,,.■' Columbia 5Bntt)eröftp LIBRARY ^6 A MANUAL ANCIENT HISTORY, PARTICULARLY WITH REGARD TO , THE CONSTITUTIONS, THE COMMERCE, AND THE COLONIES, OF THE STATES OF ANTIQUITY. BY ÄI H: L. HEEREN, KNIGHT OP THE NORTH STAR AND GUELPHIC ORDER; AULIC COUNSELLOR AND PKOPESSOR OP HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GOETTINGBN ; AND MEMBEH OP SEVERAL OTHER LEARNED SOCIETIES. TRAASLATED from the GERMAN. JHRARV. r^ Xm\) a -iBingraiiljiral .^kptrlj nf tjjr Snthnr. LONDON: HENRY G. BOIIN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. MDCCCLIV. JOHN CHILDS AND SON, BUNGAY, TRANSLATORS PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. It is to the patient industry of the historians of Germany that we are indebted for the first production of Manuals of history, and for those synchronistic tables which have so much facilitated the systematic study of ancient history ; and among the various and profound treatises of this class, which enrich and adorn their literature, the Avorks of Heeren are distinguished by their extended range of in- quiry, as well as by the minute accuracy of their details. The work before us embodies the result of his laborious researches during the long period in which he has been engaged as public lecturer and professor of history in the university of Goettingen ; and if it be any recommendation of a work to know that its writer has had ample time, ability, and opportunity to collect and elaborate his mate- rials, it may be asserted, without fear of contradiction, that the author of the present work possessed all these advan- tages in an eminent degree. He has spent the greater portion of his life in lecturing upon the subjects of which it treats, and has in every case gone for his information immediately to the fountain head. It forms, too, an im- portant feature of his work, that a list of the original sources, whence his own knowledge has been drawn, is placed at the head of each section ; another is added of the principal writers who have touched upon or illustrated the particular portion of history under notice ; both being generally accompanied with a few Avords of judicious criti- cism, in which the value of the writer's authority is esti- 20586 iv TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. mated, and his sources, circumstances, and prejudices, briefly, but fairly set forth. Besides this advantage, the work possesses the merit of combining the convenience of the Manuals with the synchronistic method of instruction : as the geography, chronology, and biography of the coun- tries and states of the ancient world are brought at once under the eye of the reader ; and so lucid is the arrange- ment, that the darkest and most entangled portions of history are seen in a clear and perspicuous light. Pro- fessor Heeren seems, moreover, to possess, in a more eminent degree than any other writer, the power of forcing, by a very few words, the attention of the reader upon the most important facts of history ; and of conjuring up in his thoughts a train of reflections calculated at once to instruct and enlarge the mind. His Avork is not only ad- mirably adapted to become a text-book in the study of history, but will be found equally serviceable as a book of reference — it will guide the student in his untried and intricate course, and enable the more advanced scholar to methodize his collected stores. Perhaps in no work has so much important information been condensed into so small a compass. The estimation in which this Manual is held on the continent, may be gathered from the fact of its having passed through six large editions in German, and two in French, and from its having been translated into almost every language of Europe. The rapidity with which the first edition, as well as the other writings of Professor Heeren, have sold in this coun- try, is a proof that they only required to be known here in order to be appreciated. The favour Avith which these translations have been received, both by the venerable author himself and by the British public, has been a source of the highest gratification to the publisher. The encouragement, so kindly bestowed, has urged him to new exertions, the fruits of which, he trusts, Avill be observable in the present volume. The manual has not only been revised and corrected throughout, but has also been dili- TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. V gently compared with the German, and has received such ameliorations as the original text or the English style seemed to demand. When it is added to this, that a very numerous body of corrections and improvements have been sent to the publisher by Professor Heeren himself, who has patiently examined the translation expressly for this edition, he trusts that the public will be satisfied that it is as faithful a copy of the original work as the nature of things will allow. In the preface to the last edition of this Manual the publisher announced his intention, should it be favourably received, of following it up by the publication of another elaborate work of the same author, viz., A Manual of the History of the States of Modern Europe and their Colonies, as forming one political System. This work will now very shortly appear. As an apology for the delay which has taken place, he begs to call to their notice another equally important work by the same author, which he has published in the mean time ; the Historical Researches into the Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the Cartha- ginians, Ethiopians, and Egyptians, with a general intro- duction ; the remainder of this work, containing the His- torical Pesearches into the Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the Ancient Asiatic Nations — the Persians, Phoenicians, Babylonians, Scythians, and Hindoos, will appear in a few weeks. To add to the usefulness of the work, an analysis of the contents, with dates, has been given in the margin. The t prefixed to some of the books denote that they are written in German. Oxford, March, 1833. PREFACE TO THE FIRST GERMAN EDITION. In adding to the number of Manuals on Ancient History already published, I feel myself bound to give an account of the plan on which the present has been executed. It was at first designed to be used in my public lectures, and from them it has grown up to Avhat it now is. In them I did not consider it necessary to state all we know, or think we know, of ancient history. Many facts highly interesting to the learned historian are not adapted for pubHc lectures. It was therefore my great object to make choice of such incidents as ought to be known by my pu- pils in order to the effectual prosecution of their historical studies. Consequently I have not extended my labours so far as to give an historical account of every nation, but have limited myself to those most remarkable for their general civilization and political eminence. The subjects to which I have particularly directed my attention are, the formation of states, the changes in their constitution, the routes by which commerce was carried on, the share which the different nations respectively took in its pursuit, and, as immediately connected with that de- partment, their extension severally by means of colonies. The favourable reception which my larger work, exe- cuted after a different plan, has met with, would lead me to hope for a like indulgence in this new attempt, even if th6 spirit of the age did not so loudly call upon every his- torian to direct his chief attention to these subjects. And for this reason I could not rest satisfied with a mere detail PREFACE. Vll of isolated facts, but have made it my study to follow the course of events, linking them into one connected chain ; so as to represent them in a condensed form by continu- ally and carefully forcing together the main circumstances which contributed to the development of the whole. Without this, history in general would be but a lifeless study, more especially that of republics, which were so numerous in ancient times, and which, from their consti- tution being made up of political parties, every where pre- sent the most difficult problems for the historian's solution. Of all the larger divisions of my work, the arrangement of the Greek history I have found most troublesome, on ac- count of the number of little states into which it is sub- divided. Historians, indeed, lighten this labour by con- fining themselves merely to Athens and Sparta ; but by so doing they give us a very imperfect knowledge of the sub- ject. I have endeavoured to surmount the difficulty by throwing the account of the smaller states and their colo- nies into the second period ; by which means I have been able in the third and mos-t important portion, the interest of which depends entirely upon the principal states, to carry on my history, as a whole without interruption. But in case others, who wish to make this Manual the ground- work of their lectures, should disUke this arrangement, they may very easily attach these notices to the intro- ductory geographical survey; a plan I very often adopt in my owai lectures. Upon the arrangement of the other parts, I am not aware of the necessity of making any observa- tions. The sources from which I have drawn my materials are specified in every section. Particular references do not come within my plan ; and if I have referred several times in the first two sections to my larger work, it is only on particu.lar points, explanations of which may be sought for in vain elsewhere. Some knowledge of ancient geography and the use of niaps,^ if it has not been previously acquired by the student, should, I am convinced, always be connected with lectures ' I have made use of D'Anville. vm PREFACE. on ancient history. That this need not extend to detailed explanations of ancient geography, but that it should be restricted to what is merely useful in the study of history, I have observed in the body of my work. The geographi- cal chapters which are interspersed having been written with this intent, will, I hope, be judged of accordingly. I have taken care to arrange them so as to include the whole of the ancient world; it depends, therefore, only upon the teacher to form a more or less extensive course upon them. With regard to chronology, I have followed throughout the same uniform plan of computing time, viz., to and from the birth of Christ. By preferring this method, so convenient and certain, to the inconvenient and uncertain one of reckoning fi-om the year of the world, I hope I have deserved the thanks of my readers. I relinquish, on the other hand, all claim to merit on the score of having more accurately defined the chronology of events which occur before the time of Cyrus. I have, on the contrary, in this part of my labour, often stated round numbers, where, in many modern publications, precise dates may be found. Exact determinations of time are only necessary, in my opinion, where a continuous development of circumstances takes place ; not where unconnected facts are recorded. The transactions of our own times have thrown a light upon ancient history, and given it an interest Avhich it could not formerly possess. A knowledge of history, if not the only, is at least the most certain means of obtaining a clear and unprejudiced view of the great drama now per- forming around us. All direct comparisons, notwithstand- ing the many opportunities which have tempted me, I considered as foreign to my plan ; but if, notwithstanding, in some chapters of my work, particularly in the history of the Roman republic, I may be thought to make a refer- ence to the transactions of the ten years during which this work has been published, I do not consider it neces- sary to offer any excuse for so doing. Of what use is the study of history if it do not make us wiser and better ? un- PREFACE. 1^ less the knowledge of the past teach us to judge more correctly of the present ? Should I have contributed in any measure to promote this object, and should I be so fortunate as to lead the minds of my young friends to a deeper study of a science which can only in this way re- ward its admirers, I shall esteem it the most delightful recompence my labour can receive. Goettingen, Sept. 23, 1799. PREFACE TO THE SECOND AND FOLLOWING GERMAN EDITIONS. The call for a second edition of my Manual imposes upon me an obligation to supply the deficiencies of my former work. CoiTections have been carefully made, and many parts completely re^vritten. A select list of books which treat of the respective departments of my subject is now first added ; the former edition containing only references to the sources from which my facts were derived. This, I trust, will be considered an essential service to the friends of historical science, more especially the young, for whom, and not for the learned, these additions have been made. Their use in this place is particularly ob\-ious, where it is in every one's power to procure the books referred to.^ The short criticisms subjoined, where it seemed necessary, will serve as guides for tbeir use. In the author's de- partment of the work but little has been changed, while its form and appearance have been improved by the use of difierent types, by more accurate running titles, and by ranging the dates in the margin. By the adoption of the latter method the increase in the number of pages is ren- ^ [The author alludes to the public library at Goettingen. Tr.] X PREFACE. dered inconsiderable, notwithstanding the numerous addi- tions which have been made to the matter. In its ar- rangement, this work is the same as my Manual of the History of the European States and their Colonies. Be- yond this, however, these works have no relation to each other, but have been executed upon quite different princi- ples ; the present as a history of the separate states of the ancient world, and the other as a general history of modern states and their colonies, as forming all together one political system. Each, however, forms a complete work in itself, and it is by no means my intention to fill up the gulf which time has placed between them. I regret that the acute researches of ]M. Volney,- upon the chronology of Herodotus before the time of Cyrus, came too late into my hands to be made use of in its proper place in my second edition. In the third this has been done. I lay claim, at the same time, to the thanks of the reader for giving, in an Appendix, the results of these re- searches, together with references to the passages by which they are supported ; leaving out, however, all extraneous matter, and every thing that cannot be proved by the po- sitive assertions of the father of history. I cannot close this preface without again recurriug to the advantage of the mode now becoming more and more general, of computing time in ancient history according to the number of years before Christ. The fact of its being certain and convenient has often been remarked ; but be- sides this it possesses the gi-eat advantage of giving us at once a clear and precise notion of the interval that sepa- rates us from the incidents recorded ; which it is impossi- ble to obtain by the use of any other era, whether the year of the world, the olympiads, or the year of Eome, etc. And yet this pecuhar advantage, so great in the eyes of the teacher, has not, to the best of my knowledge, been hitherto made the subject of remark. Even for the sci- ence of history itself, this circumstance is of greater mo- - Clironologie d'Herodote, conforme ä son Texte par C. F. Volney. Paris, 1809, 3 vols. See the G'ött. Gell. Anz. for 1810 and 1816. PREFACE, XI ment than might be at first supposed. Should an inquirer arise who would closely examine all ancient history ac- cording to this era — setting out from the generally received year of the birth of Christ as from a fixed point, to which the labours of M. Volney are a good beginning — the whole science would thereby acquire a firmer consistency. For by this method all dates would not appear equally certain and equally uncertain, as they do in the eras which are computed from the year of the world ; but it would be shown what is chronologically certain, what only probable, and what completely uncertain, according as we should recede from the clearer into the more obscure regions of history. The old manner of reckoning from the year of the world, in which congruity was impossible, because there was no agreement upon the point to start from, would certainly be thrown aside ; but where is the harm if some- thing better and more certain be substituted in its place ? In the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth editions, though the increase in the number of pages is small, yet all those ad- ditions and corrections which I deemed necessary, and Avhich the progress of knowledge and discovery, as in the case of Egypt and other countries, enabled me to effect, have been most carefully and fully made. The importance of these will be best seen by comparison. Goetti?igen, 1828. CONTENTS. TAGE Biographical Sketch of Professor Heeren . . i Introduction ........ 1 Book I. Asiatic and African states previous to Cyrus : General geographical outline of Asia . . . .13 General Preliminary Observations upon the History and Constitution of the great Asiatic Empires . . .19 History of the ancient Asiatic kingdoms before the reign of Cyrus 21 I. Assyrian monarchy . . . . . . . ib. II. Median monarchy ...... 22 III. Babylonian monarchy . . . . . .23 IV. States in Asia Minor 24 1. Trojan empire . . . . . . . ib. 2. Phrygian empire ...... ib. ^ 8; Lydian empire . . . . • . .25 V. Phoenicia ........ ib. VI. Syi'ians 28 VII. Jews ib. 1. Period of the Nomad state from Abraham till the conquest of Palestine . . . . . .29 2. Period of the federative republic ... 30 3. Period of the monarchy from B. C. 1100—600 . 31 The Jewish state as one single kingdom . . ib. The Jewish state as a divided kingdom . . .33 African Nations : General geographical outline of Ancient Africa . . 37 I. Egyptians ........ 39 1st Period. From the earliest times down to the Sesos- trida3, about B. C. 1500 41 2nd Period. From the Sesostrid« till the sole dominion of Psammetichus, B. C. 1500—650 . . .50 CONTENTS. XUl PAGE 3rd Period. From the reign of Psammeticlius to the Persian conquest of Egypt by Cambyses, B. C. 650—525 56 II. Carthaginians 59 1st Period. From the foundation of Carthage to the wars with Syracuse, B. C. 880—480 ... 60 2nd Period. From the breaking out of the wars with Syracuse to the commencement of those with Rome, B. C. 480—264 64 3rd Period. From the beginning of the wai's with Rome to the downfal of Carthage, B. C. 264 — 146 66 Book II, History of the Persian empire, from B. C. 560 — 330 72 Book III. History of the Grecian states : Geographical outline of Greece . . . . .90 1st Period. Traditional History down to the Trojan war, about B. C. 1200 95 2nd Period. From the Trojan war to the breaking out of the Persian war, B. C. 1200—500 . . .102 History of the Hellenic states within Greece . . ib. General history ....... ib. Sparta 106 Athens 110 Principal data for the history of the smaller states : I. Within the Peloponnesus : a. Arcadia . . . . . . • .114 b. Argos . . . . . . • • .115 c. Corinth ib. d. Sicyon 116 e. Achaia . . . . . • • .117 /. Elis ib. II. Central Greece, or Hellas : a. Megaris . . . . . . • .118 b. Boeotia ib. c. Phocis 119 d. Locris .......•• ib. e. ^tolia ib. f. Acarnania .....••• 120 III. Northern Greece : a. Thessaly 120 b, Epirus ......••• 121 IV. Grecian Islands ■ • ib. XIV CONTENTS, PAGE a. Corcyra ........ 122 b. ^ffina ib. c. Euboea ........ ib. d. The Cyclades 123 e. Crete ib. /. Cyprus 124 History of the Grecian colonies . . . . .125 General observations ....... ib. ' Colonies on the Western coast of Asia Minor : . . 127 1. ^olian colonies ib. 2. Ionian colonies 128 3. Dorian colonies . . . . . . .130 Colonies on the coast of the Propontis and tlie Black Sea ib. Colonies on the coasts of Thrace and Macedonia . . 132 Colonies on the Western coast of Greece . . . ib. Grecian settlements in Lower Italy : a. Tarentum . . • ■ • • • .133 b. Croton . ib- c. Sybaris ........ 134 d. Thurii 135 e. Locri Epizephyrii ...... ib. /. Ehegium 136 g. Cumje ........ ib. Grecian settlements in Sicily : a. Syracuse . • 137 b. Agrigentum . . • • • • .141 c. The smaller Sicilian cities ib. Colonies in Sardinia and Corsica 142 Colonies in Gaul ; — Massilia ib. Colonies in Spain ; — Saguntum ib. Colonies in Africa ; — Cyi'ene 143 Period III. From the breaking out of the Persian wars to Alexander the Great, B. C. 5^00—336 . . .144 Book IV. History of the Macedonian Monarchy : Period I. From its origin to the death of Alexander the Great, B. C. 800—323 166 Period II. History of the Macedonian monarchy, from the death of Alexander the Great to the battle of Ipsus, B. C. 323—301 ^^^ Period III. History of the separate kingdoms and states which arose out of the dismemberment of the Macedonian monarchy, after the battle of Ipsus . . • .186 CONTENTS. XV I. History of the Syrian empire under the Seleucidie, B. C. 312—64 II. History of the Egyptian kingdom under the Ptolemies, B. C. 323—30 III. History of Macedonia itself and of Greece, from the death of Alexander to the Roman conquest, B. C. 323 —146 Achfean league ....... ^tolian league ........ IV. History of some smaller or more distant kingdoms and states formed out of the Macedonian monarchy . The kingdom of Pergamus . Bithynia .... Paphlagonia . . . . Pontus Cappadocia .... Armenia . . . . , The kingdom of Parthia The kingdom of Bactria . The restored kingdom of the Jews 1. Under the Persians . 2. Under the Ptolemies and Seleucidte 3. Under the Maccabees 4. Under the family of Herod Book V. History of the Roman state : Introductory remarks on the Geography of Ancient Italy Period I. From the foundation of Rome to the con- quest of Italy and the commencement of the wars with Carthage, B. C. 754—264, or A. U. C. 1— 490 Period II. From the commencement of the war with Carthage, to the rise of the civil broils under the Gracchi, B. C. 264—134, or A. U. C. 490—620 . Period III. From the beginning of the civil broils un- der the Gracchi to the fall of the Republic, B C. 134 —30, or A. U. C. 620—724 Period IV. History of the Roman state as a monarchy till the overthrow of the Western Empire, B. C. 30 — A. C. 476 Geographical outline. View of the Roman empire and provinces, and other countries connected with it by war or commerce ....... 186 198 215 223 224 232 233 235 236 ib. 238 239 ib. 244 246 ib. ib. 247 249 252 257 271 289 321 ib. XVI CONTENTS. PAGE 1st Section. From Augustus Caesar to the death of Commodus, B. C. 30— A. C. 193 ... 327 2nd Section. From the death of Commodus to Dio- cletian, A. C. 193—284 349 3rd Section. From Diocletian to the overthrow of the Eoman empire in the West, A. C. 284—476 . .361 Appendix. Chronology of Herodotus from the time of Cyrus, according to Volney 378 Genealogical Table of the reigning houses of Macedon . 383 ^ the Seleucidce 384 . ■ the Ptolemies . 385 the Jews . 386 . the Cßesars . 387 . Constantine . 388 A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH PROFESSOR HEEREN. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF IN A LETTER TO A FRIEND. A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH PROFESSOR HEEREN, WRITTEN BY HIM.SELF IN A LETTER TO A FRIEND. You ask me, my clear friend, for some account of the course of my studies and of my literary progress. You say that by this means you shall ob- tain the best commentary upon my writings, and you are not much out in thinking so ; but you wäll have only yourself to blame, if my readiness to oblige you should make me somewhat of a gossip. Although the greater part of my years have flowed along in a smooth and uniform course, yet has my literary life been scarcely ever altogether separated from my natural one ; and I could not wiUingly bring myself to recount to you the former, if you would not allow me to mix up with it some portion of the latter. Do not however frighten yourself with the idea that there will be much of this ; it has been my fate, like that of most scholars, that as I grew older my life should become more simple ; therefoi-e you must not think it strange, if I have more to tell you of my youth than of my later years : Is not indeed youth the period in which our characters become formed ? I am indebted to my birth for two great advantages, for which, if for no other, my gratitude is due to Divine Providence ; the one is, that it placed me in that easy middle class of society, which, equally distant from want and superfluity, never suffered me to feel the hard pressure of po- verty ; the other, that it gave me a constitution, which up to the present time, and I am now sixty-one, has preserved me in excellent health, which has only been interrupted by one or two slight indispositions. My parents were both natives of the city of Bremen ; my father was the grandson of a citizen and merchant of that place, and the son of the pas- tor to the very same church to which he himself was afterwards appointed. My mother, whose maiden name was Wolters, was the eldest daughter of a respectable merchant, whose family is since become extinct. I was not however born at Bremen, but at the neighbouring little village of Arbergen, of which my father, after his return from the University, and after spend- ing a few years as teacher in the cathedral school of Bremen and the b 2 ii BIOGKAPHICAL SKETCH. AthenjBum, had settled as pastor, some two or three months hefore niy birth. Here I was ushered into the world on the 25th October, 1760, iu the very same house in which my celebrated friend Dr. Olbers, the dis- coverer of Pallas and Vesta, had been born three years before. Thus I had the good fortune to pass the days of my boyhood in the country, though exempt from its loneliness, which the close vicinity of the city and my family connexions therein very effectively hindered. In the year 1775, however, ray father, upon being appointed pastor of the cathedral church of Bremen, again took up his abode in that city, where he tranquilly passed the latter half of his long Hfe, and where he died in 1811, at the very advanced age of eighty-four. This venerable old man, his irreproachable Ufe, and his piety, are still remembered with affectionate regard by his numerous flock ; nor will he easily be forgotten, as the hymns which he composed for his congregation, many of which have been adopted elsewhere, although without his name, will help to preserve his memory. His domestic comfort, when I was only in my tenth year, was destroyed by the death of my mother ; a loss which my father never attempted 'to repair by a second marriage. Of the four children which she left behind I was the eldest. Of these there now only remains, besides myself, a younger brother, a merchant of Hamburg, with whom I Hve on the most affectionate terms. Our dear and only sister, the truest friend from childhood upwards that life has afforded me, became the wife of a distinguished merchant of our native city, and was torn from me by death in the same year as my father. Those wlio like you have experi- enced the tender solicitude of a sister's love, will pardon me these few words, to the memory of one so dear to me. The first instruction 1 received, which was in Latin and geometry, was given me by my father. He was very capable of the office of teacher ; as he had not confined himself to theology, but had perfected himself in mathematical and classical learning at Jena and Gottingen, and was able even in his seventy-eighth year, upon the jubilee of his fifty years' con- tinuance in office, to hold a Latin discourse, which was printed, and of which no classic need be ashamed. He soon felt, however, that he was not born for teaching, and committed me to the care of domestic tutors. The two first of these I shall pass by in silence, but the third, recommended to my father by Dr. Miller, now professor in this University, I must not omit to notice ; his name was H. Hasselmann, and with him began my educa- tion as a scholar. He was a good Latinist, and endeavoured to make me one. I trans- lated Licht's Exercises in Syntax, from the beginning to the end, encou- raged by the sweet expectation (do not laugh at me) that I should see my work in print ! This labour, however, was of great importance to me ; as it insensibly inspired me with a taste for history. With the study of the ^neid, he combined readings from the earliest history of Rome in the Universal History ; a method well calculated to chain the attention of a boy. Cornehus Nepos I found a great plague; but Quintus Curtius was my darling. In Greek I went no further than to learn the paradigms, and to translate Cebes. Indeed about this time Robinson Crusoe fell into my hands, and 1 had no sooner seized upon it, than almost every thing else was forgotten, and would have continued so had not Zacharias' BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. Ill translation of Paradise Lost, the fight of the good and bad angels, and, above all, the journey of Satan through infinite space, riveted my atten- tion and given my fancy a Iiigher fliglit. Truth and fiction Avere to me the same ; but that which did not present itself under an historical guise, left no impression upon my mind. In this country education, in the house of my father, I had a companion ; one who was destined, in a different field, to ripen into celebrity and use- fulness — my friend Goeschen, of Leipzig. He was at a boarding-school in Arbergen, and became, though some few years older, my playmate, passing Ids leisure hours at home with me. It is not long ago since we renewed, at his dwelling in Grimma, this our early friendsliip. You see, then, that I was not the first to make the little village of Arbergen honour- able in the sight of gods and men. And yet even now it makes no figure in geography ! I have only to add, that in my education piety and virtue were strictly inculcated ; and I am thankful for it. Religious instruction, both at church and at home, occupied no small space of my time. I had been taught that the prayers of the good remained not unanswered. An over- flowing of tlie Weser threatened to break through the dykes, I fell upon my knees and prayed that it might not happen ; they held out ; could I doubt that my prayers were the cause ? This was harmless, for I was as yet too young to be vain of my religion ; but I have learned from expe- rience how careful elders and teachers ought to be in connnunicating religious instruction. The words " whosoever eats and drinks unworthily," etc., which I was made to read before confirmation, threw me into doubts which dreadfully afflicted me. Just as I was verging from boyhood to manhood, my father, at the express request of the parishioners of the higii church, again settled in Bremen. This naturally caused a great change. My domestic instruc- tion was put an end to; at the beginning of 1776 I was placed in the school of the high church at Brem<^i, and took my station in the first class. Of my teachers there, I tiiiiik only one, II. D. Nicolai, is now living; he afterwards succeeded my father in the liigh cluirch, and has now reached a ripe old age. Nor of my schoolfrllows there do I know of more than one now alive ; a second, who sat near me upon the same form, but of whom I have never heard any thing further than that in the late wars he was made a Russian general of artillery. He has, as I learn, been mostly stationed on the Persian. frontiers. In the common instruction of the school, I did not make so much pro- gress as I should have done; this was partly my own fault and partly not. In Latin I remained in much the same position that I was in be- fore ; in Greek the only book read at first was 'Plutarch de Puerorum Ediicatione,' for which I never could acquire any taste. Tlie Iliad was commenced next ; and for this I was not sufiiciently prepared. In He- brew I succeeded wcirst of all ; my schoolfellows were all further advanced than myself; indeed I knew just nothing about it ; moreover it was taught by Danz's Granunar, in whicli an account is given of every point and accent. I really could acquire no clear idea of the subject, and conse- quently passed for a great blockhead. Notwithstanding this, my attendance at a public school became in other IV BIOGEAPHICAL SKETCH. respects very useful to me. Every Saturday morning we spent two full hours in Latin disputations. This was my battle field. Whether as opponent or respondent, I was always ready ; and soon an-ived at that pitch that but few would venture to engage with me. These exercises I aftervv^ards regularly continued at the University. If I have any clear- ness in my ideas, any flow of expression, I owe it more especially to them ; and I look back with particular satisfaction to the hours which I have devoted to this part of my education. With the exception of my school duties, I was left almost entirely to myself; the numei'ous professional avocations of my father did not allow him to pay much attention to me, even if he had been ever so well dis- posed. I had been introduced, however, to two rich families, who, living retired from business, sought their recreation in science and literature. Having no children of their own, they conceived a great and kind regard for me ; and I was not only constantly invited to their parties in town, but frequently went with them to their country seats. This gratified my ambition, and raised in me a sentiment of honour that kept me from baser pleasures, which otherwise I might easily have fallen into. It was naturally to be expected that my thus passing my life in a free trading city, at this time in a very flourishing state, would influence my taste and whole cast of thought. The American war had not long broken out, during which the trade of Bremen, hitherto somewhat cuniliicd, began to push itself in every part of the world. All tliis I had an opportunity of seeing, not at a distance, but closely ; within the circle of my nearest connexions and relations, many were taking a part in it. Ventures to America, to the West Indies, and soon even to the East, were subjects of daily conversation. W^ithout the faintest idea that I should ever write upon it, I had already formed a very high notion of trade, and gained considerable insight into its principles and details. To tliis became added the civil relations of the burghers of Bremen. If they had not yet learned to declaim about libei'ty and equality, they possessed those advantages in as great a degree as could be Avished. It is almost impossible to ibrm a practical idea of a free community without having lived in one ; and these young impressions could scarcely become obliterated — the pictures I had seen Avere too vivid to pass away. Need I say to you how inestimable all this has been to me in my later historical studies ? If I have been someAvhat successful in my representations of the spirit of different go- vernments, it is because my pictures have been drawn not merely from books, but from life. Neither was science or literature neglected My father, with some other friends of learning, laid the foundation of the Museum, which is now become a rich and flourishing institution. A lit- tle circle of cultivated minds were united by a common desire to lay the foundation of a society in which mutual instruction might be carried on by lectures. My father took me with him to their first meetings, which could hardly fail to be profitable to the inquiring spirit of youth. Such were the people and associations under which I grew up, until the period arrived for my going to the UniA'ersity. My father had des- tined me for the church ; and for that purpose, I being quite willing, I proceeded to Gottingcn at Michaelmas, 1779. How limited my attainments, the Latin language excepted, you may gather from what I have already BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. V placed before you. In Greek I did not go beyond the New Testament ; in Hebrew I now endeavoured to make myself" acquainted with the fun- damentals of the language, but with little success. Logic I was taught by the venerable Fedei', to whom I am indebted for so much besides, and made as little progress as might be expected from a youth who had no turn for philosophical speculation : the lectures on Church history by the elder Walch were completely thrown away upon me. Thus my first half year at the University was in danger of being as good as lost, if chance had not unexpectedly helped me. I was one day idly strolling along the streets, a few weeks after college lectures had begun, when I was accosted by some acquaintance, who were going to Heyne's lectures on Greek an- tiquities, and asked me to attend one as a visitor ; and then recommended me — as an industrious student could not attend less than five courses — to frequent them regularly. Thus I was brought into contact, though not yet as an acquaintance, with a man, who, above all others, had, in every respect, the greatest influence upon my future life. In his lectures, for the first time, a new world was opened to me, for I saw at once that he had a new world to display : many things which he spoke of, I confess, I could scarcely apprehend, but those which I did understand were suf- ficient to rivet my attention. These lectures began immediately to give a new direction to my thoughts. I now saw enough to convince me that theology alone, though for about a year longer I remained faithful to its study, would not satisfy me. I heard lectures on dogmatism and the history of theological literature by Miller, witli wliom, at the request of my fatlier, I took up my abode ; on the history of dogmas by Spittler, which, for want of a sufficient stock of preparatory infoimation, 1 could not follow ; and on the Explanation of tlie Gospels by Koppe. But in none of these did I find myself at home ; indeed how could 1 with my limited knowledge of languages ? The long wit and long-winded discussions of Michaelis completely disgusted me with exegetical learning ; besides which little could be learned from him in the Old Testament witliout some acquaintance with Arabic. Thus my two first years at the University were almost entii'ely lost. I now at last perceived that without a solid and systematic study of the Greek language and literature no progress could be made ; and the probable expectation wliich became opened to me by a journey home about Michael- mas, 1781, of my some day getting a place in the Gymnasium at Bremen, completely determined me to set about it. At tliis period properly began my regular study upon a fixed plan. During this winter I laid every thing else aside, and confined myself solely to Greek. The lectures which I made my chief study Avere Heyne's on the Odyssey ; to him I had de- voted myself, and he became my guide and counsellor. Even at the end of the first week I felt that I had made an advance. The first book he explained strictly grammatically, wliich was exactly the thing that I needed. I prepared myself in the most careful manner for every hour ; and soon had made sufficient progress to be able to help myself. Upon this I connected with my other I'eading some little pieces of Plato and Plutarch. With my lexicon on one side and my grammar on the other, I proceeded step by step, and never rested till I could give a good account to myself of all the difficulties of the language which I met with. For VI BIOGllArHICAL SKETCH. the first two or three months this was a painful task, but I soon felt re- warded by a sense of my progress. Besides tliis I took part, though only as a visitor, in the exercises at Heyne's seminary, and obtained soon after Easter his permission to interpret. The passage chosen was from a chorus in one of Seneca's tragedies ; I had, as you may well suppose, prepared myself beforehand. Heyne suffered me to proceed, only once interfering during the whole lecture ; but after it was over he cahed me up to him, and then made that encouraging exclamation which perhaps you may remember to have seen in his Biography : "Now you may become a scholar if you please." From this time forward I Hved in the territory of classical literature, and should willingly have lived there altogether, had not my acquaintance with Spittler just at this time become more intimate. Next to Heyne he is the person to whom I am most indebted for directions in my studies. His conversation and his lectures on political history (of wliich I have two, one on the history of treaties of peace, the other on the history of the German states) were to me alike instructive. It was not, however, his- tory itself tiiat I learned of him ; but the method and handling of history ! I required a model ; not in order that I should follow it, which in so many respects was quite beside the mark, even if I had wished it ; but in order to give me clearer notions respecting the general views of liistory at large, respecting liistorical reasoning, and historical composition. For this I am indebted to Spittler, besides whom I never had any other teacher in history, and far distant from me be the paltry vanity of thinking I found all in myself alone. Of Spittler himself I shall say nothing further, as I have already spoken of liim in another place. ■ Next to Spittler, I must mention the very worthy professor Feder, whose lectures I repeatedly attended. No philosopher in the world could ever have made a pliilosopher of me, for I had not the least disposition that way; but his conversation, a conversation full of practical examples of wisdom, was of much more use to me than his lectures ; besides which, I had the benefit of his Latin disputations, Avhich were held every half year. These were not all the exercises that I took in this way. They were doubled at Heyne's seminary ; and in one half year in which I attended a course of Meiner's, they were trebled. Many persons may tlunk this branch of my education was overdone ; but can we pay too much attention to the development and graceful delivery of our thoughts? The almost total discontinuance of these exercises cannot be too much regretted. From this time my classical studies took an liistorical turn. Language had always less attraction for me than facts, and I was now prepared to study ancient liistory at its sources. For each period I took the principal historian as my groundwork, making chronological extracts from it as I went on. I then read the contemporary historians, marking those points wherein they differed in the margin, I still believe this the best method for beginners. The lectures and exercises of Heyne still, however, enchained me to the world of imagination in wliich he himself almost entirely lived. In the winter, 1782, I attended his course upon Pindar, his darling poet. What a power and copiousness of remark upon words and things, upon lyric poetry and Greek antiquity ! The exercises in his seminary in which I BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. Vll took part, were mostly confined to the tragedians, so that I was at no loss for opportunities of becoming closely intimate with the language of the Greek poets, Heyne, however, giving me credit for greater abilities than I possessed, believed me the proper person to execute a project, which he had long nourished, of collecting and editing the fragments of the Greek lyric poets. The first part of my task was to make the collection ; and tliis led me into the obscure and out-of-the-way regions of Greek literature. These fragments, as you know, lie scattered in the woi-ks of the gram- marians, scholiasts, and rhetors. And all these, Eustathius included, I had to read through ; a labour which kept me employed for about a year. Thus was formed a collection, probably tolerably complete. Beyond this I did not go ; my good fortune kept me from an undertaking for which neither my acquirements nor my taste fitted me — the metre alone would have brought me to the grave ! Meanwldle the end of ray academic years began to draw nigh, and with it the necessity of my fixing on some plan for my future life. Feder, my well-wisher, instructor, and friend, oftered me a situation as tutor in a family of rank in Switzerland, with a good salary, the expenses of my journey, and a future pension. I had determined upon accepting this offer, and had as good as given my word to do so ; but fote wihed it otherwise. A letter from my sister caused me to hesitate. " What will you do," said she, " at the end of your tutorsliip ? How will you be able to settle down again to our simple mode of life, after having spent years in some proud and lordly mansion?" Heyne, who had a prejudice against this sort of life, gave the finisliing stroke to the business. " If you take this situation," said he, " it leads in the end to nothing. Look a little about, and you cannot fail to get on here." My good genius thus half decided for me upon this occasion, as it has often done upon others. I believe even still in its tokens, at critical moments of life ; but it is of great consequence not to mistake them. It was thus, at all events, settled that I should devote myself to an academic course of life. I was well aware how much I still had to learn, and doubled my industry. In order to get on as a tutor, it was necessary that I should take a doctor's degree, which I did on the 29tli of May, 1784. The subject of my exercise for it was : de Cliori Grtecoriim Tragici na- tura et indole, ratione argumenti hahita. Heyne put this subject into my head ; ancient literature would have sustained no great loss if it had re- mained there, and had never been printed. My opponents, who still survive, were the Russian collegial-counsellor, Buhle, now professor at Brunswick ; and Professor Groddek, of Wilna. Heyne himself also had tlie kindness to become an opponent. The ordinance for my creation was obtained from the dean by my friend and countryman. Professor Doctor Kulenkamp, of whom I shall shortly have occasion to speak again. I was now, then, doctor, master of philosophy and the libei-al arts, and private tutor. My classical studies had extended over a rather wide field ; still the feeling that I could not, without some degree of disgust, devote my life to the mere study of language, now became very strong ; the truth had Ibrced itself upon my mind wliile collecting the lyric fragments, Avhich from this cause I had left unfinished. Yet, in spite of this, it seemed necessary, in my present position, that I should do something in VIU BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. tliis way to attract the attention of the public ; the editing of some ancient author was perhaps the best plan. But to edit an author Avhose works had already been edited by great masters, I could not for a moment think of; I partly doubted my own abilities for the task, and I saw but little honour to be gained by it. In reading through the Rhetors of Aldus, however, for my collection of fragments, I had stumbled upon a dissert- ation de Encomiis by Menander, a Greek rhetor, which as yet the hand of no critic had disturbed ; indeed the work itself had been improperly confounded with that of another rhetor, named Alexander. Some happy corrections of the very corrupted text led me to entertain the notion of giving an edition of this work. I bent myself therefore to the task ; every new emendation spurred me onwards, and thus was consumed nearly the whole of the year 1784. The next question was, Avhere I should find a publisher ? I went with my manuscript to the since deceased Dieterich, who now, for the first time in his life, heard the name of Menander the rhetor. " Young man," said he, when I had explained to him the object of my visit, " no one will ever read this." As, however, I asked for no pay, and as we were ah-eady on friendly terms, he undertook my work, and "Menander Rhetor de Encomiis, ex recensione," etc., 1785, was placed before the public. It was the first critical labour of a young classic, done without any help from manuscrij)ts, consequently very incomplete. Never- theless it was sometMng ; and the good Menander might bless his kind foi'tune that had sent him such a sospitator, seeing that his pretensions to one were but very small. About this time my health began to decline ; though, as was very na- tural from the kind of life I was leading, it was my mind rather than my body that was aflected. My first academic year I had passed in a very cheerful manner. My acquaintance had been limited to the circle of my countrymen and friends, mostly of good family, and well brouglit up ; to these I had added a few natives of Hamburg and some pupils of the Seminary. Our meetings took place at stated intervals, at a public inn ; for notliing was then known of the secret political associations which have been since held at these places, and we frequently invited some of our teachers to join us. Doctor Kulenkamp, a preacher of the reformed church, a man of frank and jovial manners, though he never forgot his profession and dignity, as a native of Bremen, was a regular attendant at our meet- ings. He was a philologist of the Dutch school, and deserves more par- ticular mention on account of his excellent classical libraiy, of wldch he was so good as to permit me the use. One after another, however, my friends left the University ; new acquaintance with younger men I could liardly form ; my way of life grew more lonely from day to day, and at length became wholly solitary, while my out-of-the-way dwelling, which had some years before been inhabited by Johannes Müller, and afterwards by the nephew of the owner of the house. Dr. Miller, the author of Siegwart, and the celebrated historian of Switzerland, at the end of the upper Mash, ren- dered this loneliness still more lonely. It is by no means uncommon to see great activity of mind, even where it is not overstrained, accompanied by a propensity to lowness of spirits and melancholy ; and a situation could scarcely be found more calculated to nourish such a feeling than mine at this period. Indeed it increased to such a pitch that it became BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. IX necessary I should have that recreation and change which nothing but a good long journey could i;ive. I could scarcely, however, ask my lather, willing a^ I am sure he would have been to assist me, for the requisite means ; my kind stars, however, here again were favourable. A grand uncle, who had been domestic physician to the last king of Poland, died about this time at Warsaw, leaving me a small legacy, to which my father added sufficient to enable me to accomphsh my purpose. My desire was, above all, to see Italy and Rome, a tour which but few German travellers in those days undertook. I had, however, as yet no fixed plan, when a second circumstance happened which put all in good train. About this time, Tychsen, my old friend and colleague, returned from Spain, bringing with him from the Escurial, the collation of a manuscript of the Eclogues of John Stobajus, which he was so kind as to offer me. Tliis to me was an important and valuable present. Of the works of John Stobaeus the ' Florilegium ' has been several times published, and is pretty geueraUy known; while of his Eclogues there are only two editions, that of 1575, printed from a very corrupt and defective manuscript, and that of 1609, Avhich is a mere reprint of it ; both impressions, however, are of great rarity, and only to be found in a few public libraries. My collation af- forded me at once a rich harvest of additions and improved readings; and if you remember what I said above of my edition of Menander, you Avill easily believe that this labour was just to my ta^e. In this case I had what was of the greatest advantage to me, a settled object for my journey, viz. to collate manuscripts preparatory to the publication of the Eclogues of John Stobajus ; a work which I hoped would be of great advantage to my future prospects, as it would give me a claim of whicli I had felt I wanted, to the office of public teacher. Only six or seven manuscripts of the work Avere known to exist, and these, besides the one in Spain, the collation of which I possessed, were scattered over Germany, Italy, France, and, as I then believed, Holland. A visit, consequently, to all these coun- tries formed a part of my plan. On the 17tli of July, 1785, I set out on my grand tour. Augsburg was the first place I intended to visit, as I knew its public library con- tained a manuscript of the Eclogues. 1 took Erlangen in my way, and staid there a few days, during Avhich I had the pleasure of making the acquaintance of Meusel, Ilarles, Hufnagel, and some other learned men. A very few weeks taught me the beneficial effect which travelling had ui)on my health. My lowncss of spirits vanished, and I was again blessed with the clieerful serenity of youth. I began now, as I saw more of the world, to look upon it with very different eyes from what I had while immured in my cliamber at Gottingen. At Augsburg I induced Mr. Mertens, tlie librarian, to place sufficient confidence in me to let me have the manuscrii)t home with me to my hotel, so tliat I was able to work from morning till night, and in a few weeks to finish my collation, which fully equalled my expectations. Satisfied of the benefit I derived from travel- ling, I proceeded to Munich. Ah Munich, how different were you then to what you were six years ago, when I again visited you ! At that time you were full of the disputes and violence of the illuminati, which have scarcely yet ceased ; then they formed the subject of almost every tavern conversation. At the library here I met with the kindest treatment. X BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. The curator of the manuscripts, a dignitarj of the church, whose name I have forgotten, left me entirely to myself. I was allowed to examine and copy whatever I chose ; but though I found much that was highly inter- esting, I met with nothing that could be useful in my great undertaking. From Munich I proceeded do'\\Ti the Danube to Vienna, where a residence of six wrecks made me tolerably intimate with the city and its treasures of art, as well as with the beautiful country surrounding it. At the library I soon became intimate with the chief librarian, Denis, the well-known abbot and ex-Jesuit, as I did also ^vith Alxinger, Fock, von Born, and several other distinguished men. But here again I found no manuscripts of the Eclogues, though I met with one of the ' Florilegium,' Avhich I par- tially collated. Thus far I had travelled alone. At Vienna I had the good luck to meet with a companion. I was one evening at the theatre, and there, close beliind me, I found my old college friend Bartels, of Hamburg, who has since become a burgomaster of that city. He, like me, was bound for Italy, and we soon agreed upon meeting again at Trieste, in order after- wards to travel together. AYe did so. Our friendship became more closely knit, and the pleasures of our journey were doubled. My abode in Trieste was very agreeable ; 1 lodged at the same hotel in which Winkelmann had been murdered ; and though not very advan- tageous in a hterary point of view, it afforded me in other respects much dehght and instruction. The appearance of the city itself, which is rather Italian than German — the view of the Adriatic Sea with its numerous creeks and its shores, of its harbour full of vessels mostly from the Levant, the proximity of Greece, which so many objects announced, as well as that of the southern countries in general, have a magic charm for the be- holder Avho looks at them for the first time ! Nor was I here at a loss for interesting acquaintance, among whom I may rank a brother of the cele- brated Klopstock. Our intention of going to Venice by sea was frustrated by contrary winds ; and Ave were compelled to proceed by land, through Sacile and Conegliano : the remains of the ancient Aquileia being the most remarkable thing in our journey. From Mestre we went to Venice by water, Avhere we did not arrive till late in the evening, so that our view of this city of wonders was delayed to the following morning. It cei-tainly at first calls up a feeling of astonishment in the beholder, but it soon grows tiresome. So I was in time to see the old repubUc before it» extinction ; for age displayed itself in every thing, which was the more striking from the contrast it presented to us, who naturally contrasted it with the young and flourishing Trieste. The obliging attentions of a learned young Ger- man, Siebenkees, whom death unfortunately snatched away at a too early a""e, greatly assisted us in lionizing tlie curiosities of Venice. Among the learned Italians we met with here, was the celebrated Morelle ; he showed me many civilities, but could give me no help in the great object of my research. Winter had already set in before we continued our journey to Padua, Verona, and ölantua. Here I fell ill, and dreaded the fever so fatal to inhabitants of the north. But my good constitution triumphed ; and I was sufficiently recovered before the end of the year to be able to reach Florence. Here the galleiy and library of the Medici particularly engaged my attention, BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XI but my weakness continuing, and a hard frost setting in, for which Italy is so ill provided, prevented me from enjoying Florence so much as I might otherwise have done. Among the learned of this place, I found scarcely any worthy of notice ; Bandini and Brachi most deserve mention. My longing eyes, however, were bent upon Rome ! I reached this ancient capital of the world February 10, 1786. I neither am nor ever have been in the habit of screwing up my feelings to the sentimental pitch, and be- sides, high-raised expectation lessens the effect of reality ; I therefore am free to confess that my first entrance into Rome gave me a feeling of dis- appointment rather than of enthusiasm. The Piazza del Popolo, leavin"- out the obelisk, was not much fitted to kindle enthusiasm ; but Rome has a charm peculiarly its own. The endless and varied succession of gran- deur and beauty which it contains, gradually unfolds itself to the specta- tor. He becomes every day more and more enchanted ; besides which, a stranger is scarcely any Avhere so much esteemed as at Rome ; he soon finds himself at home, or at least fancies himself so ; and though many may arrive at this capital with indifference, but few can leave it without regret. Rome was in every respect the principal object of my journey. The Vatican was to furnish me with the most important manuscript of Stoboeus ; and a lengthened residence to bring me acquainted with the works of ancient art. Such were my views. I shall not attempt a description of what has been so often described, but shall confine myself entirely to a personal narrative. My first acquaintance Avas Zoega, a man well known by his letters, and his Life by Welker. He soon became my friend, my guide in my antiquarian rambles, and my almost daily companion. In all this he could have no motive but a sense of kindness towards me. I owe him many obligations for liis attentions ; and to him I was indebted for an in- troduction to Cardinal Borgia who Avas then only Monsignore. But fcAV individuals have hud any great influence upon my literary career, and of these Cardinal Borgia was one. I never met with any but him who to such mildness of disposition united such an easy, satirical hu- mour, such a tender susceptibility of friendship, and, when once awakened, such strength of attachment. I came to him without recommendation ; he gradually found i)leasure in the society of the young stranger, and became not only my Avell-Avisher, but almost a second father. It was neither by his learning nor his museum that he wrought upon me, but by his kindl}»^ disposition ; he appeared to me to realize all that 1 had ever imagined of the perfection of the hunian character, an opinion which received ample confirmation in the exalted spectacle he afterwards presented, when strip- ped of his property and driven from his country, he sought and found consolation in science and religion. It can scarcely be supposed that I regarded his kindness Avith indifference ; and, as I had constant access to him, I frequently passed hours together Avith him at his apartments in tiie Propaganda, of which he Avas secretary. His hobby (if 1 may so express myself) Avas his museum of antiquities ; and this, as it belonged to the family, Avas for the most part at the family seat at Velletri, Avhere his brother, the Cavaliere, resided. To this place I frequently accompanied him, and there, with Zoega and other friends, on classic ground, and in a noble family circle, I spent many of my happiest days. Xll BIOGRAPHICAL SKKTCH. As the season of the carnival obliged nie to defer my labours at the Vatican, as all libraries during that time are closed, I visited more fre- quently the museum of that establishment, mostly in company with Zoega. Besides the statues, the magnificent sarcophagi with their reliefs attracted much of my attention ; and among them, one in particular, which I soon felt convinced had been incorrectly described by Winkleman, in his Monu- menti, as the murder of Agamemnon, instead of that of vEgistheus and Clytemnestra, by Orestes and Pylades. As I had so recently left Gottin- gen, where I had been deeply engaged in the study of the tragedians, I soon observed this ; and upon a reference to ^schylus, I found that the artist had almost copied him. I therefore came to the resolution of pub- lishing in Rome a pamphlet upon this work of art, (Commentatio in Opus cfelatum Muscei Pio Clementini, RomcE, 1776,) and which I have since translated anti published in German, in the Bibliothek der alten Literatur und Kunst. My work was favourably received, and paved the way to many useful and honourable acquaintance : by Borgia's management I ob- tained an opportunity of presenting it to Pope Pius VI. The correctness of my interpretation was afterwards acknowledged by Visconti in the Museo Pio-Clementine. Soon after this I published a second dissertation on a fragment of marble covered with bas-reliefs and inscriptions in the manner of the Tabula Iliaca ; this was likewise in Latin, but afterwards published in German in the work above mentioned. It was a great plea- sure to Borgia to see critical dissertations published upon specimens in his museum, whence have sprung not only learned treatises, but classical works, like those of Zoega and Adler. His enemies have attributed this to vanity : I only wish that the generality of men possessed such vanity ! Meanwhile the time was drawing on at which I might commence my labours at the Vatican. Here I knew was the most important manuscript of the Eclogfe of Stobaeus. From what I had heard I did not expect that Monsignore Reggio, the librarian, would receive me in the most civil man- ner. But I feared more than tliis, the difficulty of discovering the manu- script, the Vatican having no general catalogue, but only particular ones of the different collections from which it has arisen. I had no lack of good recommendations for permission to open the presses of the library ; among which that of Cardinal Garampi was of great service. To this man of refined taste, so much occupied in diplomatic affairs, I had been well recommended ; he had received me politely and I had dedicated to him my first treatise. The morning of the fifth of April I went, provided with his' recommendation, to the Vatican, to try my fortune with Monsignore Reggio. His cold but polite answer was : Sara servita ; Signore Abbate dategli il codice! More I did not want; the only question now was where the codex was to be found. One of the catalogues was given to me to look through, and — fancy my joy ! — in less than ten minutes I found my manuscript ! A place in the working room Avas next assigned me ; every day, with the exception of the numerous holy-days, I was allowed to work from about nine tiU one o'clock. I began the very next day, the sixth of April ; and finished my collation (consisting of forty-three sheets) on the thirteenth of June, very shortly after which the long vacation be- gan, when the library was closed. My trouble was richly rewarded, I had a treasure of additions and improved readings to carry away with me, as BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XÜI my edition when published fully proved. The conviction, daily growing stronger, that I was not travelling in vain, and that the purpose of my journey was accomplished, roused my activity whenever it began to flaw. These learned labours, however, did not prevent me freely from enjoy- ing the society of my friends and connexions. I spent my time partly amidst a gay circle of German acquaintance, among whom, besides my fellow-traveller, were Munter, now bishop of Zealand, Hii-t, now counsel- lor at Berhn, and Wilhelm Tischbein. In addition to this I had obtained the favour of Counsellor Reiffenstein, who, by receiving pensions from the Prussian and other courts for executing their commissions in the fine arts, lived in good style at Rome. I had earned his good will by my first treatise, in which I had mentioned in an honourable manner the monument he had ordered to be erected in the Pantheon. He tried to persuade me to settle in Rome, and said he was sure my success would be equal to his own. My evenings were generally spent with Italian families, in which I occasionally heard the most exquisite music, the greatest delight I could have. Imagine, then, how happy I must have been at Rome, enjoying, as I did, in addition to all this, the blessing of health and freedom from care. Having but little knowledge of pictures, my studies in the fine arts were almost exclusively directed to antiquities, particularly to reliefs. Still ar- chitecture on a grand scale, and where can this be seen in such perfection as in Rome, always made a deep impression upon me. The Colosseum, with its gigantic shadows by moonhght ; the interior of the Pantlieon, with a fleeting cloud perhaps passing over its cupola, are sights which can never be forgotten, and which even the magic illumination of St. Peter's with the waving cross on the holy eve of our great Christian festival, is not able to obliterate. Not a day did I allow to pass unimproved so long as art and nature oifered new beauties to my view ; and it may be easily sup- posed that the environs of Tivoli, Frascati, and even the remote Terni, with its waterfall, were not left unvisited. The seven months of my stay at Rome passed away like so many weeks. I left it on the 16th of September to spend a short time at Naples. My fellow-traveller, whom I expected to meet there, was gone on before to visit Calabria and Sicily. My literary labours at Rome compelled me to give up my desire of accompanying him ; a great sacrifice, but one which my great object required. I arrived at Naples just in the season when that land of wonders exhibits itself in its highest beauty and luxury. The vines could scarcely bear the weight of their fruit, whilst above them Mount Vesuvius repeatedly threw out its columns of fire and streams of lava. It is here alone that earth puts on all her magnificence ; all other scenes sink to nothing in comparison. I came here to enjoy nature, and I did enjoy it ; but even in literary and social matters, my expectations were greatly surpassed. At the library al capo di Monte, I found two manuscripts of the Eclogse, one of them is the oldest extant. In conse- quence of the great distance it was not possible, nor was it necessary, to compare it entirely, as I soon discovered that it belonged to the very same recension as that of the Vatican ; I therefore contented myself with a col- lation of the more corrupt passages. Favourable circumstances and con- nexions brought me into acquaintance with the celebrated Filangieri and his friends. Though not thirty years of age, he had already composed l.is great work on legislation. He lived away from the court, at his XIV BIOGRAPHICAL SKKTCH. charming villa la Cava, vv^liere my friend MiJnter and T, on our juurney to Pitstum, spent n few happy days with him in the busum of his family. Two years afterwards deatli made tliis fine healthy man his victim, in the prime of life, no doubt at the right time ; for most of his friends, of whom several were also mine, perished soon after in the dreadfid revolutions which took place ; and it is a question if he Avould have met with a bet- ter lot. My friend soon after returned from Sicily, and we left Naples together on tlie 1st of November, and returned to Rome in order to prepare for our final departure from Italy. Duiing the fortnight I stayed at Rome, I was so happy as to make the acquaintance of Goethe and Moritz ; I met them at the house of Reiffenstein, and formed one of the party to Frascati, which Goetiie has mentioned in his life. On the 19th of November we left Rome, witli what feelings ! Late in the evening Borgia came to take leave; a mingled feeling of gratitude for his past kindness, joined to the certainty that I sliould see him no more, became too powerful for me — I burst into tears ; he clasped me in his arms, and exclaiming, Heeren, mio che fail turned away and left me. Absence did not diminish our friend- ship. The very day of his departure for Paris in 1804, for which place he set out with Pius VII., to attend the coronation of the emperor, I re- ceived his last letter. He died on this journey at Lyons, but even after his death, I received from him a parcel of prints and manuscripts, which he had previously despatched. Ave sancta animal We returned by way of Perugia, Florence, and Leghorn, through Lom- bardy to Milan, where I found in the Ambrosian libraiy some fragments of Stobajus. From this place Ave continued our route through Genoa and Turin, and across Mount Cenis to Geneva, and from thence by Lyons to Paris. As we made this journey in the depth of winter, we saw but little of the wonders of nature beyond the sublime spectacle of the Alps covered with snoAV : for literary research there was no time. We arrived at Paris on the eighteenth of February, 1787. I stayed two months in this city ; amply sufficient to see all its beauty and magnificence ; but a much longer time is required to bring a stranger acquainted with the social and domestic life of the Parisians, there is no cause therefore to wonder that I was not so much at home here as at Rome. Villoison and Belin de Ballu, the only learned Frenchmen to whom I had letters, were absent ; but Barthe- lemy, Larcher, Anquetil Duperron, Vauvilliers, etc., received me with- out introduction with as much civility as a stranger could expect. At the royal library, where I inquired for manuscripts of Stoba3us and of some grammarians, I was treated in the most obliging manner by the Abbe Bejot, who had the care of the manuscripts at that establishment. All tliose men have passed away, and their places are now filled by others equally distinguished, and with whom I have the honour of being intimately ac- quainted, but who were then unknown. This must excuse my short notice of Pai'is. I have only to add, that I left it in April for Holland, in which country, and particularly in Leyden, (though I found no manu- script of the Ecloga\) I passed my time most agreeably, thanks to the friendship of the celebrated Ruhnkenius and the intellectual Luzac. How little did I then imagine, that nearly thirty years later I should be invited to fill the chair left vacant by the death of the latter ! Thus after an absence of nearly two years I returned to Göttingen, BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XV where I intended to settle ; and where I liopcd soon to get some appoint- ment. Having taken leave of my fellow-traveller, I set out for Bremen, in order to spend a short time with my father and friends, who were very desirous of seeing me. ]icsides, I re([uircd rest, both for mind and body, and where (;ould I expect to lind it better than under my parental roof? After re(^ruiting my spirits here for a few weeks, I returned to Gottingen in August, and on the 27th of that month I obtained from Hanover my appointment to the chair of ))rofessor extraordinary of philosophy, just three weeks before the I 'niversity jubilee in connnemoration of its found- ation. On October 2()tli, I read my inaugural lecture, taking for my subject. De Codicibus manuscriptis Eclogarum Joannis Siobcei; which is found at the beginning of my edition. At this epoch opens the second period of my life ; I was now about to engage as a public teacher. As yet, however, I only stood at the starting- point of a career, the great difliculties of which I could not disguise from myself. It is true, that I returned from my travels with a mind enlarged, better cultivated, and enriclied by many new ac(piirements. But my know- ledge was crude and ill-digested. It wanted connexion ; it was defective in every i)art ; yet, notwithstanding, I had to mount the chair as a public teacher. Besides these disadvantages, there were otiiers not dependent on myself. Those departments. In which I could have shone to the great- est advantage;, that is to say, the classical and historical, were ah'eady fille«l, and filled in such a way as they have seldom been in any other academy. Heyne filled the classical chair, with whom I had neither abilities nor inclination to contend ; the historical classes were superin- tended by men of erpuU celel)rity in their way, Gatterer, Schlözer, Spittler, all in the prime of their glory, and to whom (irelhnan had been joined just before my appointment. What chance was there here for a young and imknown scholar to distinguish himself by the side of such rivals, more especially at an academy where there is no inclination to run after novelty, but where a new teacher must enlarge his circle by degrees ? Still I was obliged to make an attempt. Lectures on the history of the liberal sciences (which became very useful to myself, as they procured me a clear historical insight into this branch of learning); on Hoinan anticpiities ; then on Tacitus and Sallust, filled up tiie first two years of my academical life, although delivered to a very scanty circle of auditors. 1 could never avoid giving my lectures a historical direction ; and however imfavourable tiic j)rospects of tlie period, I felt more and more attracted by political history. In the autumn of the year 1790, I first began my lectures on ancient his- tory, which I liavc uninterruptedly continued every half year from that time to tiie present. In these I have connected ancient geography with ancient history, illustrating it by maps. The want of this had been much felt; and though my class continued small, it was attended by a few men of the best capacities and highest talents. I engaged also in several literary imdertakings. Soon after my installation, I became joint-editor with my friend Tychsen of tlu^ "Library of Ancient Literature and Art" ( I'.ildiotiiek der alt(Mi Litteratur un) Islands along the coast of Asia Minor : Lesbos, with the city of Mitylene ; Chios, Samos, Cos, Rhodes, with cities of the same name, (c) Syria, together with Phoenicia and Palestine. 1st, Syria, properly so called. Cities: Damascus, Emessa, Heliopolis (Baalbec). In the desert, Pal- myra. 2nd, Phoenicia, a mountainous tract, extend- ing along the shore. Mountains : Libanus and An- tilibanus. Cities : Tyre, on an island opposite the ancient Tyre, which was situated upon the mainland ; Sidon, Byblus, Berytus, Tripolis, Aradus. 3rd, Palestine. Mountains : Carmel, Tabor. River : Jordan, which discharges its waters into the Dead Sea. Division of Palestine ; first, according to the twelve tribes ; afterwards into the provinces, of Ju- daea, capital Jerusalem ; of Samaria, cities, Samaria, Sichem ; and of Galilee. (d) Peninsula of Arabia, abounding in vast sandy deserts, and almost entirely occupied by nomad tribes. Its southern and eastern coasts render it, nevertheless, a most important seat of trade. In the north, Arabia Petraea, so called from the town of Petra. Inland, Arabia Deserta. In the south, Arabia Felix ; rich, both in natural productions, being the native land of almost every kind of per- fume, particularly frankincense ; and also as being the ancient staple for the merchandise of India. Cities ; Mariaba, Aden, etc. In the east, the trading town of Gerra, and the islands near the shore, Tylos and Aradus, (Bahrein,) both likewise marts for Ara- bian and Indian wares, particularly cinnamon from Taprobane (Ceylon). 2. Countries between the Euphrates and Tigris. (a) Mesopotamia ; in the interior a sterile table land, entirely occupied by nomad hordes. Cities on the Euphrates, Thapsacus, Circesium, Cunaxa; in the north, Zoba or Nisibis. Armenia. (Z») Armenia, north of the foregoing. Very moun- Arab Mesopota- mia. BOOK I.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 17 tainous ; for a long time without cities, but at last it asia. had Tigranocerta. Rivers : the Cyrus and Araxes, falling into the Caspian ; and the Phasis, falling into the Black Sea. (c) Babylonia, the southern part of Mesopotamia, Babylonia. from which it was separated by the Median wall. A level plain, remarkable for the richness of its soil ; formerly, by its high cultivation, its canals and lakes, and the erection of dams, the most fruitHil, and, from its situation, the most opulent staple of inner Asia. Cities : Babylon on the Euphrates, Borsippa. Whether the account given by Herodotus, as an eyewitness, of the size and splendour of Babylon, is not exaggerated ? — Manner in which the great Asiatic cities arose out of the royal encampments of the nomad conquerors. 3. CoiiJitries between the Tigris and the Indus. (a) Assyria, or the province of Adiabene ; a table Assyria. land. Cities : Nineveh, (Ninus,) Arbela. The name of Assyria is also frequently taken by the Greeks in a wider acceptation, as comprising both Mesopotamia and Babylonia ; it is sometimes even confounded with Syria. {])) Susiana, a fruitful district, with the city Susa Susiana. on the river Choaspes, or Eulseus, (Ulai,) one of the residences of the Persian monarchs. (c) Persis, rugged and mountainous towards the Persia, north ; level and fruitful in the centre ; sandy towards the south. Rivers : the Cyrus and Araxes. Cities : Persepolis or Pasargada, the national palace and cemetery of the kings of Persia. The name of Persis was, in ancient as well as in modern ge- ography, taken in a more extensive sense, as comprising all the countries between the Tigris and Indus, with the exception of Assyria. In this sense, it contains three countries towards the south — Persis, properly so called, Carmania, Gedrosia : three central countries — Media, Aria, Arachosia : and three countries towards the north — Parthia and Hyrcania, Bactria, Sogdiana. (d) Carmania, an extensive country, for the most Carmania. part desert, ranging along the Persian Gulf and In- dian Sea. Cities : Carmana, Harmozia. {e) Gedrosia, tract of land running along the coast Gedrosia. between Carmania and India, and washed by the c 18 GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. i BOOK I. ASIA. Media. Aria Arachosia. Parthia. Bactria. Soffdiana. Indian Sea. A mere sandy desert; towards the north, mountainous. Town, Pura. (/) Media, above Persis ; an extensive and very fruitful country; mountainous towards the north. Rivers : Araxes, Cyrus, and Mardus. Cities : Ec- batana, Rages. The northern district was Hkewise known by the name of Atropatene, (Azerbeijan,) or Lesser Media. (g) Aria, a smooth table land, with a lake and river, Arius : and one city, Aria or Artacoana. (A) Arachosia ; a rich and fertile country on the frontiers of India ; bounded towards the north by the Paropamisus chain. Cities: Arachotus and Proph- thasia. The neighbouring highlands, occupied by a numerous population, (now Cabul and Kandahar,) are often regarded, in consequence of their being subject to the Persian dominion, as forming part of Persia. They are known by the name of Paropamisus. (i) Parthia and Hyrcania, rugged mountainous districts to the north of Media; but abounding in magnificent and fertile vales. Before and during the predominance of Persia, but little knov>^n and little valued ; and without cities. It was at a considerably later period that the inhabitants of Parthia became a dominant nation. (k) Bactria, the country on the south bank of the Oxus ; rich in natural productions, and one of the most ancient marts of Asia. River : Oxus. Cities : Bactra and Zariaspa. Bactria lies on the frontier of India, Little Thibet, Bukharia, (the north India of Herodotus and Ctesias,) and the desert of Gobi (Herodotus's golden desert) : the road to China runs through this country. Nature, by the geographical situation in which she has placed Bactria, seems to have destined it to be the great empoi-ium for the wares of south-eastern Asia ; and in pro- portion as we penetrate into early history, we become convinced that Bactria, like Babylon, must have been one of the earliest seats of international commerce, and consequently, if not the birthplace, one of the cradles of infant civilization. (/) Sogdiana, the territory between the upper Oxus and upper Jaxartes, the latter dividing it from Central Asia. (A part of Great Bukharia.) Its peculiarities BOOK I.] POLITICAL GENERALITIES. 19 and advantages similar to those of the neighbouring asia. Bactria. Capital : Maracanda (Samarcand). B. South-eastern Asia, or Asia beyond the Indus, offers nothing remarkable for history till a later period. See Book V. Period IV. General Preliminary Observations upon the History and Constitution of the great Asiatic Empires. 1. Asia contained in ancient times, as it does at Magnitude present, empires of immense extent, differinp; mate- °f ^^! ^"^' rially both in this respect and in their constitution Asia. from the civilized nations of Europe. Changes were frequent ; but the form of government continued nearly always the same. Some deeply rooted and active principles therefore must have been in con- stant operation, to have given so repeatedly, in these various revolutions, the same organization to the king- doms of Asia. 2. The great revolutions of Asia, with the excep- Nature of tion of that caused by Alexander, were effected by iut7öns!^°" the numerous and powerful nomad races which in- habited a large portion of that continent. Pressed by necessity or circumstances, they forsook their own seats, founded new kingdoms, and carried war and conquest into the fruitful and cultivated lands of Southern Asia, until, enervated by luxury, the con- sequence of the change in their mode of life, they were in their turn, and in a similar manner, subjugated. 3. This origin, common to all Asiatic kingdoms, ^heir short accounts for their immense extent, their rapid estab- lishment, and their generally brief duration. 4. The internal organization must, for the same similarity reasons, have been nearly alike in all ; and the con- constTtu- stant re-appearance of despotism is accounted for, tions. partly by the rights of conquest, partly by the vast extent of the subdued countries, which obliged the rulers to have recourse to satrap-government. 5. To this, it must moreover be added, that among; Effects of 2 polygamy. 20 POLITICAL GENERALITIES. [book i. ASIA, all the considerable nations of inner Asia, the pater- nal government of every household was corrupted by polygamy : vi^here that custom exists, a good political constitution is impossible ; fathers being converted into domestic despots, are ready to pay the same abject obedience to their sovereign that they exact from their family and dependants in their domestic economy. To avoid confusion, it will be necessary to define the terms despotism and despotic government. In theoiy, we must admit THREE essentially different kinds of government. 1st, The de- spotic, in wiiich the members of the state are not secured in the possession of their rights as men, (personal freedom and security of property,) nor of their rights as citizens (active participation in the legislative power). Such a constitution exists only by force, and can never be lawful. 2nd, The autocratic, in wiiich the members of the state are in full possession of their rights as men, but not of their rights as citizens. This government, therefore, ai'ises from the union of the legislative and exe- cutive powers in the person of the ruler. In form, it is either monarchical or aristocratical (a pure monarchy, or a pure aris- tocracy). This kind of government is most likely to be estab- lished by usurpation ; it may, nevertheless, be acquired by succession, or even adopted by common consent : it may there- fore be lawful. 3rd, The republican, in which the members of the state are in possession of their rights, both as men and as citizens. This government necessarily presupposes a separation of the legislative and executive powers ; and with regard to its form, may be either monarchical or aristocratical (a moderate monarchy, or a moderate aristocracy). — How for can a pure de- mocracy be called a government, and comprised under any of the foregoing heads ? — Explanation of the despotism in the Asiatic kingdoms, and the attempts made to limit it by religion and religious institutions. Rise, pro- 6. General features in the gradual internal de- faiTof no'^ velopment of all empires formed by nomad con- mad em- querors. id) At first the mere occupation of rich ^"^"' territories, and levying of tribute, {b) Hence the constitutions already established among the conquer- ed or tributary nations generally suffered to remain. (c) Gradual progress towards the adoption of a fixed abode and the building of cities, together with the assumption of the customs and civilization of the conquered, {ct) Division into provinces, and, as a necessary consequence, the establishment of satrap- BOOK I.] ASSYRIANS. 21 government, (e) Insurrections of the satraps, and the internal ruin of the state prepared thereby. (/]) The influence of the seraglio on the government has the same effect, for its unavoidable consequences are — effeminacy and indolence in the rulers, (g) Hence the dissolution of the empire, or its total annihilation by some violent attack from without. ASIA. Period BEfORE Cyrus. Fragments of the History of the ancient Asiatic Kingdoms previous to Cyrus. Sources, and their critical examination : 1. Jewish writings, particularly tlie books of Kings, Chronicles, and the Prophets ; together with the Mosaic records. 2. Greek writers, Herodotus, Ctesias, and Diodorus : later chroniclers, Syncellus, Eusebius, Ptolemy. 3. Native writer, Berosus. Futility of all endea- vours to arrange into one work the accounts of authors so en- tirely different by birth and the times in which they flourished : a task attempted by the French writers, Sevin, Freret, and Debrosse, in their papers contained in the Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscript. VoLNEV, Bccherches nouvelles sur THistoire ancienne. 1808 — 1814: very important and authentic, so far as regards the system of Herodotus's chronology. I. Afisyrian luoiiarchij. 1. With the Greeks, Assyrian is generally a com- Assyrians mon name applied to the ruling nations about the "^^^^^^ ^jf. Euphrates and Tigris before the time of Cyrus, feientfrom With the Jews, on the contrary, it signifies a distinct nXews.'^ nation of conquerors, and the founders of an empire. Hence a necessary discrepancy between the Grecian and Hebrew statements. 2. Assyrian history, according to Grecian autho- Grecian rities, particularly Ctesias and Diodorus, is nothing =*^'^^""^- more than mere traditions of ancient heroes and heroines, who at some early period founded a large kingdom in tlie countries about the Euphrates and Tigris; traditions without any chronological data, and in the style of the East. Ninus — Semiramis — Ninyas — Sardanapalus. According to Herodotus, an Assyi-ian empire of 520 years' 22 RIEDES. [book I. Period duration, 1237 — 717. Lists of Assyrian kings in the clironi- EEFORE cles of Syncellus and Eusebius. 3. Assyrian history, according to Jewish autho- Jewish ac- yitics. Chronological history of an Assyrian empire between B. C. 800 and 700. — Seat of the nation in Assyria, properly so called. — Capital : Nineveh on the Tigris. — Extension of their dominion as far as Syria and Phoenicia. Line of Assyrian kings : 1. Pul, about 773. Livasion of Syria. 2. TigLath-Pileser, about 740. He overthrows the kingdom of Damascus. 3. Shalmaneser, about 720. He de- stroys the kingdom of Samaria. Transplantation of the inha- bitants into inner Asia. 4. Sennacherib, about 714. Mighty expedition against Egypt, frustrated by a pestilence. 5. Esar- haddon. Contem-porary : Jews, the divided kingdoms of Israel and Judah. — Greeks, decennial archons at Athens. — Romans, rise of the state and the two first kings. II. Median monarchy. Different 1. The name of Medes is undoubtedly often used orSe^vord ^»y the Greeks to designate one nation ; it is, how- Medes. evcr, frequently made use of as a common appella- tion of the ruling nations in eastern Asia, from the Tigris to the Indus, (or Persia, in the more extensive sense of that word,) before Cyrus. — With the Jews : nothing more than general hints of the Medes as a conquering nation. Great na- 2. Although thc statcmcnts of the Grecian writers, t'o°havrex-" as well as of the Zendavesta, sufficiently prove that isted east of long bcforc the rise of the Persian power mighty t e igris. j^jj^g^iQ^^g existed in these regions ; and particularly in the eastern part, or Bactria ; yet we have no con- sistent or chronological history of these states : nothing but a few fragments, probably of dynasties which ruled in Media, properly so called, imme- diately previous to the Persians. a. Herodotus' s History of the Medes. Herodotus's Medes are unquestionably the inhabitants of Media, properly so called. Division into six tribes: among these, that of the Magi. — Ruling nation after the overthrow of the Assyrians. — Capital of their empire, Ecbatana. — Boundaries : west, the Tigris and Halys ; east, unknown. — Liternal organization : graduated sub- jection of the various nations to one another, according to their distance from the seat of empire ; rigid despotism ; and impo- BOOK I.] BABYLONI\NS. 2d sition of tribute. Line of kings between B. C. 717 — 560. Period Deioces, 53 ;/. the founder of J:cbatana, d. 657. — Piiraortes, 22 befoke y. down to 635. He conquers Persia. Cyaxares I. 40 y. down ^R^s. to 595. He establishes military discipline among the Medes. Wages war with the Lydians, the Assyrians. — Irruption of the Scythians and Cimmerians, 625. — He takes Nineveh, 597. Astyages, 38 y. down to 560, when he was dethroned by Cyrus. According to Xenophon, Astyages was followed by another Median prince, Cyaxares II. b. Ctesias's History of the Medes, deduced from Persian archives, and contained in Diodorus. Probably a different dynasty in eastern Asia. Line of kings, between B. C. 800 and 560. Arbaces, conqueror of the As- syrians, \S y. Mandaucus, 50 y. Sosarmes, 30 y. Artias, 50 y. Arbanes, 22 y. Artfeus, 40 y. and Artyiies, 22 y. Sanguinary wars with the nomad races of the East, the Sacae, and Cadusii. Artibarnas, 1 4 y. Astyages, the last king. Contemporary : Jews, kingdom of Judah alone. — Greeks, yearly archons, Draco, Solon. — Romans, kings from Tullus Hostilius to Servius TuUius. III. Bahi/lonian monarchy. Periods: 1st, Previous to the Chaldsean conquest, Babjio- whicb occurred about 630. 2nd, From the Chal- ^"^^'• dsean conquest to the Persian, 630 — 538. 1. Babylon was not only spoken of in the most ist period, remote antiquity, but is mentioned in the Jewish [°aJnJe,ite*^* traditions as the earhest scene of poHtical treaties, and as the most ancient seat of intercourse for the nations of Asia. Traditions concerning Nimrod — and the erection of the tower of Babel. — Comparison of those traditions with the Babylonian mythology in Berosus. — Scanty historical notices of this period in the later Jewish writers; and probable subjection of Babylon to the Assyrian empire. 2. In the second period, 630—538, the Babylo- 2nd period, mans were the rulmo- nation ot western Asia. — Ihe ciiaidjeaus. Chaldaeans take possession of Babylon, there establish themselves, and ultimately extend their empire, by conquest, to the Mediterranean. Origin of the Chaldaeans : whether that name was applied to a distinct nation, or to the northern nomads in general ? — Line of Chald;Tian kings. In the enumeration of these rulers, as given by Ptolemy, this line begins with Nabonassar, and the era bear- ing the name of that sovereign, whicli commences in the year B. C. 747 (probably because, under the reign of that prince, the adoption of the Egyptian solar year first introduced among the Clialdaians an exact method of reckoning time). Neither S4 ASIA MINOR. [book i. Period Nabonassar Mtnself, nor his twelve immediate successors, are BEFORE remarkable in history : the six last alone deserve notice. 1. Cyrus. Nabopolassar, 627 — 604. Settlement in Babylon ; and com- plete establishment of the Chaldaso-Babylonian dominion, by his victory over Pharaoh-Nechoh, near Circesium, in 604. 2. Nebuchadnezzar, 604 — 561. Brilliant period of the Chald^o- Babylonian empire. He conquers Phoenicia and Old Tyre about .586 : Jerusalem in 587 ; pi'obable irruptions into Egypt. Construction of immense buildings and canals in and about Ba- bylon. Rapid decline of the empire after his death, under — 3. Evil-Merodach, 561 — 559. 4. Neriglissar, (probably the con- temporary of Herodotus's Nitocris,) — 555. Labosoarchad murdered, after a few months' reign. Nabonadius, (Herodotus's Labynetus, and probably the Chaldtean Belshazzar,) 555 — 538, attacked and conquered by Cyrus. Sack of Babylon by the Persians, 538. See the section concerning the Babylonians in A. H. L. Heeren's Historical Researches, vol. i. part 2. Contemporary: Jews, last sovereigns of the kingdom of Judah. — Greeks, Solon, Pisistratus. — Romans, Tarquinius Priscus and Servius TuUius. IV. States and kbigdoms in Asia Minor. No lasting The number and variety of the inhabitants of this empire peninsula, was probably the reason why they never formed in *" -^ i • - ^ • T-1 ^ • Asia Minor, became united into one empire. Ine most import- ant nations among them, were the Carians in the west ; the Phrygians in the centre, reaching as far as the Halys ; the Syro-Cappadocians beyond the Halys ; and the Thracians in Bithynia. Neverthe- less we find here but three kingdoms deserving no- tice — the Trojan, the Phrygian, and the Lydian. Troy. 1. The Trojan empire comprised western Mysia : its history consists of mere traditions contained in poets, with very uncertain chronological data. Kings: Teucer, about 1400. — Dardanus — Erichthonius — Tros (Troja) — Ilus (Ilium) — Laomedon — Priam. The destruc- tion of Troy, after a ten years' war, occurred, it is probable, B. C. 1190. Contemporary : Jews, time of the Judges : before the found- ation of Rome, 450 years. Phrjgia. 2. The Phrygian empire. — Almost all the kings were named Midas and Gordius ; their succession cannot be accurately determined. After the death of the last, called Midas V., Phrygia became a pro- vince of the Lydian empire, about 560. BOOK I.] PHCENICIA. ylD 3. The Lydian empire. — The Lydians (Mseonians) Period were a branch of the Carian tribe. According to cYrus^ Herodotus, three dynasties ruled in Lydia ; the Aty- adae down to 1232 ; the HeracHdee ^down to 727 ; J?,^ei%nas- and the Mermnadee down to 557 : the two first are t'es there. almost wholly fabulous, and the proper history of Lydia may be said to commence with the last dynasty. Kings : Gyges, down to 689. From this period followed al- most uninterrupted wars with the Greek settlements on the sea- coast. Gyges takes Colophon. Ardys down to 640. He takes Priene. Under his reign, an irruption of the Cimmerians. Sa- dyattes down to 628. Alyattes down to 571. Expulsion of the Cimmerians. Capture of Smyrna. Crcesus down to 557. He takes Ephesus, and subjugates Asia'lMinor as far as the Halys. Under his reign, the first rise of a Lydian empire, which how- ever is overthrown by Cyrus. Asia Minor becomes a province of the Persian empire. Contemporary with which, in Asia, were the j\Iedic and Ba- bylonian empires. — Among the Jews, the last period of the kingdom of Judah. — Among the Greeks, the yearly archons at Athens. — With the Romans, the kings. V. Phaniicia. The Phoenicians may be regarded as one of the Frai^ments most remarkable nations of Asia during this period ; cianhTstörv. yet we have no complete, or even connected history of this people. But though a few scattered frag- ments are all we possess, we may from these trace out a general outline. The peculiar sources of Phoenician history. — How far San- choniathon deserves to be mentioned here ? — Hebrew writers, particularly Elzekiel : Greek writers ; Josephus — Eusebius, etc., and the fragments which he has preserved of INIenander of Ephesus, and Dius, historians of Tyre. JVIiGNOT, Mtmoires sur les Phanciens ; inserted in Mem. de VAcad. des Inscript. t. xxxiv. — xUi. A series of twenty-four papers. The section concerning the Phoenicians in A. H. L. Heeren's JResearches into the Politics, etc. I. Observations on the internal state of Phcenicia. Pinrnician It did not constitute one state, or, at least, one single iJ^cYtSr^ empire ; but consisted of several, and their territories. Alliances, however, were naturally formed between them, and hence a kind of supremacy of the more powerful, particularly of Tyre. PHCENICIANS. [book I, Period BEFORE Cyrus. Each city independ- ent, but T\ro tlie first. Tyrian kings. Phoenician colonies, in the islands ; Spain : 2. But though Tyre stood at the head, and claimed a certain degree of superiority, each separate state still possessed its own particular government. In all of them we meet with kings, who appear to have possessed but a limited authority, as we always find magistrates associated with them in power. Among a mercantile and colonizing people, it was impossible that absolute despotism should endure for any length of time. Of the separate states. Tyre is the only one of which we possess a series of kings ; and even that series is not complete. This line of kings, which we derive from Menander through Josephus, commences with Abical, the contemporary of David, about B. C. 1050. The most remarkable among them are : Hiram, the successor of Abical ; — Ethbaal I., about 920 ; — Pygmalion, Dido's brother, about 900 ; — Ethbaal II. in whose reio-n Tyre was sacked by Nebuchadnezzar, 586. — Foundation of New Tyre — republican constitution under suffetes : tributary kings under the Persian rule ; — conquest of New Tyre by Alexander, 332. The flourishing period of Phoenicia in ge- neral, and of Tyre in particular, falls therefore between 1000 —332. Contemporary in inner Asia : monarchies of the Assyrians, Medes, and the Babylonians. Jews : period of the kings after Dayid. Greeks : from Homer to Solon. Romans : period of their kings in the last two centuries. 3. During this period the Phoenicians spread themselves by the establishment of colonies; some of which, particularly Carthage, became as power- ful as the mother states. General ideas concerning colonization. — 1. Colonies are ab- solutely necessary to every seafaring and commercial people, whenever their trade extends to distant countries. 2. They have likewise been established for the purpose of providing for the excessive increase of the poor. 3. And they have some- times arisen from political commotion, when the malcontents, either from free will, or force, have forsaken their country, and sought new settlements in distant regions. 4. Geographical sketch of the Phoenician colonies. They possessed, at a very early period, most of the islands of the Archipelago ; from which, however, they were subsequently expelled by the Greeks. The principal countries in which they had settlements were the south of Spain (Tartessus, Gades, Carteia) ; BOOK I.] PHCENICIANS. 