POSITION OF THE '(y SOUTHEKN CHURCH ) I.V RKLATION TO SLAVERY, AS ILLUSTRATED IV A LETTER OP DR. F. A. l^S TO REV. ALBERT BARNES. . I WITH AX IXTUODUCTIOX, CY .\ CONSTITTTIOXAL PUK.'HVTEKI.V.V. ; NFAV-YORK ; I • .TOH.V A. GUAY, PRINTER, IG AND 18 .JACOB STREET, FIRE-PROOF Dtni.DIVGS. 1857. P 0 S I T I 0 X OF THK SOUTHERN CHURCH IN^ RELATIOM TO S L A E R Y , AS IIXUSTRATRI) IN A LETTER OF DR. P. A. ROSS TO REV. ALBERT BARNES. WITH AN INTRODUCTION, BY A CONSTITUTIONAL PRESBYTERIAN. -- 'X' >j Y I ' ' ‘ ^ ' ^ i --V NEW-YORK : JOHN A. GRAY, PRINTER, 16 AND 18 JACOB STREET, FIRE-PROOF BUILDINGS. 1857. ■ Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://arChiVe.Org/detailS/pOSitiOnOfSOUtheOOrOSS_O INTRODUCTION. The recent excellent work by the Rev. Albert Barnes, entitled “The Church and Slavery,” has called forth a series of letters from the Rev. F. A. Ross, D.D., of Ala- bama. They were originally published in the Philadel- phia Christian Observer. As the circulation of that paper is not large in the North, it has been thought desirable that public attention should be called to them through some other channel. The author is one of the most emi- nent of the Southern divines. He may be fitly styled a “ representative man.” He is not only able, but frank, fearless, and outspoken. Where others would be silent, or discourse with reserve, as of things we are not yet “able to bear,” he boldly utters in our ears, “tingle” though they may, the whole matter. It is good to listen to such a man. You learn where others are, and where you yourself are, or at least, where you should be. It is especially felicitous that Dr. Ross has spoken at the pre- sent time. The true position of the South, as touching the great, growing, overshadosving system of American Slavery — the deadly nightshade on the fair soil of free- dom — is, in some quarters, held in doubt. The South, and especially the Southern Church, it has been said, are misrepresented. They dislike slavery as truly as we. They would gladly be rid of it. Their only difficulty re- spects the means of such a consummation. How errone- ous is this view, as matters now stand, various recent events have been clearly showing. And nothing more clearly than the letter of Dr. Ross. The tract of our good “angel of the Church in Philadelphia,” has been 4 f)s the spear of Ithuriel, to existing Southern opinion, ft has started up in full, unmistakable proportions. Dr. Ross’s Letters have been republished in the Presbyte- rian Witness, at Knoxville, Tenn., and have received from various parts of the South, high commendation. Dr. Cleland of Kentucky, for example, writes thus to the Christian Observer : “ 1 have just read Dr. Ross’s third Letter, which, with what he will say in his next, will be so full and complete, as respects the scriptural view of slavery, as entirely to supersede my feeble arti- cle I sent you some time ago, and which you wisely laid aside for the present. Dr. R. covers the whole ground, scripturally, argu- mentatively, luminously, and powerfully. I have scarcely ever met with a writer, ancient or modern, who, in regard to style, proof, and argument, excels, or even equals Dr. Ross. I would have a curiosity to see from the other side, what can be said in reply. "jVhen I wrote my paper, ‘ Let there be light,’ I did not know it was coming so soon, or I would not have troubled you, or myself, with my poor dim taper, except so far as it gives scrip- tural light, which I thought had been wanting long ago. But Ross’s Letters will answer every purpose, and I hope they will be published in book form, for preservation and general use.” The Observer has other letters “ of like character.” It seems delighted itself with Dr. Ross’s views. His let- ters, it says, “have been read with approval by thousands, comprising ministers, statesmen, the President of the United States, members of the bar, and elders of the Church — men of the profoundest minds ; and his argu- ment can not be set aside by the terrors of ‘ seven-fold condemnation.’ ” No divine of eminence, it is believed, in the Southern part of the Constitutional Presbyterian Church, will pronoimce the views of Dr. Ross unsound. Such being the state of things, it is desirable that the whole Church should know it. To this end. Dr. Ross’s fir.st Letter is here republished. That is given, because it clearly exhibits his position. It would have been grati- fying to include the whole, but that would have unduly enlarged the present pamphlet. The entire series will probably be given to the public in some permanent form, and it may be safely commended, beforehand, to all clear thinkers. It will be found very readable, and not without some notable curiosities. As, for example, a reproduction of