous Moors so that not one of them escaped alive; that nevertheless forty Moorish vessels plundered the island of I Vita Hlud.; c 16; cf. Vita Carol!, ^ Annal. Einh.; Epist. Leon, in.,6 c. 15; Poeta Saxo, V., 185. (Jaffe). 3 Annal, Einh. Chapter V.] LAST YEARS OF CHARLES. 465 Ponza, on which monks were established ; ' after that they attacked Ischia, and for the space of three days plundered the island, and then, unmolested by the Neapolitans, loaded their vessels with captives and provisions, and sailed away ; that Gaetans, who, after their departure, visited the island, saw there the dead bodies of men, the carcasses of horses, and provisions which the Moors had left behind ; and that, in contrast with the sad fate of those under Byzantine rule, it was his grateful duty to report that, thanks to the emperor's provident warning, his own territory had wholly escaped the visitation.* 813] A year later the Saracens revisited Corsica and carried off large booty and numerous captives ; on the return voyage they fell into an ambush which Irmingar of Ampurias, one of the Prankish counts in the Spanish Marche, had set for them on the island of Mallorca {Major- tea) ; the count captured eight of their vessels, and restored to liberty above five hundred Corsicans who languished in their holds. With a view to avenging the calamity, the pirates fell upon Civita Vecchia {CentumcellcE) and Nice and devastated the country ; of the former, it is said, they ob- tained possession by treachery and sacked it. They likewise attacked Sardinia, but were repulsed with great loss.^ Again we derive additional information from an epistle of Leo to Charles under date of the third of the Ides of Novem- ber (^*. e., Nov. nth), 813, in which he writes, ''that in the month of June of that year a Saracen fleet of a hundred vessels about to assail Sardinia, was engulfed in the sea, in consequence, it seems, of the sea suddenly opening its mouth and swallowing them up, and that this unheard-of phe- nomenon occurred simultaneously with a fiery sign in the heavens which many affirmed to have seen ; to him the intelligence was brought by a messenger of his whom he had sent with the emperor's letter to the patrician of Sicily ; that messenger had his information from the ambassadors of the khalif, and it was, moreover, confirmed to the said ^ See p. 427. 2 Leonis HL, ep. 6 (Jaffe). 30 3 Annal. Einh., 813. Vita Caroli, c. 17. 466 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. messenger by a notary of the patrician's, who knew it from a letter he had received from an African Christian." This seems a circuitous source of information, but the matter is explained by the circumstance that some of the pirates were Africans, and that the story of their horrible death raised such a cry of distress on the part of their sur- viving friends there, the like of which had never been heard before. The pope continues, " that the same papal messenger, moreover, on his return to Rome, met in Catania a man on his way to the patrician with the announcement that seven Moorish vessels had plundered a village near Rhegium." It is interesting to glean from the same epistle particulars concerning a peace negotiating between ambassadors of the khalif of Bagdad and the patrician of Sicily. The latter was at first averse to such a pact, on the ground that no confidence could be put in the good faith of the Saracens, alleging that they had as readily broken the treaty of A. D. 728, as that which his predecessor had concluded with them for the space of ten years terminating Sept. i, 814. The Saracen plenipotentiaries excused the infractions by the confusion incident upon the death of the late Harun-al- + March 23, §09] Raschid which his youthful son had been unable to check, saying, that then " the servant be- came free, and every free-man was his own master and all acted as if they had no ruler. But matters stood different now that the khalif had reconquered all the possessions of his father, and was fully purposed inviolably to observe the conditions of the proposed treaty of peace." * They could not, however, make themselves answerable for the Spanish Saracens, as not under the jurisdiction of their khalif, but promised to oppose them at sea ; they would do their part, but expected the Christians to do theirs also, adding, that they had already pursued that course on their voyage in ordering two Spanish vessels which they met to be burned. The pope continues saying, " that a treaty of peace had * The ambassadors were not aware brother Al-Mamam succeeded him that he had ceased to reign. His Sept. 25, 813. Chapter V.] LAST YEARS OF CHARLES. 467 been concluded for the space of ten years between the afore- said Bagdad Saracens and the patrician, who for the ratifi- cation of the same sent a notary to accompany them, and on condition that they should deliver his Christian subjects remaining captive in their hands, surrendered to them such Saracen prisoners as were in his possession." ^ With the light derived from this exposition of the case, the annals record the conclusion of a treaty of peace between the khalif El Hakem (= Abulas) of Cordova and Charles ; it was to last three years (from 812 to 815), and the initia- tive, it appears, was taken by the former.* It is difficult to reconcile it with the expedition, by order of Louis, against Huesca.^ It was commanded by the '' im- perial " missus Heribert, who on his way put to flight, or took prisoners, all who offered any resistance, and then began the regular investment of the place. During its continuance a party of youthful Franks in fool- hardy arrogance drew quite near to the walls, and irritated the soldiers on the ramparts with offensive remarks and arrows which they shot at them. The Arabs, seeing an opportunity for resenting the outrage, opened a sally-port and fell upon the offenders. In the meUe which ensued much blood was shed, when the Arabs returned into the city and the Franks to their camp. This is the only known incident of the siege, which ran its weary length until the country around Huesca was a wilderness, and the besiegers, doubtless from want of food, raised it, returned to Aquitaine, and might report the utter failure of the enterprise to King Louis, who was indulging his passion for the chase in the woods, for it was late in autumn.'* §13] It seems that the military expedition of that king against the Vasconians was undertaken in the course of the ensuing summer.^ Those refractory mountaineers were * Leonis HL ep. 7 (Jaffe), cf. no. 6. See the valuable notes of Jaffe, his authorities, and the further extracts by Simson, /. c, IL, p. 526. 2 Annal. Einh., 812. Cf. Chron. Moiss., Vita Hlud., c. 20. 3 Vita Hludov. c. 17. Some place it in 811, and 810. See Muhlbacher, /. c, no. 500, p. 213 sq. ; Simson, /. <:., H.. 493. 4 Vita Hludov. c. 17. 5 See Muhlbacher, /. c, no. 500 a. 468 CHARLES THE GREAT. [Book III. again troublesome, and the king stated to a General Diet, which he had convened, that in his judgment the rebellious movement imperilled the public safety and ought to be forthwith put down. The Diet shared his views and recom- mended the immediate and energetic execution of his pur- pose. Louis thereupon led an army into the region in insurrec- tion, and having ordered a halt at Aquce, i, c, Dax on the Adour, commanded the rebels to appear before him. They paid no heed to his summons. He then moved upon their own district and bade his warriors lay it waste ; this brought them to terms, for it is stated that they came as suppliants for mercy, and '' with great gifts purchased forgiveness.'* He then crossed the Pyrenees, marched to Pampeluna, and stayed in that region for some time until he had ordered matters essential to public and private interest. But the record fails to state what they were. On his return the treacherous Vasconians attempted to repeat their old and habitual scheme of ambuscade, but the plan was discovered, and its promoters brought to justice. One of the ringleaders was seized and hung ; the rest of those compromised were adjudged in the loss of their wives and children (it is intimated as hostages or pledges for their future good behavior), while the king and his army, thus mercifully saved from imminent peril, returned safe and sound into Aquitaine.* To the period under consideration belong likewise several other military expeditions conducted by the lieutenants of Charles, for the last enterprise, which he led in person, was that against the Danes narrated on a former page. Thus §11] we hear of three separate expeditions sent in the same year, against the Linonians, into Pannonia, and Brittany; the objects for which they were undertaken were the fol- lowing. The first had instructions to cross the Elbe, devastate the country of the inimical Linonians and Bethencians, and I Vita Hludov. c. 18. Cf. Lembke, fabulous story in Hist. reg. Franc. Geschichte v. Spanien, I., 382, and the monast. s. Dionysii, 19, SS. IX., 400. Chapter V.] LAST YEARS OF CHARLES. 469 rebuild the fortress of Hohbuoki, on the Elbe, which the Welatabians had destroyed in the preceding year. The second had the duty of terminating the ceaseless quarrels between the Avars and their Sclavonian neighbors. The third was required to put down a fresh insurrection which had broken out in Brittany, and punish the perfidy of its rebellious population.^ Although the annals record with laconic brevity that these several expeditions prosperously accomplished all the objects for which they were sent forth and returned unhurt,^ it is proper to take this with certain qualifications. The results of the first enterprise were doubtless satisfactory ; Nov., 811] those of the second also were so measurably, for a few months later the Pannonian chieftains, Avars and Sclavonians, in response to directions received from the leaders of the expedition, appeared before the emperor in person, presumably for the purpose of learning his final dis- positions, of which we know that thenceforth no member of the blood royal of the Huns should reign in Hungary, but that conformably to the wishes of their nobility the govern- ment should be administered by legates or missi, and that the people, as far as practicable, should be brought up in the Christian religion ; ^ those of the third, however, were not so satisfactory, as the records of the next reign clearly set forth.