21 the north coast of Africa, west of the Lesser Syrtis period (Utica, Carthage, Adrumetum) ; and the north-west- cTrus^ ern coast of Sicily (Panormus, Lilybaeum). It is likewise highly probable that they formed settlements ^l^^^.! towards the east in the Persian Gulf, on the islands probkbiy in of Tylos and Aradus (Bahrein). Su/"'"" 5. This sketch of the Phoenician colonies will give Sea trade of us some idea of the extent of their sea trade and na- c'Ja„f'^°^'^^' vigation ; which, however, extended much fartlier than their colonies. Among them, as among other nations, commerce took its rise in piracy ; even as late as the time of Homer, the Phoenicians appear to have been freebooters. The principal objects of their commerce were, (a) the settlements in north Africa and Spain ; the latter more particularly, on account of its rich silver mines, (b) Beyond the Pillars of Hercules, the west coast of Africa ; Britain and the Scilly islands, for the purpose of procuring tin, and, very probably, amber, (c) From Elath and Ezion- Gebar, ports situate at the northern extremity of the Arabian Gulf, they undertook, in connexion with the Jews, voyages to Ophir, that is to say, to the rich lands of the south, particularly Arabia Felix and Ethiopia. {(/) From the Persian Gulf, they extended their commerce to the western peninsula of India and the island of Ceylon. Finally, (e) they made several They double extensive voyages of discovery, among which, the qq^^ho "e most remarkable was the circumnavigation of Africa. 6. Of no less importance was the land trade, mostly Their hmd carried on by caravans. The principal branches of it were ; (a) The Arabian caravan trade for spices and incense, imported from Arabia Felix, Gerra, and the Persian Gulf. (Z>) The trade through Palmyra with Babylon, which opened them an indirect com- munication by way of Persia, with Lesser Bukharia and Little Thibet, probably even with China itself (c) The trade with Armenia and the neighbouring countries in slaves, horses, copper utensils, etc. 7. To all this must be added their own manufac- t^e-" "^anu- tures, particularly their stuffs and dyes ; (the purple, made of the juice of a marine shellfish ;) their manu- 28 SYRIANS. [book i. Period factures of glass and toys, which, in their commerce Cyrus, with uncivihzecl nations, generally carried on by bar- — ter, were turned to good account. Many other im- portant discoveries, among which the invention of letters holds the first rank, are attributed to the Phoenicians. VI. Syrians. Syria an 1. The inhabitants of Syria dwelt in cities as early early state; ^^ ß q 2000, whcu Abraham wandered over their country. This country did not form one single state, but consisted of several cities, each of which had its separate territory, and its chief or king ; of these ci- ties, Damascus, Hamath, etc. are mentioned in the most remote antiquity. a frequent 2. Thc Syrians were, however, often subjected by coiiquest: forcign couqucrors ; and their country was certainly, about B. c. at least in the time of David, a Jewish province. It shook off the yoke, however, in the time of Solomon ; when Rezon, who had formerly been a slave, obtained possession of Damascus. Kiny: tt -i i fonnded. appointing Hamilcars son, Hannibal, a young man Hannibal of onc-and-twcnty, for his successor. Hannibal the*^com- ° found cvcry thing already prepared in Spain for the mandofthe furtherance of the hereditary project of his family, am J, >,-, , ^j^j^i^ ^^g ^ renewal of the contest with Rome ; and and begins the vigour witli which this project was pursued, Punirwar, clcarly proves how great must have been the pre- '■^i^- ponderance of the Barcine influence, at that time, in Carthage. Had the commonwealth attended to the marine with the same ardour as their great general did to the land service, the fate of Rome would per- haps have been very different. Second war with Rome, 218 — 201, (seventeen years,) first in Italy and Spain, afterwards, from 203, in Africa itself. (See the history of this war below, in the Roman History, Book V. Period II. parag. 6 sqq.) Internal 7. Until Africa became the scene of action, the Carthage sccond war cost the republic much less than the during^thie first ; the expenses being principally defrayed by nicTar^'' Spain and Italy. Hanno, however, was at the head of a powerful party at home, who were clamorous for peace ; and who can say they were wrong ? .As might be expected, the family of the Barcas were for war, and their influence carried the day. That general, who, with hardly any support from Carthage, was yet able to maintain a footing in the country of his powerful foes for no less than fifteen years, and that, too, as much by policy as by force of arms, must extort our admiration. It cannot, however, be de- nied, that during the struggle one favourable oppor- tunity, at least, was let slip of making peace ; a fatal PERIOD III.] CARTHAGINIANS. 69 omission, for which the hero of CannaB paid dearly Period enough, by the failure of his darling project. c7rTs^ 8. By the second peace with Rome, Carthage A dissjrace- was deprived of all her possessions out of Africa, ^i eac""^ and her fleet was delivered into the hands of the f'e result of the war. Romans. She was now to be a mere trading city under the tutelage of Rome. But Carthage found by this peace her most formidable enemy on the feoil of Africa itself Massinissa had been elevated to the Massinissa dignity of king of Numidia ; and his endeavours to fnewTn'-"' form his nomads into an agricultural people, and to strumentof collect them into cities, must have changed the hc^^™^" *'"' military system that Carthage had hitherto followed. Roman policy, moreover, had taken care that the article inserted in his favour in the last treaty of peace, should be so ambiguously worded, as to leave abundant openings for dispute. 9. Even after this disgraceful peace, the family of Hannibal at the Barcas still preserved their influence, and Han- Iffairs^'^ °^ nibal was placed as supreme magistrate at the head of the republic. He attempts to reform the constitu- attempts to tion and the finances, by destroying the oligarchy of oUgarchy. the hundred, by whom the finances had been thrown into confusion. Complete as was the success of the first blow, it soon became apparent that aristocratic factions are not so readily annihilated as armies. The democratic ftiction, to -which even the Barcas owed their first elevation, was tlie cause of the dej^eneracy of the Cartha- ginian constitution. By that faction tlie legishitive authority of the senate and magistrates was withdrawn and transferred to the ordo judicum — probal)ly tlie same as the high state tribunal of the himdred — which now assumed the character of an om- nipotent national inquisition ; and the members, being chosen for life, exercised oppressive despotism. This tribunal was formed of those who had served the office of ministers of finance, with whom it shared unblushingly the revenues of the state. Hannibal destroyed this oligarchy by a law, enacting that the members slioidd hold their office but for one year ; whereas be- fore they held it for life. In the reform wrought by this law in the finances it was seen, that after all wars and losses, the revenues of the repul)lic were still sufficient, not only for the usual expenditure and the payment of tribute to Rome, but also for leaving a surplus in tlie public treasury. Ten years had hardly elapsed before Carthage was enabled to j)ay down at 70 CARTHAGINIANS. [book Period BErORE Cyrus. Hannibal compelled to fly to Syria. B. C. 195. Roman in- fluence completely established in Car- thage. The Car- thaginian territory gradually dismem- bered. once the wliole of the tribute which she had engaged to furnish by instalments. 10. The defeated party, whose interests were now the same with those of Rome, joined the Romans, to whom they discovered HannibaVs plan of renewing the war in conjunction with Antiochus the Great, king of Syria. A Roman embassy was sent over to Africa, under some other pretext, to demand that Hannibal should be given up. The Carthaginian general secretly fled to king Antiochus, at whose court he became the chief fomenter of the war against Rome ; although unsuccessful in his endeavour to implicate the Carthaginian republic in the struggle. See hereafter the history of Syria, Book IV. Period III. separate kingdoms, I. Seleucidae, parag, 18 ; and Book V. Period II. parag. 10 sq. 11. In consequence of the absence of Hannibal, Carthage fell once more under the dominion of the Romans, who contrived, by taking a crafty advantage of the state of parties, to give a show of generosity to the exercise of their power. Even the patriotic faction, if we may judge by the violent steps which they took more than once against Massinissa and his partisans, seem to have been but a tool in the hands of Rome. 12. Disputes with Massinissa, which led to the gradual partition of the Carthaginian territory in Africa. The manner in which this territory had been acquired, facilitated the discovery of claims upon each of the component parts ; and the in- terference of Rome, sometimes disinterested, but oftener swayed by party-feeling, insured the posses- sion of the territory to the Numidian. Even in 199, a disadvantageous treaty framed with Massinissa for fifty years : nevertheless the rich province of Emporia is lost in 193. — Loss of another province unnamed, to which Mas- sinissa inherited some claims from his father. — Seizure of the province of Tysca, with fifty cities, about 174. Probable date of Cato's embassy, who returned in disgust, because his decision had been rejected, and became the fomenter of a project to de- stroy Carthage. — New disputes about 152. — Massinissa's party is expelled Carthage. — War breaks out in consequence, during PERIOD III.] CARTHAGINIANS. 71 which the king in his ninetieth year personally defeats the Car- Period thaginians ; and what with famine and the sword, Hasdrubal's before army, which had been surrounded by the enemy, was nearly ^rus. exterminated ; in the mean while the Roman ambassadors, who had come to act as mediators, obeying their private instructions, looked on with quiet indifference. 13. Though it is evident that the party spirit Destruction raging between Cato and Scipio Nasica had a con- "j^^^"'." siderable influence in hastening the destruction of third Punic Carthage ; and though it is equally clear that Mas- ^'^^ ' sinissa's late victory paved the way for the immediate execution of that project ; yet it is difficult to unravel the web, by which, long before the declaration of war now about to follow, treachery prepared the final scene of this great tragedy. Was the account that brought Cato at his return gave of the resuscitated power of ^j^j^"^^ ^''°' Carthage consonant to truth ? Was not the sudden Roman du. secession of Ariobarzanes, the grandson of Syphax, ^ '"^^' who was to have led a Numidian army to defend Carthage against Massinissa, previously arranged with Rome ? Was not the turbulent Gisgo, who first incited the populace to insult the Roman ambas- sadors, and then opportunely rescued them from the fury of the mob, in the pay of Rome ? These ques- tions give rise to suspicions, although they cannot satisfactorily be answered. At any rate, it may be said, that the conduct of Rome, after war had broken out, corroborates the suspicion. The whole history of the last period sufficiently proves, that it was not so much the debased character of the nation, as party spirit, and the avarice of the great, which produced the fell of Carthage. Advantage was taken of that party spirit and avarice by Roman policy, which, al- though acting according to the dictates of blind pas- sion, knew how to profit by dark and base intrigue. Third war with Rome and destruction of Carthage, 150 — 146. See hereafter the Roman history, Book V. Period II. parag. 19 sq. SECOND BOOK. History of the Persian Empire, from B. C. 560 — 330. From Cyrus TO Alex- ander. Original coiiditioa of the Per- sians Sources. Preservation of historic records among the Per- sians themselves under the form of royal annals ; origin and nature of those annals. As these have been destroyed, we are obliged to deduce the history from foreign writers, some of whom, however, availed themselves of the Persian annals. 1. Greeks: their authority as writers, contemporary, but not al- ways sufficiently acquainted with the East, (a) Ctesias. His court history, compiled from Persian annals, would be the prin- cipal work did we possess the whole ; we have, however, only an extract from it preserved by Photius. (b) Herodotus, who probably availed himself of similar sources in some portion of his work, (c) Xenophon. To this period of history be- long, not only his Anabasis and Hellenica, but also his Cyro- psedia, or portraiture of a happy empire and an accomplished ruler, according to eastern ideas, exhibited in the example of Cyrus : of use so far as pure historic records are interwoven with the narrative, (d) Diodorus, etc. 2. Jeivish writers. The books of Esdras and Nehebiiah ; and more particularly that of Esther, as containing a faithful representation of the Persian court and its manners. 3. The accounts of the later Persian chroniclers, ]\Iirkhond in particular, who flourished in the thirteenth century of the Christian era, can have no weight in the scale of criticism ; they are nevertheless interesting, in- asmuch as they make us acquainted with the ideas that the in- habitants of the East form of their early history. The modern authors on Persian history are principally those who have written on ancient history in general : see p. 2. A treatise on Persian history, deduced from eastern sources, will be found in the Ancient Universal History, vol. iv. Brissonius, de Regno Persarum, 1591, 8vo. A very la- borious compilation. The section concerning the Persians in f Heeren's Re- searches into the Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the Princi- pal Nations of Antiquity. [IVIalcolm, Sir John, History of Persia, from the earliest ages to the present times. Lond. 1816, 4to, 2 vols. "A valu- able work."] 1 . State of the Persian nation previous to Cyrus ; a highland people, subject to the Medes, dwelling in the mountainous parts of the province of Persis, and BOOK II.] PERSIANS. 'lis leading wholly, or for the most part, a nomad life. From Division into ten clans, among which that of the toAlex- Pasargad(E, the noblest and ruling horde, is parti- ander. cularly remarkable on account of the figure it makes ^he horde in subsequent history. — The result of this division ofthePa- was a patriarchal government, the vestiges of which ^^''s^'^^' remain visible in the whole of the following history of the Persians. Permanent distinction between the tribes in reference to their mode of life, observable even during the most flourishing period of the Per- sian state : three of the nobles or warriors, three of the husbandmen, and four of the shepherds. Argu- ment thence deduced, that the history of the Persians as a dominant nation, is that of the nobler clans alone, ^^^ the and of the Pasargad^ more especialli/. 2. The personal history of Cyrus, the founder of cvrls, the Persian monarchy, was, even in the time of He- oTn!rls-'° rodotus, so obscured under the veil of romance, tliat i^'i:'" '"'J it was no longer possible to detect the real truth. It Äslaüc con- is, however, evident, that the course of the revolution queio's ; wrought by him was, on the whole, the same as was followed in all simihir empires founded in Asia. Gengis-khan, in a later age, was placed at the head of all the Mogol hordes ; in the same manner was Cyrus elected chief of all tlie Persian tribes, by whose assistance he became a mighty conqueror, at the time founds the that the Babylonian and Median kingdoms of Inner phc^lüKHU ' Asia were on the decline, and before the Lydian ^- ^- ^^>^- empire under Croesus had been firmly established. Descent of Cyrus from the family of Achtemenes (Jamshid ?). That family belonged to the Pasargada) tribe, and therefore re- mained the ruling house. 3. Rise of the Persian dominion, in consequence oftheMe- of the overthrow of the Medo-Bactrian empire, after empire, de^ the defeat of Astyages at Pasargada. Rapid exten- stroyed sion by further conquest. Subjection of Asia Minor „f jj^g l ' after the victory won by Cyrus'in person over CrcE- «^jan em- sus, and capture of the Greek colonies by the gene- Asfatic rals of the Persian monarch. Conquest of Babylon Greeks and all the Babylonian provinces. The Phoenician abouTssT: 74 PERSIANS. [book II. From Cyrus TO Alex- ander. of Babylon, 538. Cyrus is slain in bat- tle with the Massagetse, .52y. The Per- sians adopt the religion, laws, and polity of the conquered Medes. Expedients adopted to keep pos- session of the con- quered ter- ritories. cities submit themselves of their own accord. Even in Cyrus's time, therefore, the frontiers of the Persian empire had been extended in Southern Asia to the Mediterranean, to the Oxus, and to the Indus ; but the campaign against the nomad races, inhabiting the steppes of Central Asia, was unsuccessful ; and Cyrus himself fell in the contest. It cannot be denied but that, in the narration of the separate wars waged by Cjrus, discrepancies are found in Herodotus and Ctesias ; those two authors, however, agree in the main facts : and, indeed, the differences wliich exist between them cannot be considered always as direct contradictions. 4. Immediate consequences of this great revolu- tion in respect both of the conquerors and the con- quered. Among the former, even in the time of Cy- rus, the civilization and luxury of tlie Medes, their legislation and national religion, and the sacei'dotal caste of the magi, who were guardians of that reli- gion, had been introduced, and the whole system of the Persian court had been remodelled upon that of the Medes. Description of Zoroaster's legislation, and of the Magian na- tional religion, according to the Zend-avesta. How far the dogmas of Zoroaster can be considered as dominant among the Persians ? — Proof that they were adopted only by the nobler tribes, more particularly the Pasargadaj. Their great and be- neficial influence on agriculture. AjsTQUetil du Perron, Zend-avesta, ouvrage de Zoroastre, traduit en Francois sur V original Zend. Paris, 1771, 4to. This work has been much improved by the critical discussions added to the German translation by J. L. Kleuker. Com- pare the dissertations on Zoroaster by Meiners and Tychsen, in Comment. Soc. Gotting. and Heeren's Researches, etc. vol. i. Hyde, De Religione veterum Persaruni; Oxon. 1700, 4to. Replete with learned research, and the first work that excited inquiry on the subject. f J. S. Rhode, Sacred Traditions of the East ; Breslau, 1821. An excellent work for the study of the Zend-avesta, the magian religion, and the antiquities of the Medes and Persians. 5. First political constitution of the Persian empire under Cyrus. No general new organization ; but for the most part the original institutions are pre- served among the conquered, who are compelled to pay tribute. Royal officers, appointed to collect the BOOK II.] PERSIANS. 75 tribute, are associated with the generals, who with ^^°^^ numerous armies keep in subjection the inhabitants to alex- of the conquered countries. For the support of the ^^^^^' empire large standing armies are kept in pay, besides Tribute. which, recourse is frequently had to the transplant- standing ing of whole nations ; while, as was the case with the Transfer of Jews, some who had been formerly transplanted are ^^^^°^^^ °^" restored to their country. With the same view in- junctions are issued, as in the case of the Lydians, to effect the enervation of warlike races by a luxurious and effeminate system of education. 6. Cyrus leaves two sons, the elder of whom, Cam- byses, succeeds as king ; the younger, Smerdis, (the Taniio.varces of Ctesias,) becomes independent lord of Bactria and the eastern territories ; but is soon after murdered by the command of his elder brother. 7. Under Cambyses the conquering arms of the Cambyses, Persians are directed against Africa. • Egypt be- ^522,^'^ comes a Persian province, and the neighbouring Li- conquers bya, together with Cyrene, assume the yoke of their Egjpt,etc. own accord. But the two-fold expedition against the opulent commercial establishments, Ammonium in the west, and Meroe in the south, is wholly un- successful ; that against Carthage is arrested in its commencement by the refusal of the Tyrians to join the naval armament. A colony of six thousand Egyptians is transplanted into Susiana. 8. The cruelty with which Cambyses is accused His policy of treating the Egyptians was directed rather against |" j'Jhe^*'"*" the powerful caste of the priests, than against the E^^yptian whole nation ; and originated more in political than ^"^^ in religious motives. It must be observed, how- ever, that we ought to be particularly on our guard his vices against all the evil that is related of Cambyses, inas- JIuch^eL much as our information respecting that prince is de- aggeraied. rived entirely from his enemies, the Egyptian priests. 9. The usurpation of the Pseudo-Smerdis, (or Usurpation Tanyoxarces^ was an attempt of the magi to replace ° ''^'"^s'- a Median dynasty on the throne, by means of a plot hatched within the seragho. It was the occasion of J^^'j,'?^^ an accident which cost Cambyses his life, after a reign 522. 76 PERSIANS. [book ii. From Cyrus of seven years and a half (or, accordino; to Ctesias, TO Alex- 01 eighteen). ^''"^'^- 10. The Pseudo-Smerdis kept his seat on the The false thronc eight months, during which he attempted to Smerdis, bring; over the conquered nations to his interest bv a a,it6r a. reiirn ," . . ^ • , of eight remission of all tribute for three years ; but the dis- ^a'hi^b^' the covery of his cheat gave rise to a conspiracy of seven seven gran- of the chicf Pcrsiaus, who could not brook the rule ^^^^' of a Mede, and the usurper lost his life. No progress H. It could not bc cxpccted that the political or- made to- p-Qnization of the kingdom should advance to com- wards ati o . • ^ n r^ i i i established plctiou clurmg tlic rcigu oi Cambyses, who was almost unTerTam! ^l^ays abscut iu the prosecution of war ; or during byses and the brief rulc of the Pseudo-Smerdis. It remained, therefore, in the same state as under Cyrus. But The Per- the iutroduction of the Median court-ceremonial siunshaving , ■.. ., r- i -n» • it i forsaken the amoug the rulmg tribe ot the Persians, and the adop- nomad life, ^[q^ ^f fixed dwellings by that tribe, rendered it ne- cessary that royal residences should be erected for Persepoiis the reccptiou of the king s court ; among these Per- 13 built. sepolis, (see above, p. 17,) probably commenced by Cyrus, was completed under Darius and Xerxes. The best drawings of the monuments of Persepohs, remark- able alike for their architecture, their sculpture, and their in- scriptions in the arrow-lieaded character, are to be found in the Travels of Chardin and Niebühr. Illustrations : f Herder's Persepoiis, in the collection of his works, vol. i. f Heeren's Researches, etc., vol. i. Great assistance in stu- dying the inscriptions, is furnished by De Sacy, Memoires sur diverses Anüquites de la Perse; Paris, 1793, 4to. It must be observed, however, that tliis work is confined to the illustration of the later monuments, belonging to the SassanidcB. The most sticcessful attempt at decijihering the arrow-headed inscriptions of the old Persic, since Tychsen, MuENTER, and Lichtensteln, will be found in f Grotefend, O71 the Interpretation of the Arroiv-headed Characters, particularly of the Inscriptions at Persepoiis, con- tained in the appendix to Heeren's Researches, etc. vol. ii. with an accompanying Zend alphabet, A^llG sgvgh grandees 12. Aftcr a vcry remarkable debate held by the cif on the' ^^"^^^ conspirators, concerning the form of govern- future form mcut which should be established, Darius, the son of m^u!'"'" tlystaspes, one of the family of the Achsemenides, BOOK u.] PERSIANS. 77 was raised to the throne by an oracle ; this king* en- From deavoured to strengthen his right to the sceptre by to alex- marrying two of Cyrus's daughters. ander. 13. The reign of Darius I., which lasted thirty-six j^^j^j^.^^ years, (according to Ctesias 31,) is remarkable for (022-486,) the improvements made both in the external and in- statesman ternal administration of the Persian empire. In the ^'"^ ^°^y former, by the great expeditions and conquests, which extended the Persian realm to its utmost limits ; in the latter, by several important institutions, estab- lished for the internal organization of the state. 14. The expeditions of the Persians under Cyrus, the first were directed against the countries of Asia ; those of that carries Cambyses, against Africa. But those undertaken by !"* ^"»^ Darius I. were directed against Europe, though the rope: Persian territory was at the same time extended in the two other quarters of the world. In the reign and is em- of this king likewise commenced those wars with the ^^^i^h^the Greeks, so fatal to the Persians ; constantly fomented European and supported by emigrant or exile Greeks, who found an asylum in the Persian court, and there con- trived to raise a party. — First example of the kind exhibited shortly after the accession of Darius, in the case of Syloson, brother to Polycrates, who had been tyrant of Samos : at his request the island was taken possession of by the Persians, and delivered up to him after the almost total destruction of the male po- pulation. 15. Great revolt in Babylon, which would not Babylon Re- submit tamely to a foreign yoke. After a siege of |'s''teduceli, twenty-one months, Darius by stratagem regains pos- b. c. sic. session of the city. The power of Babylon and the importance of its situation increased the jealousy with which it was guarded by the Persian kings ; so much so, that they were wont to reside there a certain por- tion of the year. 16. First great expedition of Darius undertaken Campaign against the Scythians inhabiting the lands north of scvthLnsJ the Black Sea : the former irruption of the Scythians 5i3. into Asia afforded a pretext for the war, which, there- fore, was considered as a general national under- 78 PERSIANS. [book ii. From taking. Unsuccessful as the Persian arms were in To^ Tlex- this vast expedition against the Scythians, and dis- ANDER. graceful as was the retreat from the barren steppes The Per-" ^f the Ukraiu, yet the power of Darius was estab- sians, lished in Thrace and Macedonia, and the Persians luecfifur obtained firm footing in Europe. establish themselves Concerning the peculiar character of the Persian national in Europe, ^^^^.g^ q^. gj-gat campaigns, in which all the conquered nations were obliged to participate, contrasted with the other wars waged by Persian troops alone. Campaign 17. The uext expedition made by Darius was more against succcssful. It was Carried on along the banks of the India, 509 : Indus, down whicli river Scylax, a Greek, had pre- viously sailed on a voyage of discovery. The high- lands north of the Indus were then subjected to the Persian dominion, and the Indus became the bound- ary of the kingdom. About the same time that Darius was engaged on the Danube and the Indus, Aryandes, his viceroy in Egypt, led an expedition against agaiust Barca, to avenge the murder of king Arce- AfricV" silaus ; a war which terminated in the destruction of the city, and the transplantation of its inhabitants into Asia. Secession of 18. Howcvcr trifling the first occurrence which the Asiatic ^.jgg ^^ ^}-^g revolt of thc Asiatic Greeks, it was Greeks, o . . j B. c. .^ü2— much more important in its consequences. It was '^^^'' set I Ml foot by Aristagoras, lieutenant-governor of Miletus, who was secretly supported by his relation, the offended Histiseus, then resident at the Persian who, as- court. The share taken by the Athenians in this AtifeL^^fire rebellion, which led to the burning of Sardes, was saides,' the origin of the national hatred between Persia and ^^^' European Greece, and of the long series of wars but are that cnsucd. The confederates were this time de- «^«'"P'eteiy feated ; but the naval battle off the island of Lada, MiieTus° could hardly have had such a fatal result, had not the ^^^- league been previously corrupted by the craft and gold of Persia. Be that as it may, this war ended in the reduction of the lonians, and the destruction of Miletus, their flourishing capital ; a city which BOOK II.] PERSIANS, 79 in those days, together with Tyre and Carthage, en- ^kom grossed the trade of the world. to Alex- 19. First attack upon Greece, particularly Athens, ander. Darius, already enraged against the Athenians by j-j^g^ ^^^_ the firing of Sardes, is still forther instigated by the paign suggestions of the banished tyrant of Athens, Hip- ^e"ce, pias, the son of Pisistratus. This prince, who had fled to the Persian court, was evidently the animating spirit of the whole undertaking. Although the first ui^der Mar- attempt, made under the command of Mardonius, frustrated was thwarted by a tempest, yet the mighty expedi- ^^'^^^^J!°' tion which afterwards followed, was undertaken with Athos, 492. so much more prudence, and conducted with so second much knowledge of the country, that no one can fail campaign. to recognise the guiding hand of Hippias. Even the battle of Marathon, which seems to have been but a Battle of diversion on the side of the Persians, would not have sept! 29"' decided the war, had not the activity of Miltiades ^9"- defeated the principal design of the enemy upon Athens. 20. It may be said tliat Darius, by these foreign Progress of wars, debilitated the kingdom which he endeavoured [g^^ardsa"^ to extend ; tliis circumstance, however, it cannot be regular denied, increases the merit which he has of perfecting t^'n.^'*"' the internal organization of the empire. His reign constitutes precisely that period which must enter into the history of every nomad race that has at- tained to power, and is advancing towards political civilization ; a period at which it becomes visible that the nation is endeavouring to obtain a constitu- tion, however gradual the progress towards it. 21. Division of the empire into twenty satrapies, Division of and the imposition of a regular tribute on each. into'^srtJ',!«- This division at first depended solely on that of the p^^^- various tributary races, but from it gradually arose a geographic division, in which the ancient distinction of countries was for the most part preserved. Proofs that the division into satrapies was originally a mere arrangement for the civil government and collection of taxes, distinct from military poAver. Duties of the satraps. The at- tention they w^ere to pay to the cultivation and improvement of 80 PERSIANS. [book II. From the land ; to the collection of the imposts ; to the execution of Cyrus the royal commands relating to provincial affairs. An abuse of '^ander''^" ^^^^^ institution, at a later period, placed in the hands of these satraps the command also of the troops. — Various means of keep- ing the satraps in a state of dependence : royal secretaries ap- pointed for each, who were to be the first to receive the king's commands. — Periodical visits paid to the provinces by commis- sioners under the direct appointment of the king, or by the king himself accompanied with an army. — Establishment of couriers in every part of the empii-e, for the purpose of securing a safe and rapid communication Avith tlie provinces, as was the case also in the Mongol countries (not a regular post, however, the institution here alluded to being intended only for the court). Persian finances : the con- quered to support the conquerors. Art mili- tary. 22. The Persian finance continues to preserve those peculiarities which naturally result from the formation of an empire by a nomad race of con- querors, desirous of living at the expense of the con- quered, and under a despotic form of government. Collection of tribute, mostly in kind, for the support of the court and the armies ; and in precious metals, not coined, but in their raw state. Application of the treasure thus collected to- wards constituting a private chest for the king. Various other I'oyal imposts. — Mode of providing for the public expenditure by assignments on the revenues of one or several places. 23. Organization of the military system, conform- ably to the primitive state of the nation, and the ne- cessity now felt of keeping the conquered countries in subjection by means of standing armies. Military organization of the Persian nations, by means of a decimal division pervading the whole. — Royal troops cantoned in the open field, according to a certain division of the empire, or stationed as garrisons in the cities, and distinct from the en- campments. — Manner in which the troops were supported at the cost and by the taxes of the provinces. — Introduction of mercenaines and Greeks, more particularly among the Persians, and fatal consequences of that measure. Military household of the satraps and grandees. — Institution of a general conscrip- tion in national wars. Formation of the Persian navy, con- sisting of the Phcenician, and not unfrequently of the Asiatic Greek fleets. ThePersinn 24. From the time of Darius, the court of the seragiio°and kings of Pcrsia attained its complete form, and the the head- government soon after was wholly concentrated in tiiT'aiTOy° the seraglio. Yet the mode of life which the kings BOOK II.] PERSIANS. 81 led, surrounded by a court, taken principally if not f «om wholly from the tribe of the Pasargadee, and changing xo alex- their residence according to the revolutions of the ander. seasons, still preserved the traces of nomad origin. ~ Babylon, Susa, and Ecbatana, the usual residences ; Perse- polis, now used as a royal cemetery. The court supported by the most costly productions of each province ; hence arose the rigid ceremonial observed at the royal table. — Internal oi'gan- ization of the seraglio. — Influence of the eunuchs and queen- mothers on the government. 25. Already had Darius commenced preparations Revolt of to wreak his vengeance on Athens, when a revolution B°^(j'^'4yg . broke out in Egypt, and hindered him from prose- cuting his design. He died after nominating for his death of successor Xerxes I., grandson of Cyrus, and his eld- fgg""*' est son by a second wife, Atossa, whose influence over her husband was boundless. 26. Xerxes I. A prince educated in the seraglio, Xerxes i. who knew nothing beyond the art of representing the ^^^~'^'^-^ '• pomp of royalty. Subjection of Egypt, and severe recovers treatment of that country under the satrap Achae- ^^p^^^^: menes, brother to Xerxes. 27. Xerxes' famous expedition against Greece was 'eads a again the result of the cabals and intrigues of the ^„y^^ Greek exiles, the Pisistratidse, the soothsayer Ono- against macritus, the Thessalian princes or Aleuadae, who contrived to exert their influence on the king's mind, and to raise a party in their favour among the gran- dees. But the progress of the campaign showed that no Hippias was at the head of the invading army, al- though the Persian king did certainly succeed in his avowed object, the capture and destruction of Athens. Critique on the detailed account given by Herodotus of this expedition, as a national undertaking in which all the subju- gated nations were obliged to take a share. — Preparations which last for three years in the Persian empire ; league framed with Carthage for the subjection of the Sicilian Greeks, 483 — 481. The expedition itself in 480 ; over Asia Minor and the Helles- jKjnt, through Thrace and Macedonia. — Muster of the army and division of the troops according to nations at Doriscus ; the de- tailed description of which found in Herodotus, was most pro- bably boiTowed from some Persian document. — The pass of Thermopylae taken by treachery ; on the same day a n^'val en- G 82 PERSIANS. [book ii. From gagement off Artemisium. — Athens captured and burnt, Bat- Cyrus tle°of Salamis, Sept. 23, 480. Retreat of Xerxes ; an army of TO Alex- pj^j-gd y^en left behind, under the command of Mardonius. — ^^°^'^' Fruitless negotiations with tlie Athenians. — Second campaign ■ of Mardonius : he is routed at Plata.-«, Sept. 25, 479 ; and that event puts an end for ever to the Persian irruptions into Greece: on the same day the Persian army is defeated, and their fleet burnt at Mycale in Asia ]\Iinor. Persia now 28. The consequences of these repeated and un- obiigedtb guccessful expeditions, in wliich ahnost the whole concentrate tr ' li- • 1 i. T'U herforcesin population was engaged, must be selr-eviclent. ine Asia Minor. gj-^pjj,g ^.^g weakened and depopulated. The de- fensive war which the Persians for thirty years were obliged to maintain against the Greeks, who aimed at establishing the independence of their Asiatic coun- trynien, completely destroyed the balance of their power, by compelling them to transfer their forces to Asia Minor, the most distant western province of the empire. Policy of 29. Little as the Greeks had to fear from the Per- thePersians gj^^ amis, the daugcr with which they were now tiie Greeks, threatened was much more formidable, when the enemy began to adopt the system of bribing the chieftains of Greece ; a system which succeeded be- yond expectation in the first trial made of it with Pausanias, and perhaps was not wholly unsuccessful with Themistocles himself — But the Persians soon cimon fouud in Ciuiou an adversary who deprived them of Persia t^re"" the sovcrciguty of the sea ; who in one day destroyed sovereignty ]jq^\^ ([^q\i^ üeet and their army on the Eurymedon ; battle of tlie aud by the conquest of the Thracian Chersonese, di)TTo9 wrested from them the key of Europe. Bioödy ' 30. What little we know further concerning the deeds in the j,gjo-n of Xcrxcs, cousists in the intrig;ues of the se- i Grsi3.n SG- o ^ ^ ragiio : raglio, which now, through the machinations of Queen Amestris, became the theatre of all those horrors which are wont to be exhibited in such places, and Xerxes to which Xcrxcs himsclf at last fell a victim, in con- murdered. ggq^ence of the conspiracy of Artabanes and the eunuch Spamitres. Was Xerxes the Ahasuerus of the Jews ? — On the difference between the names of the Persian kings in Persian and Chal- BOOK II.] PERSIANS. 83 dee; not to be wondered at when we consider that they were From mere titles or surnames, assumed by the sovereigns after their Cyrus ■^ TO Alex- accession. ^^^^^_ 31. Artaxerxes L, surnamed Longimanus. In J^. ' consequence of the murder of his father and his elder xerxes, brother, in the conspiracy of Artabanes, this prince _!424. ascended the throne, but was unable to keep posses- sion of the sceptre without assassinating, in his turn, Artabanes. His reign, which lasted forty years, ex- durin- his ' ■ hibits the first symptoms of the decline of the empire, [.^'fn^h^'''' which this king, although possessed of many good decline, qualities, had not the talent or spirit to arrest. 32. At the very commencement of his reign re- Rebellions bellions are excited in the provinces ; in the mean "[„^g p™' while the war with Athens continues. Two battles are required to repress the insurrection of his brother Hystaspes in Bactria. 33. Second revolt of Egypt, excited by the Libyan Second sc- king, Inarus of Marea, in conjunction with the ^^gy°t^ "' Egyptian, Amyrtseus, and supported by an Athenian b.c. 463: fleet. Although the confederates did not make themselves masters of Memphis, they defeated the Persian army, commanded by the kings brother, Achsemenes, who lost his life in the battle; they were at last overpowered by MegabyzAis, satrap of Syria, and shut up, together with Inarus, in the town of Byblus. Inarus and his party were admitted to partly capitulation ; but Amyrtseus, having taken refuge in Hq^^"^' the morasses, continued to make head against the Persians. 34. The Grecian war takes, once more, an unfa- Persian vourable turn for the Persians : Cimon defeats the ^^m^de- enemy's fleet and army near Cyprus. The fear of feated by losing the whole of the island accordingly compels J^J"""' Artaxerxes I. to sign a treaty of peace with Athens, Disgraceful in which he recognises the independence of the Asi- 5!thensT'*^ atic Greeks, and agrees that his fleet shall not navi- 449. gate the iEgsean Sea, nor his troops approach within three days' march of the coast. 35. But the haughty and powerful MegabyzAis, J^^^^fJ^J^^"^^' enraged at the execution of Inarus, in violation of ample of a G 2 8-1 PERSIANS. [book ii. From the promise made by him to that prince, excites a TO Alex- rebelHon in Syria ; repeatedly defeats the royal ANDER, armies, and prescribes himself the conditions upon rebellious which hc will be reconciled to his sovereign. This satrap, was the first great example of a successful insur- ■ rection excited by one of the Persian satraps ; and chequered as were the subsequent fortunes of Mega- byzus, his party continued to subsist after his death in the persons of his sons. He possessed in the centre of the court a support in the dowager queen Amestris, and the reigning queen Amytis ; (both Death of notorious for their excesses ;) who kept Artaxerxes ^^r^axeixes, ^ -^ ^ constaut statc of tutelage to the hour of his death. Xeuxes ir. 36. Revolutions in the government now succeed each other with rapidity and violence. Xerxes IL, the only legitimate son aiid successor of Artaxerxes, is slain, after forty-five days' reign, by his bastard SoGDiANus. brother, Sogdianus ; the latter, in his turn, after a reign of six months, is deposed by another bastard brother, Ochus, who ascends the throne, and assumes the name of Darius II. Darius II. 37. Darius IL sumamed the bastard, or Notlius. " ~ ■ He reigns nineteen years, under the tutelage of his wife, Pary satis, and of three eunuchs, one of whom, Artoxares, even attempts to open a way to the throne. Rapid lie- but is put to death. In this period the decline of sü"e." ^'^ the state advances with hurried steps; partly by reason of the extinction of the legitimate royal line, partly by the increased practice of placing more than one province, together with the military command, in the hands of the same satrap. Although the re- peated insurrections of the satraps are repressed, the court, by the breach of faith to which it is obliged to have recourse, in order to succeed in its measures, exhibits to the world a convincing proof of its in- B.C.422. firmity. The revolt of Arsites, one of the king's brothers, who was supported by a son of Megabyzus, "^^^^ and that of Pisuthnes, satrap of Lydia, are quelled only by obtaining treacherous possession of their persons. BOOK II.] PERSIANS. 85 38. In consequence of the weak state of the em- ^rom pire, the fire, which had hitherto been smouldering to Alex- under the ashes, burst forth in Egypt. Amyrtseus, ander. who had remained till now in the morasses, issued forth, supported by the Egyptians; and the Persians Third revolt were again expelled the land. Obscure as the sub- 41^°^^'' sequent history may be, we see that the Persians were obliged to acknowledge, not only Amyrtaeus, but his successors. [See page 59.] 39. The Persians must have regarded it as a happy Peioponne- event, that the Peloponnesian war, kindled in Greece JouraWe to' during the reign of Artaxerxes, and protracted the Persian through the whole ofthat of Darius II., had prevent- ed the Greeks from unitedly falling upon Persia. It now became, and henceforward continued to be, the chief policy of the Persians to foment quarrels and wars between the Grecian republics, by siding at va- rious times with various parties ; and the mutual hatred of the Greeks rendered this game so easy, that Greece could hardly have escaped total destruction, had the Persian plans been always as wisely laid as they were by Tis>i;phernes ; and had not the caprice and jealousy of the satraps in Asia Minor generally had more effect than the commands of the court. Alliance of the Persians with Sparta, framed by Tissaphernes, 41 1 ; but in consequence of the policy of Alcibiades, and the artful principles of Tissaphernes, followed by no important re- sults, until the younger Cyrus, satrap of all Asia Minor, was by Lysander, 407, brought over to the Spartan interest. (See below, the Grecian history, Period III. parag. 23.) 40. Artaxerxes II., surnamed Mnemon. Although ^^^^a- this prince was the eldest son of Darius, his right to b^^SYus ' the throne might, according to the Persian ideas of "~^^^- succession, have appeared dubious, since his younger brother, Cyrus, had the advantage over him of being the first-born subsequent to the accession of his father. Relying on the support of his mother Parysatis, Cyrus, Anabasis of even without this claim to the throne, would, no doubt, ^'"*' have asserted his pretence to the sovereign power. It would have been, in all probability, a fortunate event for the Persian empire, had the fate of battle, 86 PERSIANS. [l300K II, From in the ensuing war between the two brothers, assigned TO Alex- the throne to him whom nature seems to have pointed ANDER. Q^j^i rjg ij^g fittest person. Weak reign of Arta- xerxes II, War with Sparta, B. C. 400. Agesilaus in Asia, 396—394. Peace of Antalcidas, 387. Policy of Persia in keeping on good terms with The.bes. War with History of this war according to Xenophon. Battle of Cu- naxa, in which Cyrus falls, 401. Retreat of the ten thousand Greek mercenaries in the service of Cyi'us, under the guidance of Xenophon. 41. During the whole of this reign, Artaxerxes, now firmly seated on the throne, remained under the tutelage of his mother, Parysatis, whose inveterate hatred against his wife, Statira, and against all who had any share in the death of lier darling son, Cyrus, converted the seraglio into a theatre of bloody deeds, such as can be conceived and committed only in similar places. 42, The insurrection and rout of Cyrus produced a corresponding change in the political relations be- tween the Persian court and Sparta; which, how- ever, were now determined, not so much by the will of the monarch himself, as by the satraps of Asia Minor, Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, of whose jea- lousy Sparta knew how to take advantao;e. The former, by his severity towards the Asiatic Greeks, who had supported the cause of Cyrus, excited a war with Sparta, in which he himself fell a victim. The death of the satrap is not, however, succeeded by tranquillity ; for Agesilaus commands in Asia, and threatens to overthrow the Persian throne itself. The policy of the Persians is shown by the war which they foment in Greece against Sparta : Conon is placed at the head of their fleet, and extricates Persia from her difficulties better than could have been done by her own generals ; in the peace of Antalcidas she herself dictates the terms, by which the Grecian colo- nies of Asia Minor, together with Cyprus and Clazo- mense, are again delivered into her possession. The rising power of Thebes under Epaminondas and Pe- lopidas, with whom Persia keeps up a friendly con- nexion, insures her from any future blow at the hands of the Spartans. — War for the possession of Cyprus BOOK II.] PERSIANS. 87 with Evagoras, who, however, by the subsequent J"^^^°^^ peace retains the sovereignty of Salamis. to Alex- 43. The war ap'ainst the Cadusii in the mountains ANDER. of Caucasus, proves that Artaxerxes II. was not fitted Evagoras of for mihtary command ; and his attempt to recover 3- P'"'"' Egypt from King Nectanebus I., which was defeated War with by the feud between Iphicrates and Artabazus, evinces t^he^Cadusii, that the most numerous Persian host could achieve Attempt to nothing without the assistance of Grecian troops and 5^^°pj'" Grecian generals. — It could hardly be expected that b!c. 374. an empire should endure much longer, when in the court all was ruled by the desire of revenge in the women ; when the political organization was already so corrupt, that the satraps waged war against each other ; and when those generals who gave any proof of talent received no better reward than that of Datames. 44. In fact, it seemed not unlikely that the Per- The succes- sian empire would fall asunder a little before the ji;'^^^^«^^^ death of Artaxerxes Mnemon. A quarrel about the Persia is succession arose in the court between the three legiti- ^almost mate sons of the king, the eldest of whom, Darius, produces was put to deatli : the standard of rebellion was erect- of'the^em-'' ed in the western half of the empire, and joined by ^^^'^ J^jJ^^l^ all the governors of Asia Minor and Syria, support- Anlxerxcl ed by Tachos, king of Egypt, to whose assistance the Spartans had sent Agesilaus. The insurrection. Rebellion however, was quelled in consequence of the treachery l^l^peUedTy of the chief leader, Orontes, who was bribed over to treachery, , ' 3G2. the court. 45. In the midst of these commotions died Arta- Arta- xerxes IL : his youngest son, Ochus, took possession ^i™'^,^ of the throne, and assumed the name of Artaxerxes 3G2— 338 ; III. This king conceived that he could not establish his power but by the total destruction of the royal family, numerous as it was. He was contemporary H^^^^J;^' with Philip of Macedon, in whom he soon found a phliip, the more formidable rival than any he could have met ^Jj^!;,;;},, with in his own family. the Great. 46. The new insurrection fomented by Artabazus tLo'^hiTsia in Asia Minor, was accompanied with success so long Minor, 88 PERSIANS. [book ii. From only as it was backed by the Tliebans ; but the re- TO Alex- ception which Artabazus met with at the hands of ^ANDER^ Phihp soon betrayed the secret intentions of the Ma- B. c. 358. cedonian king. Rebellion 47. But the cxtcnsivc rebelhon of the Phoenicians ofthePhffi^ and Cyprians in conjunction with Egypt, compelled nicians Cyprians, the king to undertake another expedition, which suc- ^^^' ceeded almost beyond expectation ; although in this case the object was again attained principally by treachery and by Grecian auxiliaries. Treachery of Mentor, the leader of the confederates ; the con- sequent capture and destruction of Sidon, followed by the sub- jection of Phoenicia, 356. Capture of Cyprus by Grecian troops, under the command of Phocion and the younger Evagoras, 354. Expedition of the king in person against Egypt ; victory of Pe- lusiura, won over King Nectanebus II., with the help of Grecian mercenaries. Egypt becomes, once more, a Persian province. The Per- 48. This restoration of the empire to its former oncri^ limits was followed by a period of tranquillity, the restored to result of forcc, as Mentor and the eunuch Bagoas, bouildT" holding the king in complete dependence, divided The king the kingdom, as it were, between themselves : until fhe^eimuc'if Bagoas was pleased, by poison, to remove Arta- Bagoas. xcrxcs out of his way. Bagoas 49. After the assassination of the royal family, Ba- Sron the' g'oas placcd on the throne the king's youngest and throne, but only surviviug son, Arces. Bagoas was desirous of makesaway rciguing in the name of that prince; but after the with him, lapse of two years, he found it necessary to depose him, and to substitute in his place a distant relation of the reigning family, Darius Codomannus, who commenced his reign by putting to death the wretch himself Darius HI. 50. DaHus III., Codomannus, not having been ^^^' educated, like his predecessors, in the seraglio, gave proof of virtues which entitled him to a better fate. His king- Attacked in the second year of his reign by Macedon, vaded'by agaiust which Persia had hitherto made no prepara- Aiexandei- tiou for resistancc, — unless, perhaps, the dagger which 334. ' pierced Philip was pointed by Persian hands, — Da- rius was unable at once to re-establish a kino-dom BOOK II.] PERSIANS. 89 which of itself was mouldering away. And yet, had From not death defeated the invasion of Macedonia by his xo^aTex- general, Memnon, it might have been matter of doubt ander. whether Alexander would ever have shone as the con- queror of Asia. — After the loss of two battles, in Alexander's which he fought in person, Darius III. fell a victim Jtabulhcd to the treachery of Bessus ; and the burning of Per- in Asia, sepolis made known to Asia that tlie realm of Persia was destroyed, and that the East must acknowledge a new lord and master. For the history of the war, see below : the history of Macedon. THIRD BOOK. HISTORY OF THE GRECIAN STATES. Geographical Outline. GREECE. Boundaries of Greece : its dimen- sions : physical advantages. Div Northern Greece. Thessaly, Greece is bounded on the north by the Cambu- nian mountains, which separate it from Macedonia ; on the south and east by the iEgaäan, on the west by the Ionian Sea. Greatest length from south to north = 220 geogr. miles, greatest breadth from west to east, = 140 geogr. miles. Superficial contents, = 29,600 square miles. — Principal rivers : the Peneus, which discharges its waters into the iEgeean, and the Achelous, which flows into the Ionian Sea. Advan- tages in respect to fertility, resulting from the mild- ness of the climate, between 37 — 40° N. lat. ; from the number of siuall streams ; from the qualities and variety of the soil, in which this country has been so much more blessed by nature than any other of simi- lar extent, that every branch of cultivation may be prosecuted equally and in conjunction. — Advantages in reference to navigation and commerce : situated in the vicinity of the three quarters of the woi-ld, on three sides washed by the sea, and by reason of its ir- regular, indented coast, abounding with commodious ports and havens. It may be divided into Northern Greece, from the north boundary to the chain of Qita and Pindus, between the Ambracian Gulf west, and the Maliac east. Central Greece, or Hellas, down to the isth- mus of Corinth : and the southern peninsula, or Pelo- ponnesus. Northern Greece comprises two countries ; Thes- saly east, Epirus west. 1. Thessaly, the largest and one of the most fruit- BOOK in ] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 91 ful of the Grecian countries. Length from north to Greece. south 60 geogr. miles ; breadth from west to east 64 geogr. miles. Rivers ; the Peneus, Apidanus, and several smaller streams. Mountains; Olympus, re- sidence of the fabulous gods, and Ossa in the north ; the chain of (Eta, Othrys, and Pindus in the south. Division into five provinces: 1. Estiaeotis : cities; Gomphi, Azorus. 2. Pelasgiotis : cities ; Larissa, Gonni, the vale of Tempe. 3. Thessaliotis : cities ; Pharsalus, etc. 4. Phthiotis : cities ; Pherae, etc. 5. The foreland of Magnesia, with a city of the same name. Other territories, such as Perrhsebia, etc. for instance, derived their names from the non-Greek races who inhabited them. 2. Epirus. Next to Thessaly, the largest, al- Ei.irus. though one of the least cultivated countries of Greece : 48 — 60 geogr. miles long, and the same in breadth. Divisions : Molossis ; city, Ambracia : Thesprotia ; city, Buthrotum ; in the interior, Dodona. Central Greece, or Hellas, comprises nine coun- Central , • Greece. tries. 1. Attica, a foreland, extending towards the south- Attica, east, and gradually diminishing. Length, 60 geogr. miles ; greatest breadth, 24 geogr. miles. Rivers ; Ilissus, Cephissus. Mountains ; Hymettus, Pente- licus, and the headland of Sunium. City ; Athens, with the harbours Piraeus, Phalereus, and Muny- chius ; in the other parts no towns, but hamlets, ^no^, such as Marathon, Eleusis, Decelea, etc. 2. Megaris, close to the isthmus of Corinth. The Mes,'ans. smallest of the Grecian countries; 16 geogr. miles long, and from 4 — 8 broad. City, Megara. 3. Bceotia, a mountainous and marshy country, Bceotia. 52 geogr. miles long, and from 28 — 32 broad. Rivers; Asopus, Ismenus, and several smaller streams. Mountains ; Helicon, Cytheron, etc. Lake ; Co- pais. — Bcjeotia was, of all the Grecian countries, that which contained the greatest number of cities, each having its own separate territory. Among these, the first in importance, and frequently mistress of the rest, was Thebes on the Ismenus. The others, Plataese, GRECIAN STATES. [book ]II. GREECE, Phocis. Lociis 1st and '2ud. Doris. jEtolia. Acarnania. Pelopon- nesus. Arcadia. Laconia. Tanagra, Thespise, Chseronea, Lebadea, Leuctra, and Orchomenns, are all celebrated in Grecian history. 4. Phocis, smaller than Attica ; 48 geogr, miles long, from 4 — 20 broad. River ; Cephissus. Moun- tain ; Parnassus. Cities ; Delphi, on Parnassus, with the celebrated oracle of Apollo ; Crissa, with the harbour of Cirrha, and, up the country, Elatea. The other cities are insignificant. 5, 6. The two countries called Locris. The east- ern on the Euripus, territory of the Locri Opuntii and Epicnemidii, is the lesser of the two ; being but little larger than Megaris. City ; Opus : pass, Thermopylae. The western Locris on the Corinth- ian Gulf, station of the Locri Ozola3, is from 20 — 24 geogr. miles long, and from 16 — 20 broad. Cities; Naupactus on the sea, Amphissa up the country. 7. The small country of Doris, or the Tetrapolis Dorica, on the south side of Mount CEta, from 8 — 12 geogr. miles long, and the same in breadth. 8. iEtolia, somewhat larger than Bceotia ; from 40 — 52 geogr. miles long, and from 28 — 32 broad ; but the least cultivated country of all. Rivers ; Achelous, which skirts Acarnania, and the Evenus. Cities ; Calydon, Thermus. 9. Acarnania, the most western country of Hel- las, 32 geogr. miles long, from 16 — 24 broad. River ; Achelous. Cities ; Argos Amphilochicum, and Stratus. The peninsula of Peloponnesus contains eight countries. 1. Arcadia, a mountainous country, abounding in pastures, and situate in the centre of the peninsula ; greatest length, 48 geogr. miles ; greatest breadth, 36 geogr. miles. Mountains ; Cyllene, Erymanthus, etc. Rivers ; Alpheus, Erymanthus, and several smaller streams. Lake : Styx. Cities ; Mantinea, Tegea, Orchomenus, Hersea, Psophis; subsequently Megalopolis, as a common capital. 2. Laconia, likewise mountainous. Greatest length, 66 geogr. miles ; greatest breadth, 36 geogr. miles. River ; Eurotas. Mountains ; Taygetus, and the BOOK III.] GEOGRAriilCAL OUTLINE. 93 headlands Malea and Tenarium. Cities ; Sparta on Greece. the Eurotas. Other places ; Amyclse, Sellasia, and ■ others of little importance. 3. Messenia, west of Laconia ; a more level and Messeuia. extremely fertile country, subject to the Spartans from B. C. 668. Greatest length, 28 geogr. miles : greatest breadth, 36 geogr. miles. City; Messene. Frontier places; Ithome and Ira: of the other places, Pylus (Navarino) and Methone are the most ce- lebrated. 4. Elis, with the small territory of Triphylia, on Eiis. the west of the Peloponnesus. Length, 60 geogr. miles : greatest breadth, 28 geogr. miles. Rivers ; Alpheus, Peneus, Sellis, and several smaller streams. Cities ; in the north, Elis, Cyllene, and Pylus : on the Alpheus, Pisa and the neighbouring town of Olympia: in Triphylia, a third Pylus. 5. Argolis, on the east side of the peninsula ; a ArgoUs, foreland opposite to Attica, with which it forms the Sinus Saronicus. Length, 64 geogr. miles : breadth, from 8 — 28 geogr. miles. Cities ; Argos, Mycenae, Epidaurus. Smaller but remarkable places; Nemea, Cynuria, Trcczen. 6. Achaia, originally Ionia, called likewise JEgia.- Achaia lus, comprises the north coast. Lengtli, 56 geogr. miles: breadth, from 12 — 24. It contains twelve cities, of which Dyme, Patrae, and Pellene, are the most important. 7. The little country of Sicyonia, 16 geogr. miles Sicyonia long, 8 broad, with the cities of Sicyon and Phlius. 8. The small territory of Corintli, of the same ex- Corinth, tent as the foregoing, adjoining the isthmus which connects Peloponnesus with the mainland. City ; Corinth, originally Ephyra, with the ports of Le- chaeum and Cenchrea^ ; the former on the Corinthian, the latter on the Saronic Gulf The Greek islands may be divided into three Islands. classes : those which lie immediately oft' the coasts, those which are collected in groups, and those which lie separate in the open sea. 1. Islands off" the coasts. Off the west coast in c/a/i.^^ 94 GRECIAN STATES. [eook hi. GREECE, the Ionian Sea : Corcyra, opposite Epims, 32 geogr. miles long, from 8 — 16 broad. City; Corcyra. A Leu?a?ia; Corinthian colony. Opposite Acarnania ; Leucadia, Cephaionia witli the city and headland of Leucas. — Cephalonia and Ithaca ; ^j. ggnie, Originally Scheria, with the cities of Same and Cephalonia. In the neighbourhood lies the small Zacynthus ; island of Ithaca. — Opposite Elis, Zacynthus. Off the Cythera ; south coast, Cythcra, with a town of the same name. ^gina and Oft" the cast coast, in the Saronic Gulf, ^gina and Salamis; Salamis. Opposite Bceotia, from which it is separ- Eubcea; atcd by the Strait named Euripus, Euboea, the most extensive of all; 76 geogr. miles long, from 12 — 16 geogr. miles broad. Cities ; Oreus, with the head- Scyathus, land of Artcmisium on the north, in the centre Chal- Thasus, ■ Ei-etria. Off Thessalv, Scyathus, and Halonesus. Imbrus, Sa- ' i mi t i o i i mothrace, Farther north, Ihasus, Imbrus, bamothrace, and l'j;"'°'' Lemnos. Grozips. 2. Clusters of islands in the ^gsean sea : the Cy- Cyciades cladcs and Sporades ; the former of which comprise and Spo- |.j^g western, the latter the eastern islands of the Archipelago. The most important among them are, Andros, Delos, Paros, Naxos, Melos, all with cities of the same names. Separate. 3. The morc extcnsivc separate islands: 1. Crete, Crete; 140 gcogT. milcs loug, from 24 — 40 broad. Moun- tain ; Ida. Cities ; C3^donia, Gortyna, Cnossus. 2. Cyprus. Cyprus, 120 geogr. miles long, from 20 — 80 broad. Cities ; Salamis, Paphos, Citium, and several smaller places. Concerning the principal Greek islands off the coast of Asia Minor, see above, p. 16. f Fr. Carl. Herm. Ejruse, GcograpJiico-Antiquarian de- lineation of ancient Greece and its Colonies, with reference to modern discoveries. Illustrated with maps and plates : first part, 1825. General Geography: second part, first division, 1826. Second division, 1827. Special Geography of Central Greece. A most minute and careful description of Greece, founded on modern discoveries. PERIOD i.l GREEKS. 96 FIRST PERIOD. Tlie most ancient traditional history, down to the Trojan war, about B. C. 1200 Sources : On the formation and progress of history among First the Greeks. Preliminary inquiry into the peculiarities of Gre- Period. cian mythology in an historical point of view, as comprising the most ancient history of the national tribes and heroes. A his- tory rich in itself, on account of the number of tribes and their leaders ; but embellished and altered in various ways by the poets, particularly the great early epic writers, and afterwards by the tragedians. — First advance of history from tradition, wrought by the logographi, especially those of the Ionian cities, HecatfEus, Pherecydes, etc., until Herodotus, so justly called the Father of History, raised it at once to such a lofty pitch of eminence. (Compare f The Historical Art of the Greeks, con- sidered in its lUse and Progress, by G. F, Creuzer ; 1803.) Nevertheless, in Herodotus, and even later writers, history con- tinued to savour of its origin ; and so far as the realm of tradi- tion extended, even Theopompus and Ephorus felt no disin- clination to borrow their materials from mythologists or poets. It need scarcely be observed, that in this first period the history is merely traditional. Among tlie moderns, the English have most successfully treated the subject of Grecian liistory : the principal works are : John Gillies, The History of Ancient Greece, its Colonies and Conquests, from the earliest accounts till the division of the Macedonian Empire in the East, including the history of litera- ture, philosophy, and the fine arts; London, 1786, 2 vols. 4to ; and WiLLLA3i MiTFORD, The History of Greece. London, 1784, 4 vols. 4to. Several new editions have since appeared. Trans- lated into German, Jena, 1800, sqq. by H. L. Eichstädt. INIit- ford is perhaps supei'ior in learning, copiousness, and solidity, but he certainly is greatly surpassed by Gillies in genius and taste ; and more especially in a proper conception of the spirit of antiquity. [Few English critics will here coincide with our author.] De Pauay, Recherches sur les Grecs, 1701, 2 vols, 8vo. Re- plete with partial views and hypotheses. f Heeren, Researches into the Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the most celebrated Nations of Antiquity. Many important inquiries on various portions of Grecian his- tory and antiquities will be found in the great collection, Gronovii Thesaurus Antiquitatum Grcecarum, 12 vols, folio. 96 GREEKS. [book hi. First Others are contained in the transactions of different learned Peuiod. societies, particularly in Mcmoires de TAcacUmie des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettres. Pai-is, 1709, sqq. 49 vols. 4to. Commentarii, (4 vols.) Commentarii novi, (8 vols.) Commen- tationes, (16 vols.) and Commentationes recentiores Societatis Scientiarum Gotting. (5 vols.) Early in- 1 . Althougli Greecc was originally inhabited by Gi^'^ce'*^ °^ several insignificant races, two principal tribes claim our attention, the Pelasgi and the Hellenes. Both probably were of Asiatic origin ; but the difference of their language characterized them as different Pelasgi. tribes. The Pelasgi were the first that extended their dominion in Greece. First seat of the Pelasgians in the Peloponnesus, under Ina- chus, about B. C. 1800. According to their own traditions, they made their first appearance in this quarter as uncultivated savages ; they must, however, at an early period, have made some progress towards civilization, since the most ancient states, Argos and Sicyon, owed their origin to them ; and to them, perhaps, with great probability, are attributed the remains of those most ancient monuments generally termed cyclojnan. — Extension of this tribe towards the north, particularly over Attica ; settlement in Thessaly under their leaders Achfeus, Phthius, and Pelasgus ; here they learned to apply themselves to agriculture, and remained for a hundred and fifty successive years; about 1700 — 1500. Hellenes: 2. The Hellenes, — Subsequently so called from Hellen, one of their chieftains, — originally the weaker of the two tribes, make their first appearance in Phocis, near Parnassus, under king Deucalion ; from descend whcucc they are driven by a flood. They migrate soutinvRid -^ Thessaly, and drive out the Pelaspi from that about B. C. . ^' TT n p i • i i 1550, territory. — Ihe Hellenes soon alter this become the the a°sclnd- "^^^^ powcrful I'acc ; and spreading over Greece, ant. expel the Pelasgi from almost every part. The latter tribe maintain their ground only in Arcadia, and the land of Dodona ; some of them migrate to Italy, others to Crete, and various islands. Hellenic 3. The Hellenic tribe is subdivided into four tribes. principal branches, the y^olians, lonians, Dorians, and Achceans, whicli continue afterwards to be dis- tinguished and separated by many peculiarities of speech, customs and political government. These PERIOD I. GREEKS. 97 four tribes, although they must not be considered as F'rst comprising all the slender ramifications of the nation, ^^^'°°' are derived by tradition from Deucalion's immediate posterity ; with whose personal history, therefore, the history of the tribes themselves and their migrations is interwoven. Tliis derivation of the tribes will be better understood by an inspection of the following genealogical table : DEUCALION. HELLEN. 1 A DOKUS. XUTHUS. 1 ^OLUS. 1 ACH^US. 1 ACH^ANS. ION. 1 lONIANS. 4. The gradual spread of the various branches of the Hellenic tribe over Greece was effected by several migrations, between B. C. 1500 — 1300; after which they preserved the settlements they had already ob- tahied until the later migration of the Dorians and Heraclidse, about 1100. Principal data for Ihe history of the separate tribes in this period. 1. ^OLUS follows his father Hellen into Phthiotis, which consequently remains the seat of the Cohans ; they spread from thence over western Greece, Acarnania, ^Etolia, Phocis, Lo- cris, Elis in the Peloponnesus, and likewise over the western islands. 2. DoRUS follows his father into Estiaeotis, the most ancient seat of the Dorians. They are driven from thence after the death of Dorus by the Perrhcebi ; spread over Macedonia and Crete ; part of the tribe return, cross Mount Q*^ta, and settle in the Tetrapolis Dorica, afterwards called Doris, where they remain until they migrate into Peloponnesus, under the guid- ance of the Heraclidse ; about 1100. (See below, p. 102.) 3. XuTHUS, expelled by his brothers, migrates to Athens, where he mai-ries Creusa, daughter of Erectheus, by whom he has sons, Ion and Acha;us. Ion and his tribe, driven out of Athens, settle in that part of Peloponnesus called iEgialus, a name which by them was converted into Ionia, and in later times exchanged for Achaia. The Achteans preserve their H 98 GREEKS. [book hi. First footing in Laconia and Argos, until the time of the Dorian PEnioD. migration. f L. D. HuELLMAN, £'ar/y Grecian Historij, 1814. Rich in original views and conjectures, beyond which the early history of nations seldom extends. f D. C. Otfried Mueller, History of the Hellenic Tribes and Cities, 1820, vol. i., containing Orchotnenus and the Minyce: vols. ii. iii., containing the Dorians, 1825. Colonies 5. Besides these original inhabitants, colonies at Greece"^ the Same early period came into Greece from civilized countries, from Egypt, Phoenicia, and Mysia. The settlements of these strangers occurred probably be- tween B. C. 1600—1400. Establishment in Attica of the colony of Cecrops, from Sais in Egypt, about 1550 ; in Argos, of the colony of Danaus, like- wise from Egypt, about 1500. — The colony of Cadmus, from Phoenicia, settles in Bojotia about 1550. — The colony of Pelops, from Mysia, settles in Argos about 1400. Progress of 6. The mythology of the Hellenes proves beyond among'the » doubt, that they were at first savages, like the Pe- Heiienes. lasgi, siucc they had to learn even the use of fire from Prometheus ; yet it is equally clear that they must, even in the earhest period, particularly from 1300 — 1200, when they had ceased to migrate, have made the first important steps towards the attainment of a certain degree of civilization. About the time of the Trojan war they appear to have been still barba- rians, though no longer savages. Was the 7. The origin and progress of this national organ- dvStion ization, and the influence wrought upon it by settlers of native or from foreign countries, are difficult subjects to deter- grow°th? mine. If we allow that Cecrops was the first who introduced marriage in Attica, and that agriculture and the cultivation of the olive were discovered in that country, it unquestionably follows, that the Hel- lenes were indebted to strangers for the foundation of domestic civilization. And when we consider that the families which subsequently held sway were de- scended directly from the most powerful of these strangers, their lasting influence can hardly be a mat- ter of doubt. It must, however, be observed, that what the Greeks borrowed from foreigners they pre- viously stamped with their own peculiar character, PERIOD I.] GREEKS. 99 SO that it became, as it were, the original property of firsi the nation. The question, therefore, is deprived of ^^'°° ' much of the importance which it assumes at the first glance. 8. The case was the same with regard to all the Hellenic branches of intellectual civilization, particularly re- rfvlS°from" ligion. That many deities and religious rites were foreigners. introduced into Greece from Egypt, Asia, and Thrace, and generally through Crete, hardly admits of a doubt ; but they did not therefore remain Egyptian, Asiatic, or Thracian ; they became Grecian gods. Hence it appears tliat the investigation of those rela- tions can hardly lead to any important conclusion. It is a fact, however, of the highest importance, that No sacer- whatever gods the Greeks adopted, no separate order i^ creecl! of priesthood was established among them, still less any caste laying claim to the exclusive possession of knowledge. Several traces, nevertheless, make it probable, that many of the most ancient sanctuaries were settlements of Egyptian, Pha>nician, or Cretan priests, who imported with them their own peculiar forms of worship. And notwithstanding this wor- ship consisted merely of outward ceremonies, many ideas and institutions which were attached to it, be- came, in this manner, the common property of the nation. 9. It was principally, therefore, by religion, tliat ^j'^'J^^J^J^ ."'^ the rude mind became in some degree polished. But it was the ancient minstrels, (aoiBol,) Orpheus, Linus, etc., who, by disseminating religious princi- ples, contributed so much towards abolishing revenge, and witli it the perpetual state of warfare which had hitherto distracted the country. These it was who in their mysteries contrived ni some measure to im- press the narrow circle of the initiated with the ad- vantages resulting from a civilized life. Sainte-Croix, Recherchrs sitr les Mysthcs du Paganisme ; Paris, 1765. Translated into German, with valuable observa- tions, by C. G. Lenz ; Gotha, 1790. 10. The influence of religion, through the medium of the ora- of oracles, especially those of Dodona and Delphi, '''^^^ H 2 100 GREEKS. [book hi. First was not less powerful. The two latter, with that of _J!!!^ Olympia, were, perhaps, originally ancient settlements of priests, such as have been already alluded to. The necessity of consulting these sanctuaries naturally led men to regard the oracles as the common property of the nation, to which every one should have access ; it followed therefore as an inevitable consequence, that the direction of affairs in which all were eno;aQ[ed, depended principally on those oracles. A. Van Dalen, De Oraculis Veterttm Ethnicorum Disser- tationes 6. Amstel. 1700. A very valuable work. A com- prehensive dissertation on the subject, however, is still want- ing : a portion of it is treated of in J. Groddek, De Oraculorum veterum, qua in Herodoti libris continentur, natura, commentatio ; Gotting. 1786. ofthereii- \\^ \i happened with Greece as with other coun- g^ous es 1- ^^.^^ ^ ^j^^ tender plant of civilization grew up under the shelter of the sanctuary. There the festivals were celebrated, and there the people assembled ; and there various tribes, who had hitherto been strangers to one another, met in peace, and con- versed on their common interests. Hence arose spontaneously the first idea of a law of nations, and those connexions which led to its development. Among these connexions, that of the Amphictyons at Delphi was the most important, and continued the longest : it is probable that it did not assume" its complete form till a later period ; yet it appears in early times to have adopted the principle, that none of the cities belonging to the league should be de- stroyed by the others. •fFR. WiLH. TiTTMANN, Upon the Amphicfi/onic League; 1812. A dissertation which gained the prize of the Academy of Sciences at Berlin. ofnaviga- 12. To religion must likewise be added naviga- tion, and the consequent intercourse which brought the nation into contact with strangers, and prepared it to receive civilization. It cannot be denied that the navigators continued long to be mere pirates ; «bout B. c. but as Minos of Crete cleared the sea of freebooters, the want of another state of things must have been felt long before. 1400. PERIOD I.] GREEKS. 101 13. In the mean time the chivalrous spirit of the First nation was graclually aroused ; and developed the first bloom of its youthful vigour in the heroic ages. Age of chi- An affection for extraordinary undertakings was ex- ''^^^'' cited ; and conducted the chieftains not only indi- vidually, but also in confederate bodies, beyond the limits of their father-land. These undertakino-s were o not only important in themselves, but their advan- tages were increased by their being preserved in the songs of their bards by means of a national poesy, such as no other people possessed, and such as con- tributed further to the development of the national genius. Expedition of the Argonauts to Colchis, some where about B. C. 12Ö0 ; war of the seven confederate princes against Thebes about 122Ö ; the town, liowever, was not taken initil the second attempt made by the sons ot" the chiefs (Epigoni) in 1215. 14. Thus every thing was now ripe for some great national undertaking of all the combined Hellenic nations ; and that object was attained in the war against Troy. The most important result of that Effects of expedition was the kindling; of one common national ^^^ Trojan r _ _ o _ _ war. spirit, — a spirit which, in spite of dissensions and feuds, was never wholly extinguished, and which must almost necessarily have arisen from an expedi- tion carried on in so distant a field, which lasted ten b.c. 1194 years, in which all were joined, and wliich was ~ crowned with such signal success. From the time of the Trojan war downwards the Hellenes always looked upon themselves as but one people. General view of the political state of Greece about the time of the Trojan war. — Division into several small states, the most powerful of which were Argos and ]\lycenic. — All those states were governed by hereditary chieftains or princes from a certain famili/, (kings, ßaaiXe'iQ,) who combined the offices of leaders in war and judges in peace. Their authority being more or less extended in proportion to the qualities they possessed, and par- ticularly to their valour in battle. — Manner of life among the people : a nation dwelling in cities, but at the same time culti- vating the land and tending cattle ; applying also to war, and already somewhat ad\anced in the art of navigation. A. AV. Schlegel, De Geographia Ilomeri Commcntatio. Ilannov. 1788. A review of the political geography of Greece at this period. — On the topography of Tro3^ First Period. 102 GREEKS. [book III. Lechevalier, Description de la Plaine de Troie. Trans- lated and accompanied with notes by Heyne, Leipzig, 1794. Compare Claeke, Travels, vol. i. c. 4 — 6, wlio has thrown doubts on the system of Lechevalier, which has, however, been again confirmed by Leake, Travels in Asia Minor. SECOND PERIOD. From the Trojan war to the hreakinq out of the Persian war, B. C. 1200—500. Second Sources. On no portion of the Grecian history is our in- Period. formation so scanty as upon this long period, in which we can be hardly said to have more than a general knowledge of many of the most important events. As in the foregoing period, its commencement is but a traditional and poetical history. It was not till towards the end of it that the use of writing became common among the Greeks ; add to which, the period itself was not rife in great national undertakings, such as might af- ford appropriate materials for the poet or historian. Besides the scattered information which may be gathei'ed from Hero- dotus, Plutarch, Strabo, and above all from the introduction to Thucydides' history, Pausanias must not be forgotten ; who, in his description of Greece, has preserved an abundance of most valuable documents relating to the separate histories of the minor states. The books of Diodorus belonging to this period are lost. I Fr. Wilhelm Tittmann, Delineation of the Grecian Forms of Government, 1822. An industrious collection of all the information we possess respecting this subject. •{• W. Wachsmuth, Grecian Antiquities with regard to Poli- tics, 4 vols. All excellent work. Return of THE HeRA- CLID^ : about B. C. 1100. 1, History of the Hellenic states within Greece. 1. The Trojan war was followed by a very stormy period, in consequence of the many disorders preva- lent in the ruling families, especially in that of Pe- lops. But more violent commotions soon arose, caused by the attempts of the rude tribes of the north, particularly of the Dorians combined with the MlIo- lians, who, under the guidance of the descendants of Hercules, exiled from Argos, strove to obtain posses- sion of Peloponnesus. Those commotions shook PERIOD ii] GREEKS. 103 Greece during a whole century, and as the seats of Second most of the Hellenic tribes were then changed, the ^^^^'^°- consequences were lasting and important. First unsuccessful attempt under Hyllus, son of Hercules, about 1180. — Repeated attempts, until at last the claims of the Heraclidje are made good by the grandsons of Hyllus, viz. Te- lephus and Cresphontes, together with Eurysthenes and Pro- cles, sons of their brother Aristodemus, 1100. 2. Consequences resulting to the Peloponnesus Conse- from this migration. The territories of Argos, Sparta, Jh^at^great^ Messene, and Corinth, wrested from the Achseans revolution. who had hitherto inhabited them, become the pro- perty of the Dorians ; Elis falls to the share of the ^tolians, who had accompanied the former. The Achaeans expelled, in their turn expel the lonians, and settle in the country since called Achaia ; the fugitive lonians are received by their ancient kins- men the Athenians. — But among the consequences of this migration of the Hellenic races must be reck- oned likewise the establishment of Greek colonies in Colonies Asia Minor; an occurrence of the highest import- ^^"'^'°'^^'^' ance to the ulterior development of the nation. This colonization was commenced by the iEolian Hel- lenes, whose example was soon ; fter followed by the lonians, and even by the Dorians. For the history of these colonies, see the following section. 3. Although the effect of these migrations and Monarchies wars, in which the ruder tribes oppressed the more b^repub- civilized, must inevitably have been, not only to in- i'" terrupt the progress of civilization, but even almost entirely to annihilate it, yet in this universal move- ment the foundation was laid of that constitution of things which afterwards existed in Greece. The tribes which had migrated, as well as those which had been expelled, remained at first under the dominion of their hereditary princes, some for a longer, others for a shorter time. In the two centuries, however, immediately subsequent to the migrations, B. C. 1100 — 900, republican constitutions took the place of hereditary clanship in all the Grecian countries, 104 GREEKS. [book III. Second Peiuod. Origin of the small republics. the distant Epirus excepted. These repubHcs con- tinued to exist amid the various revolutions which happened ; and the love of political freedom, deeply impressed on the minds of the people, constituted from this time the principal feature in the national character. 4. The sequel proves, that the principal cause of this change so important for Greece, — this change, by which her future internal policy was for ever deter- mined, originated in the progress made by the newly- come tribes towards civic life, and consequently at the same time towards national civilization. In this new- ly-constituted order of things, each city, with the ter- ritory around it, formed a separate state, and framed its own constitution ; hence there arose as many free states as cities. The notion that Greece contained the same number of states as countries is completely false, although it cannot be denied that the mode of expression in most writings upon Greek his- tory seems to authorize the assertion. It is true that some of those countries, such as Attica, Megaris, Laconia, may be each regarded as a separate state, because each constituted the terri- tory of one city. The others, however, such as Arcadia, Boe- otia, etc., did not each form one state, but comprised as many separate states as there were free and independent cities, each of which, with its territory, formed one. Still, however, it must be observed, (a) that the natural ties of kindred subsist- ed ; Arcadians, Boeotians, etc. spoke of one another as country- men. (Ä) Voluntary connexions were entered into between different cities, and sometimes all the cities of a country, as, for instance, in Achaia, so that the whole formed one confeder- ation ; each individual city nevertheless still preserved its own system of laws and government. Again, (c) in consequence of a greater share of power, one city assumed a sort of dominion over the other ; as, for instance, that of Thebes over the Bcb- otian cities. Tliis dominion, however, was always precarious, and depended upon the state of affairs, (d) It must likewise be observed, that the constitution of each separate city under- went many changes, wrought generally by influential citizens, (tyrants,) who not only possessed themselves of the supreme power, but also contrived frequently to make it for some time hereditary in their families. Every one will easily discern that the above are the fundamental principles of Greek history, which cannot be too clearly conceived, or too correctly defined ; since it is self-evident what a wide field was by such a consti- tution of things thrown open to practical politics. The more PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 105 improbable the attainment of fixed constitutions in the separate Second cities was, the more frequent must have been the political at- Period. tempts ; (attempts facilitated by the narrow extent of the state ;) and the more frequently those attempts failed, the more exten- sive in this intellectual people became the mass of political ideas ; the results of which in later times were the legislative codes of Solon and others. 5. Although Greece was thus parcelled out into a unitjofthe number of small states, united by no common poli- ^"^^ gj J^* tical bond, yet there existed a certain unity of the Hellenic race, a certain national spirit : this was pro- duced in part by national festivals and games, occur- ring at stated periods, among which those in hon- our of Jupiter at Olympia were the chief The nation at these appeared in all its splendour ; and all Hellenes, but no others, were allowed to join in them. This union, too, was promoted by the extension of the Amphictyonic council : and the reason why this last institution was not followed by all the consequences which might have been expected from it, may per- haps be found in what naturally takes place in every great confederation whenever any of the component states become too powerful. The Amphictyonic council was certainly not a states-general, in which all national affairs were discussed. Its immediate office was to attend to the temples and the oracles of Delphi. But then it must be observed, 1st, that from this council ori- ginated the Grecian ideas of the law of nations ; over the pre- servation of which the Amphictyons watched. 2. In conse- quence of its political influence on the oracle, this council, in certain cases, was enabled to take a share in the affairs of dif- ferent states. 3. The Amphictyons always formed a national institution, since none but Hellenes were admitted. St. Croix, Des anciens gouvernemens fcdcratifs et de la le- gislation de Crete, Paris, 1796. One of the most invaluable in- quiries not only into the institutions of the Amphictyons, but also into other matters of Grecian history connected with them. 6. Among the diiferent states of Greece, Sparta Sparta and and Athens, even at this period, became celebrated, ^^ ^°^' not only for their greater power, but also for their superior constitutions and their laws ; and though it may not perhaps be strictly true, that the history of the rest of Greece is connected with that of these two 106 GREEKS. [book in. Second cities, vet thev certainly possess the highest claim to Period. -i" i- our attention. Conquests of the Do- Reyoiutions 7. Historj of Sparta. The Achseans at first were temmeuTof govcmed bj princcs of the house of Perseus, but Sparta. after Menelaus's accession to the throne in virtue of his wife, by princes of the house of Pelops. When the latter had been expelled by the Dorians, Laconia fell by lot to the sons of Aristodemus, Procles and 1100. Eurysthenes, between whose families the royal power was divided, so that two kings constantly reigned in common, one from each family. Families of the Proclidae and JEgidx. ; the latter so called from Agis, the sou and successor of Eurysthenes. f J. C. F. ]VIajs"so, An Essay on the History and Constitution of Sparta, Leipzig, 1800 sqq., 3 vols. The most important work upon this subject, and which likewise contains much in- formation upon various points of Grecian history connected with it. Cragius, De Republica Lacedcemoniorum, 1642. Meursius, De regno Laconico ; and Miscellanea Laconica. Both laboi'ious compilations. 8. The Dorians now gradually conquered, and established themselves in many cities of the penin- sula ; forming, if not the whole population, at least the only part of it that enjoyed any power, as the Achseans that remained were reduced to slavery. No long time, however, elapsed ere the city of Sparta usurped an authority over the whole country, which it ever afterwards preserved ; the other towns, for- merly considerable, becoming unfortified, defence- less, and insignificant. Relation between the Spartan citizens of the capital as a ruling body, and the Lacedaemonians, or ■n-eploiKoi, inhabitants of the country, as subjects who paid tribute and military service. Even in the time of Agis, the successor of Eurysthenes, this subjection was effected by force ; the inhabitants of Helos were made slaves, as a punishment for their opposition ; while the others, by the sacrifice of their political freedom, preserved their personal liberty, however confined it might be. Repeated 9. The histoiy of the two following centuries, to Spartans. ^ the time of Lycurgus, exhibits nothing but the re- peated wars of the Spartans with their neighbours the Argives ; their domestic broils, occasioned by the PERIOD II.] GREEKS. -••U» too unequal division of property, by the feuds, and ^^^°J^° the diminished power of the kings, and which lasted ^^L^ until Lycurgus, the uncle and guardian of the minor king, Charilaus, about the year 880, gave to Sparta that constitution to which she was principally in- debted for her subsequent splendour. Illustration of the principal features in the Spartan constitu- tion. Some preliminary observations are necessary. («) As the legislation of Lycurgus occurred at so early a period, and as his laws were not written, but conveyed in apophthegms, {pi)Tpai,) which were confirmed by the oracle of Delphi, many things of later origin have been attributed to Lycurgus. (b) Much that is rightly attributed to him was not original, but deduced from ancient Dorian institutions, which being now upon the decline, were re-establislied by force of law. Hence it follows, that the legislation of Lycurgus must naturally have had many points of resemblance with that of the Cretans, like- wise of Dorian origin, although much, as we are told, was di- rectly borrowed from them, (c) The principal object of the laws of Lycurgus was to insure the existence of Sparta by cre- ating and supporting a vigorous and uncorrupted race of men. Hence those laws had a more peculiar reference to private life and physical education, than to the constitution of the state, in which the legislator appears to have introduced but few alter- ations. In reference to the constitution : 1 . The relation which had hitherto existed between the Spartans as a dominant people, and the Lacedajmonians as subjects, was preserved. 2. The two kings, from the two ruling families, were likewise con- tinued, as leaders in war and first magistrates in peace. On the other hand, 3. to Lycurgus is attributed the institution of a senate, (yepovina,) consisting of twenty-eight members, none of whom could be less than sixty years old, who were to be chosen by the people for life, and were to constitute the king's council in public affairs. 4. "Whether the college of the five Ephori, annually chosen, was originally instituted by Lycurgus, or at some later period, is a question impossible to decide, but of little importance, since the great power of this college, to which every thing was finally referred as the highest tribunal of the state, was certainly assumed after the time of Lycurgus. 5. Besides the above, there were likewise the popular assemblies, convened accoi'ding to the division into (pvXac and w§aQ, at which none but Spartans could assist : their privileges extended no further than to approve or reject the measures proposed to them by the kings and the senate. Jn the laws relating to private life, Lycurgus aimed at mak- ing the Spartans a society of citizens, equal as far as possible with respect to their property and mode of life, and each deeply impressed with the conviction that he was the property of his 108 ' GREEKS. [book hi Second country, to which he was bound to yield an unconditional obe- Period. dience. Hence, 1. The new division of land, 9000 portions to the Spartans, and 30,000 to the Lacedtemonians ; permission being given to dispose of those portions by entail or gift, but not by sale. 2. The removal as far as possible of every species of luxury, particularly by means of the daily public tables {(Tvaai-ia) of all the citizens, according to their divisions, in which the commons were settled by law. 3. The complete organization of domestic society in relation both to husband and wife, parents and children, which was so framed as to further, even at the cost of morality, the grand political object, the pro- duction of vigorous and healthy citizens. 4. Hence, finally, the condition of the slaves, comprehended under the general name of helots, who, although they may be regarded nearly as serfs, were likewise the property of the state, which had the right of claiming their services in war. Easy, however, as it is to enu- merate thus generally the principal heads of the Spartan con- stitution, the want of sufficient documents renders it difficult and oftentimes impossible to answer a crowd of questions, which present themselves on our penetrating more deeply into the subject. Still, however, its long duration, (nearly four hun- dred years,) without any observable change, is more remark- able even than the constitution itself. More remarkable, inas- much as the Spartans soon after this time appear as conquerors. Indeed, it could no longer be expected that any durable peace should exist in Greece, while the centre of the country was oc- cupied by a military commonwealth, whose citizens must have been, by the restlessness common to man, impelled to war, since all the occupations of household life and of agriculture were left to the cai-e of slaves. Besides the works mentioned above, p. 95, Heyne, De Spartanorum repuhlica Judicium; inserted in Commentat. Soc. Gotting. vol. ix. Intended to correct the partial opinions of De Pauw. Wars of the 10. Soon after the time of Lycurgus, commenced Pebpon-''^ the war of the Spartans with their neighbours, the nesus. Argives, the Arcadians, but more particularly the Messenians. The wars with these last appear to have originated in an old grudge on the part of the Dorian tribe, proceeding from the unequal division of lands at the occupation of Peloponnesus : it is nevertheless evident, that the quarrel between the two nations was mainly fostered by the ambition of the Spartan kings, who wrought upon a superstitious multitude by oracular responses and interpretations. Unimportant wars with Tegea and Argos ; and disputes with Messene, 783—745. PBiiioD II.] GREEKS. 109 First Messenian war, 742 — 722, terminated by the capture Second of the frontier fortress Ithome, after the voluntary death of Period. the Messenian king, Aristoderaus. — The Messenians become tributary to the Spartans, and are obliged to give up one half of the revenues of their lands. — Occurrences during this war : 1. Institution, according to some authorities, of the college of Ephori as vicegerents of the kings in their absence, and arbi- trators in the quarrels which might arise between the kings and the senate. 2. The power of th'e people so far limited as to restrain the popular assemblies from making alterations in the resolutions proposed to them by the senate or the kings, and confining them merely to a vote of approval or rejection. 3. Insurrection of the Parthenii and Helots becomes the motive for sending out colonies ; a measure to which Sparta had more than once resorted for the purpose of maintaining domestic tranquillity. Second Messenian war, 682 — 668, waged by the Messenians under the command of their hero Aristomenes, by the Spartans under that of Tyrtteus, who fanned the flame of war until the contest was terminated by the capture of the strong town L-a. The Messenian territory is divided among the conquerors, and the conquered inhabitants become, like the helots, agricultural slaves. 11. Although the territory of the Spartans was Spartatakes greatly increased by these Messenian wars, the na- ^^mong the tion seems to have been a long time before it recovered Dorian from the struggle, and to have raised itself by slow steps to the first rank among the Dorian states, ex- tending its boundaries at the expense of the Argives and Arcadians. Wars with Tegea, for the most part unsuccessful ; and with Argos, for the possession of Thyrea and the island of Cythera ; by the accession of which the Spartan territory received an important augmentation, about 550. 12. These wars within Peloponnesus were not of f '"^t »'^fe'"- , . . ' ^ 111 lerence ot such a nature as to give rise to any remarkable sparta in chanp-es in the Spartan constitution, and for a lono; ^*''f 'ff '''''*"- time the nation reiused to take any share in foreign peninsula. affairs. But no sooner did King Cleomenes, who in the end procured the deposition of his colleague, Demaratus, interfere in the affairs of the Athenians, than the seeds of strife were sown between these two republics. The Persian war next ensued, in which Sparta was obliged to bear a part, although Cleo- menes had refused to participate in the insurrection no GREEKS. [BOOK HI. Second Period. History of Athens. of Aristagoras : that struggle, together with the idea of supremacy in Greece which now took its rise, introduced a series of pohtical relations before un- known. 13. The history of Athens during this period is rendered important rather by domestic revolutions, which gradually tended to convert the state into a republic, than by external aggrandizement. The situation and peculiarities of Attica, which rendered it less exposed than other parts of Greece to the at- tacks and forays of wandering hordes, favoured the gradual and tranquil growth of national prosperity ; the traces of which are incontestable, though it would be difficult for the most profound research to point out the whole course of its progress so perspicuously as the historian might wish. The history of Athens, of course, constitutes a main part of the works mentioned above, p. 95. Besides which, W. Young, The history of Athens politically and pMlosophi- cally considered. London, 1796, 4to. Ai'gumentation rather than history. CoRSiNi, Fasti Attici. Florent. 1747, 4 vols. 4to. A most careful chronological essay. 1. Period of kingly government down to 1068. The history of Athens as a state begins properly with Theseus, who suc- ceeded his father ^geus, about B. C. 1300. Although certain institutions, such as that of the Areopagus, the division of the people into nobles, (evTrarpicai,) husbandmen, (yednpyoi,) and mechanics (gjjjuioupyoi) : a division which recalls to our me- mory the Egyptian institution of castes, are perhaps of an ear- lier date, and may be ascribed to the colony of Cecrops. The- seus was, however, in some measure, the founder of the state, since, instead of the four districts, (2///jot,) hitherto inde- pendent of one another, he constituted the city of Athens as the only seat of government. Among his successors the atten- tion of the student is directed to Mnestheus, who fell before Troy ; and the last king, Codrus, who, by a voluntary sacri- fice of his Ufe, rescued Attica from the inroads of the Do- rians, 1068. 2. Period of archons for life, taken from the family of Codrus, thirteen of whom ruled ; 1068—752. The first was Medon, the last Alcmseon. These archons succeeded Hke the kings, by in- heritance, but were accountable for their administration (uTrtu- 0yj,oi). — At the commencement of this period occur the mi- grations of the lonians from Attica to Asia Minor, 1044. See below. PERIOD 11.] GREEKS, J-ii 3. Period of the decennial archons, seven of whom succeed- Second . ed between 752 — 682. These likewise were taken from the Period. family of Codrus. This period is devoid of any remarkable oc- currences. 