the old exploded theory, that there is “ no such thing” as “an ultimate eternal distinction, in the nature of things, between right and wrong” — that they are the result purely of a divine arbitrament — “ that a thing is right, not be- cause it is ever so per se, but because God makes it right." For aught that appears, the Doctor would say with that old English schoolman, William of Ockham: “If God had commanded his creatures to hate himself, the hatred of God would ever be the duty of man.” Some of the Southern thinkers hesitate a little about this particular view. Their organs of deglutition are not quite adequate to it. They even venture, as appears from a late Presby- terian Witness, to quote the great Edwards to the con- trary. It is not improbable, however, that the arbitrament theory will at length be swallowed. It is so convenient a thing to the pro-slavery side, to get rid of “ eternal dis- tinctions,” and make right aud wrong of as plastic a nature as possible. In looking over the following letter, several things will strike every reader. First, its confirmation of all that has been said representing a great Southern apostasy on the subject of slavery. Let its views and reasonings be com- pared with the noble testimony of 1818, illustrated and confirmed by various subsequent action, down to that of the last Assembly. Dr. Ross even glories in the progress that has been n)ade, and treats with undisguised contempt all the past utterances of the Church. “ It was a m,istaken 6 public sentiment^'' he says — that of other days. “The Southern slaveholder is now satisfied as never before.” The principles of the Declaration of Independence he re- gards not, with Mr. Choate, as “ glittering generalities,” but as opaque absurdities. He repudiates them. He declares them accursed of God. He puts “ the rela- tion of master and slave in the same category as that of husband and wife, parent and child.” It is as truly sanctioned, he insists, by the Bible. He makes no apology for slavery, but boldly defends it as “ordained of God.” The abounding sophistries of the argument will, to a dis- cerning eye, be quite apparent. As, for example, the treatment of first truths, those great vitalities of all science, human or divine — those fundamental elements, especially of all reasoning about the internal evidence of Revelation. So, also, the confounding of slavery, a institution, an affair of “chattels,” with the governmental economy. But we need not enlarge on this point. The present de- sign is information rather than argument. The important question will suggest itself, what is now the duty of our Church ? What should be done by the coming General Assembly ? A great effort is being made to keep it quite silent. Nay, to bring about, indirectly, what would be virtually a retrograde, pro-slavery course. Witness the clamor, on the flimsiest of grounds, against the recent mild, conservative, righteous action of the Home Missionary Society — action perfectly harmonious in its spirit with that of so many of our General Assemblies. With all humility and deference — not in the way of dicta- tion, but as embodying the known views of many in our Church — the few following suggestions are offered : 1. Let no unconstitutional course be taken. The most scrupulous care should be exercised in that regard. They who plead for righteousness, must not invade rights. Let UB stand in this respect just where we have always stood. 2. As to discipline, there is, doubtless, a possibility of it; as the “Majority Report” of last year showed. Whe- ther in the way of reference, or appeal, or complaint, or of general review and control, the way will be open for it, the wisdom of the Assembly will determine. In this re- lation, Chapter VII., Sec. I., of our Book of Discipline de- serves to be carefully studied. 3. All surely will say, let there be no more “ Delphic words.” Let there be no action that can be misconstrued. The reader will see how Dr. Ross interprets the unpre- cedented insertion of the rejected “ Minority Report” in last year’s Minutes. An interpretation quite accordant, it will be remembered, with the prediction then made. Let no such mistake be repeated. 