CENTRAL AFRICA, 
 
 A REVIEW 
 
 OF THE 
 
 MEASURES ADOPTED FOR THE SUPPRESSION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SLAVE TRADE FROM THENCE, and of THEIR EFFECTS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 INTERESTS OF BRITISH COMMERCE IN AFRICA ; 
 
 AND 
 
 SUGGESTIONS 
 
 FOR GIVING TO THE NATIVES OF THESE REGIONS 
 
 THE MEANS OF 
 
 COMMERCIAL COMMUNICATION WITH THE COAST, 
 AND THENCE DIRECT TO EUROPE. 
 
 WITH A SHORT NOTICE OF THE KINGDOM OF BENIN, 
 IN WESTERN AFRICA. 
 
 BY 
 
 ROBERT JAMIESON. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 EFFINGHAM WILSON, Royal Exchange. 
 

 _Sg I 1 c^'ona o 
 
 ns^E 
 
To the British Public, 
 
 Much misconception prevails both as to the measure 
 of success which it is assumed, attended the operations of the 
 British squadron on the African coasts, in its endeavours 
 during a period of upwards of thirty years, to suppress the 
 export of Negroes; and also with respect to the influence 
 which those endeavours have exercised on the interests of 
 British commerce in Africa. 
 
 The first and second chapters of the following paper will 
 supply information on these points, while they are also need- 
 ful preliminaries to the third chapter, in which the various 
 attempts which have been made to open commercial inter- 
 course with Central Africa by the Niger, are briefly traced ; 
 and suggestions are submitted for attempting this great 
 purpose on other principles, and by other means than those 
 which have hitherto been followed without approaching the 
 accomplishment of the desired object: and for the clearer 
 illustration of this chapter a map is appended, kindly sup- 
 plied by Mr. Ariiowsmitii. 
 
IV 
 
 The demand for Slave labour which has recently sprung' 
 up afresh from Cuba, and the promptness with which it has 
 been met from the shores of Africa, give evidence that 
 extended demand only is necessary to create a revival of 
 Slave trading on a large scale. The Slaves shipped on the 
 coasts of Africa are brought from the countries of the inte- 
 rior, and the only sure mode of giving to the traffic such 
 a blow as shall be permanently felt, is to carry legitimate 
 commerce into those regions, and so to stimulate the popula- 
 tion to industrial pursuits on their own soil. 
 
 It may be argued that as far as the character of the 
 African of the interior is known, his love of ease, and want 
 of energy and enterprise, will be obstacles to the accomplish- 
 ment of this great purpose. But it must be borne in mind, 
 that his aptitude for agricultural industry has never yet been 
 fairly tested : his energies are still to be drawn out and 
 stimulated by the spurring influences of commercial pur- 
 suits ; and the grand desideratum is to get these to bear on 
 the regions of Central Africa. 
 
 It is not to be denied that there are difficulties to be 
 overcome in the means suggested for the attainment of this 
 object; but difficulties may often be overcome more easily 
 than might have been apprehended before efforts have been 
 put forth for overcoming them. The first great point in any 
 undertaking is to make a commencement ; and so important 
 
V 
 
 do I esteem this that I should feel wanting in duty did I 
 longer hesitate to submit views, which are the result of my 
 experience and observation during a period of years in the 
 direction of commerce to Western Africa. 
 
 Xhe fourth chapter has been added to call notice to the 
 kingdom of Benin, a country of great extent, comparatively 
 of easy access, and having the Niger for some distance its 
 eastern boundry, yet of which little is known. 
 
 I address myself to the British public rather than to the 
 Government, because the enterprise proposed is one which 
 must necessarily take years to mature, and would be more 
 effectually carried out by an association of individuals zea- 
 lous in the cause, than under Government direction. And, 
 as the law now stands, opportunity is given for carrying out 
 important purposes on this principle, without the danger of 
 extended liability. 
 
 I Avould therefore beg leave to suggest that an association 
 should be formed for the purpose proposed, and that the 
 means for its prosecution be raised by a general subscription. 
 
 I have treated the subject purely commercially. It is, 
 however, now universally acknowledged that commerce is 
 the handmaid of civilization, and in this view it would be 
 difficult to form a grander conception than that of the people 
 
of this country uniting in one common effort towards elevat- 
 ing to the blessings of civilization, so large a portion of our 
 fellow men sunk in deep ignorance and degradation in these 
 remote regions of Africa. 
 
 ROBERT JAMIESON. 
 
 Gloucester Square, 
 London, January, 1859. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 The African Slave Trade and the Attempt 
 at its Suppression. 
 
 For some years previous to 1850-51, the export of Negroes 
 from Africa was almost wholly to Brazil. The export to Cuba, 
 at one time so large, had then all but ceased in consequence 
 of the Cuban authorities, for reasons of their own, putting 
 a stop to the import.* In the years named the Government 
 of Brazil determined to do so likewise, and this they effected 
 by the adoption of stringent measures at the harbours and 
 along the coasts of the Empire for preventing the landing of 
 Negroes. 
 
