I • roA-rg.rn::»i-V-. Achievements of The Conference 74s Steps Toward a Warless World I President Harding ONCE believed in armed preparedness. I advo- cated it. But I have come to believe there is a better preparedness in a public mind and a world opinion made ready to grant justice precisely as it exacts it. And justice is better served m conferences of peace than in conflicts at arms.” (Feb. 6, 1 922.) ‘Either these treaties must have your cordial sanction or every proclaimed desire to promote peace and prevent war becomes a hollow mockery.” (Feb. 1 1, ] 922.) Issued by The Commission on International Justice and Good-will OF The Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America 1 05 East 22nd Street, New York City Do You Endorse the President’s Peace Program? Will You Help Secure Ratification of the Treaties? T hese are questions not only for Senators, but for all American citizens, A moral crisis bas arrived for tbe United States. Shall we continue to travel our own independent road of isola- tion? Or shall we take our place among the nations desiring to co- operate for the creation of mutual confidence and the maintenance of universal peace? Shall we put faith in international law, in treaties and in international commitments? And shall we seek to substitute law for war and international cooperation for selfish competition? If the latter are our ideals and desires, then our immediate duty is clear : — 1 . Let us enact the treaties promptly and with enthusiasm. 2. Let us enact them together, for they constitute a whole that should not be mutilated. The Federal Council of the Churches, while taking no stand on questions of political procedure, is firmly convinced that in the ratification or the rejection of the treaties proposed by the Conference a grave moral issue is involved which the American people cannot evade. 41 = ■*xr" CONSTITUENT BODIES OF THE Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America Baptist Churches, North Nation2Ll Baptist Coavention Free Baptist Churches Christian Church Christian Reformed Church in North America Churches of God in N. A. (General Eldership) Consrrej^ational Churches Disciples of Christ Friends Evang^elicai Synod of N. A. Evangelical Association Methodist Episcopal Church Methodist Episcopal Church, South African M. E. Church African M. E. Zion Church Colored M. E. Church in Africa Methodist Protestant Church Moravian Church Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. Presbyterian Church in the U. S. (South) Primitive Methodist Church Protestant Episcopal Commissions on Christian Unity and Social Service Reformed Church in America Reformed Church in the U. S. Reformed Episcopal Church Reformed Presbyterian Church, General Synod Seventh Day Baptist Churches United Brethren Church United Evangelical Church United Presbyterian Church United Lutheran Church (Consultative Body) The Third Call to 150,000 Churches in America The Church Campaign for A ^^arless ^^orld T HFL end of the Conference is the beginning of the Conquest.” The Washing- ton Conference has done its work. It has started the nations facing toward a Warless W orld. It has turned the attention of the world to plans for the practice of permanent peace. It has brought within the range of practical possibility the ending of competitive navies, the scrap])ing of many capital ships and large reduc- tion in naval ex])enditures. The Churches have rendered notable service during recent months, and have good cause for thanksgiving. F'ar more was done at Washington than was thought pos- sible. Our immediate task is to arouse public opinion to the importance of prompt ratification of the treaties by the Senate. This is the next imperative step in the march of mankind toward a Warless World. The ])ersistent drive of ])ublic opinion must continue during the months and even the years ahead. Our campaign must go on until “war is outlawed” by joint action of all the nations through an effective j^eace system firmly established. A Warless World can never be imposed by Governments on ])eo]jles, but it can be imposed by ])eoples on Governments. The success of the Conference at Washing- ton is the first great victory in the people’s war against war. JMembers in the Protestant, Roman Catholic and Hebrew Churches and Syna- gogues of the United States, according to the figures for December 31 , 1921 , num- ber 45 , 997 , 199 . In England and Germany, in Scandinavia and Russia and in every country in Christendom Christians constitute large and powerful groups, in many cases, large majorities. They can establish a world peace system and they can out- law war, if they 'will. Hr JL AT O The Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America Now Urges the Churches: In Regard to Ratifying the Treaties 1. To start an immediate movement in each locality for prompt and intelligent discussion of the treaties now before the Senate as prac- tical steps in establishing the Kingdom of God in international relations. 2. To promote the study of the treaties and their moral significance in various groups in all our churches. 3 . To arrange that large numbers of peti- tions and personal letters shall go at once to Senators, expressing the conclusions reached in regard to the ratification of the treaties. When the Treaties Are Ratified 1. To give special thanks to God in public prayer on the first Sunday following the ratifi- cation, and to make mention in sermons of tlie new epoch on which the world is starting. 