* In the following, otherwise, pacific, year a considerable expedition was sent against the hostile Welatabians, the same who made common cause with Gottfried and destroyed (810) the fortress of Hohbuoki, and who until then had not yet been chastised. Three armies, probably only detach- ments of the same expeditionary force, entered their terri- tory from three separate directions and accomplished their subjugation. They made their submission and gave host- ages.5 * Cf . Capitulare Bonon. a. 8ii. 4 Simson, Jahrb. d. frdnk. Reichs = Annal. Einh., Maxim.; cf. Chron. unter Ludwig d. Frommen, I., 128 Moiss. sqq. 3 Melchior Inchofer ad. an. apud s Annal. Einh.; Chron. Moiss. a. Cointe, /. This table follows the numeration I of Frobenius, and the analysis of Gui- \ zot, Histotre de la Civilization en \ France, vol. II., 189 sqq. ^ It may be advantageously compared with the best edition of Alcuin's let- ters, entitled Monumenta Alcuiniana, being vol. VI. of Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicafum. According to the latest recognition 306 of Alcuin's letters have been pub- lished. The last five of this table, with Ara- bic numerals, correspond to the order of Monum. Alcuin. I 512 APPENDIX D. No. XXVIII. XXXII. XXXVIII. 796 \ LXI. 796 796 Subject. 797 1. The sending of gentle missionaries to the con- quered people. 2. Suspension of tithes, saying, "it is better to lose tithes than faith ; even we, born, trained, and instructed in the Catholic faith are loth to pay them. How much greater must be the repugnance of a people of nascent faith, feebleness of heart, and parsimonious habits ! " 3. A fixed order of religious instruction. " Begin with teaching the immortality of the soul ; future life ; just recompense to the good and the evil ; the eternity of such retri- bution ; that crimes and sins entail eternal punishment with the devil, but virtues and good works conduce to eternal glory with Christ ; inculcate faith in the Holy Trinity, and that Christ came into the world to save the family of man." Alcuin recommends Charles to show forbearance to the Avars, and mercy to his enemies. Alcuin explains his work in the Abbey School at Tours. ** I, your Flaccus, agreeably to your exhortation and wise decision, am dispensing, under the roof of St. Martin, to some the honey of the Holy Scriptures, endeavoring to inform the mind of others with the old wine of the class- ics ; some I nourish with the fruit of gram- mar, others I seek to dazzle with the splendor of the stars. . . . But I sadly miss the best works on education, which, thanks to my master's excellent care and through my own effort, used to be at my service in my own country, submitting to your majesty the pro- priety of your authorizing the departure of some of our servants to Britain for the pur-' pose of securing for our benefit the bloom of her letters. ... In the morning of my life I scattered there the seeds of knowledge, which at its eve, although my blood is growing cool, I cease not to sow in Francia, trusting that through the blessing of God the good seed may spring up and thrive in both lands." Explanation of the lunary cycle. APPENDIX D. 513 No. LXIV. LXV. LXVII. 798 LXVIII. LXIX. LXX. LXXI. LXXX. LXXXI. LXXXIV. LXXXV. XC. 797 798 (( XCI. XCIII. cm. 799 800 4( l< ^ t/3 O •c — O 'c -^ S S •• •^ ..-I •• a .2 ^ S U £ G -4-1 C 0) £ i3 u, *-> S bJO ^ c 3 a 5 S 3 O t/5 O o o u (U 2 en en "-' 'G j:; ^ '-3 ra 3 ■| 6 s^ G 3 :i > 6 ^ .:: £ s. OS 3 C 03 « I 3 c« £ O 3 <^ " 3 •i3 "^ =3 C • - E )-i 3 ti <^ 3 3 XT. T" c .£ • • 1) 3 . £ <1^ '3 r5 t/! c o O 3 biD . r> (L) 'XS ^- o .£ ^ o ^ 3 o *-. o 3 0) . to P "S o •^ H Ji -> 2 3 rl *^ -S o 3 .ii o J3 X O 3 «^ 2 d lU o ,12 a; .S £ £ ^ 3 2 .. -^ 3 *J -Q £ 3 ^ 6 4.J cn .-s s ^^ a 01 3 S-i (11 '-' -rf O ^ * oj O en i- o £ .- u o e o tn ,3 • 1-4 £ 3 £ 'o u OS U -4-t tn 'C O HH 3 •—1 ,j_, OS £ 3 o tn 03 0) 3 -O D. S tn 3 3 3 O >-> 3 1) 3 cr 03 o £ 3 a. O tn 3 tn tn 3 .2 -= 3 cr o tn r—< tn rt OS ^ 1-5 H-> 3 3 £ £ o o tn 3 O 3 2 § .a .2 *- £ 3 . 3 bJO 3 0) _ o3 »-' 'S 3 0) S 3 tn cr O « tn^ 3 :• oS S3 rt 's oS f^ S £ rt o i2 tn O tn -t; 03 3 .P Oi .Is 0) 3 a «3 M C/2 > iS 03 1/3 'O !5 .2 *" 3 c3 ;-i 3 3 3 OS O tn O 3 .2 ■*^ tn ^\ ..-I tn 3 tn ;h O o £ B B ^ 3 2 3 "^ <:£ 3 O ..-I r , tn O § £ O _3 (U O OS - £ O 0) c3 ^.^ £ ■r B ^ tn g - 3 a> ii 3 O 0) OS o 3 3 U o 3 3 O tn 3 > \^ o"^ ^*^ ^^ V\ JZ. 2 cj ii Q ^ 03 00 fi< O to O 3 3 o (U C/3 oJ o 3 OS C/3 ^ 05 O m o Q o .- JD 3 3 OS £ 3 • •£ g.2. •4-1 •53 ^ 3 I tn OS :2 to oJ 3 O V- o 2 <^ I ^ 03 ^ M 522 APPENDIX I. APPENDIX I. Illustrative Extracts. I. The Family of Charles. 65. Janna pandatur, multisque volentibus intrent Pauci, quos sursum quilibet ordo tulit. Circumdet pulchrum proles carissima regem, Omnibus emineat, sol ut in arce solet. Hinc adstent pueri, circumstent inde puellae, Vinea laetificet sicque novella patrem. Stent Karolus, Hludowicque simul, quorum unus ephebus, lam vehit alterius os iuvenale decus. Corpora praevalido quibus est nervosa inventa, Corque capax studii, consiliique tenax. Mente vigent, virtute cluunt, pietate redundant, Gentis uterque decor, dulcis uterque patri. Et nunc ardentes acies — rex flectat ad illos, Nunc ad virgineum flectat utrimque chorum, Virgineum ad coetum, quo non est pulchrior alter, Veste, habitu, specie, corpore, corde, fide. Scilicet ad Bertram et Chodthrudh, ubi sit quoque Gisla— 82. Pulchrarum una, soror, sit minor ordo trium. • 91. Prompta sit obsequio soboles gratissima regis Utque magis placeat, certet amore pio. Pallia dupla celer, manuum seu tegmina blanda Suscipiat Carolus, et gladium Ludoich. Quo residente, suum grata inter basia munus Dent natae egregiae, det quoque carus amor Berta rosas, Chrodtrudh violas dat, lilia Gisla, Nectaris ambrosii praemia quaeque ferat ; 99. Rothaidh poma, Hiltrudh Cererem, Tetrada Liaeum, * Quis varia species, sed decor unus inest. Ista nitet gemmis, auro ilia splendet et ostro, Haec gemma viridi praenitet, ilia rubra. Fibula componit banc, illam limbus adomat, Armillae banc ornant, hancque monile decet. Huic ferruginea est, apta huic quoque lutea vestis, Lacteolum strophium haec vehit, ilia rubrum. Dulcibus haec verbis faveat regi, altera risu, Ista patrem gressu mulceat, ilia ioco. Quod si forte soror fuerit sanctissima regis Oscula det fratri dulcia, frater ei. Talia sic placido moderetur gaudia vultu, 112. Ut sponsi aeterni gaudia mente gerat. . . . A. 796. Theodulfi Carmina, DUmmler, MG. Poetae Lat. aevi Carolini, I., 2, p. 485 sq. APPENDIX I. 523 II. The Family of Charles. 210. Cornua rauca sonant, avido latratibus auras Conplent ore canes, fragor ignea sidera pulsat. Inde puellarum sequitur mox ordo coruscus ; Rhodrud ante alias rapidoque invecta puellas Fulget equo et placidum prior occupat ordine gressum. Immixta est niveis ametistina vitta capillis, Ordinibus variis gemmarum luce coruscans ; Namque corona caput pretiosis aurea gemmis Implicat et pulchrum subrectit fibula amictum. Virgineos interque choros turbamque sequentem 220. Proxima Berta nitet, multis sociata puellis. Voce, virili animo, habitu vultuque corusco, Os, mores, oculos imitantia pectora patris Fert ; caput aurato diademate cingitur almum. Aurea se niveis commiscent fila capillis ; Lactea quippe ferunt pretiosam colla murinam. Omatur vestis variis speciosa capillis Ordine, gemmarum numerosa luce coruscat Bratea, crysolitis ornantur tegmina gemmis. 229. Gisala post istas sequitur candore coruscans ; Virgineo comitata choro, micat aurea proles. Tecta melocineo fulgescit femina amicta, MoUia purpureis rutilant velamina filis, Vox, facies, crines radianti luce coruscant. Splendida colla nitent roseo inflammata rubcre, Argenta stat facta maims, frons aurea fulget, " Et magnum vincunt oculorum lumina Phoebum. Laeta super rapidum conscendit caballum ; Frena superbus equus spumantia dente volutat. Hinc comitata viris, illinc stipata puellis Innumeris circum. circumstrepit agmen equorum. His cumulata bonis praecelsa solaria linquens, Virgo pudica pii sequitur vestigia regis. 243. Rhodhaid inde micat multis ornata metallis ; Agmen ovans rapido praecedit femina gressu. Pectora, colla, comae lucent variata lapillis, Serica et ex humeris dependent pallia pulchris : Inseritur capiti nitido gemmata corona ; Stringit acus clamidem gemmatis aurea bullis. Pulchra vehetur equo Rhodhaidis virgo superbo. Quo latitare solent hirsuto tergore cervi. 251. Interea egreditur vultu Theodrada corusco, Fronte venusta nitens et cedit crinibus aurum ; Pulchra peregrinis conlucent colla zmaracdis, Pes, manus, ora, genae, cervix radiata nitescit. 524 APPENDIX I. Clara serenatis fulgescunt lumina flammis. Pallia permixtis lucent iachyntina talpis, Clara Sophocleoque ornatur virgo coturno. Turba puellarura circumstrepit agmine denso, Atque venusta cohors procerum nitet ordine longo. Et sedet in niveo pulcherrima virgo caballo ; Acri fertur equo Karoli pia filia regis ; In nemus ire parat, sacrata palatia linquens. Agminis extremam partem sibi vindicat Hiltrud, Illi sorte datur dehinc ultimus ordo senatus ; Ipsa autem medio fulgescit in agmine virgo ; Temperat expositum spatii moderamine gressum 267. Litorei iuxta ore soli. ... * III. Image Worship. The definition of Image Worship passed by the Council of Nicaea (a. D. 787) is too long for reproduction in these pages. For the full text see Labbei Concil. torn. VIII., p. 1202 sqq. The concluding sentences setting forth the true sentiments of the Council are couched in these words : ". . . . definimus in omni certitudine ac diligentia, sicut figuram pre- ciosae ac vivificae crucis, ita venerabiles ac sanctas imagines proponendas, tam quae de coloribus et tesselis, quam quae ex alia materia congruenter in Sanctis Dei ecclesiis, et sacris vasis, et vestibus, et in parietibus ac tabulis, domibus et viis : tam videlicet imaginem Dei et salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi, quam intemeratae dominae nostrae sanctae Dei genitricis, honorabiliumque angelorum, et omnium sanctorum simul et almorum virorum. Quanto enim frequentius per imaginalem formationem videntur, tanto qui has contemplantur, alacrius eriguntur ad primitivorum earum memoriam et desiderium, ad osculum, et ad honorariam his adorationem tribuendam. • " Non tamen ad veram latriam, quae secundum fidem est, quaeque solam divinam naturam decet, impartiendam ; ita ut istis, sicuti figurae preciosae ac vivificae crucis et Sanctis evangeliis, et reliquis sacris monumentis, incensorum et luminum oblatio ad harum honorem efficiendum exhibeatur, quemadmodum & antiquis piae consuetudinis erat. Imaginis enim honor ad primitivum trans- it : & qui adorat imaginem, adorat in ei depicti subsistentiam. Sic enim robur obtinet sanctorum patrum nostrorum doctrina, id est traditio sanctae catholicae ecclesiae, quae a finibus usque ad fines terrae suscepit evangelium. Sic Faulum, qui in Christo locutus est, & omnem divinum apostolicum coet- um, & paternam sanctitatem exequimur, tenentes traditiones quas accepimus. Sic triumphales ecclesiae prophetice canimus hymnos : Gaude satis Jilia Sion. . . . . aetermim (Soph. III.). ** Eos ergo qui audent aliter sapere aut docere, aut secundum scelestos haeret- icos ecclesiasticas traditiones spernere, & novitatem quamlibet excogitare, vel projicere aliquid ex his quae sunt ecclesiae deputata, sive evangelium sive figur- ^ A. 799. Angilberti Carmen, Dtimmler, /. c. I., p. 371 sq. APPENDIX I. 525 I am crucis, sive imaginalem picturam, sive sanctas reliquias