4. Period extending to Solon, 682 — 594, that of nine archons yearly chosen, but so arranged that the prerogatives of the former kings, and the preceding archons, were divided among the three first of the nine. With respect to this, as well as to the other changes above mentioned, we know little of the causes which produced them, or of the manner in which they were brought about. Rise of an oppressive aristocracy, (like that of the patricians at Rome, immediately after the expulsion of the kings,) both the archons and the members of the Areopagus being elected only from noble families. First attempt at legis- lation by Draco, 622, which appears only to have consisted in a criminal code, rendered unavailing by its severity. — The in- surrection of Cylon, 598, in consequence of the manner in Avhich it was quelled, turned out most injurious to the aristo- cratical party, inasmuch as the nobles drew upon themselves the pollution of blood, which, even after the purification of Epimenides, 593, was long used as a pretext for commotion. The political factions of the Pcdia3i, of the Diacrii, and of the Parhali, produced an anarchy at Athens, during which the neighbouring IMegarians took possession of the island of Sala- mis ; a conquest which, however, was subsequently wrested from them by Solon. 14. From this state of anarchy Athens was rescued Soion's by Solon ; a man to whom not only Athens, but b?c.V94.' the whole human race are deeply indebted. He was chosen archon, and at the same time commissioned to remodel the constitution of Athens : and the suc- cessful manner in which he executed this task, laid the foundation of the happiness of his native country. Revieio of the j)rominent features in Solon^s legislation. Its main object was to abolish the oppressive aristocracy, without, however, introducing a pure democracy. 1. Pi'ovisional laws: abolition of the statutes of Draco, those against murder except- ed : law enacted for the relief of debtors, ((Ttio-axötm, nova3 ta- bulaä,) not so much by cancelling the debts as üy diminishing their amount by a rise in the value of money ; and likewise by insuring the personal liberty of the debtor. 2. Fundamental laws, both in reference to the constitution and in reference to private life and private rights. — Constitution of the state, (a) Organization of the people by means of divisions : according to property into four classes ; the Pentacosimedimni, or those who had a yearly income of 500 medinini ; the Equites, (tTTTrflc,) who had 400 ; the Zeugitae, who had 300 ; and tlie Thetes, (oa- pite censi,) wliose yearly revenue did not amount to so much. — 112 GREEKS. [book hi. Second The ancient divisions according to heads, into wards, ((pvXai,) Period, ^f which there were four, and according to residence into demi, (hundreds,) of which a hundred and seventy are enumerated, were preserved, {b) None but citizens of the three first classes could fill all the offices of state ; but all were admitted to the popular assemblies, and had a right of voting in the courts of judicature, (c) The nine archons annually chosen, who acted as supreme magistrates, although not permitted to assume mili- tary office at the same time, remained at the head of the state ; the first bearing the name of ettwi'v/ioc, the second of ßaaiXsvc, the third of TroXefiap^oc, the remaining six that of defffxodirai. Combined with the archons was (d) The council, (ßovXi),) which consisted of a body of four hundred persons annually taken from the three first classes of citizens ; (a hundred from each ward ;) these were chosen by lot, but were obliged to submit to a rigid examination (^oKi/xao-ta) before they entered upon office. The archons were obliged to consult the four hundred on every occurrence ; and nothing could be carried down to the commons until it had been previously debated in this council, (e) To the people, consisting of the whole four classes, was reserved the right in its assemblies (tVxXr/crtai) of confirming the laws, of electing the magistrates, of debating all public aflTairs referred to them by the council, and likewise the public distribution of justice. (/) The Areopagus was, according to Solon's plan, to be the main buttress of the constitution ; that tribunal had hi- therto been a mere tool in the hands of the aristocracy. It was composed of retired archons, and remained not only the su- preme tribunal in capital cases, but likewise was charged with the superintendence of morals, with the censorship upon the conduct of the archons who went out of office, and had the pre- rogative of amending or rescinding the measures that had been approved of by the commons. The power of this court, which might easily have become equal to the college of Ephori at Sparta, might at first have been supposed too extensive, had not experience shown the fatal consequences of the reduction of that power by Pericles. This alloy of aristocracy and demo- cracy certainly gives proof of a deep insight into the nature of republican constitutions ; but Solon is not less entitled to praise for his endeavours to place the helm of government in the hands only of the most enlightened and prudent citizens. It must likewise be observed, that the code for private life given by Solon, exhibits the genius of a man who regarded polity as sub- ordinate to morals, and not, like Lycurgus, morals as subordinate to polity. Sam. Petitus, De Legibus Attieis, 1635, fol. The best com- pilation and illustration of the fragments remaining of the Attic law. Chr. Bunsen, De jure Atheniensium hereditaria, ex Isceo ccBterisque oratoribus Grcecis ducto, Goett. 1812. The law of inheritance was a principal feature in Solon's legislation ; the explanation of it requires a profound acquaintance with the PERIOD II. GREEKS. 113 constitution, so far as it was connected with government by Second clans or families. Period. An explanation of the Athenian constitution will be likewise found in the above-mentioned works of Tittmann, Kruse, and Wachsmuth. 15. The legislation of Solon, like all other state Tyranny reforms, was not followed by the total extinction of !^^^^.^''^^'''^ ' . . _ 111 ^^ Athens party spirit. It was natural that the commons, now by Pisistra- free, should wish to try their strength with the aris- *"*' tocratical party, and that, after the defeat of the lat- ter, Pisistratus, who headed the commons, should grasp the rudder of the state without, therefore, ne- cessarily abrogating the constitution of Solon. Mo- dern history has proved with sufficient evidence, that the framework of a republic may easily subsist under the rule of a usurper. And would that no repub- lics might fall into the hands of a worse tyrant than Pisistratus ! First exaltation of Pisistratus, 561, procured by his obtaining a body guard ; flight of the AlcmaionidiB under IMegacles. Pi- sistratus expelled, 560. Second exaltation of Pisistratus pro- cured by his matrimonial connexion with the family of Megacles, 556 — 552. — His second expulsion by Megacles, 552 — 538. — His third exaltation ; obtains the power by force of arms, and preserves it to the day of his death, 538 — 528. Flight of the Alcmajonidaj into ]\Iacedonia, where they attach the malcon- tents to their party. Pisistratus is succeeded Ijy his sons Ilip- parchus and Hippias, who rule conjointly until 514, when the elder is murdered by Harraodius and Ari.stogiton. The exiled Alcma»nid;e, having bribed the Delpliian oracle, gain over the Spartans to their interest : backed by a Spartan army, they take possession of Athens in 510; Hippias is deposed, and flies over to the Persians. 16. This return of the Alcmaeonidse was followed changes in by a change in the constitution of Solon. Clisthenes, ft-J°Ho,;""' the son of Megacles, with a view of quenching party spirit by a new combination of the citizens, increased the number of wards to ten, and that of the members of the council to five hundred. — But the Athenians had to purchase the continuance of their freedom by a struggle with Sparta, who, united with the Boeo- tians and Chalcidians, and aided by i^gina, sought to re-establish monarchy in Attica ; first in the per- b. c. 527— son of Isagoras, the rival of Clisthenes, and after- ^"^ I 114 GREEKS. [book III. Second wards in that of the exiled Hippias. But the glori- ^^''^°°' ous success of the repubhc in this first struggle in the cause of liberty, gave an additional impulse to the national spirit. Impelled by that spirit, Athens suffered herself to be induced to share in the war of freedom carried on by the Asiatic Greeks under Aristagoras ; and the audacity which led to the firing 500. of Sardis, drew upon Attica the vengeance of the Persians, without which, doubtless, neither Athens nor Greece would ever have risen to that degree of eminence which they ultimately attained. 17. Of the history of the other states of Greece we have at best but few data, and even these in most instances are very scanty. Towards the end of this period Sparta and Athens had, undoubtedly, exalted themselves above the rest, and were recognised, one as the first among the Dorian, the latter as the first among the Ionian states ; yet did Sparta more than once meet with rivals in Messene, Argos, and Tegea : while Athens had to contend with Megara and ^gina. Sparta and Athens had, nevertheless, not only the best constitutions, but possessed also a more extended territory than any other of the great cities. History of the other Grecian states. Principal data for the history of the smaller states. I. Within the Peloponnesus. a. Arcadia. The Arcadian traditions enumerate a line of kings or hereditary princes, said to have ruled over the whole of Arcadia ; the line commences with Areas and his son Ly- caon, whose successors kept possession of the supreme power, and shared more or less in the ancient feuds of the Hellenic princes. Upon the conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians, Arcadia was the only land that did not suffer by the irruption : an advantage for which it was probably indebted more to its mountains, than to the skill of Cypselus its king. The suc- cessors of that prince took a part in the wars between the Mes- senians and Spartans, siding with the former ; but in the second Messenian war, the last Arcadian king, Aristocrates II., having betrayed his allies, was in consequence stoned to death by his subjects, and the regal dignity was abolished in 668. Arcadia now became divided into as many small states as it contained cities with their respective districts ; among these Tegea and PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 115 Mantineawere the chief, and probably held the others in a cer- Second tain state of control, without, however, depriving them Avholly Period. of their independence. As might have been expected in a pas- toral nation, the constitution was democratical. In Mantinea there were wardens of the people, (cr//itoupyot,) and a senate (ßovXii). The wars of separate cities are frequently mentioned, but no general confederation united them. I See A. VON Breitenbaucii, History of Arcadia, 1791. b. Argos. Even previously to the Dorian migration, the country of Aj'golis was parcelled out into several small king- doms, such as those of Argos, Mycenae, and Tiiyns. In Argos, the oldest Grecian state next to Sicyon, ruled the forefathers of Perseus, who exchanged the kingdom of his ancestors for Ti- ryns : here his successors continued to reign till the time of Hercules, whose sons, expelled by Eurystheus, sought an asy- lum among the Dorians. — In Mycenae, said to have been built by Perseus, the throne was occupied by the family of Pelops : and at the period of the Trojan war, this little state, to which Corinth and Sicyon then belonged, was the most powerful in Greece, and governed by Agamemnon, The migration into this country by Pelops, from Asia Minor, must have been at- tended with important consequences, since it has given a name to the whole peninsula: the object of Pelops, as we may infer from the riches he brought witli liim, was probably to establish a trading settlement. — At the Dorian conquest Argos fell to the share of Temenus, the Achaeans were expelled, and the country was peopled by Dorians. As early as the reign of Cisus, son of Temenus, the royal power was so limited, that the successors of that prince hanlly preserved any thing but tlie mere name : about 984 the regal dignity was wholly abrogated, and its place supplied by a republican constitution, concerning the domestic organization of which we know nothing more than tliat at Ar- gos the government was in the hands of a senate, [ßovXi],) of a college of eighty citizens, (o< oycuijKovra,) and of magistrates, who bore the name of aprvroi : in Epidaurus, however, there was a body of one hundred and eighty citizens who chose from among themselves the senate, the members of which were called apTvvoi. As in the other states of Greece, so in Argolis, there were as many independent states as there were cities ; in the north Argos, Mycente, and Tiryns ; in the south Epidaurus and Troczen. The two last preserved their independence ; but My- cenae was destroyed by the Argives in 425, and the inhabitants of Tiryns were forcibly transplanted to Argos. The district of Argos, therefore, comprised the northern portion of the country called Argolis ; but not the southern portion, which belonged to the towns situated therein. c. Corinth. In this place, previous to the time of the Dorian migration, the house of Sisyphus held the royal power ; and even at that early period Corinth is extolled by Homer for its wealth. The Dorians drove out the original inhabitants ; and Aletes, belonging to the race of Hercules, became king about I 2 116 GREEKS. [book ]ii. Second 1089 ; the posterity of that prince held the sceptre down to the Period, flfti^ generation. After the death of the last king, Telessus, 777, the family of the Bacchiadge, likewise a branch of the family of Hercules, took possession of the government, and in- troduced an oligarchy, electing annually from among themselves a Prytane. At last, in 657, Cypselus got the upper hand ; he Avas succeeded, 627, by his son Periander ; both father and son were equally conspicuous for their avarice and cruelty. Peri- ander {d. 587) was succeeded by his nephew Psammetichus, who reigned till 584, when the Corinthians asserted their free- dom. With regard to the internal organization of the repub- lic, little more is known than that there were at Corinth assem- blies of the commons and a senate {yepovaia) : the government appears to have been the aristocracy of a trading state ; for even the Bacchiad«, at least some of them, were merchants. — The Corinthian commerce consisted chiefly in the exchange of Asiatic and Italian goods, and thei-efore was mostly carried on by sea : for such a trade the city of Corinth offered many ad- vantages, particularly if Ave consider the state of navigation in those times ; but the sea trade of Corinth, however profitable to the citizens, and even to the state, in consequence of the cus- toms, cannot be considei-ed as very extensive. — The colonies of Corinth in the Avest Avere principally Corcyra, Epidamnus, Leucas, Syracuse ; in the east, Potida^a ; these colonies Avould fain have asserted a sort of independence, but never succeeded for any length of time in so doing. From the possession of these colonies, and from the necessity of protecting the trader from pirates, Corinth grcAv to be a naval power ; she invented triremes, and at the early date of 664 gave battle to the Corcyra^ans at sea. On the other hand, her wars by land were generally waged with the assistance of foreign subsidiaries ; and from the facility Avith which she was enabled to pay her mercenary troops, she was the more ready to interfere in the domestic Avars of Greece. d. Sicyon. Tradition represents this state, together Avith Ar- gos, as the most ancient in Greece ; the catalogues of early kings and princes, Avho are said to have reigned at this place, make it probable that in early antiquity some settlements of priests Avere made in this quarter. In the times previous to the migration of the Dorians, Sicyon was first inhabited by the loni- ans ; at the Trojan war, however, it made part of Agamem- non's kingdom. At the Dorian irruption, Phalces, son of Te- memis, took possession of Sicyon, which then became a Dorian city. After the abrogation of the kingship, the date of which is not precisely known, the constitution assumed the form of an uncurbed democracy, which, as usual, paved the way for the usurpation of one individual. Orthagoras and his posterity, the last and most celebrated of whom Avas Clisthenes, ruled over Sicyon during a whole century ; 700—600. After the restor- ation of her freedom, Sicyon frequently suffered from revolu- tions ; and the period of her highest splendour was during the PERIOD II.] GREEKS. in latter days of Greece, when she became a member of the Second Achgean league. Period. e. Achaia. During the spread of the Hellenes, this country, which till then had borne the name of ^gialus, Avas taken pos- session of by Ion, who had been expelled from Athens, and his tribe, who from their leader took the name of lonians : the country remained in the hands of the lonians until the Dorian migration, when the Achajans, driven out of Argos and Laconia, pressed into the northern parts of Peloponnesus under Tisa- menus, son of Orestes ; they settled in the land of the lonians, and the power of the chieftain descended to his posterity, until the tyranny of the last sovereign of that race, Gyges, (of date undetermined,) produced the abolition of monarchy. Achaia thereupon was parcelled into twelve small republics, or so many cities with their respective districts, each of which comprised seven or eight cantons. Al these republics liad democratic constitutions, and were mutually united by a league, founded on the most perfect equality, and which nothing but tiie policy of the Macedonian kings could dissolve ; and even this dissolu- tion gave rise to the Achcean league, of such high importance in subsequent times. The Achasans lived in peace and happi- ness, inasmuch as they had not the vanity, before the Pelopon- nesian war, to interfere in the affairs of foreign states ; their constitutions were so renowned, that tliey were adopted by se- veral other Grecian cities. f. EHs. The inhabitants in earher times bore the name of Epeans, which, like tiiat of P^lcans, was traced to one of their ancient kings. The names of their most ancient hereditary princes, Endymion, Epeus, Eleus, Augias, are celebrated by the poets. It appears that tliis country was divided into several small kingdoms since, at the period of the Trojan war it con- tained four, to which, however, must be added Pylus in Tri- phylia, a territory usually reckoned as belonging to Elis. At the epoch of the Dorian migration the vEtolians, who had ac- companied the Dorians, lieaded by their chieftain Oxylus, set- tled in Elis ; but permitted the ancient inhabitants to remain in the country. Among the successors of Oxylus was Iphitus, the contemporary of Lycurgus, and celebrated as the restorer of the Olympian games, to the celebration of which Elis was indebted for the tranquil splendour that distinguished her from this time ; her territory being regarded as sacred, although she had occasional disputes with her neighbours, the Arcadians, for precedence at the games. After the abolition of the royal power, supreme magistrates were chosen, to whose office was added the charge of superintending the games (Hellanodicaj). These magistrates were at first two ; they were afterwards in- creased to ten, one from each tribe, although their number fre- quently changed with that of the tribes themselves. There must likewise have been a senate, consisting of ninety per- sons who held their places for life, since Aristotle makes mention of that branch of the Elean constitution. The city of 118 GREEKS. [book hi. Second Elis was first built in 477, before which time the Eleans resided Period, in several small hamlets. II. Central Greece, or Hellas. a. Megaris. Until the epoch of the Dorian migration, this state generally formed part of the domain of the Attic kings ; or at least was governed by princes of that house. Immediately previous to that event, the Megarians, after the assassination of their last sovereign, Hyperion, placed the government in the hands of magistrates elected for stated periods. At the time of the Dorian irruption, under the reign of Codrus, Megara was occupied by Dorians, more especially those of Corinth, who con- sequently reckoned the city among their colonies, and during the sway of the BacchiadiB endeavoured to keep it in a state of dependency ; a circumstance which gave rise to several wars. Nevertheless Megara supported her rank as a separate state, both in those and many subsequent wars among the Greeks, in which she took a share both by sea and land. About the year 600, Theagenes, step-father of the Athenian Cylon, had pos- sessed himself of the supreme power ; after the expulsion ofthat tyrant, the republican constitution was once more restored, but soon after merged into the lowest species of democracy. Me- gara, however, even at the period of the Persian war, in which it took a glorious share, appears to have recovered the character of a well-ordered state, although we have no information re- specting its internal organization. b. Boeotia. History mentions several very early races in Boeotia, such as the Aones, Hyantes, etc. ; with these were mingled Phoenician emigrants, who had come into the country under the guidance of Cadmus. The stock of Cadmus became the ruling family, and remained so for a long time : the his- tory of his descendants, who were kings of Thebes, and com- prised under their dominion the greatest part of Boeotia, con- stitutes a main branch of Grecian mythology: among them were CEdipus, Laius, Eteocles, and Polynices. After the cap- ture of Thebes by the Epigoni, 1215, the Boeotians were ex- pelled by Thracian hordes, and settled at Arne in Thessaly ; at the time of the Dorian migration they returned to the land of their forefathers, and mingled with the iEolians of those quar- ters. Not long aftei-, upon the death of Xuthus, royalty was aboUshed, 1126. Boeotia was now divided into as many small states as it contained cities : of these, next to Thebes, the most eminent were the towns of Platzte, Thespias, Tanagra, and Chaäronea, each of which had its own separate district and pe- cuhar form of government ; but all those constitutions appear to have been commuted into oligarchies about the time of the Persian war. Such had been the case even with Thebes, al- though she had received as a legislator, Philolaus from Corinth ; but the code given by this individual cannot have been attended PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 119 with tlie desired effect, as the government was continually flue- Second tuating between a licentious democracy and an overbearino- Period, oligarchy. The Boeotian cities were, however, mutually united by a league, at the head of which stood Thebes, who gradually converted her right of precedence into a right of power, al- though her ambitious attempts were resisted to the last ex- tremity by the separate cities, and by Plat^ae in particular : hence sprung many wars. The general affiiirs were decided upon in four assemblies, (ßovXai,) held in the four districts into which Bceotia was divided ; these assemblies in conjunction elected eleven Boeotarchs, who stood at the head of the feder- ation as supreme magistrates and field marshals. The great extent and population of their territory might have enabled the Boeotians to act the first part on the theatre of Greece, had they not been impeded by their pernicious form of government, by the envy felt against Thebes, and by the want of union which naturally ensued. Yet in subsequent times the example of Epaminondas and Pelopidas gave proof that the genius of two men was sufficient to surmount all these obstacles. c. Phocis was originally ruled by kings descended, it is said, from Phocus, the leader of a colony from Corinth. The sove- reign power was abolished about the time of the Dorian migra- tion ; but the form of the republican constitution which succeed- ed remains undetermined ; and of the undertakings of the Phocians previous to the Persian invasion, we know nothing more than that they waged Avar with the The.ssalians, and were successful. As history never mentions the Phocians but in the aggregate, the whole territory must have formed but one inde- pendent state. To that state, however, the city of Delphi, which had its own constitution, did not belong : the city of Crissa with its fertile district, and the harbour of Cirrha, constituted a se- parate state, which became opulent by practising extortions upon the pilgrims to Delphi : this state lasted till 600, when, in consequence of the insults of the Crissasans to the Delphian oracle^ a war was proclaimed against them by the Amphictyons, which ended in 590, with the raising of Crissa ; the land of which was thenceforward added to the sacred glebe of Delphi. d. Locris. Although we learn from early history that the Locrians also had their kings, — among whom Ajax, the son of Oileus, is renowned in the Trojan war, — and that tliey likewise in subsequent times adopted a republican form of government ; yet the date of that revolution, and the manner in which it was brought about, are not known. The three tribes of Locrians remained politically distinct. The Locri Ozokv, west of Phocis, possessed the most extensive territory ; each city of which stood independent, though Amphissa is mentioned as the capital. Tiie country of tiie Locri Opuntii, eastward, consisted of the district appertaining to the city of Opus ; of their domestic organization, as well as that of their neighbours, the Locri Epicnemidii, we know nothing. e. iEtolia. The iEtolians remained the most rude and unci- 120 GREEKS. [book hi. Second vilized of all the Hellenic races ; they were little more than a Period, band of freebooters, and carried on their predatory excursions both by sea and land. Renowned as are the names of their earliest heroes, ^tolus, Peneus, Meleager, Diomede, the nation has no place in the history of the flourishing times of Greece. Nor did they acquire any celebrity until the Macedo-Roman period, when the various insignificant tribes of which they were composed gathered themselves together and chose one common leader, for the purpose of carrying on a war with the Achoeans. The earlier period of their history seems, however, to afford no previous example of such a union ; their political constitution in those times is wholly unknown. f. Acarnania. This country derived its name from Acarnan, son of Alcma3on, both of whom are adduced as its earliest kings. In the Trojan age it appears beyond a doubt, that some part at least of this country was subject to the governors of the island of Ithaca. When and how a republican government was intro- duced among the Acarnanians, and what were the peculiarities of that government, we know not. All that can be distin- guished through the veil of time is, that here likewise the dif- ferent cities, the most important of which was Stratus, had each its own form of government. Those cities upon particular emergencies were wont to combine ; and out of that practice in later times, during the Macedonian period, gi'ew up a perma- nent confederation. The city and district of Argos Amphilo- chicum constituted a separate state, which endured a long time, and flourished greatly ; it derived its name from Amphilochus, the founder. The inhabitants, however, being driven out by the Ambracians, whom they had themselves called in, sought assistance at the hands of the Acarnanians, who with the help of Athens, replaced the exiles in possession of their city, which thenceforward was inhabited in common by Amphilochians and Acarnanians, and was almost constantly engaged in war with Ambracia. III. Northern Greece. a. The importance of Thessaly in the earliest liistory of Greece, may be gathered fi-om the principal data enumerated above for the history of the Pelasgi and the Hellenes. From this country it was that the Hellenes proceeded and spread over Greece ; and here likewise they maintained their original seat. In the Trojan age Thessaly contained ten small kingdoms, go- verned by hereditary princes, several of whom, such as Achilles and Philoctetes, were among the most renowned heroes of the time. In the period subsequent to the Trojan war and the Dorian migration, Thessaly must have experienced political revolutions similar to those of the other Grecian countries ; but neither the time nor the manner in which those revolutions oc- curred can be ascertained. All that can be deduced from the PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 121 subsequent history is, that if the Thessalian cities ever did re- Second cover their political freedom, they were unable to maintain it ; Period. for in the two most eminent cities, Pherte and Larissa, with ' whose history that of the whole country is closely connected, the supreme power had fallen into the hands of arbitrary indi- viduals, who appear to have kept possession of it almost without interruption. Even before the breaking out of the Persian war, Larissa was under the rule of the Aleuadte ; a ftxmily who claimed descent from Hercules, and are especially denominated by Herodotus kings of the Thessalians. They preserved their power until the Macedonian period. — In Pheraa there arose about the year 380, a tyrant, by the name of Jason, who ex- tended his dominion not only over Thessaly, but likewise over several of the neighbouring barbarous tribes. The sceptre of Jason passed rapidly and successively into the hands of his three brothers, Polydorus, Polyphron, and Alexander. The last was first driven out of Larissa by the Aleuadje, assisted by the Macedonians ; was afterwards worsted in war by Pelopidas ; and fiinally, at the instigation of his wife Thebe, was murdered, 356, by her brothers, Lycophron and Tisiphonus. The two murderers then assumed the supreme power, but were, in com- pliance with the request of the Aleuada^, deposed by Philip of Macedon. — Some other such tyrants are met with at intervals in the rest of the Thessalian cities, such as Pharsalus, etc. b. Epirus. This country was occupied by several tribes, partly Greek and partly barbarian. The most powerful of these was that of the Molossi, who were governed by kings of the house of the iEacidae, descendants of Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles. This Greek family was the only one that held the kingly power for a permanency ; it must be observed however, that previous to the Älacedonian period, those sovereigns were by no means lords of the whole of Epirus ; for the other non- Ilellenic races, such as the Thesprotii, Orestii, etc., had their own separate kings. Moreover, the Corinthian colony of Am- bracia constituted a distinct state, generally governed as a re- public, although sometimes subject to the rule of tyrants. But in consequence of an alliance framed with the Macedonian kings, the whole of Epirus, and even Ambracia itself, was placed under the sceptre of the Molossian kings ; and some of those princes, Pyrrhus IL more especially, rose to be mighty conquei'ors. See below. IV. Grecian Islands. Both the islands off the coast of Greece, and those of the Archipelago, all underwent the same political revolutions as occurred in the states on the mainland. But those events did not take place till after the more ancient non-Hellenic inhabit- .ants, such as the Phoenicians, Cai'ians, etc., had been driven out, and the land had been taken possession of by the Hellenes. 122 GREEKS. [book hi. Second In the more extensive islands, which contained several cities, Period, there generally arose as many small republics as there were towns, and those little states were wont to enter into mutual alliances. The smaller islands, containing but one city, formed each one small independent state, the territory of which com- prised the whole island. The respective independence of these islands ceased to exist at the period of the Trojan war; for after the Athenians had by their success placed themselves at the head of confederate Greece, and possessed themselves of the sovereignty of the sea, these smaller states, although called confederates, were treated little better than subjects, except that their political constitutions were not changed. — Among the islands of the Grecian coast, the most remarkable in history are the following : a. Corcyra, a colony of Corinth, important for its naval power and trade, in which it rivalled the mother state itself ; a rivalry which occasioned many feuds and wars, and was even one of the principal motives that led to the Peloponnesian war. About the time this struggle began Corcyra had attained the height of her power, being able, without foreign aid, to man a fleet of 1^0 galleys. The constitution appears, as at Corinth, to have been aristocratic, or oligarchical : but after the Persian war a demo- cratic faction arose, which produced the most violent internal commotions, and ended in the total ruin of Corcyra. b. iEgina. This small island was, after the Dorian migra- tion, occupied by colonists from Epidaurus : it however soon shook off the yoke of the mother city, and rapidly grew by com- merce and navigation, to be one of the first Grecian states, ^gina was for a long time the rival of Athens ; over whom her naval power enabled her to maintain a superiority until the time of the Persian war. Humbled, however, by Themistocles, 485, she could no longer support herself against the preponder- ating influence of Athens ; and although subsequently she made another stand for independence, 458, the consequences were but an increase of oppression. Neither must it be forgotten, that ^gina suifered much, even before the Persian war, from in- ternal broils, caused by the bitterness of party spirit engendered between the aristocratic and democratic factions. C. O. MuELLEK, vEginetkorum liber, 1817. This treatise contains not only the political history, but likewise that of trade and arts. c. Euboea. The different cities of this island, Chalcis and Eretria in particular, had each its separate domestic constitu- tion : in the two towns above mentioned the constitution was aristocratic, since the government was in the hands of the opu- lent (Hippobatai) ; nevertheless we hear of tyrants in Chalcis. After the Persian war Euboea became dependent upon Athens, which drew from that island a portion of her supplies and pro- visions. The oppression of the Athenians stirred up the minds of the Eubffians to rebellion, and the islanders were in the se- quel ever ready to throw up their allegiance when a suitable PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 123 opportunity presented itself ; such an opportunity was seized Second in 446, when the island was recovered by Pericles ; and the Perioi,. attempt was renewed in the Peloponnesian war. d. The Cyclades were first colonized by Crete, during the reign of Minos. The Carian race had in earlier times spread over these islands, but were gradually driven out by Hellenic invaders, belonging principally to the Ionian and Dorian fami- lies. The most important was Delos, chief seat of the lonians. Sheltered under the protection of Apollo, this place became the centre of an extensive trade, and during the Persian war, 479, was selected for the treasury of Greece. Next was Paros, famed for its marble, and for the stand it made against Äliltiades, 489, although it afterwards shared the fate of the other islands, and passed under tlie dominion of the Athenians. We know little of the constitution of the other smaller islands ; each of them contained one city of the same name as the island which con- stituted its territory. e. Crete. The inhabitants of Crete were not pure Hellenes, but of alloyed origin, such as Curetes, Pelasgi, etc., mingled with whom were Hellenes, of the Dorian and ^olian stock. In the earlier periods, Crete had her kings, the most celebrated of whom were Minos, about 1300, probably first sovereign of the whole island ; his brother Rhadamanthus, Idomeneus, Me- riones, who followed Idomeneus to the Trojan war, and suc- ceeded him upon the throne : the last king, Etearchus, about 800, after whose death a republican form of government was introduced. Under these kings Crete was powerful on sea : to Minos is ascribed the honour of having by his fleets purged the -^gaean of pirates, occupied the islands, and insui'ed security to the mariner. To him likewise is attributed the Cretan legisla- tion, the model, it is said, of that given to Sparta by Lycurgus. But the uncertainty as to what does and what does not belong to Minos, is in this case even greater than in that of Lycurgus ; many of the laws referred to Minos are pi'obably nothing more than ancient Dorian institutions. The insular situation which in some measure insured Crete from foreign inroads, and the proximity of Egypt and Phoenicia, must indubitably have con- tributed to expand the germ of political civilization. The abo- lition of the kingly office seems to have been the effect of inter- nal commotions, to which Crete continued to be frequently exposed, even under a republican form of government. Those commotions originated in the jealousy between the two largest cities, Gortina and Cnossus, which, when united, ruled the rest ; but when at war, shook the whole island, until the city of Cy- donia, passing over to one of the sides, gave a turn to the ba- lance. The laws instituted by Älinos respecting private life were enforced in all the cities of the island ; but declined at an earlier period than in the country. Each city had its own con- stitution ; each possessed its senate, {ytpovma,) at the head of which were ten censors, (koo-yuoi,) chosen from certain families : these cosmi were not only prime magistrates, but likewise in- 124 GREEKS. [book hi. Second vested with the command in war, not often, it is true, waged by Period, ti^e Cretans against other nations, but, for that reason, more frequently with one another ; a circumstance which must have necessarily contributed to corrupt, not only their constitution, but likewise their national character. Meursii Creta, Rhodus, Cyprus, 1675, 4to. Very laborious compilations. New light, however, has been thrown upon the subject by the inscriptions published in Chishull's Antig. AsiaüccB ; 1728, folio. A work which has been made use of by St. Croix, Des anciens goiivernemens, etc. (See above, p. 105.) The principal work upon Crete. f C. HoECK, Crete. An attempt to explain the mytholog}', history, etc., of this island, 1823. f. Cyprus. This island, like Crete, was inhabited by a race of mixed origin, who, even in the time of Herodotus, traced their descent from Phoenicians, Africans, (Etliiopians,) from Greeks out of Ai'cadia, Attica, and the island of Salamis ; of which last the city of Salamis, founded by Teucer about 11 GO, was a colony. There can be no doubt, that in earlier times the Phoenicians were for a long period the dominant race in the island ; since in the flourishing days of Tyre the Cyprians rebelled against their oppressors, at the same time that Psalmanezer led an expedition against the former city, about 720 : moreover, even in the present day, Phoenician monuments are still found in the island. From that time to the Persian period, there appears to have been a close connexion between this island and the Phoenicians, although the Cyprians preserved their independence. Several smaller kingdoms afterwards ai'ose in various cities of the island ; the number of which in subsequent times amounted to nine, and under Amasis, about 550, were tributary to the Egyp- tians ; and under Cambyses, 525, to the Persians : notwith- standing this species of subjection, the various states preserved their own kings. During the Persian dominion, the Cyprians more than once joined in the insurrections against tlie Persians ; more particularly the kings of Salamis, now become the most powerful. So early as the year 500, Onesilus joined the Ionian rebels, but was defeated. In the wars which afterwards ensued between the Persians and Greeks, Cyprus was frequently at- tacked by the combined Grecian fleets ; as in 470 by Pausanias, and during the reign of Evagoras I., 449, by Cimon, who died at the siege of Citium ; yet the Persians were not driven out, but appear to have kept their footing even after the peace of 449. Among the subsequent kings of Salamis was Evagoras II., (400 — 390,) who was master of the greatest portion of the island ; but as in the peace of Antalcidas Cyprus was ceded to the Persians, he was obliged to wage a hot war against them, in which he lost every thing but Salamis. Finally, the Cyprians, in 356, took a part in the insurrection of the Phfcnicians and Egyptians : thereupon the Persians sent an army against them, under the command of a younger Evagoi'as, (who had been PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 125 banished by his uncle Protagoras,) and under that of the Athe- Second nian Phocion Salamis was besieged, but matters were made up Period. by a negotiation. The nine small kingdoms of the island con- " tinned to exist till the time of Alexander, whom they voluntarily joined during the siege of Tyre, 332, and thenceforward Cyprus constituted a part of the Macedonian monarchy. 2. History of the Grecian Colonies. To assist the student in obtaining a general view of the events connected with the Greek colonies, the history of them will be here carried on tlirough the subsequent period. Raoul Rociiette, Ilistoire critique de V t'tablissement des Colonies Grecques, Paris, 1815, 4 vols. The most compre- hensive treatise on the subject : it comprises tlie earlier Pelas- gian and the later Macedonian colonies, as well as those of the Hellenes. Tliere is much erudition displayed in this work, but sufficient attention is not paid to the value of the authorities made use of. f D. H. Hegewiscii, Geographic and Historic Documents relative to the Colonies of the Greeks, Altona, 1808, 8vo. A brief review of the subject. St. Croix, De Vttat et du sort des Colonies des anciens peu- ples, Paris, 1786. A series of valuable and important inquiries. 1. No nation of antiquity ever founded so many Historie colonies as the Greeks : these colonies became so of£''JJ"eek important in various respects, that an acquaintance colonies with them is indispensably requisite towards under- standing the more early history of the world. Not only is the history of the civilization of the mother country and that of early trade intimately connected with these settlements, but some of them grew to such power as to have the greatest influence on po- litical history. 2. The Grecian colonies, to which the following observations apply, are those founded by the Hel- lenes in the time which elapsed between the Dorian migration and the Macedonian period. It appears certain that before the date of that migration some Pelasgian, and perhaps even some Hellenic settlers passed over into Italy. The history of these colonies however is not only involved in obscurity, but it is besides known that they ceased after a time to be Greek. The later settlements of the Macedonians 126 GREEKS. [book III. Second Period. Hellenic colonies. Origin of these colo- Relations between colony and metropolis. were of a quite different nature from those of the Hellenes, to which we now allude. 3. The Hellenic race spread alike to the east and to the west of Greece, their settlements, however, were confined to the shores of the Mediterranean and Black Sea. The countries in which their prm- cipal colonies were established, were Asia Minor and Thrace in the East ; the coasts of Lower Italy and Sicily in the west. Nevertheless, particular settle- ments were to be found scattered here and there on the shores of most other countries. 4. The Grecian colonies had their origin either in political motives, being generally made in accordance with the express command or advice of an oracle, (for the propagation of the religion of the parent state was always connected therewith,) or, in com- mercial speculations ; the former was the case, almost without exception, with the settlements made by the mother country herself; the latter, with those which had branched out of such colonies as had already ex- alted themselves by their commerce. In fact, almost all the Grecian colonies applied more or less to trade, even when that was not the sole object of their foundation. 5. The connexion existing between the colonies and the mother cities was generally determined by the same causes that led to their foundation. In those cases where a city had been founded by mal- content or banished emigrants, all dependence on the mother country was naturally out of the ques- tion ; and even in the colonies established for the purposes of trade, that dependence was but feeble and brief; the mother cities failing in power, if not in will, to enforce it. The very independence of so many colonies, made (almost without exception) in countries pre-eminently favoured by nature in pro- ductions and climate, and so situated as to oblige the inhabitants to navigation and commerce, must have given a great impulse to the civilization of the Hel- lenic race, and may be regarded as the main cause of its rapid progress and wide extension ; wider in- PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 127 deed than that of any other nation of the ancient Second world. What a variety of pohtical ideas must have '^'"°°' been formed among a people, whose settlements, more than a hundred in number, had each its own peculiar form of government. 6. Of the Greek colonies, the most ancient, and importance in many respects the most important, were those l^■^^ Q,.ggjr along the western coast of Asia Minor, extending settlements. from the Hellespont to the boundary of Cilicia. Here, ever since the Trojan war, which first made these countries generally known, Hellenes of the three great families, Cohans, lonians, and Dorians, had planted settlements. These were the most im- portant for trade ; and here likewise in the native country of Homer, the father of Grecian civilization, of Alc9Bus, and of Sappho, poesy, both epic and lyric, expanded her first and fairest blossoms ; and hence, too, the mother country herself received the first im- pulse of moral and cultivated taste. 1. The ^olian colonies. Their original foundation dates about 1124: they appear to have been a consequence of the Dorian migration, having been established during that great movement in Greece. Tlie Pelopidte, who had been driven out of Peloponnesus, Orestes, his son Penthilus, his grandson Ar- chelaus, and his great grandson Grais, successively headed the emigrants, who proceeded slowly by land, divided, it appears, into several companies, with which some Boeotians and others gradually coalesced. In Asia they occupied the coasts of My- sia and Caria ; a strip of land which from thence derived the appellation of iEolis. They moreover possessed the islands of Lesbos, Tenedos, and the Hecatonnesi. On the mainland, in the quarter named from them iEolis, they erected twelve cities, the most eminent of which were Cyme and Smyrna ; the latter, however, afterwards fell into the hands of the lonians. But their chief settlements were on the island of Lesbos ; here they inhabited five cities, at the head of which, and likewise of all their other colonies, stood Mitylene. They had likewise spread inland as far as Mount Ida. All these towns were independent of one another, and possessed their own peculiar forms of go- vernment : our information, however, respecting these consti- tutions extends no further than to enable us to ascertain that they were subject to many disorders, which it was often at- tempted to quell by nominating rulers of unlimited power, un- der the title of iEsyranette. These were elected sometimes for a stipulated period, at others for life ; the most celebrated of the number was Pittacus of Mitylene, who flourished about 600, 128 GREEKS. [book hi. Second and was the contemporary of Sappho and Aleosus. The iEoli- Period. ans maintained their independence till the time of Cyrus, with the exception of Smyrna, which, as early as 600, was captured and destroyed by the Lydians, and not rebuilt till four hundred years afterwards, when it was restored by Antigonus, and en- tered upon its flourishing period. The cities of the mainland were compelled to acknowledge the supremacy of the Persian conqueror ; but not the islands. The -ZEolian cities were not leagued together by any permanent bond ; it was only in pecu- liar cases that they debated in common. Älitylene, which they all regarded as their capital, was the only one of their colonies that became rich by trade, and formidable by its naval power. Yet in 470 it was tributary to Athens ; having seceded in 428, at the time of the Peloponnesian war, it was recaptured and almost levelled to the earth by the Athenians. 2. The Ionian colonies. These were, no doubt, founded at a later period than those of the JEolians ; like them, however, they were a consequence of the Dorian migration. The lonians, driven out of Peloponnesus by the Acha^ans, had withdrawn to Athens, from whence, sixty years afterwards, that is to say about 1044, they pi-oceeded by sea to Asia, headed by Neleus and others of the sons of Codrus. They were joined, however, by some Thebans, Phocians, Eubcean Abantes, and various other Greeks. In Asia they settled on the southern coast of Lydia and the northern shore of Caria ; which, together with the islands of Samos and Chios, took from them the name of Ionia. Here they built twelve cities on tlie mainland ; namely, reckoning from north to south, Phoca^a, Erythra, Clazomene, Teos, Lebedus, Colophon, Ephesus, PHene, Myus^ Miletus, and in the islands, Samos and Chios. They possessed in common one sanctuary, the Panionium temple of Neptune, built on the headland of Mycale. Here they celebrated their festivals, and assembled to deliberate upon matters aifecting the general interest, although it must still be remembered that each city was in itself independent. This independence was maintained until the time of the Lydian dynasty of the Mermnadaj, and that of Cyrus, under whose reign they were compelled to sub- mit to the Persian yoke. Still, under the Persian rule, they for the most part preserved their own form of government, and were subject only so much as they had to pay tribute. Never- theless they seized every opportunity of delivering themselves from this species of thraldom ; and hence their history in the following period is closely interwoven with that of Greece. The political constitution was, no doubt, at an early period, re- publican in all ; but these colonies likewise were oppressed by continual factions, and frequently by tyrants. Among the towns situate on the continent, the most remarkable were Mile- tus, Ephesus, and Phoca;a. Miletyis_was the principal seat of trade. It had been founded by the Carians before the arrival of the lonians ; but was by the latter raised to opulence and power. The most flourishing period of its existence was be- PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 129 tween 700 — 500 : in the latter year it was implicated in the Second insurrection of Aristagoras against the Persians, in consequence Period. of which it was destroyed in 496. From that time Miletus never recovered its ancient splendour. Nevertheless, in the days of her prosperity, Äliletus Avas, next to Tyre and Carthao-e, the first emporium of the world. Her sea trade was chiefly carried on in the Euxine, and the Palus Maeotis, whose shores, on all sides, were occupied by her colonies, amounting, accord- ing to some authorities, to more than a hundred. By means of these settlements she monopolized the whole of the northern trade in pulse, dry fish, slaves, and furs. Her land trade was carried on by the great military road, constructed by tlie Per- sians, far into the interior of Asia. Four harbours admitted her vessels ; and her naval power was so great, that she had been known, more than once, to fit out, unaided, fleets of from eighty to a hundred sail. — PJiociKa. The flourishing period of this establishment was contemporary with that of Äliletus ; but ended at the rise of the Persian dominion, 540, when the Pho- ca3ans, rather than submit to the Persian yoke, chose to forsake the city of their fathers and migrate to Corsica, although one half of the inhabitants repented of their resolution and returned. Phociea had the most extensive trade by sea of all the Grecian cities ; they were to the west what the Milesians were to the north. Their navigation extended as far as Gades ; and they not only visited the coasts of Italy, Gaul, and Corsica, but even foumled colonies in these countries ; as for instance, Aleria in Corsica, Elea in Italy, and, above all, Massilea, (Marseilles,) on the coast ofGaul. — Fjghcsus. This city was likewise originally founded by the Carians, but subsequently occupied by the lonians. Its independence was maintained until the time of Croesus, who annexed it to his other conquests about 560, The constitution was aristocratic ; " the government being in the hands of a senate, (yepoviria,) combined with the magistrates {liriKXjjToi) : and the family which had once possessed the throne preserved certain prerogatives. Ephesus was not so important in a commercial point of view as Phocaja and Miletus ; but was much celebrated for its temple of Diana, which in 355 was fired by Erostratus, and afterwards rebuilt with more sumptuous splendour. The flourishing period of Ephesus appears to have commenced at this time, long after that of Miletus and Phoca?a had terminated ; for both in the Macedonian and Roman ages Ephesus was regarded as the first city of Asia Minor. — Of the cities on the islands, Samos was the most important, for its trade, and for its navaTpowcr. The period of its splendour was under the reign^öfHietyrant Polycrates, 540 — 523, whose sway extc^nded over the sea and islets of the neighbourhood. Syloson, brother to the tyrant, having by the assistance of the Persians, 517, obtained possession of Samos, the island was al- most depopulated. Soon afterwards Samos became dependent upon the Athenians, who in 440 introduced a democratic form of government, and made it the rendezvous for her troops and K 130 GREEKS. [book hi. Second fleets during the war with Sparta. — Chios was scarcely inferior Period, to Samos, either in power or wealth. It submitted to the Per- sian yoke with the rest of the Ionian colonies ; but was so pow- erful, that in 500, at the insurrection of Aristagoras, ninety-eight sail of the combined fleet belonged to Chios. After the defeat of Xerxes, 469, it entered into the Athenian league, from which it endeavoured to secede in the Peloponnesian wai-, 412. The naval power of the Chians was still considerable ; and those islanders had the high honour of not suflTering prosperity to in- flate them with overweening ambition. F. G. Rambach, De Mihto ej usque coloniis, 1790, 4to. 3. The Dorian colonies. These were situated in Asia Minor, upon the southern coast of Caria, and in ^he islands of Cos and Rhodes, but were all planted at a later period than the Ionian colonies, and, no doubt, were the result of successive migra- tions. The Dorians appear to have gradually spread beyond Peloponnesus, over the isl mds of the Archipelago to the Asiatic coast : in Rhodes they erected the cities of lalyssus, Camirus, and Lindus ; in Cos a city of the same name ; onlhe mainland two cities, Halicarhassus and Cnidus. These six ancient cokb=. nies had, like the lohians, one common sanctuary, the temple of Apollo Triopius, where they celebrated tlieii' festivals and held their deliberative assemblies. Haliearnassus, however, was afterwards excluded from the confederation. They remained independent until the Persian period, although the constitutions of the separate cities were subject to violent revolutions : thus at Cnidus the oligarchy was converted into a democracy ; Ha- liearnassus was likewise generally subject to the Carian sove- reigns, among whom Mausolus and Artemisia are names familiar to all. — The three cities in Rhodes appear never to have grown to any importance ; that of Rhodes, not built till after the ir- ruption of Xerxes into Greece, 480, soon eclipsed the others : its flourishing period began after the death of Alexander. At rno period of early history could the Dorian colonies, or those of the iEolians, compete in wealth and commerce with the lonians. 7. The shores of the Propontis, the Black vSea, and the Palus Meeotis, were hkewise covered with Grecian settlements. Nearly all these were colonies of the city of Miletus alone, and were, without ex- ception, all of them the marts of a prosperous trade. Although the date of each cannot be precisely de- fined, they must have arisen between the eighth and sixth centuries before the Christian era. They were not only sovereigns of the Black Sea, but likewise extended their trade over the whole of southern Rus- sia, and eastward to the regions beyond the Caspian Sea ; that is, to Great Bukharia. PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 131 On the Propontis stood Larapsacus (adjoining the Helles- Second pont) and Cyzicus, on an island connected with the continent Period. by means of bridges. The latter town certainly was one of the most beautiful and flourishing cities of Asia ; but this did not occur until the Roman age, and was in consequence of the fos- tering protection of the Romans. — Opposite to Cyzicus, on tlie Thracian coast, was Perinthus, subsequently called Heraclea ; at the mouth of the Thracian Bosporus stood Byzantium, over against which was Chalcedon. The pi-osperity of all these towns affords sufiicient proof of the skill with which sites were chosen for the establishment of colonies. Heyne, Antiquities Bijzantina : Commentationes duce, 1809. The first of which contains the fragments of the earlier history of Byzantium. The colonies of the Black Sea were : on the southern coast of Bithynia, Heraclea, in the territory of the Maryandini. This place preserved its republican constitution amid frequent broils and revolutions, brought about by the oligarchic and democratic factions, until about B. C. 370, wlien the democrats having gained the upper hand, a path was opened to Clearchus, who became tyrant, and abrogated the senate (ßovXi)) ; the family of the tyrant continued for a long time in possession of power, after he himself had been murdered by two disciples of Plato. — In Paphlagonia Avas Sinope, the most powerful of all the Grecian settlements on the Black Sea, of which it long held the sove- reignty. The freedom and independence of this place lasted to about 100, when it fell under the dominion of the kings of Pontus, and afterwards under that of the Romans. The prin- cipal source from which it derived its wealth were the shoals of migratory fish, (7r»j/\a/L/vo£e,) which, issuing from the Palus Ma3- otis, spread along the shore of the Black Sea down to the Thra- cian Bosporus. — In Pontus was Amisus, the mother city of Trapezus, and which shared the fate of Sinope. — On the east- ern coast stood the cities of Phasis, Dioscurias, and Phanagoria : this last was the principal mart of the slave trade, and, during the Macedonian period, the staple for Indian commodities im- ported across the Oxus and tlie Caspian Sea. — In the Cherso- nesus Taurica stood Panticapa^um, capital city of the little Grecian kingdom of Bosporus, whose kings (among whom Spartacus, about 439, and more especially Leucon, about 350, are celebrated) remained in alliance with Athens till Mithridates the Great laid there the foundation of his do- minion. — On the northern coast was the city of Tanais, on the mouth of a river of the same name at the bottom of the Palus Mteotis. Olbia was situated at the mouth of the Bo- rysthenes. These two places, and Olbia in particular, were of the highest importance for the inland trade, which issuing from thence in a northern and easterly direction, was extend- ed to the very centre of Asia. — The colonies of the western coast, such as ApoUonia, Tomi, and Salmidessus, were of less notoriety. K 2 132 GREEKS. [book hi. Second g. The coast of Thrace and Macedonia, washed ^^ERioD^ by the iEgaean Sea, was likewise covered with Gre- cian colonies, from various cities, and especially from Corinth and Athens. The Athenians having obtained in the Persian war the sovereignty of the sea, endea- voured to establish their dominion in this p'art of the world ; hence the cities in that quarter were closely implicated in the quarrels and wars excited, first by the jealousy between Sparta and Athens, and after- wards by that which sprang up between Athens and Macedonia, in the reign of Philip. On the Tln-acian coast of the Cliersonesus, regarded as the key of Europe, and ranging along the Hellespont, were the towns of Sestos, Cardia, and ^Egospotamos ; farther to the west stood Maronea and Abdera, the latter a colony of Teos. Of far greater importance, however, were the towns on the Mace- donian coast, Amphipolis, Chalcis, Olyntlius, Fotid:i;a. The first of these towns, founded about B. C. 464, was a colony from Athens, which endeavoured to keep it in a state of dependence. Chalcis was a colony from a city of the same name in Euboea. In 470 it was dependent on Athens ; but in 432, the inhabitants, having raised the standard of rebellion, forsook their houses and voluntarily withdrew to Olynthus. — Olyntlius derived its name from the founder, one of the sons of Hercules : in the course of time it ranked among the most powerful cities of Thrace, al- though it was tributary to the Athenians. It took a share in the war between Athens and Sparta, and continued to be a flourishing city until 348, when it was taken by Philip of Ma- cedon, and destroyed. — Potidasa was a colony of Corinth, from which it received annual magistrates, (ETricrj^utovpyot,) having be- come tributary to Athens after the Persian war, it revolted in 431 : obliged to yield to the Athenian arms, its inhabitants were expelled, and their place supplied by an Athenian colony. It now became a possession of Athens, and remained so till it was taken by Philip in 358. 9. The Grecian settlements westward of the mo- ther country were, almost without exception, made at a later period than those in the J^gsean and Black Seas : they reached nevertheless to an equal degree of splendour ; and though their trade was not so ex- tensive, it was equally profitable : these colonies not only rivalled those we have above described in wealth, but surpassed them in power, being generally cha- racterized by the wisdom and prudence displayed in their respective constitutions. The foundation of PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 133 most of them may be dated between B. C. 750 and Second 650 ; consequently at a period when all the cities in '^'^'° the mother country had already been republicanized : and at a time when there could be no lack of domes- tic troubles, which would furnish sufficient motives for emigration. 1. Grecian settlements in Lower Italy. The most numerous and important of these were scattered around the bay of Ta- rentum ; they extended likewise along the western coast of Italy up to Naples. These colonies were variously traced to the Dorian, Achivan, and Ionian families : they Avere likewise distinguished by political characteristics, the government in the Dorian settlements being generally more aristocratic, in tlierest more democratic : it must ha observed, however, that with re- spect to tlie various revolutions which the respective constitu- tions underwent, it is hardly possible to give any general inform- ation, excepting so far as regards the earliest times. Of Dorian origin were Tarentum, and its colonies Ileraclea and Brundu- sium. Of Acha;an origin were Sybaris and Croton, togetiier with the colonies of the latter, Laus, Metapontum, Posidonia ; which last founded in its turn, Tcrina, Caulonia, and Pandosia. Of Ionian origin were Thurii, (built on the site where Sybaris had formerly stood,) Rhegium, Elea, Cuma?, and its branch settlement of Neapolis. Locri Epizephyrii, a colony of the Locri Ozola^, may be regarded as an -^olian city. The most remarkable of tliese cities, in respect to general history, are: a. Tarentum, founded by tlie Parthenii, from Sparta, about 707. It waged several wars with the aboriginal tribes in the vicinity, the Älessapians, Lucanians, etc., and grew to be one of the richest and most powerful of the maritime towns. The brilliant ])eriod of Tarentum ap])eai's to have fallen between 500 and 400. Excess of wealtli subsequently introduced lux- ury, which extinguished the national spirit. Nevertheless Ta- rentum preserved its independence until 273, when, after the war witlx Pyrrhus, it fell under the Roman dominion. The constitution was originally a moderate aristocracy ; but was commuted soon after the Persian war into a democracy, which was, however, curbed by prudent restrictions. Tarentum had its senate, (ßov\t),) without who.se consent war could not be un- dertaken ; its magistrates elected half by lot, half by majority of votes given in the assemblies of the commons. Among its most celebrated citizens is reckoned the Pythagorasan Archytas, who, after the year B. C. 390, was frequently at the head of the state, filling the offices of general and supreme magistrate. The constitution appears to have preserved its form until the Roman period, althougli the national spirit was greatly corrupted by a luxury almost exceeding the limits of credibility. b. Croton, founded 710, by the Acha^ans, under the guidance of Myscellus from Rhype in Achaia. This city must have at- 134 GREEKS. [book hi. Second tained to very great power during the very first century of its Period, existence ; since in the battle of Sagra against the Locrians, ~ which may with probability be dated about 600, the Crotoniates were able to set on foot an army of 120,000 men. Neither does the defeat which they there suffered appear to have debilitated the settlement for any length of time ; for in 510, with nearly the same number of forces, they attacked the Sybarites, and de- stroyed their city. The original constitution was, no doubt, a moderate democracy ; but we are unacquainted with the details of its organization. Pythagoras was the reformer of customs, moral and political, not only at Croton, but in several other of the Italico-Greek cities. This philosopher arrived at Croton about 540, and there laid the foundation of the league or secret association named after him, tlie object of which was, not to chanf^e the form of government in the Italian cities, but to create men capable of managing the helm of state. This re- form and influence of the Pythagoreans lasted about thirty years, when their order underwent the same fate as generally befalls a secret association founded with a political view. Pro- bably about 510 the Pythagora^an league was broken asunder by the democratic faction under Cylon. The consequence was universal anarchy, not only in Croton, where, about 494, a certain Clinias usurped the supreme power, but likewise in the other cities : these disorders, however, were quelled by the intervention of the Achasans ; and the Acha?an colonies not only adopted the laws of their mother cities, but likewise soon afterwards signed a league in the temple of Jupiter Honorius, about 460 : it appears that Croton, having already recovered from the blow it had received, was at the head of this league. In this happy posture affairs remained till about 400. After the kings of Syracuse had commenced their attacks on Magna GrfEcia, Croton was repeatedly captured ; as in B. C. 389 by Dionysius I., and about 321 ; and again, in 299, by Agathocles. Finally, after the war with Pyrrhus, 277, it became dependent on Rome. c. Sybaris was founded about 720, like the foregoing, by the Acheans, who were mingled with Troezenians : this settlement existed till 510, when it was destroyed by Croton. Soon after its foundation it became one of the most extensive, populous, and luxurious cities, so much so, that the effeminacy of the Sy- barites became proverbial. Sybaris appears to have been at the height of her prosperity from about 600 — 550 ; she then pos- sessed a respectable territory, comprising four of the neighbour- ing tribes, and twenty-five cities or places. The extraordinary fertility of the soil, and the admission of all strangers to the rights of citizenship, tended to increase the population so much, tlmt Sybaris, in the war against Croton, is said to have brought into the field 300,000 men. The vast wealth possessed, not only by Sybaris, but by the other cities in this quarter, was probably derived from the great trade in oil and wine carried on with Africa and Gaul : that such was the case at Agrigen- PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 135 tum we know with certainty, The constitution of Sybaris was Second likewise, it appears, a moderate democracy : towards the year Period. 510 one Telys took possession of the supreme power, and drove out five hundred of the optimates, who fled to Croton. The Crotoniates received the exiles, and the Sybarites having put to death their ambassadors, a war was kindled between the two cities, and ended in 510 by the defeat of the Sybarites and the destruction of their city. d. Thurii, founded near the site of ancient Sybaris in 446 by Athens, although tlie inhabitants were of mixed origin ; a circumstance which gave rise at first to many domestic broils, the citizens disputing as to who was the real founder ; at last, 433, the Delphian oracle declared the city to be a colony of Apollo. The constitution was at first a moderate democracy ; but this was soon converted into an oligarchy, all the power and the best lands having been taken possession of by the Sybarite families who had joined the settlement. The Sybarites were, however, again expelled, and Thurii grew into importance by the confluence of several new colonies out of Greece ; its con- stitution was meliorated by the adoption of the laws of Charon- das of Catana. The principal enemies of the Thurians were the Lucanians, by whom tliey were beaten, 390. The desul- tory attacks of that tribe obliged them, 286, to crave the assist- ance of the Romans, which soon after afforded the Tarentines an excuse for attacking them. Thurii now formed a part of the Roman dependencies, and after suffering much in the Car- tliaginian wars, was at last, B. C. 190, occupied by a Roman colony. e. Locri Epizephyrii. The question of their origin is subject to dispute : the causes of this uncertainty are, that here, as in most other of the cities, various bands of colonists arrived at various times, and those bands themselves were composed of a mixture of several Grecian stocks. The chief colony was sent out, B. C. 683, by the Locri Ozola?. After suffering much from violent internal commotions, Locri found, about 660, a lawgiver in Zaleucus, wliose institutions remained more than two centu- ries inviolate. The constitution was aristocratic, the adminis- tration being in the hands of a hundred families. The supreme magistrate was called cosmopolis. The senate consisted of a thousand members, probably elected from the commons, mth whom resided, either wholly or partially, the legislative power. The maintenance of the laws was, as in other Grecian cities, committed to the nomophylaces. Locri was certainly neither so wealthy nor so luxurious as the cities above mentioned ; but she was honourably distinguished by the good manners and quiet conduct of her citizens, who were contented with their government. The flourishing period of this city lasted till the time of Dionysius II., who having been driven out of Syracuse fled with his dependents to Locri, the native country of his mo- ther ; by his insolence and licentiousness of manners the city was brought to the verge of ruin ; after his return to Syracuse, 136 GREEKS. [book hi. Second 347, the Locrians avenged their wrongs upon his family. Lo- Per'od. cri afterward maintained its recovered independence until the time of Pyrrhus, who, 277, placed a garrison in the town ; the Loerians, however, put the troops to the sword, and passed over to the Roman side : the city was in consequence sacked by Pyrrhus in 275. From that time Locri remained a confederate town dependent on Rome, and suffered much in the second Punic war. f. Rhegium, a colony from Chalcis in Euboea, 668 : here also the government was aristocratic, the supreme power being in the hands of a council of a thousand men, selected only from Messenian families, which had joined the original settlers. Hence arose an oligarchy, of which Anaxilaus took advantage to assume the sole dominion, 494, in which he was succeeded by his sons. These having been driven out, 464, commotions ensued, which, after a time, were quelled by adopting the laws of Charondas. Rhegium now enjoyed a period of happiness, which lasted till B. C. 392, when it was captured and destroyed by Dionysius I. Dionysius II. restored it in some measure ; but in 281 the city was taken possession of by a Roman legion, who being sent for the purpose of garrisoning the place, mur- dered the inhabitants. The soldiers were punished with death, 271 ; but Rhegium thenceforth remained in a state of depend- ence upon Rome. g. Cumte, founded as early as 1030, from Chalcis in Eubosa. This city attained at an early period to a high degree of power and prosperity ; its territory being of considerable extent, its navy respectable, and Neapolis and Zancle (or Messana) among its colonies. The government was a moderate aristocracy : this constitution was subverted about 544, by the tyrant Aristode- mus ; but restored after his assassination. Cum« was subject to repeated annoyances from the petty Italian nations ; and in 564 she was invaded and defeated by the Etruscans and Dau- nians combined : in 474 she beat the Etruscans at sea ; but in 420 was captured by the Campanians ; together with whom she became a dependent of Rome in 345. Curate, nevertheless, in consequence of its harbour of Puteoli, preserved a share of im- portance, even under the Roman dominion. Heyne, Prolusiones 16 de civitatum GrcBcarum per magnam GrcBciam et Siciliam mstitiitis et legibus. Collected in his Opuscula, vol. vii. 2. Grecian settlements in Sicily. These occupied the eastern and southern shores of the island : they were founded in the same period as those of Magna Grtecia, and belonged partly to the Dorian, partly to the Ionian stocks. Of Dorian origin were Messana and Tyndaris, from Messenc ; Syracuse, who in her turn founded Aci'a3, Casmenas, and Camarina, from Corinth ; Hybla and Thapsus from Megara ; Segesta from Thessaly ; He- raclea Minoa from Crete ; Gela, which founded Agrigentum, from Rhodes ; and Lipara, on the small island of that name, from Cnidus. Of Ionian origin were Naxus, the founder of PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 137 Leontini ; Catana and Tauromenium, from Chalcis ; Zanele, Second (after its occupation by Messenian colonists, called Messana,) Period. founded by Cumas, and in its turn founder of Himera and Mylaj, " The most remarkable of these towns in ancient history are : a. Syi'acuse, the most powerful of all the Greek colonies, and consequently that concerning which our information is the most copious. The history of Syracuse, on which, as that town was for a long time mistress of the greatest part of the island, de- pends nearly the whole history of Sicily, comprises four periods. 1. From the foundation, B. C. 735, to Gelon, 484 ; a space of two hundred and fifty-one years. During this period Syracuse was a republic, but does not appear to have risen to any very great height of power : yet she founded the colonies of Acrae, 665, Casmena?, 645, and Camarina, 600. The assistance of her parent city, Corinth, and Corcyra, alone prevented her falling a prey to Hippocrates, sovereign of Gela ; and even then she was obliged to cede Camarina, 497. The constitution was aristo- cratic ; but not free from domestic troubles. The administration was in the hands of the opulent (ya/jopoi) ; but these were, about 485, expelled by the democratic faction and their own mutinous slaves. They fled to Casmente, and by the help of Gelon, sove- reign of Gela, were restored to their homes ; Gelon retaining the power in his own hands. 2. From Gelon to the expulsion of Thrasybulus, 484 — 466. The three brothers, Gelon, Hiero, and Thrasybulus, successively ruled over Syracuse. Gelon, 484 — 477. He was at once the founder of the greatness of Syracuse, and of his own power : this he effected partly by in- creasing the population, bringing in new inhabitants from other Greek cities ; and partly by the great victory he won over the Carthaginians, in alhance witli the Persians, 480. At tliis early period Syracuse was so powerful both by sea and by land, as to justify Gelon in claiming the office of generalissimo of Greece, when Sparta and Athens came to solicit his aid. His beneficent reign not only gained him the love of the Syracusans during his life, but likewise procured him heroic honours after death at the hands of a grateful people. He died in 477, and was suc- ceeded by his brother Hiero I., who had till then ruled over Gela. The reign of this prince was splendid, his court was brilliant, and a fostering protection was extended to arts and sciences. Hiero's power, strengthened by the establishment of new citizens, both in Syracuse and its subordinate towns of Catana and Naxus, whose original inhabitants are translated to Leontini. — Wars waged against Thero, 476, and his son Thra- sidajus, tyrants of Agrigentum : after the expulsion of Thra- sida3us, that town forms an alliance with Syracuse ; the Syra- cusan fleet sent to the assistance of Cuma^, wins a victory over tlie Etruscans. Hiero, dying in 467, was succeeded by his brother Thrasybulus, who, after a short reign of eight months, was expelled for his cruelty by the Syracusans and the con- federate cities. 3. From the expulsion of Thrasybulus to the elevation of Dionysius I. ; Syracuse a free democratic state : 138 GREEKS. [book hi. Second from 466 — 405. Re-establishment of republican forms of go- Period. vernment in Syracuse and the other Grecian cities ; accompanied, ■ however, with many commotions and civil wars, proceeding from the expulsion of the new citizens and the restoration of the ancient inhabitants to their property. — Increasing power and prosperity of Syracuse, who is now at the head of the con- federate Grecian cities in the island, and soon endeavours to convert her precedence into supremacy. The new democratic constitution quickly suffers from the diseases incident to that form of government ; a vain attempt is made to apply a remedy by the introduction of the petalismus, B. C. 454 ; in the mean time the Siculi, aboriginal inhabitants of Sicily, unite in closer league under their leader Ducetius ; attempting to expel the Greeks, 451, they engage the Syracusans in reiterated wars ; the arms of Syracuse are successful, her authority is confirmed by the subjection of the ambitious Agrigentum, 446, and by her naval victory over the Etruscans. First but unsuccessful attempt of the Athenians to interpose in the domestic affairs of Sicily, by siding witli Leontini against Syracuse, 427 ; eleven years afterwards occurs the great expedition against Syracuse, 415 — 413, caused by the disputes between Segesta and Seli- nus ; the expedition ends in the total rout of the Athenian fleet and army, (see below,) and the power of Syracuse reaches its zenith. A constitutional reform takes place, 412, brought about by Diodes, whose laws were subsequently adopted by several other of the Sicilian cities. The magistrates were chosen by lot. The rest of the laws, which appear to have had reference to the criminal code, were the production of a commit- tee over which Diodes presided ; these enactments were so bene- ficial to Syracuse, that the author of them was honoured with a temple after his death. Yet as early as 410, a renewal of the differences between Segesta and Selinus afforded a pretext for war with Carthage, from whom the Segestani had besought as- sistance ; by this war the whole state of affairs in Sicily was subverted. The rapid strides made by the Carthaginians, who, under the command of Hannibal the son of Gisgo, took, 409, Selinus and Himera, and even Agrigentum, 406, engendered domestic factions and commotions within Syracuse ; and amid those disorders the crafty Dionysius succeeded first in obtaining the office of general, and then, after supplanting his colleagues, the sovereign power of Syracuse, 405. 4. From Dionysius I. to the Roman occupation, 405 — 212. Dionysius I., 405 — 368. Ominous commencement of his reign, by a defeat at Gela and the mutiny of his troops. — A plague wasting the Carthaginian army, he is enabled to patch up a peace, B. C. 405, by which it is agreed, that Carthage, besides her territory in the island, shall retain all the conquests made during the war, together with Gela and Camarina. But the project of expelling the Carthaginians out of Sicily, in order to subject the whole island, and to fall upon Magna Grajcia, kindles a long series of wars both with Carthage and the cities of Magna Groscia. Second PERIOD !!.] GREEKS. 139 war with Carthage against Hannibal and Ilimilco, 398 — 392. Second Uionysius loses all that he before had conquered, and is himself Period. besieged in Syracuse ; but a plague, once more attacking the Carthaginians, rescues him from his predicament, 396 ; deeds of hostility continued notwithstanding till 392, when a peace was signed, by which Carthage ceded the town of Tauromenium. — From 394, desultory attacks on the confederate Grecian cities in Lower Italy, particularly on Rhegium, the chief seat of the Syracusan emigrants, which, after repeated invasions, is at last compelled to yield, 387. Third war with Carthage, 383, against Mago ; Dionysius wins a victory, which is, however, followed by a greater defeat ; and the war ends the same year by the adoption of a peace, according to which each party is to retain what he then had ; the Halycus is fixed as the boundary line, so that Selinus and a portion of the territory of Agrigentum re- main in the hands of the Carthaginians. Fourth war : inroad upon the Carthaginian states ; it ends, however, in the signing of a treaty. The decision of these wars generally depended on the side taken by the Siculi, the most powerful aboriginal race in .Sicily. Uionysius I. having died by poison, 368, was suc- ceeded by Dionysius II., his eldest son by one of his two wives, Doris of Locri, but under the guardianship of his step-uncle Dio, the brother of Dionysius's other wife Aristomache. Nei- ther Dio or his friend Plato, who was three times invited to Syracuse, were able to improve the character of a prince whose mind had been corrupted by bad education. — Dio is banished, 360. He returns, 357, and, in the absence of Dionysius, takes possession of Syracuse, all but the citadel. Dionysius now has recourse to stratagem ; he excites in the city distrust of Dio, and foments dissension between him and his general Heraclidas ; meanwhile he himself withdraws to Italy, taking with him his treasures. Dio is compelled to retire from the city, which is sacked by the troops garrisoned in the citadel ; hereupon the Syracusans themselves fetch back Dio ; he possesses liimself of the citadel and wishes to restore the republican government, but soon falls a victim to party spirit, being murdered by Cal- lipus, B. C. 354, who usurped the government till 353, when he is driven out by Hipparinus, a brotlier of Dionysius, who keeps possession till 350. After ten years' absence, Dionysius II., by a sudden attack, becomes once more master of the city, 346. The tyranny of this prince, and the treachery of Icetas of Gela, whom the Syracusans called in to their assistance, but who leagues himself with the Carthaginians, and the formidable attempts of the latter, compel tlie citizens to apply to the mother city Corinth : Corinth sends to their assistance Timo- leon with a small force, 345. Rapid change of affairs wrought by Timoleon : he beats Icetas and the Carthaginians : in 343 Dionysius is forced to deliver up the citadel and evacuate the country ; he retires to Corinth, where he leads a private life. Restoration of the republican government, not only in Syracuse, wliers tlie laws of Diodes are reinstituted, but also in the rest 140 GREEKS. [book hi. Second of the Grecian cities : tlie revolution confirmed by a great vic- Period. tory over the Carthaginians, 340. In the midst of the execu- tion of his plans Timoleon dies, 337 ; the most splendid ex- ample of a republican that history affords ! From 337 — 317 ; almost a chasm in the history of SjTacuse. Wars with Agri- gentum ; the usurpation of Sosistratus disturbs the peace, both external and internal. The character of the Syracusans was already too foully corrupted for one to expect that liberty could again be established among them, without the personal superin- tendence of a Timoleon. They deserved the fate that befell them, when, in 317, that daring adventurer Agathocles assumed the sovereign power, which he maintained till 289. Renewal of the plan for expelling the Carthaginians from the island, and subjecting Magna Grtecia. Hence arises a new war with Car- thage, in which Agathocles is defeated, 311, and besieged in Syracuse : by a bold stroke he passes over into Africa, accom- panied by part of his fleet and army, and there with general success prosecutes the war until 307 : the insurrection of most of the Grecian cities in Sicily recalls him from the theatre of war : his views in Africa are consequently defeated. In the peace of 306, both parties retain what they had at the begin- ning of the war. The wars in Italy are confined to the sacking of Croton, and a victory won over the Bruttii ; and are rather predatory expeditions than regular wars. In the year 289, Agathocles died by poison, and his murderer, Ma^non, seized the power ; he is expelled by the general Icetas, and flies over to the Carthaginians. Icetas rules as praetor till 278, when, in his absence, the government is usurped by Thynion, who meets with a rival in the person of Sosistratus ; in the mean while the mercenaries of Agathocles (the Mamertini) possess themselves of Messana, and the Carthaginians press forward to the very gates of Syracuse. The Syracusans invite Pyrrhus of Epirus over from Italy : that prince takes possession of the whole of Sicily as far as Lilybauim ; but having by his haughtiness in- curred general hatred and disgust, he is obliged to evacuate the island, B. C. 275. The Syracusans now appoint Hiero, a de- scendant of the ancient royal family, to the oflice of general : after defeating the Mamertini he is called to the throne, 269. At the bi'eaking out of the war between Carthage and Rome, the new king forsakes his alliance with Carthage, and, passing over to the Roman side, thereby purchases a long and tranquil reign until 215, when he dies of old age. Under this wise prince Syracuse enjoyed a degree of happiness and prosperity Avhich none of her demagogues had been able to effect. After his death, the Carthaginian party became predominant ; Hie- ronymus the grandson of Hiero is murdered, 214, and Hanni- bal's intrigues enabled the Carthaginian party to keep the upper hand, by contriving to place at the head of affairs his friends Hippocrates and Epicydes, who entangle Syracuse in a war with Rome ; and the city, after a long siege, celebrated by the inventions of Archimedes, is brought to ruin, 212. — The his- PERIOD II.] GREEKS. 141 tory of Syracuse is a practical compendium of polities : what Second other state ever underwent so many and such various revolu- Period. tions ? The history of Syracuse was at an early period disfigured by partiality. For the topography, see f Bartel's Letters from Calabria and Sicih/, vol. iii. with a plan. f A. Arnold, Histori/ of Syracuse from its foundation to the overthroio of liberty hi/ Dionysius. Gotha, 1816. Mitford, History of Greece : the fourth volume contains the history of Syracuse, and a defence of the elder Dionysius. It would seem that even now it is difficult to wi'ite this history in an impartial spirit. b. Agrigentum, a colony of Gela, founded 582. The first city of Sicily next to Syracuse, of which it was frequently the rival. Its first constitution was that of the mother city ; that is to say, Dorian or aristocratic. It fell, however, soon after its foundation, under the dominion of tyrants ; the first of whom noticed in history is Plialaris, who flourished probably 566 — 534. lie was succeeded by Alcmanes, 534 — 488, who was fol- lowed by Alcander, an indulgent ruler, in whose reign the wealth of Agrigentum seems to have already been considerable. More renowned than the foregoing was Theron, the contempo- rary and step-father of Gelon ; he ruled from B. C. 488 — 472 : in conjunction with Gelon he routed the Carthaginian army, 480, and subjected Himera. His son and successor, Thrasy- dseus, was beaten by Hiero and expelled, 470 ; whereupon the Agrigentines, as allies of SjTacuse, introduced a democracy. The period following, 470 — 405, is tiiat in which Agrigentum, blessed with political freedom, attained the highest degree of public prosperity. She was one of the most opulent and lux- urious cities in the world, and in the display of public monu- ments one of the most magnificent. For her wealth she was indebted to the vast trade in oil and wine that she carried on with Africa and Gaul, in neither of wliich were those produc- tions hitherto natui-alized. In the year 446 the Agrigentines, excited by envy, fell upon the Syracusans, but wei-e defeated. In the war with Athens they took no share ; but in the Car- thaginian invasion of Sicily, 405, Agrigentum was taken and destroyed ; from this blow she recovered but slowly, and never effectually. By Timoleon she was, in some measure, restored, 340 ; and under Agathocles, 307, was able to head the cities combined against him, but was beaten. After the death of Agathocles, a tyrant, by the name of Phintias, took possession of the sovereign power ; and was attacked, 278, by Icetas of Syracuse. At the breaking out of the first Punic war, Agri- gentum was used by the Carthaginians as a military depot ; but was taken by the Romans as early as 262. c. The fiite of the other Sicilian cities was more or less de- pendent on that of Agrigentum and Syracuse : they all had ori- ginally republican forms of government ; but though t!ie Ionian colonies had a celebrated legislator in the person of Charondas, 142 GREEKS. [book hi. Second (probably about 660,) they had the same fortune with the rest, Period, ^f jjeing frequently oppressed by tyrants, either from among their own citizens, or by those of Syracuse, who often used to drive out the old inhabitants, and introduce a new population more devoted to their interest : hence must have sprung mani- fold wars. The foregoing history shows how grievously they likewise suffered in the wars between Syracuse and Carthage. Following the dates of their respective foundations, they may be thus arranged : Zancle, (after 664, known by the name of Messana,) the earliest, though of uncertain date ; Naxus, 736 Syracuse, Hybla, 735 ; Leontini, Catana, 730 ; Gela, 690 AcriB, B. C. 665 ; Casmenre, 645 ; Himera, 639 ; Selinus, 630 Agrigentum, 582. The dates of the rest cannot be ascertained with any degree of accuracy. 3. On the other islands and coasts of the Mediterranean we meet with various insulated Grecian settlements ; in Sardinia, the cities Garalis and Olbia : the date of their foundation un- known ; in Corsica, Alaria, (or Alalia,) a colony of Phocaeans founded, 561 ; hither the inhabitants of the mother city betook themselves in 541 ; and subsequently, after the naval engage- ment with the Etruscans and Carthaginians, withdrew, some to Rhegium, others to Massilia, 536. 4. On the coast of Gaul stood Massilia, founded by the Pho- cajans, who had been driven out of Corsica after the above-men- tioned naval engagement, 536 ; or rather, there was on the same site an old settlement which was now increased. Massilia ra- pidly grew in wealth and power. Our information respecting the wars she waged on the sea against Carthage and the Etrus- cans is but of a general kind. Her territory on the mainland, although rich in wine and oil, was limited in extent ; she estab- lished, nevertheless, several colonies along the sliores of Spain and Gaul, among which Antipolis, Nicaja, and Olbia are the best known. The trade of Massilia was carried on partly by sea, and partly by land, through the interior of Gaul. The constitution was a moderate aristocracy. The chief power was in the hands of six hundred individuals ; the members of this council were called timuchi, they held their places for life, were obliged to be married men with families, and descended at least to the third generation from citizens. At the head of this council stood fifteen men, three of whom were chief magistrates. As early as 218 ]\Iassilia was in alliance with Rome, under whose fostering protection she grew in prosperity ; her freedom was preserved to her until the war between Porapey and Ca3sar ; having sided with the former, she was stormed, 49, by Cfesar's army. vShe soon retrieved herself, and under the i-eign of Au- gustus, Massilia was the seat of literature and philosophy, in which public lectures were there given as at Athens. Aug. Bruekner, Historia ReipubliccB Massilie7isium. Got- ting. 1826. A prize essay. 5. On the Spanish coast stood Saguntum, (ZaKwdog,) a colony from the island of Zacynthus ; the date of its foundation is nn- PERIOD II. GREEKS. i4i determined. It became opulent by its commerce ; but at the Second opening of the second Punic war, B. C. 219, was desti'oyed by Period. Hannibal, as being an ally of Rome. 6. On the coast of Africa lay Cyrene, founded at the sugges- tion of the Delphic oracle in 631, by the island of Thera. The constitution was at first monarchical. Kings : Battus I., the founder, 631 — 591. In whose family the sceptre remained. Arcesilaus I., d. 575. Under the reign of his successor, Battus II., surnamed the happy, {d. 554,) the colony was much strength- ened by new comers from Greece. The Libyans, bereaved of their lands, seek for help at the hands of Apries, who is de- feated by the Cyrenasans, 570, and in consequence loses his crown. — Arcesilaus II., d. 550. Rebellion of his brothers, and foundation of Barca, an independent town ruled by its own separate kings. Secession of the Libyan subjects. He is put to death by his brother or friend Learchus, who in his turn is poisoned by Eryxo, the widow of Arcesilaus. Her son, Battus III., surnamed the lame, {d. about 529,) succeeds to the throne. The royal power confined within narrow limits by the laws of Demonax of Mantinea : the king retains nothing more than the revenue and priestly office. His son Arcesilaus III. becomes of his own accord tributary to the Persians ; in conjunction with his mother, Pheretime, he seeks to re-establish the regal supremacy, but is expelled ; nevertheless he regains possession of Cyrene. In consequence of his cruelty he is assassinated in Barca, about 516. Pheretime seeks for help from the Pei'sian satrap of Egypt, Aryandes, who by craft gets possession of Barca ; the inhabitants are carried away and translated into Bactria, 512. Soon after Pheretime dies. It seems probable that another Battus IV. and Arcesilaus IV. must have reigned at Cyrene, to whom Pindar's fourth and fifth Pythian Odes are addressed : their history, however, is veiled in obscurity. Cy- rene then received a repuljlican constitution, probably some where about 450 ; but we are unacquainted with the internal details of the government. Yet though Plato was invited by the Cyrena^ans to give them laws, and though they had for their legislator Democles of Arcadia, they appear never to have been blessed witli a good and stable constitution. Not only is men- tion often made of domestic troubles, as in 400, when amid the uproar excited by Ariston most of the aristocratic party were cut off ; but we likewise frequently meet with tyrants. Con- cerning the external affairs of this state we know nothing but a few general facts relative to the border wars with Carthage. Subsequently to Alexander, Cyrene became a part of the Egyp- tian kingdom ; so early as the reign of Ptolemy I. it was added to that realm by his general Ophelias, about B. C. 331. It now continued to receive various rulers from the family of the Pto- lemies (see below) until the reign of Ptolemy Physcon, when it became a separate state, the bastard son of that prince, Apion by name, having made it over to the Romans, 97. Cyrene pos- sessed a considerable shai'e of trade, consisting partly in the 144 GREEKS. [book hi. Second exportation of country produce, more especially the Silpliium, Period. (Laser,) partly in a varied intercourse with Carthage, Ammo- nium, and thence with the interior of Africa. The former splendour and importance of this city and the neighbouring country are testified by an abundance of most noble ruins ; a more accurate research into which every friend of antiquity must desire. Hardion, Histoire de Cyrene, in 3Ihn. de V Acadanie des Inscriptions, t. iii. J. P. Thrige, Historia Cyrenes, inde a tempore quo condita urbs est, usque ad cetatem, qua in provincicB formam a Romanis redacta est : particula prior, de initiis colonicB Cyrenen deductce, et Cyrenes Battiadis regiiantihis historia. Havnia^, 1819. The best work on Cyrene. It is hoped that the author will not disappoint our expectations of the second part, which is to contain the period of republican government. [The whole was completed in 1828. The learned and ingenious author has neglected no authority, whether ancient or modern, and is par- ticularly cautious and judicious in his researches.] A ray of light has lately, for the first time, been thrown on the remains still found in Cyrenaica by Della Cella, Viaggio di Tripoli ; translated by Spieker, in the f Journal of the latest travels by sea and by land, Sept. 1820. W. Beeciiey, Proceedings to explore the northern coast of Africa, from Tripoli eastivard, 1827. F. R. Pacho, Relatioji d' un voyage a Marmarique et Cyre- naique, 1828. A most accurate description. T. EiiRENBERG, Travels through North Africa, in the years 1820 — 1828, by Dr. W. F. Hemprich and Dr. C. G. Ehren- berg. Berlin, 1828. THIRD PERIOD. From the commencement of the Persian wars to the time of Alexander the Great, B. C. 500—336. Sources. The chief writers in this period are : For the his- tory of the Persian wars to the Battle of Platoefc, 479, Hero- dotus. For the period between 479 and the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war, we must, in the absence of contemporary authors, consider Diodorus Siculus as the principal authority. — The beginning of the 11th book, which commences with the year 480, (the 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th books being lost,) to the middle of the 12th ; the chronology of this author, however, must in several cases be rectified after Thucydides's summary in lib. i. For the period of the Peloponnesian war, 431 — 410, the history of Thucydides is the capital work ; but it must be PERIOD HI.] GREEKS. 145 accompanied by Diodorus, from the middle of the 12th book to Third the middle of the 13th. — From the year 410 to the battle of Period, Mantiiiea, 362, the pi-incipal sources are the Hellenics of Xeno- ''^^ -^lex- phon, and occasionally his Anabasis and Agesilaus ; together '__ with Diodorus, from the middle of the 13tli book to the end of the 15th. For the years intervening from 362 — 336, no con- temporary historian has been preserved ; Diodorus's 16th book must therefore here be considered as the chief source : for the times of Philip, however, recourse may likewise be had to the speeches of Demosthenes and ^Eschines. The Lives of Plutarch and Nepos often touch upon this period, but cannot be regarded as authentic sources ; of still less authority are the abrid<^ed documents given by Justin and some others. The modern authors on tliis, the brilliant period of Greece, are, of course, the same as have been enumerated above. (See p. 95.) To whom must here be added, PoTTKR, Arcludogia Grccca ; or the Antiquities of Greece: 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1722. Translated into German by J. J. Rambacli, 3 vols. 1775. Bautiielemy, Voyage du Jeune Anacharsis en Grece. (Be- tween the years B. C. 362 and 338.) Paris, 1788, 5 vols. Ac- companied with charts and plans, illustrating the topography of Athens, etc. This work is conspicuous for a rare union of good taste and erudition ; unattended, however, with an equal share of critical acumen and a correct appreciation of antiquity. f History of the Origin, Progress, and Fall of Science in Greece and Rome, by C. Meiners. Göttingen, 1781. It con- tains also a delineation of the political state of affairs ; but does not extend beyond the age of Philip. The principal works on the monuments of ancient Greece are, Le Roy, Les Ruines dc plus beaux Monumens de la Grece. Paris, 1758. 