4. Does not the manifest change in Southern sentiment — the great apostasy so plainly indicated — call, at least, for some new and appropriate testimomj ? Something that Dr. Ross can hardly term a “ stultified abstraction.” It is not to be credited, indeed, that the apostasy is univer- sal. We believe better things of the South. But it is so general, so rampant, so overbearing, so boldly aggressive, that it ought to be promptly met, not in wrath, but de- cidedly, calmly, and firmly. The following action of the Synod of Cincinnati, touching this point, is worthy of the most serious consideration : “Since erroneous impressions exi.stin some minds in respect to the true position of the Presbyterian Church, whereby its efficiency and usefulness threaten to be impaired, and since an open apostasy from the common faith of the Christian Church on the subject of -slavery, is now avowed by many at the South, we feel that the Assembly is called to make a new, solemn, and emphatic declaration and testimony adapted to this new state of things. “In particular, it is openly maintained by professed followers R of Christ, that slavery as a system is right, and to be defended ‘ as it is that it involves no necessary wrongs, and may be properly supported, defended, and participated in, by Christ- ian men ; and this too, at a time when the most determined efforts are making to extend its blight over vast regions now free ! We do, therefore, earnestly petition the Assembly to adopt the following declaration and testimony, or one equiva- lent to it, to wit : “ Whereas, The system of Slavery existing in these United States is essentially at variance with the principles and spirit of the Gospel of Christ ; and “Whereas, Strenuous efforts are now making to extend and perpetuate it, notwithstanding the oppression, immorality, and cruelty, and the numerous evils, spiritual and temporal, which it involves, ^'■Resolved, That this body feel constrained to renew their SOLEMN testimony against this great iniquity, and do earnestly exhort and entreat all Christian men with whom they can have any influence, not only not to participate in it, but to labor to array against it the conscience and the whole moral power of the Christian Church." In the present state of things, our Assembly can hardly say less than this. Some of our Synods have expressed a desire for still more emphatic and effective action. The Synods of Indiana, Wabash, and Western Eeserve call for discipline. May the Assembly receive from on high, “ not the spirit of fear, but of love, and of power, and of a sound mind.” May it so treat this important sub- ject, that it shall “have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them.” So shall we have the smile of Him who hath guided and helped us as a Church hitherto, and who, if we are but true to Him and to righteousness, will never leave nor forsake us. A Constitutional Presbyterian. LETTER OF DR. ROSS. Rev. a. Barxes: Dear Sir: You have recently published a tract — “ The Church and Slavery.” “The opinion of each individual,” you remark, “ contributes to form public sentiment, as the labor of the animalcule in the ocean, contributes to the coral reefs that rise above the -waves.” True, sir, and beautifully expressed. But while in harmony with your intimation, I must regard you one of the animalcules rearing the coral reef of public opinion, I can not admit your disclaimer of “ special influence” among them in their work. Doubtless, sir, you have “special influence” — and deserve to have. I make no apology for addressing you. I am one of the animalcules. I agree and I disagree with you. I harmonize in your words — “ The present is, eminently, a time, when the -views of every man on the subject of slave- ry should be uttered in unambiguous tones.” I agree with you in this affirmation ; because the subject has yet to be fully understood : Because, when under- stood, if THE Bible does v/A sanction the system, the Master must cease to be the master. The Slave must cease to be the slave. He must be free, axd equal IX POLITICAL AXH SOCIAL LITE. That is your “ unambiguous torieT Let it be heard, if that is the word of God. But if THE Bible does sanction the system, then that “ unambiguous tone” will silence abolitionists, 1 * 10 who admit the Scriptures — it will satisfy all good men, and give peace to the country. That is the “ tone' I want men to hear. Li.sten to it in the past and present speech of providence. The time was when you liad the very puhlic sentiment you are now trying to form. From Maine to Louisiana, the American mind was softly yielding to the impress of emancipation, in some hope, however vague and imaginary. Southern, as well as ISiorthern men, in the Church and out of it, not having sufficiently studied the word of God, and under our o-wn and French revolutionary excitement, looking only at the evils of slavery, wished it away from the land. It was a mistaken pvblic sentiment. Yet, such as it was, you had it, and it was doing your work. It was Quaker-like, mild and affectionate. It did not, however, work fast enough for you. You thought that the negro, with his superior attributes of body and mind, and higher advantages of the nineteenth century, might reach, in a day, the liberty and equality which the Anglo-American had attained after the struggle of his ancestors during a thousand years ! You got up the agitation. You got it up in the Church and State. You got it up over the length and breadth of this whole land. Let me show you some things you have secured, as the results of your work. FIRST RESULT OF AGITATION. 