2. To secure action by town or city authori- ties to designate as a special day of celebration the first Saturday after the Senate ratifies the Treaties. On that day on all public buildings and on every home let the American flag be flown as a symbol of the joy of the people. Let us celebrate the first major Victory of the War against War. The people should be helped to understand and to rejoice in the first great Victory of Peace. For a mighty victory has been won in which none Avere defeated and not one life was lost. 4. To emphasize frequently in the services connected with national holidays and on other special occasions the Christian belief in the practicability of a Warless World. Christians should earnestly strive for still further sweep- ing reduction of armament by all the nations as an imperative step toward the ultimate goal. JT TJ 5. To promote the careful study of the Federal Council’s pamphlets on international relations, on a Warless World and its “Decla- ration of International Ideals and Policy Look- ing toward a Warless World.” 6. To organize in each of the larger cities a Committee on International Justice and Goodwill, representing all the churches, for vigorous and continuous cooperation in a long and arduous campaign for an international world-order that is Christian in principle. 7. To urge each denomination to establish its own committee or department on International Justice and Goodwill. This campaign to end war, to establish God’s Kingdom in the inter- national life of the world, can only be Avon Avhen the Churches as Churches make it central and vital in their Church programs. Should they not be as earnest and active for a War- less World as they AA'ere to Avin Auctory in the great Avar.^ 8. To keep in touch Avith the Commission on International Justice and GoodAAull of the Fed- eral Council of the Churches of Clirist in America in order that the many regiments and armies of the church may keep step and may march together in their Avar to end Avar. 9. To bring the sanctions of religious en- thusiasm and of moral idealism to the support of world cooperation for Avorld- justice, world- liberty and Avorld-peace. The victories of peace should be celebrated and glorified no less than those of Avar. The halo of popular acclaim should be accorded to heroes Avho Avin justice and peace for mankind. Parades, banners, floats and every device for arousing popular patriotic enthusiasm, Avhich have been so effec- tively used in support of Avar, should now be brought into the service of the Avar against Avar. JT TL U IT 4 Purpose of the Washington Conference President Harding “A world staggering witli debt needs its bur- den lifted. Humanity which has been shocked by wanton destruction would minimize the agen- cies of that destruction. Contemplating the measureless cost of war and the continuing- burden of armament, all thoughtful peoples wish for real limitation of armament and would like war outlawed. “Tlie woi’ld never before was so tragically brought to realization of the utter futility of passion’s sway when reason and conscience and fellowship point a nobler way.” (Nov. 12, 1921) Secretary Hughes “The world looks to this conference to re- lieve humanit}'^ of the crushing burden created by competition in armament, and it is the view of the American Government that we should meet that expectation without an}' unnecessary delay. “Competition will not be remedied by resolves with respect to the method of its continuance. One program inevitably leads to another, and, if competition continues, its regulation is im- practicable. There is only one adequate way out, and that is to end it now.” (Nov. 12, 1921) What the Washington Conference Proposes Oil Friday, February 10, 1922, President Harding pi-esented to the Senate for ratification the Treaties, which resulted from the Washing-ton Conference, — a Con- ference which was opened and closed with prayer. These treaties have soug’ht to (rive concrete expression and practical embodiment to broad international principles of fellowship and cooperation which are essentially Christian. They deserve serious study in all our Churches. Their substance, together Avith three treaties negotiated outside of the Conference, may be summarized as follows: 1. To scrap many existing Capital Ships and stop building neiv ones — a fiA^e- PoAver fifteen-A^ear treatA^ To be retained Permanent — after 1 0 years To he scrapped United States 815,74!0 tons Great Britain 583,375 “ Japan 289,100 “ 2. To continue the navy ratio indefinitely until two years after the treaty has been de- nounced by one of the five Powers concerned. 3. To limit the caliber of guns on naval ves- sels to sixteen inches. 4. To condemn and prohibit the use of sub- 500,650 tons 525,000 tons 580,450 “ 525,000 “ 301,320 “ 315,000 “ marines as commerce destroyers and to accept the prohibition as binding between the signatory Powers. 5. To condemn and prohibit absolutely all poison gas warfare, and to accept the prohibi- tion as binding between the signatory Powers. 5 6. To enact a four-Power, ten-year Peace Treaty regarding all Island possessions in the Pacific. 7. To stop building naval bases on specified Islands in the Western Pacific. 