2nd edit., 1770, fol. The first in point of time; but far surpassed by, J. Stuart, The Antiquities of Athens measured and de- lineated; 3 vols. Lond. 1762: the 4th vol. published in 1816. In beauty and accuracy of execution superior to all. R. Dalton, Antiquities and Views of Greece and Egypt, 1691, fol. The Egyptian monuments ai-e confined to those of Lower Egypt. R. Chandler, Ionian Antiquities. London, 1796, 1797, 2 vols. fol. A worthy companion to Stuart. CnoiSEUL GouFFiER, Voyage pittoresque dans la Grece, vol. i. 1779: vol. ii. 1809. Confined principally to the islands and Asia Minor. 1. From a multitude of small states, never united, Beneficial but continually distracted by civil broils — and such 'u'*^^* °f at the beginning- of this period were the states of invasion. Greece — any thing important could hardly be ex- pected without the occurrence of some external L 146 GREEKS. [book in. Third eveiit, wliicli, by rallying tlie divided forces round to'^Alex- one point, and directing them toward one object, ANDER, should hinder them from mutually exhausting one another. It was the hostile attempt of Persia that first laid the foundation of the future splendour of Greece ; certain states then grew so rapidly in power, that upon their particular history hinges the general history of all the rest. Causes which led to the Persian war. Share taken by Athens in the Ionian insurrection and firing of Sardes, B. C. 500. (See above, p. 78.) Litrigues of Hippias, first with the satraps, and afterwards at the Persian court itself. — First expedition, that of Mardonius, thwarted by a storm, 493, Athens and o. Not cvcn the summons to acknowledge the aionn^eject Pcrsiau authority was sufficient to rouse the national the de- energy of the Greeks. All the islands, and most of Persia" the states on the mainland, submitted to the yoke; B. c. 4Ü1. gpapta and Athens alone boldly rejected it. The Athenians, unassisted, under their leader Miltiades, acquainted from his youth with the Persians and their mode of warfare, and with the superiority of the arms of his countrymen, became the saviours of Greece. Quarrel of Athens and Sparta with JEgma, which sides with the Persians, 491 ; and consequent deposition of Demaratus, king of Sparta, by his colleague Cleomenes. Persian expedition of Datis and Artaphernes under the guid- ance of Hippias : frustrated by the battle of Marathon, B. C. Sept. 29, 490, and the failure of an attempt upon Athens. Expedition 3. The immediate consequence of this victory rfs^'by'^MU- "^'^^ a uaval expedition against the islands, more tiades. particularly Paros, to which Miltiades, out of a private grudge, persuaded the Athenians. It was undertaken for the purpose of levying contributions ; and seems to have given the Athenians the first idea of their subsequent dominion of the sea. The Athe- nians punished Miltiades for the failure of this expe- dition, although the effect of their own folly ; yet was this act of injustice a source of happiness to Athens; as the fall of Miltiades made room for the men who laid the solid foundation of her glory and greatness. PERIOD III.] GREEKS. 147 4. As usual in every democratic state rising to Third power, the history of Athens now becomes that of to^Alex- eminent individuals, standing at the head of affairs, ander. as generals or demagogues. Themistocles, who united j^^emai to an astonishing degree in his own person the most state of splendid talents of statesman and general, with a spirit of intrigue, and even of egotism ; and Aristides, whose disinterestedness, even in those days, was singular at Athens, were the real founders of the power of this commonwealth. Athens, however, was more indebted to the first than to the latter. Rivalry of these two men, 490 — 486. While Themistocles at the head of the Athenian fleet prosecutes the design of Mil- tiades against tlie islands, the management of state affairs is confided to Aristides. On the return, however, of Themistocles as conqueror, Aristides is by ostracism banished Athens, 486. Themistocles alone, at the head of affairs, pursues his plan for making Athens a maritime power. In consequence of a war against the object of popular hatred, ^gina, B. C. 484, he pre- vails on the Athenians to devote the income from the mines to the formation of a navy. AYhile Athens is thus rising to power, Sparta suffers from the insanity of one of her kings, Cleomenes, (succeeded in 482 by his half brother Leonidas,) and the arro- gance of the other, Leotychides. 5. The glory of frustrating the second mighty Second cx- Persian invasion of Greece under Xerxes I., belongs [he'rei'-"' to Themistocles alone. Not only his great naval vie- s'^ns de- tory off Salamis, but still more the manner in which xhemisto- he contrived to work upon his countrymen, proves ^'^*= ^- ^• him to have been the greatest man of the age, and the deliverer of Greece, now united by one common bond of interest. — All national leagues are weak in themselves : yet how strong may even the weakest be made when held together by one great man, who knows how to animate it with his own spirit ! Themistocles' plan for the conduct of the war ; first, a com- mon union of all the Hellenic states ; a measure which succeeds to a certain degree, the honour of the command being left to the Spartans ; secondly, the sea made the theatre of war. — Gallant death of Leonidas with his three hundred Spartans and seven hundred Thespians, July 6, 480. An example of heroism which contributes as much to the greatness of Greece as the victory of Salamis. About the same time naval engagements off Artemi - .sium in Euboea, with two hundred and seventy-one sail. The L 2 148 GREEKS. [book in. Third leaders of the Greeks are kept to their posts merely by bribery ; Period, ^^iq means of purchasiiijj their services beino- for the most part TO At f^— 1 o Ol ANDER, furnished by Themistocles himself. — Athens, deserted by its inhabitants, is taken and burnt by Xerxes, July 20. Retreat of tlie Grecian fleet into the bay of Salamis : revocation of all exiles, Ai-istides among the rest. — Politic measures adopted by Themistocles, to hinder the dispirited Greeks fi'om taking flight, and at the same time to secure to himself, in case of need, an asylum with the Persian monarch. — Naval engagement and vic- tory off" Salamis, Sept. 23, 480, with three hundred and eighty sail, (one hundred and eighty of which were Athenian,) against the Persian fleet, already much weakened : retreat of Xerxes. — Poets and historians have disfigured these events by fanciful exaggerations : still, liowever, they may show us how commonly human weakness is attended with human greatness ! Battles of 6. The victorj of Salamis did not conclude the m'^c^ic ^"'^ ^^^^ '•> ^^^ ^^^^ negotiations entered into during the B. c. Sept. winter months with the Persian general, Mardonius, -'5, 479. jg^^ jj^ Thessaly, and with tlie Asiatic Greeks, to ex- cite them to throw off the yoke, show how far the confidence of the nation in its own strength had in- creased. But by the battle fought on land at Pla- taese, under the command of the Spartan, Pausanias, (guardian to Plistarchus, son of Leonidas,) and the Athenian, Aristides ; together with the naval battle at Mycale on the same day, and the destruction of the Persian fleet ; the Persians are for ever driven from the territory of Greece, though the war con- tinues for some time longer. Sparta has J ^ Xhc cxpulsiou of the Pcrsiaus wrought an en- encyTo47o" tirc chauge in the internal and external relations of Greece. From being the aggressed the Greeks be- came the aggressors ; to free their Asiatic country- men is now the chief object or pretext for the con- tinuation of a war so profitable ; the chief command of which abides with Sparta until B. C. 470. Athens rebuilt and fortified by Themistocles despite of Spar- tan jealousy, 478 : formation of the Piraeus, an event of still greater importance, 477. — Naval expedition under Pausanias, accompanied by Aristides and Cimon, undertaken against Cy- prus and Byzantium, for the purpose of expelling the Persians, 470. Treachery and fall of Pausanias, 469. In consequence of the Spartan's haughtiness, the supreme command devolves upon the Athenians. PERIOD III. GREEKS. 149 8. This transfer of the command to Athens had a Third decided effect on all the subsequent relations of to'alex. Greece, not only because it augmented the jealousy ander. between Sparta and Athens, but because Athens ex- Athens as- ercised her predominance for a purpose entirely dif- sumes the ferent from that of Sparta. — Establishment of a per- mändT™' manent confederacy, comprising most of the Grecian states without Peloponnesus, especially the islands, and an adjustment of the contributions to be annually furnished by each, with the view of prosecuting the Persian war, and liberating the Asiatic Greeks from the Persian yoke. Although the common treasury was first established at Delos, the superintendence of it was confided to Athens ; and such a manager as Aristides was not always to be found. — Natural con- sequence of this new establishment : 1. What had hitherto been mere military precedence, becomes in the hands of Athens a right of political prescription, and that, as usual, is soon converted into a sove- reignty. Hence her idea of the supremacy of Greece, ("pxv "^v* 'EXXüBo^,) as connected with that of the sea (OaXaaaoKpaWa). 2. Tlic opprcssion of the Athenians, sometimes real, at other times presumed, after a short time, rouses the spirit of discontent and contumacy among several of the confederates : hence, 3. The gradual formation of a counter-league, headed by Sparta, who maintains her supremacy over the great- est part of the Peloponnesus. 9. The chan2:es introduced into the internal oro-an- conse- ization are not to be determined solely by the palpable „f 'thnT alterations made in any of Lycurgus's or Solon's in- change, stitutions. In Sparta, the general framework of Ly- curgus's constitution subsisted; nevertheless the power was virtually in the hands of the ephori, whose dicta- torial sway placed Sparta in the formidable posture she now assumed. — ^At Athens, in proportion as the importance of foreign relations increased, and amid the protracted struggles between the heads of the democratic and aristocratic parties, the real power, under the outward appearance of a democracy, gra- dually centered in the hands of the ten annually 150 GREEKS. [book III, Third elected generals, {ffrpa7r]-/ol,) who with more or less ERioD, Q^Q^^ played the parts of demagogues. TO Alex- ander. Abrogation of the law that excluded the poorer citizens from official situations, B. C. 478. Expulsion of Theraistocles, implicated in the fall of Pausa- nias, principally through the intrigues of Sparta : he is first banished by ostracism, 469, but in consequence of further per- secution he flies over to the Persians, 466. Brilliant 10. The followiiig forty years, from 470 — 430, Athells°^ constitute the flourishing period of Athens. A con- currence of fortunate circumstances happening among a people of the highest abilities and promoted by great men, produced here phenomena, such as have never since been witnessed. Political greatness was the fundamental principle of the commonwealth ; Athens had been the guardian and the champion of Greece, and she wished to appear worthy of herself. Hence in Athens alone were men acquainted with public splendour exhibited in buildings, in spectacles, and festivals, the acquisition of which was facilitated by private frugality. This public spirit animating every citizen, expanded the blossoms of genius ; no broad line of distinction was anxiously drawn between private and public life ; whatever great, whatever noble was produced by Athens, sprang up verdant and robust out of this harmony, this buxom vigour of the state. Far different was the case with Sparta; there rude customs and laws arrested the develop- ment of genius ; there men were taught to die for the land of their forefathers ; while at Athens they learnt to live for it. Athenian 11. AgHculturc coutinucd the principal occupa- tion of the citizens of Attica ; other employments were left to the care of slaves. Commerce and navi- gation were mainly directed towards the Thracian coast and the Black Sea ; the spirit of trade, however, was never the prevailing one. As affairs of state be- came more attractive, and men desired to participate in them, the want of intellectual education began to be felt, and sophists and rhetoricians soon offered their instruction. Mental expertness was more co- civilizatlon. TEuioD III.] GREEKS. 151 veted than mental knowledge ; men wished to learn Third how to think and to speak. A poetical education xo Alex- had long preceded the rise of this national desire ; ander. poesy now lost nothing of its value ; as heretofore, Homer remained the corner-stone of intellectual im- provement. Could it be that such blossoms would produce other fruits than those which ripened in the school of Socrates, in the masterpieces of the trage- dians and orators, and in the immortal works of Plato? 12. These flowers of national genius burst forth changes in in spite of many evils, inseparable from such a con- a^t ullThead stitution established among such a people. Great of affairs. men were pushed aside ; others took their places. The loss of Themistocles was supplied by Miltiades's son Cimon ; who to purer politics united equal ta- lents. He protracted the war against the Persians in order to maintain the union of the Greeks ; and favoured the aristocratic party at the same time that he affected popularity. Even his enemies learnt by experience, that the state could not dispense with a leader who seemed to have entered into a compact for life with victory. Another expedition under Cimon ; and victory by sea and land near the Eurymedon, B. C. 469. He takes possession of the Hellespontine Chersonesus, 468. Some of the Athenian confederates ah-eady endeavour to secede. Hence, 467, the conijuest of Caristus in Eubfca ; subjection of Naxos, 466, and from 465 — 463, siege and capture of Thasos, under Cimon. The Athenians endeavour to obtain a firmer footing on the shore of ^Macedonia ; and for that purpose send out a colony to Amphipolis, 465. Great earthquake at Sparta; gives rise to a ten years' war, viz., the third Messenian war, or revolt of the Helots, who for- tify themselves in Ithome, 465 — 455 : in this war the Athenians, at tlie instigation of Cimon, send assistance to the Spartans, 461, who refuse the proffered aid. The democratic party seize the opportunity of casting on Cimon the suspicion of being in the interest of Sparta ; he is banished by ostracism, 461. 13. The death of Aristides, and the banishment of -^/'stiUes Cimon, concur in elevating Pericles to the head of 46^.' affairs ; a statesman whose influence had begun to operate as early as 469. Less a general than a de- magogue, he supported himself in authority during 152 GREEKS. [bock 111. Third Pkriod, TO Alex- ander. Cimon re stored. forty years, until the day of his death, and swayed Athens without being either archon or member of the Areopagus. That under him the constitution must have assumed a more democratic character, is de- monstrated by the fact of his exaltation as leader of the democratic party. The aristocrats, however, con- trive until 444 to set up rivals against him in the persons of the military leaders, Myronides, Tolmidas, and more particularly the elder Thucydides. Change in the spirit of administration under Pericles, both in reference to internal and external relations. A brilliant management succeeds to the parsimonious economy of Aris- tides ; and yet, after the lapse of thirty years, the state treasury was full. — Limitation of the power of the Areopagus by Ephi- altes, B. C. 461. The withdrawal of various causes which formerly came under the jurisdiction of that tribunal must have diminished its right of moral censorship. — Introduction of the practice of paying persons who attended the courts of justice. With regard to external relations, the precedence of the Athenians gradually advanced toward supremacy ; although their relations with all the confederates were not precisely the same. Some were mere confederates ; others wei-e subjects. — Augmentation in the imposts on the confederates, and transfer of the treasury from Delos to Athens, 461. The jealousy of Sparta and the discontent of the confederates keep pace with the greatness of Athens. Unsuccessful attempt to support, by the help of an Athenian fleet and troops, Inarus of Egypt in his insurrection against the Persians, 462—458. Wars in Greece : the Spartans instigate Corinth and Epi- daurus against Athens. The Athenians, at first defeated near Halite, in their turn rout the enemy, 458, and then carry the war against iEgina, which is subdued, 457. In the new quar- rel between Corinth and Megara respecting their boundaries, the Athenians side with Megara ; Myronides conquers at Ci- molia, 457. Expedition of the Spartans to the support of the Dorians against Phocis ; and hence arises the first rupture be- tween Athens, Sparta, and Boeotia. First battle of Tanagra, in which the Spartans are victorious in the same year, 457. The Boeotians, incited by the Spartans, are in the second battle of Tanagra worsted by Myi'onides, 456. The recall of Cimon, at the suggestion of Pericles himself, in consequence of the first defeat. 14. Cimon, recalled from exile, endeavours to re- establish the domestic tranquillity of Greece, and at the same time to renew the war against the Persians. PEiiioD 111.] GREEKS. 153 He succeeds in his attempt after the lapse of five Third 1 ,1 • • J. • T Period, years; and the consequence is a victorious expedi- toAlex- tion against the Persians. He defeats their fleet off ander. Cyprus, and routs their army on the Asiatic coast. ^ ^ 450 The fruit of this victory is the celebrated peace with 449. Artaxerxes I. (See above, p. 83.) Ere that peace is concluded Cimon dies, too soon for his country, vi^hile occupied w^ith the siege of Citium. Termination of the third Messenian war in favour of Sparta, by the cession of Ithome, B. C. 455. Meantime Athens con- tinues the war with Peloponnesus ; Tolmidas and Pericles making an incursion by sea on the enemy's territory, 455 — 454. At the same time Pericles, by sending out colonies to the Hel- lespont, endeavours to secure more firmly the Athenian power in that quarter : a colony is likewise sent out to Naxos, 453. — Cimon negotiates a truce, which is adopted first (451) tacitly, afterwards formally, (450,) for five years. The result of this truce is his victorious expedition against the Persians, and the consequent peace with that nation. Although the conditions of the peace prescribed by Cimon were sometimes infringed, they appear to have been ratified by all parties. 15. The conclusion of peace with Persia, glorious state of as it was, and the death of the man whose o;rand no- Greece after ,..,'. . 1 /-i I t"ö peace litical object was to preserve union among the (jrreeks, with Persia, again roused the spirit of internal strife. For not- 431. withstanding nearly twenty years intervened before the tempest burst with all its fury, this period was so turbulent during its course, that Greece seldom en- joyed universal peace. While Athens by her naval strength was maintaining her ascendency over the confederates, and while some of those confederates were raising the standard of rebellion and passing over to Sparta, every thing was gradually combining to- wards the formation of a counter-league, the neces- sary consequence of which must have been a war, such as the Peloponnesian. Up to this time Athens was at the height of her power ; she was governed by Pericles, who, in every thing but the name, was sole ruler during this period, and for that reason she expe- rienced few of the evils resulting from a democratic constitution. Who, indeed, could overthrow a de- magogue whose presence of mind, even in the great- 154 GREEKS. [book hi. Third gst good fortune, iiGver once deserted him; who to^aS- knew how to keep alive among his fellow-citizens the ANDER, conviction that, however exalted they might be, it was to him alone they were indebted for it ? During the five years' truce the sacred war for the possession of the Delphian oracle took place, and it is given by the Spartans to the city of Delphi ; but after their return is given back again by the Athenians to the Phocians, B. C. 448. The Athenians commanded by Tolmidas, are defeated by the Boeotians, 447. This expedition, undertaken in opposition to the advice of Pe- ricles, contributes to increase his influence ; particularly as he reduces to obedience the revolted Euboea and Megara, 446. End of the five years' truce with Sparta ; and renewal of hos- tilities, 445 ; further warlike proceedings are repressed by a new thirty years' peace, which lasts, however, only fourteen years. — Complete suppression of the aristocratic party, by the banishment of the elder Thucydides, 444 ; the whole adminis- tration of the state consequently centres in the hands of Pericles. — Democracy in the confederate states favoured ; forcibly in- troduced in Samos, which, after a nine months' siege, is obliged to submit to Pericles, 440. — Commencement of the war between Corinth and Corcyra, on the subject of Epidamnus, 436, which the Corcyrosans take possession of after winning a naval victory, 435. The Athenians take part in the quarrel, and side with the Corcyra3ans, 432. The rupture with Corinth, and the policy of Perdiccas II., king of Macedonia, lead to the se- cession of the Corinthian colony of Potida^a, which previously belonged to the Athenian confederacy: the war thereby is ex- tended to the Macedonian coast. Engagement near Potida^a, and siege of that town, 432. The Corinthians direct their steps to Sparta, and excite the Spartans to war ; which is fur- ther accelerated by the attack of the Thebans upon Plata^ee, the confederate of Athens, 431. Peioponne- 16. Tlic liistory of the twenty-seven years' war, b! c'lsi known by the name of the Peloponnesian, or great —404. Grecian war, which swept away the fairest flowers of Greece, is the more deserving attention from its being not merely a struggle between nations, but likewise against certain forms of government. The policy of Athens, which, to establish or preserve her influence in foreign states, excited the multitude against the higher orders, had on all sides given rise to two factions, the democrat or Athenian, and the aristocrat or Spartan ; and the mutual bitterness of party spirit produced the most violent disorders. fufluencTtf 17. The respective relations of the two head PERIOD III.] GREEKS. 155 states of Greece to their confederates, were at this Third time of a very opposite nature. Athens, as a naval to^Alex- power, was mistress of most of the islands and mari- ander. time cities, which, as tributary confederates, rendered Atiiens and for the most part a forced obedience, Sparta, as a Sparta. land power, was allied with most of the states on the continent, which had joined her side of their own ac- cord, and were not subject to tribute. Sparta there- fore presented herself as the deliverer of Greece from the Athenian yoke. Confederates of the Athenians : the islands Chios, Samos, Lesbos, all those of the Archipelago, (Thera and Melos except- ed, which stood neutral,) Corcyra, Zacyiithus ; the Grecian co- lonies in Asia Minor, and on the coast of Thrace and Mace- donia ; in Greece itself, the cities of Naiipactus, Platajoe, and those of Acarnania. — Confederates of tlie Spartans : all the Pe- loponnesians, (Argos and Achaia excepted, which stood neutral,) Megara, Locris, Phocis, Boeotia, the cities of Ambracia and Anactorium, and the island of Leucas. 18. Sketch of the internal state of Athens and ^"J^J"j' Sparta at this period. The power of Athens depend- Athens and ed mainly on the state of her finances ; without which Sparta. she could not support a fleet, and without a fleet her ascendency over the confederates would of course fall to the ground. And although Pericles, notwith- standing his lavish public expenditure, was able to enter upon the war with 6000 talents in the trea- sury, experience could not fail to show that, in such a democratic state as Athens was now become under Pericles, the squandering of the public money was an unavoidable evil. This evil was produced, how- ever, at Athens much less by the peculations of indi- vidual state officers than by the demands of the multitude, who for the most part lived at the expense of the state treasury. On the other hand, Sparta as yet had no finance ; and only began to feel the want of it as she began to acquire a naval power, and entered upon undertakings more vast than mere incursions. Financial system of the Athenians. Revenue : 1,. The tri- bute paid by the confederates {(pvpoi) increased by Pericles from four hundred and sixty to six hundred talents. 2. Income from the customs, (which were farmed,) and from the mines at TO Alex- ander 156 GREEKS. [book hi. Third Laiirium. 3. The caution money of the non-citizens ([.liroi- Period, ^Qi^ 4^ Xhe taxes on the citizens, (elafopal,) which fell almost entirely on the rich, more particularly on the first class, the members of which were not only to bear the burden of fitting out the fleet, {Tpiepap-)(^Lai,) but were likewise to furnish means for the public festivals and spectacles (xoprjyiai). The whole income of the republic at this time was estimated at 2000 talents. But the disbursements made to the numerous assistants at the courts of justice, (the principal means of existence with the poorer citizens, and which, more than any thing else, con- tributed to the licentiousness of the democracy and the oppres- sion of the confederates, whose causes were all brought to Athens for adjudication,) together with the expenditure for festivals and spectacles, even at this time, absorbed the greatest part of the revenue. f F. BoEKH, Public Economy of the Athenians, 2 parts. Berlin, 1816. The chief woi'k on the subject. [Ably trans- lated by J. C. LE■\^^s, Esq., of Christ Church in this university.] Athenian Letters, or the Epistolary Correspondence of an Agent of the king of Persia residing at Athens during the Pelo- ponnesian loar. London, 1798, 2 vols. 4to. The production of several young authors ; first printed, but not published, in 1741. This sketch comprises, not only Greece, but likewise Persia and Egypt. First period \^ Y\\:^\. üeriod of the war until the fifty years' B. c. 431— peace. Beginning of the war unsuccessful to Athens, *^-- during the first three years, under the conduct of Pericles, in whose defensive plan we may perhaps discern the infirmities of age. The Athenians, how- ever, suffered less from the annual inroads of the Spartans than from the plague, to which Pericles 429. himself at last fell a victim. The alliance of the Athenians with the kings of Thrace and Macedonia extended the theatre of war ; on the other hand, 430. Sparta had already conceived the idea of an alliance with Persia. Conse- 20. The death of Pericles was, for the next seven T^d*^^ °*^ years, during which the place of that great man was Pericles. Supplied by Cleon, a currier, followed by all the evih of an uncurbed democracy. The atrocious de- 427. crees with respect to Mitylene, which, after seceding, had been recaptured, and the insurrection of the Corcyrsean populace against the rich, characterized the party spirit then dominant in Greece better than the few insignificant events of a war conducted with- PERIOD III.] GREEKS. 167 out any plan. Sparta, however, found in young Third Brasidas a general, such as are wont to arise in re- to alex- volutionary times. His prosecution of the war on ander. the Macedonian coast might have brought great ^ danger to Athens, had he so early not fallen a victim 422. to his own gallantry. Capture of Ampliipolis by Brasidas, and exile of Thucydides, 424. Engagement near Ampliipolis between Brasidas and Cleon ; and death of those two generals, 422. 21. The peace now concluded for fifty years could Peace not not be of long duration, as many of the confederates b!c.422. on either side were discontented with its terms. All Aicibiadcs hope of tranquillity must have been at an end when of lü\.irs^^*^ the management of Athenian aftairs fell into the hands -120. of a youth like Alcibiades, in whom vanity and arti- fice held the place of patriotism and talent, and who thought war the only field in which he could gain credit. Against him what availed the prudence of Nicias ? — Happy was it for Athens that during the whole of this period Sparta never produced one man who could match even with Alcibiades ! Attempt of some states, Corinth especially, to set Argos at the head of a new confederacy ; this measure Athens likewise favours, 421. — Violation of the peace, 419; the war indirect until 415, and limited to assisting the confederates on either side. — Alcibiades's plan of giving Athens the preponderance in Peloponnesus, by an alliance with Argos, is defeated by the battle of Mantinea, 417. — Exterminating war of the Athenians waged against the Melians, who wish to preserve their neutral- ity, whereas neutrality in the weaker party now becomes a crime, 416. 22. Alcibiades's party brings forward at Athens Project the project of conquering Sicily, under the pretence "''°" "^'^* of succouring the Segestani against the Syracusans. This rash expedition, in which the hopes both of the Athenians and of its instigator, Alcibiades, were blighted, gave to Athens the first great blow, from which she never after, even with the utmost exertion of her strength, recovered ; especially as Sparta also was now become a naval power. Early interference of the Athenians with the concerns of the Sicilian Greeks. — A fleet and army under the command of Ni- 158 GREEKS. [book hi. Third cias, Lamaclius, and Alcibiades, sent against Sicily, 415. — Ac- Period, cusation, recall, and flight of Alcibiades to Sparta ; formal rup- To Alex- ^^^.^ ^^ ^|^g peace by an inroad of the Spartans into Attica, ^^^^^- where they fortify Decelea, 414. Unsnccessful siege of Syra- cuse, 414 ; and total annihilation of the Athenian fleet and army by the assistance of the Spartans under Gylippus, 413. Athens af- 93. Fatal as in the present circumstances the blow iirsiciiy!""^ struck in Sicily must appear to have been to Athens, yet the calamity was surmounted by Athenian en- thusiasm, never greater than in times of misfortune. They maintained their supremacy over the confeder- ates ; but the part which Alcibiades, in consequence of the new posture his own personal interest had as- sumed at Sparta, took in their affairs, brought about a twofold domestic revolution, which checked the licentious democracy. Alliance of the Spartans with the Persians, and indecisive engagement off" Miletus. — Flight of Alcibiades from Sparta to Tissaphernes ; his negotiations to gain the satrap over to the interests of Athens. — Equivocal policy of Tissaphernes. — Ne- gotiations of Alcibiades with the chiefs of the Athenian army at Samos, and the consequent revolution at Athens, and over- throw of the democracy by the appointment of the supreme council of four hundred in place of the ßovXi), and of a com- mittee of five thousand citizens in place of the popular assembly, 411. — The army assumes the right of debate ; names Alcibiades to be its leader ; but declares again for democracy. — Great com- motions at Athens in consequence of the discomfiture of the fleet at Eretria, and the secession of Euboea. Deposition of the college of four hundred, after a despotic rule of four months ; — reformation of the government ; — transfer of the highest power to the hands of the five thousand ; — recall of Alcibiades, and reconciliation with the army. Biiiiiant 24. Brilliant period of Alcibades's command. The AicibLdes, reiterated naval victories won by the Athenians over B. c. 411 the Spartans under Mindarus, who, mistrusting Tis- ~ " saphernes, now forms an alliance with Pharnabazus, satrap of the north of Asia Minor, oblige tlie Spar- 410. tans to propose peace, which haughty Athens, un- luckily for herself, rejects. Two naval engagements on the Hellespont, 411. — Great vic- tory by sea and laud won near Cyzicus, 410. — Confirmation of the Athenian dominion over Ionia and Thrace by the capture of Byzantium, 408. Alcibiades returns covered with glory ; PERIOD III,] GREEKS. 159 but in the same year is deposed, and submits to a voluntary Third exile, 407. Period, TO Alex- 25. Arrival of the younger Cyrus in Asia Minor ; ANDER. the shrewdness of Lysander wins him over to the Anabasis of Spartan interest. The repubhcan haughtiness of^j^™?, Lysander's successor, CalHcratidas, shown to Cyrus, 406. was a serious error in pohcy ; for, unassisted by Per- sian money, Sparta was not in a condition to pay her mariners, nor consequently to support her naval establishment. After the defeat and death of Calli- 4og. cratidas, the command is restored to Lysander, who 40.5—403. terminates the twenty-seven years' war triumphantly for Sparta. Naval victory of Lysander over the Athenians at Notium, 407 ; in consequence of which Alcibiades is deprived of the command. — Appointment of ten new leaders at Athens ; Conon among the number. — Naval victory of CalHcratidas at Mity- lene ; Conon is shut up in the harbour of that place, 406. — Great naval victory of the Athenians ; defeat and death of Cal- Hcratidas at the ^^ginussfe islands, near Lesbos, 406. — Unjust condemnation of the Athenian generals. — Second command of Lysander, and last decisive victory by sea over the Athenians at ^gospotamos on the Hellespont, Dec, 406. — The loss of the sovereignty of the sea is accompanied by tlie defection ol' the confederates, who are successively subjected by Lysander, 406. — Athens is besieged by Lysander in the same year, 405 ; the city surrenders in May, 404. — Athens is deprived of her walls ; her navy is reduced to twelve sail ; and, in obedience to Ly- sander's commands, the constitution is commuted into an oli- garchy, under thirty rulers (tyrants). 26. Thus ended a war destructive in its moral, End of the still more than in its political, consequences. Party ^Jn'wa"?^* spirit had usurped the place of patriotic feeling ; as national prejudice had that of national energy. Athens being subdued, Sparta stood at the head of confederate Greece ; but Greece very soon experi- enced the yoke of her deliverers to be infinitely more galling than that of the people hitherto called her oppressors. What evils must not have ensued from the revolutions Lysander now found it necessary to effect in most of the Grecian states, in order to place the helm of government in the hands of his own party under the superintendence of a Spartan harmost ? — 160 GREEKS [book hi. Third How Oppressive must not have been the mihtary t^^aLex- rule of the numerous Spartan garrisons ! — Nor could ANDER, any alleviation of tribute be hoped for, now that in Sparta it was acknowledged that the "state must possess an exchequer." — The arrogance and rapacity of the new masters were rendered more grievous by their being more uncivilized and destitute. History of the reign of terror at Athens under the thirty ty- rants, 403. — AVhat happened here must likewise have happened more or less in the other Grecian cities, which Lysander found it necessary to revolutionize. In all quarters his party consisted of men similar to Critias and his colleagues, who appear to have been long before united in clubs (traipeicu) intimately connected with each other ; from which were now taken the most daring revolutionists, in order to place them every where at the head of affairs. Expulsion 27. Happy revolution in Athens, and expulsion "yrlmsl'''*^ of the thirty tyrants by Thrasybulus, favoured by the party at Sparta opposed to Lysander, and headed by B. c. 403. King Pausanias. Restoration and reform of Solon's constitution ; general amnesty. It was easy to re- establish forms ; — to recall the departed spirit of the nation was impossible ! Ed. Ph. Hinrichs, De Theramenis, Critice et Thrasybuli, virorum tempore belli Peloponnesiaci inter Grcecos illustriuni, rebus et inge?iio, Commentatio, Hamburgi, 1820. An inquiry which exhibits much research and impartiality. War of the 28. The defeat of the younger Cyrus entangles wiufpe^sia, the Spartans in a war with the Persians, the same 400. ygrjr that, after the death of King Agis, Agesilaus takes possession of the regal dignity. We willingly forget his usurpation as we follow him in his heroic career. None but a man of genius could have in- structed Sparta how to support for so long a time the extravagant character which she had now under- taken to play. Opening of the war with Persia by Tissaphernes's attack on the ^olian cities of Asia Minor, 400. — Command of Thimbron, who, 398, is succeeded by the more successful and fortunate Dercyllidas. — Availing himself of the jealousy between Tis- saphernes and Artabasus, he persuades the latter to a separate truce, 397. — Command of Agesilaus ; his expedition into Asia, from the spring of 396 until 394. The conviction which he ANDER. PEHIOD III.] GREEKS. 161 obtained of the domestic weakness of the Persian empire in the Third successful invasion of Phrygia, 395, seems to have matured in Period, the mind of Agesilaus the idea of overturning the Persian ^'?..^^^^' throne : this design he would have accomplished had not the Persians been politic enough to kindle a war against Sparta in Greece itself. 29. The Corinthian war, waged against Sparta Corinthian by Corinth, Thebes, and Argos, to which Athens '^'*'"' ^^^• and the Thessahans unite, terminated by the peace of Antalcidas. The tyranny of Sparta, and more 387. particularly the recent devastation of Elis, a sacred territory, were the alleged pretexts ; but the bribes of Timocrates, the Persian envoy, were the real causes of this war. Irruption of the Spartans into Bceotia ; they engage and are routed at Ilaliartus, 394. Lysander falls on the field of battle ; and Agesilaus is recalled out of Asia. His victory at Coronea insures to the Spartans the preponderance by land ; but the dis- comfiture of their navy near Cnidus at the same time, gives to their enemies the sovereignty of the sea: Conon, who com- manded the combined Persian and Athenian fleets, avails him- self, with consummate skill, of this success to re-establish the in- dependence of Athens, 393. — Sparta endeavours by apparently great sacrifices to bring over the Persians to her interests : the peace at last concluded by the efforts of the skilful Antalcidas, (see above. Book II. parag. 42,) was readily agreed to by the Spartans, as they gave up only what otherwise they could not have retained. The preponderance of Sparta on the continent of Greece was establislied by the article which invested them with the power of seeing the conditions of the treaty fulfilled : the stipulated freedom of the Grecian cities was but an ap- parent disadvantage ; and now that the Asiatic colonies were given up, the contest for power in Greece itself must be de- cided by land, and not by sea. 30. The quarrels which, after the peace of An- b. c. .386. talcidas, Sparta began to have with Mantinea and ^^*' Phlius, and still more so her participation in those between the Macedo-Greek cities and the overpower- 383—380. ful Olynthus, prove too plainly the arrogance with which Sparta behaved to the weaker states. But the arbitrary appropriation of the citadel of Thebes by Phoebidas, — an act not indeed commanded, yet ap- proved by Sparta, — was attended with more serious consequences than were at first expected. Would 382. that all authors of similar breaches of good faith M 162 GREEKS. [book III. Third Period, TO Alex- ander. Rivalry of Sparta and Thebes. General peace in Greece me diated by Persia : B. C. 374. Epamoni- das: B. C. 371—362. and the law of nations were visited with the same vengeance ! 31. Period of the rivahy of Sparta and Thebes, from the year 378. The greatness of Thebes was the work of two men, who knew how to inspire their fellow-citizens and confederates with their own heroic spirit : with them Thebes rose, with them she fell. Rarely does history exhibit such a duumvirate as that of Epaminondas and Pelopidas. How high must our estimation of Pythagoras be, even had his philosophy formed but one such man as Epaminondas ! Liberation of Thebes from Spartan rule by the .successful at- tempt of Pelopidas, and his fellow-conspirators, 378. Vain at- tempts against Thebes, by the Spartans under Cleoinbrotus, 378, and Agesilaus, 377 and 376. The defensive war conducted by Pelopidas, during which he established the Theban supremacy in Boeotia, and brought over the Athenians, (whose fleet, 376, beat that of the Si^artans,) deserves our admiration more than the winning of a battle. — The vast plans of Thebes were not unfolded, however, till Epaminondas was at the head of affairs. Serajst de la Tour, Histoire cV Epaminojidas. Paris, 1752. I IMeissner, Life of Epaminondas. Prague, 1801, 2 parts. In which the authorities are duly considered. f J, G. ScHEiBEL, Essays towards a better understanding of the Ancient World, 1809. The second part contains an essay upon the history of Thebes, as the first does on that of Corinth. 32. A general peace is concluded in Greece through the mediation of the Persians, (who wish to obtain auxiliaries against the Egyptians,) under the condition that all the Grecian cities shall be free : it is acceded to by Sparta and Athens, but rejected by Thebes, because she cannot admit the condition without again falling under the Spartan yoke. In 372. fact, the lofty language used by Epaminondas, as en- voy to Sparta, shows that it was problematic whether Sparta or Thebes should now be at the head of Greece. Could the idea, therefore, of a perfect equality be- tween the states of Greece be other than chimerical ? 33. The long struggle maintained so gloriously by Epaminondas against Sparta is remarkable both in a political and military point of view. The power of Sparta was abased ; Epaminondas invented a new system of tactics (out of which soon after sprang.the nance ith lens. PERIOD lu.l GREEKS. 163 Macedonian art of war) ; and as soon as he found Third confederates in Peloponnesus itself, he made his way t^^alex- to the very gates of Sparta. ander. Victory won by the Thebans at Leuctra, July 8, 371, and annihilation of what hitherto had been called the supremacy of Sparta. — First irruption into Peloponnesus preceded by alliances with Arcadia, Elis, and Argos. — The attack upon Sparta itself is unsuccessful ; but the freedom of Messene is restored, 369. 34. Sparta in distress forms an alliance with sparta in Athens, under the stipulation that the command shall '^'l' alternately be in the hands of the two confederates ; Athe conditions, no doubt, humiliating to Spartan pride ! It however affords them the means of frustrating Epaminondas's new attempt on Corinth and the Pe- loponnesus. Even Dionysius I. of Syracuse thinks himself bound to assist the Spartans, as being Dorians. 35. Thebes played a no less brilliant part in the north than she did in the south. And had the at- tempts to liberate Thessaly from the rule of the ty- rant, Alexander of Pherae, been attended with suc- cess, Thebes would have received a vast increase of power. Even in Macedonia she acted as arbitress. First and successful expedition of Pelopidas into Thessaly, 368. — After the decision of the disputed succession to the Macedonian throne, young Philip is brought as hostage to Thebes, and educated in the house of Epaminondas. — Pelopidas is sent as ambassador, and taken prisoner by Alexander ; hence the second expedition of the Thebans, in which Epaminondas rescues the army and delivers his friend, 367. 36. Alliance of Thebes with Persia successfully Alliance of brought about by Pelopidas. In the intrigues of the peäa! ^^'^ opponents at the Persian court, the object of each was to bring that court over to his own interest. Yet the domineering tone in which the Persians wished to dictate peace had not the consequences that might have been expected ; and although Sparta consented to her confederates remaining neutral, she would not forego her claims on Messene. The estab- lishment of a navy would have been of more import- ant consequences to Thebes than this alliance, had not all these plans, together with the greatness of Thebes, been swept away by the premature death of b. c. 365. her two leading men. M 2 10 Alex- ander 164 GREEKS. [ßoOK III. Third Last expedition of Pelopidas against Alexander of Pherae, in Period, which he himself falls, 364. — New irruption into Peloponnesus caused by the commotions in Arcadia. — Battle of Mantinea, and death of Epaminondas, June 27, 362. — General peace in Greece mediated by the Persians ; Sparta does not assent to it on ac- count of Messene, but sends Agesilaus to Egypt, there to sup- port the insurrection of Tachos. State of 37. The result of this bloody struggle for the üie'war^^^^' supreiuacy of Greece was, that neither Sparta nor between Thcbcs obtained it ; the former of these states being sjarta! """ weakened by the loss of Messene, the latter by the loss of its leaders, and both strained by their violent exertions. The situation of Greece after this war seems to have been thus far changed, that no state had the predominance ; an independence proceeding from enervation. Even Athens, who by means of her naval power still preserved her influence over the cities on the coast and in the islands, lost the greater part in the war of the allies, together with three of her most celebrated leaders, Chabrias, Timotheus, and Iphicrates, whose places were ill supplied by Chares. Confederacy of the islands Cos, Rhodes, and Chios, and the city of Byzantium ; their secession from Athens, 358. — Unsuc- cessful siege of Chios, before which Chabrias falls, 358 ; of By- zantium, 357. Athens suffers a still greater injury from the cabals of Chares against his colleagues Timotheus and Iphi- crates, and from her imprudent participation in the insurrection of Artabazus, 356. The threats of Artaxerxes III, force Athens to make a peace, in which she is obliged to acknowledge the freedom of her confederates. Sacred war. 38. At the very time when the growing power of B. c. 356— Macedonia under Philip ought to have united all the Grecian states, had such a union been within the range of possibility, Greece plunged into another civil war of ten years' duration, which is known by the name of the sacred or Phocian war. The Am- phictyonic assembly, whose duty it was to maintain peace, and whose influence had been in the present circumstances reinstated, abused its authority by kindling discord. The hatred of the Thebans, who sought for new opportunities of quarrel with Sparta, and the ambition of the Phocian Philomelus, were the real causes which led to the war, which the policy PERIOD III.] GREEKS. 165 of Philip knew how to prolong- till the precise mo- Third ment favourable to his own particular views arrived, to Alex'- The treasures of Delphi circulating in Greece, were ander. as injurious to the country as the ravages which it underwent. A war springing out of private passions, fostered by bribes and subsidiary troops, and termin- ated by the interference of foreign powers, was ex- actly what was requisite for annihilating the scanty remains of morality and patriotism still existing in Greece. Sentence of the Amphictyons against Sparta on account of the former surpri,se of the citadel of Thebes by Phccbidas ; and against Pliocis on account of the tillage of the sacred lands of Delphi, 357. — Philoraclus is elected general of the Phocians ; the rifling of the treasury of Delphi enables him to take into his pay Athenian and other auxiliaries, and to carry war against the Thebans and their confederates, the Locrians, etc., under pretence of their being the executors of the Amphictyonic de- crees. Philomelus having fallen, 353, is succeeded by his bro- ther Onomarchus, more skilful than himself in intrigue and war: but Onomarchus having fallen, 352, in the battle with Philip in Thessaly, is followed by Phayllus. Philip even thus early endeavours to push through Thermopylae into Greece, but is repelled by the Athenians. He executes this plan after his peace with Athens, 347, and having procured the expulsion of the Phocians from the Amphictyonic council, gets their place and right of vote to be transferred to himself. 39. From the very first advance of Philip, the fate Philip's ad- of Greece could scarcely afford matter for doubt ; Greece, although the eloquence of Demosthenes warded it off until the second invasion, caused by the Amphicty- onic sentence passed on the Locrians. (See below, Book IV. parag. 15.) The battle of Chaeronea laid bc 338. the foundation of Macedonia's complete ascendency over the Grecian republics : by the appointment of 336. Philip to be generalissimo of Greece in the Persian war, tliat ascendency was, as it were, formally ac- knowledged ; nor did it end with tlie assassination of that prince. FOURTH BOOK. HISTORY OF THE MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. FIRST PERIOD. From its origin to the death of Alexander the Great. B. C. 800—323. First SOURCES. We have no historian who Avrote, particularly, on Period. Macedonia, before the time of Alexander. The facts relative to the earlier history previous to Philip are collected from Dio- dorus, Justin, Thucydides, and Arrian ; from Diodorus more especially. In consequence of the loss of the other historians, Diodorus is the chief authority for the liistory of Philip ; the speeches of Demosthenes and ^schines must likewise be con- sulted, but not made use of without caution and judicious histo- rical criticism. With respect to Alexander the Great, as so many writers on liis reign have been destroyed by time, Arrian must now be considered as the chief authority, on account of the care he has shown in the selection of his authorities, con- jointly with the seventeenth book of Diodorus. Plutarch's bio- graphy contains several valuable additional facts ; and even the superficial Curtius might furnish us with abundance of inform- ation, did his accounts offer higher claims to our credit. Origin of 1 ^n Hellenic colony from Argos, headed by the dom ; about Temenidae, a branch of the Heraclidse, settled in B. c. 813. Eniathia, and laid the feeble foundation of the Ma- cedonian empire, which was in time to rise to such power. Not only did the settlers keep their footing* in the country, in spite of the aboriginal inhabitants ; but their princes gradually extended their territory, by subjecting or expelling several of the neighbour- ing tribes. Their earlier history, not excepting even the names of their kings, is buried in obscurity till the time of the Persian invasions. The three first Macedonian kings, Caranus said to have ruled twenty-eight years, Coenus twenty-three, Tyrmas forty-five, were unknown to Herodotus, who names as founder of the Ma- cedonian monarchy, Perdiccas, 729 — 678. Of this prince and PERIOD I.] MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. IßT his successors, Argaeus, d. 640, Philip I., d. 602, Tropus, d. First 576, and Alcetas, d. 547, nothing more is known than that they Period. waged war, with various success, against the neighbouring Pi- erians and Illyrians, who had theii- own kings. 2. When the Persians commenced their incursions situation at into Europe, Macedonia, by its situation, must have the Persian been one of the first countries they ravaged. Ac- invasion. cordingly, as early as the reign of Darius Hystaspes, the Macedonian kings were tributary to the Persians ; and were indebted for their dehverance from that yoke, not to their own valour, but to the victories of the Greeks. The battle of Plataeae restored inde- b. c. 479. pendence to the Macedonian kingdom, although that independence was not formally acknowledged by the Persians. Immediately after the Scythian campaign, 513, Amyntas {d. 498) became tributary to the Persians ; his son and successor, Alexander, (nes, Cassander's brotlier, is left to Seleucus. — Demetrius, by the help of his navy, escapes into Greece. 28. The almost unbroken series of wars which had Domestic raged from the time of Alexander, must have pre- "[^'^„{^he eluded the possibility of much being effected with mouarci))-. respect to domestic organization. It appears to have been nearly, if not wholly, military. Yet were the numerous devastations in some measure compensated by the erection of new cities, in which tliese princes vied with one another, impelled partly by vanity to immortalize their names, partly by policy to support their dominion, most of the new settlements being military colonies. Nevertheless this was but a sorry reparation for the manifold oppressions to which the natives were exposed by the practice of quartering the army upon them. The spread of the language and civilization of the Greeks deprived tiiem of all Second Period. 186 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book IV. national distinction ; their own languages sinking into mere provincial dialects. Alexander's monarchy af- fords a striking example of the little that can be ex- pected from a forced amalgamation of races, when the price of that amalgamation is the obliteration of national character in the individuals. Heyne, Opum regni 3Iacedo?nci auctarum, attritarum et eversarum, catisce probabiles ; in Opusc. t. iv. This collection contains several other treatises on Grecian and Macedonian history, which cannot be all separately enumerated. THIRD PERIOD. History of the kingdoms and states which arose iipon the dismemberment of the Macedonian Monarchy after the battle of Ipsus. I. History of the Sybian empike under the Seleucid.e, B. C. 312—64. Third SOURCES. Neither for the history of the Syrian, nor for that Period, of the Egyptian and Macedonian kingdoms, has any eminent writer been preserved. The fragments of the lost books of Dio- dorus, and, from the time that these kingdoms became allies of Rome, those of Polybius, several narratives of Livy, the Syriaca of Appian, and a few of Plutarch's Lives, are the principal au- thorities ; too frequently we are obliged to rely upon the ex- tracts of Justin. For the history of the Seleucida?, in conse- quence of the political connexion between these princes and the Jews, the Antiquities of Josephus and the Book of Maccabees become of importance. Besides these authorities, the many coins that have been preserved of these kings, afford much in- formation respecting their genealogy and chronology. Of modern publications on the subject, the principal work is Vaillant, Imperium Seleucidarum sive historia reffum Sy- ria;, 1681, 4to. The inquiry is principally grounded on coins, as is the case with Froelich, Annales rerum et regum SyricB. Vienna3, 1754. Seieucus 1. The kingdom of the Seleucidse was founded ni Nicator, Uppgj. Asia by Seleucus Nicator. It was an exten- sive empire ; but, being composed of various coun- tries united only by conquest, it could possess but PERIOD III. J I. SELEUCID^. 187 Period. little internal stability except what it derived from J"jf^° the power of its rulers. That power fell with the founder ; and the transfer of the seat of empire from the banks of the Tigris to Syria, entangled the Se- leucidae in all the political disputes of the western world, and facilitated the insurrection of the upper provinces. The history of this kingdom divides it- self into the periods before and after the war with Rome ; although at the breaking out of this war the seeds of its decline and fall had already been sown. Seleucus received, 321, Babylon as his province ; but after the defeat of Eumenes was obliged to take to flight, 315, in order to avoid subjection to the conqueror Antigonus. But his moderate government had rendered him so popular, that after the victory won by Ptolemy over Demetrius at Gaza, 312, he could safely venture to return witli only a few adherents to Ba- bylon. In this year commences the kingdom of the Seleucidae. 2. In the ten following years, and while Anti- founds the gonus was busied in Asia Minor, Seleucus laid the tile'seTu" foundation of his power over all Upper Asia, with a cWae. facility to which the detestation excited by the rigid government of Antigonus mainly contributed. After B, c. 3i3. his victory over Nicanor of Media, all in that quarter declared spontaneously for him ; and the unsuccess- 311. ful expedition of Demetrius taught Antigonus himself, that it would no longer be prudent to assert his claims. As early as 307, Seleucus was in possession of all the countries between the Euphrates, Indus, and Oxus. 3. Great campaign in India undertaken by Se- Campaign leucus against King Sandracottus. He penetrated i^j-"^^ as far as the Ganges, and the close alliance he formed ß- <-'. 3ü->. with the Indian sovereign lasted a long time after, and was kept up by embassies. The great number of elephants which he brought back with him was not the only advantage accruing from this expedition ; the intercourse with the East seems to have been per- manently re-established. 4. By the battle of Ipsus Seleucus added to his seat of go- dominions the greater part of the territories of An- removed' tigonus ; — Syria, Cappadocia, Mesopotamia, and Ar- '»to Sjnu, menia. Ihifortunately Syria now became the head 188 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third provincc, notwithstanding Coele-Syria and Phoenicia ^^^'°°' were left in the hands of Ptolemy. How widely dif- ferent would have been the course of historic events, had the seat of empire remained at Seleucia on the Tigris, and the Euphrates continued to be the western boundary of the Seleucidee ! 5. Reciprocal relations between the several kings,- who now combine in forming a kind of political sys- tem, in which continued exertions to maintain a ba- lance of power by alliance and mai'riage are plainly discernible. Connexion between Seleucus and Demetrius Poliorcetes, by the marriage of the former with the beautiful Stratonice, daugh- ter of the latter ; made with a view of counterbalancing a si- milar connexion between Ptolemy and Lysimachus ; Lysima- chus and his son Agathocles having united themselves with two daughtei's of Ptolemy. Long peace 6. The eighteen years of tranquillity enjoyed by aoi'^oss Asia after the battle of Ipsus, prove that Seleucus was one of the few followers of Alexander who had any genius for the arts of peace. He either founded or embellished a vast number of cities, the most im- portant of which were the capital, Antiochia in Syria, and the two Seleucias, one on the Tigris, the other on the Orontes : the flourishing prosperity of several of these places was the result of the restoration of eastern trade ; new channels for which appear to have been opened at this period on the main streams of Asia, and more particularly on the Oxus. The empire 7. The homc department of his empire was organ- ized into satrapies, of which there were seventy-two. But Alexander s maxim, " to give the satrapies to na- tives," was wholly forgotten by his followers ; and the Seleucidge were not long before they experienced the evil consequences of swerving from that practice. Under such a prince as Seleucus scarce any king- dom could of itself fall to pieces ; but the king him- self paved the way for the dismemberment of his em- B. c. 293. pire, by ceding Upper Asia, together with his consort Stratonice, to his son Antiochus ; not, however, with- out the previous approbation of the army. divided into satrapies PERIOD III.] I. SELEUCID^. 189 8. War with Lysimachus, kindled by ancient jea- Third lousy, and now fomented by family feuds. The battle ^^^^^°- of Curopedion cost Lysimachus his throne and his Conquest of life; and Asia Minor became a part of the Syrian 4^i'*-^^'"°'"" realm. But as Seleucus was crossing over to Eu- rope, to add Macedonia to his dominions, he fell by the hand of an assassin, Ptolemy Ceraunus, and with 28i. him the splendour of his kingdom was extinguished. 9. The reign of his son, Antiochus I., surnamed Antiochus Soter, seemed not unprosperous, inasmuch as the 281—262 empire preserved its former extension ; but in any btate founded upon conquest, the failure of new at- tempts at an increase of territory is a sur token of approaching ruin ; and this was the case here. — In such a state the more immediately all depends on the person of the ruler, the more rapid and sensible are the effects of degeneration in a family like that of the Seleucidae. The late conquests of his father in Asia Minor entangled An- tiochus in new wars ; although, hy he marriage of his step- daughter Phila witli Antigonus Gonatas, lie ceded his claims on Macedonia, 277. — Fruitless attempt at subjecting Bithynia, 279; the king of that country, Nicomedes, calls in the Gauls, who had invaded Macedonia, and giv s tliem a settlement in Galatia, 277, where they keep tlieir footing, even after the victory won over them by Antioclius, 275, and by tlieir participation in the wars, as mercenaries, become of importance. — The newly risen state of Pergamus likewise thrives, at the expense of the Syrian em- pire, in spite of Antiochus's attack, 263 ; and the inroad into Egypt, for the purpose of supporting the rebel Magas, is antici- pated by Ptolemy II., 264. 10. Antiochus II., surnamed öeo'?. Durino- his Antiochus reign the sway was in the hands of women ; and the b'' c^'Wi diseased state of the interior of the empire became — 2i7. palpable by the secession of various eastern provinces, out of which arose the Parthian and Bactrian king- Rise of the doms. The boundless luxury of the court hurried Z'Hihlc. on the decline of the ruling family ; having once be- "■'^» ^'^^s- gun to sink, it could not without difficulty have re- ''°'"^' trieved its virtue independently of the matrimonial connexions now constantly formed from within itself Ascendency of his step-sister and wife Laodice, and of his sister Apame, relict of Magas ; the latter involves him in war with 190 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third Ptolemy II. to vindicate her claims upon Cp'ene ; it ends by Period. Antioehus's man'iage with Berenice, dauiihter of Ptolemy, and his repudiation of Laodice. 260 — 252. Ilaving, after tlie death of Ptolemy, 247, put away Berenice and taken back Laodice, the latter, distrusting his motives, cuts him off by jjoison. The se- cession of Parthia happened in consequence of the expulsion of the ^Macedonian governor by Arsaces, founder of the house of the Arsacida^ : tliat of Bactria, on the other hand, was brought about by the Macedonian governor himself, Theodotus, who as- serted his independence. (Concerning these two kingdoms, see below, Book IV. Period III. Dist. Kingdoms iv. parag. 4, 5.) At first, the former of these kingdoms comprised but a part of Parthia ; the latter only Bactria, and perhaps Sogdiana ; both, however, were soon enlarged at the expense of the Seleucidie. Seieucus 11. Seleucus II. sumamed Callinicus. His reign, CaUiincus^ tweiity ycai's in duration, is one unbroken series of 227. wars ; in which the kingdom, ah'eady enfeebled, was subverted, partly by the struggle with Egypt, caused by the hatred between Laodice and Berenice ; partly by the jealousy of his brother Antiochus Hierax ; and partly by vain attempts at recovering the upper provinces. Assassination of Berenice, and most unfortunate war thereby kindled with Ptolemy Evergetes of Eg}-})t, 247 — 244. The as- sistance wliich Seleucus obtains from his junior brother, Antio- chus, governor of Asia ]Minor, induces Ptolemy to a truce, 243 ; but another war ensues between the two brothers, in which Antiochus, at first conqueror, is himself soon afterwards con- quered in his turn, 243 — 240 ; and during this contest, Eu- menes of Pergamus greatly increases his territory at the expense of Syria, 242. — His first campaign against Arsaces, who had formed an alliance with the Bactrian king, ended in a defeat, 238, regarded by the Parthians as the real epoch of the found- ation of their kingdom. In the second campaign, 236, he him- self fell into the hands of the Parthians, and remained a prisoner till the day of his death, 227. Seleucus 12. His elder son Seleucus III., surnamed Ce- Cerauuus, p^^^j^^j,^ qj^ ^\^q point of taking the field against At- tains, king of Pergamus, was removed by poison. 2'J4. But the dominion of the Seleucidse was re-established in Asia JNIinor by his mothers fraternal nephew, Achseus ; and the crown insured to the younger brother Antiochus, governor of Babylon. Antiochus 13. The long reign of Antiochus III., surnamed B.^c. 22^i' the Great, is not only the most eventful in Syrian 187 history, but likewise marks an epoch, by the rela- PBMOD m.] I. SELECCID^. 191 tions now commencino: betvTeen Syria and Rome. — Tehbd To earn the title of great was a task of no extreme ^^^^- difficulty in such a line of princes. 14. Great power of Hermias the Carian. who soon fason«- became so formidable to the younor monarch, that he ?" ™ Me- was obliged to rid himself of him by murder. The Perei*. great stand made by the brothers, Molo and Alexan- ''"" der, satraps of EMedia and Persia, who probably had an understanding with Hermias, threatened the king with the loss of all the upper proyinces ; it ended in the defeat of Molo, Hermias beinor at last no longer able to hinder the king from marching against him 220. in person. 15. The intrigues of Hermias excited Achaeus to warwito rebellion in Asia Minor : but Antiochus held it more *? ^'!*^ important, first to execute the plan he had previously sanfwäon traced, of ejecting the Ptolemies firom their posses- 5l^^22o sions in Syria ; great as the success which at first 219. attended this expedition, it was completely traversed by the battle oi Raphia, — Combining with Attalus of -i' Pergamus, Antiochus then defeated Achseus, who, being shut up in the citadel of Sardes, was treacher- 216. ously delivered into his hands. 16. Great campai^rn of Antiochus in the upper Cimpaign provinces, in consequence of the seizure of Media by ^^J'Z^ Arsaces HI. — Hostilities ended in a compact, by ]*»<«. which Antiochus agreed formally to cede Parthia " ' " and H\Tcania ; Arsaces, on his side, pledgins: him- -lo. self to turnish assistance asrainst Bactria. — But the war with Bactria was also followed by a peace, leav- ing the kinof. Euthydemus, in possession of his crown and dominions. — The expedition now undertaken by 206. Antiochus, in company with Demetrius of Bactriana, against India, extended probably hi up the country, and was attended with irap>ortant consequences to Bactriana. (See below, history of Bactria, Book IV. Period HI. Dist- Kingdoms iv. parair. 5.) The result of these great expeditions was the estabUshment of the supremacy of the Seleucidae in I pper Asia : those countries excepted which had been formally resigned. 192 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third On his return through Arachotus and Carmania, where he Period, wintered, he likewise undertook a naval expedition on the Per- sian Gulf: here Gerrha, in possession of its freedom, appears a flourishing place of trade. War with 17. Resumption of the plan against Egypt, after ^öipt. • ^|jg death of Ptolemy Philopator ; and alliance with Philip of Macedonia, then carrying on war in Asia. Antiochus, it is true, attained his end in the expulsion of the Ptolemies from their possessions in Syria, Coele-Syria, and Phoenicia ; but then, his success 203—198. brought him in contact with Rome, an event of de- cisive importance to himself and his successors. War with 18. Growtli of the disputes between the king °'"^' and Rome, proceeding from the conquest of the major part of Asia Minor and the Thracian Cher- 197. sonesus ; meanwhile Hannibal had taken refuge at the Syrian court, and the probability daily in- creased of a great league being formed against B. c. 195. Rome, although that power, after conquering Car- thage, 201, and Macedonia, 197, had succeeded in winning over Greece even, by the magic spell of freedom. But Antiochus ruined all ; instead of fol- lowing Hannibal's advice, and attacking the Romans on tlieir own ground, he stood on the defensive, and suffered himself to be invaded by them in Asia. His defeat at Magnesia near Mount Sipylus compelled 190. him to accede to such conditions as Rome chose to dictate, and the power of the Syrian empire was for ever broken. For the history of this war see below in the Roman history, Book V. Period 11. parag. 10, 11. Conditions 19. The couditioiis of the peace were: 1st, That wit'hRome. Autiochus should cvacuatc Asia Minor (Asia eis Taurum). 2nd, That he should pay down 15,000 talents ; and to Eumenes of Pergamus four hundred. 3rd, That Hannibal and some others should be deli- vered up, and the king's younger son, Antiochus, be given as an hostage. — The loss of the surrendered countries was a consequence of this peace, less disad- vantageous to the Syrian kings, than the use made of it by the conquerors. By adding the greatest part PERIOD III.] I. SELEUCID^. 193 of the ceded territories to those of the kings of Per- Third gamus, the Romans raised up alongside of their ene- ^^'"°" ' my a rival, whom they might at their own will use as a political engine against him. — Rome took care like- wise that the stipulated sum should be paid by instal- ments in twelve years, to the end that Syria might be kept in a permanent state of dependence. 20. Murder of the king, 187. The reign of his Seieucus elder son, Seieucus IV., surnamed Philopator, was a fsyllne'' period of tranquillity ; peace arising from weakness. — Though once he unsheathed his sword in defence of Pharnaces king of Pontus, against Eumenes, his fear of Rome soon compelled him to restore it to the scabbard. He exchanged his son for his brother at Rome ; but fell a victim to the ambition of his minis- ter Heliodorus. 21. Antiochus IV., surnamed Epiphanes. Edu- Antiochus cated at Rome, he sought to combine the popular no— feT' manners of a Roman with the ostentatious luxury of a Syrian ; and thereby became an object of universal hatred and contempt. Our information respecting his history is too meagre to allow of our deciding whether most of the evil reported of him, in the Jew- ish accounts especially, may not be exaggerated. At any rate, among all his faults, we may still discern in him the germs of good qualities. 22. War with Egypt, springing out of Ptolemy His war Philometor's claims upon Coele-Syria and Palestine. ggj.",J^^ Obscure as many parts are in the history of this war, 172—168: yet it is evident that success attended the arms of Antiochus, and that he would have become master of Egypt had not Rome interfered. The pretext for war, on the Egyptian side, was, that those provinces had by Antiochus III. been promised as a dowry to Cleopatra, sister of Antiochus and the mother of Philometor : Antiochus Epiphanes, on his side, laid claim to the regency of Egypt, as uncle to the young king, who, however, was soon de- clared of age. — Opening of the war, and victory won by Antio- chus at Pelusium, 171 ; in consequence of which Cyprus is betrayed into his hands. — Pelusium is fortified with a view of insuring the possession of Coele- »Syria, and of facilitating an irruption into Egypt. — Another victory, 170, and Egypt sub- dued as far as Alexandria. Philometor driven by a sedition out O 194 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book IV. his intoler ance : Third of Alexandria, Avhere his brother Physcon is seated on the Period, throne, falls into the hands of Antiochus, who concludes with him a most advantageous peace, and takes his part against Physcon. Hence siege is laid to Alexandria, 169 ; attended with no success. Upon the retreat of Antiochus, Philometor, concluding a separate peace with his brother, according to which both are to rule in conjunction, is admitted into Alexandria. Antiochus, bitterly enraged, now declares war against both bro- thers, who crave assistance from Rome : he once more pene- trates into Egypt, 168 ; where the Roman ambassador, Popil- lius, assumes so lofty a tone, that the Syrian king is glad to purchase peace by the surrender of Cyprus and Pelusium. 23. The religious intolerance of Epiphanes, exhi- bited in his wish to introduce the Grecian worship every where among the subjects of his empire, is the more remarkable, as such instances were less fre- quent in those times. This intolerance seems to have taken its rise, not only in the love of pomp, but in the cupidity of the king, who by that means was en- abled to appropriate to himself the treasures of the temples, no longer inviolate, since the defeat of his father by Rome. The consequent sedition of the B. c. ifi7. Jews, under the Maccabees, laid the foundation of the future independence of that people, and contri- buted not a little to weaken the Syrian kingdom. See below ; History of the Jews, Book IV. Period IV. ; Small states Jews, parag. 6. The deep decay of the finances of the Seleucidte, palpable from the latter days of Antiochus the Great, may be accounted for well enough, by the falling off of the revenue, accompanied with increased luxury in the kings, (an instance of which is furnished in the festivals celebrated by Antiochus Epiphanes at. Daphne, 166,) and in the vast presents constantly sent to Rome, in addition to the ti'ibute, for the pur- pose of keeping up a party there. 24. His expedition also into Upper Asia, Persis especially, where great disorders were likewise ex- cited by the introduction of the Grecian religion, had for its object not only the recovery of Armenia, but the rifling of the temples. He died, however, on his way to Babylon. 25. The real heir to the throne, Demetrius, being detained at Rome as an hostage, Epiphanes was first succeeded by his son Antiochus V., surnamed Eupa- tor, a child nine years old. During his short reign, his death, B. C. 165. Antiochus Eupator. 164—161. PEKioD in.] I. SELEUCID^. 195 the quarrels of his guardians, the despotism of the Third Romans, the protracted war with the Jews, and the ^'^'"°' commencing conquests of the Parthians, reduced the kingdom of the Seleucidae to a powerless state. Contest between Lysias, regent in the absence of Epiphanes, and Philip, appointed by the king, previously to his death, as guardian of the young prince, terminated by the defeat of Philip, 162. — Eupator's right acknowledged at Rome, in order that the guardianship might fall into the hands of the senate, who ad- minister the government by means of a commission sent over into Syria, and completely deprive the king of all power of re- sistance. Octavius, head of the commission, put to death, pro- bably at the instigation of Lysias. — While the Parthian king, Mithridates I., is prosecuting his conquests at the expense of the Syrian kingdom in Upper Asia, Demetrius secretly escapes out of Rome, takes possession of the throne,*and causes Eupator and Lysias to be put to death, 161. 26. Demetrius I., surnamed Soter. He succeeded Demetrius in getting himself acknowledged at Rome, on which iöi!Üi5o all now depended. The attempts to extend his power, by supporting Orofernes, the pretender to the crown of Cappadocia, against the king Ariarathes, had their origin partly in family relations, but still mon;, as was the case with almost all political transactions of those times, in bribery. By this act he only drew upon himself the enmity of the kings of Egypt and Pergamus ; as, moreover, he was hated by his sub- jects on account of his intemperance, the chances of success were greatly in favour of the shameful usurp- b. c. 154. ation of Alexander Balas, brought about by Hera- clidas the expelled governor of Babylon, and backed by the yet more shameful conduct of the Roman senate, who acknowledged his title to the throne. The Syrian kingdom was now fallen so low, that both king and usurper were obliged to court the favour of the Jews under Jonathan, hitherto regarded as rebels. In the second battle Demetrius lost his life. 27. The usurper Alexander Balas endeavoured to Alexander confirm his power by a marriage with Cleopatra, fl^u'i^s. daughter of Ptolemy Philometor : but he soon evinced himself more unworthy even than his predecessor of wielding the sceptre. While he abandoned the go- vernment to his favourite, the detested Aramonius, o 2 196 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third the eldest remaining son of Demetrius succeeds not ^'^^°°' only in raising a party against the usurper, but even in prevailing on Philometor to side with himself, and give him in marriage Cleopatra, whom he takes away from Balas. The consequence of this alliance with 145. Egypt was the defeat and downfal of Balas, although it cost Philometor his life. The account, that Philometor wished to conquer Syria for himself, must probably be understood as meaning that he had formed the design of recovering the ancient Egyptian posses- sions, Ccele- Syria and Phoenicia. Otherwise, why should he have given his daughter to a second pretender to the throne ? Demetrius 28. Demctrius IL, surnamed Nicator, 145 — 141, U5-126. and for the second time, 130—126. The disband- ing: of his father's mercenaries having; roused the in- dignation of the army, the cruelty of his favourite Lasthenes kindled a sedition in the capital, which could not be quenched without the assistance of the Jews, under their high priest and military chieftain, Jonathan. — While affairs were in this posture, Dio- B. c. 145. dotus, subsequently called Triphon, a dependent of Balas, excited an insurrection, by bringing forward Antiochus, the latter's son, and even, with the help of Jonathan, seating him on the throne of Antioch : 144. soon after, Tryphon, having by treachery got Jona- 143. than into his power, removed Antiochus by murder, 142. and assumed the diadem himself. — Notwithstanding Demetrius kept his footing only in a part of Syria, he was enabled to obey the call of the Grecian colon- ists in Upper Asia, and support them against the Par- thians, who had overrun the country as far as the Euphrates. — Although victorious in the commence- ment of the contest, he was soon after taken by the 140—130. Parthians, and remained ten years a prisoner, though treated meanwhile as a king. Antiochus 29. In order to maintain herself against Tryphon, Cleopatra marries the younger and better brother, Antiochus of Sida (Sidetes) ; he being at first in alli- ance with the Jews, — who, however, were soon after subdued, — defeats and overthrows Tryphon. Being now lord and master of Syria, he undertakes a cam- of Sida. 1.39. I'KI(|()I> III. I. .si:i,i;ii(;ii)/i-',. 1!)7 paip^li ii^iiiiisl, llic l'iiflliüiiis ; ;il IIk; ('(»rMinrnccirinil, i imiid Ix'Tricndcd hy llic siihjccts of llic I'lirlliiiitis, lie issue- ' ' crssful, l)iil, soon iillcrwiifcls is ii.l,liic.k(!(l in vviiilcr- i:i^. (|iiiirl,('i-s hy f.li()S(^ very IriciKls, and cut lo piece's, i:u. lordlier wil.li jiII Ins nrniy. ir tlic uccoiiiiIh oI" tlw vvmiUfii licfiitioiisiicHH «if liis iiniiy uro }U)l, i:\;\<^y^i:vn\.\i)i\^, tln-y luiiii.sli Liu; rlcuiCMl. pidol" of (lu; iiiililiiry illiij;c iiiid cxlortioii, tilt; wciilUi of liir coiiiilry liiid hern (■oIIccIimI in llir liaiids ol.' (Iii^ Holdicrs ; and tin-, coiidiliDii ol' Syria iihimI. Imvr been jncUy nearly tlic Haiiic. iih liiiil of I'-^rypI umlcr ijn- Muiiiliik .hiiIIumm. .'iO. M(!unwlnle Denielnus II. Ii;ivnifj:; (!S(;aped from D-iMcirin« prison, aoiiiii HcaUid liirnsel("(>n tlie llirone. I>ut Im;- fl' """','" "'" in^- now still more overt )eiirni|j,- llian iieioic, nnd n. <. im nieddlni«;- iu the I'lnypliini aliiiu's, I'loleniy I'liyscon set up iin'iunst Inni a nvid in llie p(!rson ol" Alexander ZehniJis, !i, |)retended son of Alexander l>al;is; hy \->r,. Inni li(! was delented and shun. Tlic. I'jirlliiiUi kiii^"; l'lirii;ilfs IF., liiid, iil, lirsl, Jili.'ralcd Dn- rrifitriu.M, lo vvlioin lii.s Hi.nlcr IMiodo^ninc was imilcil hy iiiariiii<.f(% ill order tlial,, hy appfariii^ in Syria, lie nii^rlil, oldi^^r Aiilio'''' '""■ war with Mithridates, they ihon^ht proper fornadly 'ii„'m.n/ to annex it to their empire as a province;, i.K.viiKrc, War liclvvcen Al(!.\and(!r Z(;l)iiiiiH and the, ainI»ili((ii.M relict of DcnielriiiH, (>l(^opa(ra, who with her own hand iiiiirders her eldcHl Hon ScIciiciim, 1>. ( '. WiT), \'<,\- prelcnijin;.' (o I he crown, 198 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third which she now gives to her youngest son, Antiochus Gryphus ; Period, ti^g ^ew king, however, soon saw himself compelled to secure his own life by the murder of his mother, 122 ; Alexander Ze- binas having been the year before, 123, defeated and put to death. After a peaceful rule of eight years, 122 — 114, Anti- ochus Gryphus is involved in war with his half-brother Anti- ochus Cyzicenus, son of Cleopatra by Antiochus Sidetes : it ends. 111, in a partition of territory. But the war between the bi'others soon burst out anew, and just as this hapless kingdom seemed about to crumble into pieces, Gryphus was murdered, 97. — Seleucus, the eldest of his five sons, having beaten and slain Cyzicenus, 96 ; the eldest son of the latter, Antiochus Eu- sebes, prosecuted the war against the sons of Gryphus ; Eusebes being at last defeated, 90, the surviving sons of Gryphus fell to war among themselves, and the struggle continued until the Syrians, weary of bloodshed, did what they ought to have done long before, viz. made over the sovereign power to Tigranes the king of Armenia, 85. Yet Eusebes's Avidow, Selene, re- tained Ptolemais till 70 ; and her elder son Antiochus Asiaticus, at the time that Tigranes was beaten by Lucullus, in the Mith- ridatic war, took possession of some provinces in Syria, 68 ; these were wrested from him after the total defeat of Mithri- dates by Pompey, when Tigranes was obliged to give up his claim, and Syria became a province of the Roman empire, 64. Antiochus Asiaticus died 58 ; his brother Seleucus Cybiosactes, having married Berenice, was raised to the Egyptian throne, but murdered at her command, 57 ; and thus the family of the Seleucidee was completely swept away. II. History of the Egyptian kingdom tinder the Ptolemies, 323—30. The sources of this history are for the most part the same as in the foregoing section ; see above, p. 186 ; but unfortunately still more scanty : for in the first place, less information can here be derived from the Jewish writers ; secondly, as on the coins struck under the Ptolemies no continuous series of time is marked, but only the year of the ki-ng's reign, they are by no means such safeguards to the chronology as those of the Seleu- cidfe. With respect to some few events, important illustrations are supplied by inscriptions. By modern writers, the history of the Ptolemies has been com- posed under a form almost entirely chronological, and by no means treated of in the spii'it which it deserves. Vaillant, Historia PtoleriKzorum, fol. Amstelodam. 1701. Illustration by the aid of coins. Champollion Figeac, Annales des Lagides, ou Chronologie des Rois d^Egypte, successeurs d' Alexandre le Grand. Paris, 1819. 2 vols. This treatise, which was honoured with a prize PERIOD III.] II. PTOLEMIES. 199 by the Academie des Inscriptions, has by no means exhausted Third the whole of the subject. See Period. J. Saint-Martin, Examen Critique de Vouvrage de M. Ch. F. intitule Annales des Lagides. Paris, 1820. Letronne, Recherch.es pour servir a Thlstoire de VEgypte pendant la domination des Grecs et des Romains, tirtes des in- scriptions Grecques et Latines, relatives a la chronologic, ä Vetat des arts, aux usages civils et religieux de ce pays. Paris, 1828. It cannot be denied that the author has thrown a much clearer light on the subjects mentioned in his title. 1. Egypt, under the Ptolemies, fulfilled, and per- rionrishin^ haps more than fulfilled, the designs projected by e-a^^ Alexander ; it became not only a mighty kingdom, "n'l" the but likewise the centre of trade and of science. The ■^'°'^'"^^^- history of Egypt, however, confines itself, almost sole- ly, to that of the new capital, Alexandria ; the found- ation of that city produced, imperceptibly, a change in the national character, which never could have been wrought by main force. In the enjoyment of civil welfare and religious freedom, the nation sunk into a state of political drowsiness, such as could scarce have been expected in a people who so often rose up against the Persians. Alexandria, originally, was no doubt a military colony ; it was not long, however, before it became a general place for resort for all nations, such as was scarcely to be met with in any other town of that day. The inhabitants were divided into three classes ; Alexandrines, (that is to say, foreigners of all nations, who had settled in the place ; next to the Greeks, the Jews were, it appears, the most numerous,) Egyptians, and Mercenaries in the king's service. The Greeks and Macedonians, divided into wards, (^vXac,) constituted the citizens ; they were under mu- nicipal government ; the others, such as the Jews, formed bodies corporate acco-rding to their respective nations. The more im- portant, in so many respects, that Alexandria is for history, the more it is to be regretted that the accounts respecting it, which have reached us, are so far from satisfactory I — Concerning the topography of ancient Alexandria : BoNAMY, Description de la ville cTAlexandrie in the 3Icni. de V Academie des Inscript. vol. ix. Compare, t J. L. F. Manso, Letters upon ancient Alexandria, in his Vermischte Schriften, vol. i. 2. Ptolemy I., urnamed Soter, the son of Lagus, Ptolemy received Egypt for his share, at the first division after |° e'"'323 the death of Alexander. Aware of the value of his —284. 200 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third lot, he was the only one of Alexanders successors ^'^'°°' that had the moderation not to aim at grasping all. No doubt he was, by the ambition of the other princes, entangled in their quarrels ; but his conduct was so cautious, that Egypt itself was never endangered. 321. Twice attacked in that country, first by Perdiccas, 307. afterwards by Antigonus and Demetrius, he availed himself successfully of his advantageous position, and moreover, in this period, added to his dominion several countries without Africa, such as Phoenicia, Judaea, Ccele-Syria, and Cyprus. The possession of Phoenicia and Coele- Syria, by reason of their forests, was of indispensable necessity to Egypt as a naval power. They frequently changed masters. The first occupation of those provinces by the Egyptian government occurred in 320, soon after the rout of Perdiccas by Ptolemy's general, Nicanor, who took the Syrian satrap Laomedon prisoner, established his foot- ing in the Avhole of Syria, and placed garrisons in the Phoenician cities. In 314 it was again lost to Antigonus, after his return out of Upper Asia, and the siege of Tyre. Ptolemy having defeated Demetrius at Gaza, 312, repossessed himself of those countries, but soon after evacuated them on the appearance of Antigonus, to whom they were ceded by the peace of 311. At the conclusion of the last grand league against Antigonus, 303, Ptolemy once more occupied them : but alarmed at a false re- port, that Antigonus had gained a victory, he retreated into Egypt, leaving nevertheless troops in the cities. After the bat- tle of Ipsus, 301, those countries Avere made over to him, and continued in the hands of the Ptolemies until they were lost at the second invasion of Antiochus the Great, 203. Cyprus, (see p. 124,) like most other islands, acknowledged submission to those who possessed the sovereignty of the sea, and therefore could not escape the dominion of the Ptolemies. It was taken possession of by Ptolemy as early as 313. Still the separate cities of the islands preserved their kings, among whom Nicocles of Paphos, having entered into a secret league with Antigonus, was put to death, 310. After the great sea- iight, 307, Cyprus fell into the hands of Antigonus and Deme- trius. Subsequently to the battle of Ipsus, 301, it remained in- deed at first in the power of Demetrius ; but that prince being gone over to Macedonia, Ptolemy, 294, seized an opportunity of recovering it, and the island from that time remained under the dominion of Egypt. Availing themselves of their naval strength, the Egyptian kings frequently exerted sovereign power over the coasts of Asia Minor, especially Cilicia, Caria, and Pamphy- lia, which appear to have absolutely formed a part of their terri- tory under the second Ptolemy. It is, howevei', hardly possible PERIOD III.] 11. PTOLEMIES. 201 to define with accuracy what were their real possessions in Third those quarters. Period. 3. Ptolemy likewise extends his territory within Cyreneand Africa, by the capture of Cyrene ; in consequence ^'^^^ '*''- of which Libya, or the neighbouring countries be- i£Tt.*° twixt Cyrene and Egypt, fell under his dominion. It is probable, also, that even in his reign the fron- tier of the Egyptian empire was advanced into Ethiopia ; but for this assertion we have no positive authority. The fall of Cyrene was brought about by domestic broils : at the time the place was besieged by Thimbron, a portion of the exiled nobles fled to Ptolemy ; the Egyptian prince commanded that they should be reinstated by his general Ophelias, who took possession of the town itself, 321. An insurrection in 312 was quelled by Agis, Ptolemy's general : nevertheless it would appear that Ophelias had almost established his inde- pendence, when, by the treachery of Agathocles, with whom he had entered into a league against Carthage, he perished, about 308. Cyrene was now seized by Ptolemy, and given to his son Magas, who ruled over it fifty years. 4. With respect to the internal government of Constitu- Egypt, our information is far from complete. The go^er"^ division into districts or nomes was continued ; sub- '"^"^ ject perhaps, in some cases, to alterations. The power of the king appears to have been unlimited ; the extreme provinces were administered by go- vernors, appointed by the sovereign ; similar officers were probably placed at the head of the various districts of Egypt itself; but hardly any document relative to the home department of that country has reached our time. High public situations, at least in the capital, appear exclusively reserved to Mace- donians or Greeks ; no Egyptian is ever mentioned as holding office. There were four magistrates at Alexandria : the Exegetes, whose office was to provide for the wants of the city ; the Chief Judge ; the Hypomnematographus — (Registrar of the archives ?) — and the Srparr/yoc vvKrepivoc, no doubt, the supervisor of the police, whose duty it was to watch over the peace of the city at night. We have the express testimony of Strabo, that these offices, which continued under the Romans, had already existed under the kings ; whether their establishment can be dated as tion of the govern- 202 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book IV. Third Period. The priest- caste and religion re- main. Character of the first of the Pto- lemies. Literature encouraged. far back as the time of Ptolemy I. is a question that does not admit of a solution. — The number of the districts or noraes ap- pears to have been augmented ; probably with a political view, in order that no governor or monarch should be invested with too great a share of power. 5. Be that as it may, it is an undoubted fact, that the ancient national constitution and administration " were not entirely obliterated. The caste of priests, together with the national religion, continued to exist; and though the influence of the former was considerably diminished, it did not entirely cease. A certain sort of worship was, by appointed priests, paid to the kings, both in their lifetime and after their death. Memphis, though not the usual resi- dence of the court, remained the capital of the kinodom ; there the ceremony of coronation was performed ; and its temple of Phtha was still the head sanctuary. What influence had not the reli- gion of the Egyptians upon that of the Greeks ! It were difücult to say which nation borrowed most from the other. 6. The regeneration of Egypt from the state of general ruin into which she had been plunged, and the permanent tranquillity she enjoyed during nearly thirty years, the duration of the reign of Ptolemy I., — at a time when the rest of the world was harassed by continual wars, — must have heightened her pros- perity under so mild and beneficent a ruler. But Ptolemy was certainly the only prince who could have taken advantage of these favourable circum- stances. Though a soldier by profession, he was highly accomplished, was himself a writer, and had a genius for all the arts of peace, which he fostered with the openhanded liberality of a king; while amidst all the brilliant splendour of his court, he led himself the life of a private individual. Increase of Alexandria by the importation of vast numbers of colonists ; especially Jews. — Erection of several superb build- ings, more particularly the Serapeum. — Measures taken for the extension of trade and navigation.- — The twofold harbour on the sea, and on the lake Mareotis. — The Pharus built. ^ But what more tlian any thing else distin- PERIOD III.] II. PTOLEMIES. 203 guished Ptolemy from his contemporaries was his Third regard for the interests of science. The idea of ^^^'"°' founding the Museum sprung out of the necessities of the age, and was suited to the monarchical form of government now prevalent. Where in those days of destruction and revolution could the sciences have found a shelter, if not under the protection of a prince ? But under Ptolemy they found more than a shelter, they found a rallying point. Here, accord- ingly, the exact sciences were perfected : and although the critic's art which now grew up could not form a Homer or a Sophocles, should 7ce, had it not been for the Alexandrines, be at present able to read either Homer or Sophocles ? Foundation of the Museum, (Society of the learned,) and of the first library in Brucliiuni, (afterwards removed to the Sera- pcuni,) probably under tlie direction of Demetrius Phalereus. A proper estimation of the services rendered by the INIuseum is yet wanting : what academy in modern Europe, however, has done so much ? Heyne, De genio ScbcuU Ptohmceorum. In Opuscnl. t. i. INIatter, Essai historiquc sur Vecole (TAlexandrie. 1820. 8. Ptolemy H., surnamed Philadelphus, son of Ptolemy Berenice, the second wife of his father, had ascended ^1^'^!'^'^' the throne in 286 as joint king. His reign, which b.c.'284- lasted thirty-eight years, was more peaceful even ^^^' than that of his predecessor, whose spirit seemed to inspire him in every thing, save that he was not a warrior : but, by that very reason, the arts of peace, trade, and science were promoted with the greater energy. In his reign Egypt was the first power by sea, and one of the first by land, in the world ; and even though the account given by Theo(;ritus of its thirty-three thousand cities may be regarded as the exaggeration of a poet, it is very certain that Egypt was in those days the most flourishing country in existence. The commerce of Alexandria was divided into three main branches; 1. The land-trade over Asia and Africa. 2. The sea-trade on the Mediterranean. 3. The sea-trade on the Ara- bian Gulf and Indian Ocean. With regard to the land-trade of Asia, especially that of India carried on by caravans, Alex- andi-ia was obliged to share it with various cities and countries : 204 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. Lbook iv. Third since one of its chief routes traversed the Oxus, and Caspian, Period, to the Black Sea ; while the caravans travelling through Syria and Mesopotamia, spi-ead for the most part among the sea-ports of Phoenicia and Asia Minor. — The trade over Africa extended far west, and still farther south. Westward it was secured by the close connexion between Cyrene and Alexandria ; and no doubt followed the same roads as in earlier times : of far greater importance was that carried on with the southern countries, or Ethiopia, into the interior of which they now penetrated, prin- cipally for the purpose of procuring elephants. The navigation on the Arabian and Indian Seas had likewise for its immediate object the Ethiopian trade, rather than the Indian. — The mea- sures taken by Ptolemy with this view, consisted partly in the building of harbours (Berenice, Myos-Hormos) on the Arabian Gulf ; partly in establishing a caravan from Berenice to Coptos on the Nile, down which latter the goods were further trans- mitted to their destination ; for the canal connecting the Red Sea with the Nile, although, perhaps, completed at this time, was nevertheless but little used. The grand deposit for these wares was the lesser harbour of Alexandi-ia, united by a canal with the lake Mareotis, which in its turn communicated by an- other canal with the Nile ; so that the account we receive of the lesser harbour being more thronged and full of bustle than the larger one, need not excite our surprise. With regard to the trade on the Mediterranean, it was shared between Alexandria, Rhodes, Corinth, and Carthage. The chief manufactories ap- pear to have been those of cotton stuffs, established in or near the temples. The best inquiry into the trade of Alexandria will be found in J. C. D. De Schmidt, Opuscula, res maxime Aegyptiorum illustrantia, 1765, 8vo. Revenue of 9. It would be important to know what, in a state Egypt. iji^^ Egypt, was the system of imposts, which, under Philadelphus, produced 14,800 silver talents, (four millions sterling,) without taking into account the toll paid in grain. In the extreme provinces, such as Palestine, the taxes were annually farmed to the highest bidder, a mode of levy attended with great oppression to the people. The case appears to have been very different with regard to Egypt itself; the customs, however, constituted the main branch of the revenue. Events of 10. The wars waged by Ptolemy IL were limited PhiiaSi- ""^ to those against Antiochus IL of Syria, and Magas phus. of Cyrene, half-brother to the Egyptian king; the former sprung out of the latter. Luckily for Egypt Ptolemy IL was of a weak constitution, and by his PERIOD III.] II. PTOLEMIES. "205 state of health was incapacitated from commanding i hikd his armies in person. — Under his reign the first '''!'""'_ foundation was laid, by means of reciprocal embas- sies, of that connexion with Rome which afterwards decided the fate of Egypt. Magas had, after the defeat of OpheUas, received Cyrene, 308. He had married Apanie, daugliter of Antiochus I., and in 266 had raised the standard of rebellion with tlie intention of invading Kgypt itself, when an insurrection in Marniarica eoni- pelled him to retreat ; he contrived, notwithstanding, to prevail upon his father-in-law to undertake an expedition against Egypt, which, however, was frustrated by Piiiladelphus, 264. To terminate tliis contest, Magas was about to unite his daugh- ter Berenice with the eldest son of I'liiladcdphus ; Apame, wish- ing to thwart the negotiation, fled over to her brother, Antiochus II., whom, after her husband's death, 258, she excited to a war against Egypt, which closed in 252. — The embassy to Rome originated in the victory won by the Romans over Pyrrhus, 273 ; it was answered by another from the Romans, 272. 11. The son inherited from his father all but the charartor simplicity of domestic life : under the reign of Phila- phihiliei"'^ delphus, the court was first thrown open to that i'''"»- efieminate luxury, which soon wrought the destruc- tion of the Ptolemies, as it had previously done that of the Seleucidtc ; at the same time was introduced the pernicious practice of intermarriages in the same family, by which the royal blood was more foully contaminated here even than in Syria. Philadelphus set the first example, by repudiating Arsinoe the daughter of Lysimachus, and then marrying his own sister, likewise; named Arsinoe ; this princess pre- served her influence over the king as long as she lived, although she did not bring him an heir, but adopted the children of her predecessor. 12. Ptolemy III., surnamed Evergetes. Under rtoicmy him, Egypt, froi^ci being merely mercantile, assumed b^c.