1. The most consistent abolitionists, affirming the sin of slavery, on the maxim of created equality and unalienable right, after torturing the Bible, for a while, to make it give the same testimony, felt they could get nothing from the book. They felt that the God of the Bible disregarded the thumb-screw, the boot, and the wheel ; that He would not speak n for them, but against them. These consistent men have now turned away from the word, in despond- ency ; and are seeking, somewhere, an abolition Bible, an abolition Constitution for the United States, and an abolition God. This sir, is the first result of your agitation. The very van of your attack repulsed, and driven into infidelity. A SECOND RESULT OF AGITATION. 2. Many othere, and you among them, are trying in exactly the same way, just mentioned, to make the Bible speak against slaveholding. You get nothing by torturing the English version. People under- stand English. Nay, you get little bj' applying the rack to the Hebrew and Greek ; even before a tri- bunal of men, like you, who proclaim beforehand, that Moses, in Hebrew, and Paul, in Greek, must condemn slavery, because — “ it is a violation of the first sentiments of the Declaration of Independence.'" You find it difficult to jiersuade men that Moses and Paul were moved by the Holy Gliost, to sanction the philosophy of Thomas Jefferson ! You find it hard to make men believe that Moses saw in the mount, and Paul had vision in heaven, that this future apostle of Liberty was inspired by Jesus Christ. Y’ou torture very severely. But the muscles and bones of those old men are tough, and strong. They won’t yield under your terrible wrenchings. Y'ou get only groans and mutterings. Y ou claim these voices, I know, as testimony against slavery. But you can not torture in secret, as in olden times. When putting the question, you have to let men be present — who tell us, that Moses and Paul won’t speak for you — that they are silent, like Christ be- 12 fore Pilate’s scourginj^ men ; or, in groans and mut- terings — the voices of their sorrow, and the tones of their indignation — they rebuke your pre-judgment of the Almighty, when you say — if the Bible sanc- tions slavery — “ it neither ought to be, nor could be received by mankind as a divine revelation.” This, sir, is the second result you have gained by your agitation. You have brought a thousand Northern ministers of the Gospel, with yoiirself, to the verge of the same denial of the word of God, which they have made who are only a little ahead of you, in the road you are travelling. A THIKl) KKSUI.T OF AGITATION. 3. Meanwhile, many of your most pious men, soundest scholars, and sagacious observer of provi- dence, have been led to study the Bible more faith- fully in the light of the times. And they are read- ing it, more and more, in harmony with the views which have been reaclied by the highest Southern minds, to wit: That the relation of master and slave is sanctioned by the Bible ; that it is a relation be- longing to the same category as those of husband and wife, parent and child, master and apprentice, master and hireling ; that the relations of husband and wife, parent and child, were ordained in Eden^ for man, as man, and modifed after the fall ; while the relation of slavery, as a system of labor, is only one form of the govermnent ordained of God, over fallen and degraded man ; that the evils in the system are the same evils of oppression we see in the relation of husband and wife, and all other forms of government ; that slavery, as a relation, suited to the more degraded, or the more ignorant and help- less types of a sunken humanity, is, like all govern- ment, intended as the proof of the curse of such de- 13 (jradatio7i, and at the same time to elevate and hless : that the relation of husband and wife, being for man, as man, will ever be over him • while slavery will re- main so long as God sees it best, as a controlling power over the ignorant, the more degraded and helpless ; and that, when He sees it for the good of the country, he will cause it to pass away, if the slave can be elevated to liberty and equality, politi- cal and social, with his master, in that country ; or out of" that country, if such elevation cannot be given therein, but may be realized in some other land ; all which result, must be left to the unfoldings of the Divine will, in harmony with the Bible, and not to a newly-discovered