8. To enact a permanent treaty between nine Powers for just, fair and friendly treatment of China, specifically dealing with the questions of (a) Consular Courts, judicial autonomy and extraterritoriality. (b) Post Offices of other nations (to be ended by 1923), and Wireless Establishments. (c) Tariff adjustment (looking to ultimate autonomy). (d) Unauthorized foreign troops. 9. To confer together whenever any Power feels that threatening elifficulties are developing in regard to China. 10. To establish a Commission of the nine Powers to deal with alleged infringements of the “open door” agreements. Important Agreements Reached Outside THE Conference (a) To settle the Yap Cable Dispute. (b) To settle the question of American rights in Japanese “Mandates” in the Pacific. (c) To return Shantung completely to China. The Most Important Achievements of the Conference The real achievements of the Washington Conference go far beyond the treaties agreed to and the details of the plans laid out. These achievements are the mani- festations of great principles revealing themselves to humanity, the expression of a new spirit and a new ideal, and the embodiment in outward expression of far-reach- ing implications. These principles, spirit and implications and their concrete results are many and varied. The more important may well receive brief mention. 1. For the first time in history great and powerful rival nations have actually consented to reduce vast and expensive armaments already existing or in process of construction. Hither- to, vanquished nations have been disarmed by force. Never have unconquered, still powerful nations voluntarily reduced their armaments by agreements in conference. 2. The value of the method of conference as a substitute for war for settling international difficulties has been given striking illustration. A wonderful precedent has been set. The Washington Conference might be called a Peace Conference before war instead of after war — as the custom of the nations has been hitherto. 3. An unprecedentedly wide education of the nations in internationalism and for permanent ^ — peace lias taken place, an education of incal- culable value. ■I. The power of public opinion has been re- vealed in a new and encouraging way. Mil- lions have learned how' to cooperate in shaping national policy. 5. The extreme importance of maintaining right relations with other nations has been brought home to our nation as never before, and also the great dangers in international mis- understandings. 6. A new attitude toward China and more correct relations with her have been initiated. Justice and opportunity for her is in process now of achievement, if she can do her part. The new policy provides for international co- ll — TL u — ir 6 operation in tlie development of China in place of separate national aggressions and destruc- tive rivalries. 7, The rights and the welfare of China her- self now begin to be acknowledged as of superior importance to the economic interests of foreign nations. A new attitude of the popular mind toward Japan and her problems has been pro- duced. The prophecies of war so general less than a year ago have quietly vanished — like the poisonous miasma of the swamps and bogs before the rising sun and a fresh north wind. What a change has taken place ! And what a relief of tension ! 8. A more successful, less costly and more noble method of “preparedness” has been dis- covered by many noble men who until recently could see no way by which to assure national security and honor other than by vast and costly military preparations. 9. International public opinion has been manifested in condemnation of military pressure and of military methods as legitimate ways by which to secure special national interests. 10. Internal good faith and mutual confi- dence haA^e been recognized as vital factors of permanent world peace. 11. The principle is now recognized by many nations that their own highest welfare can be best secured through cooperation with other nations on a peace basis rather than through o{)position on a war basis. The Real Significance of the Conference The real signifieaiice of the Washington Conference lies more in the spint and the motives of the nations concerned than in the details of the achievements or even in the by-products, important though they are. They would have been impossible without the spirit back of them. The real and essential Spirit of the Conference was one of sincerity and of con- fidence. This spirit was manifested by the most powerful nations of the world, in spite of occasional discussions in which questions were raised and a spirit displayed that indicated more or less of doubt and uncertainty. By their prolonged and pa- tient deliberations they proved that they profoundly desired to abandon the attitudes of suspicion and fear and rivalry that haA^e been so common in the past and to enter upon relations of mutual trust, goodwill and cooperation. “This Conference has been to a far greater extent than any other that I can recall, a Conference of renunciation. We have seen here great nations abandon long established and deeply cherished national policies and renounce advantages once thought essential to the welfare of their people; and this is not for value received but simply out of a decent respect to the opinion of mankind.” — Count D’Alte, February 5, 1922. In the Avords of Secretary Hughes closing the plenary session of February first, “no more