martyris ; aut ex- cogitare prave aut astute ad subvertendum quidquam ex legitimis trad'itionibus ecclesiae catholicae ; vel etiam quasi communibus uti sacris vasis. aut venerabil- ibus monasterii : si quidem episcopi aut clerici fuerint, deponi praecipimus ; monachos autem vel laicos a communione segregari." Then follow the subscriptions of so many hundred bishops, presbyters. etc., the majority of whom put the epithet unworthy {avd^ioZ) after their Chris tian names ; some adding that they held their office " by the mercy of God," and some describing themselves as " sinners" {e. g. Elias, a sinner, bishop of Crete) ; and when all this meek company of unworthy ones, sinners, and miracles of divine mercy had subscribed their names, even that Holy Synod with one accord burst forth in this acclaim : " Omnes ita credimus, omnes idipsum sapimus, omnes consentientes sub- scripsimus. Haec est fides apostolorum, haec fides orthodoxorum, haec fides orbem terrarum firmavit. Credentes in unum Deum in Trinitate laudandum, honorabiles imagines osculamur. Qui sic se non habent, anathema sint : qui sic non sentiunt, procul ab ecclesia pellantur. Nos antiquam legislationem ecclesiae catholicae sequimur. Nos leges patrum custodimus. Nos eos qui addunt quid vel adimunt de ecclesia, anathematizamus. Nos subinductam novitatem Christianos accusantium anathematizamus. Nos venerandas imag- ines recipimus. Nos eo qui sic non se habent, anathematismis submittimus. His qui assumant dicta quae a divina scriptura contra idola proferuntur, in venerabiles imagines, anathema. His qui non salutant sanctas & venerabiles imagines, anathema. His qui vocant sacras imagines idola, anathema. His qui dicunt. quia ut ad deos Christiani ad imagines accesserunt, anathema. His qui dicunt, quia praeter Christum alius eruit nos ab idolis, anathema. His qui audent dicere, catholicam ecclesiam ahquando idola recepisse, anathema. Multos annos imperatorum Constantini & Irenae matris eius multos annos. Victomm imperatorum multos annos. Novo Constantino & novae Helenae aeterna memoria. Dominus custodiat imperium eorum. Coelestis rex terre- nes custodi. Omnibus haereticis anathema. Frementi concilio contra venera- biles imagines, anathema. Ei qui recepit impias haereseos ratiunculas ipsomm, anathema. Theodosio falsi nominis episcopo Ephesino anathema. Sisimino cognomento Pastillae anathema. Basilio qui obscoena pronunciatione Tricac- cabus appellatus est, anathema." After anathematizing a number of ill-savory individuals, with whose short- comings we are not particularly concerned, but whose teachings, the Holy Synod exclaims, were put down by the Sacred Trinity, specializing the case of John of Nicomedia, and Constantine of Nacolia, as that of heresiarchs, duly anathematizing them, and continuing: — "Ad nihilum deduxerunt imaginem domini et sanctorum eius : ad nihilum deduxit eos dominus. "Si quis quemquam haereseos Christianos accusantis, vel in ea vitam suam transigentem defendit, anathema. ** Si quis Christum Deum circumscriptum secundum humanitatem non con- fitetur, anathema. ** Si quis evangelicas narrationes titulis picturisque factas non admittit, anathema. 526 APPENDIX K. " Si quis non osculatur has tanquam in nomine domini & sanctorum eius factas, anathema. " Si quis omnem traditionem ecclesiasticam sive scriptam, sive non scriptam, irritam facit {aOerei), anathema. '• Germani orthodoxi aeterna memoria. *' Joannis & Gregorii aeterna memoria. " Praedicatorum veritatis aeterna memoria. "Trinitas hos tres glorificant : quorum disputationes sequi mereamur, miser- ationibus & gratia primi & magni pontificis Christi Dei nostri, intercedente intemerata domina nostra sancta Dei genitrice, & omnibus Sanctis eius. Fiat. Amen." « With which holy sentiments the Synod, having finished its cursing for that day, adjourned until the next. APPENDIX K. LITERARY NOTES ON SOME OF THE AUTHORITIES FOR THE HISTORY OF CHARLES THE GREAT. The Easter Tables, circulated by Irish and British missionaries, were prob- ably the modest beginnings of the Annals. These Tables had a limited vacant space, mostly on the right hand margin, in which the monks were wont to record meagre, and often uninteresting data concerning their monastery, but occasionally also political events. The oldest example known dates from the sixth century.^ Sometimes the side margin did not suffice, and occasioned entries between the lines, or elsewhere on the page. The original MSS. ex- tant are often difficult to decipher. Th- historical value of the Annals depends upon their origin, and the proper sundering of corruptions or later additions from the original documents. The first attempt in this direction for the whole Carlovingian period was made by Pertz. ^ 1. Anytales S. Amandi, a. 687-810. MG. SS., L. 6-1 1. They run in two continuations from 771 to 791. and from 791 to 810. The eariier entries are not contemporary ; e. ^., the date of the battle of Testry, a. 687, is an addition of later date. 2. Annales Tiliani, ibid. I., 6-8, so called after the owner of the MS., are related to No. i, which they follow to a. 737 ; the remainder from a. 741-807 is taken from Annal. Lauriss. 3. Annales Laubacenses, ibid. I., 7-12, 15, 52, appear also to be taken from No. I. 4. Annales Mosellani (so-called on account of their conjectured ongm in monasteries on the Moselle), ibid. XVI., 49i-499» from a. 703-797. 5. Annales Petaviani, ibid. L, 7-18 ; cf. III., 170, seem until a. 770 to be compiled from Nos. i and 4, but contain from that date to a. 799 independent, and probably official notices. » MG. SS., III. , Tab. I. = See Bericht von Pertz, in Archiv., VI., 258 sqq. APPENDIX K. 527 6. Annales Murhacenses denote a series of Annals to which they gave rise, or with which they are connected. Under this general designation may be enumerated : a. Annales Laureshamenses j b. Annales Alamannici ; c. Annales Guelfer- bytani ; d. Annales Nazaiiani. Certain gaps excepted, they run parallel to a. 768 ; then, those named first are independent to a. 803, while the three others run in continuations to a. 790. After that date, A. Guelf. extend, but not con- tinuously, to a. 826 ; A. Alam. were continued at Murbach to a. 800, and at Augia, but in very fragmentary form, to 859. The original of A. Alam. has been found at Zurich. A. Alam., widely circulated in Suabia, found their way to Hersfeld, and are the basis of Lambert's historical work, while the Annals of Reichenau, derived from the same source, are the foundation of the Chronicle of Hermann the Lame.^ 7. Annales Lindisf. (reprinted below), are connected with 8. Annales S. Dionysii,^ and 9. Annales S. Germatii minores, a. 642-919. MG. SS., III., 136. 10. Annales S. Germani Paris., a. 466-1061. MG. SS., III., 166-168. To the same group of Annals belong A. Juvavenses major., a. 550-855, 976 — very defective; A. Juvav. minor. ^ a. 742-814; Annal Salisb. a. 499- 1049, contemporary since 784 \ A. S. Emmerammi majorcs, 748-843, minores, 732-1062, MG. SS., I., 92 ; XIII., 47 ; and Annal. Bawarici breves, a. 6S4- 811. MG. SS., XX., 8. 11. Annal. Fuldenses antiqui, MG. SS., IIL,|i6. It may interest those not familiar with these beginnings of annalistic Htera- ture to study out two examples sufficiently brief for reproduction in this volume. Annales Lindisfarnenses et Cantuarienses, a. 618-690.3 Anno ab Incarnationi Domini 618 Filius rex Edilbert Cantioriorum Irminrici obiit 6. Kal. Mart, feria 4. 643 Oswi regnare incipit. 651 Aidan episcopus obiit. 658 Finan moritur. 664 Colman obiit. 673 Ecbert Cantuariorum rex depositus 4 Non. Jul. fit I Wattenbach, /. r., 5 ed., L, 139 i Pertz, /. r., I., 19 sqq. 2MG. SS., XIII., 718-721. 3 This MS., as Pertz thinks, was brought by Alcuin to the Court of Charles, where he made the entries specifying the places at which he celebrated Easter. The monks of St. Germain then added their own Annals which have been traced to those of St. Denis until 887, continued from 919- 997. Another copy, Amo, the friend of Alcuin, carried to Salzburg ; it gives the Easter celebrations until 797, and then continues with Salzburg notices. This copy goes by the name of Annal. Salisb. See Wattenbach, /. 348, 351 sqq., 364* 388, 416 sq., 439, 449> 473, 503. ^""i passim. Aldana, mother of Wilhelmus, 288. Alexander III. pope, 4S7. Alexander, bishop of Liege, 487. Alexandria, 439. Algihad, holy war, 289 sq. Alim, bishop of Seben, 207. Allah, 315. AUer, R., 118. Alio, duke, 172. Allodial lands, 67. Alme, R., 130. Alonso II., king of Gallicia and As- turia, 135, 294, 296. Alpais, wife of Pepin of Heristal, 18. Alps, the, 21, 42 sq., 90, 414, 419 sq., 495, 503- Alpuni, abbot of Sandau, 208. Alsatia, Alsace, Elsass, 32, 52, 167, 495- Altabigar, Altabt^aren Cantua, inc. Altfrid, biographer of Liudger, 537. Altmlihl, R., 277 sq. Amalarius, SymphosiuSy 244, 460. Amalfi, 464. Ambleve, 19. Amorbach, M., in the Odenwald, 151. Amoroz, wall, 435 sq. Ampurias, Spanish Marche, 465. Anastasius, the Librarian, biographer of the popes, 94, 97, 35^, 538. Anaxagoras, 227 note. Ancona, 354, 405- Marches of, 49. Andr. Bergom. Hist.^ 538. Andr. Dandul. Chron., 538. Anecdotes, 73, 81, 91, 97. 211, 220 sq., 235, 258 sq., 262, 272 sqq., 312, 444 note. Angeac, P., 293. Angilram, archbishop of Metz, 193, 377. 388. Angilbert, Hotner, chaplain, poet, au- riculus, abbot of St. Riquier, 138, 174, 225, 229, 232, 239.243 5^q., 253 sq., 258 and note, 260, 264, 267, 300, 313 note, 327, 332, 339 sq., 344, 347, 351 sq., 377, 445» 45^, 502. Anglo-Saxons, 398, 405. Angria. Engern, part of Saxony. Angrians, 54, 110, 114, 133 and passim, 101-153. Angoulemc, 75. Aniane, M.. 285 sq., 287 sq. Aniane, R., 285. Annales Alamannici, 527. AnnaleSy ut videtur, Alcuini^ 528. Annales S. Aniandi, 526. Annales Bawatici breves, 527. Annales S. Dionysii, 527. Annales Einhardi, 529 sqq. Annales S. Emmerani maj, et minor., 527. Annales Flaviniacetises, 535. Annales Fuldenses antiqui, 527 sq. Annales S. Germani Paris, 527. minores. (( i( 527. Annales Guelferbytani, 527. Annales Juvavenses major, et minor. ^ Annales Laubacenses, 526. Annales Laureshamenses , 527. Annales Laurissenses majores, 529 sqq. *' '♦ " et An- nales Einhardi, compared, 529 sqq. Annales Laurissenses maj. et Annal. Einhardi a.. 792, 534. Annales Laurissenses minores, 535. Annales Lindisfarnenses, 527 sq. A finales Loiseliani, see A. Lauriss, maj. Annales Maximiani, 535. Annales Met tenses, 535. Annales Mo se Hani, 526. Annales Murbacenses, 527. Annales Nazariani, 527. Annales Petaviani, 526. Annales plebei^ see A. Lauriss. maj. Annales Tiliani, 526. Annales Xanthenses. 535. Annals, Royal, Court, Imperial, see Annal. Lauriss. maj. INDEX. 