dispensation. These facts are vindicated in the Bible and Providence. In the Old Testament they stare you in the face ; in the family of Abraham ; in his slaves, bought with his money, and born in his house ; in Hagar, running away, under her mistress’s hard dealing with her, and yet sent back, as a fugitive slave, by the angel ; in the law, which authorized the Hebrews to hold their brethren as slaves, for a time ; in which parents might sell their children into bondage ; in which the heathen were given to the Hebrews as their slaves forever; in which slaves were considered so much the money of their master, that the master who killed one by an unguarded blow, was, under cer- tain circumstances, sufficiently punished in his slave’s death, because he thereby lost his money ; in which the difference between man-stealing and slavehold- ing is, by law, set forth ; in which the runaway from heathen masters may not be restored, because God gave him the benefits of an adopted Hebrew. In the Hew Testament, wherein the slavery of Greece and Borne was recognized ; in the obligations laid on master and slave ; in the close connection of this obligation with the duties of husband and wife, parent and child ; in the obligation to retuni the 14 fugitive slave to his master ; and in the condemna- tion of every abolition principle^ ‘‘ as destitute of THE TRUTH.” (1 Tim. 6 : 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.) This view of slavery is becoming more and more, not only the settled decision of the Southern, but of the best Northern mind, with a movement so strong, that you have been startled by it, to write the pamphlet now lying before me. This is the third result you have secured, to make many of the best men in the North see the infidelity of your philosophy, falsely so-called, on the subject of slavery, in the clearer and clearer light of the Scriptures. ANOTHER RESULT OF AGITATION. 4. The Southern slaveholder is now satisfied, as never before, that the relation of master and slave is sanctioned by the Bible ; and he feels, as never before, the obligations of the word of God. He, no longer, in his ignorance of the Scripture, and afraid of its teachings, will seek to defend his com- mon-sense opinions of slavery by arguments drawn from “Types of Mankind,” and other infidel theo- ries ; but he will look, in the light of the Bible, on all the good and evil in the system. And when the North, as it will, shall regard him holding from God this high power for great good — when the North shall no more curse, but bid him God speed — then he will bless himself and his slave, in nobler benevo- lence. With no false ideas of created equality and unalienable right, but with the Bible in his heart and hand, he will do justice and love mercy, in higher and higher rule. Eveiy evil will be removed, and the negro will be elevated to the highest attainments he can make, and be prepared for whatever destiny God intends. This, sir, is the fourth result of your agitation — to make the Sonthern master know^ from 15 the Bible, his riglit to be a master, and his duty to his slave. Tliese,/hwr results are so fnlly before yon, that I think yon must see and feel them. Yon have brought out, besides, tremendous political conse- quences, giving astonishing growth and spread to the slave ])Ower — on these I can not dwell. Sir, are yon satisfied with these consequences of the agita- tion you hav'e gotten up ? I am. I thank God that the great deep of the American mind has been blown upon by the wind of abolitionism. I I’ejoice that the stagnant water of that American mind has been so greatly purified. I rejoice that the infidelity and the semi-infidelity, so long latent, have been set free. I rejoice that tlie sober sense, iS^orth and South, so strangely asleep and silent, has risen up to hear the word of God, and to speak it to tlie land. I rejoice that all the South now know that God gives right to hold slaves, and with that right, obligations tliey must fulfill. I rejoice that the day has dawned, in which the Yorth and South will think, and feel, and act together on the subject of slavery. I thank God for the agitation. May he forgive the folly and wickedness of many who have gotten it up. May he reveal more and more, that surely the wrath of man shall praise him, while the remainder of wrath he will restrain. r>ECI.ARATION OF INDEPENDF.NCE. I agree with you, sir, that the second paragraph ot the Declaration of Independence contains^’i'g ajfirma- tio7is, declared to be self-evident truths, which, if truths, do sustain you, and all abolitionists, in every thing you say, as to the right of the negro to liberty — and not only to liberty — to equality, political and social. But I disagree with you