extraordinary or significant treaty has ever been entered into” than that agreed to by the nations to limit and to scrap their capital ships. “We no longer talk of the desirability of diminishing the burdens of naval armaments but we actu- ally limit them. , . . This treaty ends, absolutely ends, competition in naval arma- ments. . . . The relative security of the great naval powers is left unimpaired. . . i ^^^e are talking of arms in the language of peace. . . . We are taking perhaps tlie greatest forward step to establish the reign of peace.” The spirit and the motives of the nations are clearly the most important factors in tlie ultimate achievement of a Warless World. As Secretary Hughes himself once expressed it “the will to peace” on the part of peoples is the most necessary of all the factors for securing peace. A few additional items deserve separate em- phasis. 1. Great Britain accepted America as an ecjual sea power. Tliis is an event of extraor- dinary significance. It is of course highly satisfactory' to the United States as an ex- pression of her confidence in America’s goodwill and trustworthiness. 2 . The Conference has set a new standard of international procedure. Never before has there been such openness in international tlil)lomacy- This has been due in lai’ge part, no doubt, to the peoples’ insistent desires. With one voice they have demanded that they might know what their representatives were saying and promising. .3. The Conference has shown that the danger of war in the Pacific lies in the rival desires, ambitions and plans of the nations in regard to commercial and financial interests. War in the Pacific, it has become clear, would be a war for trade and investment and not for moral aims. * d. Questions of war and of peace are now more fully recognized as matters for the people to determine. This means they must know the facts, understand the issues, and appreciate the ])rinciples involved in international relations and res})onsibilities. Thev need, therefore, to develop an intelligent comprehension of the ways and the machinery of peace as well as to have the “will to peace.” 5. The Conference has been a vast school for millions in many nations on the facts and the principles of international life. What the Signatory Nations Gain by the Conference 1. Curtailment of the enormous naval ex- penses. The reduction of taxes for the United States mav not be as much as many have an- ticipated because so large a part of our present Government expenditures are due to interest and pensions growing out of jnist wars. But substantial reductions should now take place in all naval budgets. 2. Increase of capital available for produc- tive industries, for education, for health promo- tion and for similar constructive interests. 3. A moratorium on war-talk and of war- scare propaganda. Few ordinary citizens realize how seriously they have been influenced by sinister interests in their efforts to boost big appropriations. d. In crease of international confidence and goodwill and corresponding reduction of inter- national suspicion, fear and animosity. Fear begets fear — confidence begets confidence. Many causes of misunderstanding have been removed. 5. Turning of thousands of 3 'oung men from unproductive to productive lives. The real power of each nation has been increased and at the same time “vested interests” making for war have been materially diminished. Jl u 8 G. Increased national security and at a much less cost. There is no danger whatever of war l>etween nations that trust each other. The Canadian border (5,500 miles long) without a fort or a soldier is eloquent testimony to the economy and security based on mutual con- fidence and goodwill. This attitude of nations should become universal. 7. A new mental attitude between many powerful nations. Tlie hope is already rising that before the ten-year naval holiday has ended, the agencies for permanent world peace may be so firmly established and the peace spirit of the nations may be so strong that all navies and all armies, except those for police ])urposes, may be completely abolished, and a Warless World may he realized. What Individual Nations Gain by the Conference I. The United States and Japan The Confei'ence has already largely changed the mutual feelings of the United States and Japan to the great advantage of both. Foolish talk and wasteful preparations for war have already stopped. This will make more easy the complete settlement of still remaining issues and difficulties. II. The United States, Great Britain and Japan In place of the Anglo- Japanese Alliance which was becoming a source of irritation and cleavage between the nations having interests in the Pacific, the new four-power treaty will be a source of confidence and of friendship between all the nations concerned. It will continue British friendship with Japan, promote good- will between the United States and Great Britain and bind together in a single interest all the English-speaking countries of the world. The full significance of this fact cannot yet be estimated. This treaty does not create an “alliance” of four great Powers for selfish or aggressive purposes. It is rather a com- pact of goodwill and of determination to settle every difficulty between themselves and between any one of the four nations and any fifth power — by conference rather than by competitive armaments and menace of war. III. Russia and Germany Neither country was represented at the Con- ference. Both, however, were there in spirit as real factors, if not as invited guests. Their rights and needs were not specially considered, but thoughts of them were ever in the back- ground. One may regret that the Conference did not specifically declare its purpose to pro- vide for their interests as well as for those of the participating nations. But did they lose anAdhing at the Confer- ence.