^'Img— the character of a conquering state ; notwithstanding ^^i- his warlike spirit, he was not uninspired with that genius for the arts of peace peculiar to his family. His confjuests were directf^d partly against Asia in the war with Seleucus II., and extended as far as the borders of Bactria ; and partly, it is probable, against the interior of Ethiopia, and the western coast of 206 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third Arabia. Countries so wealthy, and with which com- ^^^'°"' merce had made men so well acquainted, could hardly escape the arms of such a formidable power as Egypt ; yet she seems to have made scarcely any other use of this extension of territory, than to insure the safety of her commercial routes. The main source of the history of Ptolemy Evergetes, is the inscription on the monument erected by that prince at Adule in Ethiopia : it contains a chronological list of his conquests, a copy of which has been preserved to us by Cosmas Indico- pleustes ; modern researches, however, have shown the proba- bility of its having consisted of two inscriptions, one referring to Evergetes, the other to a later king of Abyssinia. — Accord- ing to this monument, Ptolemy inherited from his father, be- sides Egypt itself, Libya, that is to say, western Africa as far as Gyrene, Coele-Syi-ia, Phcenicia, Lycia, Caria, Cyprus, and the Cyclades. — War with Seleucus Callinicus caused by the murder of Berenice, (see above, p. 190,) lasted until the ten years' truce, 246 — 240. During this war he conquered the whole of Syria as far as the Euphrates, and most of the mari- time countries in Asia Minor, from Cilicia to the Hellespont : an easy prey to a naval power. Whether the conquest of the countries beyond the Euphrates, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Per- sis, Susiana, and Media as far as Bactria, was effected in these four years, or not till between 240 and 230, is a question which cannot be determined with certainty. If we may judge by the booty brought back, this campaign was rather a foray tlian a regular expedition for conquest, though Ptolemy, indeed, ap- pointed governors in Cilicia and Babylonia ; yet the peculiar situation of affairs in Asia at the time, Seleucus being at war with his brother Antiochus Ilierax, and the Parthian and Bac- trian kingdoms being also in a state of infant feebleness, af- forded unusual opportunities for an expedition of this sort. The southern conquests, so far as they may be referred to Evergetes, were effected during the last period of his reign, in a separate war. They comprised: 1st, The greatest part of modern Abyssinia, — for as the catalogue of nations commences with that of Abyssinia, it necessarily follows that Nubia had already been subjected to Egypt. — The mountain range along the Arabian Gulf, the plain of Sennaar as far as modern Dar- fur, the lofty chain of mountains to the south, beyond the foun- tains of the Nile. All these conquests were made by the king in person ; and from those distant lands to Egypt, commercial roads were opened. 2nd, The western coast of Arabia, from Leuke Kome to the southern point of Arabia FeUx, was con- quered by his generals and admirals : here, likewise, the secur- ity of the commercial roads was established. Monwmentum Adulitanum, published in Fabeicius, B. Grac. t. ii. PERIOD III.] II. PTOLEMIES. 201 MoxTFAUCON, Coll. Pair. t. i., and in Chishull, Antiquit. Third AsiaticiB. Peuiod. The assertion that the monument beai'S two different inscrip- tions is made hy Salt, in the narrative of his travels contained in the Travels of Lord Vulentia. 13. Egypt was singularly blessed in having three great kings, whose reigns filled one whole century. A change now ensued ; but that change was brought about by the natural course of events ; in fact, it could scarcely be expected that the court should re- main untainted by such luxury as must have pre- vailed in a city, which was the main seat of trade, and the deposit of the treasures of the richest countries. 14. Ptolemy IV., surnamed Philopator. A de- Ptolemy bauchee and a tyrant, who, during the greater por- b'."c!'22i— tion of his reign, remained under the tutelage of the 234. crafty Sosibius, and, after the decease of that indi- vidual, fell into the yet more infamous hands of Aga- thocles and his sister Agathoclea. Philopator being contemporary with Antiochus the Great, the dangers that threatened Egypt under such a reign seemed to be doubled ; they were, however, averted by the ill- deserved victory of Raphia (see above, p. 191). 15. Agathocles and his sister would fain have Ptolemy taken into their own hands the guardianship of his ^oiil'il,'^^* son Ptolemy V., surnamed Epiphanes, a child only five years old ; but the people having risen up and made a terrible example of them, the office of guardian was confided to the younger Sosibius and to TIepolemus. The reckless prodigality of the former soon gave rise to a feud between him and his colleague, who was at least cunning enough to keep up appearances. Meanwhile the critical posture in which the kingdom was placed, by the attack of the enleagued kings of Syria and Macedonia, compelled b. c.2ü3. the nation to defer the regency to Rome and the senate, who had hitherto carefully cherished an ami- 202. cable connexion with Egypt. The regency confided to M. Lepidus, 201, who hands over the administration to Aristomenes of Acarnania. The sequel will show how decidedly important this step was for the ulte- rior destinies of Egypt. By the war of the Romans against 208 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Thibd Philip, and their differences with Antiochus, Egypt was, no Period, doubt, for the present extricated from her embarrassment ; but nevertheless in 198 she lost her Syrian possessions, notwith- standing Antiochus III. had promised to give them as a dowry to Cleopatra, the affianced bride, and subsequently the consort of the young king of Egypt. To this time, or about 197, belongs the celebrated inscrip- tion on the Rosetta stone, erected by the caste of priests as a tribute of gratitude for past benefits, after the consecration of the king at Memphis upon his coming of age : a monument im- portant alike for palaeography, and for the knowledge of Egyp- tian administration. Ajmeilhon, Eclaircissemens sur V inscriptio Grecque du mo- nument trouve ä Rosette. Paris, 1803. Heyne, Commentatio de inscriptione Grceca ex Aegypto Lon- dinum apportata, in the Commentat. Societ. Gotting. vol. xv. Character of 16. The hopes conceived of Epiphanes, were Epiphanes. prrievously disappointed as he grew up to manhood. 184. His guardian Aristomenes fell a victim to his ty- ranny ; nay, his cruelty drove even the patient Egyptians to rebel, although the insurrections were B. c. 183. stilled by his counsellor and general, Polycrates. His reign happened during the period in which Rome crushed the power of Macedonia and Syria ; and notwithstanding the close alliance between Epi- phanes and Antiochus HI., the Romans succeeded in holding the Egyptian king in dependence ; he was, however, in the twenty-eighth year of his age, brought to an early grave by intemperance and debauchery. Ptolemy 17. Of his two SOUS, the elder, a child five years " liiometor. qM, was his immediate successor ; this prince, by the title of Ptolemy VI., surnamed Philometor, ascended the throne under the guardianship of his mother Cleopatra, who fulfilled the duties of her office to the satisfaction of all, until 173. But after her death, the regency having fallen into the hands of Euleeus an eunuch, and Lenseus, these individuals, asserting their claims to Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, engaged with Antiochus Epiphanes in a war exceed- ingly detrimental to Egypt, until Rome commanded peace to be made. Antiochus, after the victory of Pelusium, B. C. 171, and the treacherous surrender of Cyprus, having possessed liimself of Egypt as far as Alexandria, a faction arose in the city ; Philo- Ph 18 PERIOD in.] II. PTOLEMIES. 209 metor was expelled, and his younger brother Physcon seated on Third the throne, 170. — The exile Philometor fell into the power of Period. Antiochus, who compelled the fugitive to sign a separate peace, highly injurious to the interests of Egypt. The articles were not, however, ratified ; Philometor secretly entering into an agreement with his brother that they should both rule in com- mon, 169. Antiochus having in consequence again made an inroad into Egypt, the two kings addressed themselves for as- sistance to the Achseans and to the Komans ; the latter forth- with despatched an embassy to Antiochus, commanding him to evacuate the territory of their allies, which happened accord- ingly, 168. 18. In the contest, which soon afterwards ensued Disputes between the two brothers, the younger was driven 50^^ Epu out, and sought a refuge at Rome ; when a partition phanes. of the kingdom between the princes was determined upon : the senate, however, after due consideration, refused to confirm the decision, so that the disputes between the two kings were rekindled and protracted, until the younger fell into the power of the elder. In the first division, 164, Philometor received Egypt and Cy- prus : and the infamous Physcon had for his share Cyrene and Libya. But, during his stay at Rome, Physcon, contrary to all justice, obtained the promise of Cyprus ; Philometor refusing to give up that portion of his share, and Cyi-ene having risen up against its king, Physcon ran the risk of losing the whole of his dominions. In the war which, supported by Rome, he waged against his brother, Physcon fell, 159, into the hands of Philometor, who not only forgave him, but, leaving him in pos- session of Cyrene and Libya, added some cities in the place of Cyprus, and promised him his daughter in marriage. 19. During the last period of his reign, Philome- Philometor tor was almost exclusively busied with Syrian affairs, |n\'j[e"ff^,s He supported Alexander Balas against Demetrius, of Syria. and even gave him his daughter Cleopatra. Never- theless, he afterwards passed over to the side of De- mxCtrius, seated him on the throne, gave him in mar- riage this same Cleopatra, who had been taken away from Balas. But in the battle in which Balas was overthrown, the Egyptian king also received his death- wound. He may be regarded as one of the good b. c. 145. princes of the Ptolemaic dynasty, especially if com- pared with his brother. 210 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third 20. His younger brother Ptolemy VII., surnamed Physcon, and likewise Evergetes II., a monster both Ptolemy in a moral and a physical sense, who had hitherto B. c,'^i45— been king of Cyrene, now possessed himself of the ^^'^' throne of Egypt by marrying his predecessor s widow and sister, Cleopatra, whom, however, after having murdered her son, he repudiated for her daughter of the same name. This prince, accordingly, once more united the divided kingdom ; but at the same time that he was purchasing the sanction of Rome by vile adulation, he maintained himself at Alexandria by means of military law, which soon converted the city into a desert, and obliged him to attract foreign colo- 130. nists by large promises. Another bloody massacre, however, produced an insurrection in the town, which compelled the king to flee to Cyprus, the Alexan- drines, meanwhile, raising to the throne his repudi- ated wife Cleopatra. Physcon, nevertheless, with the assistance of his mercenaries, recovered the sceptre, and wielded it to the day of his death. That a prince of such a character should nevertheless be a friend to science, and himself an author, must ever be regarded as a singular phenomenon ; yet his exaction of manuscripts, and his treatment of the learned, whole crowds of whom he expelled, betray the despot. Ptolemy 21. His widow, the younger Cleopatra, to gratify 116—81^' ^^^^ Alexandrines, was obliged to place on the throne the elder of her two sons, Ptolemy VIII., surnamed Lathyrus, who was living in a sort of banishment at 116. Cyprus : to the younger, Ptolemy Alexander I., who was her favourite, she accordingly gave the island of Cyprus. But Lathyrus not choosing to obey her in every thing, she compelled him to exchange Egypt 107. for Cyprus, and gave the former to her younger son. But neither was the new king able to brook the tyranny of his mother : as she threatened even his life, he saw no other means of escape than to antici- 89. pate her design ; but failing in his project, he was obliged to take to flight, and, after a vain attempt to BP. recover the throne, perished. The Alexandrines then reinstated in the government his elder brother PERIOD III.] II. PTOLEMIES. 211 Lathyrus, who ruled till the year 81, possessing both '^h'rd Egypt and Cyprus. 1 Revolt and three years' siege of Thebes in Upper Egypt, still one of the most wealthy cities even in those days, but after its capture almost levelled to the earth ; about 86. — Complete se- paration of Cyrenaica from Egypt : this province had been bequeathed by Physcon as a separate branch-state to his illegiti- mate son, Apion, 117 ; that prince, after a tranquil reign, be- queathed it, in his turn, to the Romans, 96, who at first allowed it to retain its independence. 22. Lathyrus left one daughter born in wedlock, obscure Berenice, and two illegitimate sons, Ptolemy of Cy- fhThlton prus and Ptolemy Auletes. Besides the above, there 8i— er, was a lawful son of Alexander I., of the same name as his father, and at that time residing at Rome with the dictator Sylla. The following history is obscured by clouds, which, amid the contradiction of accounts, cannot be entirely dispelled. Generally speaking, Egypt was now a tool in the hands of powerful in- dividuals at Rome, who regarded it but as a financial speculation whether they actually supported a pre- tender to the Egyptian crown, or fed him with vain hopes. All now saw that Egypt presented a ripe harvest ; but they could not yet agree by whom that harvest should be reaped. The first successor of Lathyrus in Egypt was his legitimate daughter Cleopatra Berenice, 81 : at the end of six months, however, Sylla, then dictator at Rome, sent his client Alexan- der II. to Egypt, 80 ; that prince married Berenice, and with her ascended the throne. Nineteen days after Alexander mur- dered his consort, and, according to Appian, was himself about the same time cut ofi" by the Alexandrines, on account of his tyranny. We afterwards hear, notwithstanding, of a king Alexander, who reigned until 73, or, according to others, until 66 ; when, being driven out of Egypt, he fled to Tyre, and called upon the Romans for that aid, which probably, through Caesar's intercession, would have been granted, had not the sup- plicant soon after died at the place of his refuge. He is said to have bequeathed by will his kingdom to Rome ; and although the senate did not accept the legacy, it does not appear to have formally rejected the ofi^r ; in consequence of which, frequent attempts were made at Rome for effecting the occupation. — Either, therefore, Appian's account must be false, and this per- son was the same Alexander II., or he was some other person bearing that name, and beloi ging to the royal house. — Be this as it may, after the death of Lathyrus the kingdom was dismem- p 2 212 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book IV. Third Period. Cleopatra, B. C. 51— 31. bered : nnd- one of his illegitimate sons, Ptolemy, had received Cyprus, but that island was taken from him, 57, and converted into a Eoman province : the other, Ptolemy Auletes, seems to have kept his footing either in a part of Egypt, or in Cyrene, and was probably the cause of Alexander's expulsion, at whose decease he ascended the throne ; although the Syrian queen Selene, sister to Lathyrus, asserted her son's claims at Rome, as legitimate heir to the throne of Egypt. With Caesar's assist- ance, Auletes, however, succeeded in obtaining the formal ac- knowledgment of his right at Rome, 59. But the measures taken by the Romans with regard to Cyprus, gave rise to a se- dition at Alexandria, 57, in consequence of which Auletes, being compelled to flee, passed over into Italy : or, perhaps, he was ordered to take this step by the intrigues of some Roman gran- dees, anxious of an opportunity to reinstate him. Pompey's attempts, with this view, are thwarted by Cato, 56. Meanwhile the Alexandrines placed Berenice, the eldest daughter of Au- letes, on the throne ; she married first Seleucus Cybiosactes, as being the lawful heir ; and after putting that prince to death, united herself to Archelaus, 57. — Actual restoration of Auletes by the purchased assistance of Gabinius, the Roman governor of Syria : and execution of Berenice, whose husband had fallen in the war, 54. Not long after, this miserable prince, no less effeminate than tyrannical, died, 51. J. R. FoKSTER, Commentatlo de successoribus PtolemcBi VII. Inserted in Comment. Soc. Gotting. vol. iii. 23. Auletes endeavoured by his last testament to insure the kingdom to his posterity, nominating as his successor, under the superintendence of the Roman nation, his two elder children, Ptolemy Dionysos, then thirteen years old, and Cleopatra, seventeen, vf\\o were to be united in wedlock : his two younger children, Ptolemy Neoteros and Arsinoe, he recom- mended to the Roman senate. Notwithstanding these measures, Egypt would not have escaped her fate upwards of twenty years longer, had not the im- pending calamities been diverted by the internal pos- ture of affairs at Rome, and still more by the charms and policy of Cleopatra, who through her alliance with Caesar and Antony not only preserved but even aggrandized her kingdom. From this time, however, the history of Egypt is most closely implicated with that of Rome. Feuds between Cleopatra and her brother, excited and fo- mented by the eunuch Pothinus, in whose hands the adminis- tration was : they lead to open war : Cleopatra, driven out, PERIOD HI.] II. PTOLEMIES. 213 flees to Syria, where she levies troops : Caesar in pursuit of the Third conquered Pompej arrives at Alexandria, and in the name of Period. Rome, assumes the part of arbitrator between the king and '~ queen, but suffers himself to be guided by the artifices of Cleo- patra, 48. Violent sedition in Alexandria, and Caesar besieged in Bruchium, the malcontent Pothinus having brought Achillas, the commander of the royal troops, into the city. The hard struggle in which Cajsar was now engaged, demonstrates not only the bitterness of the long rankling grudge of the Alex- andrines against Rome, but shoAvs also how decisive, to the whole of Egypt, were the revolutions of the capital. Ptolemy Dionysos having fallen in the war, and Caesar being victorious, the crown fell to Cleopatra, 47, upon condition of marrying her brother, when he should be of age : but as soon as the prince grew to manhood, and had been crowned at Mempliis, she re- moved him by poison, 44. 24. During the life of Caesar, Cleopatra remained Egypt be- under his protection, and consequently in a state of ''^^^^ dependence. Not only was a Roman garrison sta- I'lovmce. tioned in the capital city, but the queen herself, to- gether with her brother, were obliged to visit him at Rome. After the assassination of Caesar, she took the side of the triumviri, not without endano-erino: Egypt, threatened by Cassius who commanded in Syria ; and after the death of her brother, succeeded in getting them to acknowledge as king, Ptolemy Caesarion, a son whom she pretended to have had by Caesar. — But the ardent passion conceived by Antony for her person, soon after the discomfiture of the re- publican party, now attached her inseparably to his fortunes ; which, after vainly attempting to win over the victorious Octavius, she at last shared. The chronology of the ten years in which Cleopatra lived, for the most part, with Antony, is not without difficulty, but, ac- cording to the most pi-obable authorities, may be arranged in the following manner. Summoned before his tribunal on ac- count of the pretended support afforded by some of her generals to Cassius, she appears in his presence at Tarsus, in the attire, and with the parade, of Venus, 41 : he follows her into Egypt. In the year 40, Antony, called back to Italy by the breaking out of the Perusine war, is there induced, by political motives, to espouse Octavia ; meanwhile Cleopatra abides in Egypt. In the autumn of 37, she goes to meet him in Syria, where he Avas making ready for the war against the Partiiians, until then pro- secuted by his lieutenants ; here she obtained at his hands Phoe- nicia, — Tyre and Sidon excepted, — together with Cyrene and S14 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book IV. Third Period. Fiourishint state of Egypt. ■ Cyprus ; and in 36 went back to Alexandria, where she re- mained during the campaign. The expedition ended, Antony returned into Egypt and resided at Alexandria. From thence it was his intention to attack Armenia in 35 ; this design, how- ever, he did not effect until 34, when, after taking the king pri- soner, he returned in triumph to Alexandria, and presented to Cleopatra, or to his three children by her, all the countries of Asia from the Mediterranean to the Indus, already conquered or to be conquered. Preparing then to renew, in conjunction with the king of Media, his attack on the Parthians, he is pre- vailed upon by Cleopatra to break with Octavia, who was to bring over troops to him, 38. A war between him and Octa- vius being now unavoidable, the Parthian campaign already opened is suspended, and Cleopatra accompanies Antony to Samos, 32, where he formally repudiated Octavia. From hence she followed him in his expedition against Octavius, which was decided by the battle of Actium, fought September 2, 31. — Octa- vius having pursued his enemy into Egjqit, Alexandria was be- sieged, 30, and after Antony had laid violent hands on himself, the place surrendered ; and Cleopatra, not brooking to be drag- ged a prisoner to Rome, followed the example of her lover, and procured her own death. ; 25. Even in this last period, Egypt appears to have been the seat of unbounded wealth and effe- minacy. The line of infamous princes who had succeeded to the third Ptolemy were unable to de- stroy her prosperity. Strange, however, as this seems, it may be easily accounted for when we con- sider that the political revolutions scarcely ever over- stepped the walls of the capital, and that an almost perpetual peace ruled in the country : that Egypt was the only great theatre of trade : and that that trade must have increased in the same proportion as the spirit of luxury increased in Rome, and in the Roman empire. The powerful effects wrought on Egypt by the growth of Roman luxury, are most convincingly demonstrated by the state of that coun- try when it had become a Roman province ; so far from the trade of Alexandria decreasing in that pe- riod, — though the city suffered in the first days after the conquest, — it subsequently attained an extraordi- nary and gigantic bulk. PERIOD III.] III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 215 Third III. History of Macedonia and of Greece in general, Period. from the death of Alexander to the Roman conquest, B. C. 323— ] 46. The sources for this history are the same as have been quoted above : see p. 186. Until the battle of Ipsus, 301, Diodorus is still our grand authority. But in the period extending from 301 to 224, we meet with some chasms ; here almost our only sources are the fragments of Diodorus, a few of Plutarch's Lives, and the inaccurate accounts of Justin. From the year 224, our main historian is Polybius ; and even in those parts where we do not possess liis work in its complete form, the fragments that have been preserved must always be the first authorities consulted. Livy, and other writers on Roman liistory, should accompany Polybius. Among modern books, besides the general works mentioned above, p. 1, we may here in particular quote, John Gast, D. D. The Histoi-y of Greece, from the acces- sion of Alexander of Macedon, till the final subjection to the Roman power, in eight books. London, 1782, 4to. Although not a masterpiece of composition, yet too important to be passed over in silence. 1. Of the three main kingdoms that arose out of Extent of Alexander's monarchy, Macedonia was the most in- ''^^'^^^'^°"^'^- significant, not only in extent, — particularly as till B. C. 286 Thrace remained a separate and inde- pendent province, — but likewise in population and wealth. Yet, being, as it were, the head country of the monarchy, it was considered to hold the first rank ; and here at first resided the power which, nominally at least, extended over the whole. As early, however, as the year 311, upon the total ex- termination of Alexander's family, it became a com- pletely separate kingdom. From that time its sphere of external operation was for the most part confined to Greece, the history of which, consequently, is closely interwoven with that of Macedonia. Posture of affairs in Greece at Alexander's decease ; Thebes in ruins : Corinth occupied by a Macedonian garrison : Sparta humiliated by the defeat she had suffered at the hands of Anti- pater in her attempt at a revolt against Macedonia, under Agis IL, 333 — 331 : Athens on the other hand flourishing, and al- though confined to her own boundaries, still by her fame, and her naval power, the first state in Greece. 2. Although at the first division of the provinces, Antiimter. 216 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book IV. Third Period. Lamian war, B. C. 323. Olympias retires to Epirus, Craterus, as civil governor, was united with Anti- pater, the latter had the management of affairs. And the termination, as arduous as it was successful, of the Lamian war, — kindled immediately after the death of Alexander, by the Greeks, enthusiastic in the cause of freedom, — enabled him to rivet the chains of Greece more firmly than they had ever been before. The Lamian war — the spai-ks of which had been kindled by Alexander's edict, granting leave to all the Grecian emigrants, twenty thousand in number, nearly the whole of whom were in the Macedonian interest, to return to their native countries — was fanned to a flame by the democratic party at Athens. Urged by Demosthenes and Hyperides, almost all the states of central and northern Greece, Boeotia excepted, took up arms in the cause ; and their example was quickly followed by most of those in Peloponnesus, with the exception of Sparta, Argos, Corinth, and the Achoeans. Not even the Persian war pro- duced such general unanimity ! The gallant Leosthenes headed the league. — Defeat of Antipater, who is shut up in Lamia ; Leosthenes, however, falls in the siege of that place, B. C. 323, and although Leonatus — who, with the view of ascending the throne by his marriage with Cleopatra, had come to the assist- ance of the Macedonians — was beaten and slain, 322, the Greeks were finally overwhelmed by the reinforcements, bi'ought to Antipater out of Asia, by Craterus. And Antipater having fully succeeded in breaking the league, and negotiating with each separate nation, was enabled to dictate the terms. Most of the cities opened their gates to Macedonian troops ; besides this, Athens was obliged to purchase peace through the medi- ation of Phocion and Demades, by an alteration in her constitu- tion, — the poorer citizens being excluded from all share in the government, and for the most part translated into Tln-ace, — and by a pledge to deliver up Demosthenes and Hyperides ; whose place Phocion occupied at the head of the state. — The ^tolians, the last against whom the Macedonian wars were directed, ob- tained better terms than they had ventured to expect, Antipater and Craterus being obliged to hurry over to Asia in order to oppose Perdiccas. 8. That hatred which, even in the lifetime of Alex- ander, had sprung up between Antipater and Olym- pias, in consequence of his not permitting the dowager queen to rule, induced her to withdraw to Epirus ; her rankling envy being still more imbittered by the influence of the young queen Eurydice. See above, p. 180. Antipater, dying shortly after his expedition against Perdiccas, in which his colleague Craterus PERIOD III.] III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 217 had fallen, and he himself had been appointed regent, Third nominates his friend, the aged Polysperchon, to sue- '^"'°°' ceed him as regent and head guardian, to the exclu- Antipater sion of his own son Cassander. Hence arose a series n'am'erpo- of quarrels between the two, in which, unfortunately lysperchon for themselves, the royal family were implicated and sör/"^*^^^" finally exterminated, Cassander obtaining the sove- bc. 320— reignty of Macedonia. Cassander having secured the interest of Antigonus and Ptolemy, makes his escape to the former, 319: he had pre- viously endeavoured also to raise a party in Macedonia and Greece, particularly by getting his friend Nicanor to be com- mander at Athens. — Measures taken by Polysperchon to oppose him ; in the first place, he recalls Olympias out of Epirus, but the princess dares not come without an army ; in the next place, he nominates Eumenes commander of the royal troops in Asia (see above, p. 181) ; he likewise endeavours to gain the Grecian cities, by recalling the Macedonian garrisons, and changing the governors set over them by Antipater. These latter, however, were in most of the cities too firmly established to suffer them- selves thus to be deposed ; and even the expedition into Pelo- ponnesus, undertaken by Polysperchon to enforce his injunctions, was attended but with partial success. — In the same year occurs a twofold revolution in Athens, whither Polysperchon had sent his son Alexander, nominally for the purpose of driving out Nicanor, but virtually to get possession of that important city. In the first place, Alexander and Nicanor appearing to unite both for the attainment of one and the same object, the demo- cratic party rise up, and overthrow the rulers, hitherto taken from Antipater's party, and headed by Phocion, who is com- pelled to swallow poison : soon after, however, Cassander occu- pies the city, excludes from the administration all that possess less than ten mines, and places at the head of affairs Demetrius Phalereus, who, from 318 to 307, ruled with great prudence. — Not long after, Olympias returns with an army from Epirus ; the Macedonian troops of Philip and Eurydice having passed over to lier side, she wreaks her revenge on the royal couple, and on the brother of Cassander, all of whom she puts to death, 317. Cassander, nevertheless, having obtained reinforcements in Peloponnesus, takes the field against her ; she is besieged in Pydna, where, disappointed in the hope of being relieved either by Polysperchon or by ^acidas of Epirus, both of whom were forsaken by their men^ she is obliged to surrender, 3 1 6. Cas- sander, having caused her to be condemned by the Macedonian people, has her put to death. 4. Cassander being now master, and, from 302, cassander. king of Macedonia, confirmed his dominion by a 218 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third marriage with Thessalonice, half-sister to Alexander, ' and at the same time endeavoured to corroborate as far as possible his authority in Greece. Polysper- chon and his son Alexander, it is true, still made head in Peloponnesus ; but the states without the peninsula, ^tolia excepted, were all either allies of Cassander, or occupied by Macedonian troops. Aft iv B. c. 314. tl^e defeat of the league against Antigonus, in which Cassander had borne a part, general peace was con- cluded, with the proviso, that the Grecian cities should be free, and that the young Alexander, when of age, should be raised to the throne of Macedonia : this 311. induced Cassander to rid himself both of the young prince and his mother Roxana by murder : but he thereby exposed himself to an attack from Polysper- chon, who, availing himself of the discontent of the Macedonians, brought back Hercules, the only re- maining illegitimate son of Alexander. Cassander diverted the storm by a new crime, instigating Po- lysperchon to murder the young Hercules, under promise of sharing the government : Polysperchon, however, unable to possess himself of the Pelopon- nesus, which had been promised him, appears to have preserved but little influence. Cassander met like- wise with formidable opponents in the persons of Antigonus and his son ; and although delivered by 308. the breaking out of the war with Ptolemy from the danger of the first invasion of Greece by Demetrius, his situation was more embarrassing at the second 307. irruption ; from which, however, he was extricated by the circumstance of Antigonus being obliged to recall his son, on account of the newly-formed league (see above, p. 185). Antigonus, on his return from Upper Asia, declares loudly against Cassander, B. C. .314 ; despatches liis general Aristode- mus to Peloponnesus, and frames a league with Polysperchon and his son Alexander ; the latter, however, Cassander succeeds in winning over by a promise of the command in Peloponnesus. Alexander was soon after murdered, but his wife Cratesipolis succeeded him, and commanded with the spirit of a man. Mean- while, Cassander carried war against the ^Etolians, who sided with Antigonus, 313 ; but Antigonus, 312, having sent his ge- PERIOD III.] III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 219 neral Ptolemy into Greece with a fleet and army, Cassander lost Third his supremacy. In the peace of 311, the freedom of all the Period. Grecian cities was stipulated ; but this very condition became the pretext of various and permanent feuds ; and Cassander hav- ing murdered the young king, together with his mother, drew upon himself the arms of Polysperchon, who wished to place Hercules on the throne, 310 ; but the pretender was removed in the manner above described, 309. — Cassander now endeavour- ing to re-establish his power over Greece, Demetrius Poliorcetes was by his father sent into that country, in order to anticipate Ptolemy of Egypt, in the enforcement of the decree for the free- dom of the Greeks, 308 ; the result at Athens was the restora- tion of democracy, and the expulsion of Demetrius Phalereus. — From any further attack of Demetrius, Cassander was de- livered by the war which broke out between Antigonus and Ptolemy, (see above, p. 184,) and had the leisure once more to strengthen his power in Greece, until 302, when Demetrius ar- rived a second time, and, as generalissimo of liberated Greece, pressed forward to the borders of Macedonia ; Demetrius was, however, recalled by his father into Asia, and at the battle of Ipsus, 301, lost all his dominions in that quarter of the world. Yet although Athens closed her hai'boui's against him, he stiU maintained his possessions in Peloponnesus, and even endea- voured to extend them ; from thence, in 297, lie sallied forth, and once more took possession of his beloved Athens, and after driving out the usurper Lac'iares, forgave her ingratitude. 5. Cassander survived the establishment of his Cassander throne by the battle of Ipsus only three years ; and f^^l' ^^^ bequeathed Macedonia as an inheritance to his three throne to sons, the eldest of whom, Philip, shortly after followed ^'^ ""''"• his father to the grave. 6. The two remaining sons, Antipater and Alex- Antipater ander, soon worked their own destruction. Anti- ^""l ^^^'^' , ander pater having murdered his own mother Thessalonice, on account of the favour she showed his brother, was obliged to flee; he applied for help to his father-in- law, Lysimachus of Thrace, where he soon after died. Meanwhile Alexander, fancying that he likewise stood in need of foreign assistance, addressed himself to Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, and to Demetrius Po- liorcetes, both of whom obeyed the call only with the expectation of being paid. After various snares reciprocally laid for each other, the king of Macedonia was murdered by Demetrius, and with him the race of Antipater became extinct. ^- ^- ^^•^• 7. The army proclaimed Demetrius king ; and in 294—287.^* 220 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third his person the house of Antigonus ascended the .'_ throne of Macedonia, and, after many vicissitudes, estabhshed their power. His seven years' reign, in vv^hich one project succeeded the other, was a con- stant series of wars ; and as he never could learn how to bear with good fortune, his ambition was at last his ruin. The kingdom of Demetrius comprised Macedonia, Thessaly, and the greatest part of the Peloponnesus ; he was also master of Megara and Athens. — Twofold capture of Thebes, which had been rebuilt by Cassander, 293, and 291 ; unsuccessful attempt upon Thrace, 292. His war with Pyrrhus, 290, in whom men fancied they beheld another Alexander, had already alienated the affections of the Macedonians ; but his grand project for the recovery of Asia induced his enemies to get the start of him ; and the hatred of his subjects compelled him secretly to escape to Peloponnesus, to his son Antigonus, 287. Athens, taking advantage of his misfortunes, drove out the Macedonian garri- son, and, by the election of archons, re-established her ancient constitution ; although Demetrius laid siege to the town, he allowed himself to be pacified by Crates. Having once more attempted to prosecute his plans against Asia, he was obliged, 286, to surrender to Seleucus his fiither-in-law, who, out of charity, kept him till the day of his death, 284. Pyninis of 8. Two claimants to the vacant throne now arose, b' c"''87 ^'^■^- Pyrrhus of Epirus and Lysimachus of Thrace ; 286. but although Pyrrhus was first proclaimed king, with the cession of half the dominions, he could not, being a foreigner, support his power any longer than the year 286, when he was deposed by Lysimachus. The sovereigns of Epirus, belonging to the fomily of the ^acidfe, were properly kings of the Molossi. See above, p. 121. They did not become lords of all Epirus, nor conse- quently of any historical importance, until the time of the Pelo- ponnesian war. After that period Epirus was governed by Alcetas I. about 384, who pretended to be the sixteenth de- scendant from Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles ; Neoptolemus, father to Olympias, by whose marriage with Philip, 358, the kings of Epirus became intimately connected with Macedonia, d. 352 ; Arymbas, his brother, d. 342 ; Alexander I., son of Neoptolemus, and bi'other-in-law to Alexander the Great ; he was ambitious to be as great a conqueror in the west as his kinsman was in the east, but he fell in Lucania, 332. ^acides, son of Arymbas, d. 312. Pyrrhus IL, his son, the Ajax of his time, and, we might almost say, ratlier an adventurer than a king. After uninterrupted wars waged in Macedonia, Greece, Italy, and Sicily, he fell at last at the storming of Argos, 272. PERioL III] III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 221 He was followed by his son Alexandei- IL, in the person of Third whose successor, Pyrrhus III., 219, the male line became ex- Pe^^od- tinct. Although the daughter of this last prince, Deidamia, succeeded to the throne, the Epirots were not long before they established a democratic government, which endured till such time as they were, together with JMacedonia and the rest of Greece, brought under the Roman yoke, 146. 9. In consequence of the accession of Lysimachus, Ljsima- Thrace, and for a short time even Asia Minor, were *^^"^- annexed to the Macedonian kingdom. But rankling b. c. 282 hatred and family relations soon afterwards involved Lysimachus in a war with Seleucus Nicator, in which, at the battle of Curopedion, he lost both his throne and his life. Execution of tlie gallant Agathocles, eldest son of Lysima- chus, at the instigation of his step-mother Arsinoe : his widow Lysandra and her brother Ptolemy Ceraunus, who had already been driven out of Egypt by his step-mother Berenice, go over, followed by a large party, to Seleucus, whom they excite to war. 10. The victorious Seleucus, already lord of Asia, Seieucus. now causing himself to be proclaimed likewise king of Macedonia, it seemed as if that country was again about to become the head seat of the whole monarchy. But shortly after he had crossed over into Europe, Seleucus fell by the murderous hand of Ptolemy Ce- b. c. 28i. raunus, who, availing himself of the treasures of his victim, and of the yet remaining troops of Lysima- chus, took possession of the throne ; by another act of treachery he avenged himself of Arsinoe, his half- sister ; but just as he conceived himself securely established, he lost both his crown and his life by the irruption of the Gauls into Macedonia. The irruption of the Gaids, threatening desolation not only to Macedonia, but to the whole of Greece, took place in tliree successive expeditions. The first under Cambaules, (probably 280,) advanced no further than Thrace, the invaders not being sufficiently numerous. The second in three bodies ; against Thrace, under Ceretrius ; against Pteonia, under Brennus and Acichorius ; against Macedonia and Illyria, under Belgius, 279. By the last-mentioned chieftain Ptolemy was defeated ; he fell in the contest. In consequence, Meleager first, and Antipater subsequently, were appointed kings of Macedonia ; but both, on account of incapacity, being soon afterwards deposed, a Mace- donian noble, Sosthenes, assumed the command, and this time liberated his country. But the year 278 brought v/ith it the MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book IV. Third Period. Antigen us Gonuatas, B. C. 274. main storm, wliich spent its fury principally on Greece : Sos- thenes was defeated and slain : and although the Greeks brought all their united forces into the field, Brennus and Aci- chorius burst into Greece on two different sides, and pushed on to Delphi, the object of their expedition ; from hence, how- ever, they were compelled to retreat ; and most of them Avere cut off by hunger, cold, or the sword. Nevertheless a portion of those barbarians stood their ground in the interior of Thrace, wliich, consequently, was for the most part lost to Macedonia : another portion, consisting of various hordes, the Tectosagas, Tolistobii, and Trocmi, crossed over to Asia Minor, where they established themselves in the country called after them Galatia (see above, p. 236). Although there can be no doubt that the Tectosag« must have come from the innermost parts of Gaul, the mode of attack demonstrates that the main tide of invaders consisted of the neighbouring races ; and, in fact, in those days the countries from the Danube to the Mediterranean and Adri- atic were mostly occupied by Gauls. — Greece, though she strained every nerve, and with the exception of Peloponnesus, was united in one league, could scarcely bring forward more than 20,000 men to stem the torrent. 11. Antigonus of Gonni, son to Demetrius, now seated himself on the vacant throne of desolated Ma- cedon; he bought off his competitor, Antiochus I., named Soter, by treaty and marriage. Successfully as he opposed the new irruption of the Gauls, he was dethroned by Pyrrhus, who, on his return from Italy, was a second time proclaimed king of Macedonia. That prince, however, having formed the design of conquering the Peloponnesus, and, after an ineffect- 272. ual attack on Sparta, which was repelled with heroic gallantry, wishing to take possession of Argos, fell at the storming of the latter place. Extraordinary as these frequent revolutions appear, they may be easily accounted for by the mode of warfare in those days. Every thing depended on the armies ; and these were composed of mercenaries, ever willing to fight against him they had de- fended the day before, if they fancied his rival to be a more valiant or fortunate leader. Since the death of Alexander, the Macedonian phalanx was no longer dependent on its captains, but they on their men. The impoverishment of the countries, in consequence of war, was such, that the soldier's was ahnost the only profitable trade ; and none prosecuted that trade more ardently than the Gauls, whose services were ever ready for any one who chose to pay for them. 12. After the death of Pyrrhus, Antigonus Gon- PERIOD III.] III. MACEDON AND GREECE. natas recovered the Macedonian throne, of which he Third and his descendants kept uninterrupted possession, ^^'^'°°' yet not till after a violent contest with Alexander, the son and successor of Pyrrhus. But no sooner were they secure from foreign rivals, than the Ma- cedonian policy was again directed against Greece, and the capture of Corinth seemed to insure the de- pendence of the whole country, when the formation of the iEtolian, and the yet more important Achaean, league, gave rise to relations entirely new, and of the highest interest, even for the universal history of the world. After so many storms, the sun of Greece was about to set in all his splendour ! The ancient confederacy of the twelve Achasan cities (see above, p. 117) had subsisted until the death of Alexander, but was dissolved in the subsequent commotions ; particularly when, after the battle of Ipsus, 301, Demetrius and his son made Pe- loponnesus the principal seat of their power. Some of these cities were now garrisoned by those princes, while in others arose tyrants, generally favourable to their interests. In 281, four asserted their freedom and renewed the ancient federation ; which, five years afterwards, was gradually joined by the rest, Antigonus being busied elsewhere, in consequence of his occu- pation of the Macedonian throne. But the league did not be- come formidable till the accession of foreign states. This took place, in the first instance, with Sicyon, through the exertions of the liberator of that town, Aratus, who now became the animating spirit of the federation ; and in 243 brought over Corinth, after the expulsion of the Macedonian garrison, and Megara. AfterAvards the league gradually acquired strength, by the junction of several Grecian cities, Athens among others, 229 ; and thereby excited the jealousy of the rest. And as Aratus, who was more of a statesman than a general, and pos- sessed but little independence, had in the very outset joined the party of Ptolemy II., the league soon became involved in the disputes of the great powers, and was too often but a mere tool in their hands. The main principles on which it was founded were the following : 1. Complete political equality of all the federate cities : in this respect it essentially diflfered from all the earlier federations in Greece. 2. Unconditional preservation of the domestic government in every one of the cities. 3. The meeting twice a year of deputies fi*om all the cities, at ^gium, and afterwards at Corinth ; for transacting all business of com- mon interest, particularly foreign affairs, and also for the pur- pose of electing the strategus, or military leader and head of the union, and the ten demiurgi, or supreme magistrates. — But what more than all contributed to exalt this league, founded on 224 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book IV. Third Period. Demetrius H. B. C. 243—233. Antigonus Doson, B. C. 233 —221. pure liberty, was the virtue of Aratus, 213, Philopoemen, 183, and Lycortas, 170 ; men who breathed into it the spirit of union, until, enfeebled by Roman policy, it was overthrown. •j- Breitenbauch, History of the AchcBans and their League, 1782. The ^tolian league was formed about 284, in consequence of the oppressions of the Macedonian kings. The ^tolians had likewise a yearly congress, panajtolium, at Thermus ; where they chose a strategus and the apocleti, who constituted the state council. They had, besides, their secretary, ypa^fiarevg ; and supervisors, i(popoi, whose particular functions are, however, matter of doubt. This federation did not increase like the Achaean, none but iEtolians being admitted. The more un- polished this piratical nation remained, the more frequently it was used as the tool of foreign, and particularly of Roman, policy. 13. Antigonus, in the latter part of his reign, had recourse to various means, and more especially to an alliance with the iEtolians, for the purpose of coun- terpoising the Achseans. He died in his eightieth year, and was succeeded by his son, Demetrius II., who waged war upon the T^tolians, now, however, supported by the Achseans ; and endeavoured to re- press the growth of the latter, by favouring the ty- rants of particular cities. The remainder of the reign of this prince is little more than a chasm in history. The vulgar assertion that this prince conquered Cyrene and Libya, originates in a confusion of names ; his uncle Demetrius, son of Poliorcetes of Ptolemais, being mentioned by Plutarch as king of Cyrene. The history of that town, from 258 to 142, is enveloped in almost total darkness : cf. Prolog. Trogi, 1. xxvi. ad calcem Justini. 14. Demetrius's son Philip was passed over ; his brother's son, Antigonus II., surnamed Doson, being raised to the throne. This king was occupied the most of his time by the events in Greece, where a very remarkable revolution at Sparta, as we learn from Plutarch, had raised up a formidable enemy against the Achseans ; and so completely altered the relative position of affairs, that the Macedonians, from having been opponents, became allies of the Achaeans. PERIOD III.] III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 225 Sketch of the situation of Spartan affairs at this period : the Third ancient constitution still continued to exist in form ; but the Period. plunder of foreign countries, and particularly the permission to transfer landed estates, obtained by Epitadeus, had produced great inequality of property. The restoration of Lycurgus's constitution had, therefore, a twofold object ; to favour the poor by a new agrarian law and release from debts, and to increase the power of the kings by repressing that of the ephori. — First attempt at reform, 244, by King Agis III. ; attended in the be- ginning with partial success, but eventually frustrated by the other king, Leonidas, and terminating in tlie extinction of Agis and his family, 241. Leonidas, however, was succeeded, 236, by his son Cleomenes, who victoriously defeated the plans of Aratus to force Sparta to accede to the Achaean league, 227 : this king, by a forcible revolution, overthrew the ephori, and accomplished the project of Agis, at the same time increasing the Spartans by the admission of a number of perijeci ; and en- forcing the laws of Lycurgus referring to private life ; but as in a small republic a revolution cannot be confirmed without some external war, he attacked the Acha^ans as early as 224 ; these being defeated, implored, through Aratus, the help of An- tigonus ; Cleomenes in consequence was, at tlie battle of Sellasia, 222, obliged to yield to superior force, and with difficulty escaped over to Egypt ; while Sparta was compelled to acknowledge her independence as a gift at the hands of Antigonus. Such was the miserable success of this attempt made by a few great men on a nation already degenerate. The quarrels between the ephori and King Lycurgus and his successor ]\Lichanidas, placed Sparta in a state of anarchy, which ended, 207, in the usurpation of the sovereign power by one Nabis, who destroyed the ancient form of government. Let him who would study great revolutions commence with that just described ; insignifi- cant as it is, none perhaps furnishes more instructive lessons. Plutarchi Agis et Cleomenes. The information in which is principally drawn from the Commentaries of Aratus. 15. Philip IL, son of Demetrius. He ascended Phüip ii. the throne at the early age of sixteen, endowed with ^^j^' ^~^~ many qualities, such as might, under favourable cir- cumstances, have formed a great prince. Macedonia had recruited her strength during a long peace ; and her grand political aim, the supremacy of Greece, secured by the connexion of Antigonus with the Achseans, and by the victory of Sellasia, seemed to be already within her grasp. But Philip lived in a time when Rome was pursuing her formidable plans of aggrandizement ; the more vigorous and prompt his efforts were to withstand that power, the more deeply Q 226 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book IV. iHip.n Period. "War of the two leagues, B. C. 221— 211 Negotia- tions be- tween Phi- lip and Hannibal, 214. was he entangled in the new maze of events, which imbittered the rest of his hfe, and at last brought him to the grave with a broken heart, converted by- misfortune into a despot. 16. The first five years of Philip were occupied by his participation in the war between the Achseans and i^tolians, called the war of the two leagues ; notwithstanding the treachery of his minister Apellas and his dependents, the prince was enabled to dictate the conditions of peace, according to which both par- ties were to remain in possession of what they then had. The conclusion of this peace was hastened by the news of Hannibal's victory at Thrasymenus, Phi- lip being then instigated to form more extensive pro- jects by Demetrius of Pharus, who had fled before the Romans, and soon acquired unlimited influence with the Macedonian king. The war of the two leagues arose out of the piracies of the iEtolians on the Messenians, the latter of whom the Achasans undertook to protect, 221. The errors committed by Aratus compelled the Achteans to have recourse to Philip, 220 ; whose progress, however, was for a long time impeded by the artifices of Apellas's faction, who wished to overthrow Aratus. The Acarnanians, Epirots, Messenians, and Scerdilaidas of lUyi'ia, (who, however, soon after declared against Macedonia,) com- bined with Philip and the Acha^ans ; the iEtolians, on tlie other hand, commanded by their own general, Scopas, had for their allies the Spartans and Eleans. — The most important conse- quence of this war for Macedonia was, that she began again to be a naval power. — About the same time a war broke out be- tween the two trading republics of Byzantium and Rhodes, (the latter supported by Pi'usias I. of Bithynia,) insignificant in it- self, but which, as a commercial war, originating in the duties imposed b)'^ the Byzantines, was the only one of its kind in this age, 222. The Rhodians, so powerful in those days by sea, compelled their adversaries to submit. 17. The negotiations between Philip and Hanni- bal concluded with an alliance, in which reciprocal help was promised towards annihilating Rome. But Rome contrived to excite so many foes against Philip on the borders of his own kingdom, and availed her- self so skilfully of her naval power, that the execution of this plan was prevented until it became possible to attack the Macedonian king in Greece ; where he PERIOD III] III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 227 had made himself many enemies, by the domineering Third tone he had assumed towards his allies at the time '. that, sensible of his power, he was about to enter upon a wider sphere of action. Commencement of hostilities by Rome, against Philip : imme- diately that the alliance of Philip and Hannibal was known, a squadron with troops on board was stationed off the coast of Macedonia, by which the king himself was defeated at Apollo- nia, 214. — Alliance of Rome with the iEtolians, joined likewise by Sparta and Elis, Attains king of Pergamus, and Scerdilaidas and Pleuratus, kings of Illyria, 211. On Philip's side were the Achajans, with whom Pliilopoemen more than supplied the loss of Aratus, occasioned, 213, by the Macedonian king ; to them were joined the Acarnanians and Btjeotians. — Attacked on every side, Phihp successfully extricated himself from his difficulties ; in the first place, he compelled the iEtolians, who had been abandoned by Attains and Rome, to accept separate terms, which, shortly after, Rome, consulting her o-\^ti convenience, converted into a general peace, inclusive of the allies on either side, 204. 18. New war of Philip against Attains and the War with Rhodians, carried on for the most part in Asia Minor ; b"q "oy3_ and his impolitic alliance with Antiochus III. to at- 200. tack Egypt. But can Philip be blamed for his en- deavours to disarm the military servants of the Romans? Rome, however, did not grant him time to efibct his designs ; the Macedonian king was taught at Chios, by woeful experience, that his navy had not 202. increased proportionably with that of tlie Rhodians. 19. The war with Rome suddenly hurled the war with Macedonian power from its lofty pitch ; and by lay- ^"J^lg- ing the foundation of Roman dominion Sn the East, wrought a change in almost all the political relations of that quarter. The first two years of the war showed pretty evidently, that mere force could scarcely overturn the Macedonian throne. But T. Quintius Flaminius stepped forward ; with the magic i98. spell of freedom he intoxicated the Greeks ; Philip was stripped of his allies ; and the battle of Cynosce- 197. phalsD decided every thing. The articles of the peace were : 1. That all Grecian cities in Europe and Asia should be independent, and Philip should withdraw his garrisons. 2. That he should surrender the whole Q 2 228 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third of his navj, and never afterwards keep more than ^'''''°°- 500 armed men on foot. 3. That he should not, without previously informing Rome, undertake any war out of Macedonia. 4. That he should pay 1000 talents by instalments, and deliver up his younger son Demetrius as an hostage. The Roman allies in this war were : the ^tolians, Athenians, Rhodians, the kings of the Athamanes, Dardanians, and Perga- nius. — The Acha3ans at the beginning sided with Philip, but were subsequently gained over by Flaminius. See below, in the Roman history. 20. Soon after, the freedom of Greece was solemn- B. c. 196. ly proclaimed at the Isthmian games by Flaminius : but loud as the Greeks were in their exultations, this measure served merely to transfer the supremacy of their country from Macedonia to Rome : and Grecian history, as well as the Macedonian, is now interwoven with that of the Romans. To foster quarrels between the Greek states with the especial view of hindering the Ach<3eans from growing too formidable, now be- came a fundamental principle at Rome; and Ro- man and anti-Roman parties having quickly arisen in every city, this political game was easily played. Flaminius even took care that the Achfeans should have an opponent in the person of Nabis, although under the necessity of waging war against him previous to his return into Italy, 194. — In 192, war between Nabis and the Achaeans ; followed after the murder of Nabis, at the hands of the iEtolians, by the acces- sion of Sparta to the Achaean league. — But about the same time Greece once more became the theatre of foreign war ; Antio- chus having fifmly seated himself in the country, and enleagued himself with several tribes, but more particularly the ^tolians, inspired with bitter and long-standing hatred against the Ro- mans. These last, however, after the expulsion of Antiochus from Greece, 191, paid dearly for their secession ; nor was peace granted them by Rome till after long and unsuccessful suppli- cations, 189. Fate of 21. While war was pending between the Romans Philip. Q^^^ Antiochus, Philip, in the character of one of the numerous allies of Rome, ventured to increase his territory at the expense of the Athamanes, Thracians, and Thessalians. To keep him in good humour he was permitted to effect those conquests; but after PERIOD 111.] Ill, MACEDON AND GREECE. 229 the termination of the war, the oppression of Rome Third became so gaUing-, that it could not be otherwise than ^^^'°°- that all his thoughts should centre in revenge, and b. c. i90. all his exertions be directed towards the recovery of power. Meanwhile the violent measures adopted for repeopling his exhausted kingdom — such is the punishment of ambition which usually awaits even the victorious ! — the transplantation of the inhabitants of whole cities and countries, and the consequent and unavoidable oppression of several of his neigh- bours, excited universal complaints ; and where was the accuser of Philip to whom Rome would not now lend a ready ear ? — His younger son, Demetrius, the pupil of Rome, and by her intended, it is probable, to succeed to the crown, alone diverted the impend- ing fate of Macedonia. But after the return of that i83. prince from his embassy, the envy of his elder and bastard brother, Perseus, grew into an inveterate ran- cour, such as could not be quenched but by the death of the younger. The lot of Philip was indeed hard, isi. compelled as a father to judge between his two sons ; but the measure of human woe was filled, when after the death of his favourite child he discovered that he was innocent ; are we to wonder that sormw should no. soon have hurried him to a premature grave? 22. The same policy which was observed by the Roman po- Romans towards Philip, they pursued towards the thilchUn Achaeans, with whom, since the termination of the war ^,g^|"^- with Antiochus, they had assumed a loftier tone ; and this artful game was facilitated by the continual quar- rels among the Greeks themselves. Yet the great Philopoemen, worthy of a better age, maintained the. dignity of the league at the very time that the Ro- mans presumed to speak as arbitrators. After his decease they found it easy to raise a party among the Acheeans themselves, the venal Callicrates oifering \s:i. his services for that purpose. The Aclifeans were continually embroiled either with Si)arta or with J\Iessene : the grounds of difference were, that in both of those states there were factions headed by persons who, out of personal motives, and for the most part hatred to Philopoe- men, wished to secede from the league ; on the other hand, the JO MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book IV. Third Period. Perseus, B. C. 179 —168. Defeat of Perseus at Pydna. prevailing idea among the Achfeans was, that this league ought to comprise the whole of the Peloponnesus. In the war against the Messenians, 183, Philopcemen, at the age of seventy, was taken prisoner by the enemy and put to death. Plutarchi, Philopcemen. Nearly the whole of which is compiled from the lost biography of Polybius. 23. The last Macedonian king, Perseus, had in- herited his father's perfect hatred of the Romans, together with talents, if not equal, at least but little inferior. He entered into the speculations of his predecessor, and the first seven years of his reign was occupied in constant exertions to muster forces against Rome ; with this view he called the Bastarnae out of the north, in order to settle them in the terri- tories of his enemies the Dardanians ; he endeavoured to form alliances with the kings of Illyria, Thrace, Syria, and Bithynia ; above all, he strove by nego- tiations and promises to re-establish the ancient in- fluence of Macedonia in Greece. The settlement of the Bastarna3 (probably a German race, resident beyond the Danube) in Thrace and Dardania, in order with them to carry war against the Romans, was one of the plans traced out by Philip, and now partially executed by Per- seus. — In Greece the Macedonian party, which Perseus formed chiefly out of the great number of impoverished citizens in the country, would probably have gained the upper hand, had not the fear inspired by Rome, and the active vigilance of that power, interposed an effectual bar. Hence the Achajans, ap- parently at least, remained on the Roman side ; the ^tolians, by domestic factions, had worked their own destruction ; the case was the same with the Acarnanians ; and the federation of the Boeotians had been completely dissolved by the Romans, 171. On the other hand, in Epirus the Macedonian party was superior ; Thessaly was occupied by Perseus ; several of the Thracian tribes were friendly to him ; and in King Gentius he •found an ally who might have been highly useful, had not the Macedonian prince, by an ill-timed avarice, deprived himself of his assistance. 24. The commencement of open hostilities was hastened by the bitter hatred existing between Per- seus and Eumenes, and by the intrigues of the latter at Rome. Neglect of the favourable moment for taking the field, and the defensive system, skilfully in other respects as it was planned, caused the ruin of Perseus, as it had done that of Antiochus. Never- PERIOD III.] III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 231 theless he protracted the war to the fourth year, Third when the battle of Pydna decided the fate both of ^^^'^'^' himself and his kingdom. b. c. 172 — 168. Miserable condition of Perseus until his capture at Samo- thrace; and afterwards until his death at Rome, 166. 25. According to the system at that period fol- lowed by Rome, the conquered kingdom of Mace- donia was not immediately converted into a pro- vince ; it was first deprived of all offensive power, by being republicanized and divided into four dis- tricts, wholly distinct from one another, and bound to pay Rome half the tribute they were before wont to furnish to their kings. 26. It was in the natural order of things that the Fail of the independence of Greece, and more especially that of ^''^,^^^ the Achaean league, should fall with Perseus. The political inquis'Uiou of the Roman commissaries not only visited with punishment the declared partisans of Macedonia ; but even to have stood neutral was a crime that incurred suspicion. Rome, however, amid the rising hatred, did not deem herself secure until by one blow she had rid herself of all opponents of any importance. Above a thousand of the most eminent of the Achaeans were summoned to Rome to justify themselves, and there detained seventeen years in prison without a hearing. While at the Caiiicrates, head of the league stood the man who had delivered ^®^— ^^°- them up, Callicrates, {d. 150,) a wretch who could, unmoved, hear " the very boys in the streets taunt him with treachery." — A more tranquil period, it is true, now ensued for Greece, but it was the result of very obvious causes. 27. The ultimate lot both of Macedon and Greece c^ieece be- was decided by the system now adopted at Rome, "^o^ln that of converting the previous dependence of na- P|;o^'i"';e, tions into formal subjection. The insurrection of ^ ~ ' Andriscus in Macedonia, an individual who pretended to be the son of Perseus, was quelled by Metellus, the country being constituted a Roman province ; two years afterwards, at the sack of Corinth, vanished the last glimmer of Grecian freedom. OQC) MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. Third Period. The last war of the Achajans arose out of certain quarrels with Sparta, 150, fomented by Dia^us, Critolaus, and Damocritus, who had returned bitterly enraged from the Roman prison ; in these disputes Rome interfered, with the design of wholly dis- solving the Achasan league. The first pretext that offered for executing this scheme was the ill-treatment of the Roman am- bassadors at Corinth, 148 ; war, however, still raging with Carthage and Andriscus, the Romans preserved for the present a peaceful tone. But the party of Difeus and Critolaus would have war ; the plenipotentiaries of Metellus were again insult- ed ; and the Acha3ans declared war against Sparta and Rome. In the very same year they were routed by Metellus, and their leader Critolaus fell in the engagement ; Metellus was replaced in the command by Mummius, who defeated Dia^us the suc- cessor of Critolaus, took Corinth and razed it to the ground, 146. The consequence was, that Greece, under the name of Achaia, became a Roman province, although to a few cities, such as Athens, for instance, some shadow of freedom was still left. IV. Hiatory of some smaller or more distant Kingdoms and States erected out of the Macedonian monarchy. Sources. Besides the writers enumerated above, (see p. 186,) Memnon, an historian of Heraclea in Pontus, deserves particu- lar mention in this place (see p. 131): some extracts from his work have been preserved to us by Photius, Cod. 224. In some individual portions, as, for instance, in the Parthian his- tory, Justin ' is our main authority ; as are likewise Ammianus Marcellinus, and the extracts from Arrian's Parthica, found in Photius. The coins of the kings are also of great importance ; but unfortunately Vaillant's Essay shows, that even with their assistance the chronology still remains in a very unsettled state. For the Jewish history, Josephus (see p. 29) is the grand writer ; of the Books of the Old Testament, those of Ezra and Nehemiah, together with the Maccabees, although the last are not always to be depended upon. The modern writers are enumerated below, under the heads of the diiferent kingdoms. Much information is likewise scat- tered about in the works on ancient numismatics. Smaller 1. Besides the three main empires into which the ouro/AiTf- nionarchy of Alexander was divided, there Hkewise aader's em- arosc in thosc cxtensivo regions several branch king- pire. ' As Justin did no more than extract from Trogus Pompeius, a question presents itself of great consequence to various portions of ancient history; what authorities did Trogus Pompeius follow? The answer will be found in two treatises by A. H. L. Heeren : Bcfon- tibus et auctoritate Troc/i Pompeii, ejusque epitomatoris Justini, insert- ed in Comment. Soc. Gott. vol. xv. PERIOD III.] IV. PERGAMUS, ETC. Xido doms, one of which even grew in time to be among Thiud the most powerful in the world. To these belong ^^^°°' the kingdoms of, 1. Pergamus. 2. Bithynia. 3. Paphlagonia. 4. Pontus. 5. Cappadocia. 6. Great Armenia. 7. Little Armenia. 8. Parthia. 9. Bac- tria. 10. Jewish state subsequent to the Mac- cabees. We are acquainted with the history of these kingdoms, the Jewish state alone excejited, only so far forth as they were im- plicated in the concerns of the greater empires ; of their internal history we know little, often nothing. With respect to many of them, therefore, little more can be produced than a series of chronological data, indispensable, notwithstanding, to the gene- ral historian. 2. The kingdom of Pergamus, in Mysia, arose Kingdom of during the war between Seleucus and Lysimachiis. b!c\ 283' It owed its origin on the one hand to the prudence — 133. of its rulers, the wisest of whom luckily reigned the longest ; and, on the other, to the weakness of the Seleucidae : for its progressive increase it was indebt- ed to the Romans, who in aggrandizing the power of Pergamus acted with a view to their own interest. History exhibits scarcely one subordinate kingdom whose princes took such skilful advantage of the political circumstances of the times ; and yet they earned still greater renown by the anxiety they show- ed in rivalling the Ptolemies, to foster the arts of peace, industry, science, architecture, sculpture, and painting. How dazzling the splendour with Avhich the small state of Pergamus outshines many a mighty empire ! Philetaerus, lieutenant of Lysimachus, in Pergamus, asserts his independence ; and maintains possession of the citadel and town, 283—263. His nephew, Eumenes I., 263—241, defeats Antiochus I. at Sardes, 263, and becomes master of -ÄColis and the circumjacent country. His nephew, Attains I., 241 — 197, after his victory over the Galatians, 239, becomes king of Per- gamus : a noble prince, and one whose genius and activity em braced every thing. His wars against Achajus brouglit him in alliance with Antiochus III., 216. Commencement of an alii ancc with Rome, arising out of his participation in tlie iEtoliau league against Macedon, 211, in order to thwai't Philip's project of conquest. Hence, after Philip's irruption into Asia, 203, 234 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third participation on the side of Rome, in the Macedonian war. His Period, gon Eumenes II., the inheritor of all his father's great qualities, succeeds him, 197 — 158. As a reward for his assistance against Antiochus the Great, the Romans presented him with almost all the territories possessed by the vanquished king in Asia Mi- nor, (Phrygia, Mysia, Lycaonia, Lydia, Ionia, and a part of Ca- rla,) which thereafter constituted the kingdom of Pergamus ; this prince extended his frontiers, but lost his independence. In the war with Perseus he was scarce able to preserve the good will of the senate, and therewith his kingdom. His brother Attains II., 158 — 138, a more faithful dependent of Rome, took part in nearly all the concerns of Asia ]\Iinor, more especially Bithynia. His nephew, Attains III., 138 — 133, a prince of unsound mind, bequeathed his kingdom to the Romans, who, after vanquishing the lawful heir, Aristonicus, 130, took pos- session of it, annexing it to their empire, under the shape of a province called Asia. — Great discoveries and vast establishments made at Pergamus. Rich library ; subsequently transferred by Antony to Alexandria, as a present for Cleopatra. Museum. Discovery of parchment an invaluable auxiliary to the preserv- ation of works of literature. Choiseuil Gouffier, Voyage jnttoresque de la Grece, vol. ii. 1809. Containing excellent observations, both on the mo- numents and history of Pergamus, as well as on those of all the neighbouring coasts and islands. Sevin, Recherches sur les rois de Pergame, inserted in the Mem. de VAcad. des Inscript. vol. xii. From the fall of Tyre and the unsuccessful attempt of De- metrius, B. C. 307, to the establishment of Roman dominion in the East, 300 — 200, was the brilliant period of Rhodes ; alike important for political wisdom, naval power, and extensive trade. At the head of the senate (ßovX))) were presidents, (irpv-ai'tlg,) who went out of office every half year, and were honoured with precedence in the meetings of the commons. Friendship with all, alliance with none, was the fundamental maxim of Rhodian policy, until subverted by Rome. Thus was preserved the dignity of the state, together with its independ- ence and political activity — where do we not meet with Rhodian embassies ? — and permanent splendour, resulting from the cul- tivation of arts and sciences. What proofs of general com- miseration did not Rhodes enjoy after that dreadful earthquake, which tlirew down even the famous Colossus ! 227. Long did her squadrons command the ^gean ; over that sea, the Euxine, and the western parts of the Mediterranean as far as Sicily, her commerce extended, consisting in the rich exchange of commodities between the three quarters of the globe. Her revenue proceeded from the customs, and was abundant ; until, blinded by avarice, she sought to obtain at Pera^a a territory on the mainland ; an ambition of which the Romans availed them- selves to her detriment, by presenting her with Lycia and Ca- rla, 190. And yet did this repubHc outlive that of Rome ! PERIOD III. J IV. PERGAMUS, ETC. 235 Great, indeed, is the chasm left in general history by the loss Third of the internal history of this island ! Period. P. D. Ch. Paulsen, Commentatio exhibens RJiodi descrip- tionem Macedonica cetate, Gottingce, 1818. A prize essay. 3. The other small kingdoms of Asia Minor are fragments rather of the Persian than of the Macedo- nian monarchy ; for Alexander's march following another direction, they were not formally subjugated by that conqueror. The lines of their kings are ge- nerally traced back to an early period of the Persian age ; but properly speaking, their rulers in those days were nothing more than viceroys : selected indeed, for the most part, from the royal family, they bore the title of princes, and, in the gradual decline of the empire, not unfrequently threw up their allegiance. Nevertheless these kingdoms do not appear as really independent until after the time of Alexander. Con- nected with the Grecian republics Heraclea, Sinope, Byzantium, etc., they formed, both in the Macedonian and Roman ages, a system of small states, often dis- tracted by internal wars, and still oftener mere tools in the hands of the more powerful. 1. Bithynia. As early as the Persian period, mention is made of two kings in Bithynia, Dydalsus and Botyras. The son of the latter, Bias, B. C. 378 — 328, made head against Ca- ranus, one of Alexander's generals ; as did also his son Zipoetas, d. 281, against Lysimachus. — Nicomedes I., d. 248. He called the Gauls over from Thrace, 278, and with their assistance de- posed his bi'other Zipoetas ; the Gauls in consequence kept their footing in Galatia, and were for a long time an object of terror to Asia Minor. Zelas, d. about 232 ; established his dominion after a war with his half-brothers. Prusias I., son-in-law and ally of Philip II. of Macedon, d. 192. He sided with the Rho- dians in the commercial war against Byzantium, 222, (see above, p. 226,) and directed his arms, 196, against Heraclea, a Gre- cian city in Bithynia, with a respectable territory along shore. Prusias II., waged war against Eumenes II., at the instigation of Hannibal, who had fled to his court, 184 ; he was subse- quently about to deliver up the fugitive to the Romans, had not Hannibal put a period to his existence, 183 : this king like- wise waged war against Attains II., 153 ; in both these contests Rome acted as mediator. Prusias, who had the meanness to style himself a freedman of the Romans, was dethroned by his own son, Nicomedes II., d. 92 ; a confederate of Mithridates the Great, with whom, nevertheless, he afterwards fell out concerning the ajjpropriation of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia. 236 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [dook iv. Third Nicomedes was murdei'ecl by his son Socrates, who was, how- Teriod. ever, compelled to flee ; in consequence of which Nicomedes III. succeeded to the crown. Deposed by Mithridates, who supported his half-brother Socrates, he was reinstated by Rome, 90. Having, however, at the instigation of the Romans, 89, attacked Mithridates, he was defeated and expelled in the first Mithridatic war, now kindled ; but in the peace of 85, he was again reinstated by Sulla. At his death, 75, he bequeathed Bithynia to the Romans ; and this legacy gave rise to the third Mithridatic Avar. Vaillant, Imperium Arsacidarum, vol. ii. See below. Sevin, Recherches sur le rois de Bithynie ; inserted in the 3Iem. de V Acadhnie des Inscript. vol. xii, 2. Paphlagonia. Even in the Persian age the rulers of this country were but nominally subject. After Alexander's death, B. C. 323, it fell into the hands of the kings of Pontus ; it was, however, subsequently, again ruled by its own monarchs ; among whom we hear of Morzes, about 179 ; Pyla;menes I., about 131 ; who assisted the Romans in the war against Aristonicus of Per- gamus. — Pylajmenes II., d. before 121 ; who is said to have be- queathed his kingdom to Älithridates V. of Pontus. Hence Paphlagonia came to be implicated in the fortunes of Pontus, (see just below,) until, after the fall of Mithridates the Great, 63, that kingdom was converted into a province, with the ex- ception of one of the southern districts, to which the Romans left some shadow of freedom. 3. Pontus. The later kings of this country derived their origin from the family of the Achfcmenida^, or house of Persia. In the Persian age they remained dependent or tributary princes : and as such we must consider Artabazes, son of Hys- taspes, d. 480, Mithridates I., d. 368, and Ariobarzanes, d. 337, mentioned as the earliest kings of Pontus. Mithridates II., sur- named Ctistes, d. 302, was one of the first to acknowledge sub- jection to Alexander ; after the death of the conqueror he sided with Antigonus, who treacherously caused him to be murdered. His son, Mithridates III., d. 266, (the Ariobarzanes of Mem- non,) not only maintained himself after the battle of Ipsus against Lysimachus, but likewise possessed himself of Cappado- cia and Paphlagonia. Mithridates IV., father-in-law to Anti- ochus the Great, waged an unsuccessful war against Sinope ; the year of his death is undetermined. Pharnaces, d. about 156. He conquered Sinope, 183 ; and that town then became the royal residence. War with Eumenes II., whom Rome had made so powerful, and with his allies ; terminated by a treaty, according to which Pharnaces ceded Paphlagonia, B. C. 179. Mithridates V., d. about 121. He was an ally of the Romans, from whom, after the defeat of Aristonicus of Phrygia, he con- trived to obtain Great Phrygia. Mithridates VI., surnamed Eupator, about 121 — 64. He bore the title of Great, an epi- thet to which he was as fully entitled as Peter I., in modern history; indeed he resembled the Russian prince in almost PERIOD III. IV. PONTUS, ETC. 237 every thing except in good fortune. His reign, although of the Third highest importance to general history, is, particularly in the por- Period. tion previous to the wars with Rome, replete with chronological difficulties. — At the age of twelve years he inherits from his father not only Pontus, but likewise Phrygia, and a reversion- ary title to the throne of Paphlagonia, vacated by the death of Pyltemenes II. — During his nonage, 121 — 112, Avhile by volun- tarily inuring himself to hardships, he contrived to elude the treacherous hostility of his guardians, Rome deprived him of Phrygia. His conquests in Colchis and on the eastern side of the Black Sea, 112 — 110. — Commencement of the Scythian wars. Called by the Greeks of Crimea to their assistance, he expelled the Scythians ; subjected several insignificant Scythian princes on the mainland ; and entered into alliances with the Sarmatic and even Germanic races as far as the Danube, 108 — 105, having already a view to the invasion of Italy from the north. — This war ended, he travels over Asia, (Asia Minor ?) about 104 — 103. — At his return, after punishing with death his faithless sister and wife, Laodice, he makes good his preten- sions to Paphlagonia, which he divides with Nicomedes II., 102. The Roman senate demanding the restoration of that province, Mithridates not only refuses to accede, but likewise takes pos- session of Galatia ; meanwhile Nicomedes places on the throne of Paphlagonia one of his own son.s, whom he gives out to be a son of Pylaemenes IL, and denominates Pylaamenes III. — Rup- ture with Nicomedes II., 101 ; the subject of dispute, Cappado- cia, which, after removing the king, Ariarathes VII., his bro- ther-in-law, with the assistance of Gordius, Mithridates himself now wished to possess ; he is anticipated, however, by Nico- medes II., who marries Laodice, Ariarathes's widow. — Mithri- dates, notwithstanding, expels his rival, under pretence of holding the kingdom for his sister's son, Ariarathes VIII., whom at the end of a few months he puts to death at a private conference, 94 ; he defeats the brother of the murdered prince, Ariarathes IX., and then places on the throne, under the name of Ariara- thes X., his own son, Avho is given out to be a third son of Ariarathes VII. ; in opposition to whom Nicomedes sets up an- other pretended Ariarathes. The Roman senate, meanwhile, declare both Paphlagonia and Cappadocia free, B. C. 92 ; at- tending, however, to the desires of the Cappadocians, they sanc- tion the election of Ariobarzanes to the crown ; and he is put in possession of tlie kingdom by Sylla, as propraetor of Cilicia, likewise in 92. — Mithridates, on the other hand, forms an alli- ance with the king of Armenia, Tigranes, to whom he gives his daughter in marriage ; and employs him in expelling Ariobar- zanes. — He himself, after the death of Nicomedes II., 92, sup- ports the claims of the deceased king's exiled son, Socrates Chrestus, against the bastard Nicomedes III., and in the mean time takes possession of Paphlagonia. Nicomedes and Ariobar- zanes are reinstated by a Roman embassy, 90, Mithridates, in order to gain time against Rome, causing Socrates to be put to 238 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third death. The hostilities of Nicomedes, instituted by Rome, gave Period, j,jgg ^.^ ^j^g ßj,g^ Roman war, 89 — 85, carried on in Asia and Greece, and brought to a conchxsion by Sylla. By the peace of 85, Mithridates restores Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Paphlago- nia. — War with the revolted Colchians and Bosporans, 84. — Second war with Rome brought about by the Roman governor, Murena, 83 — 81. Mithridates hereupon appoints his son. Ma- chares, king of Bosporus, (Crimea,) whom he aftei'wards him- self causes to be put to death, 66 : he was likewise, in all pro- bability, the instigator of the migration of the Sarmatfe out of Asia into Europe, in order to maintain his conquests in that quai'ter, about 80. Fresh disputes with Rome about Cappado ■ cia, of which Tigranes takes possession, and third war with Rome, 75 — 64. The contest ended in the downfal of Mithridates, caused by the treachery of his son Pharnaces ; Pontus became a Roman province ; although the Romans, in the sequel, ap- pointed over a portion of the country princes from the royal house, Darius, Polemo I., Polemo II., until Nero reduced it again wholly to the state of a province. Vaillant, Imperium Achcemenidarum in his Imperium Arsa- cidarum, tom. ii. With the assistance of the coins. For the history of Mithridates the Great, previously treated without sufficient chronological accuracy, see De Brosses, His- toire de la Rep. Romaine; and more especially Joan. Ernst. Woltersdorf^ Commentatio vitam Mithridatis Magni, per annos digestam, sistens; prcemio ornata ab A. Phil. Ord. Gottingce, A. 1812. 4. Cappadocia. Until the time of Alexander this country remained a province of the Persian empire, although the govern- ors occasionally made attempts at insurrection. The ruling family was here likewise a branch of the royal house ; Ariara- thes I. was particularly distinguished about B. C. 354. The prince contemporary with Alexander was Ariarathes IL, who, being attacked by Perdiccas and Eumenes, fell in the contest, 322. Nevertheless, his son, Ariarathes III., supported by the Armenians, recovered the sceptre about 312. The son of this king, Ariaramnes, formed a matrimonial connexion with the Seleucida3, uniting his son Ariarathes IV. with the daughter of Antiochus Qtöq. Ariarathes IV., during his life-time, associated in the government his son Ariarathes V., d. 162, who married Antiochis, daughter to Antiochus the Great : this princess find- ing herself at first barren, procured two supposititious sons, one of whom, Orophernes, subsequently wrested the sceptre from the legitimate and later born son, Ariarathes VI., but was after- wards expelled by the rightful heir, 157. In the war against Aristonicus of Pergamus, 131, he fell, as an ally of the Romans, leaving behind him six sons ; five of whom were cut oiF by his ambitious relict Laodice ; the sixth, however, Ariarathes VII., ascended the throne, and was married to Laodice, sister of Mith- ridates the Great, at whose instigation he was murdered by Gordius, under pretence of placing on the throne his sister's TERioD III.] IV. PARTHIA, ETC. 239 son, Ariarathes VIII. ; this last prince was soon after treaehcr- Third oiisly put to death by IMitliriilates, 94, and his brother Aria- 1'kriod. ratlies IX. doicated, 93, died of broken heart ; INIitliriihites then placed on the throne his own son, Ariaratlies X., a lad eight years old. The independence of Cappadoeia having meanwhile been proclaimed at Rome, the inhabitants of the country, in order to preclude domestic broils, themselves elect a king, ap- pointing to that dignity Ariobarzanes I., who was installed by Sylla, 92, and, backed by the Romans, kept his footing in the Mithridatic wars. In 63 he made the crown over to his son, Ariobarzanes II., who was slain by the army of Brutus and Cas- sius, 43, as was his brother Ariobarzanes III., 34, by Älark An- tony ; Antony then appointed Archelaus to be king, who, enticed to Rome by Tiberius, A. I). 17, was there assassinated; and Cai)padocia then became a Roman province. 5. Armenia wa^ a province of the Syrian empire until the de- feat of Antiochus the Great by Rome, 190. Tliat defeat was followed by the secession of Antiochus's lieutenants, Artaxias and Zariadras ; and now arose the two kingdoms of Armenia INIajor and Armenia Minor (the latter on the west bank of the LIpper Euphrates). In Armenia ]\Iajor the family of Artaxias kept possession of the throne, under eight (according to others ten) consecutive kings, until B. C. 5. — The only remarkable prince of this line was Tigraues I., 95 — 60, son-in-law and ally of Mithridates the Great, and lord of Armenia Älinor, Cappa- doeia, and Syria. He was, however, at the peace of 63, obliged to give up all, so that Armenia was dependent on the Romans, and remained so until B. C. 5, when it became the object of contention between the Romans and Rarthians, being ruled at intervals by kings appointeil by both parties, who endeavoured thereby to protect their own provinces. Finally, in A. D. 412, Armenia became a province of tlie new Persian empire. — In Armenia Minor the descendants of Zariadras ruled dependently on Rome; after its defection inider INlithridates the (!reat it usually formed part of some one of the neighbouring kingdoms, xnitil in the reign of Vespasian it was converted into a province of the Roman empire. Vaillant, Elenchus reg man Armenice Majoris, In his Ilist. Imp. Arsacidarum. 4. Besides the above small kingdoms, two mi<2:hty Kactiian empires aroso in Tnnor Asia, botli out of Alexander's |'£/em'. monarchy, and at tiie same time ; these were the I'i'es. Parthian and the Bactrian ; each having previously constituted a ])art of the empire of the Solcucida% from which tliey seceded under Antiochus II. The Parthian kingdom, or that of the Arsacidac», B. C. 256 — A. D. 'l^iS, at the maximum of its extension, com- prised the countries between the Euphrates and Indus. 240 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third Jts historj, SO far as we are acquainted with it, is di- .^___L vided into four periods (see below); but unfortunately our information is so imperfect respecting all that relates to the Parthians, except their wars, that even the most important particulars are beyond the reach of conjecture. Main facts in tbe history and constitution of the Parthian kingdom, a. Like the ancient Persian empire, the Parthian arose out of the conquests made by a rude mountain race of Central Asia, whose Scythian (probably Tartarian) origin be- trayed itself even in later times by their speech and mode of life : their conquests, however, were not effected with the same rapidity as those of the Persians, h. This empire increased at the expense of the Syrian in the west, and of the Bactrian in the east ; but its dominion was never permanently established be- yond the Euphrates, Indus, and Oxus. c. The Avars with Rome, commencing in B. C. 53, and springing out of disputes for the possession of the Armenian throne, were for a long time unfor- tunate for the Romans. Success did not accompany the arms of Rome until she had discovered the art of raising her own parties within the kingdom itself, by lending her support to pretenders, an art rendered comparatively easy by the unfa- vourable situation of the Parthian capital Seleucia and the neighbouring town of Ctesiphon, the real head-quarters of the court, d. The empire was indeed divided into satrapies, eigh- teen of which are enumerated ; nevertheless it comprised like- wise several small kingdoms, wliich preserved their own rulers, only that they were tributary, such, for instance, as Persis, etc. The Grajco-Macedonian settlements were also in possession of great privileges, and of their own civic governments ; Seleucia more especially, where the coins of the Parthian sovereigns were struck, e. The constitution was monarchal-aristocratic, some- thing like that of the Poles, in the period of the Jagellons. At the king's side sat a supreme state council, {senatus, in all pro- bability what was called the megistanes,) who had the power of deposing the king, and the privilege, it is supposed, of con- firming his accession previous to the ceremony of coronation, performed by the field-marshals (surenas). The right of suc- cession was only so far determined as belonging to the house of the Arsacida3 ; the many pretenders to which this uncertainty gave rise, produced factions and domestic wars, doubly injuri- ous to the empire when fomented and shared by foreigners, f. With regard to Asiatic commerce, the Parthian supremacy was of importance, inasmuch as it interrupted the direct intercourse between the western and eastern countries : it being a maxim of the Parthians not to grant a passage through their country to any stranger. This destruction of the trade occurs in the third period of the empire, being a natural result of the many wars with Rome, and the distrust thence ensuing. The East PERIOD III.] IV. PARTHIA, ETC. 241 India trade, in consequence, took another road though Palmyra TiiiRn and Alexandria, which were indebted to it for their splendour Period. and prosperity, g. It is probable that this was the reason why excessive luxury took a less hold on the Parthians than on the other ruling nations of Asia, notwithstanding their predilection for Grecian manners and literature, at that time generally pre- valent throughout the East. Line of the kings. I. Syrian period ; that of reiterated wars with the Seleucidaj, until 130. Arsaces I., 256 — 253, founder of the Parthian independence, by procuring the death of the Syrian viceroy, Agathocles, to which he was instigated by the insult offered to his brother Tiridates. Arsaces II., (Tiridates I.,) brother of the foregoing, d. 216. He posses!;ed himself of Hyrcania about 244, confirmed the Parthian power by a victory over Seleucus Callinicus, 238, whom he took prisoner, 236. Arsaces III., (Ai-tabanus I.,) d. 196. In his reign occurred the unsuccessful attempt of Antiochus III., who, in the treaty of 210, was obliged to renounce all claims on Parthia and Hyrcania, in return for which Arsaces lent his assistance to Antiochus in the war against Bactria. Arsaces IV., (Priapatius,) d. about 181. Arsaces V., (Phraates I.,) d. about 144: he conquered the Mardians on the Caspian. His brother, Arsaces VI., (Mithridates I.,) d. 136. He raised the hitherto confined king- dom of Parthia to the rank of a mighty empire, having, after the decease of Antiochus Epiphanes, 164, by the capture of Media, Persis, Babylonia, and other countries, extended the frontiers westward to the Euphrates, and eastward to the Hy- daspes, beyond the Indus. The invasion of Demetrius II. of Syria, supported by an insurrection of the conquered races, ended, 140, in the capture of the aggressor. Arsaces VII., (Phraates II.,) d. about 127. Invasion of Antiochus Sidetes, 132, who was at first successful, but being soon afterwards cut off together with his whole army, 131, the Parthian empire was for ever freed from the attacks of the Syrian kings. II. Period of the eastern nomad wars ; from 130 — 53. After the fall of the Baetrian empire, which had hitherto formed the eastern rampart of the Parthians, violent Avars took place with the nomad tribes of Central Asia, (Scytha?, Dahas, Tochari, etc.,) in which Arsaces VII. was slain. Arsaces VIII. (Artabanus II.) shared the same fate about 124. Arsaces IX. (Mithri- dates II.) d. 87. This prince appears to have restored tran- quillity to the East after bloody wars ; he met, however, with a powerful rival in Tigranes I., of Armenia. In his reign oc- curred the first transactions between the Parthians and Romans, 92, Sylla being proprcetor of Cilicia. Arsaces X., (Mnasciras,) d. about 76, waged a long war for the succession with his follower on the tlirone, the septuagenarian, Arsaces XI., (Sinatroces,) d. about 68. Unsuccessful war with Tigranes I. In consequence of civil wars, and ofthat with Tigranes, together with the formid- able power of Mithridates the Great, the Parthian empire was now greatly weakened. Arsaces XII., (Phraates III.,) d. 60, R 242 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third contemporary with the third Mithridatic war. Although both Period, parties eagerly courted his alliance, and he himself was engaged in the contest with Tigranes, he, notwithstanding, observed an armed neutrality, and made the Parthian empire continue to be respected as far as the Euphrates. Neither Luculhis nor Pom- pey durst attack him. The fall of Mithridates and of his em- pire, 64, constitutes, however, an epoch in the Parthian history, the Romans and Parthians having now become immediate neigh- bours. — Arsaces XIII., (Mithriclates II.,) d. 54, deposed, after several wars, by his younger brother Orodes, and at last put to death, after the capture of Babylonia, where he had taken refuge. III. Roman period ; from B. C. 53, to A. D. 226 ; compris- ing the wars with Rome. Arsaces XIV., (Orodes I.,) c?. 36. In his reign the first war with Rome, caused by the invasion of Crassus ; it ends in the annihilation of the invading army and general, 53. In consequence of this victory the Parthians ac- quired such preponderance, that during the civil wars they were frequently masters on this side of the Euphrates, and in 52 — 51 proceeded to attack Syria. — In the war between Pom- pey and Caesar they sided with the former, and thus furnished the latter with a pretext for his Parthian expedition, which, however, was prevented by his murder in 44 ; again, in the war between the triumviri and Brutus and Cassius, 42, they took the republican side. After the defeat of Brutus and Cassius, the Parthians, at the instigation of the Roman general and am- bassador Labienus, and commanded by him and Pacorus, (eldest son to Arsaces,) spread over the whole of Syria and Asia Mi- nor, 40 ; but, after violent exertions, were driven back by Ven- tidius, Antony's general, 39, 38 ; Pacorus lost his life, and his father died of grief. Arsaces XV., (Phraates IV.,) d. A. D. 4, contemporary of Augustus. He confirmed his power by mur- dering his brothers and their dependents ; his views were like- wise furthered by the failure of Antony's expedition, B. C. 36, which ended pretty nearly in the same manner as that of Cras- sus. The i-emainder of his reign was disturbed by a pretender to the throne, Tiridates, who, after his defeat, 25, found an asylum at the court of Augustus. The threatened attack of Augustus was diverted by Phraates's restoration of the stand- ai'ds taken from Crassus, 20 ; a dispute, however, subsequently arose respecting the possession of the Armenian throne, A. D. 2, on which account Caius Ccesar was despatched into Asia, and accommodated matters by a treaty. The ultimate fiite both of the king and the empire was principally decided by a female slave, Thermusa, sent as a present from Augustus ; this woman, wishing to insure the succession to her own sou, prevailed upon the king to send his four sons to Rome as hostages, under the pretext of anticipating domestic troubles, 18. — A practice which from that time became frequent, the Parthian kings thinking it a convenient mode of ridding themselves of dangerous competi- tors, while the Romans knew how to make the proper use of PERIOD III.] IV. PARTHIA, ETC. 243 tliem. — Thermusa's son having grown up, she removed the Third king, and seated Phraataoes on the throne, under the name of Period. Ai-saces XVI. ; he was, however, put to death by the Parthi- "" — ans, A. D. 4 ; and the crown given to one of the Arsacid^e, Orodes II., (Arsaces XVII.,) who was, however, immediately afterwards slain by reason of his cruelty. In consequence, Vonones I., the eldest of the sons of Phraates sent to Rome, Avas called back and placed on the throne (Ai'saces XVIII.) ; but that prince having brought with him Roman customs and lux- ury, was expelled, A. D. 14, with the assistance of the northern nomads, by Artabanus III., (Arsaces XIX.,) d. 44, a distant re- lation : the fugitive took possession of the vacant throne of Ar- menia, but was soon after di-iven from thence likewise by his rival. Tiberius took advantage of the consequent disorders, to send Germanicus into the East, A. D. 17, from whence he was never to return. The remainder of the reign of Artabanus was very stormy ; Tiberius on the one hand taking advantage of the factions between the nobles to support pretenders to the crown, the revolts of the satraps, on the other hand, giving proof of the declension of the Parthian power. After his death war raged between his sons ; the second, Vardanes, (Ai-saces XX.,) d. 47, made good his pretensions to the crown, and took North jVIedia (Atropatene) ; he was succeeded l)y his elder brother Gotarzes, (Arsaces XXI.,) d. 50, to whom Claudius unsuccessfully op- posed JNIeherdates, educated as an hostage at Rome. Arsaces XXII., (Vonones II.,) succeeded, after a reign of a few months, by Arsaces XXIII., (Vologeses I.,) d. 90. The possession of the Armenian throne, given by this prince to his brother Tiri- dates, by the Romans to Tigranes, grandson of Herod the Great, excited a series of disputes, which began so early as the reign of Claudius, A. D. 52, and under Nero broke out into open war, waged with some success on the Roman side by Corbulo, 56 — 64, and closed by Tiridates going, after the death of Tigranes, to Rome, and there accepting the crown of Armenia as a gift at the hands of Nero, 65. Arsaces XXIV., (Pacorus,) d. 107, contemporary with Domitian. All that we know of him is, that he embellished the city of Ctesiphon. Arsaces XXV., (Cosroes,) d. about 121. The claims to the throne of Armenia implicated him in a war with Trajan, 114, during which Ar- menia, together with Mesopotamia and Assyria, were converted into Roman provinces. Trajan's consequent and successful in- road into the interior parts of the Parthian dominions, 115 — 116, followed by the capture of Ctesiplion, and the appointment of Parthamaspates as king, appears to have been facilitated by the domestic commotions and civil wars which had for a Ion«- time harassed the empire. Nevei'theless, in the following year, 117, Hadrian was compelled to give up all the conquered country ; the Euphrates was again acknowledged as the bound- ary ; Parthamaspates was appointed king of Armenia; and Cosroes, who had taken refuge in the upper satrapies, was rein- stated on tlie throne, of which he seems ever after to have kept R 2 244 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [l300K IV. Third Period. Bactria. quiet possession. Arsaces XXVI., (Vologeses II.,) d. 149. Par- thia under his reign, and Rome under that of Antoninus Pius, remained on good terms. Arsaces XXVII., (Vologeses III.,) d. 191. Under the reign of this king, the contemporary of Marcus Aurelius and L. Verus, the war with Rome was again kindled, 161, by Verus, and carried on in Armenia and Syria; Cassias, the legate of Verus, at last got possession of Seleucia, and demolished that city, 165. — Arsaces XXVIII., (Ardawan or Vologeses IV.,) d. 2Ö7. This king having taken the part of Pescenninus Niger, in the war between him and Sep- timius Sever us, was, after the defeat of his friend, 194, routed in a war with Septimius Severus, 197, and the chief towns of Parthia were sacked by the invaders. He is, without authority, represented as succeeded by a Pacorus, Avho took the name of Arsaces XXIX. : his real successor, however, appears to have been Arsaces XXIX., (Vologeses V.,) rf. 216. Domestic wars among his sons, fomented by Caracalla. Arsaces XXX. (Ar- tabanus IV.) At the beginning of his reign, this prince like- wise was contemporary with Caracalla, who, in order to pick a quarrel, demanded his daughter in marriage ; according to some, Arsaces refused her, in consequence of which the Roman empe- ror undertook a campaign into Armenia ; according to others, Arsaces having assented, and escorted his daughter to Caracalla, was, by an abominable stroke of treachery, cut off, together Avith all his train, A. D. 216. Caracalla having been murdered, 217, his successor, Macrinus, signed a peace with the Parthians. But Arsaces subsequently raised his brother Tiridates to the throne of Armenia ; this act spurred the Persian Artaxerxes, son of Sassan, to rebellion ; the Parthian king, defeated in three battles, fell in the last, thus putting a period to the family and dominion of the Arsacidse, 226, and Artaxerxes became the founder of the new Persian kingdom, or that of the Sassanid«. The revolution was accompanied not only with a change of dy- nasty, but with a total subversion of the constitution. Vaillant, Imperium Arsacidarum et Achamemdarum, Paris, 1725, 2 vols. 4to. The first part comprises the Arsacidis ; the second the kings of Bithynia, Pontus, and Bosporus. It is an attempt, not altogether faultless, to arrange the series of kings, by the assistance of coins. j" C. F. Richter, Historico-critical essay upon the dynasties of the ArsacidcB and Sassanidce, according to the Persian, Gr-e- cian, and Roman authorities. A prize essay. Leipzic, 1804, A comparative research into the eastern and western sources. The chronology in the above sketch has been corrected by this work, in conjunction with Th. Chr. Tychsen, Commentationes de Nummis Persarum et Arsacidarum ; inserted in Commentat. Nov. Soc. Sc. Got- ting. vol. i. iii. 5. The Bactrian kingxlom arose nearly at the same time as the Parthian, 254 ; its origin, however, was PERIOD III.] IV. PARTHIA, ETC. 245 of a difterent nature, — the- independence of this state Third being asserted by the Grecian governor, who was ^^'^^"°' consequently succeeded by Greeks; — its duration likewise was much shorter, extending only from B. C. 254 to B. C. 126. Scarce any fragments have been preserved of the history of this empire, the borders of which appear at one time to have extended to the banks of the Ganges, and the frontiers of China. Founder of the empire, Dioclatus or Theodotus I., B. C. 254 ; he threw off his allegiance to the Syrian king, under Antiochus II. He appears to have been master not only of Bactria, but also of Sogdiana. He likewise threatened the Parthians ; after his decease, 243, his son and successor, Theodotus II., signed a treaty and alliance with Arsaces II., but was nevertheless de- prived of his crown by Euthydemus of Magnesia, about 221. Antiochus the Great, at the conclusion of the Parthian war, directed his arms against Euthydemus, 209 — 206 ; the contest ended in a peace, by which Euthydemus, after delivering up his elephants, was not only left in possession of the crown, but was allied to the Syrian family by the marriage of his son Deme- trius with a daughter of Antiochus. Demetrius, though a great conqueror, does not seem to have been king of Bactria ; his do- minions comprised, it is probable. North India and Malabar, whose history now becomes closely connected with that of Bac- tria, although consisting only of mere fragments. The throne of Bactria fell to Apollodotus, and after him to IMenander, who extended his conquests as far as Serica, while Demetrius was establishing his dominion in India, [as sovereign of which coun- try he is represented in a medal lately discovered,] and where, about this time, several Greek states appear to have existed, perhaps ever since the expedition of Antiochus III., 205. Me- nander was succeeded, about 181, by Eucratidas, under whose reign the Bactrian empire attained its greatest extension ; after defeating the Indian king, Demetrius, who had been the ag- gressor, he, with the assistance of the Parthian conqueror, Mithridates, (Arsaces VI.,) annexed India to his own empire, 148. On his return, he Avas murdered by his son ; the same, probably, that is mentioned afterwards by the name of Eucrati- das II. He was the ally of Demetrius II. of Syria, and the main instigator of his expedition against the Parthians, 142 ; Demetrius being defeated by Arsaces VI., Eucratidas was, in consequence, deprived of a portion of his territory ; overpowered soon after by the nomad races of Central Asia, the Bactrian empire fell to the ground, and Bactria itself, together with the other countries on this side of the Oxus, became a prey to the Parthians. Tii. Sieg. Bayer, Historia regni GrcBcorum Bactriani. Pe- tropol. 