as to their truth. And I say that not one of said affirmations is a self- evident truth, or a truth at all. On the contrary, that each one is contrary to the Bible ; that each one separately is denied ; and that all five, collect- ively, are denied and upset by the Bible, by the natural history of man, and by Providence, in every age of the world. I say this now. In a subsequent communication I will prove what I affirm. For the present I merely add, that the Declaration of Inde- pendence stands in no need of these false affirma- tions. It was, and is, a beautiful whole without them. It was, and is, without these imaginary maxims, the simple statement of the grievances the colonies had borne from the mother country, and their right, as colonies^ when thus oppressed, to de- clare themselves independent. That is to say, the right given of God to oppressed children to seek protection in another family, or to set up for them- selves, somewhat before twenty-one^ or natural ma- turity ; right belonging to them in the £ritish family right sanctioned of God ; right blessed of God, in the resistance of the colonies, as colonies, not as individual men, to the attempt of the mother country to consummate her tyranny. But God gives no sanction to the affirmation that he has created all men equal — that this is self-evident — and that he has given them unalienahle rights — that he has made government to derive its power solely from their consent — and that he has given them the right to change that government, in their mere pleasure. All this — every word of it — every jot and tittle, is the liberty and equality claimed by infidelity. God has cursed it seven times in France since 1793; and he will curse it there seventy times seven, if French- men prefer to be pestled so often in Solomon’s mor- tar. He has cursed it in Prussia, Austria, Germany, Italy, Spain. He will curse it as long as time, whether it is affirmed by Jefferson. Paine, Robes- 17 pierre, Ledru Rollin, Kossuth, Greeley, Garrison, or Barnes. Sir, that paragraph is an excrescence on the tree of oiir liberty. I pi^y you take it away. "Worship it if you will, and in manner imitate the Dj'uid. He gave reverence to the mistletoe^ but first he removed parasite from the noble tree. Do you the same. Cut away this mistletoe^ with golden knife, as did the Druid — enshrine its imaginary divinity in grove or cave — then retire there, and leave our oak to stand in its glory, in the light of heaven. Men have been afraid to say all this for years, just as they have been timid to assert that God has placed mas- ter and slave in the same relation as husband and wife. Public sentiment, which you once had and have lost, suppressed this utterance, as the other. But now, men speak out; and I, for one, will tell you what the Bible reveals as to that part of the Declaration of Independence, as fearlessly as I tell you what it says of the system of slavery. HOW MEN ARE MADE INFIDELS. I agree with you that some men have been, are, and will be made infidels by hearing that God has ordained slavery as one form of his government over depraved mankind. But how does this fact prove that the Bible does not sanction slavery? Why, sir, you have been all your life teaching that some men are made infidels by hearing any truth of the Bible ! — that some men are made infidels by hearing the Trinity — Depravity — Atonement — Divinity of Christ — Resurrection — Eternal punishment. True ; and these men find great laws of their nature — in- stinctive feelings'’’ — ^just such as you find against slavery, and not more perverted in them than in you, condemning all this Bible. And they hold 18 now, with your sanction, that a book affirming such facts can not he from God:’’ Sir, some men are made infidels by hearing the ten commandments, and they find “ great laws of their naturef as strong in them as yours in you against slaveiy, warring against every one of these commandments. And they declare now, with your authority, that a book imposing such restraints upon human nature, “ can not he from God.” Sir, what is it makes infidels? You have been wont to an- swer — ■“ They will not have God to mle oner them. They will not have the Bible to control the great laws of their natureP Sir, that is the true answer. And you know that the great instinct of liherty is only one of three great laws., needing special teaching and government — that is to say, the instinct to rule ; the instinct to submit to he ruled / and the instinct for liherty. You know, too, that the instinct to submit is the strongest ; the instinct to mile is next, and that the asjnration for liherty is the weakest. Hence you know the overwhelming majority of men have ever been willing to be slaves ; masters