^ If it had been a conference of victors meeting after war to divide up all the loot in sight in a spirit of selfish greed, Russia and Germany would liaA^e profited little. As it was, the pledge of the door for trade and investment in China equally" Ojien to all, means equal op- portunity for them as well as for the rest. They will liave the same access and the same o})portunity as the United States has, if tlie game is hei'eafter yjlayed on tlie square. And in fact the Powers were not wholly un- mindful of Russian interests in the Eastern Chinese Railway. Pledges Avere given by Japan for complete witbdraAval of her mili- tary forces from Siberia as soon as suitable guarantees can be secured for the protection of Japanese lives and property in that territory. The United States placed on the record its atti- tude and its policy in regard to Siberia. On the whole therefore GermaiiA' and Russia were gainers rather than losers by the Conference. IV. China Already China has gained much — verv much. She has had opportunity, well used, to place her case before the world. The peoples of the different countries begin to see how the Govern- ments of Europe and of Japan have been deal- jT n ji ■"u u If 9 ing witli China for many decades. China’s own internal chaos also and the reasons for it, are better realized. A new understanding of and a new sympathy for the Chinese people has arisen in America. Assuming that the nations concerned now ratify the treaties and live up to them loyally, wliat will be the gain to China? Much in every way. 1. Ciiina is on a fair way to recover full possession not onl}^ of Shantung, but also of Wei-hai-wei, and Kwanchao-wan. By prompt popular action the Shantung railway may be completely owned by China in five years. A splendid opportunity has been given to Chinese patriotism for dramatic action. 2. Further predatory aggressions of foreign governments will stop if China does her part and the covenanting nations do their duty. d. China’s actual commitments to foreign nations will become known to the world througli the official filing and publication of all past commitments and treaties. Secret treaties and commitments will be no longer possible. t. Chinese patriots have secured a Magna Charta from the world’s most powerful nations, upon which securely to build their national edifice and to realize their aspirations for justice, liberty and integrity. They will now have opportunity to set their own house in order by establishing a real, national Govern- ment, free from graft and competent to deal with other Governments. 5. As rapidly as she qualifies, China stands to recover full political, juridical, financial, territorial and administrative autonomy and sovereignty at least within the area of “China proper.” 6. China vdll be freed from now on from the fear of hateful foreign domination. The sword of Damocles that has been hanging over her head for seven vears — Group V of the “21 de- mands” — has been officially withdrawn by Japan. 7. China has not indeed secured immediate possession and recovery of all that her ardent patriots desired and demanded. Many prob- lems are still unsolved. But the doors of oppor- tunity have been opened. A splendid vista lies ahead to reward patriotic endeavor. China’s future is bright with hopes and promise, if China’s patriots will make it so. V. Japan Japan also is a large gainer by the Wash- ington Conference. 1. Important reductions will be made in her annual naval budgets and her corresponding taxes for many years to come. A smaller navy, a reduced staff and no increase in her island naval bases, mean more in financial ways for Japan than do the same items mean for America. 2. Cliilling war-scare stories of impending conflict with America and efforts to arouse race antipathies and animosities will not be so popu- lar or easy to put across as in the past, while the people of Japan will be more ready to un- derstand and believe other peoples. 3. Militarism will find it more difficult to give reasons for its existence and its demands. Liberalism will have a much better opportunity to grow and to take practical control of national policies and of international relations. 