1738, 4to. The few remaining fragments are in this work collected with industry and arranged with skill. 246 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv Third [Tod, Account of Greek, Parthian, and Hindu Medals, in Period. Transactions of the R. Asiatic Society, vol. i. part ii. p. 316. Tychsen, De Nummis Gracis et Barbaris in Bochara mcper retectis, in Comment. Nov. Soc. Sc. Gotting. vol. vi.] Kingdom of 6- The restorcd kingdom of the Jcws WQS likewise the Jews, -j fragment of the Macedonian monarchy ; and al- though it ranked only with the smaller states, its his- tory in various respects deserves our attention, few nations having had so powerful an influence on the progress of human civilization. The foundation of the independence of the Jews was not, it is true, laid before the year 1 67 ; yet their domestic constitution had previously assumed its main features, and their history, reckoning from the return of the Babylonian captivity, accordingly divides itself into four periods : 1. Under the Persian supremacy, 536 — 323. 2. Under the Ptolemies and Seleucidse, 323 — 167. 3. Under the Maccabees, 167 — 39. 4. Under the Herodians and Romans, B. C. 39 to A. D. 70. First period under the Persians. By permission from Cyrus, a colony of Jews belonging to the tribes of Benjamin, Judah, and Levi, returned to the land of their forefathers, 536 : this colony, headed by Zorobabel, of the ancient royal family, and the high priest Joshua, consisted of about 42,000 souls ; the far more important and wealthy portion of the nation preferred to remain on the other side of the Euplirates, where they had been settled for seventy years, and continued to be a numerous people. The new settlers found it difficult to keep their foot- ing, principally in consequence of differences, produced by the intolerance tliey themselves evinced at the building of the tem- ple, with their neighbours and kinsmen the Samaritans, to whom the colony was only a cause of expense. The Samaritans sub- sequently, having erected a separate temple at Garizim, near Sichern, about 336, not only separated completely, but laid the foundation of an inveterate hatred between the two nations. Hence the prohibition to rebuild the city and temple, brought about by their means, under Cambyses, 529, and Smerdis, 522, and not taken off until 520, in the reign of Darius Hystaspes. The new colony did not receive a permanent internal constitu- tion till the time of Ezra and Nehemiah ; both brought in fresh colonists, the former in 478, the latter in 445. The country was under the dominion of the satraps of Syria ; but in the in- creasing domestic declension of the Pei'sian empire, the high priests gradually became the virtual rulers of the nation. Ne- vertheless, even at the time of Alexander's conquest, 332, the 'Jews seem to have manifested proofs of fidelity to the Persians. Second period under the Ptolemies and Seleucidte, 323 — 167. PERIOD III.] IV. JUD^A. 247 After the death of Alexander, Palestine, in consequence of its Third situation, generally shared the fate of Phoenicia and Coele-Syi-ia, Period. (see above, p. 200,) being annexed to Syria. — Capture of Je- ' ' rusalem, and transplantation of a vast colony of Jews to Alex- andria by Ptolemy I., 312 ; from thence they spread to Cyrene, and gradually over the whole of North Africa, and even into Ethiopia. From 311 — 301 the Jews remained, however, sub- ject to Antigonus. After the overthrow of his empire, they remained, 301 — 203, under the dominion of the Ptolemies ; the most conspicuous of their high priests during this interval were Simon the Just, d. 291, and aftenvards his son, Onias I., d. 218, who, by withholding the tribute due to Ptolemy III., ex- posed Judaea to imminent danger. — In the second war of Anti- ochus the Great against Egypt, 203, the Jews of their own free will acknowledged themselves his subjects, and assisted in driving out the Egyptian troops, who, under their general, Sco- pas, had again possessed themselves of the country, and the citadel of Jerusalem, 198. Antiochus confirmed the Jews in the possession of all their privileges ; and although he promised their country, together with Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, to Pto- lemy Epiphanes, as the future dowry of his daughter, Judaea still remained under the Syrian supremacy ; except that the revenue was for a time divided between the Syrian and Egyp- tian kings. — The high priests and self-chosen ethnarchs or ala- barchs were at the head of the people ; and we now find men- tion made for the first time of a senate, or the sanhedi-im. But the rout of Antiochus the Great by the Romans was also the remote cause of the subsequent misfortunes of the Jews. The consequent dearth of money in which the Syrian kings found themselves, and the ri(;hes of the temple treasures, the accumu- lation of the sacred income and gifts, made the ofiice of high priest an object of purchase under Antiochus Epiphanes : hence arose quarrels between the pontifical families, and out of those sprung factions, which Antiochus Epiphanes was desirous to turn to his own account, by the introduction of Grecian insti- tutions among the Jews, in order thereby to promote the sub- jection of that people, now raised by its privileges almost to the rank of a state within that of Syi'ia. Deposition of the high priest, Onias III., 175 ; his brother Jason having obtained the mitre by purchase, and the introduction of Grecian customs : Jason, however, was in his turn supplanted by his brother Me- nelaus, 172. During the civil war arising out of these events, Antiochus Epiphanes, at that time conqueror in Egypt, (see above, p. 193,) takes possession of Jerusalem, 170, being pro- voked by the behaviour of the Jews to Menelaus, the high priest of his own appointment : the consequent oppression of the Jews, who now were to be Hellenized by main force, soon oc- casioned tlie rise under the Maccabees. Third period under the Maccabees, 167 — 39. Commence- ment of the rebellion against Antiochus IV., brought about by the priest Mattathias, 167, who was almost immediately sue- 248 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. [book iv. Third ceeded, 166 — 161, by bis son Judas Maccabseus. Supported Period. \)y ti^g fanatacism of his party, Judas defeats in several battles the generals of Antiochus, who was absent in Upper Asia, where he died, 164 ; the Jewish leader is even said to have been fti- voured by Rome. The primary object of the insurrection was not, however, political independence ; they fought only for re- ligious freedom. Under Antiochus V. the sedition continued successful, both against the Syrian king and the high priest Alcimus, his creature, 163 ; Judas having died soon after his defeat by Demetrius I., was succeeded by his brother Jonathan, 161 — 143. The death of the high priest, Alcimus, 160, opened the path of Jonathan to that office, which he received in the ensuing war between Demetrius I. and Alexander Balas, 143, (see above, p. 195, 196,) both rivals courting his alliance : Jona- than sided with Balas, and consequently, from being merely the leader of a party, came to be head of the nation, which still, ne- vertheless, continued to pay tribute to the kings. Notwithstand- ing the favour he had shown to Balas, after the overthrow of that pretender, he was confirmed in his high dignity by Demetrius I., 145 ; to whose assistance he marched at tlie subsequent great revolt in Antioch. Jonathan, however, in 144, passed over to the side of the usurper, Antiochus, the son of Balas, (see above, p. 196,) and was by embassy presented with the friendship of the Romans in the same year, but by the treachery of Tryphon was taken and put to death, 143, His brother and successor, Simon, 143 — 135, having declared against Tryphon, was by Demetrius II. not only confirmed in his dignity, but excused from paying tribute ; he likewise received the title of prince, (ethnarch,) and appears to have struck coins. After the cap- ture of Demetrius, Antiochus Sidetes allowed Simon to remain in possession of those privileges so long as he stood in need of his assistance against Tryphon ; but after the death of that usurper, he caused him, 130, to be attacked by Cendeboius, who was defeated by the sons of Simon. Simon having been mur- dered by his son-in-law, Ptoleraa^us, who aspired to the govern- ment, 135, was succeeded by his son, John Hyrcanus, 135—107, who was compelled again to acknowledge submis- sion to Antiochus Sidetes ; but after the defeat and death of that prince by the Parthians, 130, he asserted his entire inde- pendence. The deep decline of the Syrian kingdom, the con- stant civil wars by which it was distracted, and the renewed league with the Romans, not only enabled Hyrcanus easily to maintain his independence, but likewise to increase his territory, by the conquest of the Samaritans and Iduma^ans. But with liim ended the heroic line. Scarcely was he delivered from foreign oppression, Avhen domestic broils arose ; the Pharisees and Sadducees had hitherto been mere religious sects, but were converted into political factions by Hyrcanus, who, ofiended with the Pharisees, probably in consequence of their wish to separate the pontifical and princely offices, went over to the Sadducees ; the former sect, the orthodox, were as usual sup- PERIOD III.] IV. JUD^A. 249 ported by the many; the latter, the innovators, in consequence Third of the laxity of their principles, were favoured by the wealthy. Period. Hyrcanus's eldest son, the cruel Aristobulus, 107, assumed the royal title, but soon after dying, 106, was succeeded by his younger brother Alexander Jannreus, 106 — 79. His reign was an almost unbroken series of insignificant Avars with his neigh- bours, this prince wishing to play the conqueror ; and having likewise had the impudence to irritate the powerful party of the Pharisees, these made him the object of public insult, and excited a tumult, 92, Avhieh was followed by a bloody civil war, which lasted six years. JannoBus, it is true, maintained himself during the struggle ; but the opposite party was so far from being annihilated, that, at his death, when passing over his sons, the feeble Hyrcanus, (who possessed the pontifical dig- nity,) and the ambitious Aristobulus, he bequeathed the crown to his widow Alexandra, it Avas Avith the understanding that she should join the party of the Pharisees : during her reign, therefore, 79 — 71, the Pharisees held the reins of government, and left her only the name. Provoked at this, Aristobulus, shortly before the death of the queen, endeavoured to obtain possession of the throne, and ultimately obtained his ends, not- withstanding Alexandra nominated Plyrcanus to be her suc- cessor. Hyrcanus, at the instigation of his confidant, the Idu- mrean Antipater, who was the progenitor of the Ilerodians, and assisted by the Arabian prince Aretas, Avaged Avar against his brother, 65, and shut him up in Jerusalem : but the Romans were arbitrators, and Porapey, then all-poAverful in Asia, decided for Hyrcanus, 64 ; the party of Aristobulus, however, refusing to accede, the Roman general took possession of Jerusalem ; made Hyrcanus high priest and prince, under condition that he should pay tribute ; and took as prisoners to Rome Aristobulus and his sons, who, however, subsequently escaped and caused great disturbances. The JcAvish state being now dependent on Rome, remained so, and the yoke Avas confirmed by the policy of Antipater and his sons, Avho foUoAved the general maxim of entire devotion to Rome, in order thereby to succeed in AvhoUy removing the reigning family. As early as 48, Antipater Avas appointed procurator of Judaja by Caesar, Avhom he had support- ed at Alexandria, and his second son Herod, governor in Galilee, soon became sufticiently poAverful to threaten Hyrcanus and the sanhedrim, 45. He gained the fiivour of Antony, and thus maintained himself amid the tempest Avhich, after the assassina- tion of Ca3sar, 44, shook the Roman Avorld, poAverful as the party opposed to him were : that party hoAvever, at last, in lieu of the ill-fated Hyrcanus, the only surviving son of Aristobulus, placed Antigonus at their head, and, assisted by the Parthians, then flourishing in poAver, seated him on the throne, 39. Hei'od having fled to Rome, not only met Avith a gracious reception at the hands of the triumviri, but was by them appointed king. Fourth period, under the Herodians, B. C. 39 to A. D. 70. Herod the Great, B. C. 39 to A. D. 1, put himself in possession 250 MACEDONIAN MÜNAHCIIY. [iwok iv Third of Jerusalem and all Jmlea, B. C. 37, and eonlirmed his power Period. \yy marrying Älarianme of the house of the INIaeeabees. Not- withstanding his severity shown to the party of Antigonus, and the house of the Maecabees, the total extinction of which llerod deemed necessary for his OAvn safety ; yet so greatly did the wasted eountr}- stand in need of peace, tluit for that very reason his reign may be said to have been a ha]ipy one. Availing himself of the liberality of Augustus, whose iavonr he contrived to obtain after the defeat of Antony, B. C. 31, llerod gradually increased the extent of his kingdom, which at last comprised Judaea, Samaria, Galilee, and beyond the Jordan, Perani, Itu- ra^a, and Trachonitis, (that is to say, the whole of Palestine,) together with Idumani ; from these countries he derived his in- come without being obliged to pay any tribute. The deference consequently shown by Herod to Rome, was but the effect of a natural policy, and his conduct in that respect could be objected to him only by bigoted Jews. To his whole fomily, rather than to himself individually, are to be attributed the executions which took place among its members ; happy had it been if the sword had smitten none but the guilty and spared the innocent. In the last year but one of his reign is placed the birth of Christ (according to the usually adopted computation, made in the sixth century by Dionysius Exiguus. But the more accurate calculations of modern chronologists show that the real date of the Saviour's birth was probably four years earlier). — Accord- ing to his will, with some few alterations made by Augustus, his kingdom was divided among his three surviving sons ; Ar- chelaus, as ethnarch, receiving the greater moiety, Judaea, Sa- maria, and Idunifea ; the two others, as tetrarchs, Pliilip a part of Galilee and Trachonitis, Antipas the other part of Gahlee, and Pera^a, together with Itura^a ; subsequently to which divi- sion, the various parts did not, in consequence, all share the same fate. — Archelaus, by misgovernment, soon lost his por- tion, A. D. 6 ; Judaea and Samaria were consequently annexed as a Roman province to Syria, and placed under procurators subordinate to the Sp'ian governors ; among these procurators, the most famous is Pontius Pilate, about A. D. 27 — 36, under whom the founder of our religion appeared and suffered, not as a political — although accused of being so — but as a moral re- former. On the other hand, Philip retained his tetrarchy until the day of his death, A. D. 34, when his country had the same lot with Juda-a and Samaria. Soon after, that is to say, in A. D. 37, it was, however, given by Caligula, with the title of king, to Agrippa, (grandson of Herod by Aristobulus,) as a re- compence for his attachment to the fiunily of Gerraanicus ; and when Antipas, who wished to procure a similar favour for him- self, but instead of it was deposed, 39, Agrippa received his tetrarchy also, 40, and soon afterwards, by the possession of the territory which had belonged to Ai'chelaus, became master of the whole of Palestine. Agrippa having died in A. D. 44, the whole country being appended to Syria, became a Roman pro- PEKIOD iii.l IV. JUD-ä^A. 251 vince. and received procurators, although Chalcis, 49, and sub- Third sequently also, 53, Philip's tetrarchy, were restored as a kingdom J^eriod. to his son Agrippa II., d. 90. The oppression of the procur- ators, and of Gessius Florus in particular, who obtained the office, A. D. 64, excited the Jews to rebellion, which, 70, ended in the capture and destruction of their city and temple by Titus. The sprea^l of the Jews over the whole civilized world of that time, although previously commenccfl, was by this event still further increased ; and at the same time the extension of Chris- tianity was prepared and facilitated. Even after the conquest, Jerusalem not only continued to exist as a city, but was also still considered by the nation as a point of union ; and the at- tempt, under Adrian, to establish a Roman colony there, pro- duced a fearful sedition. Basxaoe, Histoire des Juifs depuis J. C. jusquC a present. La Haye, 1716, 15 vols. ]2mo. The first two parts only, pro- perly speaking, belong to this period ; but the others likewise contain several very valuable historical researches. Prideaux, The Old and Neic Testament connected in the history of the Jews and their neighbouring nations. Lond. 1714, 2 vols. This work, together with that above quoted, have al- ways been esteemed the grand books on the subject. The French translation of Prideaux's Connexion is, by its arrange- ment, more convenient for use than the original : this transla- tion was published at Amsterdam, 1722, 5 vols. 8vo, under the title of PuiDEAUX, Histoire des Juifs et des peuples volsins de- puis la decadence des lioyaumes d! Israel et de Juda, jusqu^ a la rnort de J. C. t J. D. Michaelis, Translation of the Books of Esdras, Ne- hemiah, and Maccabees, contains in the observations several historic discussions of high importance. f J. Remoxd, Essay towards a history of the spread of Ju- daism, from Cyrus to the total decline of the Jewish state. Leipzig, 1789. The industrious work of a young scholar. To the works enumerated, p. 29, must be added, for the more ancient history of the Jews, J. L. Bauer, Manual of the history of the Hebrew nation, from its rise to the destruction of its state. Nuremberg, 1800, 2 parts, 8vo. As yet the best critical introduction, not only to the history, but also to the antiquities of the nation. t In the works of J. J. IIess, belonging to this subject, namely, History of Moses; History of Joshua ; History of the Rulers of Judah, 2 parts ; History of the Kings of Judah and Israel: the historj- is thi'oughout consideied in a theocratic point of view. FIFTH BOOK. HISTORY OF THE ROMAN STATE. Introductory remarks on the Geography of Ancient Italy. General Italy coDstitutes R peoiiisula, bounded on the ita?'"" °^ north by the Alps, on the west and south by the Mediterranean, and on the east by the Adriatic Sea. Its gTeatest lenoth from north to south is 600 geogr. miles ; its greatest breadth, taken at the foot of the Alps, is 320 geogr. miles ; but that of the peninsula, properly so called, is not more than 120 geogr. miles. Superficial contents, 81,920 sq. geogr. miles. The principal mountain range is that of the Apennines, which diverging occasionally to the west, or east, stretch from north to south through Central and Lower Italy. In the earlier times of Rome, these mountains were covered with thick forests. Main streams : the Padus (Po) and the Athesis, (Adige,) both of which discharge their waters in the Adriatic; and the Tiberis, (Tiber,) which falls into the Medi- terranean. The soil, particularly in the plains, is one of the most fertile in Europe ; on the other hand, many of the mountain tracts admit but of little culti- vation. In that period when the Mediterranean was the grand theatre of trade, Italy, by her situation, seemed destined to become the principal mart of Eu- rope ; but she never in ancient times availed herself sufficiently of this advantage. Divisions of It is divided into Upper Italy, from the Alps to ^^^'^■- the small rivers of Rubicon and Macra ; (this part, however, of Italy, until presented with the right of citizenship under Caesar, was, according to the Ro- man political geography, considered as a province ;) into Central Italy, from the Rubicon and the Macra BOOK v.] GEOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT ITALY. 253 clown to the Silarus and Frento ; and into Lower Italy, from those rivers to the southern land's end. I. Upper Italy comprises the two countries, Gallia Cisalpina and Liguria. 1. Gallia Cisalpina, or Togata, in contradistinction cisaipiae to Gallia Transalpina. It bears the name of Gallia, ^^"'• in consequence of being for the most part occupied by Gallic races. This country is one continuous plain, divided by the Padus into two parts, the north- ernmost of which is therefore denominated Gallia Transpadana, (inhabited by the Taurini, Insubres, and Cenomani,) while the southern part (inhabited by the Boii, Senones, and Lingones) is known by the name of Gallia Cispadana. Various streams contri- bute to swell the Padus ; from the north the Duria, (Durance,) the Ticinus, (Tessino,) the Addua, (Ad- da,) the OUius, (Oglio,) the Mintius, (Minzio,) and several less important rivers ; from the south, the 7^a- narus, (Tanaro,)the Trebia, etc. The Athesis, (Adige,) the Plavis, (Piave,) and a number of smaller mountain streams, roll their waters directly into the Adriatic. The cities in Gallia Cisalpina were, generally speaking, Roman colonies ; and most of them have preserved to this day their ancient names. Amono- these are reckoned in Gallia Transpadana, principally, Tergeste, Aquileia, Patavium, (Padua,) Vincentia, Verona, all east of the Athesis ; Mantua, Cremona, Brixia, (Brescia,) Mediolanum, (Milan,) Ticinum, (Pavia,) and Augusta Taurinorum, (Turin,) all west of the Athesis. In Gallia Cispadana we meet with Ravenna, Bononia, (Bologna,) Mutina, (Modena,) Parma, Placentia (Piacenza). Several of the above places received municipal rights from the Romans. 2. Liguria. This country deduced its name from Liguria, the Ligures, one of the old Italic tribes : it extended from the river Varus, by which it was divided from Gallia Transalpina, down to the river Macra ; north- ward it extended to the Padus, and comprised the modern territory of Genoa. — Cities : Genua, an ex- 254 ROMAN STATE. [book v. tremely ancient place ; Nicsea, (Nice,) a colony of Massilia ; and Asta (Asti). II. Central Italy comprises six countries; Etruria, La- tinm, and Campania on the west; Umbria, Picenum, and Samnium on the east. Etruria. 1. Etruria, Tuscia, or Tyrrnenia, was bounded north by the Macra, which divided it from Liguria ; south and east by the Tiberis, which separated it from Latium and Umbria. Main river, the Arnus (Arno). It is for the most part a mountainous country ; the seashore only is level. This country derives its name from the Etrusci, a very ancient people, composed, it is probable, of an amalgamation of several races, and even some early Grecian colo- nies, to which latter they were indebted, not indeed for all their arts, but for that of writing ; to com- merce and navigation the Etrusci were indebted for their opulence and consequent splendour. Cities : between the Macra and Arnus, Pisse, (Pisa,) Flo- rentia, Fsesulse i between the Arnus and Tiberis, Vollaterrae, (Volterra,) Volsinii, (Bolsena,) on the Lacus Volsiniensis, (Lago di Bolsena,) Clusium, (Chiusi,) Arretium, (Arrezzo,) Cortona, Perusia, (Perugia,) in the neighbourhood of which is the La- cus Thrasimenus, (Lago di Perugia,) Falerii, (Falari,) and the wealthy city of Veii. Each of the above twelve cities had its own individual ruler, liicumo ; although frequent associations were formed among them, yet no firm and lasting bond seems to have united the nation into one. Latium. 2. Latium, properly the residence of the Latini, from the Tiberis north, to the promontory of Circeii, south ; hence that country was likewise denominated Latium Vetus. Subsequently, under the name of Latium was likewise reckoned the country from Cir- ceii down to the river Liris (Latium Novum) ; so that the boundaries came to be, north, the Tiberis, south, the Liris : the seat of the Latins, properly speaking, was in the fraitful plain extending from BOOK v.] GEOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT ITALY. 255 the Tiber to Circeii ; around them, however, dwelt various small tribes, some eastward, in the Apen- nines, such as the Hernici, Sabini, iEqui, and Marsi ; others southward, such as the Volsci, Rutuli, and Aurunci. — Rivers : the Anio (Teverone) and Allia, which fall into the Tiber, and the Liris, (Garigliano,) which empties itself into the Mediterranean. Cities in Latium Vetus : Rome, Tiber, Tusculum, Alba Longa, Ostia, Lavinium, Antium, Gabii, Velitrse, the capital of the Volsci, and several smaller places. In Latium Novum : Fundi, Terracina, or Anxur, Ar- pinum, Minturnae, Formiae. 3. Campania. The country lying between the Campania. Liris, north, and the Silarus, south. One of the most fruitful plains in the world, but at the same time greatly exposed to volcanic eruptions. Rivers : the Liris, the Vulturnus, (Voltorno,) the Silarus (Selo). Mountain : Vesuvius. Campania derived its name from the race of the Campani. Cities : Capua the principal one ; and also Linternum, Cumse, Neapo- lis, Herculaneum, Pompeii, Stabile, Nola, Surren- tum, Salernum, etc. The three eastern countries of Central Italy are as follows: 1. Umbria. It is bounded, north, by the river Umbria. Rubico ; south, by the river iEsis, (Gesano,) dividing it from Picenum, and by the Nar, (Nera,) dividing it from the Sabine territory. It is for the most part plain. The Umbrian race had in early times spread over a much larger portion of Italy. Cities : Ari- minium, (Rimini,) Spoletium, (Spoleto,) Narnia, (Narni,) and Ocriculum (Otriculi). 2. Picenum. Bounded, north, by the iEsis; south, picenum. by the Atarnus (Pescara). The people are called Picentes. This country consists in a fertile plain. Cities : Ancona and Asculum Picenum (Ascoli). 3. Samnium, the name of a mountain tract ex- Samnium. tending from the Atarnus, north, to the Frento, south ; although that country reckoned among its in- habitants, not only the rude and powerful Samnites, 256 ROMAN STATE. [book v. but also several less numerous races ; for instance, the Marrucini and Peligni in the north, the Frentani in the east, and the Hirpini in the south. Rivers : the Sagrus and the Tifernus. Cities : Alifse, Bene- ventum, and Caudium. Lucania. Bruttium. Apulia. Calabria. III. Lower Italy, or Magna GrcBcia, coinprised four countries ; Lncania and Bruttium on the western side, Apulia and Calabria on the eastern. 1. Lucania. Boundaries: north, the Silarus; south, the Laus. For the most part a mountain tract. It derived its name from the race of the Lucani, a branch of the Ausones, or chief nation of Lower Italy. Cities : Psestum, or Posidonia, still renowned for its ruins, and Hslia, or Velia. 2. Bruttium, (the modern Calabria,) or the west- ern tongue of land from the river Laus to the south- ern land's end at Rhegium. The river Brandanus constitutes the eastern frontier. A mountainous country, deriving its name from the Bruttii, (a half savage branch of the Ausones,) who dwelt in the mountains, while the sea-shores were occupied by Grecian settlements. Cities : Consentia, (Cosenza,) Pandosia, Mamertum, and Petilia. (Concerning the Greek colonies, see above, p. 125.) 3. Apulia. The country ranging along the eastern coast, from the river Frento to the commencement of the eastern tongue of land ; an extremely fertile plain, and particularly adapted to grazing cattle. Rivers : the Aufidus (Ofanto) and the Cerbalus. This country is divided into two parts by the Aufidus, the northern called Apulia Daunia, the southern called Apulia Peucetia. Cities : in Apulia Daunia ; Sipontum and Luceria : in Apulia Peucetia ; Bari- um, Cannae, and Venusia. 4. Calabria or Messapia, the smaller eastern tongue of land, which terminates in the promontory of lapygium. Cities : Brundusium (Brindisi) and Cal- lipolis (Gallipoli). Concerning Tarentum and other Grecian colonies, see above, p. 125. PERIOD I.] TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 257 Three large islands are likewise reckoned as ap- pertaining to Italy : they are Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. According to the political geography of I the Romans they were, however, considered as pro- vinces. Although the above islands were, along the coasts, occupied by aliens, the aboriginals, under their own kings, maintained a footing in the inland parts ; among these the Siculi, said to have migrated from Italy, were the most celebrated ; they remained in Sicily, and gave their name to the whole island. Con- cerning the cities, the more important of which were, some of Phoenician, but the most part of Grecian, origin, see above, p. 25, and p. 125, sqq. FIRST PERIOD. From the foundation of Rome to the conqiient of Italy and the commencement of the wars with Carthage, B. C. 754—264, or A. U. C. 1—490. Sources. The most copious author, and, if we except his First system of deducing every thing connected with Rome from Period. Greece, the most critical of all those who have written on the earUer history of Rome and Italy, is Dionysius Ilalicarnassensis, in his Arch(Eologia : of this work only the first eleven books, reaching down to the year 443, have l)cen preserved ; to these, however, must be added the fragments of the nine following books, xii. — xx., discovered in 1816, and published by the Abbate Mai of Milan. Next to Dionysius is Livy, who, as far as lib. iv. c. 18, is our main authority, till B. C. 292. Of the Lives of Plutarch the following belong to this period, Romulus, Numa, Coriolanus, Poplicola, and Camillus ; which for the knov/ledge and criticism they display, are perhaps more import- ant even than Livy and Dionysius, see A. H. L. Heeren, De fontibiis et aiictoritate vitarum Plutarchi, inserted in Comment. Recentiores Soc. Sclent. Gott. Comment. I. II. GrcBci, III. IV. Romani; reprinted also as an appendix to the editions of Plutarch by Reiske and Hutten, Gottingen, 1821, op. Dieterich. The sources of the most ancient Roman history were extremely various in kind. The traditions of the Fathers were preserved in historical ballads ; (no mention is ever made of any grand epic poem ;) and in this sense there existed a bardic history ; by no means, however, wholly poetic, for even the traditions of Numa's Institutes are without the characteristics of poetry. S 258 ROMAN STATE. [book v. First The art of writing was in Italy of earlier origin than the city Period, of Rome : how far, consequently, the public annals, such as the Lihri Pontißcum, extended back in early time, remains undeter- mined. Several of the memorials are, beyond a doubt, mere family records, whether preserved by vocal tradition or in writ- ten documents. To the above must be added monuments, not only buildings and works of art, but also treaties engraved on tables ; of which, nevertheless, too little use seems to have been made. The Romans having learnt the art of writing from the Greeks, their history was as frequently written in Greek as in Latin ; and that not only by Greeks, such as, in the first place. Diodes of Peparethus, but likewise by Romans, such as Fabius Pictor, at an early period. From these last sources Dio- nysius and Livy compiled. The more ancient Roman history given by these authorities rests, therefore, in part, but by no means entirely, on tradition and poetry ; still further amplified by the rhetoric style, that of the Greeks more especially. At what epoch the Roman history lays aside the poetic character can hardly be determined with certainty ; it may be traced even in some parts of the period extending from the expulsion of the kings to the conquest by the Gauls. — For the purposes of chronology, great importance attaches tothe fasti Bomani, con- tained partly in inscriptions, (fasti Capitoli?ii,) partly in manu- scripts. They have been collected and restored by Pighius, Noris Sigonius, etc., in Gr^evii, T/ies. A. R. vol. xi. ; likewise in Almeloveen, Fast. Rom. I. II. Amstel. 1705, etc. PiGHn Annales Romanorum. Antwerp, 1615, fol. 2 vols. An essay towards a chronological arrangement ; it reaches down to Vitellius. The Roman histoiy has been copiously treated of by the mo- derns in many works besides those on universal ancient history before enumerated (p. 2). We shall mention only the more important. RoLLiN, Histoire Romaine, Depuis la foundation de Rome jusqu' ä la bataille d'Actium. 13 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1823, edit, revue par Letronne. This history, which extends to B. C. 89, has been continued and terminated by Crevier. Although the critical historian might suggest much that is wanting in this Avork, it nevertheless contributed to advance the study. Ed. Ferguson, The History of the Progress and Termina- tion of the Roman Republic. London, 1783, 4to. On the whole, the best work on the history of the Roman republic ; it has superseded the earlier work of Goldsmith. P. Ch. Levesque, Histoire de la Rcpubliqiie Romaine, 3 vols. Paris, 1807. He who would still wish to admii-e with blind en- thusiasm the glory of ancient Rome, had better not read this work. B. G. NiEBUHR, Roman History. Rather criticism than history ; the author seems to be perpe- tually endeavouring to overthrow all that has hitherto been ad- mitted. The spirit of acuteness is not always that of truth ; PERIOD I.J TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 259 and men do not so lightly assent to the existence of a constitu- First tion which not only is contrary to the broad view of antiquity Period. — inferences drawn from some insulated passages not being sufficient to overturn what is corroborated by all the others but likewise, according to the author's own avowal, stands op- posed to all analogy in history. But truth gains even where criticism is wrong ; and the value of some deep researches will not for that reason be overlooked. — Consult on this subject : f W. Wachsjiutu, Researches into the more Ancient History of Rome. Halle, 1819. C. F. Th. Lachmann, Commentatio de fontibus T. Livii in prima Historiarum Decade. Gottingaj, 1821. A prize essay. For the works upon the Roman constitution see below, at the end of this and at the beginning of the third period. Abundance of most important writings upon Roman antiqui- ties will be found in the great collections : Gr-^vii Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanarum. Lugd. Batav. 1694, sq. 12 vols, fol., and likewise in Saxengke, Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanarum. Venet 1732, 3 vols. fol. Many excellent papers, particularly in Memoires de VAcadtmie des Inscriptions. With the exception of Nardini, Roma Vetus, inserted in Gk^vii Thes. A. R. t. iv. the best work on the topography of ancient Rome is Venuti, Descrizione Topografica delle Antichita di Roma. P. I. II. Roma, 1763 ; and especially the now edition of that work by Visconti, 1 803. There is also, t S. H. L. Adleu, Description of the City of Rome. Altona, 1781, 4to. The best representation of the monuments of ancient Rome will be found in PiRANESi, Antichita di Roma, 3 vols. fol. 1. In certain respects, the history of Rome is General always that of one town, inasmuch as until the pe- f^^^'l!^,^ riod of the Ceesars, the city continued mistress of man Ms her extensive territory. The main parts of the inter- ' nal constitution of Rome were formed during this first period ; which, considered in an historical point of view, can hardly be said to be void of interest. Whether every fundamental institution had its origin precisely at the epoch to which it is attributed, is a question of little importance ; it is sufficient to ob- serve, that they certainly arose in this period ; and that the steps by which the constitution was develop- ed are, upon the whole, determined beyond the pos- sibility of a doubt. s 2 Ro- hi tory. 260 ROMAN STATE. [book v. First Period. Romans of Latin orisjin. Kings of Rome. 2. Exao-crerated and embellished as the most an- cient traditions of the Romans respecting their origin may be, they all agree in this, that the Romans be- longed to the race of the Latini, and that their city was a colony of the neighbouring Alba Longa. Long before this, the custom seems to have obtained with the Latini, of extending the cultivation of their country by colonies. The primitive history of Rome is as difficult to reduce to pure historic truth as that of Athens, or any other city of an- tiquity ; this proceeds from its being principally founded on traditions, handled by poets and rhetoricians, and likewise dif- fering from one another ; as may be seen in Plutarch's Romu- lus. As the knowledge of those traditions, such as they are found in Dionysius and Livy, attaches to so many other sub- jects, it would be improper to pass them over in silence ; and that they contained truths as well as poetic fictions is proved most evidently by the political institutions of which they nar- rate the origin, and which certainly reached back to those times. To attempt to draw a line of demarcation between mythical and historic times would be to mistake the real nature of mythology. L. DE Beaufort, Sur rincertitude des cinq premiers siecles de Vhistoire Romaine, nouv. ed. ä la Haye, 1750, 2 vols. 8vo. Every thing that can be said against the credibility of the pri- mitive Roman history has been developed by Beaufort with abundant, and often with laboured, acuteness. 3. During the first two hundred and forty-five years subsequent to its foundation, this city was un- der the rule of governors, denominated kings ; these, however, were not hereditary, still less were they in- vested with unlimited power, although they exerted themselves to become both perpetual and absolute. On the contrary, in this period was framed a muni- cipal constitution, demonstrative of the existence, even at this early date, of a considerable degree of political civihzation ; in its principal parts this con- stitution was, no doubt — as in every colony — copied from that of the mother city. Its principal features were : a. Establishment and internal oro;anization of the senate, b. Establishment and progress of the patrician or hereditary nobility, which, supported by the privilege of administering the sacred aifairs, and by the introduction of family names, quickly formed, in opposition to the plebeians, a political party, ever PERIOD I.] TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 261 growing in power, although not, therefore, a mere f»rst sacerdotal caste. c. Organization of the people, '^"^°"' (populas,) and modes of popular assembly {comitia) founded thereupon ; besides the original division ac- cording to heads into tribus and ciir'uf, another was subsequently introduced according to property into classes and centuria', out of which, besides the more ancient comitia curiata, arose the very artificially constructed comitia centuriata. d. Religious insti- tutions, (religio/ies,) which, being most closely con- nected with the political constitution, formed a state religion, by means of which every thing in the state was attached to determined forms, and received a higher sanction. Nor must we omit, e. the relations in private life established by law, the clientship, mar- riage, and especially paternal authority. In conse- quence of those domestic relations, a spirit of sub- ordination and discipline, from the earliest times, pervaded the people ; and to that spirit the Romans were indebted for the glory to which they attained. 4. Notwithstanding many little wars with their Destruction immediate neighbours the Sabines, iEqui, and Volsci, Lo'uga! together with various cities of the Etrusci, and even with the Latins themselves, Rome added but little to her territory : nevertheless she took tlie first step to- wards her aggrandizement ; from the time of the de- struction of Alba Longa, she aimed at being the head of the collected cities of the Latins, and finally at- tained the object of her ambition. Line of kings. Romulus, 754 — 717. First establishment of the colony ; augmentation in the number of the citizens, pro- duced by the establishment of an asylum, and a union Avith part of the Sabines. Nunia Ponipilius, d. 679. By representing this prince as the founder of the religion of the Roman state, that religion received the high sanction of antiquity. Tullus Hostilius, d. 640. The conquest and destruction of Alba lays the foundation of Roman supremacy in Latium. Ancus Mar- tins, d. 618. He extends the territory of Rome to the sea ; the foundation of tlie port of Ostia proves that Rome already ap- plied to navigation, the object of whicli was perhaps as yet rather piracy than trade. Tarquinius Priscus, d. 578. A Gre- cian by descent. Under his conduct Rome was already able to enter the field against the confederate Etrusci. Servius Tul- lius, d. 534. The most remarkable in the line of Roman kings. 262 ROMAN STATE. [book V Consular govern- ment, B. C. 509 First He placed Rome at the head of the confederacy of the Latins, Period, which he confirmed by communia sacra. On his new division of the people according to property were raised the highly ^im- portant institutions of the census and comitia centuriata. The necessity of this measure is demonstrative of the great and in- creasing prosperity of the Roman citizens ; there can be no doubt, however, that by its adoption the frame of the republic was already completed. Tarquinius Superbus, (the tyrant,) — 509. This individual, having taken forcible possession of the throne as nephew to Priscus, endeavoured to confirm his power by a close connexion with the Latins and Volsci ; by this, as well as by his tyranny, he ofiended both the patrician and ple- beian parties. His deposition, and the consequent reformation of the government, were however, properly speaking, brought about by the ambition of the patricians. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la diirata de' regni de' re di Roma. (Op. t. iii.) Chronological doubts. Can the raising of diffi- culties deserve the name of criticism. 5. The only direct consequence to the internal constitution of Rome, proceeding from the abolition of royalty, was, that that power, undetermined as it had been while in the hands of the kings, was trans- ferred to two consuls, annually elected. Meanwhile the struggle for liberty, in which the new republic was engaged with the Etrusci and Latins, contributed much to arouse the republican spirit, which hencefor- ward was the main feature of the Roman character — the evils of popular rule being in times of need reme- 408. died by the establishment of the dictatorship. The party, however, which had deposed the ruling family, took wholly into their own hands the helm of state ; and the oppression of these aristocrats, shown princi- pally towards their debtors, who had become their slaves, {ne.vi,) — notwithstanding the le.v de provoca- tmie established by Valerius Poplicola, insuring to the people the highest judicial power, — was so gall- ing, that after the lapse of a few years it gave rise to 507. a sedition of the commons, (plebis,) the consequence 493. of which was the establishment of annually elected presidents of the people {tribuui plebis). First commercial treaty with Carthage, 508, in which Rome appears certainly as a free state, but not yet as sovereign of all Latium ; the most important monument of the authenticity of the earlier Roman history. Heyne, Fmdera Carthaginiensium cum Romanis super navi- Roman constilu- TERioD i.J TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 263 gatione et mercatura facta : contained in his Opusc. t. iii. Cf. First 1 A. H. L. Heeren, Ideas, etc. Appendix to the second vol. Period. 6. The further development of the Roman consti- Rise of the tution in this period, hinges almost wholly on the struggle between the new presidents of the commons tion. and the hereditary nobility ; the tribunes, instead of confining themselves to defend the people from the oppression of the nobles, soon began to act as ag- gressors, and in a short time so widely overstepped their power, that there remained no chance of putting an end to the struggle but by a complete equalization of rights. A long time elapsed ere this took place ; the aristocracy finding a very powerful support both in the clientship and in the religion of the state, operating under the shape of auspices. Main facts of the contest : 1 . In the trial of Coriolanus the tribunes usurp the right of summoning some patricians before the tribunal of the people. — Hence arise the comitia tributa ; that is to say, either mere assemblies of the commons, or assem- blies so organized that the commons had the preponderance. This institution gave the tribunes a share in the legislation, subsequently of such high importance, those officers being al- lowed to lay proposals before the commons. 2. More equitable distribution among the poorer classes of the lands conquered from the neighbouring nations, (the most ancient leges agrarice,) suggested by the ambitious attempts of Cassius, 486, 3. Ex- tension of the prerogatives of the comitia tributa, more espe- cially in the election of the tribunes, brought about by Volero, 472. 4. Attempts at a legal limitation of the consular power by Terentillus, {lex Terentilla,) 460, which, after a long strug- gle, at last leads to the idea of one common written code, 452, which is likewise realized in spite of the opposition at first made by the patricians. f Chr. F. Schulze, Struggle between the Democracy and Aristocracy of Rome, or History of the Romans from the Ex- pulsion of Tarquin to the Election of the first Plebeian Consul. Altenburgh, 1802, 8vo. A most satisfactory development of this portion of Roman history. 7. The code of the twelve tables confirmed the C'"if "f"'e ancient institutions, and was in part completed by the ijfs.'^ adoption of the laws of the Greek republics, among which Athens in particular is mentioned, whose coun- sels were requested by a special deputation. In this, however, two faults were committed ; not only were the commissioners charged with drawing up the laws 264 ROMAN STATE. [book v. First Period. Its enact- ments. elected from the patricians alone, but they were hke- wise constituted sole magistrates, with dictatorial power, {sine provocatioue,) whereby a path was opened to them for a usurpation, which could be frustrated only by a sedition of the people. Duration of the power of tlie Decemviri, 451 — 447. The doubts raised as to the deputation sent to Athens are not suffi- cient to invalidate the authenticity of an event so circumstan- tially detailed. Athens, under Pericles, was then at the head of Greece ; and, admitting the proposed design of consulting the Greek laws, it was impossible that Athens should have been passed over. And indeed, why should it be supposed, that a state which fifty years before had signed a commercial treaty with Carthage, and could not be unacquainted with the Grecian colonies in Lower Italy, might not have sent an embassy into Greece ? The yet remaining fragments of the code of the twelve tables are collected and illustrated in Bachii Hist. Jurisprudentice Romance ; and in several other works. 8. By the laws of the twelve tables the legal rela- tions of the citizens were the same for all ; but as that code seems to have contained very little in refer- ence to any peculiar constitution of the state, the government not only remained in tlie hands of the aristocrats, who were in possession of all offices, but the prohibition, according to the new laws of mar- riage between patricians and plebeians, appeared to have raised an insurmountable barrier between the two classes. No wonder, then, that the tribunes of the people should have immediately renewed their attacks on the patricians ; particularly as the power of those popular leaders was not only renewed, but even augmented, as the only limit to their authority was the necessity of their being unanimous in their acts, while each had the right of a negative. Besides the other laws made in favour of the people at the renewal of the tribunicia potestas, 446, that which imported ut quod tributim plebes jussisset, populum teneret, frequently re- newed in subsequent times, and meaning in modern language, that the citizens constituted themselves, must, it would appear, have thrown the supreme power into the hands of the people ; did not the Roman history, like that of other free states, afford examples enough of the little authority there is to infer from the enactment of a law that it will be practically enforced. PERIOD I.] TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 265 9. The main subjects of the new dissensions be- ^'"^"^ tween patricians and plebeians, excited by the tribune Canuleius, were now the connubia patriim cum plebe, Dissensions and the exclusive participation of the patricians in ISdanTürd the consulship, of which the tribunes demanded the plebeians. abolition. The repeal of the former law was obtain- ed as early as 445 (Jej: Canukia) ; the right of ad- mission to the consulship was not extended to the plebeians till after a struggle annually renewed for eighty years ; during which, when, as usually was the case, the tribunes forbade the military enrolment, recourse was had to a transfer of the consular power to the yearly elected commanders of the legions ; a place to which plebeians were entitled to aspire (tri- buni m'ditum conmlari potestate). — Establishment of Censors, the office of censors, designed at first for nothing more than to regulate the taking of the census, and invested with no liigher authority than what that re- quired, but who soon after, by assuming to them- selves the censura moriim, took rank among the most important dignitaries of the state. 10. Meanwhile Rome was engaged in wars, in- Petty wars. significant but almost uninterrupted, arising out of the oppression, either real or imaginary, which she exercised as head of the neighbouring federate cities, (socii,) comprising not only those of the Latins, but likewise, after the victory of lake Regillus, those of the other nations : the cities embraced every oppor tunity of asserting their independence, and the con- sequent struggles must have depopulated Rome, had not that evil been diverted by the maxim of in- creasing the complement of citizens by admitting the freed men, and not unfrequently even the conquered, to the enjoyment of civic privileges. Little as these feuds, abstractedly considered, deserve our attention, they become of high interest, inasmuch as they were not only the means by which the nation was trained to war, but also led to the foundation of that sena- torial power, whose important consequences will be exhibited hereafter. Among these wars attention must be directed to the last. 5266 ROMAN STATE. [book v. First that against Veii, the richest city in Etruria ; the siege of that Period, place, which lasted very nearly ten years, 404 — 395, gave rise to the introduction among the Roman military of winter cam- paigning, and of pay ; thus, on the one hand, the prosecution of wars more distant and protracted became possible, while on the other the consequences must have been the levy of higher taxes {tributd). Romebumt 11. Not long after, however, a tempest from the Gauu! north had nearly destroyed Rome. Tlie Sennonian Gauls, pressed out of northern Italy through Etruria, possessed themselves of the city, the capitol excepted, and reduced it to ashes ; an event which made so deep an impression on the minds of the Romans, that few other occurrences in their history have been more frequently the object of traditional detail. Ca- millus, then the deliverer of Rome, and in every re- spect one of the chief heroes of that period, laid a double claim to the gratitude of his native city, by overruling, after his victory, the proposal of a general mio-ration to Veii. Feu.is re- 12. Scarccly was Rome rebuilt ere the ancient ^'^^ ■ feuds revived, springing out of the poverty of the citizens, produced by an increase of taxation conse- quent on the establishment of military pay, and by the introduction of gross usury. The tribunes, Sex- tius and Licinius, by prolonging their term of office to five years, had established their power ; while Licinius, by an agrarian law, decreeing that no indi- vidual should hold more than five hundred jw^yt« of the national lands, had insured the popular favour ; A consul so that at last they succeeded in obtaining, that one the^com-°"^ of the consuls should be chosen from the commons ; moiis. and although the nobility, by the nomination of a praetor from their own body, and of cediles curules, endeavoured to compensate for the sacrifice they were obliged to make, yet the plebeians having once made good a claim to the consulship, their participa- tion in the other magisterial offices, (the dictatorship, 353, the censorship, 348, the prsetorship, 334,) and even the priesthood, (300,) quickly followed as a matter of course. Thus at Rome the object of po- litical equality between commons and nobles was at- PERIOD I.] TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 267 tained ; and although the difference between the pa- First trician and plebeian families still subsisted, they soon ^^^^°°' ceased to form political parties. A second commercial treaty entered into with Carthage, 345, demonstrates that even at this time the navy of the Romans was anything but contemptible ; although its principal object as yet was mere piracy. Roman squadrons of war however appear more than once within the next forty years. 13. Far more important than any wars in which Samnite Rome had hitherto been engaged, were those soon "'^'^" about to commence with the Samnites. In former contests the object of Rome had been to establish her supremacy over her immediate neighbours; but in these, during a protracted contest of fifty years, she opened a way to the subjugation of Italy, and laid the foundation of her future greatness. Commencement of the wars against the Samnites, the Cam- panians having called the Romans to their assistance against that nation, 343. These wars, carried on with vigorous exertion and various success, lasted, with but short intermissions, till 290. This is the true heroic age of Rome, ennobled by the patriotic valour of Decius Mus, (father and son both voluntary victims,) Papirius Cursor, Q. Fabius Maximus, etc. The consequences of this struggle were : a. The Romans learnt the art of moun- - tain warfare, and thereby for the first time acquired a peculiar system of military tactics ; not, however, till they had been, 321, obliged to pass under the f ureas Caudinas. b. Their relations were more firmly established with their neighbours the Latins and Etrurians, by the complete conquest of the former, 340, and by repeated victories over the latter, more especittUy in 308. c. Great national federations having arisen in Italy, particularly during the last period of the Samnite wai-s, the Romans entered into connexion with the more distant nations of the country ; with the Lucanians and Apulians, by the first league, 323, with the Umbri, from the year 308 ; and although the nature of this connexion frequently varied, the different nations were per- petually struggling for independence, and Avere consequently at enmity with Rome. In this period, moreover, commenced the practical illustration of the leading ideas of Rome upon the po- litical relations in which she placed the conquered with regai'd to herself. 14. After the subjection of the Samnites, Rome, war against wishing to confirm her dominion in Lower Italy, was Jh^es^^^-h"" thereby, for the first time, entangled in war with a ^'e assisted foreign prince ; the Tarentines, too feeble to maintain ^*^ ^•^"■^"^• alone their footing against the Romans, called Pyr- 268 ROMAN STATE. [book v. First rhus of Epirus to their assistance. He came, indeed, ^^'°°' but not so much to further the views of the Taren- tines as to advance his own ; but even in victory, he learnt by experience that the Macedonian tactics gave him but a shght preponderance, which the Ro- mans soon transferred to their own side, exhibiting the truth of the principle, that a good civic militia, sooner or later, will always get the upper hand of mercenary troops. The idea of calling upon Pyrrhus for assistance was the more natural, as the predecessor of that prince, Alexander I., (see above, p. 220,) had endeavoured, but without success, to etTect conquests in Lower Italy. In the first war with Pyrrhus, 280 — 278, two battles were fought, the first at Pandosia, 280, the other at Asculum, 279 ; in both of which Rome was unsuccess- ful. But Pyrrhus, after crossing over into Sicily, 278, (see above, p. 140,) once more returned into Italy, 275, when he was defeated by the Romans at Beneventum, and compelled to evacuate Italy, leaving a garrison at Tarentum. That city, however, soon afterwards, 272, fell into the hands of the Ro- mans, whose dominion was consequently extended to the ex- tremity of Lower Italy. Romance- ]5. The chicf mcans to which, even from the earliest times, tlie Romans had recourse for the found- ation of their dominion over the conquered, and at the same time for the prevention of the too great in- crease of the needy classes of Rome, was the estab- lishment of colonies of their own citizens, which, being settled in the captured cities, served likewise as gar- risons. Each colony had its own distinct internal constitution, modelled, for the most part, upon that of the mother city itself; hence to keep the colonies in perfect dependence naturally became an object ot Roman policy. This colonial system of the Romans necessarily and spontaneously arising out of the rude custom of bereaving the conquered of their lands and Hberty, assumed its main features in the Samnite war, and gradually embraced the whole of Italy. Closely connected with this system was the construc- tion of military highways, [vico militares,)' one of which, the Appian way, was constructed so early as 312, and to this day remains a lasting monument of the greatness of Rome at that period. lonies. PERIOD I.] TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 269 Even at the time of Hannibal's invasion, the number of Ro- First man colonies amounted to 53 : but several which had been Period. settled returned to the mother city. ' Heyne, De Romannrum prndentia in coloniis regendis: in- serted in Opusc. vol. iii. Cf Prolusiones de veterum colonia- rumjure ejusque causis, in his Opusc. vol. i. 16. But the relations existing between Rome and Relations the Itahan nations were extremely various in kind, l^f ^'^y . 1. A few cities and nations enjoyed the full privi- the Italian les^es of Roman citizenship ; in some instances, how- '^'^''°"^- ever, without the riglit of voting in the comitia {inunicipia). 2. The privileges of the colonies [jus coloniarum) were of a more restricted nature ; the colonists were indeed in possession of their own civic government, but had no further share whatever either in the comitia or magistracies of Rome. The other inhabitants of Italy were either federates [socii^foedere jiincti) or subjects [dedititii). The first [a) preserved their internal form of government ; but on the other hand (/;) were obliged to furnish tribute and auxiliary troops (trihutis et armis juvare rempuhlicam). Their further relation with Rome depended upon the terms of the league. The most advantageous of these terms were, 3. in favour of the Latins, altiiough each of their cities had its own separate league [jus Latii) ; as, 4. the rest of the Italian nations had their jus Italicum. On the other hand, 5. the subjects, ded'i- titii, were deprived of their internal constitutions, and were governed by Roman magistrates, [prcefecti,) annually renewed. C. SlGOXius, De antiquo jure civium Romanorum ; and his treatise De antiquo jure Italicc, inserted both in his Opera and in Grvevii Thes. Ant. Rom. t. ii., contain the most learned re- searches on the details of these relations. 17. The internal constitution of Rome itself, now The Roman completed, bore the character of a democracy, inas- a'd'e^o^cr'a-" much as equality of rights existed both for nobles cy. and commons. Yet this democracy was modified by expedients so various and wonderful — the rights of the people, of the senate, of the magistrates, fitted so nicely into each other, and were so firmly supported by the national religion connecting every thing with 270 ROMAN STATE. [eook v First determinate forms — that there was no reason, at that _f^^L^ time, to fear the evils either of anarchy, or, what is much more astonishing when we consider the warhke character of the people, those of military despotism. The rights of the people consisted in the legislative power, so far as fundamental national principles were concerned, and in the election of the magistrates. The distinction between the comitia trihuta (as independent of the senate) and the comitia centuriata (as dependent on the senate) still existed as to form, but had lost all its importance, the difference between patricians and plebeians being now merely nominal, and the establisliment of the tribus itrbancB, 303, excluding the too great influence of the people {forensis factio) upon the comitia trihuta. The rights of the senate consisted in administering and debating all transitory national affairs, whether foreign relations, (war and peace only excepted, in which the consent of tlie people was requisite,) financial concerns, or matters regarding domestic peace and security. But the manner in which the senate was supplied must have made it the first political body at that time in the world. The rights and rank of magistrates were founded on the greater or lesser auspicia, no public affair being entered upon except auspicato. Consequently he only Avho was in pos- session of the former could hold the highest civic and military power ; {imperium civile et militare ; suis auspiciis rem gerere ;) as dictator, consul, prcetor : such was not the case with those who had only the lesser auspicia. The union of civil and military power in the person of the same individual was not without its inconveniences, but military despotism was in some measure guarded against by the prohibition of any magistrate possessing military command within Rome itself We must not dismiss this subject without observing, that as the Roman constitution arose merely out of practice, there never having been any completely written charter, we cannot expect that all the details should be clearly ascertained ; to attempt, therefore, in default of such authority, to desci'ibe all the minutiae would be the surest way to fall into error. Of the numerous Avorks on the Roman constitution and on Roman antiquities, we shall mention : De Beaufort, La Republique Romaine, ou plan generale de Fanden gouvernement de Rome. La Haye, 1766, 2 vols. 4to. A most copious work, and one of the most solid in regard to the matters discussed ; although it does not embrace the whole of the subject. Histoire critique du gouvernement Remain ; Paris, ] 765. Containing some acute observations. Du Gouvernement de la republique Romaine, par A. Ad. de Texier, 3 vols. 8vo. Hamburg, 1796. This contains many inquiries peculiar to the writer. Some learned researches respecting the principal points of PERIOD II.] TO THE GRACCHI. 271 the Roman constitution, as Sigonius and Gruchtds de comitiis First Romanorum, Zamocius de Senatu Romano, etc., ^vill be found Period. collected in the first two vols, of Gr^vius, Antiq. Roman. ' " For the popular assemblies of the Romans, an antiquarian essay by Chr. Ferd. Schulze, Gotha, 1815, chiefly according to Niebuhr, may be consulted. Among the numerous manuals of Roman antiquities, Nieu- PORT, explicatio rituum Romanorum, ed. Gesner, Berol. 1743, promises at least as much as it performs. Of those which pro- fess to treat of Roman antiquities in general, none have yet risen above mediocrity. Jurisprudence, however, has been much more successfully handled. We cite the two following excellent compendiums : Bachii, Historia Jurisprudentice Romance. Lips. 1754. 1796. t C. Hugo, Elements of the Roman Law ; 7th edit. Berlin, 1820. SECOND PERIOD. Fro7n the Commencement of the war with Carthage to the rise of the civil broils under the Gracchi, B. C. 264 — 134. Year of Rome, AdO—QIQ. Sources. The principal writer for this highly interesting Second period, in which was laid the foundation of the universal domi- Period. nion of Rome, is Polybius, as far as the year 146, not only in the complete books preserved to us, which come down to 216, but also in the fragments. He is frequently followed by Livy, lib. xxi. — xlv., 218 — 166. Appian, who comes next, does not confine himself merely to the history of the war ; Florus gives us only an abridgement. The Lives of Plutarch which relate to this portion of history, are Fabius Maximus, P. ^milius, Marcellus, M. Cato, and Flaminius. Of modern writers we dare only mention one ; and who is worthy to be ranked beside him ? Montesquieu, Coyisiderations sur les causes de la grandeur et de la decadence des Romains. 1. The political division of Italy laid the found- ation for the dominion of Rome in that country ; the want of union and political relations in the world paved the way to her universal empire. The first step cost her much, the succeeding followed easily and rapidly ; and the history of the struggle between ^'72 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Second Rome and Carthage only shows on a larger scale what the history of Greece exhibits on a smaller. The Struggle whole of the following history confirms the fact, that cl'nha'^e ^^^^ republics cannot exist near each other, without and Rome; onc being dcstroycd or subjected ; but the vast ex- its extent, tcnt of this Struggle, the important consequences which followed, together with the wonderful exertions made, and the great men engaged on both sides, gave it an interest which cannot be found in that of any State of the Other uatious. Though the power and resources of two parties. ^^^^ states wcrc nearly equal in appearance, they were widely different in quality and circumstances. Carthage, besides her dominion over the seas, had also a better furnished treasury, by which she was enabled to enlist into her service as many mercena- ries as she pleased : Rome, on the contrary, strong in herself, had all the advantages possessed by a nation of warriors over one partly commercial, partly military. The first 2. The first war of twenty-three years between r'-threr*^^' ^'^^ ^^^ republics, arose from very slight causes ; it years, B. c. soon, howcvcr, bccamc a struggle for the possession of 264—241. gi(,jiy^ which in the end naturally extended itself to the dominion of the sea. Rome, by the aid of her newly-built fleet, having obtained for some time this power, was enabled to attack Africa, and succeeded in driving the Carthaginians from Sicily. The occupation of Messina by the Romans, 264, gave rise to this war. The defection of Hiero king of Syracuse from the side of Carthage, and his joining the Romans, first gave the lat- ter the idea of expelling the Carthaginians from the island. The victory near Agrigentum, and capture of that city in 262, seemed to facilitate the execution of this project: it also con- vinced the Romans of the necessity of their having a naval power. We shall the less wonder at their forming a fleet in Italy, where wood was then plentiful, if we remember their previous experience in naval affairs ; these were not the first vessels of war which they constructed, but only the fii'st large ones which they built upon a Carthaginian model. The first naval victory of the Romans under Duilius, by the aid of grap- pling machines, 260. The project then conceived of carrying the war into Africa was one of the great ideas of the Romans, and from that time it became a ruling maxim of the state, to attack the enemy in his own territory. The second and very PERIOD II.] TO THE GRACCHI. 273 remarkable naval victory of the Komans, 257, opened the way Second for them to Africa, and shows their naval tactics in a very bril- Period. liant liglit : but the unfortunate issue of their expedition to Africa, restored the equilibrium ; and the struggle for the do- minion of the sea became the more obstinate, as success did not altogether favour one party. The result of the contest appears to have turned upon the possession of the western promontories of Sicily, Drepanum and Lilyba3um, which were in a manner the bulwarks of the Carthaginians, and seemed impregnable since Hamilcar Barca had taken the command of them, 247. The last naval victory of the Romans, however, under the con- sul Lutatius, 241, having cut off the communication between Sicily and Carthage, and the finances of both parties being completely exhausted, a peace was concluded upon the condi- tions : 1. That the Carthaginians should evacuate Sicily and the small islands adjacent. 2. That they should pay to Rome, by instalments in ten years, for the expenses she had been at in carrying on the war, the sum of 2200 talents. 3. That they should not make war against Hiero king of Syracuse. 3. The issue of this war placed the pohtical con- nexions of Rome in a new situation, and necessarily extended her influence abroad. The length of the war and the manner of its conclusion had, moreover, inspired a national hatred, such as is only found in republics ; the conviction also tliat they could not remain independent of one another, must have be- come much more striking, as the points of contact had greatly increased since the beginning of the war. Who does not know the arrogance of a republic after the first essay of her power has been crowned with success ! Rome gave a striking example of this by her invasion of Sardinia in the midst of peace. These Effect of successes had also a sensible effect on the Roman ^^""'^ '"''■ " • CGSSGS Oil constitution. For although in appearance its form the cousti- was not in the least changed, yet the power of the ^"^'°''' senate now acquired that preponderance which the ruling authority of a republic never fails to do after long and successful wars. Origin and nature of the governments of the first Roman provinces, in part of Sicily and in Sardinia. 4. An opportunity was soon afforded the Romans, Chastise- in the Adriatic Sea, of making use of their superior ^f".j^°f ^f^ naval power, in chastising the pirates of Illyria under rates. their queen Teuta. By effecting this, they not only T 274 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Second Period. Relations with Greece. secured their authority over that sea, but at the same time formed their first pohtical relations with the Grecian states ; relations which soon afterwards be- came of great importance. Commencement of the first Illyrian war, 230, which ended with the subjugation of Teuta, 226. The war, however, again broke out, 222, against Demetrius of Pharus, who conceived himself inadequately rewarded by Rouk; for the services he had rendered her in the preceding war. The Romans found him a much more dangerous adversary than had been expected, even after his expulsion and flight to Phihp, 220 (see above, p. 226). Throughout this war, Rome appeared as the deliverer of the Grecian states, which had suffered extremely from the plunder of these freebooters ; Corcyra, Apollonia, and other cities placed themselves formally under her protection, while the Acha^ans, -^tolians, and Athenians vied with each other in showing their gratitude. 5. In the mean time, while Carthage endeavoured to make up for the loss of Sicily and Sardinia by ex- tending her Spanish dominions, which the jealousy of Rome restrained her from carrying beyond the Ebro, (p. G8,) Rome herself had a new war to main- tain against her northern neighbours the Gauls, which ended after a violent contest with the establishment of her authority over the north of Italy. From the first Gallic war to the burning of Rome, 390, the Gauls had repeated their attacks in 360 and 348, even to the conclusion of the peace in 336. But in the latter part of the Samnite war, a formidable confederacy having taken place among the Italian tribes, some of the Gauls enlisted as mercenaries in the service of the Etruscans, while others allied themselves to the Samnites. This led them to take part in these wars in 306, 302, and 292, until they were obliged, together with the Etrus- cans, to sue for peace in 284, before which time the Romans had sent a colony into their country, near Sena. This peace lasted till 238, when it was disturbed by the incursion of the transalpine Gauls ; without, however, their coming to any war with Rome. But in 232, the proposition of Flaminius the tri- bune, {lex Flaminia,) to divide the lands conquered from the Senones, became the cause of new disturbances. Upon this occasion, the Gauls entered into an alliance with their transal- pine countrymen, the Ga3sates on the Rhone, who had been ac- customed to engage as mercenaries. These having crossed the Alps, the dreadful war of six years (226 — 220) began, in which, after defeating the Gauls near Clusium, 225, the Romans pur- sued them into their own territory, and encamped upon the Po, 223. The Gauls having been again comi)letely overthrown PERIOD II.] TO THE GRACCHI. 2iD by Marcellus, were obliged to sue for peace ; when the Roman Second colonies of Placentia and Cremona were estabhshed. The num- Period. ber of men capable of bearing arms in all Italy subject to the Romans during this war amounted to 800,000. 6. Before this storm was totally appeased, in which Hannibal it is probable that Carthao'inian policy was not alto- ^"'^^^ ^^^ • . . . com rTi3.n(i gether inactive, Hannibal had obtained the chief in Spain, command in Spain. From the reproach of having first begun the war, he and his party cannot be cleared ; Rome, in the situation she then was, could hardly desire it ; he however who strikes the first blow is not always the real aggressor. The plan of Hannibal was the destruction of Rome ; and by and makes makinp- Italy the principal seat of the war, he neces- ''""'Z 'i"" sarily turned the scale in his favour; because Rome, obliged to defend herself, left to him all the advan- tages of attack. The preparations she made for de- fence, show that it was not believed possible he could execute his enterprise by the route which he took. The history of this war, 218 — 201, of which no later trans- action has been able to destroy the interest, is divided into three I)arts : the history of the war in Italy ; the contemporary war in Spain ; and from 203, the war in Africa. Hannibal's in- vasion of Italy in the autumn, 218 — engagement near the river Ticinus and the battle of Trebia, in the same year. Battle near the lake Thrasymenus, in the spring, 217. Seat of the war transferred to Lower Italy, and tlie defensive system of tlie dic- tator Fabius until the end of the year. Battle of Canna?, 216, followed by the conquest of Capua and the subjection of the greater part of Lower Italy. The defensive mode of warfare afterwards adopted by the Cartliaginian, arose partly from his de-sire to form a junction with his brother Asdrubal and the Spanish army, and partly from his expectation of foreign sup- port by means of alliances, with Syracuse, after the death of Hiero, 215, and with Philip of Macedon, 216. These hopes, however, were frustrated by the Romans. — S}Tacuse Avas be- sieged and taken, 214 — 212, (see above, p. 140,) and Philip kept employed in Greece (see above, p. 226). In addition to this, the Romans retook Capua, notwithstanding the audacious march of Hannibal towards Rome, 211, and he had now no succour left except the reinforcement which Asdrubal was bringing from Spain. The latter, hoAvever, was attacked im- mediately upon his arrival in Italy, near Sena, by the consuls Nero and Livius, and left dead on the field, 207. From this time the war in Italy became only of secondary importance, as Hannibal was obliged to act on the defensive in Bruttium. T 2 276 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Second The Course of Ilannihal over the Alps ascertained, by J. Peuiod. Wiiittakek. London, 1794, 2 vols. 8vo. The author endoa- ~ vours to prove that the passage of Hannibal was over the great St. ]i(?rnard, and criticises the opinions of other writers. [We may likewise mention the learned treatise, — A Dissertation on the Passage of Hannibal over the Alps. By II. L. WicKiiAM, M. A. and the Rev. J. A. Cramer, M, A. second edition, Oxon.] The war in Spain began nearly about the same time between Asdrul>al and tlie two l)rothers, Cn. and P. Cornelius Scipio, and was continued with various success, till the year 216, the issue depending much ujion the disposition of the Spaniards themselves. The plan of Carthage after the year 216, was to send Asdrubal with the Spanish army into Italy, and to supply its place by an army from Africa-, two victories, however, gained by the Scipios near the Ebro, 216, and the lUiberis, 215, prevented this from being effected, till at last both fell under the superior power and cuuning of the Carthaginians, 212. But the arrival of the youthful P. Cornelius Scipio, who did not appear merely to his own nation as an extraordinary genius, entirely changed the face of affairs, and the fortunes of Rome soon b(!came attached to his name, whi(;h alone seemed to pro- mise victory. During his command in Spain, 210 — 206, he won over the inhabitants while he defeated the Carthaginians, and for the furtherance of his great design, contracted an alli- ance Avitli Syphax in Africa, 206. lie was unalde, however, to prevent tlie march of Asdrubal into Italy, 208, wliich never- theless rendered it an easy taslc for him to subdue all Cartha- ginian Spain as far as Gades, 206, and thus procured him the consular dignity at his return, 205. The carrying of the war into Africa by Scipio, notwithstand- ing the opposition of the old Roman generals, and the desertion of Sypliax, who at the persuasion of Sophonisba again went over to the Carthaginians, (whose loss however was well repaid by Masinissa, whom Scij)io had won over to his side in Spain,) was followed by an im{)ortant consequence ; for after he had gained two victories over Asdrubal and Sy[)hax, 203, and taken the latter prisoner, the Carthaginians found it necessary to re- call Ilainiibal from Italy, 202 ; and the battle of Zama termi- nated the war, 201. The following were the conditions of peace: 1. That the Carthaginians should only retain the terri- tory in Africa annexed to their government. 2. That they should give up all tluiir ships of war, except ten triremes, and all their elephants. 3. That they should pay, at times specified, 10,000 talents. 4. That they should commence no war without the ctmsent of Rome. 5. That they siiould restore to Masinissa all the houses, cities, and lands that had ever been possessed by himself or his ancestors. — Tlie i-eproach usually cast upon the Carthaginians, of having left Hannibal unsupported in Italy, in a great measure vanishes, if we remember the plan formed in 216, to send the Spanish army into Italy, and to replace it by PERIOD II.] TO THE GRACCHI. 277 an African one: a plan formed with mueh ability, and followed Second with as much constancy. We may add to this, that the Barciiie Period. faction maintained its influence in the government even to the end of the war. But wliy they, who by the treaty of peace gave up five hundred vessels of Ayar, suffered Scipio to cross over from Sicily without sending one to oppose him, is ditiäcult to explain, 7. Notwithstanding her great loss of men, and the Power of devastation of Italy, Rome felt herself much more creased by powerful at the end of this war than at the begin- ^'^® ^^^'■• ning. Her dominion was not only established over Italy, but extensive foreign countries had been brought under it ; her authority over the seas was rendered secure by the destruction of the naval power of the Carthaginians. The Roman form of govern- ment, it is true, underwent no change, but its spirit much, as the power of the senate became almost un- limited ; and although the dawn of civilization had broken over Rome, since her intercourse with more civilized foreigners, the state still remained altogether a nation of warriors. And now, for the first time, she be- appears in the page of history the fearful phenome- »"^^"uary re- non of a great military republic; and the history of Public. the next ten years, in which Rome overthrew so many thrones and free states, gives a striking proof, that such a power is the natural enemy to the inde- pendence of all the states within tlie reach of her arms. The causes which led Rome from this time to aspire after the dominion of the world, are to be found neither in her geographical situation, which for a conquering power by land seemed rather un- favourable, nor m the inclination of the people, who were opposed to the first war against Philip ; but singly and entirely in the spirit of her government. The means, however, whereby she obtained her end, must not be sought for merely in the excellence of her armies and generals, but rather in that uniform, sharp-sighted, and dexterous policy, by which she iior policy. was enabled to frustrate the powerful alliances formed against her, notwithstanding the many adversaries who at that time sought to form new ones. But where could be found such another council of state. 278 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Second embodying such a mass of practical political wisdom, ^'"''°°' as the Roman senate must have been from the very State of the naturc of its organization? All this, however, would rest of the ^^^ ^.^^^ ^^^^ sufficicnt to havc subjugated the world, if the want of good government, the degeneracy ot the military art, and an extremely corrupt state of morals among both rulers and people, in foreign states, had not seconded the efforts of Rome. View of the political state of the world at this period. In the west, Sicily, (the whole island after 212,) Sardinia, and Cor- sica, from the year 237, and Spain, divided into citerior and ulterior, (the latter rather in name than in fact,) had become Roman provinces, 206 ; the independence of Carthage had been destroyed by the last peace, and her subordination secured by the alliance of Rome with Masinissa ; Cisalpine Gaul, formed into a province, served as a barrier against the inroads of the more northern barbarians. On the other side, in the East, the kingdom of Macedonia, and the free states of Greece, forming together a very complicated system, had opened a connexion with Rome since the Illyrian war, 230, and Philip's alliance with Hannibal, 214. Of the three powers of the first rank, Macedonia, Syria, and Egypt, the two former were allied against the latter, who, on her part, maintained a good understanding with Rome. The states of secondary rank were, those of the ^tolian league, the kings of Pergamus, and the republic of Rhodes, with some smaller, such as Athens : these had allied themselves to Rome since the confederacy against Philip, 211. The Acheean league, on the contrary, was in the interests of Macedonia, which Rome always endeavoured to attach to her- self, in order to make head against those of the first rank. War against 8. A dcckratiou of war against PhiHp, notwith- RC.'^m. standing the opposition of the tribunes of tlie people, and an attack upon Macedonia itself, according to the constant maxim of carrying the war into the enemy's country, immediately followed. They could not, however, drive Philip so soon from the fastnesses of Epirus and Thessaly, which were his bulwarks. T. Quintius But Romc posscsscd in T. Quintius Flaminius, who rkmnuus, ^^Y^.\^Q^ against Philip as the deliverer of Greece, a statesman and general exactly fitted for a period of lays the great rcvolutious. By the permanency of his politi- !"T"'l^^i°f cal influence he became indeed the true founder of power in thc Romau powcr in the East. Who could better the East. pyJQJg jjjgn and nations, while they were erecting altars to him, than T. Quintius ? So artfully indeed PERIOD II. J TO THE GRACCHI. 279 did he assume the character of a great genius, such Second as had been given by nature to Scipio, that he has L almost deceived history itself. The struggle between him and Philip consisted rather in a display of talents in political stratagem and finesse than in feats of arms : even before the battle of Cynoscephalse had 197. given the finishing stroke, the Romans had already turned the balance in their favour, by gaining over the Achaean league. i98. The negotiations between Rome and Macedonia, from the year 214, give the first striking examples of the ability and ad- dress of .the Romans in foreign policy ; and they are the more remarkable, as the ti-eaty with the iEtolians and others, 211, (see above, p. 227,) was the remote cause of the ti-ansactions which afterwards took place in the East. The peculiar system adopted by the Romans, of taking the lesser states under their protection as allies, must always have given them an opportunity of making war on tlie more powerful whenever they chose. This in fact happened in tlie present case, notwithstanding the peace concluded with Philiji, 204. The chief object of the Romans in this war, both by sea and land, was to drive Philip completely out of Greece. The allies on both sides, and the conditions of peace, were similar to those concluded with Carthage (see above, p. 227). The destruction of the naval power of her conquered enemies became now a maxim of Roman policy in makin^ peace; and she thus maintained the dominion of the seas with- out any great fleet, and without losing the essential character of a dominant power by land. 9. The expulsion of Philip from Greece brought that country into a state of dependence upon Rome ; an event which could not have been better secured than by the present of liberty which T. Quintius con- ferred upon its inhabitants at the Isthmian games. The system of surveillance, which the Romans had already established in the West over Carthage and Numidia, was now adopted in the East over Greece and Macedonia. Roman commissioners, under the name of ambassadors, were sent into the country of the nations in alliance, and were the principal means by which this system of espionage was carried on. These however did not fail to give umbrage to the Greeks, particularly to the turbulent ^'Etolians ; more especially as the Romans seemed in no hurry to with- 280 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Second draw their troops from a country which thev had de- clared to be free. Period. Liberty was expressly granted to the state which had taken the part of Phihp, namely, to the Achaeans ; to the others it was naturally understood to belong. It was nevertheless three years, 194, before the Roman army evacuated Greece, and withdrew from the fortified places. The conduct of T. Quintius during this period fully shows what he was. The Greeks indeed had much want of such a guardian if they wished to remain quiet : liis conduct, however, in the war against Nabis, 195, shows that he had not really at heart the tranquillity of Gi'eece. War with Syria. 10. The treaty of peace with Phihp contained the seeds of a new and greater war with S3a"ia ; but though this seemed inevitable at that time, it did not break out till six years afterwards ; and in but io-v^ periods of the history of the world is so great a poli- tical crisis to be found, as in this short interval. The fall of Carthage and Macedonia had shown the rest of the world what it had to expect from Rome ; and there was no lack of great men sufficiently endowed Danger of a will] couragc and talents to resist her. The danger forinidabie ^f ^ formidable leao;ue between Carthag^e, Syria, and acj-Tinst perhaps Macedonia, was never so much to be feared, Rome; ^g when Hannibal, now at the head of affairs, labour- ed to effect it with all the zeal which his hatred of Rome could inspire ; and they might calculate with certainty beforehand on the accession of many smaller which she states. Rome, however, by her equally decided and artful policy procured Hannibal's banishment from Carthage, amused Philip by granting him some tri- fling advantages, and gained over the smaller states by her ambassadors. By these means, and by taking advantage of the intrigues in the court of Syria, she prevented this coalition from being formed. Antio- chus was therefore left without assistance in Greece, except from the ^tolians, and a few other unim- portant allies ; while Rome drew from hers, especially the Rhodians and Eumenes, advantages of the great- est consequence. The first cause of contention between Rome and Antiochus was the liberty of Greece, which the former wished to extend to the Grecian cities of Asia, and to those in particular which frustrates. PERIOD II.] TO THE GRACCHI. 281 had belonged to Philip, and afterwards to Antiochus ; while Si-.cond the latter contended, that Rome had no right to intermeddle Period. with the affairs of Asia. The second cause of dispute was the occupation of the Thracian Chersonesus by Antiochus, 196, in right of some ancient pretensions ; and Rome, on her part, would not tolerate him in Europe. This quarrel therefore commenced as early as 196, but did not become serious till the year 195, when, in consequence of Hannibal's flight to Anti- ochus, together with the turbulence and excitement of the JEto- lians, whose object it was to embroil the rival powers, the poli- tical horizon was completely overcast. Wliat a fortunate thing it was for Rome that such men as Hannibal and Antiochus could not understand each other ! Heine, de feeder urn ad Romanornm opes imminuendas inito- rum eventis eorumque causis ; in Opusc. vol. iii. 11. This war was much sooner brought to a ter- mination than the Macedonian, owing to the half- measures adopted by Antiochus. After having been b. c. loi. driven from Greece by Glabrio, and after two naval victories had opened to the Romans the way to Asia, he felt inclined to act on the defensive ; but in the battle near Magnesia at the foot of Mount Sipylus, Battle of L. Scipio gathered the laurels which more properly S'"''"''*' belonged to Glabrio. The total expulsion of Antio- chus from Asia Minor, even before this victory, had been the chief object of the war. The conditions of Conditions peace (see above, p. 227) were such, as not only weak- ''*" J'^'"''^- ened Antiochus, but reduced him to a state of de- pendence. During this contest in the East, a sanguinary war was going on in the West ; from the year 201 in Spain, where the elder Cato commanded ; and from 193 in Italy itself, against the Ligurians. Whatever may be said upon the means made use of by Rome to increase tlie number of her citizens, it will always be difficult to coinpreliend, not only how she could support all these wars without being thereby weakened, but how at the same time she could found so many colonics ! 1 2. Even after the termination of this war, Rome Moderation refrained with astonishing moderation from appear- °^ ^'""^• ing in the light of a conqueror : it was only for the liberty of Greece, and for her allies, that she had con- tended ! Without keeping a foot of land for herself, she divided, with the exception of the free Grecian cities, the conquered Asia Minor between Eumenes 282 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Second and the Rlioclians ; the manner, however, in which ^''"'°°' ghe dealt with the .Etolians, who after a long suppli- cation for peace were obliged to buy it dearly, shows that she also knew how to treat unfaithful allies. The War against War agaiust the Gauls in Asia Minor was not less the Gauls in neccssarv for the preservation of tranquillity in that Asia Minor, -^ , . ^ . . . , ^i i i • B.C. 189. country, than it was injurious to the morals and mi- litary discipline of the Roman army. They here learned to levy contributions. 200-190. 13. Thus, within the short space often years, was laid the foundation of the Roman authority in the East, and the general state of affairs entirely changed. Rome the If Romc was'not yet the ruler, she was at least the the wodd°^ arbitress of the world from the Atlantic to the Eu- phrates. The power of the three principal states was so completely humbled, that they durst not, without the permission of Rome, begin any new war ; the fourth, Egypt, had already, in the year 201, placed herself under the guardianship of Rome; and the lesser powers followed of themselves: esteeming it an honour to be called the allies of Rome. With this name the nations were lulled into security, and brought under the Roman yoke ; the new political system of Rome was founded and strengthened, partly by exciting and supporting the weaker states against the stronger, however unjust the cause of the former might be, and partly by factions which she found means to raise in every state, even the smallest. Although the policy of Rome extended itself every where by means of her commissioners, or ambassadors, yet she kept a more particular guard against Carthage by favouring Masinissa at her expense, against the Achaean league by favouring the Spartans, and against Pliilip of Macedon by favouring every one vpho brought any complaint against him (see above, p. 229). 