have been next in number, while the few have struggled for free- dom. The Bible, then, in proclaiming God’s will as to these three great impulses., will be rejected by men, exactly as they have yielded forbidden control to the one or the other of them. The Bihle will make infidels of masters, when God calls to them to rule right, or to give up rule, if they have allowed the instinct of power to make them hate God’s authority. Pharaoh spoke for ail infidel rulers when he said: “ Who is the Lord that 1 shoidd obey his voice ?” The Bible will make infidels of slaves, when God calls to them to aspire to be fi’ee, if they have per- mitted the instinct of submission to make them hate his commands. The Israelites, in the wilderness, revealed ten times, in their murmuring, in- 19 stinct in all ages. “ Would to God we had died in the wilderness." You know all this, and you con- demn these infidels. Good. But, sir, you know, equally well, that the Bible will make infidels of men affirming the instinct of liberty., when God calls them to learn of him, how much liberty he gives, and how he gives it, and when he gives it — if they have so yielded to this law of their nature, as to make them despise the word of the Lord. Sir, Korah, Dathan, and Ahiram, spoke out jnst what the liberty and equality men have said in all time. “ JY, Moses., and Aaron., tahe too much upon you., seeing all the congregation are holy, every one of them — wherefore, then, lift ye up yourselves above the congregation f" Yerily, sir, these men were intensely e.xcited by “ the great law of our nature — the great instinct of freedom^ Yea, that, they told God, to his face, they had looked within, and found the higher laxo of liberty, and eguality — the eternal x'ight, in their intuitional consciousness. And that they would not submit to his will, in the eleva- tion of Moses, and Aaron, above them. Yerily, sir, you, in the spirit of Korah, now pro- claim, and say : “ Ye masters, and ye white men, who are master, Korth and South, ye take too much upon you, seeing the negro is created your equal, and by unalienable right, is as free as you, and entitled to all your political and social life. Ye take then too much upon you in excluding him from your positions, of wealth, and honor — from your halls of legislation, and from your palace of the na- tion — and from your splendid couch — and from your fair woman with long hair, on that couch, and in that gilded chariot — wherefore, then, lift ye up your- selves above the negro ?” Yerily, sir, Korah, Dathan, and Ahiram, said all we have ever lieard from abolition platforms, or 20 now listen to from you. But the Lord made the earth swallow up Korah, Dathan, and Abiram ! I agree with you, then, sir, fully, that some men have been, are, and will be made infidels by hearing that God, in the Bible, has ordained slavery. But I hold this to be no argument against the fact, that the Bible does so teach, because, men are made infi- dels by any other doctrine or precept they hate to believe. Sir, no man has said all this better than you. And I can not express my grief, that you, in the principle now avowed, that every man must interpret the Bible, as he chooses to reason and feel — you sanction all the infidelity in the world, obliterate your “ Noted' on the Bible, and deny the preaching of your whole life — so far, as God may, in his wrath, permit you, to expunge, or recall, the words of the wisdom of your better day. TESTIMONIES OF GENERAL ASSEMBLIES. I agree with you, that the Presbyterian Church, both before and since its division, has testified, after a fashion, against slavery. But some of its action has been very curious testimony. I know not how the anti-slavery resolutions of 1818 were gotten up ; nor how in some Assemblies since. I can guess, how- ever, from what I do know, as to how such resolutions passed in Butfalo in 1853, and in New- York in 1856. I know that in Bufi’alo they were at first voted down by a large majority. Then, they were recon- sidered, in mere courtesy to men, who said they wanted to speak. So the resolutions were passed, after some days, in which the screws were applied, and turned, in part, by female hands, to save the chairman of the committee from the effects of the resolutions being finally voted down ! I know that in New-York, the decision of the ‘>1 Assembly, to spread the minority report on the Minutes, was considered, in the body and out of it, as a Southern victory. For it revealed, however glossed over, that many in the house who could not vote, directly, for the minority report, did, in fact, prefer it to the other. I was not in Detroit in 18.50. But I think it was established in !New-Tork, last May, that, that De- troit testimony was so