4. Understanding by Americans of Japan’s problems and needs is developing — a matter of much importance to Japan. It is bringing a new sympathy for Japan and her people. Whatever may have been the policies of aggres- sion and of greed adopted by her leaders in 1915, Japan has done much during the Con- ference to convince American leaders of her good faith now. 5. A good beginning has also been made in establishing right relations between China and Japan. This is a matter of incalculable signifi- cance, not only for Japanese trade and invest- ments, but for the political relations of the two countries during all the decades and centuries ahead. Friendly relations with China are vital for Japan. Her future existence depends on it. The serious blunders and wrongs of 1914- 1920 now begin to be rectified. n_ IT 10 6. Abrogation of the Anglo- Japanese Al- liance will benefit Japan in several ways; it re- moves the need of maintaining military forces suited to meet the obligations it involved. Mili- tarists now do not have that excuse for insisting on a large army. It removes temptation to conduct and to policies that were prompted by the alliance. And it removes a serious cause of irritation and suspicion that was rapidly de- veloping in the United States. VI. Other Nations All the nations are safer. They can more readily adopt policies of naval and military reduction because the danger of a world-war in the Pacific has been so effectively overcome. The whole world can plan for world peace now as they could not plan a year ago. This ad- vantage for all cannot easily be estimated or computed. The Settlement of the Shantung Question The settlement of the Shantung question is so significant an achievement that it deserves separate discussion. It was made possible by the Conference altliough it was not an achievement of the Conference. A number of points need distinct em- phasis. 1. The settlement is not to be regarded as a defeat or a victory for either side. It was better — a compromise and a reconciliation. The Chinese secured that which they most wanted, while the Japanese secured what to them was most important. Both made important con- cessions. 2. The settlement was accomplisihed as a re- sult of many (36) prolonged conferences of the Chinese and Japanese delegates. Both groups are to be congratulated both for the results and also for their patience and persistence. It was far better that this settlement should be reached by the two groups b}'^ themselves tlian by the Conference as a whole. 3. The British and American delegates are also to be congratulated on their patient, help- ful, private cooperation. 4. Japan’s agreement to return Sliantung fulfills the verbal promise made by Japan to the Powers at the Paris Conference. 5. Failure to reach a settlement would have meant a serious situation for Japan, not only in the inevitably rising tide of hostility toward her in China, but also in the deepening anti- Japanese feeling that would without doubt liave developed in the United States. 6. Failure to reach a settlement would have meant a bitter disappointment and a humiliat- ing defeat for China, whose main desire and objective in attending the Conference was to secure the complete return to China of all eco- nomic and sovereign rights in Shantung. 7. Failure to reach a settlement would liave been generally regarded as a colossal failure of the Conference itself. For the principal aim of the Conference was to remove causes of war in the Far East. Of these the Shantung question was generally felt to be the chief. Had the Conference closed without a settlement having been reached in this matter, public opinion throughout the world would have concluded that the chief danger of war had not been solved — and that all the other treaties and resolutions of tlie Conference would ultimately prove futile. What the Conference Did Not Do The Conference did not solve all the problems in the Pacific and the Far East. Nor did it aceomplish much for the more immediately pressing problems of Europe. But their enumeration is not necessary in this pamphlet, for the Conference is to be judged by its accomplishments, not by the tasks which remain. 11 'fhe real greatness of the achievements will be clearer to us five years hence or ten, than they can be now. But even now, how substantial the achievements were can in a measure be realized when we look at the extraordinary difficulties that had to be and were in fact so largely overcome. 1. Tlie Conference liad to battle with war psychology and the war spirit of the nations. They were always in the background and often- times clearly in evidence, especially in the dis- cussions of ratios, re})lacements, naval bases, and new weapons of war. In essence and in ])rinciple they were overcome. 2. ^Vhen critics point out how this nation and that failed to make the most of their extraor- dinary opportunities for winning each other’s goodwill and confidence, all fair-minded men will not fail to note how much they did accom- plish — what a great access of goodwill and con- fidence lias actually been achieved. 3. Those who declare that the nations would have done much better had thej^ agreed to still larger reductions in their auxiliary' ships, should be reminded of the extraordinary signi- ficance of the reductions which were agreed to. The possibility of the success of the Conference lay exactly in its not attempting to do too much, in confining itself to a definite and clear- ly practicable proposal — as Secretary Huglies so well pointed out in one of his closing addresses. I. The greatness of the results achieved now give hope and thus make possible in the not far distant future, a serious grappling with the re- maining problems and tasks. Two Alternatives Before the American People The various proposals of the Conference are now before the Senate in the shaj)e of seven Treaties. But they in fact are now before the people. Two alternatives are before us. L Shall We Reject the Proposed Treaties? 1. Do we wish to base our national security entirely ujjon armaments? 