545 Ansa, queen of Desiderius, 97 sq., 397, 499- Anselm, count Palatine, 159. Ansigisil, Adalgisel, Anchisus, 17. Antecopsita, picture of Christ, 40. Anteus, 298. Anthimus, duke of Naples, 464. Antrttstion, 61. Anulo, claimant of the Danish throne, 461. Aosta, 420. Aquae, Dax on the Adour, 468. Aquino, 178. Aquitaine, 19, 21, 26, 52, 74 sq., 156, 283 sqq., 287 sqq., 299, 312 sq., 413, 419 sq., 432, 451, 468, 478, 4S1, 495, passim. Aquitaine, royal villas in, 293 and note. Aquitaine, corruption in, 297 sq. Aquitanian Revolt, 51. Aquitanians, 32, 54, and passim. Arab walis, 287. Arabs, 21 sqq., 31, 154. 290, 435, 467- Arce, 178. Archchaplains, apocrisiarii, 377. Architecture, 271. *' domestic, 64. Ardennes Range, 32, 82, 475 sq., 478. Arezzo, bishopric of, 368. Arichis, Arigiso, brother of Paulus Diaconus, 168 sq.. 261. Arigiso, Aregis, Arichiso, al. 175, I77 j sq., 179, I90» 261, 263, 302, 304, ! 309 sq. Aries, 27, 39f , and 454 note. Arluin, curator, 284. Arminius, 25, 107, 113. Arno, Am, Aquila, archbishop of Salz- burg, 179 sq., 184, 186, 193, 202, .209, 210 sq., 243 sq., 330, 348, 350, 451 note, 454- . Arnold, baiulns of King Louis of Aquitaine, 174. Arnulf, bishop of Metz, 17. Arpino, 178. Arsafius, spatharius, 451 sq., 457» 459- Arthur, 124. Ascaricus, bishop, 326. Ascarius, count, 344. Asenbrugg, 152. Aschheim, synod of, 207. Asia, 21. Asnapium, Villa, 403 sqq. Astolf, king of the Lombards, 39, 40. 41, 42 to 51. Astronomus, biographer of Louis the Pious, 477 note. 35 Astronomus, Vita Hludowici imperat- oris, 477 note. Astronomy, 268. Astura, 492 note. Asturia, 290, 326,411, 495. Atalia, 359. Atlantic Ocean, 54, 494. Attigny, P., on the Aisne, 122, 399. Attila, 191, 199. Atto, deacon, 302, 304. Atto, Hatto, abbot of Scharnitz, bish- op of Freising, 207, 209, 265, 350. Atula, daughter of Pepin, k. of Italy, 446. Auch, church of, 454 note. Auda, sister of Autchar, Otgar, 83. Aude, R., 291. Audulf, Menalcas, seneschal, 217, 244, 281. Auerochs (buffalo) hunt, 238. Augsburg, 180. Augustus, Life of, 254. Aureolus, count, 435. Auriculus, 232, 353. Ausona, Vich, in the Spanish Marche, 294. Autchar, see Autcharius. Austragild, queen, 58. Austrasia, Austria, 18 sqq., 30, 52, 216, 419, 495, and passim. Austrasians, 18 sqq., 155, and passim. Austro- Hungarian monarchy, 495. Autcharius, Autchar, Otger, Ogger, etc., partisan of Carloman, 40, 78 note. 82, 89, 98, 118. Authari, commissioner, 307. " Authorities for the History of Charles the Great," 526. Autun, 21. Auxois, 419. Avalon, 419. Avars, 127 sqq., 179' 182 sq., 189- 212, 277, 2S0, 2S7, 306, 360, 445, 469, 489, 496, and passim. Avignon, 126 sq. Azov, Sea of, 204. B Babylon, 503. Bacchus, 229, 347. Baddenfelde, on the Eder, 114. Badenfliot, Beitnfieth, on the StOr, 442. Bagdad, 154. '* khalif of, 466 sq., 500- Bagnorea, Balneum Regis, 178. Baiulus, 174, 253, 283, 301. 451 note. Baldwin, fictitious character, 164. 546 INDEX. Balearic Isles, 297, 299, 495. Sea, 54. Ballista, ofl. Baltic, the, 128, 441, 494 sqq. Banns, 394. Bannum, 103 note. Bant, submerged island, 147. Baptismal formula, 122. Barcelona, 52, 156, 410 sqq., 436. Bardengau, I2I, 130, 139. Bardowick, 130, 137 sq., 389, 406. BasileuSy 459. Basiliscus, ambassador, 296. Basques, 159 sqq. Bathing, 239. Baugulf. abbot of Fulda, 265. Bavaria, 20, 30, 51, 175 sqq., 183 sqq., 189 sq., 196, 206 sqq., 281,302, 416, 419, 495, and passim. Bavaria, synods in, 207. Bavarian code. 59 sqq., 77, 207, 382. Bavarians, 20, 22, 31, 54, 60, 67, 155, 181 sqq., 190, 193, 201, and passim. Beatrice, wife of Frederic I., 487. Beatus, doge of Venice, 415, 430j 457. Beatus, presbyter, 326. Bede, venerable, 241. Begga. daughter of Pepin the Old, 17. Belgium, 494. Bellona, 470. Benedict of Aniane, Vitiza, 267, 285 sqq., 283, 330. Benedict, musician, 180. Benedictio, 292. Beneventans, 302 sqq., 305, 309, 445. Benevento, Beneventum, city, 303 sqq., 492 note. Benevento, duchy, 94, 175, I77> I79» 303 sqq., 351, 354» 407 sqq., 410, 470, 496 sq. Benevento, duke of, 99, 166, 175 sqq., 306. Bera, count, 413. 433» 437, 457- Berceto, 94. Bern aid, bishop of Strasburg, 264, 477 note. Bernard, Great St., 90. Bernard, duke, uncle of Charles the Great, 90, 92, 156 sq. Bernard, Bernhard, king of Italy, 253, 425, 446, 475. 477, 496. Bernhard = Bernhar, bishop of Worms?, 350. Bernharius, Bernhar, bishop of Worms, 449. Bernlef, minstrel, 236. Bernoin, archbishop of Besan9on, 456. Bersinica, battle of, 460. Bertha, daughter of Charles, 171, 228 sq., 232, 254. Berthaid, daughter of Pepin, k. of Italy, 446. Berthrada, Bertrada, Bertha, «/., mother of Charles, 40 sq. , note, 42, 71 sq., 76, 78, 80 note, 82 note, 214, 483. Besan9on, 454. Bethencians, 468. Beziers, 27. Bilitrud, widow of Grimoald, 20. Biscay, bay of, 312. Blaye, 26. Blood of Christ, discovery of, 415 sq. Boanerges, 315. Bobbio, M., 521 note, 503. Bocholt, Buocholt.= Buchholz, beech- wood, in Westphalia, 114. Bohemia, 192, 196, 281 sq., 495 sq. Bohemian War, 280 sqq. Bohemians, 208, 280 sqq., 496. Bohemian Forest, 281. Boniface, see St. Boniface. Bonn, city, 39. Bordeaux, 21, 26, 454. Borough, bourg, 68. Boulogne-sur-Mer, Gesofiacum, 405, 463- Bourges, 454. Brabant, 148. Brabants, 143. Brandenburg, 495 sq. Bremen, 140, 150, 152. Bribery, 297. Bremberg, 389. Bretons, 217, 311, 493. Britain, 331, 440» 463, 500. Britons, 217. Brittany, and Marche of, 159, 217, 311 sqq., 468 sq., 494 sq. Brunhild, queen, 57. Brunia ■=■ lorica, 379. Bruno, Angrian chief, no. Bubenheim on the Altmiihl, 278. Buchonian Forest, 63, 405. Bukkigau, canton of Bucki, betw. the Weser and Dreister Range, no. Bulgarians, 460. Bull-horn, 162. Burchard, count, constable, 427, 456. Burchard, bishop of Wlirzburg, 35, 37.^ Burellus, count, 294, 433. Burgundian code, 62. Burgundians, 22, 54, 155. Burgundy, 20, 21, 26, 30, 52, 308, 419 sq., 495 sq. Buriaburg, Buraburg, Btirberg, 108, 145, 152 sq. INDEX. 547 ButiculariuSf 379. Buto, Saxon chief, 105. Byzantines, Byzantine court, 179, 307, 310, 362, 407, 409, 414 sq., 429 sqq., 465, 489, and passim. Cacus, 297. Caesar-Augusta, see Saragossa. Caesar Augustus, Life of, 491 sq. note. Caesar, Julius, 158, 170, 501. Calabria, 310, 333, 495. Caligula, 463. Cambray, 19. Camp, R., 495- Camp, below Krems, 195. Campus Martius, 491 note. Campulus, sacellarius, 341, 351, 355. 366 sq. Canalization, 276 sq. Canburg, Bohemia, 281. Canitius, bishop, 57. Canons, collection of, 317. abstract of a. 813, 392 and note. Cape Cavallo, 495. Cape San Vito, 495. Cap de la Franqui, 26. Capitaneis 217. Capitula e Canonibus excerpta, 392 note. Capitula of council of Frankfort, 334. Capitulum on Lord's Day, 319 sq. Capitulare Saxonicum, 133. Capitularies set forth in the reign of Charies the Great, List of, 517. Capitulary of Boulogne, a. 811, 381 and note. Capitulare de Villis, 399, 402. Capitularies, 383. Heristal, a. 779. 384- Frankfort, a. 794, 385- Thionville, a. 805, 806, 389. Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae, 116, Capua, 177 sq., 305* Capuans, 305 sq. Carantanians, 208 sq. Carcassonne, 2gi. Cardona, castle, 294. Carinthia, Carantania, 208 sq., 212, 495 sq. Carloman, son of Charles Martel, mayor of the palace, 30. 3i sqq., 42, 397- Carioman, king, brother of Charles the Great, 52 sq., 72, 74 sq., 76 sqq., i< << 79. 82 sq., 87, 89, 98, 314, 420, 424, 498 sq. Carloman, son of Charles, = Pepin, king of Italy, 171, 173. Carloman, son of Louis the Stam- merer, 374. Carlovingian lineage, 17, 37. Carlsburg, near Munich, 71. Carlstadt, on the Lippe, in. Carlstadt, on the Main, 71. Carnuntum, 205. "Caroline Books," 331, 334 note. Carthage, 439. Cassel, 106. Castaserra, Casseres, 294. Catalonia, 494. Catania, 466. Cathwulf, his epistle to Charles, 74 note. Cenon (Sesone), 22. CVw/f warn, centenaries, hundreders, 68, 379. Centula, 313 note. Centumcellae, see Civita Vecchia, 172. Ceolwulf, Anglo-Saxon prince, 32. Ceres, 229. Chalons-sur-Marne, 48. Chalons sur-Saone, 391, 398, 419. Chalydon, River, 298. Chamberlain, 379. Chancellors, 378. Channel, the, 299, 494. " Coast, 313 note. Chant d'Altabi(^ar, 161. Charibert, Heribert, count of Laon, 72. Charlemagne, the traditional, 84. *' reason for discarding the name. Preface. " Charles and Carloman," 71-85- Charles the Great {David), passim. See Contents, Chrono- logical Annals, and Genealogical Table. «♦ " alleged illegitimacy of, 41 note. <« ** date of birth of, 40 note. «' «* family of. See Ap- pendix, 522 sqq. " •* family life and hab- its of, 234 sqq. << •* names of, 502. «< «• queens and wives of, 213 sq., 221-228. See Genealogical Table and Index s. vv. 548 INDEX. INDEX. 549 Charles the Great, sons and daughters of, 228-234. See Geneal. Table and Index s. vv. "Charles and the Church," — Hadrian, 314-338. ''Charles and Leo," 339-353- "Charles, the Man," 471-488. Charles, progress of a. 800. 313 note. Charles, prince, king, son of Charles the Great, 120, 130, 132, 139, 180, 218 sq., 230, 232, 281 sqq., 299 sqq., 313 note, 361 sqq., 413, 416 sq., 419 sq., 441, 443, 471 sqq. Charles Martel, 17, 18, 19-30, 34, 53, 72, 85, 90, 157, 423, 483, 498. "Charles Martel," 17-30. Charles, the Bald, 233. Chase, the, 237 sqq. Chasseneuil, on the Clain, P. in Aqui- taine, 155, 293-299, 313, 399. Chaucer, 335. Chelles, M. near Paris, 20, 80, 183. Cheminot, 213. Chiemsee, M., 189. Chieti, Teate, Benevento, 409. Chieti, Marche of, 496. Childeric III., 36, 37, 38. Chilperic II., Merovingian king, 19 sq., 26. Chletgau, 419 Chlodoicus, see Louis the Pious. Chlodulf, bishop of Metz, 17. Choisy au Bac, Cauciacum, 214. Chorso, duke of Toulouse, 287 sq. Chotimir, duke, 208. Chremsa, see Krems, R. Christian effort in Bavaria, 207 sqq. Christian Saxony, 144 sqq. Chrodegang, bishop of Metz, 40. Chronicon Cassinense, 538. Chronica de sex atatibus niundi, 535. Chronico7i Moissiacense, 535 sq. Chronicon Novaliciense^ 538. Chronicon Salernitanum, 538. Chronicon universale, 536. " Chronological Table of the Sources of the Poetical History of Charle- magne," 539. Chur, Coire, 171, 419 sq. Ciliciuniy 485. Cinca, R., 434. Civita-Vecchia, Centumcellce , 172, 465. "Civilization," 54-68. Civilization of the Merovingians, 54 sqq. Clain, R., 22. Clement, Irish teacher, 258 sq., note 259. Clothair, Merovingian prince, 19, 20. Clovis, 31. Cluses, the, clausae of the Alps, 49, 91, 419. Clusium, duke of, 166. Codes, ancient Germanic, 61 sqq., 382. Codex Carolinus, 536. Coenobium Gemmeticense, Jumi^ges^ 188 note. Coenulf, king of Mercia, 440. Coinage, 307, 406, 451. Collect for St. Charles, 488. Colloquy between Alcuin and Charles, 248 sqq. Colloquy between Alcuin and Pepin, 244 sqq. Cologne, 18, 19, 113, 115, 130, 454. Columbanus, abbot of Trudo, 521. Comacchio, Comiaclum, 88 sq., 431. Comagenae, near Tuln, 195. Commerce, 405. Compiegne, Compendium, P., 51, 399. Cottfessio, 361 note, 362. Conjurationes et conspirationes, 387. Conques, M.. 292. " Conquest of the Avars," 189, 212. Consacramentales , 61. Conspiracies : of Thuringians, 215 sqq. of Pepin the Hunchback, 218 sqq. Conspiracy against Leo III., 341 sqq. Constable, 379. Constance, 143, 171, 198. Constantine the Great, emperor, 341, 349, 365* 501. Constantine, V. (Copronymos), Byz., emperor, 50. Constantine, VI. (Porphyrogenitus) Byz. emperor, 98, 173, 231, 