admirably worded, that both Southern and Xorthern men might vote for it with clear consciences ! I need not pursue the investigation. I admit, that after this sort, yorr have the stultified abstrac- tions of the X. S. Presbyterian Church, while I have its common-sense.. You have its Delphic words. I have its actions. You have the traditions of the elders, making void the word of God. I have the providence of God restraining the Church from de- stroying itself, and our social organization, under folly, fanaticism, and infidelity. You, sir, seem to acknowledge this. For, while you appear pleased with the testimony of the X. S. Presbyterian Church, such as it is, you lament, that the Old School have not been true to the resolutions of ’18 — that in that branch of the Church, it is ques- tionable whether those resolutions could now be adopted. You lament the silence of the Episcopal, the Southern Methodist, and the Baptist denomina- tions — you might add the Cumberland Presbyte- rian Church. And you know that in New-England, in Xew-York, and in the Xorth-West, many testify against vs as a pro-slavery body. You lament, that so many members of the Church, minister of the Gospel, and editors of religious papers, defend the system. You lament, that so large a part of the re- ligious literature of the land, though having its seat Xorth, and sustained chiefly by i^orthern funds, shows a perpetual deference to the slaveholder. ■22 Yon lament, that after fifty years nothing has been done to arrest slavery. Ton lament, and ask — “ Why should this be so ?” In saying this, you ac- knowledge, that while you have been laboring to get, and have reached the abstract testimony of the Church, all diluted as it is, the common-sense fact has been, and is, more and more, hronght out, in the providence of God, that the slave povjer ho.s heen^ and is gaining ground in the United States. In one word, you have contrived to get, in confused utter- ance, the voice of the Sanhedrim, while Christ, him- self, has been preaching in the streets of onr Jerusa- lem, the true meaning of slavery, as one form of his government over fallen men. These then are some of the things I promised to show, as the results of your agitation. This is the “ tone''' of the past and present speech of providence on the subject of slavery. You seem disturbed. I feel sure things are going on well, as to that subject. Speak on, then, “ in unambiguous tones.” But, sir, when you desire to go from words to actions, when you intimate, that the Constitution of the Presbyte- rian Church may be altered to permit such action — or, that, without its alteration, the Church can de- tach itself from slavery by its existing laws, or the modification of them — then, I understand you to mean, that you desire to deal, in fact, with slave- holders as offenders. Then, sir, you mean to exscind the South. For, it is absurd to imagine, that you suppose the South will submit to such action. You mean then to exscind the South — or to exscind your- self., and others — or to compel the South to with- draio. Your tract just published, is, I suppose, in- tended by you, to prepare the next General Assem- bly for such movement ? — What then ? Will you make your “ American Presbyterian,” and your Presbyterian House effect that great change in the religious literature of the land, whereby the subject ot slaveholding shall be approached, precisely^ as you deal with theft, highway robbers, or piracy ?” Will you, then, by^ act of Assembly, Synod. Pres- bytery, Session, deny your j^ulpits, and communion bread and wine, to slaveholding ministers, elders, and members ? Will you then tell ISTew-England, and especially little Rhoda — we have purified our skirts from the blood — forgive us, and take us again to your love ? What then ? Will you then, ostra- cise the South, and compel the abolition of slavery? Sir, do you bid us fear these coming events, thus casting their shadow before, from the leaves of your book \ Sir, you may destroy the integrity of the Jsew- School Presbyterian Church. So much evil you may do, that you will hereby only add immensely to the great power and good of the Old School. And you will make disclosures of providence, un- ravelling a consummation of things very different from the end you wish to accomplish for your coun- try and the world. I write, as one of the animal- cules contributing to the coral reef of public opin- ion. F. A. Ross. •k *■ • j^-« . W^T 71 ^ ,>^*^y^#fW!fr •ty'^ik ■e^ipffUfn ■ »rfj ’< vi f* ♦♦ «T laovV '! ■>*'' t^/T ^^7# • iK'4- ■» PtkA^ . Aft JJrffW i# fr (jJu' euov #p*'^"i •f ’• ^ S>^ •'*' " fiw* felrrl ’-•^tk^ULdA. ^ «.? . J. n/lH A . ^ k^ . 1 - ^. - .i^kJ w " *^ - tf,tv-' 4x ,^.. TT . v»>k' .>y^4^\.,.. - ?» ■MZf-M _JK . %>.