2. Do Ave Avish to have other nations believe that America intends to have undis- puted SAA'ay in the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, and is going to build the most ])OAverful naAy in the AA'orld? fd. 13o Ave believe that our trade and investment in the Far East can best he secured by a policy of international isolation, Avith reliance on a big navy and im- pregnable naA'al bases for the acliievement of our 2 Jolicies and the maintenance of our “Autal interests”? If so, then Ave should let our Senators knoAV. JL JL IT IT JL ir 12 2. Shall We Accept the Proposed Treaties? 1. Do we wish to cooperate with other nations in maintaining our common security and our common “vital interests”? 2. Shall we seek hy mutual understanding and through common agreements with- out talk or thought of war to adjust all difficulties in friendly conterences? 3. Do we wish other nations really to believe that we have no plans or policies or desires for selfish aggrandizement or for any action that may he harmful to their interests? If so, then we should let our Senators know, and ask them to ratify the pro- posed treaties. The Interest of the Churches in the Ratification of the Treaties The Church has no more “vital interest” than her “war against war” and the establishment of a Warless World. Her very life is involved in the achievement of this ideal. IVar under modern conditions threatens every higher interest of the iiuinan race. “If Ave do not destroy Avar, War aaoII destroy us,” said the late Viscount Bryce. And it was our OAvn General Tasker H. Bliss Avho laid upon Christians in the United States the responsibility of putting an end to war. American Christians have not been alto- gctlier indifferent to the evil of ^var, as has sometimes been cliarged against them. In Imn- dreds of resolutions and declarations for manA' A^ears their national and local bodies have pro- claimed their judgment that wars should cease, that international courts of justice and boards of arbitration should be established, and that all international disputes should be settled by reason and laAV, and not by war. Their resolu- tions and utterances and sermons of the last two decades would fill many Amlumes. The zeal of churches and of Christians in suppoi'ting the Government of the United States in its recent Avar against German a^ Avas due to the conviction that this Avas the ‘Svar to end Avar” ; that out of this war Avould come a firm movement of all the great nations to estab- lish the essential institutions of international justice Avhich AA'ould provide security and fair economic opportunity for all the nations alike, great and small, strong and Aveak. The failure since the armistice to establish these institutions has been the cause of profound disappointment and anxiety to millions of Christians avIio see in them the beginning of the embodiment in in- ternational life of the ideals and ])rinclples of the Kingdom of God and the fulfillment of age- old prophecies. The Churches have united on many occasions to express their couAuctions and their hopes for a world -order that is Christian in principle. In tlie spring of 1921 tliey joined in a remarkable moA'cment for a World Conference on Disarma- ment. “Disarmament Sunday,” June 5. 1921, Avas jointly appointed by the Federal Council of the Churches, tlie National Catholic Welfare Council and the tAVo JeAvish National Groups. Tlie call Avas sent by the Church Peace Union to 120,000 ministers of all denominations. Tens JL TT 13 of thousands of ])ulpits on that day turned the attention of the peo^ile to the dangers of com- petitive armaments, to the staggering economic burdens of past and prospective wars, to the menace of war to the w'hole world and to the principles and ideals of Christianity as the only practicable solution for the curse and the wrong of war. A petition signed by 22,500 ministers was ]>resented to President Harding on June 21, 1921, calling for a “Conference on Disarma- ment.” From the time that President Harding first announced in July his invitation to five nations, until the end of the Washington Con- ference, the churches of America have main- tained a vigorous campaign for the creation of a wholesome atmosphere for the success of the Conference. Tens of thousands of special meetings were held during October and on November 6th and November 11th. A mighty volume of prayer has ascended continuously from every part of our land for God’s guidance and blessing for the Conference. Special study courses were prepared by the Federal Council of Churches. Millions of pages of printed ma- terial were issued — all dealing with the various aspects of the insistent demands of the church for a Warless World, for the beating of swords into plowshares and for ceasing to learn war any more. The Conference for Avhich the churches prayed has now done its work and reported its proposals in seven important treaties. A new task now faces the churches if they are to carry their program to fruition. The treaties must be ratified. If the Conference is to have any real meaning and to accomplish any real results the treaties must be ratified. In a peculiar sense and to a peculiar degree the ci’eation of public opinion in support of ratification is the task and also the opportunity of the churches. Failure at this point would be a terrible disaster. It would have been better to have had no Conference at all. Failure means that the race in competitive