255, 262, 309, 445. Constantinople, city of, 21, 98, 310, 359, 407, 409, 415, 430, 452, 457» 459» 500- Constantinople, council of, 331, 333, 448. Constantinople, court of, 166, 304, 310, 407, 409, 429 sq. " Contributions in kind," 395. Corbeny, near Laon, Villa, 83, 399. Corbie, M., on the Somme, near Amiens, 142, 253. Cordova, 291 sq., 295 sq., 411, 414. Cordova, cathedral of, 292. Cordova, emir of, 154 sqq., 295, 41 1, 414, 433, 435, 436-489, 500. Cordova, emirate of, 155, 463, 495. Coriosolitae, 217. "Coronation," the, 354-368, 500. " of Louis, 479 sqq. (( <« Corsica, island, 94, 426 sqq., 464 sq., 494 sq Corvey, M., 253. Cotani, daughter of Tassilo, 183 note. Council of Constantinople, a. 381, 448. Nicaea, a. 325,448, 524 sqq. *' " Ephe.sus, a. 431, 448. " " Toledo, a. 589, 448. Gentilly, a. 767, 448. Aix-la-Chapelle, a. 809, 449. Council of Orleans, 68. Counterfeiting, 406. Count Palatine, 236, 378. Counts, 379, 394. '* Covenant of Death," 207. Creed, Nicene-Constantinopolitan, 450. Crescent, the, 25, 361. Crispinus and Crispinianus, martyrs, relics of, 487. Croatia, 495 sq. Cuise, forest of, 18. Cumeoberg, 192, 195. Cunigund, wife of Bernhard, king of Italy, 475. Cunipert, bishop, 350. Curia, Roman, 333 note. Czechs, 282, 472, 496. sqq- 1 462, D Dachtelfeldy iig. Dagobert III., king of the Neustrians, 18, 19. Dalmatia, 415, 429 sqq., 452, 494 sqq. Damoetas. Flavius, see Richulf, 152. Danes, 312, 440 sqq. Daniel, cleric, see Chilperic II. Daniel, archbishop of Narbonne, 284 sq. Danube, R., 20, 54, 191 sq., 195 sqq., 204 sq., 209, 212, 276 sq., 279, 406, 419, 458, 494 sq., and passim. Date of birth of Charles the Great, 40 note. Datus, 292. David, 315. Dax, see Aqutz. Deans of the Chapel Royal, etc., 377. " Dealt of the Goths," Mors Gothor- um, 287. "Death League," 207 sq. " '• Members of, 207, sq. Deianira, 298. De Joieuse, sword, 85. Demelcians, Dalemincians, 281. Demelcion, country of the Demelcians, Dalemincians, 281. Demosthenes, 498. Denmark, 118, 136, 460 494, 500. Denominati, 61. Deoderich, bishop, 212. " Depos ition of Childeric and Corona- tion of Pepin," 34 sqq. Desiderata, daughter of Desiderius, 77 note, 80, 82 note, 86, 97, 183I 498 sq. Desiderius, duke. 58. Desiderius, king of the Lombards, 50 sq., 76-79, 80, 87-98. 175. 183 sq. 190, 222, 261, 310, 314, 498 sq. Desiderius, daughters of, 77 note. I Desiderius, an impostor, 56. Detmold, 7 heotmalli. 119. Deutz, on the Rhine, 114. Develtus, 458. Deventer, Hamaland, 105, 146. Dicuil. author, 259 note. Diemel, R., 106, 130, 150. " Diet and Capitularies," 371-393. Dii manes, 57. Dingolfing, Synod of, 207. Dionysius Exiguus, collection of Can- ons, 317. Diptychs, 388 and note. " Disputation of Pepin, etc., with Al- binus the pedagogue,"" 244 sqq. Division of the dominions of Charles Martel, 29 sq. Division of the dominions of Pepin, ,52. Division of the dominions of Charles, 417-425. Dokkum, in the Ostergau, 149. Domanial lands, 65, 293, 394 sqq. I Dona Regia. 289. I Donations : By Pepin, 49. I " By Charles, 94, 100 ; Sa- ! bina, 173 ; Beneventan cities, 178. Donatus, commentary on, 260. Donatus, bishop of Zara, 415. Doorkeeper, chief, 379. Dordogne, R., 75. Doue, P.. 293. Douzy, Villa, near Sedan. 399. Dragowit, king of the Welatabians, 128. Drave, R. , 204, ?i2, 496. Drenthe, see Thrianta. Duasdives, Moncontour-de-Poitou on the Dive ?. 75. Duke, meaning of, 379. Dungal the Scot, 259 note, 267 sq. Durance, R., 26, 27. Dtiren, P., 109, 399. Duurstede, 405. 550 INDEX. E Eanbald, archbishop of York, 241. Eardulf, king of Northumbria, 439 sq. Easter Tables, 526. Eastern Francia, Austrasia, 495. " Franks, 54- Eastern Marche, Northgau. 495, 500- Eastphalia, see Saxon War, passim. Eastphalians, 54, no, 114 and passim, 101-153, 282. Eause. Elusa, 454 note, Eberhard, cupbearer, 175. Eboris, missus, 137. Ebreuil, P., 293. Ebro, R., 52, 158, 433 sqq., 494 sqq. Echerigus, count-palatine, 451 "O^e. Echternach, Epternach, M., 150. 267, | 398. Eder, R., II4- Edlinge, 131. Edo, count, 457. Edobola, 51. Education of the royal children, 290. Egbert, archbishop of York, 241. Eger, R., 281. Eggihard, seneschal, 159. Egypt, 21, 439- Eider, R., 140, 44 L 494 sq. Eigil, biographer of Sturmi, 265, 270. «' ■ Vita S. Sturmi, 537- Einhard. Eginhard, Beselcel, biog- rapher of Charles, 36, 71, lOQ. 243 sq., 251, 254 sqq , 264, 267, 364 sq., 378, 413^425. 471 note, 470 sq., 491, 493, 502, and passim. Einhardi Annates, 254. Einhardi Epistolae, 254, 537- . Einhardi Translatio SS. Marcellim et Petri, 254, 490' 537- Einhardi Vita Caroli. 254, 53D- Elbe, R., 100, 116, 120, 127 sq., 130 sq., 132 sq., 139' I49» 281 sqq., 3^2, 406, 441 sqq., 495 sq., and passim. Elephant Abul-Abbas, 413 sq. El Hakem, 295, 435 sq., 4^7- Elifant, bishop of Aries, 386. Elipandus, archbishop of Toledo, 28O, 325 sqq., 330. Emma or Imma, wife of Einhard, pre- tended daughter of Charles, legend of, 255 sq. Embrun, 454. Emir, emirate, see Cordova. Emmer, R., 120. Ems, R., ii9» 148. Enger, Westphalia, 123. Engi, 419* England, 18, 242. iC Enns, R.. 180, 193, 209. 406, 495- Enti, 4g2 sq. Ephesus, council of, 448. Epistle from St Peter, 44 and note sqq- o J Epitaph of Charles the Great, 484 and note, 489 note. Epitaph of Fastrada, 224. '* Hadrian, 338. •* Hildegard, 214. '* Liutprand, 29 note. ** Pepin, 445 sq. note. Epizooty, 446. . . , ^, n Equestrian statue at Aix-la-Chapeiie, 275. ^ „ Erau, Arauris, R., 285. Ercanbald, chancellor, 378, 4I4- Ercangarius, count, 457. Erchempert, Histona Langobardorum Benevent. 538. Eresburg, Stadtberge on the Diemel, 105 sqq., 109, III. 121, 130. 150- Erfurt, 389^ 406. Eric, margrave of Fnuli, 196 sq., 199. 201, 202 sqq. Erlebald, bishop of Basel, 265 note. Ermoldus Nigellus, poet, see Nigellus. «« " Carmina, 538. Ernst, abbot of Oberaltaich, 208. Erythrea, see Rothrud. Escaldunac Range, 161. Esesfeld, Itzehoe, on the Stor, 443. Etcheco-Ioana, Vasconian chief, 161 sqq. Ethelred, king of Northumbria, 336. Etherius, bishop of Osma, 326. Eudo, duke of Aquitaine, 19, 20, 21, 22, 26. Eulalius, a Frank, 58. Eutropius, 261. Euxine, the, 276. Evangelium, 484 and note. " Events from Division of Empire to death of Pepin," 426-450. Exarchate of Ravenna, 49, 94- Exenodochia, 176. " Exhortation," 322. Expeditio Hispanica, 539. Faenza, Faventia, 88 sq. ♦* Fall of the Lombards," 86 to 100. Falconer, Chief, 379- " False Com," 308, 386, no. 25. Family life of Charles, 234 sq. Famous Men, 253 sqq. Fardulf. abbot of St. Denis, 222, 451- Faremoutier, M. at Meaux, 233. INDEX. 551 Fastrada, queen of Charles, 192 sqq , 2i4sqq.,2i8, 223sqq.,228, 230,287. Fater, abbot of Kremsmunster, 210. " Father of the Universe," 489, 494. Felician heresy, 325 sq. Felix, bishop of La Seo de Urgel, 286, 325 sqq., 329, 330. Felix, monk, 438 sq. Felix, tribune. 430. Ferrara, city, 88 sq. Ferrieres, M. , diocese of Sens, 242. Filioque, 448 sqq. Filtrum, 495 note. Finances, 394 sqq. Fiscalitien, 390. Fiume, 203. Flaccus, bishop, 350. Flaminian Way, 93. Flemings, 143. Florence, 177. Fodriim, 294. Folrad, Fulrad, abbot of St. Denis, archchaplain, 35, 37, 40, 377, 487. Fontenelle, see St. Wandrille. Forchheim, 389, 406. Fortunatus, patriarch of Grado, 414, 429. Fosete, a divinity, 147, Fosetesland, see Heligoland, 147. France, 494. Francia, passim. Franconia, 281. Frank, as used by Orientals, 25 sq. Frankfort, Frankfurt on the Main, Villa, 129, 399- council of, 187, 222 sq., 327 sq., 330, 333 sq. Franks, passim. Fredegarius, 57. Fredegonda, queen, 57 sq., 62. Frederic, count of Burgundy, 39. Frederic the Wise, elector, 487. Frederic I., Barbarossa, emperor, 487. Frederic, son of Emperor Frederic I., 487. Fridugisus, Nathanaely abbot, 242 note, 265, 456. Freising, synods at, 207, 208. Frisia, 20, 27, 123, 129, 139, 147,419. 443 sq., 495, and passim. Frisians, 20, 105, 120, 128, 192, 405, and passim. Fritzlar, 108, 145. 152 sq. Friuli, duchy, and Marche of, 166 sqq., 190, 192, 261. " church at, 454, 495 sq. '* duke of, 166, 496. Froia, ambassador, 296. Fronsac, Fronciacum, fortress, 75. << Fulda, M., 114, 151, 216, 256, 446. Fulda, list of abbots, 265 note. Fulda, school at, 254, 265, Fulda, R., 64, 114. Fulrad, see Folrad. Funeral Chant, 504. Gaerbod, bishop, 386. Gaeta, 464. Gallican clergy, 27 sqq. Ganalon, fictitious character, 164, Gargano, Mount, 397. Garonne, R., 21, 75, 284, 436. Gascony, Vasconia, 164, 494 sq. Gau, 64, 380. Gaul, 21. 25. 27, 54, 259, 312. Geilo, mai-shal, 116 sq. Gellone, M., 2S8. ** Genera] Admonition," 316 sq. Abstract, 317 note. Geneva, 48, 90. Genewana, 281. Gentilly, synod of, 448. Gennapium, near Cleves, see Asna- pium. George, monk, 43S sq. Gerberga, queen of Carloman, 82 sqq., 88 sq., 98, 499. Germans, Germany, passim. Germar, count, 350. Ceroid, bishop of Mayence. 55. Ceroid, duke in Bavaria, 183, 190, ig8, 203, 212. Ceroid, duke of Suabia, 123, Geroldus, Count of the East Marche, 457. Gerona, Gerunda, 52, 156, 289. Gersuinda, morganatic wife of Charles, 233. Gewillieb, bishop of Mayence, 55. Ghent, 405, 463. Gisla, Lucia, sister of Charles, abbess of Chelles, 77, 79 sq., 183, 228, 232, 243 sq., 416, 445. Gisla, Gisala, Gisela, Delia, daughter of Charles, 171, 175, 228 sqq., 233, 244. Glanz-Leinwand, 237. Godelib, Abodrite duke, 441. Godofrid, see Gottfried. Gontram, king, 58. Gotheramnus, ostiarius, 302. Gothia, 26, 52, 308, 329, 419 sq., 496. Goths, 51. Gottfried, Godofrid, Gottrick, king of the Danes, 141, 440 sqq., 460 sqq., 469, 490. 552 INDEX. Gottrick, see Gottfried. Gottschalk. count, 136. Graben, 278. Grado, city, 430, 454. Grandvabre, 292. "Grant of Pepin," 49» 5 10. " Grant of Charles," 94. Great Britain, 382, 489. Greek emperor, 34. I54> 45 ^ 497- Greeks, 180, 304. 306. 309 note sqq., 332, 407, and passim. Gregorian chant, 180, 263, 346 note. Gregory I., pope, 332. Gregory III., pope, 29, 333 note. Gregory VII., pope, 38. Gregory, abbot, and bishop of Utrecht, 146, 265. Gregory, presbyter, 305. Gregory of Tours, 57 sq. Grifo, son of Charles Martel by Swana- hild, 20, 30, 31, 33, 39. 49- Grimald, abbot of St. Gall, 264. Grimoald, duke of Bavaria, 20. Grimoald, son of Arigiso, duke of Benevento, 178, 302 sqq., 306 sq., 309 sq., 410, 428. Grimoald Storesaiz, 428, 446, 470. Gundrada, Eulalia, 243 sq. Gundrada, daughter of Pepin, k. of Italy, 446. Guntbadingiy 387. Gunthar, son of Tassilo, 209. H Habaccuc, prophet, 503. Hadeln, land of, 133. Hademar, Aquitanian noble, 313 note, 411. 433. 437. Hadrian I., pope, 86 sqq., 89, 93 sqq., 122 sq., 167, 169 173, 177 sqq., 199, 301 sqq., 308, 315, 326-338 passim, 340, 349, 364, 388, 502. Hadumar, count of Genoa, 427. Haimburg, 205. Haimrich, Henricus, count, 436. Halberstadt, 152. Halle, 283. Hallstadt, 406. Hamaland, see Deventer. Haman, 160. Hamburg, 140. Hannibal, 170. Hanover, 495. Harburg, 139. Hardrad, count, 215. Harduin, presbyter, 266 sq. Harun-al-Raschid, 361, 413 sq., 430, 438 sq., 466. Hartnidus, son of Bertha, 232. Hase, R., 119. Hassan, wali of Huesca, 299. Hassio, Hessi, chief of the Eastpha- lians, 110. Hathumar, bishop of Paderborn, 152. Hatto, see Atto. Hatto, son of Endo, 26, 32. Hatto, count, 456. Havel, R., 128, 496. Heerbann, 22, 75, 90, 102, 103 sq., 109, III, 114, 116, 129, 139, I55» 380, 390, 443. Heerschan, 104. Hegau, 419. Heito, bishop of Basel, 265, 452, 456. Heligoland, Fosetesland, 147 sq. Helmgaud, count. 