14. Although these new connexions and this in- tercourse with foreign nations greatly aided the diffu- sion of knowledge and science, and was followed by a gradual improvement in her civilization, yet was it nevertheless, in many respects, detrimental to the internal state of Rome. The introduction of the scandalous Bacchanalia, which were immediately dis- PERIOD II.] TO THE GRACCHI. 288 covered and forbidden, shows liow easily great vices Second may creep in among a people who are only indebted L for their morality to their ignorance. Among the higher classes also the spirit of intrigue manifested itself to an astonishing degree ; particularly by the attacks directed against the Scipios by the elder Cato, whose restless activity became the instrument of his malignant passions. The severity of his censorship did not repair the evils caused by his immorality and pernicious politics. Voluntary exile of Scipio Africanus to Linternum, 187. He (lies there, 183, the same year in which Hannibal falls under the continued persecution of Rome, His brother Scipio Asiati- cus is also unable to escape a trial and condemnation, 185. One would have expected a sensible effect from the exile of these two great men ; but in a state where the ruling power is in the hands of a body like what the Roman senate was, the change of individuals is but of little consequence. 15. Fresh disputes arose as early as 185, with Newbvoiis Philip of Macedon, who soon found that they had i^^^^'^' spared him no longer than it suited their own conve- nience. Although the intervention of Philip's young- est son, upon whom the Romans had formed some design, prevented the powers from coming to an im- mediate rupture, and war was still further delayed by Philip's death, yet the national hatred descended to His death, his successor, and continued to increase, notwith- ^^^* standing an alliance concluded with him, until the Open war, war openly broke out (see above, p. 230). The first circumstance which gave umbrage to Philip was the small portion they permitted him to conquer in Athamania and Thessaly during the war against Antiochus. But what sliarp- ened his animosity, much more than tiie object in dispute, was the conduct of the Roman commissioners, before whom he, the king, was called upon to defend himself as an accused party, 184. The exclamation of Philip, that "the sun of every day had not yet set," showed his indignation, and at the same time betrayed his intention. The interval previous to the breaking out of the war was any thing rather than a time of peace for Rome ; for besides that the Spanish and Ligurian wars con- tinued almost without intei'mission, the revolts which broke out in Istria, 178, and in Sardinia and Corsica, 176, produced much bloodshed. 284 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Second Period. Second Ma- cedonian ■war, ends with the ruin of the kingdom, 168. Its conse- quences. 16. In the second Macedonian war, which ended with the destruction of Perseus and his kingdom, (see above, p. 231,) it required the active efforts of Ro- man pohcy to prevent a powerful confederacy from being formed against her; as Perseus used all his endeavours to stimulate, not only the Grecian states, and Thrace and Illyria, but also Carthage and Asia, to enter into alliance with him. Where was it that Rome did not at this crisis send her ambassadors ? She did not, indeed, succeed so far as to leave her enemy quite alone, but prepared new triumphs for herself over the few allies she left him. The devas- tated Epirus, and Gentius king of Illyria, suffered dearly for the assistance they had lent him ; the states also which had remained neuter, the Rhodians and Eumenes, were made to feel severely that they were the mere creatures of Rome. Beginning of the Macedonian war, 171, before Rome was prepared ; a deceitful truce, which raised the indignation even of the elder senators, was the means resorted to for gaining time. Notwithstanding this, the war at first, 170 and 169, was favourable to Perseus ; but he Avanted resolution and judgment to enable him to turn his advantages to account. In 168, Paulus iEmilius, an old general, against the usual custom of the Romans, took the command. Bloody and decisive battle near Pydna, June 22, 168. So completely may one day overturn a kingdom which has only an army for its support ! Contempo- rary with this war, and highly fortunate for Rome, was the war of Antiochus Epiphanes with Egypt. No wonder that Rome did not, till 168, through Popilius, command peace betAveen them ! (See above, p. 209.) 17. The destruction of the Macedonian monarchy was attended with consequences equally disastrous to the conquerors and the conquered. To the first it soon gave the notion of becoming the masters of the world, instead of its arbiters ; and it exposed the lat- ter, for the next twenty years, to all the evils insepar- able from such a catastrophe. The system of poli- tics hitherto pursued by Rome could not last much longer ; for if nations suffered themselves to be brought under the yoke by force, it was not to be expected that they would long be held in dependence under the specious name of liberty. But the state PERIOD 11.] TO THE GRACCHI. 285 of things after this war was such as contributed to Second hasten a change in the form of the relations which ^'^^°°' existed between Rome and her alhes. The republican constitution given to the ah-eady ruined and devastated Macedonians (see above, p. 231) and Ill}a-ians, and which, according to the decree of the senate, " showed to all people that Rome was ready to bestow liberty upon them," was granted upon such hard conditions, that the enfranchised nation soon used every endeavour to procure themselves a king. Gi'eece however suffered still more tlian Macedonia. Here, during the war, the spirit of faction had risen to the highest pitch ; and the arrogant insolence of the Roman party, composed for the most part of venal wretches, was so great, that they persecuted not only those who had espoused an opposite faction, but even those who had joined no faction at all. Rome nevertheless could not believe herself secure, until she had destroyed, by a cruel artifice, all her adversaries (see above, p. 231). 18. Entirely in the same spirit did Rome proceed against the other states from whom she had any thing to fear. These must be rendered defenceless ; and every means of effecting that purpose was considered justifiable by the senate. The quarrels between the successors to the throne of Egypt were taken advan- tage of to cause dissensions in that kingdom (see above, p. 208) ; while Syria was retained in a state of tutelage, by keeping the rightful heir to the throne at Rome ; and its military power neutralized by means of their ambassadors (see above, p. 195). 19. From these facts we may also conclude, that the injuries now meditated against Carthage were not separate projects, but rather formed part of the general system of Roman policy at this period, al- though particular events at one time retarded their execution, and at another hastened it. History, in recounting the incredibly bad treatment which Car- thage had to endure before her fall, seems to have given a warning to those nations who can take it, of what they may expect from the domination of a powerful republic. Cato was chief of the party which sought the destruction of Carthage, both from a spirit of envy against Scipio Nasica, whom he hated for his great influence in the senate ; and be- cause, when ambassador to Carthage, he thought they did not treat him with sufficient respect. But Masinissa's victory, 152, 286 ROMAN STATE. [cook v. Second (see above, p. 71,) and the defection of Utica, brought this pro- Period. ject into immediate play. Beginning of the war, 150, the Car- ~~~ thafinians having been previously inveigled out of tlieir arms. The city, however, was not captured and destroyed till 146, by P. Scipio ^milianus. The Carthaginian territory, under the name of Africa, was then made a Roman province. A new war 20. DuHng tliis third war with Carthage, hostili- with Mace- |.jgg apfaiii broke out in Macedonia, which brought on donia and O ■ ^ /~i i • i i i ^i Greece. a ncw War With (jrreece, and entirely changed the state of both tliese countries. In Macedonia, an im- postor named Andriscus, who pretended to be the son of Phihp, placed himself at the head of that liighly disaffected people, assumed the name of Phi- lip, and became, particularly by an alliance with the B. c. 148. Thracians, very formidable to the Romans, until overcome by Metellus. Rome wishing to take ad- vantage of this crisis to dissolve the Achaean league, the Achaean war broke out (see above, p. 232). This war was begun by Metellus, and terminated by Terminated Mummius with the dcstructiou of Corinth. By re- snuc'tioirof ducing both Macedonia and Greece to the form of Coiiuth, provinces, Rome now gave evident proof that no ex- isting relations, nor any form of government, can prevent nations from being subjugated by a warlike republic, whenever circumstances render it possible. It might have been expected, that the destruction of the two first commercial cities in the world, in the same year, would have been followed by important con-tquences to the course of trade; but the trade of Carthage and Corinth had alread}»- been drawn to Alexandria and Rhodes, otlierwise Utica might, in some re- spects, have supplied the place of Carthage. War in 21. While Rome was thus destroying thrones and Spain, 146. pepublics, shc met in Spain with an antagonist — a simple Spanish countryman named Viriathus — whom, after six years' war, she could only rid herself of by 140. assassination. The war, nevertheless, continued after his death against the Numantines, who would not be subjected, but were at last destroyed by Scipio iEmi- 133. lianus. The war iigainst the Spaniards, wl)o of all the nations subdued by the Romans defended their liberty with the greatest obsti- nacy, began in the year 200, six years after the total expulsion of the Carthaginians from their country, 206. It was exceed- PEHioD II.] TO THE GRACCHI. 287 ingly obstinate, partly from the natural state of the country, Second which was thickly populated, and where every place became a I^hriod. fortress ; partly from the courage of the inhabitants ; but above " all, owing to the peculiar policy of the Romans, who were wont to employ their allies to subdue other nations. This war con- tinued, almost without interruption, from the year 200 to 13.3, and was for the most part carried on at the same time in His- pania Citerior, where the Celtiberi were the most formidable adversaries, and in Hispania Ulterior, where the Lusitani were equally powerful. Hostihties were at the highest pitch in 19.5, under Cato, who reduced Hispania Citerior to a state of tran- quilHty in 18.5 — 179, when the Celtiberi were attacked in their native territory ; and 155 — 1.50, when the Romans in both pro- vinces were so often beaten, tliat nothing was more dreaded by the soldiers at home than to be sent there. The extortions and perfidy of Servius Galba pLiced Viriathus, in the year 14G, at the head of his nation, the Lusitani : the war, however, soon extended itself to Hispania Citerior, where many nations, parti- cularly the Numantines, took up arms against Rome, 143. Vi- riathus, sometimes victorious and sometimes defeated, was never more formidable than in the moment of defeat ; because he knew how to take advantage of his knowledge of the country, and of the dispositions of his countrymen. After his murder, caused by the treachery of Ciepio, 140, Lusitania was subdued ; but the Numantine war became still more violent, and the Nu- mantines compelled the consul Mancinus to a disadvantageous treaty, 137. When Scipio, in the year 133, put an end to this war, Spain was certainly tranquil ; the northern parts, however, were still unsubdued, though the Romans penetrated as far as Galatia. 22. Towards the end of this period, the Romans Attaius in. obtained at a much cheaper rate the possession of ''^^''^* '''^ one oi their most important provinces ; for the pro- the Ro- fligate Attahis III., king of Pergamus, bequeathing ™^°^- them the whole of his kingdom, (on what account is uncertain, see above, p. 234,) they immediately took b. c. 1:33 possession of it, and kept it in spite of the resistance ~^^*^- of the legitimate heir Aristonicus, merely ceding, as a recompence, Phrygia to Mithridates V., king of Pontus. .Thus, by a stroke of the pen, the largest and finest part of Asia Minor became the property of Rome. If this extraordinary legacy was the work of Roman policy, she paid dearly enough, in the long- run, for this accession to her power and riches, by the destruction of her morals, and the dreadful wars to which this legacy gave rise under Mithridates 288 ROMAN STATE. [book Second Period. Roman provinces. How ?;o- verned. Roman vc- veiiue. 23. The foreign possessions of Rome, besides Italy, comprised at this time under the name of provinces, a name of much higher signification in the Latin language than in any other, Hispania Citerior and Ulterior, Africa, (the territory of Carthage,) Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, Liguria, and Cisalpine Gaul, in the west ; and in the east, Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia (territory of Pergamus). The inhabitants of these countries were entirely subject to Rome. The administration of them was carried on by those who had enjoyed the office of consul, and by prsetors, sub- ordinate to whom were the queestors, or collectors of the revenue. The highest military and civil powers were united n these governors ; a principal cause of that horrible oppression which was soon felt. Troops were always kept up in the provinces ; and the Latin language every where introduced, (except only where Greek was spoken,) that the inhabitants might be made as much like Romans as possible. Till nearly the end of this period, prastors were expressly ap- pointed to each province. It was not till after the origin of the qucestiones perpetuce, that it became the custom for the praetors who had vacated office, to succeed to the provinces, {proprcetores,) a principal cause of the degeneracy of the Roman constitution. C. SiGOXiüS, de Antiquo jure provinciarum in Grcevii Thes. Antiq. Rom. vol. ii. 24. The acquisition of these rich countries natu- rally had great influence in augmenting the revenue of the Romans. Though Rome was not indeed a state like Carthage, altogether dependent upon finances, yet she kept these adjusted in a wonderful manner ; a spirit of nice order being observed in this as well as in every other department of her adminis- tration. If in extraordinary emergencies recourse were had to native loans, to a change in the value of money, or a monopoly of salt, order was soon restored ; while the booty obtained from conquered countries was also a great source of the public in- come, so long indeed as it was reserved for the state, and did not become the prey of the generals. Sources of the Roman revenue {yectigalia) were : 1. Tribute a. from the Roman citizens ; that is to say, a property-tax im- PERIOD II.] TO THE GRACCHI. 289 posed by the senate according to the urgency of the case (which, Second however, was remitted for a long time, after the war with Per- Period. sens, 168, being no longer necessary), b. Tribute of the allies (socii) in Italy : which seems also to have been a property-tax ; differing in different places, c. Tribute of the provinces : in some a heavy poll-tax, in others taxes on property ; in all, how- ever, they were paid in natural productions, mostly ordinary, though sometimes extraordinary, as well for the salary of the governor as for the supply of the capital. 2. The revenue from the national domains, {ager publicus,) both in Italy (especially Campania) and in the provinces ; the tithes {decumce) of which were paid by means of leases for four years, granted by the cen- sors. 3. The revenue from the customs, (portoria,) collected in the seaports and frontier towns. 4. The revenue arising from the mines, (tnetalla,) particularly the Spanish silver mines ; the proprietors of which were obliged to pay a duty to the state. 5. The duty upon enfranchised slaves (aurum vicesimarium). All receipts flowed into the national treasury, the cerarium ; all outgoings were exclusively ordered by the senate ; and the peo- ple were consulted as little with regard to them as they were re- specting the imposts. The officers employed were the qttces- tores, under whom were the scribce, divided into decurias, who, though certainly subordinate, had nevertheless great influence. Their services, as they were not yearly changed, must have been indispensable to the qncestores for the time being ; and the whole management of affairs, at least in detail, must have fallen into their hands. Upon the finances of Rome, the best work at present is : — P. Bvii'siA^j"'*"''*'« of . 11 . . i om])(_-'Y their purposes ; as it depended upon which faction and t:ras- should first gain or keep possession of the forum. 55^' ^' ^" The resistance they met wntli from the inflexible dis- position of Cato, who in his austere virtue alone found means to secure himself a powerful party, shows how unfairly those judge who consider the power of the triumvirate as unlimited, and the nation as entirely corrupted. Campaign of Crassus against the Parthians, undertaken at his own expense, 54. Instead, however, of gathering laurels like CfEsar, he and his whole army were completely overthrown in Mesopotamia, 53 ; and the Parthians from this time maintain a powerful preponderance in Asia (see above, p. 242). 33. As the triumvirate by this failure of Crassus pompey was reduced to a duumvirate, Pompey, (who remain- aspires to ed in Rome, and governed his provinces by lieute- head of the nants,) in the midst of continual domestic broils, '■epu^^'''^; which he cunningly took care to foment, was evident- ly aiming to become the acknowledged head of the Civil war inevitable. 312 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Third senate and republic. The idea that a dictator was Period. -i i i i • i necessary prevailed more and more during an anarchy B. c. 53. of eight months, in which no appointment of a con- sul could take place ; and notwithstanding the oppo- sition of Cato, Pompey succeeded, after a violent commotion, in which Clodius was murdered by Milo, is appointed in getting hiiuself nominated sole consul; a power so e consu , gq^^j ^q ^\^^^ ^f dictator. Consulate of Pompey, 52, in which, at the end of seven months, he took as colleague his father-in-law, Metellus Scipio. The government of his provinces, which afterwards became the chief seat of the republicans, is prolonged for live years. 34. From this time civil war became inevitable; for not only thi chiefs of the parties, but also their adherents desired it. The approach of the time when Caesar's command would expire, necessarily hastened the crisis. Could it be supposed that the conqueror of Gaul would return to a private life, and leave his rival at the head of the republic ? The steps taken on both sides towards an accommodation were only made to escape the odium which would attach to him who struck the first blow. But Pompey, unfortunate- ly, could never understand his opponent, who did all himself, all completely, and all alone. The brilliant light in which Pompey now appeared, as defomkr of the repuhUc, delighted him so much, that it made him forget what belonged to its defence ; while CcBsar avoided, with the greatest care, every appearance of usurpation. The friend, the protector of the people against the usurpations of their enemies, was the cha- racter which he now chose to assume. Commencement of the contest upon Ctesar's demand to be allowed to hold the consulship while absent, 52. Csssar, by the most lavish corruption, had increased his adherents in Rome, gained the tribunes, and among them especially the powerful speaker C. Curio (whom he did not think too dearly purchased at the price of about half a million sterling) ; by this man it was suggested to Ccesar that he should give up his command, and leave a successor to be appointed in his place, 51, if Pompey would do the same: a proposition which created a prejudice much in his favour. Repeated, but insincere offers of both parties for an accommodation, 50, till at last a decree of the senate was passed, Jan. 7, 49, by which Csesar was commanded PERIOD III] TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 313 "to disband his army under the penalty of being declared an Third enemy to the republic," without regard to the intercessions of ' the tribunes, whose flight to him gave an appearance of popu- larity to his party. Cajsar crosses the Rubicon, the boundary of his province. 35. The civil war now about to break out, seemed Civii war likely to spread over nearly all the countries of the SlrTud Roman empire ; as Pompey, finding it impossible to Pompey. maintain himself in Italy, had chosen Greece for the principal theatre of the war ; while his lieutenants, with the armies under their command, occupied Spain and Africa. Caesar, by the able disposition of his legions, was every where present, without exciting be- forehand any suspicion of his movements. A com- bination of circumstances, however, carried the war into Alexandria, and even as far as Pontus ; indeed it might be called rather a series of six successive wars than merely one, all of which Caesar, by flying with his legions from one quarter of the world to the other, ended, within five years, victoriously and in person. Rapid occupation of Italy in sixty days, (when the troops un- der Domitius surrendered at Corfinus,) which, as well as Sicily and Sardinia, were subdued by Ca?sar almost without opposi- tion ; Pompey, with his troops and adlierents, having crossed over to Greece. Caasar's first campaign in Spain against Pom- pey's generals, Afianius and Petreius, whom he forces to sur- render ; this, hoAvever, is counterbalanced by the loss of the legions under Curio in Africa. In December, 49, however, Caesar is again in Italy, and named dictator, which he exchanges for the consulate. Spirited expedition into Greece with the ships he had been previously collecting together, Jan. 4, 48. Unfortunate engagement at Dyrrachium. Removal of the war into Tiiessaly, and decisive battle of Pharsalia, July 20, 48, after which Pompey flies to Alexandria, where he is killed on his landing. Caesar arrives three days after him at Alexandria. 36. Caesar, after the victory of Pharsalia, again Ctesar again nominated dictator, with great privileges. The death of Pompey, however, does not destroy his party ; and the six months' war of Alexandria, as well as the expedition into Pontus against Pharnaces, gave them time to rally their forces both in Africa under Cato, and in Spain under the sons of Pompey. 314 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Third During the Alexandrine war (see above, p. 213) and the ex- Period. peclition against Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, — who had obtained the kingdom of his father, but was shiin by Cfe^ar im- mediately after his arrival, 47, — great disorders had broken out in Rome, caused by the tribune Dolabella's flattering the people with the abolition of debts, {novcB tabulce,) notwithstanding the military power of M. Antony, whom Ca3sar had sent to Rome as master of the horse, {magister equitum,) as this abandoned sen- sualist at first actually favoured the projects of the tribune. Csesar's return to Rome, December, 47, put an end, it is true, to these disorders ; but the increase of the opposite party in Africa, and an insurrection among his soldiers, obliged him to set out for Africa immediately, January, 46. Victory near Thapsus over Scipio and Juba ; after which Cato kills himself at Utica. Numidia, the kingdom of Juba, becomes a Roman province. Caesar after his return to Rome in June, is only able to stay there four months, as, before the end of the year, he is obliged to set out for Spain to crush the dangerous eiforts of Pompey's two sons. Bloody battle at Munda, March, 45, after which Cneius is killed, but Sextus escapes to the Celtiberians. Inquiry 37. Notliing seems more evident than that Caesar viewfof ^^^ "°^' ^^^^ Sylla, overthrow the repubhc for the Csesar. purpose of re-cstabhshing it ; and it is perhaps im- possible to say what could be the final views of a childless usurper, who throughout his whole career, seemed only to be. guided by an inordinate, ambition, springing from a consciousness of superior powers, and to satisfy which, no means seemed to him diffi- cult or unlawful. The period of his dictatorship was so short, and so much interrupted by war, that his ulti- mate plans had not time for their development. He endeavoured to establish his dominion by popular measures ; and although his army must still have been his main support, yet no proscription was grant- ed to satisfy it. The re-establishment of order in the distracted country of Italy, and particularly in the capital, was his first care ; and he proposed to follow that by an expedition against the powerful Parthian empire. His attempts, however, to obtain the diadem, seemed to place it beyond a doubt that he wished to introduce a formal monarchy. But the destruction of the form of the republic was shown to be more dangerous than the overthrow of the re- public itself. PERIOD III.] TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 315 The following were the honours and privileges granted to Third Caesar by the senate. After the battle of Pharsalia, 48, he was Period. nominated dictator for one year, and consul for five years ; and ' obtained the potestas trihunicia, as well as the right of making war and peace, the exclusive right of the committees, with the exception of the tribunes, and the possession of the provinces. The dictatorship was renewed to him, 47, for ten years, as well as the prcefectura moriim, and was at last, 45, conferred upon him for ever, with the title of iinperator. Although Caesar thus became absolute master of the republic, it appears to have been done without laying aside the republican forms. 38. Conspiracy against Csesar, formed by Brutus Conspiracy and Cassius, and terminating in the death of Csesar. a°aTns1him, Men so exalted as were tlie chiefs of this plot, easily b- c. 44, understand one another ; and it was quite in accord- cLsius.el'c. ance with their character not to meditate upon the consequences of their deed. Ceesar's death was a His death, great misfortune for Rome. Experience soon showed ^^^'^'^^ ^^' that the republic could not be re-established thereby ; and his life might probably have spared the state some of those calamities which now, by its change to a monarchy, became unavoidable. We still want a discriminating life of Caesar, who in modern times has been as extravagantly praised as Alexander has been unjustly censured. As generals and conquerors, both were equally great — and little ; as a man, however, the Macedonian, in the brilliant period of his life, to which Caisar never attained, was superior ; to the great political ideas which developed them- selves in Alexander, we know of none corresponding in Caesar; who knew better than any how to attain dominion, but little of preserving it. Kistoire de la Vie de Jules CcEsar, par M. de Bury, Paris, 1758, 2 vols. 8vo. f Life of C. Julius Ccesar, by A. G. Meissner, continued by J. Ch. L. Haken, 1811, 4 parts. At present the best. Caius Julius Ccesar, from original sources, by Professor SÖLTL. A short biography, judiciously executed. 39. Notwithstanding the amnesty at first declared, Amnesty the funeral obsequies of Csesar soon showed, that 1,^^ '„ot ap- peace was of all things the least desired by his P''o^eci by generals, M. Antony and M. Lepidus, now become L^pkTus.^" the head of his party ; and the arrival of Caesar's nephew, C. Octavius, (afterwards Caesar Octavianus,) whom he had adopted in his will, rendered aflkirs still more complicated, as every one strove for him- 316 ROMAN STATE. [uook v. Third self; Antony's particular object being to raise him- __f^L^ self into Caesar's place. However earnestly they sought to gain the people, it was in fact the legions who decided, and the command of them depended, for the most part, upon the possession of the pro- vinces. We cannot therefore wonder, that while they sought to revenge the murder of Csesar, this became the chief cause of the struggle, and in a few months led to a civil war. At the time of Cassar's death, M. Antonius was actual con- sul and Dolabella consul-elect; M. Lepidus, magister eqriitum (master of the horse); M. Brutus and Cassius, praetors (the first, prcBtor urbanus). Ctesar had given to the former the province of Macedonia, and to the latter that of Syria, which had been confirmed to them by the senate. INI. Lepidus had been nominated to Transalpine, and D. Brutus to Cisalpine Gaul. But soon after the murder of Cfesar, Antony obtained, by a decree of the people, Macedonia for himself, and Syria for his colleague Dolabella, with whom he had formed a close con- nexion ; instead of which the senate decreed to Cassius, Cyrene, and to Brutus, who now had the important charge of supplying Rome with provisions, Crete. But soon after, (June 1, 44,) Antony desired, by a new change, to obtain Cisalpine Gaul for himssif, and Macedonia for his brother C. Antony, both of which he procured from the people. Antony en- 40. As M. Antouy sought by force to establish establish himsclf in Cisalpine Gaul, and D. Brutus refused to himself in g|yg j|; ^p to him, and retired into Mutina, a short, ^isa^pine jj^^jggj^ ^^^ ygj,y bloody civil war arose (bellum 7nutiuense). The eloquence of Cicero had caused Antony to be declared an enemy of the republic ; and the two new consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, to- gether with Caesar Octavianus, were sent against him. The defeat of Antony compelled him to seek refuge beyond the Alps with Lepidus; but the two consuls being slain, Octavianus at the head of his legions was too important to be refused the consul- ship, and soon convinced the defenceless senate, how impossible it was to re-establish the commonwealth by their powerless decrees. The employment, more- over, of the magistratus sujfecti, which soon after arose, was in itself a sufficient proof that it was now no more than the shadow of what it had formerly been. PERIOD III.] TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 317 The Mutine war begins in December, 44, and closes with the Third defeat of Antony at Mutina, April 14, 43. Octavius obtains Period. the consulate, Sept. 22. 41. Octavianus, desertino; the party of the senate, Formation enters into a secret negotiation with Antony and Le- °[,.ateTy"c pidus ; the consequence of which is a meeting of the Octavianus parties at Bononia, and the formation of a new trium- aiui^'epi"^ virate. They declare themselves the chiefs of the ^us. republic for five years, under the title of triumviri reipitblicce constituoidce ; and dividing the provinces among themselves according to their own pleasure, they make the destruction of the republican party their principal object. A new proscription in Rome itself, and a declaration of war against the murderers of Caesar, were the means by which they proposed to effect it. The agreement of the triumvirate was concluded Nov. 27, 43, after which the march of the triumvirs upon Rome gives the signal for the massacre of the proscribed, which soon extends all over Italy, and in which Cicero perishes, Dec. 7. The cause of this new proscription was not party hatred alone, but was as much, perhaps more, owing on the one hand to the want of money for carrying on the war they had undertaken, and on the other to a desire of satisfying the turbulent demands of the le- gions. Where is to be found a time so full of terror as this, when even tears were forbidden ? 42. The civil war, now on the eve of breaking Civii war out, may be considered therefore as a war between oHj,^rchy '^ the oligarchy and the defenders of the republic, and repub- The Roman world was, as it were, divided between the two ; and although the former had possession of Italy, and the western provinces, that advantage seemed counterbalanced to the chiefs of the opposite party by the possession of the eastern countries, and the naval power of Sextus Pompey, which seemed to assure them the dominion of the sea. M. Brutus had taken possession of his province of Macedonia as early as the autumn of 44 ; while Cassius, on the contrary, had to contend for that of Syria with Dolabella, who by the murder of the proconsul Trebonius had possessed himself of Asia. Being, however, for this offence, declared an enemy by the senate, and shut up in Laodicea by Cassius, he killed him- self, June 0, 43. From this time Brutus and Cassius were masters of all the eastern provinces, at whose expense they 318 ROMAN STATE. [book Third Period. Its seat in Macedonia. Quarrels of the oligar- chy among themselves. Fulvia causes a civil war ; maintained their troops, though not without much oppression. S. Pompey, after the victory of Munda, 45, having secreted himself in Spain, and afterwards become a chief of free- booters, had grown very powerful ; when the senate, after Caesar's assassination, having made him commander of the sea- forces, he with them took possession of Spain, and, after the conclusion of the triumvirate, of Sicily, and then, very soon after, of Sardinia and Corsica. It was a great thing for the tri- umvirate, that C. Pompey did not know how to reap half the profit he might have done from his power and good fortune. 43. Macedonia became the theatre of the new civil war, and together with the goodness of their cause, superior talents, and greater power both by- land and sea, seemed combined to insure the victory to Brutus and Cassius. But in the decisive battle at Philippi, fortune played one of her most capricious tricks, and with the two chiefs fell the last supporters of the republic. Double battle at Philippi towards the close of the year 42 ; voluntary death of Cassius after the first, and of Brutus after the second engagement. Plutarchi Vita Bruti ; from the narratives of eyewitnesses. 44. The history of the eleven years intervening between the battle of Philippi and that of Actium, is little more than an account of the quarrels of the oligarchy among themselves. The most subtle was, in the end, victorious ; for M. Antony possessed all the sensuality of Caesar without his genius ; and the insignificant Lepidus soon fell a sacrifice to his own vanity and weakness. While Antony went into Asia to arrange the aftairs of the eastern provinces, and from thence with Cleopatra to Alexandria, Octavi- anus returned to Rome. But the famine which then reigned* in that city through Pompey's blockade of the sea-coast ; the misery spread throughout Italy by the wresting of patrimonial lands from the proprie- tors to distribute among the veterans ; and the insa- tiable covetousness of the latter, rendered his situa- tion as dangerous now as it had been before the war. Besides all this, the hatred of the enraged consort of Antony, who had entered into an alliance with her brother-in-law, the consul L. Antony, brought on, towards the end of the vear, a civil war, which ended PERIOD III.] TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 319 with the surrender and burning of Perusium, in which Third L. Antony had shut himself up, and which was al- ^'''°°' ready much weakened by famine. The bellum Perusinum lasted from the end of the year 41 till April, 40. 45. This war, however, had nearly led to one still greater ; for M. Antony, as the enemy of Octavianus, had come to Italy in order to assist his brother, and with the intention of forming an alliance with S. b. c. 40. Pompey against the former. But fortunately for the world, not only was harmony restored between the triumvirs, but on account of the great famine which prevailed at Rome, a peace was also concluded with Pompey, although it lasted but a very short time. The principal object of the peace between the triumvirs was a new division of the provinces, by which the city of Scodra, in Illyria, was fixed upon as the boundary. Antony obtained all the eastern provinces ; Octavianus all the western ; and Lepi- dus Africa. Italy remained in common to them all. The mar- riage of Antony with Octavia, Fulvia being dead, was intended to cement this agreement. In the peace concluded with S. Pompey at Misenum, he obtained the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, and the promise of Achaia. 46. Pompey, however, was not long in finding p omppy re- that an alliance between him and the triumvirs would commences only end in his own destruction ; and the war which he soon commenced, and which Octavianus could not bring to a close but with the assistance of Agrip- which pa, was of so much the more importance, as it not 'i^"^'^^ ^.'^ i ' 1 ' cl9st ruction only decided the fate of Pompey, but by leading to 38 ; and dissensions, and the expulsion of Lepidus, reduced ^x^'^ut'ion the triumvirate to a duumvirate. 39. After a doubtful engagement at sea, 38, and the formation of a new fleet, Pompey was attacked on all sides at the same time ; Lepidus coming from Africa, and Antony sending also some ships. Final overthrow of Pompey, who flies to Asia and there perishes. — Lepidus wishing to take possession of Sicily, Octavianus gains over his troops, and obhges him to retire from the triumvirate. 47. The foreign wars in which Octavianus as well Foreign as Antony were engaged in the following ye;rs, pre- ^entwus vented for some time their mutual jealousy from tusandAn. 320 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Greece the seat of war between Antony and Octaviiuius. Antony de- feated at Aetium, 2d Sept., 31 ; his deatli, 30, leaves Octavianus without a rival. coming to an open rupture. Octavianus, to tame his unruly legions, employed them with some success against the nations of Dalmatia and Pannonia; whilst Antony undertook an expedition against the power- ful Parthians and their neighbours. But in offend- ing Rome by his conduct in these wars, he only armed his opponent against himself; and his formal separation from Octavia, loosened the only tie which had hitherto held together the two masters of the world. After Lis first stay in Alexandria, 41, Antony returned to Italy, 40, and then, having made peace with Octavianus, he car- ried his new wife Octavia with him into Greece, where he re- mained till the year 37. Although his lieutenant Ventidius had fought with success against the Parthians, Avho had invaded Syria, (see above, p. 242,) Antony determined to undertake an expedition against them himself, 36. But although in alliance with Artavasdes, king of Armenia, (whom he soon after accused of treachery,) in seeking to effect an entrance into Parthia, by passing through Armenia and Media, a different route from tliat taken by Crassus, he was very nearly meeting with the same fate, and the expedition completely faUed. He then revenged himself upon Artavasdes, who fell into his hands in a fresh ex- pedition which he made, 34, and deprived him of his kingdom. After his triumphal entrance into Alexandria, he made a grant of this as well as other countries to Cleopatra and her children. (See above, p. 214.) In 33, he intended to renew his expedi- tion against the Parthians, in alliance with the king of Media; but having, at the instigation of Cleopatra, ordered Octavia to return home, when she had already come as far as Athens on her way to meet him, Octavianus and Antony recijirocally ac- cused each other before the senate, and war was declared at Rome, though only against Cleopatra. 48. Greece became again the theatre of war ; and although the forces of Antony were most consider- able, yet Octavianus had the advantage of having, at least in appearance, the better cause. The naval victory of Aetium decided for Octavianus, who could scarcely believe it, till he found that Antony had for- saken h s fleet and army, the latter of which sur- rendered without striking a blow. The capture of Egypt followed, (see above, p. 214,) and that coun- try was reduced to a Roman province; the death of Antony and Cleopatra ended the war, and left Octa- vianus absolute master of the republic. PEKioD IV.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 321 The history of the last days of Antony, principally after his Third decline, having been written under the rule of his enemies, must Period. be received with that mistrust which all such histories I'equire. It has furnished abundant matter for the retailers of anecdote. The history of Cleopatra rests partly on the accounts of her physician Olympus, of which Plutarch made use. FOURTH PERIOD. HISTORY OF THE ROMAN STATE AS A MONARCHY TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. B. C. 30 A. C. 476. Geographical outline. View of the Roman empire and provinces, and other countries connected with it hij war or commerce. The ordinary boundaries of the Roman empire, Boundaries which, however, it sometimes exceeded, were in °^ '^® ^°" _, ' ' . piTji- ITA nian em- JciUrope the two great rivers of the Rhine and Da- pire. nube ; in Asia, the Euphrates and the sandy desert of Syria ; in Africa hkewise, the sandy regions. It thus included the fairest portions of the earth, sur- rounding the Mediterranean Sea. European Countries : I. Spain (Hispania). European Boundaries : on the east the Pyrenees : on the south, ^°""t'''es: north, and west, the sea. Principal rivers : the Mi- nius, (Minho,) Durius, (Douro,) Tagus, (Tejo,) Anas, (Guadiana,) Bsetis, (Guadalquiver,) which flow into the Atlantic ; and the Iberus, (Ebro,) which falls into the Mediterranean. Mountains : besides the Pyre- nees, the Idubeda along the Iberus, Orospeda (Sierra Morena). Divided into three provinces. 1. Lusi- Lusitania. tania : northern boundary the Durius ; southern, the Anas. Principal tribes : Lusitani, Turdetani. Prin- cipal town : Augusta Emerita. 2. Baetica : bound- B^iica. aries on the north and v/est the Anas, on the east the mountains of Orospeda. Principal tribes : Turduli, Bastuli. Principal towns : Corduba, (Cordova,) His- j)alis, (Seville,) Gades, (Cadiz,) Munda. 3. Tarra- Tanaco- conensis, all the remainder of Spain. Principal °''"'''*- Y ROMAN STATE. [book v. tribes : Callseci, Astures, Cantabri, Vascones, in the north ; Celtiberi, Carpetani, Ilergetes, in the inte- rior ; Indigetes, Cosetani, etc., on the Mediterranean. Chief towns : Tarraco, (Tarragona,) Cartago Nova, (Carthagena,) Toletum, (Toledo,) Ilerda (Lerida) ; Saguntum and Numantia (Soria) were already de- Baiearic stroyed. The Balearic Isles, Major, (Majorca,) and Isles. Minor, (Minorca,) were considered as belonging to Spain. Transalpine II. Transalpine Gaul. Boundaries : on the west ^^"'' the Pyrenees; on the east the Rhine, and a line drawn from its source to the little river Varus, toge- ther with that river itself; on the north and south the sea. Principal rivers : the Garumna, (Garonne,) Liger, (Loire,) Sequana, (Seine,) and Scaldis, (Scheldt,) which empty themselves into the ocean ; the Rhodanus, (Rhone,) which is increased by the Arar, (Saone,) and falls into the Mediterranean ; and the Mosella (Moselle) and Mosa, (Meuse,) which flow into the Rhine. Mountains : besides the Alps, the Jura, Vogesus, (Vosge,) and Cebenna (Cevennes). Gallia Nar- Divided into four provinces. 1 . Gallia Narbonensis, bonensis. ^j, Braccata. Boundaries : on the west the Pyrenees, on the east the Varus, on the north the Cevennian mountains. Principal tribes : AUobroges, Volcse, Calyes. Principal towns : Narbo, (Narbonne,) To- losa, (Toulouse,) Nemausus, (Nimes,) Massilia, (Mar- Gaiiia c-'i- seilles,) Vienna. 2. Gallia Lugdunensis, or Celtica. ^^'''''' Boundaries : to the south and west the Liger, (Loire,) to the north the Sequana, to the east the Arar, Principal tribes : ^dui, Lingones, Parisii, Cenomani, etc., all of Celtic origin. Principal towns : Lugdu- num, (Lyons,) Lutetia Parisiorum, (Paris,) Alesia Gallia (Alise). 3. GaUia Aquitanica. Boundaries : the Aquiianica. pyj-g^^ggg q^ ^\^q south, the Ligcr on the north and east. Principal tribes : Aquitani, (of Iberian origin,) Pictones, Averni, etc., of Celtic descent. Principal Gallia Bel- towns I ClimbeHs, Burdegala (Bourdeaux). 4. Gal- ^"'*' lia Belgica. Boundaries : on the north and east the Rhine, on the west the Arar, on the south the Rho- danus as far as Lugdunum, so that it comprised at PERIOD IV.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. -323 first the countries bordering on the Rhine and Hel- vetia. The latter, however, were afterwards separated from it under the names of Germania Inferior and Superior. Principal tribes : Nervii, Bellovaci, etc., in the north, of Belgic origin ; Treviri, Ubii, of Ger- man origin ; Sequani, Helvetii, in the interior, of Celtic origin. Principal towns : Vesentio, (Besan- ^on,) Verodunum, (Verdun,) etc. Along the Rhine in Germania Inferior : Colonia Agrippina (Cologne). In Germania Superior : Mogontiacum, (Mayence, or Mentz,) and ArQ;entoratum (Strasburg). III. Gallia Cisalpina, or Togata (Lombardy, see cisalpine above, p. 253). But as from the time of Cassar the ^^"^• inhabitants enjoyed all the privileges of Roman citi- zens, it may be reckoned as forming part of Italy. IV. Sicilia : divided into Syracuse and Lilybseum. Sidiy. V. Sardinia and Corsica, see above, p. 257. Sardinia, VI. The Insulee Britannicse (British islands) ; but Bluish of these, only England and the southern part of 'viands. Scotland were reduced into a Roman province in the time of Nero, under the name of Britannia Romana. Principal rivers : Tamesis (Thames) and Sabrina (Severn). Cities : Eboracum (York) in the north, Londinum (London) in the south. Into Scotland, Britannia Barbaria, or Caledonia, the Romans often penetrated, but without being able completely to conquer it ; and as for Hibernia, lerne, (Ireland,) it was visited by Roman merchants, but never by Ro- man legions. VII. Tlie countries south of the Danube, which Countries were subdued under Au2:ustus and formed into the south of tiie T- 1- ■ -r» 1 ■ Danube: following provinces : 1. Vindehcia. Boundaries; on Vindeiida. the north the Danube, on the east the .^nus, (Inn,) on the west Helvetia, on the south Rhaetia. Principal tribes : Vindehci, Brigantii, etc. Principal towns : Augusta Vindelicorum, (Augsburg,) Brigantia (Bre- genz). 2. Rhsetia. Boundaries : on the north Vin- Rhaitia. delicia, on the east the Inn and the Salza, on the south the chain of the Alps from Lacus Verbanus (Lago Maggiore) to Belinzona, on the west Helvetia. Principal tribe : Rhaeti. Principal towns : Curia, Y 2 324 ROMAN STATE. [book v. (Chur,) Veldidena, (Wilden,) Tridentum (Trent). Noricum. 3. Noricum. Boundaries : on the north the Danube, on the west the J^iUus, on the east the mountain Cetius, (Kahlenberg,) and on the south the Juhan Alps and the Savus (Save). Principal tribes : Boii. Cities: Jovavum, (Salzburg,) Boiodurum (Passau). 4. Pannonia Superior. Boundaries : on the north and east the Danube, on the south the Arrabo, (Raab,) on the west the mountain Cetius. Cities : Vindobona, (Vienna,) Caruntum. 5. Pannonia In- ferior. Boundaries : on the north the Arrabo, on the east the Danube, on the south the Savus. Cities : Taurunum, (Belgrade,) Mursa, (Esseg,) and Sir- mium, 6. Mcesia Superior. Boundaries : on the north the Danube, on the south Mount Scardus, or Scodrus, on the west Pannonia, on the east the river Cebrus (Ischia). Cities : Singidunum, (Semlin,) and Naissus (Nissa). 7. Mcesia Inferior. Boundaries : on the north the Danube, on the west the Cebrus, on the south Mount Hsemus, (the Balkan,) and on the east the Pontus Euxinus. Cities : Odessus, (Varna,) Tomi (Tomisvar). VIII. Illyricum, in its most extensive signification, comprised all the provinces south of the Danube, together with Rhaetia and Dalmatia : but Illyricum Proper comprehends only the lands along the coast of the Adriatic, from Rheetia in Italy to the river Drinus, and easterly to the Savus. Principal towns : Salona, Epidaurus, (near the present Ragusa,) Scodra (Scutari). Macedonia. IX. Maccdouia. Bouudarics : on the north Mount Scodrus, on the south the Cambunian mountains, on the west the Adriatic, and on the east the iEgean Sea. Rivers : the Nestus, Strymon, and Halyacmon, which fall into the ^Egean Sea, and the Apsus and Aous, which fall into the Adriatic. Principal tribes: Pseones in the north, Pieres and Mygdones in the south. Principal towns : Pydna, Pella, Thessalonica, Philippi, with other Greek colonies (see above, p. 132). Dyracchium and Apollonia on the western coast. Pannonia Superior. Pannonia lulerior. ZkloBsia Superior. Älocsia Interior. Ill\ ricuin. PUHIOD IV. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 325 X. Thrace had for some time kings of lier own, Thrace. though dependent on Rome, and was first reduced to a Roman province under Claudius. Boundaries : on the north Mount Hsemus, on the west the Nestus, on the south and east the sea. River : Hebrus. Princi- pal tribes : Triballi, Bessi, and Odrysae. Cities : Byzantium, Apollonia, Bercea. XL Achaia, (Greece,) see above, p. 106. Achaia. XII. To the north of the Danube the province of Dacia. Dacia was brought under the Roman empire by Trajan. Boundaries : on the south the Danube, on the west the Tibiscus, (Theiss,) on the east the Hierasus, (Pruth,) on the north the Carpathian moun- tains. Principal tribe : Daci. Chief cities : Ulpia Trajana and Tibiscum. Asiatic Provinces : I. Asia Minor contained the Asiatic provinces: 1. Asia (see above, p. 235.) 2. Bithy- pX'SiTuo,-. nia, together with Paphlagonia and part of Pontus. 3. Cilicia, with Pisidia (see above, p. 15.) II. Syria Syria. and Phoenicia. III. The isle of Cyprus. Several isie of Cy- other states, likewise dependent, still preserved their '"■"'• kings : as, Judeea, (became a Roman province, A. D. 44,) Commagene, (province A. D. 70, and, together with Judaea, added to Syria,) Cappadocia, (province A. D. 17,) Pontus (completely a province under Nero). Free states at this time : Rhodes, Samos, free states. (provinces A. D. 70,) and Lycia (province A. D. 43). Beyond the Euphrates, Armenia and Mesopo- tamia were reduced to provinces by Trajan, but, as early as the time of Adrian, were abandoned. African Provinces. I. Egypt. II. Cyrenaica, African with the isle of Crete. III. Africa, Numidia (see £°ypt"'" above, p. 39). Mauritania still had its separate king, Cyrenaica. but he was set aside, A. D. 41, and the country di- MaurUania. vided into two provinces : 1. Mauritania Caesariensis. Boundaries : on the east the river Ampsaga, on the west the Mulucha. Principal places : Igilgilis and Ceesaria. 2. Mauritania Tingitana, from the river Mulucha to the Atlantic Ocean. Capital : Tingis. , , , ^ , . T states on Principal states on the borders ot the empire : 1. the borders 326 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Germany. Alemanni. Suevi. Scandi navia. Germania. Boundaries : on the south the Danube, on the north the sea, on the west the Rhine, on the east undetermined, though the Vistula is generally regarded as such. Principal rivers : the Danubius, Rhenus, (Rhine,) Albis, (Elbe,) Visurgis, (Weser,) Viadrus, (Oder,) and the Vistula ; the Lupias (Lippe) and Amisia (Ems) are likewise frequently mentioned. Mountains and forests : the Hercynian forest, a ge- neral name for the forest mountains, particularly of eastern Germany ; Melibocus, (the Hartz,) Sudetus (the Thuringian forest) ; the forest of Teutoburg, to the south of Westphalia, etc. It would be useless to seek for a general political division, or for the cities of ancient Germany : we can only point out the situation of the principal tribes. It is necessary, however, to precede this by two observations : 1. The same territory, in the tide of forcible emigration and conquest, and particularly after the second cen- tury, often changed its inhaliitants. 2. The names of some of the principal tribes often became that of a confederacy. The principal tribes in the period of Augustus were, in northern Germany ; the Batavi in Holland ; the Frisii in Friesland ; the Bructeri in Westphalia ; the lesser and larger Chauci in Old- enburg and Bremen ; the Cherusci, likewise the name of a confederation, in Brunswick ; the Catti in Hesse. In southern (central) Germany ; the Her- munduri in Franconia ; the Marcomanni in Bohemia. The Alemanni, not the name of a single tribe, but of a confederation, are first mentioned in the third century : in the period of Augustus these tribes, and the principal of those of eastern Germany, which gradually became known, were included under the general name of Suevi. The northernmost countries of Europe were con- sidered as isles of the German Ocean, and therefore regarded as belonging to Germany. They were Scandinavia, or Scandia, (southern Sweden,) Neri- gon, (Norway,) and Eningia, or probably Finningia (Finland). The northernmost island was called Thule. PERIOD ]v.] FROM CiESAR TO COMJilODUS. oZt The north of Europe, from the Vistula to the Tanais, (Don,) was comprised under the general name of Sarmatia : but beyond the territory about Saimatia. the Danube, and especially Dacia, (see above, p. 325,) they were only in a slight degree acquainted with the coast of the Baltic, by the amber trade. In Asia tlie Roman empire was bounded by Great Armenia, (see above, p. 16, and 240,) the Parthian Parthia. empire from the Euphrates to the Indus, (see above, p. 16 — 19,) and the peninsula of Arabia (see above, p. 16). Eastern Asia, or India, became known to the Ro- imiia. mans by a commercial intercourse carried on between them, and which began soon after the conquest of Egypt. It was divided into India on this side the Gan- ges, that is, 1. The territory between the Indus and Ganges ; 2. The peninsula on this side, the western coast of which in particular, (Malabar,) was very well known ; and, 3. The island of Taprobana, (Cey- lon,) and India beyond the Ganges, to which also the distant Serica belonged : but of all these countries they had but a very imperfect knowledge. The boundaries of Africa were Ethiopia above Africa. Egypt, and Geetulia and the great sandy desert of Libya above the otlier provinces. FIRST SECTION. Froi7i Augustus Ccesar to the death of Commodus, B. C. 30—^. C. 193.^ Sources. For the whole of this period Dion Cassius, lib. Fourth li. — Ixxx., is our historian ; though of his last twenty books we Period. have only the abridgement of Xiphilinus. For the history of the emperors from Tiberius to the beginning of Vespasian's reign, the principal writer is Tacitus, in his Annals, A. C. 14 — 63 ; (of which, however, part of the history of Tiberius, 32 — 34, all of Caligula, and the first six years of Claudius, 37 — 47, as well as the last year and a half of Nero, are unfortunately lost ;) and in his History, of which scrarcely the first three years, 69 — 71, are come down to us. Suetonius's Lives of the Cce- ROMAN STATE. [cook v. Fourth sars, down to Domitian, are so much the more valuable, be- Period. cause in a state like the Roman it becomes of imi>ortance to ~ know the character and domestic life of the ruling men. For the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius the History of Velleius Paterculus is not of less consequence, although written in a court-like tone. The sources for the history of the separate Caesars will be given as we come to them. The following are the labours of modern writers : Histoire des Empereurs et des autres Princes qui out rcgne dans les six premiers sil'cles de FEglise, par M. Lenain de TiLLEMONT. ä Bruxelle, 1707, 5 vols. 8vo. (An earlier edition in 4to, 1700, 4 vols.) The work of Tillemont has some worth as a laborious compilation, but is superseded in its execution by the following : Histoire des Empereurs Romains, depuis Auguste jusqu^ a Constantin, par M. Crevier. Paris, 1749, 12 vols. 8vo. [Translated into English.] A continuation of RoUin's Roman History, (see above, p. 258,) quite in the spirit of tliat writer, and by one of his school. Dr. Goldsmith's Roman History, from the foundation of the city of Rome to the destruction of the loestern empire. Lon- don, 1774, 2 vols. Svo. Rather a sketch than a detailed his- tory (see above, p. 257, sqq.). f History of Rome under the Emperors, and of the contem- porary nations, by M. D. G. H. Hubler. Fryburg, 1803, 3 parts. Continuation of the work cited p. 2 : it reaches down to Constantine. Augustus 1. Octavianus Csesar, on whom the senate con- B^'c'so— f^''i'6cl the honourable title of Augustus, which they A. c. 14. periodically renewed, and which descended to his successors, possessed the sole dominion of the em- pire during forty-four years. The government, not- withstanding the great revolutions by which the re- public had been converted into a monarchy, was not yet, either in fact or in form, altogether a despotic one. The private interest of the ruler required that the republican form should be preserved to the ut- most, as without that he could not make an entire change ; and the rest of his history sufficiently shows, that the cruelty with which he may be reproached in the early part of his career, was rather owing to cir- cumstances than to his natural disposition. But during a reign so long, so tranquil, and so fortunate, could it be otherwise than that the republican spirit, which at the beginning existed only in a few indi- viduals, should evaporate of itself! PERIOD IV.] FROM CESAR TO COMMODUS 329 The forms under which Augustus held the different branches Fourth of supreme power (dictatorship excepted) were ; — the consulate, I^eriod. which, till B. C. 21, was annually renewed ; and the potestas consularis, which, in B. C. 19, was settled on him for ever ; — the tribu icia potestas, which was, 30, granted him for ever, rendered his person sacred, (sacrosancta,) and prepared the way to the judlcia majestatis (accusations of high treason). As im- perator, 31, he continued commander of all the forces and ob- tained the imperium proconsulare (proconsular power) in all the provinces. He assumed tlie magistratura morum, (censor- ship,) 19 ; and became pontifex maximus, (high priest,) 13. To avoitl all appearances of usurpation, Augustus at first ac- cepted the sovereign power only for ten years, and afterwards had it renewed from time to time, for ten or five years, which, at a later period, gave rise to the sacra decennalia. 2. The senate, indeed, remained a permanent The senate. council of state, and Augustus himself endeavoured to increase its authority by more than one purifica- tion {lectio) ; but the connexion between him and that* assembly seemed of a very fragile nature, as it was undetermined, and could not at this time be settled, whether Augustus was over the senate, or the senate over Auo-ustus. All matters of state could not be brouo-ht before the senate, as even the most im- portant often required secrecy. It naturally followed, that a prince, as yet without a court, and who had no proper minister, but only his friends and freedmen, should consult with those whom he thought most worthy his confidence, a Msecenas, or an Agrippa, &c. Hence afterwards was formed the secret coun- cil of state {conciliu?}i secret nm p)-iticipis). Among the republican magistrates the highest lost most ; and as so much now depended upon the preservation of peace in the capital, the offices of prsefect of the city (pt'cefectus iirbis) and prsefect of provisions {prcefectus annonce) were not only made permanent, but became, especially the former, the principal oflBces in the state. The spirit of monarchy shows itself in nothing more than in its strict distinction of ranks ; hence, therefore, the magistrates, especially the consuls, lost nothing. Hence also the long-con- tinued custom of nominating under-consuls, {consutes suffecti,) which in time became merely a formal assumption of the ortia- menta consularia et triumphalia (consular and triumphal orna- 330 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Fourth Period. Introduc- tion of standing armies. The pro- vinces di- vided be- tween the emperor and tlie senate. Finanies : ments). Other offices were created for the purpose of rewarding friends and dependents. 3. The introduction of standing armies, already long prepared, naturally followed a dominion acquired by war ; and became, indeed, necessary to guard the frontiers and preserve the newly-made conquests; the establishment of the guards and militia of the city {cohortes prwtoricüKE and cohortes iirhance) were measures equally necessary for the security of the capital and the throne. The creation of tzvo prseto- rian prsefects, however, instead of one, diminished for the present the great importance of that office. Distribution of the legions over the provinces in castra sta- tiva, (fixed camps,) which soon grew into cities, especially along the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates {legiones Germaniccp., lllyrica;, et Syriacce). Fleets also were stationed at Misenum and Ravenna. 4. The government, as well as the administration and revenue of the provinces, Augustus willingly divided with the senate ; keeping to himself those on the frontiers, {provincice principis,) in which the legions were quartered, and leaving to that assembly the others {provincice senatiis). Hence his deputies {legafi, lieutenants) exercised both civil and military authority in his name ; while those of the senate, on the contrary, (proco/isiiles,) only administered in civil affairs. Both were, in general, attended by commissioners {prociü^atores et quwstores). The provinces were unquestionably gainers by this new arrangement, not only because their governors were more carefully looked after, but because they were paid by the state. The fate of the provinces naturally depended, in a great de- gree, upon the disposition of the emperor and governor ; but there was also an essential difference between the provinces of the emperor and those of the senate (provincice principis et senatiis) : in the latter there was no military oppression as there was in the former ; and to that may be ascribed the flourishing state of Gaul, Spain, Africa, etc. 5. There is little doubt but that the finances of the treasury remained, upon the whole, much the same as before ; but in its internal administration TERIOD IV. FROM C^SAR TO COMMODUS. o31 Augustus made many alterations, of which we have ^°"^J" but a very imperfect knowledge. Of course there would be at first an obvious difference between the the private privy and military chest of the emperor, (ßscus,) He^oi^I which was at his immediate disposal, and the state emperor; . • the stätG chest, {cerarium,) which he disposed of indirectly chest through the senate, though it must afterwards follow as a natural consequence of increasing despotism, swallowed that the latter should progressively become merged f^Jj^er! *" in the former. The great disorder into Avhich the treasury had been thrown during the civil wars, and especially by giving away the state lands in Italy to the soldiers, together with the heavy sums re- quired for the maintenance of the standing army now established, must have rendered it much more difficult for Augustus to ac- complish the reform he so happily executed ; and in which it seems to have been his chief aim to place every thing, as far as possible, upon a solid and lasting foundation. The principal changes which he made in the old system of taxation seem to have been : 1. That the tithes hitherto collected in the provinces should be changed into a fixed quota, to be paid by each indi- vidual. 2. The customs, partly by re-establishing former ones, and partly by imposing new ones as well as an excise, {centesima rerum venaUum^) were rendered more productive. The posses- sion of Egypt, which was the depot of nearly all the commerce of the East, rendered the customs at this time of great import- ance to Rome. 3, All the state lands in the provinces were, by degrees, changed into crown lands. Of the new taxes the most considerable were the vigesima hereditatum, (the twentieth of inheritances,) though with important restrictions; and the fines upon celibacy by the lex Julia Poppcea. — The greater part of these state revenues most likely flowed, from the very first, into the Jiscus : that is, the whole revenues of the provincice principis, as Avell as of those parts of the provincics senatus which were appropriated to the maintenance of the troops ; the revenues arising from the crown domains ; the vigesima, etc. To the cerarium (now under three prcefecti cerarii) remained a part of the revenues of the prorincicB senatus, the customs and the fines. Thus it appears that Augustus was master of the finances, of the legions, and thereby of the empire. See above, p. 289, the writings of HEGEA^^SCH and Bosse. 6. The extension of the Roman empire under Extension Augustus was very considerable ; being genei-ally of °|/j'^ '""■ such a nature as conduced to the security of the interior, and to the safeguard of the frontiers. The Spain and complete subjugation of northern Spain, and western ^''"'' ~''- 332 ROMAN STATE. [i^ook v. Fourth Gaul, sGcured tlie frontiers on that side ; as did the _!^!^i!!!L threatened but never executed expedition agahist 20. the Parthians, and the one actually undertaken against Coimtries Armenia, A. C. 2. But the most important con- Da"nubeV^^ quest iu tliis quarter was that of the countries south 15—35.' of the Danube, viz. Rhsetia, Vindelicia, and Noricum, 29. as w^ell as Pannonia, and aftervi^ards Mcesia. To counterbalance these, the expedition against Arabia 24. Felix completely failed : and that against Ethiopia was of no further consequence than to strengthen the frontiers. Unsuccess- 7. All thcsc conqucsts together, however, did not fui attempt ^^^^ ^\^^ Romaus SO much as their fruitless attempt Germany! to subjugato Germany, first, by the sons-in-law of Auü:ustus, Drusus and Tiberius Nero, and afterwards by the son of the former, Drusus Germanicus. Whe- ther or not this undertaking was a political fault, must always remain a problem, as it is now impossi- ble to say how far the security of the frontiers could be preserved without it. Rome commenced her hostile attack upon Germany under the command of Drusus, B. C. 12 ; Lower Germany (West- phalia, Lower Saxony, and Hesse) being in general the theatre of the war ; while the Lower Rhine was attacked both by sea and land at the mouths of the Ems, the Weser, and the Elbe, on account of the great assistance aiforded the Romans by their alliance with the nations on the coasts, the Batavi, Frisii, and Chauci. The intrepid Drusus, in his second expedition, 10, penetrated as far as the Weser, and, 9, even as far as the Elbe, but died on his return. His successors in the command, (Tibe- rius, 9 — 7, Domitius, ^nobarbus, 7 — 2, M. Vinicius, 2— A. C. 2, then again Tiberius, A. C. 2 — 4, who was followed by Quintilius Varus, A. C. 5 — 9,) endeavoured to build on the foundation laid by Drusus, and, by erecting forts and intro- ducing the Roman language and laws, gradually to reduce into a province the part of Germany they had already subdued ; but the craftily organized revolt of the young Arminius, (Hermann,) a prince of the Cherusci, son of Siegmar, and son-in-law of Segestes, a friend of the Romans, together with the defeat of Varus and his army in the Teutoburg wald, or forest, near Paderborn, A. C. 9, rescued Germany from slavery, and its language from annihilation. It moreover taught the conquerors (what they never forgot) that the legions were not invincible. Augustus immediately despatched Tiberius, who had just quell- ed a furious insurrection in Pannonia, together with Germani- PEKIOD IV. FROM C^SAR TO COMMODUS. 333 cus, to the Rhine ; but these confined themselves to simple Fourth incursions, till Gerraanicus, A. C. 14 — 16, again carried his 1'eriod. arms further into the country, and certainly penetrated as far " " as the Weser. Yet, notwithstanding his victory near Idista- visus, (Minden,) the loss of his fleet and part of his army by a tempest on his return, and the jealousy of Tiberius at his vic- tory, obliged him to give up his command. From this time the Germans were left at rest in this quarter. j" Mannert, Geography of the Greeks and Romans, part iii. 8, The long and, for Italy itself, peaceable reign Rei-n of of Augustus, has generally been considered a fortunate binu"anr' '^ and brilliant period of Roman history ; and, when rei'od f^r compared with the times which preceded and fol- lowed, it certainly was so. .Security of person and property were re-established ; the arts of peace flour- ished under the benign patronage of Augustus and his favourite Maecenas ; and we may add, that, as the formal restoration of the republic would only have been the signal for new commotions, the go- vernment of Augustus, if not the very best, was, at least, the best that Rome could then bear. Should it be said his private life was not blameless, it may be replied, that he inflexibly maintained an outward decency, to which, indeed, he sacrificed his only daughter ; and if laws could have bettered the pub- lic morals, there was no lack of decrees for that purpose. Among his most important laws to this end are, the lex Julia de adidteriis and the lex Papia Poppcea against celibacy. The latter excited many murmurs. 9. Nearly all that remains of the history of Au- Augustus s gustus, is an account of his domestic troubles ; the ^'^'"''J- most unhappy family being that of the emperor. The influence of Livia, his second wife, was very Livia. great, but does not seem to have been perverted to any worse purpose than raising her sons, Tiberius and Drusus, to the throne. The naturally unsettled state of the succession in a government such as that of Rome now was, became much increased by cir- cumstances. After the untimely death of his nephew b. c. 23. and son-in-law Marcellus, whom he had adopted, his widow Julia, the only child of Augustus by his wife ried to J34 ROMAN STATE. Fourth Period. Agrippa, B. C. 17. 12, 6— A. C. 9. A. C. 2. 2—4. Tiberius adopted by Augustus, 4, August 14, 19— Marcli 16, 37. Changes in the consti- tution : power of the comitia reduced ; Scribonia, was married to Agrippa. The two eldest sons of this marriage, C. and L. Caesar, were adopted, upon the death of their father, by the emperor, who showed so much fondness towards them as they grew up, that Tiberius, who in the mean time had married their mother, Julia, — afterwards banished by Augustus for her licentious conduct, — left the court in disgust. The death of the two young princes, however, again revived the hopes of Tiberius, who was adopted by Augustus upon the condition that he should also adopt Drusus Germanicus, the son of his deceased brother Drusus ; after which Augustus, with the con- sent of the senate, formally associated him with him- self in the government, making him an equal partner in the imperial privileges : called by his successors, le.v regia. Marmor Ancyranum ; or inscriptions in the temple of Au- gustus at Ancyra. A copy of the account given of his govern- ment, which Augustus latterly caused to be set up at Rome as a public memorial : unfortunately much mutilated. It is to be found in Chishull, Antiq. Asiatic. Memoirs of the Court of Augustus, by Thojias Blackwell. London, 1760, 3 vols. 4to, divided into fifteen books. The last vol. was published after the death of the author, by Mr. Mills. The last two books of this prolix work contain a description of the contemporary affairs of Augustus ; the others go back to earlier times. A just appreciation of Augustus requires a pre- vious critical examination of the sources from which Suetonius has drawn the materials for his biography. Histoire des triumviruts augmentte de Thistoire dAuguste, par Larry. Trevoux, 1741, 4 parts, 8vo. The last part of this simple narrative contains the history of Augustus from the death of Catiline. 10. The reign of Tiberius Claudius Nero, or, as he was called after his adoption, Augustus Tiberius Csesar, from his fifty-sixth to his seventy-eighth year, changed rather the spirit than the form of the Roman constitution. He succeeded quietly to the vacant throne at Rome, although the legions in Pannonia, and still more in Germany, felt that they could make emperors. Under him the comitia, or assemblies of the people, were reduced to a mere shadow ; as he transferred their duties to the senate, which also be- came the highest tribunal for the state crimes of its PERIOD IV. FROM C^SAR TO COMMODUS. 3-35 own members : this assembly, however, had now been Fourth so much accustomed to obey the will of the prince, the senate. that every thing depended on his personal character. Tiberius founded his despotism upon the judicia ma- despotism jestatis, or accusations of high treason, now become b"!',°,'^"^J.'^ an engine of terror, the senate also sharing his guilt dida majes- with a pusillanimity and servility which knew no cC/^aded bounds. This degraded assembly, indeed, from the character of moment that it ceased to be the ruling authority of a free state, necessarily became the passive instrument of the most brutal tyranny. Notwithstanding the military talents and many good qualities of Tiberius, his despotic character had been formed long before his fifty-sixth year, when he mounted the throne ; al- though exterior circumstances prevented him from entirely throwing off the mask which he had hitherto worn. The foundation of the judicia majestatis, which soon became so terrible by the unfixed state of crime, had been laid during the reign of Augustus by the lex Julia de majestate, and the cognitio7ies extraordinarice, or commissioners appointed to take cognizance of certain crimes : it was, however, the abuse of them by Tiberius and his successors, which rendered them so dreadful. 12. The principal object of Tiberius's suspicion, Ruin of and therefore of his hate, was Germanicus, a man cmTnd his almost adored by the army and the people. This family. brave general he soon recalled from Germany, and sent into Syria to quell the disorders of the East. After having successfully put an end to the commo- tions which called him there, he was poisoned by the A.c. lo. contrivances of Cn. Piso and his wife ; and even that did not shelter the numerous family which he left be- hind, with his widow Agrippina, from persecution and ruin. The expeditions of Germanicus in the East not only gave a king to Armenia, but also reduced Cappadocia and Commagene to Roman provinces, A. C. 17. Histoire de Ccesar Germayiicus, par M. L. D. B[eaufort]. a Leyden, 1741. An unpretending chronological narrative. 13. Rome, however, soon experienced to her cost l. .eüus the powerful ascendency which L. ^Elius Sejanus, the fhf^ruei prsefect of the praetorian guard, had acquired over minister of 336 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Fourth Period. Tiberius ; 23—31. Tiberius re- tires to Ca- prese, 26. Fall of Sejanns attended with great carnage, 31, Tiberius becomes a despotic monster. Caligula, Marcli 16, 37 — Jan. 24, 41. Claudius, Jan. 24, 21 — Oct. 13, 54, the weak tool of his wives and freednicn. the mind of Tiberius, whose unlimited confidence he possessed the more, as he enjoyed it without a rival. The eight years of his authority were rendered terri- ble not only by the cantonment of his troops in bar- racks near the city, {cast r a prcEtoriana^) but (having- first persuaded Tiberius to quit Rome for ever, that he might more securely play the tyrant in the isle of Caprese) by his endeavouring to open a way for him- self to the throne by villanies and crimes without number, and by his cruel persecution of the family of Germanicus. The despotism he had introduced became still more dreadful by his own fall, in which not only his whole party, but every one that could be considered as connected with it, became involved. The picture of the atrocious despotism of Tiberius is ren- dered doubly disgusting by the horrid and unnatural lust which he joined to it in his old age. Tiberius's misfortune was, tliat he came too late to the throne. His early virtues made no compensation for his later cruelties. It is properly the former which Vel. Paterculus praises, whose flattery of Tiberius, in whose reign he flourished, is more easily justified than his prais:; of Sejanus. 14. At the age of twenty-five Caius Csesar Caligula, the only remaining son of Germanicus, ascended the throne ; but the hopes which had been formed of this young prince were soon woefully disappointed. His previous sickness and debaucheries had so dis- torted his understanding, that his short reign was one tissue of disorder and crime. Yet he did still more harm to the state by his besotted profusion than by his tiger-like cruelty. At length, after a career of nearly four years, he was assassinated by Cassius Chserea and Cornelius Sabinus, two oflicers of his guard. 15. His uncle Tiberius Claudius Caesar, who, at the age of fifty, succeeded him, was the first emperor raised to the throne by the guards ; a favour which he rewarded by granting them a donative. Too weak to rule of himself, almost imbecile from former neg- lect, profligate, and cruel from fear, he became the tool of the licentiousness of his wives and freedmen. TEBiOD IV.] FROM C^SAR TO COMMODUS. 337 Coupled with the names of Messalina and Agrippina, Foueth we now hear, for the first time in Roman history, of a Pallas and a Narcissus. The dominion of Messa- Messalina; lina was still more hurtful to the state by her rapa- cious cupidity, to which every thing gave way, than by her dissolute life ; and the blow which at last punished her unexampled wantonness, left a still more dangerous woman to supply her place. This Agrippina was Agrippina, her niece, widow of L. Domitius, who KronTfoi'^ joined to the vices of her predecessor a boundless her son, «^ , . . , 1 /» TT 1 • r ■ with the as- ambition, unknown to the former, ner cniet ami «istance et- was to procure the succession for Domitius Nero, her .^^'^j'"'^''*' son by a former marriage — who had been adopted ' by Claudius, and married to his daughter Octavia — 50. by setting aside Britanniens, the son of Claudius; and this she hoped to eftect, by poisoning Claudius, poisons having already gained Burrhus, by making him sole 54^" '"^' prsefect of the praetorian guard. Notwithstanding the contentions with the Germans and Parthians (see above, p. 243) were only on the frontiers, the boundaries of the Roman empire were in many coun- tries extended. Commencement of the Roman conquests in Britain (whither Claudius himself went) under A. Plautius, from the year A. C. 43. Under the same general, iSIauritania, A. C. 42, Lycia, 43, Judsea, 44, (see above, p. 250,) and Thrace, 47, were reduced to Roman provinces. He also abolished the prtefectures which had hitherto existed in Italy. 16. Nero Claudius Csesar, supported by Agrip- Nero, Oct. pina and the prsetorian guard, succeeded Claudius at j^^^^ jj, the age of seventeen. Brought up in the midst of «s- the blackest crimes, and, by a perverted education, tion and formed rather for a professor of music and the fine character. arts than for an emperor, he ascended the throne like a youth eager for enjoyment ; and throughout his whole reign his cruelty appears subordinate to his fondness for debaucheries and revelry. The unset- tled state of the succession first called into action his savage disposition ; and after the murder of Britanni- Destroys cus the sword fell in regular order upon all those and airihe^ who were even remotely connected with the Julian Julian fa- z 338 ROMAN STATE. [book v. FoLRTH family. His vanity as a performer and composer ex- ^^'■'■°^- cited in an equal degree his cruelty; and, as among' miiy : his all tyrauts, every execution gives occasion for others, maklshim ^^ uccd not wondcr at his putting to death every cruel: one that excelled him. His connexion, however, in the early part of his reign, with Agrippina, Burrhus, and Seneca, during which he introduced some useful regulations into the treasury, kept him within the bounds of decency. But Poppsea Sabina having murders his drivcn him ou to the murder of his mother and his mother- wifc Octavia, and Tigellinus being made his confi- dant, he felt no longer restrained by the fear of pub- lic opinion. The executions of individuals, nearly all of which history has recorded, was not, perhaps, upon plunders the whole, the greatest evil ; the plunder of the pro- linceMo vinccs, uot ouly to support his own loose and effe- support his minate pleasures, but also to maintain the people in pio igacy. ^ continual state of intoxication, had nearly caused the dissolution of the empire. The last years of Nero were marked by a striking and undoubted insanity, which displayed itself in his theatrical performances, A. c. 68. and even in the history of his fall. It appears that both around and upon a throne like that of Rome, heroes were formed for vice as well as vii^tue ! Discoveiy of the conspiracy of Piso, 65, and the revolt of Ju- lius Vindex in Celtic Gaul, 68, followed by that of Galba in Spain, who is there proclaimed emperor, and joined by Otho, in Lusitania. Nevertheless, after the defeat of Julius Vindex in Upper Germany by the lieutenant Virginius Rufus, these in- surrections seemed quelled, when the praetorian guard, instigated thereto by Nymphidius, broke out into rebellion in Rome itself. Flight and death of Nero, June 11, 68. Foreign wars during his reign : in Britain, (occasioned by the revolt of Boadicea,) great part of which was subdued and reduced to a Roman pro- vince, by Suetonius Paulinus ; in Armenia, under the command of the valiant Corbulo, against the Parthians (see above, p. 243) ; and in Palestine against the Jews, 66. Great fire in Rome, 64, which gives rise to the first persecution against the Christians. The principal cause why the despotism of Nero and his pre- decessors was so tamely submitted to by the nation, may un- doubtedly be found in the fact, that the greater part of it was fed by the emperors. To the monthly distributions of corn were now added the extraordinary congiaria and visrerationes PERIOD iv.l FROM CzESAR TO COMMODUS. 339 (supplies of wine and meat). The periods of tyranny were very Fourth likely the golden days of the people. Period. 17. By the death of Nero the house of Csesar be- Extinction came extinct, and this gave rise to so many commo- ifan^|^anj"i'. tions, tliat in somewhat less than two years, four causes emperors by violence obtained possession of the ^^l^J ^'^""^ throne. The right of the senate to name, or at least to confirm, the successors to the throne, was still in- deed acknowledged ; but as the armies had found out that they could create emperors, the power of the senate dwindled into an empty ceremony. Servius Gaiba, Sulpicius Galba, now seventy-two years of age, hav- ^j'^i/'j'j*"^ ing been already proclaimed emperor by the legions 69, in Spain, and acknowledged by the senate, gained possession of Rome without striking a blow, the at- tempt of Nymphidius having completely failed, and Virginius Rufus voluntarily submitting to him. Gal- ba, however, having given offence both to the praeto- küied by rian p'uard and the German leg-ions, was dethroned ^'."^ v^^^^o- ^ ...^Pi-p p-i ^^^^ guard. by the guards, at the instigation of his former friend Otho, at the very time when he thought he had se- cured his throne by adopting the young Licinius Piso, and had frustrated the hopes of Otho. 18. M. Otho, aged thirty-seven, was indeed ac- otho, Jan., knowledged emperor by the senate, but wanted the ^^— Apni sanction of the German legions, who, proclaiming their general, A. Vitellias, emperor, invaded Italy. Otho marches against him, but after the loss of the battle of Bedriacum kills himself — whether from fear or patriotism, remains uncertain. The special sources for the history of Galba and Otho, are their Lives by Plutakch. 19. Vitellius, in his thirty-seventh year, was ac- viteiiius, knowledged emperor not only by the senate, but o|!^''.,Ij''crj likewise in the provinces ; his debaucheries and cruelty, however, together with the licentiousness of his troops, having rendered him odious at Rome, the Syrian legions rebelled and proclaimed their general, T. Flavins Vespasian, emperor, who, at the solicita- Vespasian tion of the powerful Mutianus, governor of Syria, P|i,°pe^.|,'r.''^ accepted the imperial diadem. The troops on the z 2 340 ROMAN STATE. [book v Fourth Dtinube declaring for him shortly after, and marching into Italy under their general Antonius Primus, de- feated the army of Vitellius at Cremona. Vitellius was immediately hurled fi'om the throne, though not till after some blood had been spilt by the commo- tions that took place at Rome, in which Flavius Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian, was slain, and the capitol burnt. ■Vespasian, 20. Flavius Vcspasian ascended the throne in his —June 24, fifty-ninth year, and became thereby the founder of a ''•^- dynasty which gave three emperors to Rome. The state, almost ruined by profusion, civil'war, and suc- cessive revolutions, found in Vespasian a monarch Fixes the -^yell suitcd to its uuhappy condition. He endeavoured, seTate; as far as he could, to determine the relations between himself and the senate, while, by a decree, he restored to it all the rights and privileges which had been conferred upon it by his predecessors of the family of Caesar, and settled and added some others [lex regia). He made a thorough reform in the corn- improves pletely-exhausted treasury, which he recruited in part by reducing the countries Nero had made free, together with some others, into provinces; partly by restoring the ancient customs, by increasing others, and by imposing new ones ; without this it would have been impossible for him to have re-established founds pub- the disciphue of the army. His liberality in the iugs,"lnd foundation of public buildings, as well in Rome as in promotes other cities, and the care with which he promoted ' education, by granting salaries to public teachers, are sufficient to free him from the reproach of avarice ; and although, on account of their dangerous opinions, banishes he bauishcd the Stoics, (who since the time of Nero the Stoics ; ^^^^ bccome very numerous, and retained nearly all the principles of republicanism,) the annulling of the and annuls jucücia majestatis and the restoration of the authority ^majestatis. ^f the Senate show how far he was from being a despot. Rhodes, Samos, Lycia, Achaia, Thrace, Cilicia, and Comma- gene, were brought by Vespasian into the condition of provinces. Foreign wars : that against the Jews, which ended with the de- the trea- sury rEUlOD IV. FROM C^SAR TO COMMODUS. 341 struction of Jerusalem, A. C. 70 ; and a much greater war Fourth against the Batavians and their allies under Civilis, who, during Feuiod. tlie late civil wars, sought to shake oif the Roman yoke, 69 ; ~ but were reduced to an accommodation by Cerealis, 70. Ex- peditions of Agrieola in Britain, 78 — 85, who not only subdued all England, and introduced the Roman manners and customs, but also attacked and sailed round Scotland. D. Vespasianus, sive de vita et legislatione T. Flavii Vespa- siani Imp. commentarius, auctore A. G. Crazier. Jenje, 1785. An excellent inquiry, with illustrations of the fragments of the lex regia. The second part, de legislatione, contains a learned commentary upon the senatus consulta, during his reign. 21, His eldest son, Titus Flavius Vespasian, who Titus, _ in the year 70 had been created Caesar, and reigned 79Tse,,t. from his thirty-ninth to his forty-second year, gives ^'^' ^^• us the rare example of a prince becoming better on the throne. His short and benevolent reign was, indeed, only remarkable for its public calamities : an eruption of Mount Vesuvius, overwhelming several cities, was followed by a destructive fire, and a dread- ful plague at Rome. His early death secured him Dreadful the reputation of being, if not the happiest, at least plague, 79. the best of princes. 22. His vounger brother and successor, L. Flavius Domitian, Domitian, who reigned from his thirtieth to his forty- _!sept. is, fifth year, gives an example quite opposite to that of ^6; Titus ; beginning with justice and severity, he soon degenerated into the completest despot that ever a complete swayed the Roman sceptre. His cruelty, joined to despot;"^ an equal degree of pride, and nourished by suspicion and jealousy, made him the enemy of all who excelled him by their exploits, their riches, or their talents. The mortifications to which his pride must have unsuccess- been subjected in consequence of his unsuccessful ^"^ ^° ^^'^''5 wars against the Catti, and more particularly the Daci, increased his bad disposition. His despotism was founded upon his armies, whose pay he aug- mented one fouilh ; and that he might not thereby raises the diminish the treasury, as he had too much done at p°j.'p* first, he multiplied the judicia majestatis, rendering it still more terrible by the employment of secret in- employs in- formers, (delatores,) in order, by confiscations, to augment the wealth of his private treasury (Jiscits). 342 ROMAN STATE. [book v. ■ Fourth By confining his cruelty chiefly to the capital, and ' by a strict superintendence over the governors of provinces, Domitian prevented any such general disorganization of the empire as took place under Nero. His fall confirmed the general truth, that tyrants have httle to fear from the people, but much from individuals who may think their lives in danger. The foreign wars during this reign are rendered more worthy of remark by being the first in which the barbarians attacked the empire with success. Domitian's ridiculous expedition against the Catti, 82, gave the first proof of his boundless va- nity ; as did the recall of the victorious Agricola, 85, from Britain, of his jealousy. His most important war was that against the Daci, or Getfe, who, under their brave king Derce- bal, had attacked the Roman frontiers : this again occasioned another with their neighbours, the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Jazygi, 86 — 90, which turned out so unfortunate for Rome, that Domitian was obliged to purchase a peace of the Daci by paying them an annual tribute. Nerva, 23. M. Cocceius Ncrva, aged about seventy years, Jan. 24 96 ^r^g I'aiscd to the throne by the murderers of Domi- 98. " ' tian ; and now, at last, seemed to break forth the u! Vuraof ^^^^^ of a more happy period for the empire. The a iiappy prcccdiug Tcigu of terror completely ceased at once ; period. ^^^ i^g endeavoured to impart fresh vigour to indus- try, not only by diminishing the taxes, but also by distributing lands to the poor. The insurrection of the guards certainly cost the murderers of Domitian their lives ; but it was at the same time the cause of Nerva s securing the prosperity of the empire after his death, by the adoption of Trajan. Trajan, 24. M. Ulpius Trajan, (after his adoption, Nerva — Aug.'ii, Trajan,) a Spaniard by birth, governed the empire ii'7. from his forty-second to his sixty-second year. He the Roman was thc first foreigner who ascended the Roman monarchs. throuc, üud at the same time the first of their mon- archs who was equally great as a ruler, a general, and a man. After completely abolishing the Judicia ma- Jestatis, he made the restoration of the free Roman Restores coiistitutiou, SO far as it was compatible with a mon- lonsüt.!^''" archical form, his peculiar care. He restored the tion; elective power to the comitia, complete liberty of speech to the senate, and to the magistrates their PEKIOD IV. FROM C^SAR TO COMMODUS. o43 former authority ; and yet he exercised the art of Fourth ruhng to a degree and in a detail which few princes 1- have equalled. Frugal in his expenses, he was ne- his frugality vertheless splendidly liberal to every useful institu- aiitj ;' '^^ tion, whether in Rome or the provinces, as well as in the foundation of military roads, public monuments, and schools for the instruction of poor children. By his wars he extended the dominion of Rome beyond its former boundaries; subduing, in his contests with the Daci, their country, and reducing it to a Roman conquers province ; as he likewise did, in his wars against tlie '"''^' Armenians and Parthians, Armenia, Mesopotamia, MeTopöu- and part of Arabia, Why was so great a character mia, and disfigured by an ambition of conquest ? Aa-ab'i'a, The first war against the Daci, in which the shameful tribute was withdrawn and Dercebal reduced to subjection, lasted fi'om 101 — 103, But as Dercebal again rebelled, the war was re- newed in 105, and brought to a close in 106, when Dacia was reduced to a Roman province, and many Roman colonies estab- lished therein. The war with the Parthians arose from a dis- pute respecting the possession of the throne of Armenia, (see above, p. 243,) 114 — 116 : but although Rome was victorious, she gained no permanent advantage thereby. The especial source for the history of Trajan is the Panegyricus of Pliny the Younger : the correspondence, however, of the same writer, while governor of Bithynia, with the emperor, af- fords us a much deeper insight into the spirit of his government : Plinii Epist. lib. x. Who can read it without admiring the royal statesman ? RiTTERSHUSii Trajanus in lucem reproductus. Ambegoe, 1608. A mere collection of passages occurring in ancient authors respecting Trajan. Res Trajani Imperatoris ad Daniibium Gestce, auctore CoN- RAX> IVIannert, Norimb, 1793 ; and JoH, Christ, Engel, Commentatio de Expeditionibus Tra- jani ad Danulmim, et origine Valachorum. Vindob. 1794, — Both leai-ned dissertations, written for the prize offered by the Royal Society of Gottingen ; the first of which obtained the prize, and the other the accessit, i. e, was declared second best. 25. By the contrivances of Plotina, his wife, Tra- Adrian, jan was succeeded by his cousin and pupil, whom he is said also to have adopted, P, ^lius Adrian, who reigned from his forty-second to his sixty-third year. He was acknowledged at once by the army of Asia, 344 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Period ^^^^ whicli he then was, and the sanction of the senate followed immediately after. He differed from his predecessor in that his chief aim was the preserv- ation of peace ; on which account he gave up, (rare moderation !) directly after his accession, the newly conquered provinces of Asia, Armenia, Assyria, and Mesopotamia, and so put an end to the Parthian war (see above, p. 243). He retained, though with some unwillingness, that of Dacia, because otherwise the Roman colonies would have become exposed. He well made up for his pacific disposition, however, in seeking, by a general and vigorous reform in the in- ternal administration, and by restoring the discipline of the army, to give greater solidity to the empire. For that purpose he visited successively all the pro- vinces of the Roman empire ; first the eastern, and afterwards the western ; making useful regulations and establishino; order wherever he came. He im- proved the Roman jurisprudence by the introduction of the edictum perpetuum. Passionately fond of and well instructed in literature and the fine arts, he gave them his liberal protection, and thus called forth an- other Augustan age. Upon the whole, his reign was certainly a salutary one for the empire ; and for any single acts of injustice of which he may be accused, he fully compensated by his choice of a successor. After having first adopted L. Aurelius Verus, (afterwards ^lius Verus,) who fell a sacrifice to his debaucheries, he next adopted T. Aurelius Antoninus, (afterwards T. iElius Adrianus Antoninus Pius,) upon condition that he should again adopt M. Aurelius Verus, (af- terwards M. Aurehus Antoninus,) and L. Cesonius Commodus, (afterwards L. Verus,) the son of iElius Verus. During his reign a great revolt broke out in Juclfea, under Barcochab, 132 — 135, occasioned by the introduction of pagan worship into the Roman colony of ^lia Capitolina (the ancient Jerusalem). The especial source for the history of Adrian, is his Life and that of jEUus Verus by ^lius Spartiai^üs in Script. Hist. Aug. Minores, already« quoted. PERIOD IV. I FROM C^SAR TO COMMODUS. 345 26. The reign of Antoninus Pius, from his forty- Fourth seventh to his seventieth year, was without doubt the happiest period of the Roman empire. He found Antoninus every thing ah-eady in excellent order ; and those lö^^iss".!!^ ministers which Adrian had appointed, he continued March 7, in their places. His quiet activity furnishes but little matter for history ; and yet he was, perhaps, the most noble character that ever sat upon a throne. Although a prince, his life was that of the most blameless individual ; while he administered the affairs of the empire as though they were his own. He honoured the senate ; and the provinces flourish- ed under him, not only because he kept a watchful eye over the conduct of the governors, but because he made it a maxim of his government to continue in their places all those whose probity he had sufficiently proved. He observed rigid order in the finances, and yet without sparing where it could be of service in the foundation or improvement of useful institu- tions ; as his erection of many buildings, establish- ment of public teachers with salaries in all the pro- vinces, and other examples, fully show. He carried on no war himself; on the contrary, several foreign nations made choice of him to arbitrate their differ- ences. Some rebellions which broke out in Britain and Egypt, and some frontier wars excited by the Germans, the Daci, the Moors, and the Alani, were quelled by his lieutenants. The principal and almost the only source for the history of Antoninus Pius, Dion Cassius's history of this period being lost, is his Life by Julius Capitolinus in the Script. Hist. August. And even this refers to his private character rather than his public history. Compare the excellent Reflections of Marcus AuRELius, i. 16, upon tliis prince. Vie des Empereurs Tite Antonin et Marc Aurele, par M. Gautier de Sibert. Paris, 1769, 8vo. A valuable essay on the lives of the two Antonines. 27. He was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius Anto- Marcus ninus, the philosopher, (aged 40 — 59 years,) who March"?^,' immediately associated with himself, under the title 101— of Augustus, L. Verus, (aged 30 — 40 years, '\ 169,) iso^*" to whom he gave his daughter in marriage. Not- 346 ROMAN STATE. Fourth Period. 161— IGG The north- em nations bey:in to press for- ward. Avidius Cassius's rebellion, and death, 175. withstanding the differences of their character, the most cordial union existed between them during the whole of their common reign ; L. Verus, indeed, be- ing almost always absent in the wars, took but a very- small share in the government. The reign of M. Aurelius was marked by several great calamities : a dreadful pestilence, a famine, and almost continual wars. Nothing short of a prince like Aurelius, who exhibited to the world the image of wisdom seated on a throne, could have made so much misery toler- able. Soon after his accession, the Catti made an irruption upon the Rhine, and the Parthians in Asia. L. Verus was sent against them. But the wars on the Danube with the Marcomanni and their allies in Pannonia, and other northern nations, who now be- gan to press forward with great force upon Dacia, were of much greater consequence. They occupied M. Aurelius from the year 167, with but little inter- mission, to the end of his reign. He succeeded, in- deed, in maintaining the boundaries of the empire ; but then lie was the first who settled any of the bar- barians within it, or took them into the Roman ser- vice. In the internal administration of affairs he closely followed the steps of his predecessor, except that he was rather too much influenced by his freed- men and family. The only rebellion which broke out against him, was that of Avidius Cassius, his lieu- tenant in Syria, occasioned by a false report of his death ; but it was quelled by the destruction of that general, as soon as the truth was made known. The war against the Parthians (see above, p. 244) was in- deed brought to a successful issue by Verus, the principal cities of the Parthians falling into the hands of the Romans ; Verus left them, however, to be carried on by his lieutenants, while he rioted in debaucheries at Antioch. The first war against the Marcomanni, carried on in the beginning and until the death of Verus, by the two emperors together, was highly dangerous for Pome, as many other nations had joined the Marcomanni, par- ticularly the Quadi, Jazygi, and Vandals, and penetrated as far as Aquileia. M. Aurelius ended tliis war by a glorious peace, 174, as he found it necessary to stop the progress of Cassius's rebellion ; in 178, however, the Marcomanni again commenced hostilities, and before their close M. Aurelius died at Sirmium. PERior, IV.] FROM CiESAR TO COMMODUS. 