armaments will start up afresh. It will go on with re- doubled vigor — at least between America and Japan. War in the Pacific in the near future will be practically certain. The next step, therefore, in the establish- ment of the Kingdom of God among men is the ratification of the treaties by which to “stop the next war now.” All churches zmd all Christians have un- escapable responsibility in this matter. When nations learn of His ways and walk in His paths they will begin to “beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks.” Will your church — will you — have a part in winning our first great victory in the war to end War? After Ratification — What ? Ratification will not by itself alone outlaw war nor inaugurate the era of perma- nent World Peace. It is only the next step in that direction, the beginning of the campaign for a Warless World. I I’ermanent World Peace can he aehieved only by the peoples of all the world, through universal eonferences and by common agreements in Avhich all the chief nations participate. Problems, for instance, like aeroplanes, nomic interests and rights involve every people, poison gas, disease germs and land armaments These problems can be solved only by general involve fifty nations. Questions of general eco- conferences and by joint treaties between fifty Jl. IT U nations. If even one powerful, industrialized nation remains outside the general conferences and agreements and will have nothing to do with them, insisting on having its own unlimited and arbitrary wa}', the whole international situation is endangered not only for all the others, but also for itself. The cooperation of all is essential. Every principal nation must be made to feel and to feel confidently that it shares in tlie formulation of the common agreements, that its vital inter- ests and its honor will be secure, and that it will have just treatment and fair economic oppor- tunity at the hands of all its sister nations. Hitherto war has been the only means by which nations could settle definitely their in- ternational disputes. Their sense of security has been based on their military power. The defeated had to accept the verdict and the will of the victor. If now we seek to establish a warless world we must create some substitute for war — a substitute that will settle disputes and that will give the sense of security for which nations have developed their armaments. These considerations point the way to the program that lies ahead of those who believe in a Warless World. What the United States now needs to do in our international relations is, in the words of the Declaration of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America adopted Decem- ber 16 , 1921 , “to associate itself promptly with the other nations of the world, to establish permanent institutions for the formulation of international law, for the effective operation of the International Court of Justice and boards of arbitration and conciliation, for the assur- ance to law-abiding amd peace-loving nations of security from attack and spoliation by any lawless auid aggressive nation, and for the pro- vision of fair treatment and equal economic opportunity to all.” “We believe there is only one way to out- law war. We must first establish a peace sys- tem. Mere disarmament by itself alone will not stop war. Only the firm establishment of the institutions and agencies of justice zuid of liberty under law, maintained by effective sanctions at the hands of law-abiding and peace-loving nations, can possibly banish war from this war-cursed world. The most urgent need of mankind today is the speedy establish- ment of international institutions to assure equal justice, full security zmd faur economic opportunity for all nations alike. These are essential prerequisites to permanent peace.” What remains, therefore, to be done by for- ward-looking citizens of the United States, after the treaties have been ratified, is to arouse a powerful public opinion in this land, by the active support of which the Administration will venture to take the steps needed for associating itself with the other nations of the world for creatinsr and maintaininfj the institutions of peace. R If 2 =5 15 ft: International Ideals of the Churches of Christ in America ]Ve Beh eve that nations no less than individuals are sub- ject to God's immutable moral laws. II. We Beh eve that nations achieve true welfare, greatness and honor only through just dealing and unselfish service. III. We Beh eve that nations that regard themselves as Chris- tians have special international obligations. IV. We Beh eve that the spirit of Christian brotherlmess can lj|l remove every unjust barrier of trade, color, creed and race. V. We Beh eve that Christian patriotism demands the prac- tice of good-will between nations. VI. We Believe that international policies should secure equal justice for all races. VII. We Beh eve that all nations should associate themselves permanently for world peace and good-will. VIII. We Beh eve in international law, and in the universal use of international courts of justice and boards of arbi- tration. IX. We Believe in a sweeping reduction of armaments by all nations. X. We Beh eve in a warless world, and dedicate ourselves to Its achievement. ft Price 16 cents per copy. 100 Copies, $5.00. 1,000 Copies, $.30.00. Ski-Ect Pp.intini; Co.mi’ANY. Ixc.. Nf\v Vcirk