350, 408, 428. Hemming, king of the Danes, 460 sqq. Hemming, Danish prince, 461 sq. Hennegau, 211. Henry the Fowler, 123. Henricus, count, see Haimrich. Henry III., emperor, 255. Henry of Luxemburg, 100. Henry, son of Emperor Frederic I., 487. Heraclius, emperor, 199. Hercules, 297 sq., 498. Heres, Arbeo, bishop of Freising, 207. Heribert, missus, 463, 467. Heriold, Harald, king of the Danes, 461. Heriold and Reginfried, Danish kings, 461 sq. Herisliz, 76, 182, lS6 sq., 380. Heristal, P., 134, 399- Hermingard, Irmingard, consort of Louis the Pious, 292. Herodotus, 221 note. Hersfeld, 145 sq. Herstelle, Heristelle, on the Weser, 134 sq., i-37- Herzegovina, 496. Hesham, Hescham, emir of Cordova, 289, 295 sq. Hessia, Hessengau, 145, 495- Hibernia Scottorum, Ireland, 462. Hildebrand, brother of Charles Mar- tel, 18, 26, 27 note. Hildebrand, king of the Lombards, 34. Hildegard, queen of Charles, 80 and note, 81, 92, 171, 173, 183, 213 sq. and note, 219, 224 note, 228, 263, 471, 498. Hildegard, daughter of Charles, 213. Hildeprand, duke of Spoleto, 170 sq., 310. INDEX. 553 Hildesheim, 152. Hildibald, archbishop of Cologne, 148, 344. 350, 377, 388, 456, 482. Hildigern, count, 457. Hiltrud, Chiltrud, mother of Tassilo. 77. 188 note. Hiltrud, daughter of Charles, 225, 228, 233. Himiltrud, wife of Charles, 86, 171, 218, 228, 474. 49S. Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, 253, 267, 374, 378- Hippocrates, Sect of, 270. Hirschau, school at, 265. History of Charlemagtie and Orlando, 165 note. Hitherius, Itherius, abbot of St. Mar- tin, Tours, and chancellor, 378. Hliuni, Lime, on the Ilmenau, Bar- dengau, see Lime, 196, 200. Hodoinus, 233. Hof, 64 sq, Hohbuoki, on the Elbe, fortress, 444, 469. Holland. 494. Hollenstedt, 139. Holstein, 140. Holy Cross, church of the, Barcelona, 413 and note. ' Holy Land, 284, 439. Holy Places, 216, 358, 39S, 421, 439- Holy Sepulchre, 358. Homage, formula of, 181. Ho?niliarium, 264. Homines faidosi, 392, Hostingabi, canton, gau, on the Bal- tic, 140. Hostlaicus, 223. H oxter, 134 note. Hrabanus Maurus, see Rhabanus. Hrodgaud, duke of Friuli, 166 sqq. Hrodrud, daughter of Tassilo. 183 note. Hrotfrid, notary, 440. Hucbald, biographer of Lebuinus, 537. Huculvi, Hockeleve, now I'etershagen, on the Weser, 120. Huesca, Osca, 157, 295, 435 sq., 467. Hugh Capet, 124. Hugmerke, Frisia, 149. Hugo, count of Tours, 452. Hunold, duke of Aquitaine, 26, 31, 32, 74 sqq. Hungary, 103, 469. Hunrich, abbot of Mondsee, 179. Huns, Avars, 180, 184, 191, 199 and note, 200 sq. and note, 203, 469. Hypatos, 430. I Ibagueta, chapel, 159. Ibaneta, Pyrenees, i6r. Iberian peninsula, 494. Ibn-al-Arabi, Saracen noble, 154, 157. Illegitimacy, alleged, of Charles the Great, 41 note. " Illustrative Extracts," 522 sq. Illyrictira Orietttale^ 333 note. Illyricum, 492 note. Ilmenau, R., 130. Image worship, 331 sqq., 524 sqq. Immorality of the clergy and royalty, 55. Inconsistency of Charles, 314 sq. Inde, M., near Aix-la-Chapelle, 286. Imperial prerogatives at Rome, 367 sq. India, Innichen, Puster valley, 209. Ingelheim, P.. 71, 186 sq., 271, 399. Ingobert, count, 436 sqq. Ingolstadt, 177, 419. Ingram, count, 292. Inn, R., 495. "Instruction for the royal commis- sioners," missi, abstract, 317 and note, 320, 389. "Invasion of Spain," 154 to 165. Inventory of villa at Asnapium, 403 sqq. Ireland, Hibernia Scottorum, 18, 462. Irene, Byzant. empress, 173, 309 note, 359, 366. 407 sqq. Irmingar, Frankish count, 465. Irmingard, Hermingard, consort of Louis the Pious, 239. Irmino, abbot, 456. Irminsul, sanctuary of the Saxons, 105 sqq. Iron crown of Lombardy, 99. Isar, R., 495. Isaac, the Jew, 414. Isambard, Aquitanian noble, 433, 463. Ischia, island, 465. Islam, 289. Islamism, 52. Istria, 94, 192, 415. Italy, passim. Itinerarium Antonini et Hierosoly- mitanum, 165 note. Itherius, see Hitherius. Itzehoe, see Esesfeld. Jacob, 472. Jajnanner, 383. Jeremias, chancellor, 378. Jerome, 261, 398. 554 INDEX. INDEX. 555 Jerusalem, 358, 430, 438 sq., 449- " figurative, 398. Jesse, bishop of Amiens, 350, 408, 456- Johannes, archbishop of Aries, 456. John the Deacon, 346, 350, 364. John, presbyter and monk of St. Sabas, 449. John, treasurer, 310. Jordanis, 261. Joseph, archbishop, 416. Joseph, author, 259 note. Joseph, deacon, 302. Joseph, 472. Joshua, 195, 315. Jove, 258. Judiciary, the, 65, 37S sqq. Judith, empress, 477 note. Jugur, 197. Jumieges, Gemeticum, M., near Rouen, 183.^ Justinian, 261. Juvaruniy see Salzburg. K "Karles \oi,'* pondus Caroli, 406. Karlsgraben, 278. Karlshafen, 134 note. Karoli Magni Capitulaiia, 517. Kempten, M., 213. Kesselfang, 60. Khakhan, 197, 205 sq. Khalif, see Bagdad, Cordova. Klosterneuburg, 195. KocMsee, M., 1S3. Konig Ludwig Kanal, 279. Konigsbann, 103, 133. KonigszinSy 390. Koran, the, 25. Krems, on the Danube, 195, 210. Kremsmiinster. , M., 209 sq. Krumm, Bulgarian khan, 458, 460. Kunkel, 65. Lahn, R., 114. Laidradus, archbishop of Lyons, 210, 266 sq., 297, 330. 456. I.ampedusa, island, 464. *' Lance," a man, 62. Landes de Charlemagne^ 22. Landric, a convert, 14S. Languedoc, 285 sq. Lantbertus, commissioner of Louis, 233. Landf rit, abbot of Benedictbeuern, 207. Langres, diocese of, 285. Laon, Laudunum^ 31, 1S3. ** Last years of Charles," 451-470. Lateran, P. Rome, 94, 339, 341, 351. Latreia, 334 note. Laurentian hill, 204. Lauresheim, M., 255. Lauwers, Loubach, R., on the coast of Frisia, 148. " Laws of duke Tassilo," 207. Lebuinus, Anglo-Saxon missionary, 104 sq., 146 sq. Lech, R., 185, 495. Lech-feld, near Augsburg, 180, 186. Lee ho s, 282. Legendary description of "Charle- magne," 84. Legends, 97, 99, 108, iii, 123 sqq., 160, 163 sqq., 188 note, 198 sq., 255. 291, 295 sq., 300, 476, ^84 sqq. Legislation, see " List of Capitula- ries," Appendix G., 517 sqq. Leine, R., 142. Lenne, R., 109. Leo III., pope, 139, 329, 339-353 passim ; 354-367 passim ; 415 sq.,427 sqq., 440, 449 sq. 464 sqq., 485, 502. *' ** Trial and exculpation of, 355 sqq. Leo III., the Isaurian, 332 note. Leo IV., Byzantine emperor, 173. Leo V. , Byzantine emperor, 460. Leo, a Sicilian, spatharius, 407, 452. Leo, spat/iariuSy 408. Lerida, 433. Lesbos, island, 408. Leudes, 67. Levant, the, 405. Libe7' pontijicalis eccl. Ravenn., by Agnellus, 538. Liburnia, 204, 452, 494. Liege, P. Belgium, 71, 399. Liguria, 414. Liguria, Marche of, 496. Linonians, 440 sq. , 468, 496. Lippe, R., 106, III sq., 115, 133, 148. Lippeham, 138, 443. Lippspringe, 139. Lisbon, 296. "List of Capitularies, set forth in the reign of Charles the Great," 517. List of Metropolitan cities, 454 and note. " List of the Months," 516. List of signers of the testament of Charles, 456 sq., 457 note. Litany, names of royal family in, 21S. " Literary Notes on some authorities for the History of Charles the Great," 526-541. Literature on Annals, 533. Capitularies, 539. Diplomas, 539. Poetical History of Charlemagne, 539- Liuderich, count. 302. Liudger, missionary, bishop of Mun- ster, 146, 147 ?q. Liutard, Liuthard, Aquitanian noble, ,463. Liutgard, Leutgard, al. Ava, queen of Charles the Great, 134 sq., 225 sqq., 243 sq., 299 sq., 313. Liutperga, Liutberga, daughter of De- siderius, wife of Tassilo, 177, 179, 181 sqq., 185. Liutprand, king of the Lombards, 29, 34. 263. Loire, R., 19, 21 sqq., 54, 175, 284, 495. Lombard Code, 382. Lombard Plot, 166 sqq. Lombards, 29, 34. 40, 49, 54, 155. " Lombards, Fall of the," 86-100. "Lombards, Sequel to Fall of the," 166-188. Lombardy, passim. Longlier. Longolare, P., 83. Lorch, 389, 406. Lord's Day, observance of, 319 sq. Lorsch, M., 471, 529. Lothair, emperor, 493. Lothair, son of Charles, twin-brother of Louis the Pious, 7, s. a. 778. Lotharius, 456 note. Lotusa, Brabant, 148. Louis the Pious, Chlodoicus, Hludo- wicus, son of Charles, king of Aqui- taine, afterwards emperor, 132, 137, 139, 142, 171, 173, 192, 218, 230, 232, sqq., 2S3 sq., 286 sqq., 292 sqq., 296 sq., 299 sqq., 308, 313 note, 365, 410 sqq., 419 sq., 425 sq., 433 sqq, 436, 451, 463, 467, 471 note, 474, 476 sqq.. 493, 497 and passim. Louis, son of Louis the Pious, 493. Louis, son of Rothrud and Roriko, 231. Louis the Germanic, king of East Francia, 28. Louis I., king of Bavaria, 278. Lucania, 304. Luceria, 409. Lul, archbishop of Mayence, 145 sq., 152. Lullus, 260. Liine, Hliune, on the Ilmenau, 130 sq. Luni, 94. Lupus, biographer of St. Wigbert, 145. Lupus, duke of Vasconia, 75, 156, 160. Luther, 498. Lutrahahof , Lauterhofen, in the North- gau, 177, 419. Lychas, 298. Lyons, 26, 413, 419, 454. M Macon, 419, Mactrians, 217. Maeotic marshes, 204. Magdalona, counts of, 285. Magdeburg, 281, 283, 389, 406. Magenfrid, Thyrsis, chamberlain, 192, 196, 244. Maginarius, chaplain, abbot of St. Denis, 302 sq., 377. Maguelonne, 27, 287. Main. R., passim. Maine, duchy, 219, 362, 472 sq. Maingau, 254. Mais, Tyrol, 208. Mallorca, Majorica, island, 297, 465. Malamocco, 431. Malines, 405. Mally mallstatt, mallberg. 66. Maltegard, morganatic wife of Charles, 233- Manno, bishop of Neuburg, 207. Mansionarins, 379. Mansir, fictitious character, 164, Mantua, 94, 171, 415 sq. Marche, see Ancona, Brittany, Chieti, Eastern, Friuli, Liguria, Northern, Pannonian, Susa, Spanish, military, 381, 395. Afarkttng, 64, Marriage of Charles and Carloman, 77 note. Mars Gravidus, 45 note. Marseilles, 27. M artel, see Charles. "Martellus," 17. Master of the Beavers, 379. Master of the Game. 379. Master of the Hounds, 379. Master of the Hunt, 379. Master of the Wardrobe, 379. Mathilda, consort of Henry I., 124. Maurienne, 39, 49, 419. Mauritania, 295. Maurontius, 26 sq. Maurus de Nepi, bishop, 342. 556 INDEX. Mayence, io6, 152 sq., 224, 275 sq., 351, 390 sq., 399. 405j 454. and passim. Meaux, 83 note. Mecklenburg, 496. Medical men, 269 sq. Mediterranean Sea, 156, 312,463. Meginarius, count, (?) 293. Meginhardus, 456. Meginherus, count of Sens, (?) 456. Melle, Metalhim, 406. Mentana, 354- Mequinenza, R., 434- Mercia, episcopal sees in, 335. king of, 200. Merovingians, dynasty, 28, 36, 38, 57 sqq., 156, 498- " civilization of, 54 sqq. Merstem, canton, 142. Met a Hum, see Melle. Metrical Passages, 160 sqq.. 200 note, 214, 258, 262, 264 sq., 270 sq., 293, 337 sq., 473. 504 sq., 5I4, 52i sqq. Metropolitan cities, list of, 454. and note. Metz, 213, 261 sq., 272. Meuse, Maas. R., 19, i75. 495- Michael, the archangel, 164. Michael I., Byzantine emperor, 458 sqq., 464. Michael, metropolitan, 459* Milan, I75> 454- ^, , . Military expeditions, see Chronologi- cal Annals. Military Service, 67, 102 sqq., 380. Milito, Sorabian prince, 282. Milo, count of Narbonne, 284 sq. Milvian Bridge, 351. Mimigernaford on the Aa, see Mun- ster. Minden, on the Weser, 117, I37» 152, 487. Minorca, Minorka, island, 297. Miracles, 108, ill, 124,343,412. See Omens. Mire, near Tours. 