347 Contemporary with these wars, yet, as it seems, Avithout any Fourth connexion with them, were the attacks of other nations upon P^i^^o"- Dacia, the Bastarnfe, Alani, etc., who poured in from the north, probably pressed forward by the advance of the Goths. This tons the first symptom of the great migration of nations now beginning. The especial sources for the history of M. Aurelius, are the Biogi'aphies of him and L. Verus, written by JuLros Capitoli- Nus, as well as that of Avidius Cassius, by Vülcatiüs Galli- ca:^t:s in Script. Hist. August. The letters discovered in INIilan, among and together with the writings of Froxto, are of no historical service. — His principles are best learnt from his Meditations on himself Ch. Meiners de M. Aurel. Antonini ingenio, moribus, et scriptis, in Commentat. Soc. Gotting. vol. vi. 28. By means of adoption the Roman empire had t. Commo- been blessed, during the last eighty years, with a i^^'JJj"^'*^ succession of rulers such as have not often fell to the Dec. 3i, lot of any kingdom. But in T. Commodus, the son ^^~' of M. Aurelius, (probably the offspring of a gladia- tor,) who reigned from his nineteenth to his thirty- first year, there ascended the throne a monster of cruelty, insolence, and lewdness. At the commence- ment of his reign he bought a peace of the Marco- manni that he might return to Rome. Being himself unable to support the burden of government, the helm of state was placed in the hands of tiie stern and cruel Perennis, praefect of tlie preetorian guard ; Perennis, but who, being murdered by the discontented sol- ^ ^*^^- diers, was succeeded by the freed man Oleander, who oleander, put up all for sale, till he fell a sacrifice to his own ^ ^ * insatiable avarice, in a revolt of the people caused by their want of provisions. The extravagant propen- sity of Commodus for the diversions of the amphi- theatres, and the combats of wild beasts and gladi- ators, wherein he himself usually took a part in the character of Hercules, became a chief cause of his dissipation, and thereby of his cruelty ; till at last he was killed at the instigation of his concubine Marcia, Laetus the praefect of the praetorian guard, and Elec- tus. The wars on the frontiers durino; his reio;n, in i82— 184. Dacia, and especially in Britain, were successfully carried on by his lieutenants, generals who belonged to the school of his father. 348 ROMAN STATE. [rook v. FouuTH The especial soui'ce for the history of Commodus is his pri- Pekiod. vate life by JEi.. Lampridius, in the Script. Hist. August. — The history of Herodian begins with his reign, em^'rell^^ 29. The disasters under M. Aurelius, and the ex- this period, travagances of Commodus, had injured the empire, but not enfeebled it. Towards the close of the pe- riod of the Antonines it still retained its pristine vio-our. If wise regulations, internal peace, mode- rate taxes, a certain degree of political, and unre- strained civil liberty, are sufficient to form the happi- ness of a commonwealth, it must have been found in the Roman. What a number of advantages did it possess over every other, simply from its situation ! Proofs of it appear on every side. A vigorous popu- lation, rich provinces, flourishing and splendid cities, and a lively internal and foreign trade. But the most solid foundation of the happiness of a nation consists in its moral greatness, and this we here seek for in vain. Otherwise the nation would not so easily have suffered itself to be brouglit under the yoke of Com- modus by praetorian cohorts and the legions. But what best shows the strength which the empire still retained, is the opposition it continued to make, for two hundred years longer, to the formidable attacks from without. D. II. HEGE\\^SCH upon the Epochs in Roman History most favourable to Humanity. Hamburg, 1800 — 8. Foreign commerce, so flourishing in this period, could only be carried on, to any extent, with the East — mostly with India — as the Roman empire spread over all the West. This trade continued to be carried on through Egypt, and also through Pal- myra and Syria. Information thereupon will be found in W. Robertson's Disquisition concerning the Knoivledge ivhich the Ancients had of India. London, 1791, 4to. Often reprinted. And particularly upon Egypt, in W. Vincent, the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea. London, 1802, 4to, 2 vols. A very instructive work. Heeren, Commentationes de Grfecorum et Romanorum de India, notitia, et cum Indis commerciis : in Commentat. Soc. Gott. vol. X. xi. PERIOD IV ] FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. o49 SECOND SECTION. From the death of Commodus to Diocletian, A. C. 193—284. Sources. The Extracts of Xiphilinus from Diox Cassius, Fourth lib. Ixxiii. — Ixxx., though often imperfect, reach down as low as Period. the consulate of Dion himself under Alexander Severus, 229. — Herodiani Ilisf. libri viii. compri.se the period from Commodus to Gordian, 180 — 238. — The Scriptures HistoricB Augiistce Mi- nores contain the private lives of the emperors down to Diocle- tian, by Julius CAnxoLiNus, Flavius Vopiscus, etc. — The Breviaria Ilistorite Romance of Eutropius, Aurelius Victor, and S. RuFUS, are particularly important for this period. — Fi- nally, the important information that may be derived from the study of medals and coins, not only for this section, but for the whole history of the emperors, may be best learnt by consulting the writers upon those subjects : J. Vaillant, Numismata Au- gustorum et Ctpsarum, cura J. F. Balüino. Rome, 1743, 3 vols. The MedalUc History of Imperial Rome, by W. Cooke. Lon- don, 1781, 2 vols. — But al)ove all, the volumes belonging to this period in Eckiiel, Doctrina Nummorum Veterum. With the period of the Antonines begins the great work of the British historian, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ■ by Edward Gibbon. Oxford, 1828, 8 vols. 8vo. In worth and extent this work is superior to all others. It embraces the whole period of the middle ages ; but only the first part belongs to this period. 1. The extinction of the race of the Antonines by Pertinax, the death of Commodus, was attended with convid- M^-'chYg sions similar to those which took place when the i9^- house of Caesar became extinct at the death of Nero. It is true that P. Helvius Pertinax, aged sixty-seven, praefect of the city, was raised to the throne by the murderers of Commodus ; and that he was acknow- ledged, first by the guards, and afterwards by the senate. But the reform which he was obliged to make at the beginning of his reign in the finances, rendered him so odious to the soldiers and courtiers, that a revolt of the first, excited by Laetus, cost him his life before he had reigned quite three months. This was the first commencement of that dreadful military despotism which forms the ruling character 350 ROMAN STATE. [look v. Fourth of this period ; and to none did it become so terrible ^^^^°°' as to those who wished to make it the main support of their absohite power. The insolence of the prtetorian guard liad risen very high during the reign of Commodus ; but it had never, even in the time of tlie Antonines, been entirely suppressed. It was only by large donatives that their consent could be purchased, their caprice satisfied, and their good humour maintained ; especially at every new adoption. One of the greatest reproaches to the age of the Antonines is, that those great princes, who seem to have had the means so much in their power, did not free them- selves from so annoying a dependence. Jul. Capitolini Pertinax Imp. in Script. Hist. Aug. Didias 2. When, upon the death of Pertinax, the rich and juiiauus. profligate M. Didius Juhanus, aged fifty-seven, had outbid, to the great scandal of the people, all his competitors for the empire, and purchased it of the praetorian guard, an insurrection of the legions, who were better able to create emperors, very naturally followed. But as the army of Illyria proclaimed Septimius their genisral Septimius Severus, the army of Syria, Severus, Pesccnnius Niffer, and the army of Britain, Albinus, Ni-er, nothing; less than a series of civil wars could decide All" Aiumus. ^ ^1^^ should maintain himself on the throne. JEh. Spartiani Didius Julianus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 3. Septimius Severus, however, aged 49 — 66, was the first who got possession of Rome, and, after the execution of Didius Julianus, he was acknowledged by the senate. He dismissed, it is true, the old prse- torian guard, but immediately chose, from his own army, one four times more numerous in its stead. And after he had provisionally declared Albinus em- peror, he marched his army against Pescennius Ni- ger, already master of the East, whom, after several contests near the Issus, he defeated and slew. Never- theless, having first taken and destroyed the strong city of Byzantium, a war with Albinus soon followed, whom the perfidious Severus had already attempted to remove by assassination. After a bloody defeat Albinus near Lyons, Albinus kills himself These civil wars kills him- ^vere followed by hostilities against the Parthians, sell, beb. "' Ö . . ' 19, 197. who had taken the part of Pescennius, and which PERIOD IV.] FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 351 ended with the plundering of their principal cities I'qurth (see above, p. 244). Severus possessed most of the __!__'_ virtues of a soldier ; but the insatiable avarice of his minister Plautianus, the formidable captain of the praetorian guard, robbed the empire even of those advantages which may be enjoyed under a military government, until he was put to death at the instiga- 204. tion of Caracalla. To keep his legions employed, Severus undertook an expedition into Britain, where, after extending the boundaries of the empire, he died at York, (E/wracum,) leaving his son the maxim, " to enrich the soldiers, and hold the rest for nothing." Agricola had already erected a line of fortresses, probably between the Firth of Clyde and the Firth of Forth. These were changed by Adrian into a wall along the present bound- aries of Scotland. Severus again extended the frontiers, re- established the forti'esses of Agricola, and afterwards built a wall from sea to sea ; his son, however, gave up the conquered country, and the wall of Adrian again became the boundary of the empire. ^L. Spartiani Septlmms Severus et Pescetinias Niger. Jul. Catitolini Claudius Albinus in Script. Hist. Aug. 4. The deadly hatred which reigned between the Caracaiia, two sons of Severus, M. Aurelius Antoninus Bassi- ^^\- \ ^^^ . — April 4, anus Caracalla, aged 23 — 29, and his young step- 217. brother Geta, aged twenty-one, led to a dreadful catastrophe ; for at their return to Rome, and after a fruitless proposition had been made for a division of the empire, Geta was assassinated in the arms of his Geta mui- mo.ther Julia Domna, together with all those who ^^^,^j^'4 were considered as his friends. The restless spirit 212. of Caracalla, however, soon drew him from Rome, and in traversing first the provinces along the Danube, and then those of the East, he ruined them all by his exactions and cruelty, to which be was driven for money to pay his soldiers, and to purchase peace of his enemies on the frontiers. The same necessity led him to grant the right of citizenship to all the provinces, that he might thereby gain the duty of the vicesima hereditatum et manumisslonum, (twenti- eth upon inheritances and enfranchisements,) which he very soon afterwards changed into a tenth [clecima). 352 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Fourth — With respect to his foreign wars, his first was ^'^^'°^- ao;ainst the Catti and Alemanni, among whom he re- mained a long time, sometimes as a friend, and some- 215. times as an enemy. But his principal efforts, after' having previously ordered a dreadful massacre of the inhabitants of Alexandria, to satisfy his cruel ra- 216. pacity, were directed against the Parthians (see above, p. 244) ; and in his wars against them he was assassinated by Macrinus, the praefect of the praeto- rian guard. The praefect, or captain, of the prcetorian guard became, from the time of Severus, the most impoi-tant officer in the state. Be- sides the command of the guards, the finances were also under his control, together with an extensive criminal jurisdiction. A natural consequence of the continually increasing despotism. JEiL. Spaktiani Atitoninus Caracalla et Ant. Geta, in Script. Hist. Aug. Macnnus, 5. His murdercr, M. Opelius Macrinus, aged 217— jlne fiftj-three, was recognised as emperor by the soldiers, 8,218. and forthwith acknowledged by the senate. He immediately created his son, M. Opelius Diadumenus, aged nine years, Caesar, and gave him the name of Antoninus. He disgracefully terminated the war against the Parthians by purchasing a peace, and changed the dec una (tenth) of Caracalla again into the vicesima (twentieth). However, while he still remained in Asia, Bassianus Heliogabalus, grand- nephew of Julia Domna, and high priest in the temple of the Sun at Emesa, whom his mother gave out for a son of Caracalla, was proclaimed emperor by the legions, and after a combat with the guards, subsequently to which Macrinus and his son lost their lives, they raised him to the throne. Msesa, the sister of Julia Domna, had two daughters, both widows ; Soaemis, the eldest, was the mother of Heliogabalus, and Mammasa, the youngest, the mother of Alexander Severus. Jul. Capitolini Opelius Macrinus, in Script. Hist. Aug. Heiiogaba- 6. Hcliogabalus, aged 14 — 18, who assumed the j"une 8 additional name of M. Aurelius Antoninus, brought 218— ' with him from Syria the superstitions and volup- 222'''^ ^'' tuousness of that country. He introduced the wor- ship of his god Heliogabal in Rome, and wallowed PERIOD IV.] FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 353 openly in such brutal and infamous debaucheries, fourth that, history can scarcely find a parallel to his disso- '^^'"°' lute, shameless, and scandalous conduct. How low must the morality of that age have been sunk, in which a boy could so early have ripened into a monster ! — The debasement of the senate, and of all important offices, which he filled with the degraded companions of his own lusts and vices, was system- atically planned by him ; and he deserves no credit even for the adoption of his cousin, the virtuous Alexander Severus, as he shortly after endeavoured to take away his life, but was himself for that reason assassinated by the praetorian guards. ^L. Lajvipridu Ant Heliogabalus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 7. His young cousin and successor, M. Aurelius Alexander Alexander Severus, aged 14 — 27, who had been ji'uxh n carefully educated under the direction of his mother 222— Mammsea, proved one of the best princes in an age ^"°' ^^^' and upon a throne where virtues were more dangerous than vices. Under favour of his youth he endeavoured to effect a reform, in which he was supported by the co-operation of the guards, who had elevated him to the throne. He restored the authority of the senate, from among whom he chose, with rigid justice, his privy council of state, banishing the creatures of Heliogabalus from their places. The revolution in War against the Parthian empire, out of which was now formed ^'""*'*' ^-*^- the new Persian, was of so much importance to Rome, that it obliged Alexander to undertake a war against Artaxerxes, in which he was probably vie- 231—2.33. torious. But while marching in haste to protect the frontiers against the advance of the Germans upon the Rhine, his soldiers, exasperated at the severity of his discipline, and incited by the Thracian Maximin, murdered him in his own tent. His praefect of the 235. praetorian guard, Ulpian, had already, for the same 222. cause, fallen a victim to this spirit of insubordination, which was not checked even by the immediate pre- sence of the emperor himself. The revolution in Parthia, whereby a new Persian empire was formed, (see above, p. 244,) became a source of almost per- 2 A 354 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Fourth petual war to Rome ; Artaxerxes I., and his successors, the Period. Sassanides, claiming to be descendants of the ancient kings of Persia, formed pretensions to the possession of all the Asiatic provinces of the Roman empire. ^Lil Lajipridii Alexander Severus, in Script. Hist Aug. Heyne de Alexandro Severo Judicium, Comment, i. ii., in Opuscula Academica, vol. vi. Maximinus, g. The death of A. Severus raised military despot- May,' 238. Jsm to the highcst pitch, as it placed on the throne the half savage C. Julius Maximinus, by birth a Thracian peasant. At first he continued the war against the Germans with great success, repulsing 236. them beyond the Rhine ; and resolved, by crossing 237. Pannonia, to carry the war even among the Sarma- tians. But his insatiable rapacity, which spared nei- ther the capital nor the provinces, made him hateful to all ; and Gordian, proconsul of Africa, in his eightieth year, was, together with his son of the same name, proclaimed Augustus by the people, and im- mediately acknowledged by the senate. Upon this, Maximinus, eager to take vengeance on the senate, April, 238. marched directly from Sirmium towards Italy. In the mean time, the legions of the almost defenceless The Gor- Gordiaus were defeated in Africa, and themselves slain by Capellianus the governor of Numidia. Not- withstanding this, as the senate could expect no mercy, they chose as co-emperors the prtefect of the Baibinus city, Maximus Pupienus, and Clodius Balbinus, who, nus. "^'^" ill conformity with the wishes of the people, created the young Gordian III., Caesar. In the mean while Maximinus, having besieged Aquileia, and the enter- prise proving unsuccessful, was slain by his own troops. Pupienus and Balbinus now seemed in quiet possession of the throne ; but the guards, who had already been engaged in a bloody feud with the peo- ple, and were not willing to receive an emperor of the senate's choosing, killed them both, and proclaimed as Augustus, Gordian, already created Caesar. Jul. Capitolini Maximinus Gordiani tres, Pupienus et Bal- ^ ,. binus, in Script. Hist. August. Gordian ^ ^ iTi., July, 9^ Xhe reign of the young M. Antoninus Gordia- 244. ^ ' nus lasted from his twelfth to his eighteenth year. PERIOD IV.] FROM COMiMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 355 He was grandson of the proconsul who had lost his Fourth life in Africa, and in the early part of his reign, ac- quired a degree of firmness from the support of his father-in-law, Misitheus, prsefect of the prsetorian Syrian ex- guard, as well as from the successful expedition which ^4j!!l24'5 he undertook into Syria against the Persians, who had invaded that province. But after the death of Misitheus, Philip the Arabian, being made preefect of the guards in his stead, found means to gain the troops over to himself, and, after driving Gordian from the throne, caused him to be assassinated. 10. The reign of M. Julius Phihppus was inter- Phiiippns, rupted by several insurrections, especially in Panno- sept'/oli" nia ; until at length Decius, whom he himself had sent thither to quell the rebellion, was compelled by the troops to assume the diadem. Philip was soon after defeated by him near Verona, where he perished, together with his son of the same name. In this reign the secular games, liidi sceculares, were cele- brated, one thousand years from the foundation of the city. 11. Under the reign of his successor, Traj anus 247. Decius, aged fifty, the Goths for the first time forced Sept., 249 their way into the Roman empire by crossing the ^q'^^'^^'' Danube ; and although Decius in the beginning op- posed them with success, he was at last slain by them in Thrace, together with his son, CI. Herennius De- cius, already created Caesar. Upon this the army proclaimed C. Trebonianus Gallus emperor, who Gaiius. created his son, Volusian, Caesar ; and having invited Hostilian, the yet remaining son of Decius, with the ostensible purpose of securing his co-operation, he nevertheless soon contrived to get rid of him. He purchased a peace of the Goths ; but, despised by his generals, he became involved in a war with his victorious lieutenant, iEmilius ^milianus, in Moesia, ^miiianus, and was slain, together with his son, by his own army. ^^''J' ^•^"*- In tln-ee months, however, iEmilianus shared the same fate ; Publius Licinius Valerianus, the friend and avenger of Gallus, advancing against him with the legions stationed in Gaul, Both the people and 2 A 2 356 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Fourth army hoped to see the empire restored under Valerian, L. already sixty years of a^-e ; but, although his generals Valerian, defended the frontiers against the Germans and Goths, he himself had the misfortune to be defeated and taken prisoner by the superior forces of the Persians. Upon this event his son and associate in the empire, P. Li- Gaiiienus, ciuius Gallicnus, who knew every thing except the 259— 2t)8. ^^^ Q^- governing, reigned alone. Under his indo- lent rule the Roman empire seemed on one hand ready to be spUt into a number of small states, while on the other it seemed about to fall a prey to the barbarians ; for the lieutenants in most of the pro- vinces declared themselves independent of a prince whom they despised, and to which, indeed, they were driven, like Posthumius in Gaul, for their own se- curity. — There were nineteen of these ; but as many of them named their sons Caesars, this period has been very improperly distinguished by the name of the thirty tijrants, although their intolerable oppres- sions might well justify the latter expression. The Persians at the same time were victorious in the East, and the Germans in the West. The German nations which were now become so formidable to the Roman empire, were : 1. The great confederation of tribes under the name of Franks, who spread over Gaul along the whole extent of the Lower Rhine. 2. The allied nations of the Alemanni on the Upper Rhine. 3. The Goths, the most power- ful of all, who had formed a monarchy upon the banks of the Lower Danube and the northern coasts of the Black Sea, which soon extended from the Boristhenes to the Don ; and who be- came formidable, not only by their land forces, but also by their naval power, especially after they had captured the peninsula of Grim Tai'tary (C/iersonesus Taurica) ; and by means of their fleets they not only kept the Grecian, but likewise the Asiatic provinces in a continual state of alarm. Trebelli Pollionis Valerianus, GalUeni duo, triginta ty- ranni, in Script. Hist. Aug. I Concerning the thirty tyrants under the Roman emperor Gallienus, by J. C. F. Manso ; at the end of his Life of Con- stantine. Claudius, 12. Gallienus losing his life before Milan, in the — Oct^''z7ü. war against Aureolus, a usurper, had nevertheless re- commended M. Aurelius Claudius (aged 45 — 47) for his successor. The new Augustus re-established PEiiioD IV.] FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 357 in some degree the tottering empire ; not only by Fourth taking Aureolus prisoner and defeating the Ale- ! L manni, but also by a decisive victory gained at Nissa over the Goths, w^ho had invaded Moesia. He died, 269. however, soon after, at Sirmium, of a pestilential dis- ease, naming for his successor Aurelian, a hero like himself, who mounted the throne upon the death of Quintillusthe late emperor s brother, who had at first proclaimed himself Augustus, but afterwards died by his own hand. Tkebellii Pollionis divus Claudius, in Script. Hist. Aug. 13. During the reign of L. Domitius Aurelianus, Aureiiaii, which lasted almost five years, those countries which Mar^h, W. had been partly or entirely lost to the empire were restored. Having first driven back the Goths and the Alemanni, who had advanced as far as Umbria, he undertook his expedition against the celebrated Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, who at that time possess- 271. ed Syria, Egypt, and part of Asia Minor. These countries he again brought under the dominion of the empire, after having defeated Zenobia and Zenobia de- made her prisoner. The western provinces of Gaul, ^Jj" ,"''•! Britain, and Spain, which since the time of Gallienus s°'^e'> -"^ had been governed by separate rulers, and were '" now under the dominion of Tetricus, he reduced 274. to their former obedience. Dacia, on the contrary, he willingly abandoned ; and as he transported the Roman inhabitants across the Danube into Moesia, the latter henceforward bore the name of Dacia Aure- liani. Hated for his severity, which in a warrior so easily degenerates into cruelty, he was assassinated in Illyria at the instigation of his private secretary 275. Mnestheus. Flav. Vopisci divus Aurelianus in Script. Hist. Aug. Palmyra in the Syrian desert, enriched by the Indian trade, and one of the most ancient cities in the workl, became a Roman colony in the time of Trajan. Odenatus, the husband of Zeno- bia, had acquired so much celebrity by his victories over the Persians, that Gallienus had even named him Augustus vv^ith himself. He was murdered, however, by his cousin Ma^onius, 267. Zenobia now took possession of the government for her sons Vabalathus, Herennianus, and Timolaus, without, however, 358 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Fourth being acknowledged at Rome. After this, in the time of Clau- Period. dixis, she added Egypt to her dominions. Aurelian, having first defeated her near Antioch and Emesa, soon afterwards took Palmyra, which, in consequence of a revolt, he destroyed. — Even in its ruins Palmyra is still magnificent. The Ruins of Palmyra, by R. Woou, London, 1753 ; and the Ruins of Balbec, otherwise Heliopolis, by the same author, London, 1757, give us clear and certain ideas of the splendour and magnitude of these cities. A. H. L. Heeren, de Commercio urbis Pahnyrce vicinarum- que urhium in Comment, recent. Soc. Gotting. vol. vii., and the Appendix to Heeren's Researches. Tacitus, 14. j^n interregnum of six months followed upon 275— ~ * the death of Aurelian, till at length the senate, at April, 276. ^}jg repeated solicitations of the army, ventured to fill up the vacant throne. The object of their choice, however, M. Claudius Tacitus, the worthiest of the senators, was unfortunately seventy-five years old, and perished after a short reign of six months, in an expedition against the Goths. Upon this event the army of Syria raised M. Aurelius Probus to the purple ; while Florianus the brother of Tacitus, who had already been acknowledged at Rome, was put to death by his own people. Flav. Vopisci Tacitus; ejusd. Florianus, in Script. Hist. Aug. Probus, 15. The six years' reign of Probus was a warlike — Au'-ust, one. He defeated the Germans, and forced them 2b2. beyond the Rhine and Danube ; strengthening the 278* frontiers by building a strong wall from the Danube, near Regensburg, to the Rhine. He also obliged the Persians to make peace. Nevertheless, the number of towns which he re-established and peo- pled with prisoners of war, and the vineyards which he caused his soldiers to plant on the Rhine, are proofs that he had taste and inclination for the arts of peace. This policy, however, would not suit the legions ! After he had perished, therefore, by the hands of his soldiers, they proclaimed the praefect of Carus, the praetorian guard, M. Aurelius Cams, emperor, Aug., 282. ^iiQ created his two sons Caesars — men very unlike each other in disposition, M. Aurelius Carinus being FEuioD IV.] FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 359 one of the greatest reprobates, while M. Aurelius fourth Numerianus was gentle by nature, and had a mind well '_ formed by study. The new emperor, having defeat- ed the Goths, marched against the Persians, but was shortly afterwards killed, it is said, by a flash of light- Aug., 283. ning. Nor did his son Numerianus long survive him, being murdered by his own father-in-law, Arrius 284. Aper, the praetorian prsefect. Flav. Vorisci Probus imper. ejusd. Cams, Numerianus et Carinus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 16. Although this period gives us a finished pic- Review of ture of a complete military despotism, it is still evi- menrdur"' dent that this was owing to the entire separation of iugthis the military order from the rest of the people, by the ^''^" introduction of standing armies, and the extinction of all national spirit among the citizens. The legions decided because the people were unarmed. It was, indeed, only among them, situated far from the soft luxuries of the capital, and engaged in almost a con- tinual struggle with the barbarians, that a remnant of the ancient Roman character was still preserved. The nomination of their leaders to the purple became a natural consequence, not only of the uncertainty of the succession, which could not be fixed by mere ordinances, but often of necessity, from their being in the field under the pressure of urgent circum- stances. Thus a succession of disting-uished generals came to the throne : what authority, indeed, would an emperor at that time have had who was not a general? All durable reform, however, was rendered quite impossible by the quick succession of rulers. Even tlie best among them could do but very little for the internal administration ; as all their energies were required to protect the frontiers, and defend themselves against usurpers, who, with the exception of the formality of being acknowledged by the senate, had claims as well founded as their own. 17. The decline of the empire also became so Luxury much the more rapid, in proportion as in these days decUneof^ of terror luxury had increased not only in the splen- the empire, dour and profligate effeminacy of private life, but 360 ROMAN STATE. [book V, Fourth Period. Progress and effects of the Christian religion. more particularly in public, to a pitch almost beyond belief. The latter was especially shown in the exhi- bitions of the amphitheatre and circus ; by which not only every new ruler, but even every new magistrate, was obliged to purchase the favour of the people. Thus these remnants of a free constitution served only to accelerate the general ruin ! What enjoy- ments, indeed, could be found under the rod of des- potism, except those of the grossest sensuality ; and to satisfy this the intellectual amusements of the the- atre, (mimes and pantomimes,) and even those of rhetoric and poetry, were made to contribute. 18. Yet, during this general decay, the gradual spread of the Christian religion was working a reform altogether of a different nature. Before the end of this period it had opened itself a way into every pro- vince, and, notwithstanding the frequent persecutions, had made converts in every rank of society, and was now on the eve of becoming the predominant form of worship. We shall be better able to estimate its value, if we consider it as the vehicle by which civil- ization made its way among the rude nations that now appeared on the scene, than if we merely con- sider it as the means of improving the manners and morals of the Roman world. In a political view it became of the greatest importance on account of the hierarchy, the framework of which was now in a great measure constructed among its professors. It was afterwards adopted as a state religion ; and al- though the ancient creed of Rome had formerly been on the same footing, yet it was only calculated for the republic, and not at all for the now existing mon- archy. The overthrow of paganism was necessarily attended with some violent convulsions, yet its loss was nothing to be compared with the support which the throne afterwards found in the hierarchy. The dispersion of the Jews, and especially the persecutions which were renewed from time to time after the reign of Nero, (but which only served to kindle enthusiasm,) strongly co-oper- ated in spreading the Christian religion. These persecutions were principally called forth against the Christians on account of their forming themselves into a separate society, which PERIOD XV.] FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 361 caused them to be regarded as a dangerous sect at Rome, not- Fourth withstanding the general toleration granted to every other sys- Pkriod. tem of religious belief. Although towards the end of this period, only a very small proportion of the inhabitants of the Roman empire as yet professed the Christian faith, it nevertheless had followers in every province. ■j" History of the Social Constitution of the Christian Church, by D. G. J. Planck, 4 parts, 1800. It is the first part of this excellent work which relates to this period. THIRD SECTION. From Diocletian to the overthrow of the Roman empire in the West, A. C. 284—476. Sources. It now becomes of importance to inquire whether the historians were Christians or pagans. ZosiMUS, the imi- tator of Polybius, belonged to the last. He describes the fall of the Roman state, as his model does the previous part. Of his Histories only five books and a half, to the time of Gratian, 410, have descended to us. He was certainly a violent anta- gonist of the Christians, yet, nevertheless, the best writer of this period. — Ammiani Marcellini Historiarum, lib. xiv. — xxxi., from the year 353 — 378 (the first thirteen books are lost). Probably a Christian, but yet no flatterer ; and, notwithstand- ing his tiresome prolixity, highly instructive. Together with the writers of general history already noticed at p. 348, we must here especially add to the abbreviators, Pauli Orosii Hist. lib. vii. and Zonar^ Annates. The Panegyrici Veteres, from Di- ocletian to Theodosius, can only be used with circumspection. — The writers of church history, such as Eusebius, in his Hist. Eccles. lib. X., and in his Vita Constantini Magni, lib. v., as well as his continuators, Socrates, Theodoret, Sozomenus, and EvAGRius, are also highly important for the political history of this pei'iod, though, fi-om their partiality towards the Chris- tian emperors, they should ratlier be classed with the panegy- rists than the historians. To these may be added another prin- cipal source, viz., the Constitutions of the emperors, which have been preserved in the Codex Theodosianus and Justinianeiis, from the time of Constantine the Great. Besides the works quoted at pages 328, 348, the Byzantine historians here become of importance. We shall mention also, Histoire du Bas-Empire depuis Constantin, par M. le Beau, continuee par M. Ajieilhon. Paris, 1824, 20 vols. 8vo. The first seven parts only belong to this period. f The German translation of Guthrie and Gray's Universal 362 ROMAN STATE. [ BOOK V. Fourth Period. Diocletian, Sept. 17, 284— May 1, 305. Carinua, t 28.3. Maximian associated ill the go- vernment, 286. Carausius, 288—293. Galerius and Ciilorus created Cffisars, 292. History, 5 sections, 1 vol. Leipsic, 1768. Rendered very useful by the labours of Ritter. Histoire du Bas-Empire, depuis Constantin jusqu^ d la prise de Constantinople en 1453, joar Carentin Royou, Paris, 1803, 4 vols. 8vo. A useful abridgement, without much research. 1. The reign of C. Valerius Diocletian, aged 39 — 60, proclaimed emperor after the murder of Nume- rianus, by the troops in Chalcedon, begins a new section in Roman history. To the period of military despotism succeeded the period of partitions. After Diocletian had defeated Carinus, the yet remaining Caesar, in Upper Moesia, where he was assassinated, he made M, Valerius Maximianus Herculius, a rough warrior who had hitherto been his comrade in arms, the sharer of his throne, Herculius now contended with the Alemanni and Burgundians on the banks of the Rhine, while Diocletian himself made head against the Persians. Nevertheless, the two Augusti soon found themselves unable to withstand the barbarians, who were pressing forward on every side, more espe- cially as Carausius had usurped and maintained the title of Csesar in Britain. Each of them, therefore, created a Caesar: Diocletian chose C. Galerius, and Maximianus Flavins Constantius Chlorus, both of whom had distinguished themselves as generals, at that time the only road to advancement. The whole empire was now divided between these four rulers ; so that each had certain provinces to govern and de- fend ; without detriment, however, to the unity of the whole, or to the dependence in which a Caesar stood as the subordinate assistant and future successor of his Augustus. In the partition, 292, Diocletian possessed the eastern pro- vinces ; Galerius, Thrace, and the countries on the Danube (Illyricum) ; Maximianus, Italy, Africa, and the islands ; and Constantius, the western provinces of Gaul, Spain, Britain, and Mauritania. 2. This new system could not but have a striking effect upon the spirit of the government. It was now not only in fact, but also in form, entirely in the hands of the rulers. By their continual absence from Rome they became freed from that moral restraint in PERIOD IV.] FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 363 which the authority of the senate, and the name of Fourth the republic, not yet entirely laid aside, had held be- ^^'^'°°' fore them. Diocletian formally assumed the diadem, and, with the ornaments of the East, introduced its luxuries into his court. Thus was laid the founda- tion of that structure which Constantine the Great had to complete. 3. The consequences of this new system became also oppressive to the provinces, inasmuch as they had now to maintain four rulers, with their courts, and as many armies. But however loud might be the complaints of the oppression occasioned tliereby, it was, perhaps, the only means of deferring the final overthrow of the whole edifice. In fact, they suc- ceeded not only in defeating the usurpers, Alectus in 296. Britain, (who had murdered Carausius in 293,) Julian 293—296. in Africa, and Acliilleus in Egypt ; but also in de- fending the frontiers, which, indeed, by the victories of Galerius over the Persians, they extended as far as tlie Tigris. Did not, however, the gloomy per- spective present itself, that among so many rulers, and the undefined relations which existed between the Caesars and the emperors, the union could not be of long continuance ? 4. Diocletian voluntarily abdicated the throne, (although the growing power and encroaching dis- position of Galerius might perhaps have had some influence,) and obliged his colleague Maximianus to do the same. The two Caesars, Constantius and Const-m- Galerius, were proclaimed Augusti, and altered the äoi'.'^^''~ division of the empire, so that the former possessed paierius, all the western countries, of which, however, he freely ''^ ceded Italy and Africa to Galerius, who had all the remaining provinces. The latter, during the same year, created Flavins Severus, Csesar, and confided to him the government of Italy and Africa; as he did also C. Galerius Maximin, to whom he gave the Asiatic provinces. The administration of the two emperors, however, was very different ; Constantius was as much beloved for his mild and disinterested government, as Galerius was hated for his harshness 364 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Fourth and prodigality. Constantius died very soon after at ^'^^'°"' York, leaving his son Constantine heir to his do- 22, 337. minions, who was immediately proclaimed Augustus by the legions, although Galerius would only acknow- ledge him as Csesar, Constantine 5. Thus Constautinc, who afterwards obtained the j!d)^2T^' surname of Great, began to rule, aged 33 — 64, 306— May though at first only over Britain, Spain, and Gaul ; nevertheless, after seventeen years of violence and warfare, he succeeded in opening himself a way to the sole dominion of the empire. The rulers dis- agreed among themselves; and formidable usurpers started up and rendered war inevitable. The history of the first seven years of Constantine, 306 — 313, is very complicated ; after that he had only one rival to strug- gle with, 314 — 323. At his accession, Galerius, as Augustus, was in possession of all the other provinces ; of which, however, he had given to Csesar Maximin the government of those of Asia, and to Caesar Severus, now created Augustus, Italy and Africa. The latter, however, rendering himself odious by his oppression, Maxentius, the son of the former emperor, Maxi- mianus, assumed the title of Augustus at Rome, (Oct. 28, 306,) and associated his father with himself in the government ; so that at this time there were six rulers : Galerius, Severus, Con- stantine, Maximin, and the usurpers Maxentius and his father Maximianus. But in the year 307, Severus, wishing to oppose Maxentius, was abandoned by his own troops, upon which he surrendered himself to Maximianus, who caused him to be exe- cuted. In his place Galerius created his friend Licinius Au- gustus ; and Maximin obtained the same dignity from his army in Asia. In the mean time, Maximianus, after having endea- voured to supplant his own son in Rome, fled to Constantine, who had crossed over into Gaul and there defeated the Franks, 306 ; but having made an attempt upon the life of Constantine, who had married his daughter Fausta, that emperor caused him to be put to death, 310. As the excesses of Galerius soon brought him to the grave, 311, there only remained Constantine, Licinius, and Maximin, and the usurper Maxentius. The latter was soon defeated and slain, 312, before the gates of Rome, by Constantine, who thereby became master of Italy and the capital. A war having broken out about the same time between Maximin and Licinius, Maximin was defeated near Adrianople, and then killed himself, 313. The year 314 brought on a war between the two remaining emperors, Constantine and Licinius, which, however, ended the same year in an accommodation, by which Constantine obtained all the countries on the south bank of the Danube, as well as Thrace and Mcesia Inferior ; it broke out PERIOD IV.] FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 365 again, however, in 322, and was finally terminated by a decisive Fourth victory in Bitbynia, and tbe total overthrow of Licinius, whom Period. Constantine put to death, 324. 6. However opposite may be the opinions formed respecting the reign of Constantine the Great, its consequences are perfectly plain. Although he an- nihilated military despotism, he established in its stead, if not completely, yet in great measure, the despotism of the court, and likewise the power of the hierarchy. He had already, during his expedition against Maxentius, decided in favour of the Chris- tian religion ; and since he thereby gained a vast number of partisans in all the provinces, and weak- ened at the same time the power of his co-emperors, or competitors, it was the surest way he could have taken to obtain sole dominion, the great object of his ambition. This change must nevertheless have had very considerable influence on every part of the go- vernment, as he found in the previously established hierarchy a powerful support of the throne ; and since he, in concert with it, settled what was and what was not tlie orthodox doctrine, he introduced a spirit of persecution heretofore unknown. At a period in which religious parties must almost necessarily have become political parties, we can by no means venture to judge of the importance of the sect by the importance of their points of doctrine. The quarrels of the Arians, which arose at tliis time, gave Constantine, by the council of Nice, 325, the opportunity ho wished for, of making good his authority in re- ligious legislation. 7. The removal of the seat of empire from Rome to Constantinople was connected with this change in the form of worship — as a Christian court would have been awkwardly situated in a city still altogether pa- gan — although the need there was of protecting the frontiers a2:ainst the Goths and Persians had a con- siderable share therein. It did, indeed, become the principal means of establishing the despotism of the court ; but those who regard it as one of tlie causes of the decline of the empire, should remember, that for an empire fallen so low as the Roman was at this time, despotism was almost the only support that remained. 366 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Fourth The various partitions of the empire from the time of Diocle- Period. tian, had led the way to this change of the capital ; because a natural result of that system was, that the emperors and Ctesars, when not with the army as they usually were, Avould reside in ditferent cities. The seat of Diocletian's government was at Ni- comedia ; of Maximian's, at Milan ; even Constantine himself remained but very little at Rome. In these new residences they felt themselves unfettered ; and therefore, although the Roman senate existed till after the time of Constantine, its authority must have fallen of itself from the time of Diocletian. 8. We ought not, therefore, to wonder that the consequence of this removal was so complete a change in the whole form of government, that after a short time it seemed to be altogether a different state. A partition of the empire was made, which, though it might in part have been founded on those which had previously existed, was yet so different, that it not only changed the ancient divisions of the provinces, but completely altered their mode of go- vernment. — The court, with the exception of poly- gamy, assumed entirely the form of an eastern court. — A revolution also had taken place in the military system, by the complete separation of the civil and military authorities, which the praetorian prsefects had hitherto possessed, but who now became merely civil governors. According to the new division, the whole empire was divided into four prcefectures, each of which had its dioceses, and each diocese its provinces. The prgefectures were : I. The eastern (prcefectura Orientis); it contained five dioceses; 1. Orientis; 2. jhgijpti; 3. AsicB ; 4. Ponti ; 5. Thracice ; forming alto- gether forty-eight provinces, and comprising all the countries of Asia and Egypt, together with the frontier countries of Libya and Thrace. II. Prcefectura lUyrici, containing two dioceses ; 1. Macedofiice; 2. DacicB ; forming eleven provinces, and com- prising Mcesia, Macedon, Greece, and Crete. III. Prcefectura ItalicB, containing three dioceses; 1. ItalicB ; 2. lllyrici; 3. AfriccB; forming twenty-nine provinces, and comprising Italy, the countries on the south of the Danube, as far as the bounda- ries of Moesia ; the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, and the African provinces of the Syrtis. IV. Prcefectura Galli- arum, containing three dioceses; 1. Gallice ; 2. HispanicB ; 3. BritannicB; forming altogether twenty-eight provinces, and comprising Spain and the Balearian islands, Gaul, Helvetia, and Britain. — Each of these prsefectures was under a prcefectus prcEtorio, (praetorian pra3fect,) but who was merely a civil go- PERioE IV.] FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 367 vernor, and had under him vicarios, in the dioceses, as well as Fourth the rectores provinciarum, of various ranks and titles. They Period. were named proconsules prcesides, etc. Besides these, Rome and Constantinople, not being included in any of the four prte- fectures, had each its prtefect. As principal officers of statSe and the court, (s. cubiculi,) we now for the first time meet with the prcepositiis s. cubiculi, (grand-chamberlain,) under whom were all the comites palatii and cubicularii, in four divisions ; these, at a later period, were frequently eunuchs of great influence ; the magister ojficiorum (chancellor, minister of the interior) ; the comes sacrarutn laryi- tiorum (minister of the finances) ; the qucestor (the organ of the emperors in legislation ; minister of justice and secretary of state) ; the comes rei principis (minister of the crown-treasury) [privy-purse] ; the two comites domesticorum, (commander of the household guards,) each of whom had his corps (sc/iolas) under him. The number of the state officers and courtiers was continually increasing. If the good of a commonwealth con- sisted in forms, ranks, and titles, the Roman empire must at this time have been truly happy ! At the head of the troops were the magistri peditum. (masters of the infantry) and the magistri equitum, (masters of the horse,) under the magister utriusque militce (general in chief of the whole army). Their subordinate commanders were called co- mites and duces. Constantine considerably reduced the army. In the arrangement of the troops he also made great alterations ; these, however, were but of slight consequence compared with that which was produced by admitting into the service a con- tinually increasing number of barbai'ians. Notitia dignitatem utriusque Imperii cum not. Pancirolu Gr^v. Thesaur. Antiquität. Horn. vol. vii. 9. It would naturally be expected that these great Taxes, changes should lead to others in the system of tax- ation. New taxes, or old ones revived, were added to those already existino-, and became, by the manner in which they were collected, doubly oppressive. We shall particularly notice, a. The annual land-tax (indictio). h. The tax upon trade (aurum lustrak). c. The free gift, {don. gratiiit.,) now grown into an obligatory tax (aurum coronarium). To these we must add the municipal expenses, which fell entirely upon the citizens, and especially upon the civic of- ficers, (decuriones,) places which must have been generally held by the rich, as Constantine had in great measure appropriated the wealth of the cities to the endowment of churches, and the support of the clergy. 368 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Fourth Period. Spread of the Chris- tian reli- gion. Constan- tine, Con- stantius, and Con- stans. a. The land-tax, or indiction, which if not first introduced by Constantine, was entirely regulated under him, was collected after an exact register, or public valuation, of all the landed estates. Its amount was yearly fixed and prescribed by the emperor, {indicebatur,) and levied by the rectors of provinces and the decurions ; an arbitrary standard {caput) being taken as the rate of assessment. As this register was probably reviewed every fifteen years, it gave rise to the cycle of indictions of fifteen years, wliich be- came the common era, beginning from September 1, 312. In this manner the tax included all those who were possessed of property, b. The tax on commerce ; which was levied on al- most every kind of trade. It was collected every four years, whence the aurum lustrale. c. The aurum coronarium grew out of the custom which obtained of presenting the emperors with golden crowns on particular occasions ; the value of which was at last exacted in money. Every considerable city was obliged to pay it. 10. The rapid spread of the Christian rehgion, the promulgation of which was enforced as a duty upon all its professors, was now accelerated by the endea- vours of the court. Constantine forbade sacrifices, and shut up the temples ; and the violent zeal of his successors unfortunately soon turned them into ruins. Histoire de Constantin-le- Grand, par le R. P. Bern, de Va- EENNE. Paris, 1778, 4to. Vita di Constantino il Grande deW Abb. Fr. Gusta. Fu- ligno, 1786. Both these works, especially the first, are written in a tone of panegyric ; the latest, and by far the l)est, is t Life of Constantine the Great, by J. C. F. Manso. Bresl. 1817. With several very learned appendixes, which clear up some particular points. 11. The three Caesars and sons of Constantine the Great, Constantine, 337 — 340 ; Constantius, 337 — 361 ; and Constans, 337 — 350; had been carefully educated, and yet resembled one another as much in their vices as they did in their names. They indeed divided the empire again upon the death of their father ; but were so eager after territory, which nei- ther of them was qualified to govern, that a series of wars followed for the next twelve years, till at last Constantius was left master of the whole ; and by the murder of most of his relations secured the throne to himself. In the partition of the empire Constantine obtained the prce- PERIOD IV.] FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 369 fectura Galliurum, Constans the prafecfura Italice et Illyrici, Fourth and Constantius the prcpfectura Orientis. But as Constantine Period. desired to add Italy and Africa to his portion, he attacked Con- stans, and thereby lost his life, so that Constans came into the possession of the western countries. In consequence, however, of his wretched misgovernment, Magnentius, a genei-al, pro- claimed himself emperor in Gaul, and Constans was slain in en- deavouring to escape, 350. A war with Constantius, who was then occupied in the East, became inevitable, and broke out 351. The usurper was defeated first at IMursa in Pannonia, then re- treating into Gaul he was again defeated, 353 ; upon which he slew himself, together with his family. 12. As Constantius, however — sunk in effeminacy Constantius and debauchery, and surrounded and governed by ''^°"'^- eunuchs — w^as unable to sustain the w^eight of govern- ment alone, he took his cousin Constantius Gallus, 35i. hitherto a state prisoner, and whose father he had formerly slain, to his assistance, created him Csesar, and sent him into the East against the Parthians. But his excessive arrogance, which was fomented by his wife Constantina, rendered him so dangerous that Constantius recalled him, and caused him, upon his return, to be put to death in Istria. His younger brother Fl. Juhan, from whom the suspicious Con- stantius believed he had nothing to fear, was promoted 354. in his place, created Caesar, and sent to defend the Nov. e, frontiers on the Rhine. Although Julian passed sud- ^^^' denly from study to warfare, he not only fought against the Germans with success, but also made a deep inroad into their country. In the mean time Constantius, after his generals had been beaten by the Persians, who wished to reconquer the provinces they had ceded, was preparing an expedition against them in person, and with that view endeavoured gra- dually to withdraw the troops of Julian, in conse- quence of which the latter, suspecting his design, was induced to accept the diadem presented by his soldiers. While marching, however, along the Da- 36i. nube against Constantius, he received information of that prince's death in Asia. 13. Fl. Julian, (the apostate,) who reigned from JuUa«, his twenty-ninth to his thirty-second year, was the ^j^^; Jf° last and most highly-gifted prince of the house of 363. 2 B 370 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Fourth Constantine. Instructed by misfortunes and study, ^^^°'°' he yet had some faults, though certainly free from great vices. He began with reforming the luxury of the court. His abjuration of the religion now be- come dominant, and which he wished to annihilate by degrees, was an error in policy, which he must have discovered to his cost had his reign been pro- longed. Wishing, however, to terminate the war against the Persians, he penetrated as far as the Ti- gris, where he lost his life in an engagement, after a reign of three years. ■j" The Emperor Julian and his Times, by August. Neajstder. Leipsic, 1812. An historical sketch. Jovian, 14. Fl. Joviauus, now thirty-three years of age, 3G3— F^eb ^^^ immediately raised to the purple by the army. 21, 364. He concluded a peace with the Persians, by which he restored them all the territory that had been con- quered from them since the year 297. After a short reign of eight months he was carried off by a sudden disorder ; and the army proclaimed Fl. Valentinian Vaientinian at Nicc in his stcad. Valentinian almost immediately and Valens, associated his brother Valens with himself in the go- vernment, and divided the empire by giving him the prcefectura Orientis, and retaining the rest for himself Valentinian 15. The rcio^u of Valentinian I. in the West, who, 364I.N0V. ^^ ^^^ y^^i' 367, created his son Gratian Augustus 17, 375. with himself, is distinguished by the system of tole- ration which he followed with regard to the affairs of religion, though in other respects a cruel prince. Nearly the whole of his reign was taken up in almost continual struggles with the German nations, who had recovered from the losses they had suffered un- der Julian. His first efforts were directed against the Franks, the Saxons, and the Alemanni on the Rhine ; and afterwards against the Quadi and other nations on the Danube ; where he died of apoplexy at Guntz in Hungary. Valens, 16. In the mean time his brother Valens (aged 38 — 52 years) had to contend with a powerful insur- rection which had broken out in the East. A certain 364—378. rERiOD IV.] FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 371 Procopius had instigated the people to this, by takino- Fourth advantag'e of the discontent occasioned by the oppres- ^'^'°°' sion of Valens, who, having adopted the opinion of the Arians, was more disliked in the East than his brother was in the West. His war against the Per- 373. sians ended with a truce. But the most important event that happened during his reign, was the en- trance of the Huns into Europe, which took place towards its close. This, in its turn, gave rise to the great popular migration, by which the Roman em- pire in the West may properly be said to have been overthrown. The immediate consequence was the admission of the greater part of the Visigoths into the Roman empire, and this occasioned a war which cost Valens his life. The Huns, a nomad people of Asia, belonged to the great Mongolian race. Having penetrated to the Don, 373, they sub- dued the Goths upon that river as far as the Theiss. The Goths, divided into Ostrogoths and Visigoths, were separated from one another by the Dnieper. The former, driven from their country, fell upon the Visigoths, in consequence of which the emperor Valens was requested by the latter to grant them admission into the Roman empire, and with the exception of the Vandals, who had been seated in Pannonia from the time of Constantine, they were the first barbarian nation that had been settled within the boundaries of the empire. The scandalous oppression of the Roman governor, however, drove them into rebellion ; and as Valens marched against them, he was defeated near Adrianople and lost his life, 378. 17. During these events, Gratian (aged 16 — 24 Gratian, years) succeeded his father Valentinian I. in the and~"^^^' West, and immediately associated his brother, Valen- vaientiuian tinian II. (aged 5 — 21 years) with himself in the }^■''■^''^— emp\ve ; giving him, though under his own superin- tendence, the prcefectura Italice et Illjjrici. Gratian set forward to the assistance of his uncle Valens against the Goths, but receiving on his march an ac- count of his defeat and death, and fearing the East might fall a prey to the Goths, he raised Theodosius, a Spaniard, who had already distinguished himself as a warrior, to the purple, and gave him the iprwfectiira Orientis et Illyrici. 18. The indolent reign of Gratian led to the re- Revolt of 2 B 2 372 ROMAN STATE. [book Fourth Period. Maximus, 383. Eugenius. Theodosius the Great, Jan. 19, 379— Jan. 17, 395. bellion of Maximus, a commander in Britain, who, crossing into Gaul, was so strongly supported by the defection of the Gallic legions, that Gratian was obliged to seek safety in flight. He was, however, overtaken and put to death at Lyons. By this event, Maximus found himself in possession of all the pr(E- fectura Galliarum ; and by promising Theodosius not to interfere with the young Valentinian II. in Italy, he prevailed upon him to acknowledge him emperor. But having broken his promise by the in- vasion of Italy, he was defeated and made prisoner 388. by Theodosius in Pannonia, and soon after executed. Upon this Valentinian II., a youth of whom great hopes were entertained, became again master of all the West. But, unfortunately, he was murdered by the offended Arbogast, his magister militum ; who, thereupon, raised to the throne his own friend Euge- nius, magister qfßc'iorum. Theodosius, however, so far from acknowledging, declared war against him and made him prisoner. He himself thus became master of the whole empire, but died in the following year. 19. The vigorous reign of Theodosius in the East, from his thirty-fourth to his fiftieth year, was not less devoted to politics than to religion. The dexterity with which he at first broke the power of the victori- ous Goths (though they still preserved their quarters in the provinces on the Danube) procured him con- siderable influence, which the strength and activity of his character enabled him easily to maintain. The blind zeal, however, with which he persecuted Arian- ism, now the prevailing creed in the East, and re- stored the orthodox belief, as well as the persecutions which he directed against the pagans, and the de- struction of their temples, occasioned the most dread- ful convulsions. His efforts to preserve the bound- aries of the empire, not a province of which was lost before his death, required an increase of taxes ; and however oppressive this might be, we cannot impute it to the ruler as a crime. In an empire so enfeebled in itself, and which, nevertheless, had powerful foes PERIOD IV.] FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 373 on every side to contend with, it followed that every Fourth active reign would be oppressive. Yet never before '^ had the internal depopulation of the empire made it necessary to take so many barbarians into Roman pay, as under this reign ; whence naturally followed a chang-e in the arms and tactics of the Roman armies. p. Erasm. Müller, de genio sceculi Theodosiani. Havnite, 1798, 2 vols. A very learned and in every respect excellent description of the deeply-decayed Roman world as it now stood. 20. Theodosius left two sons, between whom the Final divi- empire was divided. Both parts, however, were Roman ^em- certainly considered as forming but one empire — an pire. opinion which afterwards prevailed, and even till late in the middle ages had important consequences — yet never since this period have they been reunited under one ruler. The Eastern empire, comprising the prcefectura Orientis et Illyrid, was allotted to the eldest son, Arcadius, (aged 18 — 31,) under the guard- Arcadius, ianship of Rufinus the Gaul. The Western, or the 395-408. prcefectura GaUiarum et Italiw, to the younger, Honorius, aged 11 — 39, under the guardianship of ^g^^j^g'» the Vandal Stilico. 21. The Western empire, to the history of which we shall now confine ourselves, suffered such violent shocks during the reign of Honorius, as made its approaching Vail plainly visible. The intrigues of Stilico to procure himself the government of the whole empire, opened a way for the Goths into its interior, just at a time when they were doubly formi- dable, fortune having given them a leader greatly superior to any they had hitherto had. Alaric king ^^'^J^'^^.^f of the Visigoths established himself and his people in g^JJ. the Roman empire, became master of Rome, and mounted the throne : it was the mere effect of chance that he did not overthrow it altogether. Both Honorius and Arcadius, especially the latter, belonged to that class of men who never come to years of maturity ; their favourites and ministers therefore governed according to their own inclination. Stilico, who made Honorius his son-in-law, was not deficient, indeed, in abilities for governing ; and his en- deavour to obtain the management of the whole empire, arose, perhaps, from the conviction that it was necessary he should 374 ROMAN STATE. [eook v. Fourth have it. He could not, however, gain his object by intrigue ; Peiuod. foi- rafter the murder of Rufinus, 395, he found a still more powerful opponent in the eunuch Eutropius, his successor in the East. Under the regency of StiHco, Gaul, in consequence of its troops being withdrawn to oppose Alaric, 400, was inun- dated by German tribes — by Vandals, Alani, and Suevi — who from thence penetrated even into Spain. Nevertheless, he pre- served Italy from their attacks by the victory which he gained, 403, over Alaric at Verona ; and again over Radagaisus, 405, who had advanced with other German hordes as far as Florence. But Stilico, having entered into a secret alliance with Alaric, for the purpose of wresting eastern lUyrica from the empire of the East, was overreached by the intrigues of the new favourite Olympius, whose cabal knew how to take advantage of the weakness of Honorius, and of the jealousy of the Roman and foreign soldiers. Stilico was accused of aspiring to the throne, and was executed August 23, 408. Rome lost in him the only general that was left to defend her. Alaric invaded Italy the same year, 408, and the besieged Rome was obliged to purchase peace ; the conditions, however, not being fulfilled, he was again, 409, before Rome, became master of the city, and created Attains, the priefect of the city, emperor instead of Honorius, who had shut himself up in Ravenna. In 410 he assumed the diadem ; and, making himself master of the city by force, gave it up to be plundered by his troops. Soon afterwards, while projecting the capture of Sicily and Africa, he died in Lower Italy. His brother-in-law and successor, Adolphus, together with his Goths, left Italy, now completely exhausted, 412, went into Gaul, and from thence proceeding into Spain, founded there the empire of the Visigoths : he carried with him, however, Placidia the sister of Honorius, either as prisoner or as hostage, and married her in Gaul. During these events a usurper arose in Britain and Gaul named Constantine, 407 : he was vanquished, and put to death, 411, by Constantius, one of Honorius's generals. This latter prince not only gave Con- stantius his sister Placidia, who had become a widow and was restored in 417, in marriage, but also named him Augustus in 421. He died, however, a few months after, so that Placidia henceforward had a considerable share in the government. She went, nevertheless, 423, to Constantinople, where she remained until the death of Honorius. ■j" Fl. Stilico, or the Wallenstein of Antiquity, by CiiK. Fr. Schulze, 1805. Not written by way of comparison. 22. In this manner was a great part of Spain and part of Gaul cut off from the Roman empire during 423. the reign of Honorius. After his death the secretary 425. John usurped the government, but was defeated by Vaientinian the Eastcm cmperor Theodosius II. The nephew of 4Ö5. ""^~ Honorius, Vaientinian HI., a minor, (aged 6 — 36,) PERIOD IV.] FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 375 was then raised to the throne, under the guardian Fourth care of his mother Placidia (f 450). Under his ^^•^'°"- miserable reign the Western empire was stripped of almost all her provinces with the exception of Italy. Yet the government of his mother, and afterwards his own incapacity, were as much the cause as the stormy migration of barbarous tribes, which now convulsed all Europe. Britain had been voluntarily left by the Romans since 427. In Africa, the governor Boniface having been driven into rebel- lion by the intrigues of the Roman general TEtius, who pos- sessed the ear of Placidia, invited tlie Vandals from Spain, under the command of Genseric, to come to his assistance. The latter then obtained possession of the country, 429 — 439 ; indeed, even as early as 43o, Valentinian was obliged to make a formal cession of it to them. Valcntinian's wife Eudoxia, a Grecian princess, was purchased by the cession of western Illy- ricum (Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Noricum) ; so that of all the countries south of the Danube there now only remained those which belonged to the praefecture of Italy, Rliajtia and Vinde- licia. On the south-east of Gaul was formed, 435, the king- dom of the Burgundians, which, besides the south-cast part of France, comprised also Switzerland and Savoy. Tlie south- west was under the dominion of the Visigoths. There remain- ed only the territory north of the Loire which still submitted to the Roman governors ; the last of whom, Syagrius, survived the fall of the empire itself ; holding out till the year 486, when he was defeated near Soissons by Clodovicus, or Clovis, king of the Franks. 23. But while tliß Western empire seemed thus The Huns. of itself almost to fall to pieces, another impetuous rush of nations took place, which threatened tlie whole of western Europe. The victorious hordes of Huns who now occupied the territory formerly the seat of the Goths, between the Don and the Theiss, and even as far as the Volga, had united themselves since the year 444, under one common chief, Attila ; who, by Attiia. tliis union and his own superior talents as a warrior and ruler, became the most powerful prince of his time. The Eastern empire having bought a peace by paying him a yearly tribute, he fell with a mighty 45o. army upon the Western provinces. The united forces, Iiowever, of the Romans under ^tius and the Visi- goths, obliged him near Chalons (/*;? camp'hs Catalan- 45i. 376 ROMAN STATE. [book v. Fourth nicis) to retreat. Nevertheless, the following year ^^'^'°°' he again invaded Italy, where he had a secret under- standing with the licentious Honoria, Valentinian's 453. sister. The cause of his second retreat, which was soon followed by his death, is unknown. The miser- able Valentinian soon after deprived the Roman em- pire of its best general, being led by his suspicions 454. to put iEtius to death. He himself, however, was soon doomed to undergo the punishment of his de- 455. baucheries, being murdered in a conspiracy formed by Petronius Maximus, whose wife he had dishonour- ed, and some friends of ^tius, whom he had executed. 24. The twenty years which intervened between the assassination of Valentinian, and the final de- struction of the Roman empire in the West, was nearly one continued series of intestine revolutions. No less than nine sovereigns rapidly succeeded one another. These changes, indeed, were but of little importance in this troublesome period, compared to the terror with which Genseric king of the Vandals filled the Roman empire : he by his naval power having become master of the Mediterranean and Sicily, could ravage the coasts of the defenceless Italy at his pleasure, and even capture Rome itself. While in Italy, the German Ricimer, general of the foreign troops in Roman pay, permitted a series of emperors to reign in his name. It would have been his lot to put an end to this series of Augusti, but for mere accident, which reserved that glory for his son and successor, Odoacer, four years after his father's death. After the death of Valentinian, Maximus was proclaimed emperor ; but as he wished to compel Eudoxia, Valentinian's widow, to marry him, she called over Genseric from Africa, who took and pillaged Rome, and Maximus perished after a reio-n of three months, 455. He was succeeded by M. Avitus, who ascended the throne at Aries ; and he again was soon de- posed by Ricimer, 456, who, just before, had defeated the fleet of the Vandals. Ricimer now placed upon the throne, hrst Ju- lianus Majorianus, April 1, 457 ; but he, having distinguished himself in the wars against the Vandals, 461, was set aside, and Libius Severus put in his place, who, however, died in 465, pro- "^ bably of poison. His death was followed by an interregnum of PERIOD IV.] FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 475. 377 two years, during which Ricimer ruled, thongli without the title Fourth of emperor. At length the patrician Anthemius, then at Con- J^eriod. stantinople, (where they never gave up their pretensions to the right of naming or confirming the sovereigns of the West,) was, though not Avithout the consent of the powerful Ricimer, named emperor of the West, April 12, 467, by the emperor Leo. But differences having arisen between him and Ricimer, the latter retired to j\Iilan, 469, and commenced a war, in which he took and pillaged Rome, and Anthemius was slain. Ricimer himself followed soon after, fAug. 18, 472. Upon this, Anicius Oly- brius, son-in-law of Valentinian III., was proclaimed Augustus, but dying in three months, Oct., 472, Glycerius assumed the purple at Ravenna, without, however, being acknowledged at Constantinople, where they in preference named Julius Nepos Augustus. The latter, in 474, having expelled Glycerius, be- came also in his turn expelled by his own general Orestes, 475, who gave the diadem to his son Romulus Momyllus, who, as the last in the succession of Augusti, acquired the surname of Augustulus. In 476, however, Odoacer, the leader of the Ger- mans in the Roman pay at Rome, sent him, after the execution of Orestes, into captivity, and allowed him a pension. Odoacer now remained master of Italy till the year 492, when the Os- trogoths, under their king Theodoric, founded there a new empire. 25. Thus fell the Roman empire of the West, "W'hile that of the East, pressed on every side, and in a situation almost similar, endured a thousand years, notwithstanding its intestine broils, which would alone have sufficed to destroy any other, and the hosts of barbarians who attacked it during the middle ages. The impregnable situation of its capital, which usually decides the fate of such kingdoms, joined to its despotism, which is not unfrequently the main support of a kingdom in its decline, can alone, in some measure, explain a phenomenon which has no equal in the history of the world. APPENDIX. CHRONOLOGY OF HERODOTUS TO THE TIME OF CYRUS, EXTRACTED FROM THE RESEARCHES OF M. VOLNEY. See Preface. Although Herodotus did not write his work in chronological order, yet we cannot doubt that he had some general plan of computing time. By carefully selecting and comparing the separate data scattered through his work, this plan to a certain extent may be traced out, and early history, with regard to set- tled chronology, must necessarily gain a good deal. The following essay is founded upon a procedure of this kind ; it is drawn entirely from Herodotus, and only from data which he has precisely determined, the passages of his work being always referred to. The year B. C. 561, in which the fall of Astyages and the Median empire took place, as may be proved from Herodotus himself, is a fixed point of time from which we may ascend into higher antiquity. This point of time may be determined by the chronological data respecting the battle of Marathon, four years before the death of Darius, (Herodotus, VH. 1. 4.,) agreeing with the general data of the Greeks, who fix it in the third year of the 72nd Olymp. B. C. 490. By adding to this the thirty-two years of Darius's reign that had already elapsed, (Herodotus, ibid.,) the eight months of Smerdis, (Herodotus, HI. 68.,) the seven years and five months of Cambyscs, (Herodo- tus, HI. 66.,) and the twenty-nine years of Cyrus, (Herodotus, I. 214.,) we obtain the year 560 as the first year of Cyrus. APPENDIX. 379 IL CHRONOLOGY OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. B. C. End of the Median empire . . . . . 561. Duration of the Median empire one hundred and fifty-six years (Herodotus, I. 130.) The beginning of it, therefore, after their separation from the Assyrians, "would be . . . . 717. In this period, at first, six years of anarchy^ . . 716 — 710, Reign of Deioces fifty-three years (Herodotus, 1. 102.) 710 — 6ö7. Reign of Phraortes, twenty-two years (ibid.) . . 6ö7 — 635. Cyaxares, forty years (I. 106.) .... 635 — 595. Irruption and dominion of tlie Scythians, twenty- eight years (I. 203. 106.) .... 625—595. Conquestof Nineveh (I. 106.) .... 597. Astyages reigned thirty-five years (I. 130.) . . 595 — 561. The succession of Median kings given by Ctesias, which entirely diticrs from this, the author thinks might be explained by a duplication ; see f Gott. Gell. Anz. 1810, p. 4. I. CHRONOLOGY OF THE MEDIAN EMPIRE. The dominion of the Assyrians over Asia, or tlieir empire, ended with the revolt of the Medes (Herodo- tus, I. 95.) ; although the existence of their state did not then end, but terminated with the capture of Nineveh by Cyaxares, B. C. 597. B. C. Revolt of the Medes, as above . . . . 717. Tlie dominion of the Assyrians had endured five hundred and twenty years (Herodotus, I. 95.) The Assyi'ian empire lasted therefore from . . 1237 — 717. As Herodotus intended to write the history of this empire in a separate work, (I. 184.,) he only casually mentions (I. 7.) its founder Ninus, who began to reign 1*237 ; and afterwards Sennacherib and his ex- pedition (II. 141.) ; and the last king, Sardanapalus (II. 150.). " These are certainly not determined from Herodotus ; but they remain after subtracting the one hundred and fifty years' reign of the four Median kings. 380 APPENDIX. The mention of Sennacherib and his expedition furnishes a point of time for comparino; the chro- nology of Herodotus with that of the Bible, or the Jews. According to the latter, Sennacherib's expe- dition took place B. C. 714 (see above, p. 22); his death takes place immediately after, and he has for his successor Esar-haddon, 2 Kings xix. 37. Here then is certainly a contradiction, since, according to Herodotus, the Assyrian dominion had ceased three years before, namely, 717. M. Volney endeavours to reconcile this difficulty by the restoration of an ancient reading in the sacred text ; according to which Amon, king of Judsea, reigned twelve years instead of two (2 Kings xxi. 10) ; from which it would follow, that the expedition of Sennacherib took place in 724. As this would leave seven years after his death for his successor Esar-haddon, who agrees both in time and name with the Sardanapalus of the Greeks (the Greek name being formed from Esar- haddon-pal, i. e. Esar, the lord, son of Pal,) the two chronologies are thus made to agree exactly. But even in following the ancient usual reading, the great- est difference between the two statements is only ten years ; quite as little as can be reasonably expected under such circumstances. With regard to the Assyrian chronology of Ctesias, M. Volney has satisfactorily shown that it is full of contradictions, and unworthy of any credit. III. CHRONOLOGY OF THE LYDIAN EMPIRE. The arrangement of the Lydian chronology rests upon the settlement of two principal facts : first, the great eclipse of the sun under Alyattes, foretold by Thales (Herodotus I. 74.) ; and secondly, the con- quest of Sardes, and overthrow of the empire under Croesus, by Cyrus ; both of which Herodotus certain- ly mentions, but without any precise date. But by a careful comparison of all the data it has been proved, that the great eclipse in Asia Minor (according to the tables of Pingre) happened in the year 625 ; and APPENDIX. 381 the conquest of Sardes, and the end of the Lydian empire, B. C. 557, or in the fourth year of Cyrus. Therefore : B. C. End of the Lj.dian empire ..... 557. It subsisted under tliree houses ; under that of the Atyadae (fabulous and uncertain) ; under that of the Herachdae, five hundred and five years (Herodotus, I. 7.) ; and under the last, that of the Mermnadse, one hundred and seventy years. The Heraclidse and Mermnadse, then, reigned al- together six hundred and seventy-five years. There- fore : B. c. Commencement of the reign of the Heraclidas, with Agron the son of Ninus (I. 7.) . . . . 1232. End of this house with the murder of Candaules, by Gyges 727. By fixing the time of Agron son of Ninus, Hero- dotus verifies himself (I. 7.) ; as, by the preceding data, Ninus began his reign in Assyria, 1237 ; con- sequently it must have been in the fifth year of his reign that he conquered Lydia, and placed his son Agron upon the throne. B. c. Dominion of the IMermnada?, one hundred and se- venty years, under Icings of that liouse . . 727 — 557 Gyges, thirty-eight years (Herodotus, I. 14.). . 727 — 689. Ardys, forty-nine years (Herodotus, I. 16.) . . 689 — 640. First irruption of the Cimmerians . . . 670. vSadyattes, twelve years (Herodotus, I. 16.) . . 640 — 628. Alyattes, fifty-seven years (Herodotus, I. 25.) . 628 — 571. War with Cyaxares, ending with the great eclipse, and second irruption of tlie Cimmerians . . 625. Croesus, fourteen years and fourteen days (Herodo- tus, I. 86.) .... . 571 — 557. IV. CHRONOLOGY OF THE BABYLONIANS. For this as well as for the Egyptians there is no evidence to guide us, the data being very scanty, and taken from Herodotus alone. The cltronology of 382 APPENDIX. the Babylonians, according to the canon of Ptolemy, begins with Nabonassar, 747, who was succeeded by twelve kings, (mentioned in the same canon,) down to Nabopolassar (see above, p. 24). B. c. Nabopolassar 627 — 604. Nebuchadnezzar Evil-Meroclach Neriglissar . Labynetus . Conquest of Babylon by Cyrus 604—561. 561—559. 559—555. 555—538. 538. V. CHRONOLOGY OF THE EGYPTIANS. M. Volney very properly commences this with the dodecarchy — as of the earlier periods only the time of Sesostris, 1365, is ascertained; — and arranges it in the following manner : B. c. Dodecarchy 671 — 656. Psammetichus's sole dominion thirty-nine years . 656 — 617. Eeign of Neco, sixteen years .... 617 — 601. Psammis, six years .... 601 — 595. ■ Apries, twenty-five years . . • 595 — 570. Amasis, forty-four years . . . 570 — 526. Psamraenitus, six months ..... 525. Conquest of Egypt by Cambyses. o o <1 o CO W U O H o rt Iß "^ to .;3 B 3 ^•s H >^ ' ^ o CO c • +- es ^§ S W CO o o ^ ?^ o r-< CO Z +- <^ « fa z- O ° .< ' 21 5"< lo. s ■2 _ä I < ^■^ o S- o Cß d H f J T 3 ^ o d P^ w ft CD P c p. o O d i^ M P-O a !3'0 «-►- CO J? Ü» o o H •-^K hd to CF>3 CO 7 >5-2 I— H Ol W "' hfl f!»- S"9 p- (t> H- O V >0 <) CD O t> 1— I f^ JD P- Pi X P a tli^ m HH CD >-t H l-»5 K S '^ ' ;:;■ tr S3 S. M P-t> 1 ?i H CD -+ )_, 1— ' < 00 ^^ 1^ C P P ?' 5^1- _ 3 ^ w s Pi o w CD -: ..o: w ^ ■^ j^< S-;!^ Ch S Pi bo OS > -a c«" J ;h o H Oh o _aj 5 -0 0) •7^ § s ij ^2 — ~ a, .2 c ^ Ph ^ s to to jj S.2J2< i ^< O I- ^ p. Q.2 : 2^ oi J3 ai o-i ^ 3-0 . Ü.2 a set lO a 3 -*- o js 3 Ü "ÖJ p ßi ^H W ^ c^ pq T3 2 c ^^' + CD -+ o >f^ ^o-^> >— H!^ ■ > a^cre *- d ?= ■5 ►13 P pf CO 2 O 3 o J" p' ■ Ml M Ö to S" • a: So ►Ö O ffiS. P-5 O c» >^ >^>*1 ^* »-i a ,?• oq S- e& £-£. _ e" t^. ^ ^►1 1-| f-- C-( K3 -+ o *-t CT' ^' s S- p ffi "-< M O 3 fT p M t-j 5' ^ p- «H > P 3 cT 8 !a ^ ^ c e. ^ p i^ o a •-^ §- » -fpi 1 JO 05 1— ' E aq p- «-I ►Ö o H( ti a' p= ?^ -+ f_i it^ W aq Ct' ns t-i o' c4- £2 a; ► ^ 3' (X o p: O p- -+ ^^ CO en o d p3" O td W w Q Q W O d W O »2 m o H fa O w w H o t— ( o CJ« r.2 I J; 'S ! o p^ ->1 . O t« 8 H,^ Ü in • 3Ü ^ . 3 ^1 3 +- i-i LQ -S Oc« :- - "to 'd' O -H 5d us < s Sh '^ t-4 be oJ Ü ^g Co CT' o3£L W W o M o > W W o W w o W o o o CO H ;> H t— I t2! INDEX. Acarnania, the most western country in Hellas, 92. general outline of its history, 120. Achcean League, The, its formation, history, and overthrow, '223, 224. war with the iEtoIian League, 226. in the war be- tween Rome and Philip II., sided first with the latter, and aftenvards with Rome, 228, 279. war with Nabis, ih. ac- cession of Sparta to the League, ih. Ro- man policy against them, 229. fall of the Leagae, 2.31, 2HÖ. Achteans, a principal branch of the Hel- lenes, 96. Aigos, Sparta, Messene, and Corinth wrested from them by the Do- rians, 10-3, IDG. expel the lonians, and settle in Achaia, ib. Achcemenes, brother to Arlaxerxes I., 8.3. defeated by the revolted Egj'ptians, ib. Achmus, cousin of Seleucus III. king of Syria, 190. on the death of that monarch re-establishes tlie kingdom of the Seleu- cidaj in Asia Minor, ih. Achaia, a country of Peloponnesus, 9-3. geographical outline, ib. general outline of its history, 1 17. Ackelotis, one of the principal rivers of Greece, 90. Achilleus, 36.3. Acichorins, a leader of the Gauls in their irruption into Greece, 221. with Brcnnus invades Pajonia, ib. subsequently bursts into Greece and pushes on for Delphi, but is defeated, 222. AcrcE, a city of Sicily, 142. Adrian, P. JElius, a Roman emperor, 34.3. his reign, 344. j^gina, a Greek island in the Saronic Gulf, 94. sometimes contended with Atlieiis, 114. historical outline, 122. uHmilianus, yEmilixis, a Roman emperor, 3.5.5. JEolians, a principal branch of the Hel- lenes, 96. begin the colonization of Asia Minor, 103. their colonies, 127. ^Ethiopia, 40. lies next above Ecypt, ib. and from the earliest times was closely connected with it, ib. yEtolia, a country in Central Greece, 92. the least cultivated oi any, ib. general outline of its history, 119. yEtolian League, The, 224. war with the Achffian League, 226. alliance with Rome, Sparta, and Elk?, 227. compelled by Philip II. to accept peace, ib. Africa, Ancierit, general geographical out- line, 37. only the northern part known to antiquity, ib. ihis better kno^vn by them than by the modems, ib. difiers greatly from Asia, ib. forms a world in itself, ib. its physical geography, ib. not comprised in any political division, .38. circum- navigated by the Phoenicians at the com- mand of Neco, 57. Agathocles, eldest son of Lysimachus, 221. executed at the instigation of his step- mother, Arsinoe, ib. Agesilaus, after the death of Agis, seizes the regal dignity at Sparta, 160. his ex- pedition into Asia, ib. recalled out of Asia, 161. sent to Egypt to support the insurrection of Tachos, 164. Agricola, his expedition into Britain, 341. Agrigenhim, a colony of Gela, in Sicily, 141. its history, ib. Agrippa, grandson of Herod, made king by Caligula, 250. Agrippa IL son of Philip the tetrarch, 250. Agrippina, a wife of Claudius Ces;ir, 337. Alaria, or Alalia, a Greek settlement in Corsica, 142. Alaric, the Visigoth, 373, 374. Alba Longa, a. city of the Latini, from which R ome was a colony, 260. its destruction, 201. Albimis, a Rom.an general commanding in Britain, and proclaimed emperor by his army after the death of Commodus, 350. defeated by Severus, kills himself, ib. Alcibiades, obtains the management of af- fairs at Athens, 157. his character, ib. incites to a project for conquering Sicily, 390 INDEX. ib. sent on the expedition with Nicias and Lamachus, ib. defeated, ib. flies to Tissaphernes, 158. negociates with the Athenian generals at Samos, ib. named leader by the army, ib. repeated victories over the Spartans, ib. is deposed, and goes into voluntary exile, 159. defeated at Notium, ib. and deprived of the com- mand, ib. Alcimus, a high priest of the Jews, 248. Alcmceon, the last of the Athenian archons, 110. Alectus, 363. Alemanni, The, 326. wars with Caracalla, 352. become formidable to Rome, 356. defeated by Aurelius Claudius, 357, driven back by Aurelian, ib. Alexander the Great, succeeds his father Philip on the throne of Macedon, 173. commotions thereupon, 174. his expe- dition against Thrace, ib. appointed ge- neralissimo of the Greeks, ib. his plan of attack on Persia, ib. passage of the Hel- lespont, ib. battle of the Granicus, ib. battle of Jssus, ib. siege of Tyre, ib. con- quest of Egypt, 175. reduction of Tyre, ib. builds Alexandria, ib. battle of Ar- bela, ib. wholly subjects Persia, ib. the opposition he subsequently met with in his own army, ib. expedition against In- dia, 176. originated in his propensity to romantic enterprise, ib. the course of his invasion, ib. defeats Porus the king, ib. is compelled by mutiny in his army to return, ib. the modern connexion of Eu- rope with the East the work of his hands, ib. proceeds to Persis and Babylon across the desert, 177. the extent of his do- minions, ib. his policy in the conquered countries, ib. his views, ib. his death, 178. his character, ib. state of his family at his death, 179. the example which his mon- archy affords, 186. Alexander, the posthumous son of Alex- ander the Great, proclaimed king jointly with Arrhidseus, 179. murdered, with his motlicr, by Cassander, 183, 218. Alexander, son of Polysperchon, regent of the Macedonian empire, 217. sent by his father to gain possession of Athens, ib. expelled by the democratic party, ib. won over by Cassander, 218. murdered, ib. Alexander, a son of Cassander, murdered by Demetrius Poliorcetes, 219. Alexander Balas, a usurper of the Syrian throne in the reign of Demetrius Soter, 195. his character, ib. defeated and de- throned by Demetrius II. aided by Phi- lometor, l96. Alexander Zebinas, a pretended son of the preceding, 197. set up by Ptolemy Phys- con as a rival to Demetrius II., ib. war with Cleopatra, 198. Alexandria, built by Alexander the Great, 175. its increase under Ptolemy Soter 202. siege by Julius Cassar, 213, 313. massacre of the inhabitants by Cara- calla, 352. Amestris, queen of Xerxes I., 82. her in- trigues in his court, ib. and in that of Artaxerxos I., 84. Amisus, a Greek colony of the Black Sea, and mother city of Trapezus, 131. Amnion, an Egyptian deity, confounded by tlie Greeks with their Jupiter, 47. Amphictyonic council, the most important public association of the Greeks, and which continued the longest, 100. it pro- moted tlie national feeling of unity, 105. not a states-general, ib. its immediate office to attend to the temples and oracles of Delphi, ib. hence it was enabled to take a share in the affairs of different states, ib. none but Hellenes were ad- mitted to it, ib. abxises its authority in kindling the Sacred war, 164. its sen- tence against Sparta, 165. Phocians be- ing expelled from the council, Philip takes their place and vote, 165. its sen- tence on the Locrians, ib. Amphipolis, a city on the coast of Mace- donia, a colony from Athens, 132. AmyrtcEus, an Egyptian, who excited his country to the second revolt against Persia, 83. defeated by Megabyzus, ib. takes refuge in the morasses, and con- tinues to make head against the Persians, ib. issues forth and expels tlie Persians from Egypt, 85. Amytis, queen of Artaxerxes I., 84. her in- trigues, ib. Annals, one source of history, 8. Antigonus, one of the generals of Alex- ander the Great, 180. receives Phrygia, Lycia, and Pamphylia at his master's death, ib. refuses to obey Perdiccas, ib. attempts of Perdiccas to overthrow him, 181. he passes over to Antipater, ib. war with Eumenes, ib. becomes master of Asia Minor, ib. victory over the royal fleet, 182. returns to Asia Minor, 183. frustrates the league of Ptolemy, the two Cassanders, and Lysimachus against him, ib. peace with his enemies, ib. in- stigates the death of Cleopatra, ib. rup- ture with Ptolemy, 184. new league against him and his son, 185. he loses his life, and his kingdom is anniliilated, at the battle of Ipsus, ib. Antigonus Gonnatas, son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, seated himself on Üie Mace- donian throne after the first irruption of the Gaxüs, 222. buys off his competitor Antiochus Soter, ib. dethroned by Pyr- rhus, ib. again obtains the crown after the death of Pyrrhus, 223. his designs upon Greece, ib. allies himself with tJie iEtolians, 224. his death, ib. INDEX. 391 Antigonus Doson, king of Macedonia, 224. Antigonus, a king of the Jews, 249. Antiochis, daughter to Antiochus the Great, married to Ariarathes V. king of Cap- padocia, 238. Antiochus I., sumamed Sotcr, son of Se- leucus Nicator. His father cedes to him Upper Asia, and his wife Stratonice, 188. succeeds his father in the Syrian empire, 189. entangled in wars by the late conquests of Seleucus, ih. attempts in vain to subject Bithynia, ib. inroad into Egypt, ib. Antiochus IL, sumamed Geos, succeeded Antiochus Soter in the Syrian empire, 189. the state swayed by women during his reign, ib. the Parthian and Bactrian kingdoms grow out of secessions from his kingdom, ib. war Avith Ptolemy II., ib. repudiates his wife Laodice, and mar- ries Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy, 190. puts away Berenice and takes back La- odice, ib. by whom he is poisoned, ib. Antiochus III., sumamed the Great, younger son of Seleucus Callinicus, king of Syria, 190. war with his brother Seleucus Ceraunus, ib. on the death of Seleucus, the crown is insured to him by means of Achaeus, ib. his reign the most eventful in Syrian history, and marks a new epoch, 191. in such a line of princes not difficult to earn the title Great, ib. insurrection in Media and Persia quelled by him in person, ib. re- bellion of A<. was, next to Tyre and Car- thage, the lirst emporium in the W(jrld, 129. implicated in the insurrection of Aristagoras against the Persians, ib. and destroyed, ib. established colonies on the shores of the Propontis, Black Sea, and Palus Ma^otis, 130. Miltiades, lh(! leader of Uk; Athenians in rejecting the demands of Persia, and in repelling tlieir invasitm, 14G. battle of Marathon, ib. the expedition against Pa- ros undertaken at his instigation, ib. its failure, and his unjust punishment, ib. his fall the source of hap])iness to Athens, ih. Mithridates, the name of six kings ofPon- tus, 23(). of whom the VI. th was suniamed the Great and Eupator, ib. liis history, 237. his first war with Rome, .300. se- cond, 303. third, 304. his fall, 30G. Mitylcne, a city in Lesbos, the jn'incipal of all the Ionian colonii s, 127. was almost razed by i\\v. Athenians, 128. Mwsia, Siiperior and Inferior, Roman pro- vinces south of the Danube, 324, 332. Monuments, inscriptions on tluim, one source of history, 6. Morzes, a king of Pa])hlagonia, 23G. Mythology, includes, besides historical facts, the general notions of nations in their in- fancy, .'). to be used by the historian with great caution, ih. its fables usually collected by grammarians from the works of the poets, 6. Myus, a city and Ionian colony in Asia Minor, I'ZH. Naxus, a city in Sicily, 142. Nearchus, the admiral of Alexander the Great, 177. his voyage from the Indus to the Euphrates, ib. Nectabenus I., king of Egypt, in whose rei^ii Artaxerxes II., king of Persia, made an unsuccessful attempt to reduce K^-ypt, H7. Nectabenus II., defeated by Artaxerxes III. at the battle of Pt'lusium, and his king- dom made an Egyptian province, 88.^ Nehemiah, 24G. Nerigon, Norway, 326. Nerva, M. Cocceius, em])eror of Rome, 342. Nicanor, the friend of Cassander, procured by him to be commander at Athens, 217. overthrown by the democratic i)arty, ib. Nicias, an Athenian general, 1.'j7. his pru- dence, ih. sent with Lamachus and Al- cibiades against Sicily, 158. Nicomedes I., IL, III., kings of Bithynia, 2.3;'), 23G. Nicomedia, the seat of Diocletian's govern- ment, 3G6. Niger, Pescennius, a Roman general com- manding in Syria, and proclaimed by his army em])eror after the death of Com- modns, 'SM. defeated and slain by Sep- tiiuius SevcTus, ib. Nomad nations, their influence on political history, 14. probably one half of the hu- m.an race must always remain in a nomad state, ih. Nomad empires, their rise, progress, and fall, 20. Nomes, districts into whic'h Egypt was very anciently divided, 48. connected with the chief temples, ih. Noricum, a Roman province south of the Danube, 324, 3.32. Nutna Pompilins, king of Rome, 2G1. Nifmerianus, M. Aurelius, 359. Ochus. See Darius II. Octavia, sister of Ca;sar Octavianus, m.ir- ried to M. Antony, 319. rejected by him, 320. Odenatus, the liusband of Zenobia, 357. Odoacer, 37G, 377. Olbia, a city and Greek colony at the mouth of the Borysthenes, 131. another in Sardinia, 142. Olympia, the seat of a Greek oracle, 100. Olympias, the queen of Philip of Maccdon, 173. her cruelty, 179. after the death of Alexander, Antipater not permitting her to rule, she withdrew to Epirus, 216. INDEX. 405 recalled by Polysperchon, 182, 217. but dares not come without an army, 217. returns fmni ICpinis, ih. is l)(\sicn;(;(l hy Cassander iu I'ydna, «6. and beinp; taken is condemned and put to death, ih. Olynthus, a city on tlie coast of Macedonia, named after its founder, a son of Her- cules, 132. Onias, the name of three high priests of the Jews, 217, 2 IS. Onomarchus, a Phocian pencral who suc- ccckIs his brotlier PhiU)melus, lüf). killed in the war with Philip, ib. Oracles, powerful in thi' civilization of ancient (Jreece, lüO. the direction of public affairs depended principally upon tliem, ib. Orophernes, a king of Cappadocia, 238. Osiris, an Efiyptian deity, confounded by the Greeks with their Pacchus, 47. Ostrof/oths, a division of the Gotlis, 371. found a new eniiiirc; in Italy, 377. Otlio, a Roman emperor, 339. Palmyra, Roman trade with India carried on through it, 348. coiKincred by Aure- lian, 3r)7. Pains Mfcods, its sliores covered with Greek colonies, 130. nearly all from the city of Miletus, ib. Panno7iia, Superior and Inferior, Roman provinces south of the Danube, 32 1, 332. PanticapcEum, a city and Greek colony in the Chersonesus Taurica, 131. capital of the kingdom of Bosporus, ib. Paphlagonia, its history as a kingdom, 23.'j. Papyrus, employed for writing, in the liighest antiquity, 42. Parchment, its discovery at Pergamus, 234. Parthians. Their kingdom formed out of the secession of the eastern provinces of the Syrian empire in the reign of An- tiochus Ofoy, l!sy. war with Selcncus CaUinicus, whom they take prisoner, 190, 241. regarded by them as the real date of the foundation of their kingdom, 190. main facis in tin- liistory and con- stitution of the kingdom, 240 — 214. con- (juered by Trajan, 3 13. their irruption in the time of Aurelius, 34(5. war with Caracalla, 352. peace purchased by Ma- crinus, ib. revolution and formation of the new PiTsiau emiiire, 3r)3. Parysatis, ([ueen of Darius II., 84. keeps her husband in a state of tutelage, ih. incites her son Cyrus to rebel against liis brother Artaxerxes II., 85. keeps Artaxerxes in a stale of tutelage, and commits horrible excesses, 86. Pasargadrr, the i)rincip:il of the clans into which the Persians were ilivided, 73. Paiisanias the Sjiartan, who, jointly with Aristides the Athenian, conunanded at the battle of Plata;«;, 148. his treachery and fall, ih. Pelasgi, one of the principal ancient trib(!S of Greece, 96. first extend their domi- nion in the country, ih. are driven by the Hellenes first from Tliessaly, and after- wards from alnu)st all the country, ih. they maintain their ground only in Ar- cadia and Dodona, ib, some migrate to Italy, Crete, Ac., ib. Pelopidas, a Theban commander, 1G2. li- berales Thebes from the Spartan nde, ih. the defensive war conducted by him, ih. his expedition into Tliessaly, 103. sent ambassador to Macedonia, and taken pri- soner by Alexander, ih. rescued by V.\v.\- minondas, ih. accomplishes an alliaiuH^ of Thebes with Persia, ih. last exiiedition against Alexander, in which he falls, lü4. Peloponnesus, a peninsula in Greece, 92. geograpliical outline, ib. Peiieus, one of the principal rivers of Greece, 90. Perdiccas, one of tin; generals of Alexander the Great, 179. made one of the regents after the death of Alexander, ih. nuikes grants of tin; provinces, 180. his first acts, ih. re])U(liates his wife Nica^i, and wishes to marry Cleopatra, ib. attemi)ts to overthrow Antigonus and Ptolemy, 181. falls in an insurrection of his troops, ib. Pergamus, in Mysia, the origin and history of the kingdom, 23.3. Pericles, suceei-ds to the head of affairs at Athens on the d(\ith of Aristides and l)anishment of Ciinon, 151. his character, 152. his administration, ib. his death by the plague, 15Ö. Verscpolis, built, 7G. burnt, 89. Perseus, an illegitiinate son of Philip II., king of Macedon, 229. his hatred to De- metrius his brother, «6. causes his death, ib. siu'ceeds his father on the tiirone, 230. his talents, and hatred to tlu; Ro- mans, ib. his exertions to opi)ose them, ih. hostilities with Rome caused by the hatred of Kumenes, (7;. defeated at the battle of Pydna, 231, 284. his capture at Samothrace, 231. miserable condition and death at Rome, ih. Persians, before the time of Cyrus, a high- laiul peo])le, in a nonnid state, subject to the Mtides, 73. divided into ten elans, ib. their gov(!rnment therefore jjalriarchal, ib. the monarchy fbundi;d by Cyrus, ih. the donnnion rises on the destruction of the Medo-Paclrian empire, ib. Persians adopt th(! religion, laws, and general sys- tem of the Medes, 74. ])olilical constitu- tion of th(! empires by Cyrus, ii. standing armies kept in pay, 75. reign of Cam- l)yses, ih. aecessixaaraiae 1 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES 0068098111 BRimiDÖ NOT PHOTOCOPY f 930 >^ -0 >—» • o >o O X l H36