22. Missus, missi, 283, 350 sq., 367, 373. 381 sq., 3^9' 391, 395» 397. 429. 441, 444, 451, 475, and passim. Modena, 420. Mohammed, 290, 315. Mohammedanism, 25. Momyllus Augustulus, 366. Monasteries, 285 sqq. Mondsee, M., dioc. of Passau, 179. Monk of Angouleme, Monachus En- gol., 489, 494- Monk of St. Gall, Monachus Sangal- Unsis, 80 sq., 118, 198. 220 sq., 258, 272, 312, 343, 353. 439. 444 note, 538. Mons Bardoms, 94. Monselice, Mons Silicis, 94. Monte Casino, M., 33. 34. 42, 147- Months, List of the, 516. Monumcnta Alcuiniana, 536. " Carolina^ 536. Monza, 99. Moors, 296 sq , 312, 426 sqq., 434 sqq., 437, 464 sq. and passim. Moravians, 208, 496. Mors Gothorum, iMourgoudou, 287. Mortal Powder, 446 sq. Mosaics, 272. Moselle, Mosel, R., 114, 426. Moses, 184, 315, 340. Moslems, 21 sqq., 40- ^i, ^57 sq., loO, 4^3. 433, 435 and passim. Mount Calvary, 358. Mount Cenis, 49, 90 sq.,419. Mount Jupiter, 90. Mount of Olives, 358, 449. Mount Zion, 358. Moutiers-en-Tarantaise, 454. Munden, near the confluence of the Fulda and Werra, 117. Munster, in Westphaha, 148, 152. Murbach, in Alsatia, see Annal. Mur- bac. N Naples, city, 304. " duchy, kingdom, 310, 495. Narbonensis, 299. Narbonese Gaul, 312. Narbonessia, 454 note. Narbonne, 24, 26, 40, 51, 284, 291, 454 note, 496. Nasg, 492 sq., 502. Nationalities in Francia, 54. Nautharius, abbot of St. Omer, 440. Navarra, Navarre, 432, 494. Nessus, 298. Nestorianism, 326. Nestorius, 326. Neuching, synod of, 207. Neufchateau, fortress in the Ardennes, 32. Neustria, 18 sqq., 30, 33. 52, 74, 183, 216. 419, 495, and passim. Neustrians, 18 sqq., passim. Nevers, on the Loire, 419. New City, Cittanuova, 420. ''New Era," 407-425. New Rome, 352. 366. Nicoea, council of, 331, 333 sq., 448- Nice, Nizza, 465. INDEX. 55; Nicephorus, Byzant. emperor, 408 sq., 430, 452, 458, 460. Nicephorus, patriarch, 459 sq. Nicetas, patrician, 429 sq. Niederaltaich, 210. Nieto, R., 495. Nifridius, archbishop of Narbonne, 330. Nigellus, Ermoldus, poet, 301,477 note. *' *' Carmina, 538. Nimes. 27. Nimeguen, P., 271, 399, 426, 439. Nithard, historian, 143, 232, 267. Noirmoutier, island, 312. Nomentum, Mentana, 354. Nonantola, M., 460. Nordliudi, 136. Norican Alps, 420. Norman frontier, 462. Normans. 312, 313 note, 462 sq. Northalbingians, 121, 130 sq., 136 sq., 139 sqq., 440. Northern Marche, 495. Nordgau, Northgau, 177, 419, 495. Northumbria, episcopal sees of, 335. Northmen, 105, 312 sq., 436. North Sea, 133, 276, 441, 495. Norththuringia, gau of, 138. Notker, the Stammerer, 538. Novempopuloniay 454 note. Novi, 93. Noyon, 74. O Oath of Allegiance, forms of, 372 sq. " " Grimoald, 306 and note. Oaths, 59. Obelierius, doge of Venice, 415, 430, 452, 457. Ocker, R., no. Oder, R.. 21, 494 sqq. Odilo, duke of the Bavarians, 32, 77, 189, 210. Odilo, count, 233. Odo, architect, 272. Odysseus, 498. Offa, king of Mercia, 232, 335, 472. Officers, executive and others, 379 and note. Ogger, see Autcharius. Oleron, island, 312. Olivolo, bishop of, 430. Omens, 490 sq. Ommiad family, 154, 295. Oportunus, abbot of Mondsee, 207. Orbieux, R., 291. r)rdeals, 60 sq. Ore Mountains, Erzgebirge, 281. Orlando, Roland, 164 sq. Orleans, 175, 300, 313 note. Orosius, 261. Ortona, 409. Osca, see Huesca. Osnabrlick, 117. 151, 487. Ostragau, Ostergau, Asterga, 123, 147. Otfried, 267. Otgar, see Autcharius. Otker, see Autcharius. Otto L, emperor, 124. Otto IIL, emperor, 485 sq. Otto, count of Lomello, 485. Ottos, the, 124. Osulfus, servant of Alcuin, 473. Otulfus, — Audulfus, seneschal (?), 456. Oviedo, 494. Owar, see Loire. Paderborn. 106, in sq., 121, 123, 130, 139, 150 sqq., 154, 230, 345 sqq., 364. 399- "Palace School," 241-252, 254, 257 sqq. Palaces, 271 and note. Palatiolum, Palaiseau, 73. Palestrina. 431. Pampeluna, 157 sq., 432, 468, 495. Pannonia, 129, 192, 201, 204 sq., 302, 468 sq. Pannonian Marche, 495. Paris, 19, 313, 382, 405. Parma, 94, 172. 24T. Partecipazio, Agnello, doge of Venice, 458. Partition of the empire, 417-425. Paschalis, antipope, 487. Paschalis, pfimicerius, 341, 351, 355, 366 sq. Passau, 208. Patelaria, Pantelaria, island, 427. Paterno, Itnly, 486. Patricius, Patrician, 40, 87, 93, 99, 366, 497, 51O; Pauli Diaconi Histoia Langobard- orum, 538. Opera, 263 note, 264. Geseaepp. Mctt., 538. Paulinus, grammarian, patriarch of Aquileia, 168, 197. 200, 202, 204, 301, 329, 451 note. Paulipert, commissioner, 307. Paulus, Byzant, admiral, 431. Paulus Diaconus, Paul the deacon, his- torian and poet, 168 sq., 213, 224, 260 sqq., 263. Paulus, duke of Zara in Dalmatia, 415. 4i6. Raab, R., 195, 495- Kachimburgii, 66. Rachis, king of the Lombards, 34, 50> 261. Radbertus, ambassador, 414. Rado, chancellor, 378. Radoleiba, 492. Radolf, count, 214. Ragenfrid, mayor of the palace, 19. Raht, 492, 502. Ratgar, abbot of Fulda, 265. Ratisbon, 129, 181, 186, 189, 192, 194, 10, 205, 219 sqq., 287, 399, 406. Ravenna, 39, 49» 272, 274 sq., 410, 429. Ravenna, territory, 39. Ravenna, bishopric, 40, 169, 454, 450' Raynaldus, archbishop of Cologne, 487. , .^ Recognition of Charles by the Byzan- tines, 459. Rednitz, R., 277- Reformation, the, 331. Reggio, Rhegium, 94, 420, 466. Reginold, Danish prince, 441. Reginpert, abbot of Mosburg, 208. INDEX. 559 Regusa, 495. Reichenau, M., 203, 213. " school at, 264 sq. Reims, Rheims, 28, 390, 398, 416, 454. Relics, 59, see Saints, St. Religious readings, 236, 240. Renovatio Ifnperii, 366. Reric, commercial emporium, 441 sq. " Resume," 490-505. Retrospective view of Christian effort in Bavaria, 206. Reuss, R., 495. Revenue, 394 sqq. Rex, 459. Rezat, Suabian, R., 277 sq. Rhabanus Maurus, 256, 265, 267, 446, 493. Rhe. M., in island of that name, 32, 74, 312. Rhenish Provinces, 495. Rhetian Alps, 495. Rhine, R., 20, 21, passim, 54, lOl, 129, 180, 275, 405, 419. 426, 495. Rhine-bridge, Mayence, 275 sqq., 490. Rhone, R., 26, 27, 436. Rialto, 431, 458. Richard, brother of Angilbert, com- missioner, 293. Richard, a Christian Saxon, 136, 142. Richbodo, archbishop of Treves, 329. Richolf, a Christian Saxon, 136. Richowinus, count, 457. Richulf, Richulfus, Ricolfus, Damoe- tas, archbishop of Mayence, 152 sq., 243 sq., 276, 356, 456. Riculf, deacon, 175. Ried, 278. Rigontha, princess, 58. Ring of the Avars, 194, 198. Ripuarian Law, 382, 475 note. Riustrigau, on the Weser, 129. Roadhart, abbot of Isana, 208. Robert the Strong, 124. Rocculfus, count, 457. Roland, prefect of the Marches of Brittany, 124, 159 sqq. Roland's horn, 160. Roland, Song of, 163 sqq. Romagna, 49, 415. Rome, Romans, passim. Roncesvalles, Roncevaux, pass of, 156, 159 sqq., 164, 494- Roriko, count, 231. Rosellse, in Tuscia, 178. Roselmus, governor of Chieti, 409. Rosogabi, canton, gau, in Saxony 140. Rostagnus, count of Gerona, 410 sq. Rotechild, baiulus of King Pepin, 174, 451 note. Rothaid, daughter of Charles, 171, 228 sq. Rothard, Prankish duke, 40. Rothgar, count, 350. Rothild, daughter of Charles, 233. Rothrud, Rotrud, Columba, daughter of Charles, 171, 173, 22-3 sq., 231, 244, 262, 309, 445. Rouen, 313, 454. Rotrud, wife of Charles Martel, 20. Rouergue, 292. Roussilon, 410. 412. Royal hunt, 237 sqq. Ruga:, 361 and note. Riigen, island, 496. Ruhr, R., 109. Rule of St. Benedict, 147, 285 sq., 392, and passim. Rules of St. Pachomius and St. Basil, 285. Rumoald, Romuald, eldest son of Ari- giso, duke of Benevento, 177 sq., 302. Rythmus in obitum Caroli Magni Au- gust! , 521. Saale, R., 54, "6, 120, 281 sqq. Sabaria, near Sarwar, 195, 205. Sabina, province, 173. Sacellm'ius, 379. Sachsenhausen, 143. " Sacred League," 96. Saintes, 52. Salerno, 177, 303 sq. Salian Law, 61, 382. Salii, 45 note. Salvianus, Massil. 62. Salz, P., on the Frankish Saale, 399, 409. SaXzhmg, Juvarum, 278, 454. Salzburg, Verbruderungsbuchy etc., 208. Samnium, 33. Samoussy, P., 78 note, 82. Saracens, 21, 29, I54sq., 158, 289 sqq., 296, 297, 299, 315, 412, 433 sq., 463 sqq. . 478. Saragossa, 156 sqq., 411, 435 sq., 494- Saranza, 94. Sardinia, island, 426 sqq., 464 sq., 495. Sarwar, 205. Sassen, 54. Save, R., 496. Savoy, 419. Savuto, R., 495' S6o INDEX. SaXy sacks, 54. Saxon bishoprics, 144, 151 sq. Saxon hostages, 142. "Saxon War," loi to 153. Saxons, 26, 27, 39, 54. passim to I53» ig2, and passim. Saxony, passim. Saxony, modern, 495. Scabini, 66, 382 sq. Scara, scares, 102, 109, 282, and pas- sim. Scaramangium, 408. Scheldt, R.,463. 495. Schessel, 389, 406. Schlettstadt, Alsatia, P., 167, 170, 399- Scholars, 265 sqq. Schools, 264 sqq. Schools of Rome, 93, 351. 354. Schvvante, on the Warnow, 137 note. Schwentine, R., i37- Sclaomir, prince of the Abodrites, 444. Sclavonians, 63, 77. I05, "6 sq., 127, 179, 208, 211 sq., 280 sq., 405 sq., 407, 441 sq., 469, 4S9. 493» 495 sq. Scotchmen from Ireland, 258 sqq. Scots, 462. Scott, Sir Walter, 160. Segre, R., 434- Seligenstadt, MUhlheim on the Main, 256. Selz, Alsatia, under Carloman, 6. Semela, prince of the Demelcians, 281. Sendfeld, between the Alme and the Diemel, 130. Seneschal, 379. Sens, 21, 454. Septimania, 21, 24, 26, 51 sq., 284, 289 sq., 297, 299, 419 sq-, 495- Septimanians, 155. Serenus, bishop of Massilia, 332. Serenus Sr.mmonicus, 271. Sergius, 88 note. Servia, 495. Sicily. 304, 333 note, 407, 427» 464- Sicily, patrician of, 465 sq. Siegfried, claimant of the Danish throne, 461. Siena, bishop of, 368. Sigburg, Sigiburg, Hohensyburg al., fortress, 109, III. Sigfrid, king of the Danes, 113. Sigidio, abbot of Weltenburg, 208. Signers of the testament of Charles, list of, 456 sq., 457 note. Sigulf, Vetulus, abbot of Ferrieres, bi- ographer of Alcuin, 242 note, 300 sq. Silida, R.. 436. Sindpert, bishop of Ratisbon, 193, 207. Sirmium, 494. Sizer, Pyrenees, 159. Slavery, 64. Slave-trade in Italy, 172. Sleswig, town, see Sliesthorp. Sleswig. country, 141. Sliesthorp, Sleswig^ 441. Sluis, 405. Smaragdus, abbot of St. Mihiel on the Meuse, 260, 265, 449. Smeldings, 440 sqq. Social condition under the Merovingi- ans, 54-68. Social condition in Lombardy and Italy, 171 sqq. Soissons, 19, 36, 74* Solatium, 130. Solimary, Arab chief, 52. Solomon, 352. Somme, R., 142. Songs, 240. Sora, 178. Sorabians, 54, 116, 128, 282 sq., 496. Soracte Mount, M., 33. 397- Sovana, 178. Spain. 21, 154-165 passim. Spanish Marche, 287. 290, 294, 435, 451, 489, 496. Spatharius, spatharii, 304. 407 sq., 408 note ; 430, 451 sq., 464. Spectacular displays, 239. Splugen, pass of, 171. Spoleto, duchy. 94, 354, 428, 470- " duke of, 99, 166. " city, 343 sq. St. Augustin, 236. St. Basil 285. St. Boniface, 27, 2^8, 34, 35, 37, 55 sqq., 108, 114, 123, 149, 153. St. Columbanus, abbot of Bobbio, 503, 521 note. St. Corbinianus, relics of, 208. St. Eucherius, bishop of Orleans, 28, 29. St. Germanus, relics of, 73. St. Marcellinus and St. Peter, relics of, 490. St. Martin, 299. St. Pachomius, 2f5. St. Paul, the apostle, 315, 343- St. Peter, the apostle, literally and figuratively, 43, 44- 49 and note, 78, 169, 172, 178 sq., note i, 303, 305, 341, 427, and passim. St. Peter, chair of, 352, 356. St. Peter, church of, 423. INDEX. 561 St. Peter, territory of, 420, and passim. St. Peter, tomb of, 29, 94, 216, 361 sqq., 397, 450. St. Valentinus, relics of, 208. St. Vandrille, Wandregesilus, 266. St. Wigbert, relics of, 145 sq. St. Alban's, Mayence, 224. St. Amand, M., 211. St. Ambrose, Milan, 445 sq. note. St. Aniane, M., in Aquitaine, 265. St. Ansanus, M., 368. St. Arnulf's, M., Metz, 213. St. Benedict, M., Monte Casino, 33. St. Columba, 433. St. Denis, church of, 29, 50, 53, 72, 213 sq., 483. St. Denis, fair of, 405. St. Denis, M., 41, 51 sq., 222, 267 sq., 398.483. St. Die, M., Vosges, 483. St. Erasmus, M., Rome, 342. St. Faro apud Meldos, Meaux, M., 83. St. Gall, M., 221, 273. St. George's, Rome, 342. St. Germain d'Auxerre, 266. St. Germain des Pres, M., Paris, 51, 398. St. Goar, M., 182, 224 note. St. Guillelm, St. Guillaume du Desert, M., 288. St. John Baptist, altar of, 486. St. Josse-sur-Mer, 242. St. Laurentius ad craticulam, Rome, 342. St. Loup {Lupus), M., dioc. of Troyes, 242. St. Maria Maggiore, basilica of, Rome, 94. St. Martin's, Mayence, 493. St. Martin, M., Tours, 51 sq., 213, 225, 242. St. Mary the Virgin, basilica of, Aix- la-Chapelle, 85, 271 sq., 274 sq., 416, 459, 474, 479, 483, 485, 487, 490 sqq. St. Mary's Freising, 208. St. Mary's, Reichenau, 203. St. Maurice, M., 40, 416. St. Maximin, M., Treves, 183. St. Medard. M., near Soissons, 416. St. Michael, the archangel, sanctuary of. Mount Gargano, 397. St. Mihiel, M., on the Meuse, 260, 265. St. Paul, basilica of, Rome, 363, 450. St. Peter, basilica of, Rome, 93 sqq , 351, 354 sqq., 360 sqq., 450, 456, 459' 474. St. Peter's, Bremen, 150, 36 St. Peter's, M., Lotusa, Brabant, 148. St. Peter's, Salzburg, 208. St. Quentin, M., 398. St. Remi, Remigius, M., near Rheims, 365. 416. St. Riquier, M., 254, 267, 3C0. 313 note. St. Sabas. M., Jerusalem, 358, 449. St. Saturninus, hermitage, 285. St. Seine, M., diocese of Langres. 285. Sts. Simon and Thaddeus, M., Hers- feld, 145. St. Sithiu, M., at St. Omer, 39. Sts. Stephen and Sylvester, M., Rome, 342. St. Stephen's, Tours, 300. St Symphorian, chapel of, 73. St. Vincentius, church of, 73. St. Vitale, Ravenna, 274. St. W^andrille, M., diocese of Rouen, 266 sq. St. Zeno, Verona, 446 note. Stephanus, papal legate, 327. Stadtberge, see Eresburg. Standard of the Cross, 358. States of the Church, 496. Stauracius, Byzantine emperor, 458. Stebilinius, count of Treviso, 167 sq. Stein am Anger, 195. Stephen III., pope, 36, 39, 40-50, 53, 72, 76, sqq., 85, 87 sq., note, 498. Stephen V. , pope, 365. Stephen, Stephanus (?), count, 3S2, 456. Stor, R., 443. Strasburg, 204, 264, 477 note. Sturm, Sturmi, abbot of Fulda, 63, 77, 150, 210, 270, 406. Styria, 208. Suabia, Suavia, Alemannia al., 20, 30, 180, 495. Suabians, 20, 22. Sualafeld, 277. Suentana, Zventinefeld, 137. Suetonius, Life of Augustus, 254, 491, and note. Suntel Range, 117, 119, 142. Superstition, 59 sqq. Susa, 420. Suza, Marche of, 496. Swanahild, mother of Grifo, 20, 30. Sweden, 462. Sylvester, pope, 341. Symbolical gifts from Jerusalem, 358. Syria, 21, 439. " Table of Alcuin's epistles to Charles," 511. 562 INDEX. "Tableof the Winds," 516. Tanchon, monk, 273. Tarantaise, 419. Tarragona. 433. Tassilo, duke of Bavaria, 33, 51, 76 f sq., 82, 175 sq., 179-188, iSg, 206-210, 306, 314, 385, 419, 499- " daughters of, 183 note. Tatar, 197. Tatto, 264. Taxes, 396. Teano, 178. Teatensian territory, 470. Termini, 191. Terzatto, Tharsatica, 203. Testaments of Charles, 426, 453. Testry, battle of, 17. Tharsatica, Terzatto, 203. Thegani Vita Hludoivici imperatoris, 537- Theganus, Thegan, Degan, chorepis- copos in the diocese of Treves, 477 note. Theiss, R., 197, 202, 494 sqq. Theodelinda, queen of the Lombards, 100. Theoderic, king of the Ostragoths, equestrian statue of, 275. Theoderic, Saxon chief, 32. Theoderic, or Thierry IV., 18, 20. Theoderic, count in Ripuaria, 117, 129, 192, 196. Theoderic, infant son of Charles, 474. Theodo, son and associate of Tassilo, 181, 183, 185, 210. Theodoald, grandson of Pepin of Heristal, 18. Theodoin, count of Vienne, 39. Theodore, khakhan, 205 sq. Theodore, musician, iSo. Theodore, prefect and patrician of Sicily, 310 Theodrada, daughter of Charles, 225, 22S sqq., 233. Theodrada, daughter of Pepin, k. of Italy, 446 note. Theodulf, Pindar, bishop of Orleans, 200, 222, 224 note, 226, 228 sq., 243 sq., 254, 257 sq., 266 sq., 297, 3CX), 321, 329, 337, 351 sq., 355 sq., 364, 449. 456, 473, 502. Theognostus, protospatharius, 459. Theophanis chronographia, 538. Theophylact, papal legate, 327. Theophylactus, son and associate of Michael I., 459. Theotbert, son of Tassilo, 183. Theotmalli, Detmold, 119. Theudald, count, 219. Thierry IV., see Theoderic. Thionville, Diedenhofen, P. on the Moselle, 399. 417 sq., 474. " Third estate of men," 65. Thomas, patriarch of Jerusalem, 438. Thomas, archbishop of Milan, 175. Thrasco, prince of the Abodrites, 137, 140, 440 sqq. Thrasybulos, 221 note. Thrianta, Frisia, 149. Thungini^ 380. Thuringia, 30, 116, I20, 133, 216,419, and passim. Thuringians, 22, 54, 120, 215 sqq., 282, and passim. Tiber, R., 494. Tiberius, 491 note, sq. Ticinum = Pappia, Pavia, 309. Titles : Charles Martel, 30 note. Pepin, 31 note. Carloman, 31 note. Charles the Great, 74 note, 99, 331, 362, 364, 371 sq. 418, 429, 453, 484, 502. Louis the Pious, 480. Toledo, council of, 448. Tolls, 396 sq. Torgan, 419. Tortosa, 433 sqq., 463 sq. Toscana, see Tuscia, 420. Toscanella, 178. Toulouse, city, 21, 58, 289, 294. Toulouse, county, duchy of, 284. Tours, 22 sqq., 52, 225, 227, 264, 299 sq., 313 note, 351 sq., 390, 454» 503. ** territory, Touraine, 419. Tours, battle of, 25 sq. Transpadana, 420. Trasarus, M., 266. Trave, R., 496. "Treatise of the Order and State of the Palace, etc.," 253. Treaty of peace with the Byzantines, 452. " the Danes, 461 sq. " the khalif El Hakem, 467. Trebbia, R., 503. Trent, Trident, Trient, 208. Trent, Marche of, 496. Treves Trier, 272 note, 454. Treviso. 168 sq., 430, 438. " Trial by Combat," 59 sq. Tributarii ecclesiarutn, 385. Triduutn of prayers, 123, I93 sq., 447. Trudo, M., 28, 521 note. r INDEX. 563 Trustes, 385. '•Tudites," 17. Tudun, 196, 200 sq., 205. Tullius, paramour, 233. Tuln, 195. Turpin, 164. Tuscany, 310 ; see Tuscia. Tuscia, Tuscany, Toscana, 310, 420. Tyrinthus, infant of, 298. Tyrol, 179, 208. Tyrrhenian Sea, 494. U United States, 382. Unruochus, count, missus, 456. Urbino, duchy, 49. Urgel, La Seo de Urgel, 330. Ursio, bishop of Vienne, 386. Uto. abbot of Ilmiinster, 207. Utrecht, school at, 146, 265. Vacua annona, 386. Val-Carlos, Pyrenees, 159. Valence, 26. Valencia, emir of, 435. Valens, 261 Valentinus, Valentine, doge of Venice, 430, 458. Valla-Ibana 434. Valva, Spoleto, 304. Vandals, 454 note. Varghel, Vargalaha, on the Unstrut, 72. Vasconia, 21, 156, 284, 286, 419. Vasconians, 54, 159, 289, 467 sq. Veneti, 217. Venetia, 415, 431 sq., 452, 494, 496. Venice, 405, 415, 429 sqq., 457 sq. Veni Creator Spiritus, 449 note. Ver, P., 313 note. ** Verbruderungsbuch of St. Peter's, Salzburg,'' 208. Vercelli, Verceil, 414, 420. Verden, on the Aller, 118, 144, 151 sq., 213, 443, 445, 448, 499. Verdun, 272 note, see Petrus. Verona, 92, 97 sq., 429. Verzenay, 170. Vienne, R., 22. Vienne, 26, 454. '' M., 42. Vigilius, pope, 358. Villa-Rubea, 434. Villas, 399-405- " list of, 399. Villedaigne, battle of, 291. Vincy, battle of, 19. Virgil, 347. Virgilius, bishop of Salzburg, 56, 207 sqq. Visto domni Caroli, 539. Visio IVetini, 203 note, 228 note. " Vision of Charles the Great," 492 sq. Vita S. Arnoldi, 539. Vita Caroli, by Einhard, 536. Vita Hadriani /., 538. Vita Hludoivici imperatoris, 537. Vita Hludowici i??iperatoris, by As- tronomus, 537. Vita S. Lebuini, by Hucbald, 537. Vita Leonis III., 538. Vita S. Liudgcfi, by Altfrid, 537. Vita Step hajii III., 538. Vita S. Sturmi, by Eigil, 537. Vita S. Willehadi, 537. Vitae Pontificum Romanorum, sive Liber Pontijicalis, 538. Viterbo, 89, 178. Vitiza, see Benedict. Vogte, 389. Vulcan, 258, 297. Vulgares cantilenae, 236 note. Vussinus, son of Einhard, 256. W Waifre, duke of Aquitaine, 33, 51, 74, 156. Wala, count, cousin of Charles, 264, 456. Wala, Arsenius, Jeremiah, abbot of Corbie, 244. Waladala, Thuringia, 282. Walafrid Strabo, 254, 264. Waltgaudus, bishop of Liege, 456. Wantia, Greek princess, wife of Gri- moald, 307. Warna, R., 496. Warnarius, commissioner of Louis, 233- Warnefrid, 260. Warnerius, abbot, 43. Wars, see Chronological Annals. Way of the Franks, via Francorum, 91. IVeiler, 63. Weissenburg on the Rezat, 278. Welatabians, Wilzen, 127, 139, 440 sqq., 469, 496. Wends, 115, 128, 472. Werden, M , on the Ruhr, 148. Weregeld, 6i sq., 63, 207. Werinarius. general, 281. Werinofelde, 281. 564 INDEX. Weraekind, Warnechinus, king of the Angrians. T13. 123. Werra, R., 63. Weser, R., 55, 107, no sq., 117, 120, 132, 137, 149. and passim. Westarfalda, 461 sq. Westergau, 123. Western Francia, 495. Westphalia, 120, 134 note, 148, 499, and passim. Westphalians, 54, no, 114, 119, 133- 135. and passim. Wibodus, the hero, 257. Widmar, monk, 285. Wido, count, 311. Widukind, historian, 124. Wiener Wald, 195. Wigmodia, 131 sq., 140, 149. Wigmodians, 141. Wilhelmus, William, Guillelme, Guil- laume, 288 sq., 291, see William. Willehad, Vilhaed, missionary, bishop of Bremen, 148 sqq., 267. Willerich, bishop of Bremen, 150. William, count, or duke of Toulouse, 411 sqq. William, see Wilhelmus. William of Malmesbury, 255, 349. - Willibert, commissioner, 293. Willibrord, bishop of Utrecht, 27, 104, 146 sqq. Wilzen, see Welatabians. Winds, table of the, 516. Winigisus, missus, count, afterwards duke of Spoleto, 310, 343, 410- Winthari, Winter, physician, 270 and note. Wirundus, abbot of Stable, 343. Wisurich, bishop of Passau, 207. Witgarius, bishop of Augusta, 493. Witta, Wizo, Candidus, Albuinus, bishop of Buriaburg, 145, 153, 242 note, 244, 265. Wittekind, Widukind, loi, 113, 115 sqq., 121 sqq., 124,127, 150. Witzan, Witzin, prince of the Abo- drites, 130. Woinimir, Sclavonian chief, 197. Wolchanhart, abbot of Osterhofen, 208. Wolfarius, archbishop of Rheims, 456. Wolfpert, abbot of Niederaltaich, 207. Worado, count-palatine, 116. Worms, 106, 171, 176, 180, 216 sq., 287, 405. Wurzburg, 151 sq. " school at, 265. Yeu — Dieu, island, 312. Yoree, 420. York, 240. /^ Zacharias, pope, 34, 35, 37> 39» 50, ' 55. Zacharias, presbyter, 358, 377. Zara, in Dalmatia, 458. Zeid, governor of Barcelona, 295, 409 sqq. Zeno, Byzantme emperor, 275. Zizania, 428. Zurich, 198. Zventinefeld, I37j 140- THE END. 1* ^ COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES This book is due on the date indicated below, or at the expr pro\ the: s.f n ^f^n^^i*-. .^ „fi.^^ 4.U^ Ar,*-^ ^« U. DUE DATE DATE C28( 4^ Printed in USA •^s ^ I4i_ m-f m* i90 ( 944.01 ^> ■■b )« -V A I in > O I <* ^ o ^^ < X M < X \ C376 NOV t) 1944