 For upwards of thirty years preceding the above men- 
 tioned period, England had endeavoured to suppress the 
 export from Africa, by means of treaties with foreign Powers, 
 and by the maintenance of a squadron on the African coast 
 to enforce the terms of these treaties ; — with what results, 
 wdl be seen by a perusal of the following pages, based 
 mainly upon the evidence given before the select Committees 
 of both Houses of Parliament, which sat on the Slave 
 trade,— the Commons’ in 1847-48, and the Lords’ in 1849-50. 
 
 Accompanying the Reports of the Commons’ Committee, 
 
 * “ Is it not the fact that the Government of Cuba has successfully 
 prevented the Slave Trade at the present time in that Island? I 
 believe the Government of Cuba has done so during the last two years. 
 
 I am obliged to suppose so, because that is the only method of account- 
 ing for the great diminution in the importation of Slaves into Cuba.” 
 Lord Palmerston before the Commons' Committee , March , 1848. 
 
8 
 
 there is a memorandum of the estimated annual export of 
 Slaves from Africa, from the year 1788 to the year 1847, 
 which we adopt for reference, as the best statistical document 
 of the kind extant. These exports are stated as follows : — 
 
 In 
 
 From 
 
 1788, . . . 100,000 yearly average. 
 
 1798 to 1805, 85,000 
 
 1805 to 1810, 85,000 „ 
 
 1810 to 1815, 93,000 „ 
 
 1815 to 1817, 106,000 „ 
 
 1817 to 1819, 106,000 
 
 1819 to 1825, 103,000 
 
 1825 to 1830, 125,000 
 
 1830 to 1835, 78,500 „ 
 
 1835 to 1840, 135,800 
 
 In 1840, 64,114 
 
 1841, 45,097 
 
 1842, 28,400 
 
 1843, 55,062 
 
 1844, 54,102 
 
 1845, 36,785 
 
 1846, 76,117 
 
 1847, 84,356 
 
 The computed casualties after shipment are stated in the 
 memorandum, but these it is not deemed necessary to quote, 
 as the question before us is, whether the export was diminished 
 by the measures adopted for its prevention. 
 
 The abolition of Slave-trading under the flag of England 
 took place, it will be remembered, in the year 1807. At 
 that period, as appears from the above figures, the export of 
 Negroes was about 85,000 annually ; that is, when the trade 
 was a legal one to the whole world, and when England 
 
9 
 
 herself had been largely engaged in it. It would seem as if 
 England in thus taking the initiative had expected that her 
 good example in 1807 would be followed by other nations; 
 but this did not prove to be the case, and the trade continued 
 to be freely prosecuted by them until the year 1817. Indeed, 
 it will be seen that during the intervening ten years the 
 export had risen from 85,000 to 106,000 annually. Disap- 
 pointed, as might be supposed, with this issue, England then 
 urged Spain and Portugal, the two Powers whose flags were 
 most extensively used in the traffic, to enter into treaties for 
 its suppression, to which, for a consideration, they assented : 
 Spain for its suppression on the coasts of Africa generally, 
 but Portugal on the coasts north of the equator only, and 
 this on the understanding that the trade should remain legal 
 to her flag on the coasts south of that line, so long as she 
 might hold trans-atlantic possessions. In compensation for 
 the loss resulting from these concessions, England paid to 
 Spain £400,000, and to Portugal £300,000, besides cancell- 
 ing a debt of £600,000 due by her to England. Neither of 
 these treaties gave any power for the detention or capture of 
 Slavers on the northern coasts unless Slaves were actually on 
 board, and their inefficiency for the prevention of the export 
 accordingly soon became manifest. Slave traders speedily 
 discovered, that, in defiance of these treaties, they might sail 
 their ships to those coasts, equipped in all respects for the 
 purchase and conveyance over seas of Slaves, without being 
 liable to molestation by British cruisers, well aware that so 
 long as they had no Slaves on board they could not be 
 touched. Thus prepared for the prosecution of the traffic 
 on the northern coasts, (the Negroes of which are considered 
 stronger and more suitable for heavy work than those of 
 southern latitudes,) they sailed to and fro along the shores, 
 
10 
 
 or anchored in rivers, watching for opportunities in the absence 
 of our cruisers to embark their cargoes and be off to sea. 
 
 The Slaves, as is well known, were collected in barra- 
 coons by agents on shore, who communicated with the ships 
 by concerted signals (at night by lights) and, when the 
 desired opportunity presented itself, the Slaves in a few 
 hours were put on board, and the vessel once out to sea, the 
 danger of capture was small. In this way the export from 
 the northern coasts continued, with great aggravation of 
 suffering and increase of mortality among the Negroes — 
 brought to the coast from distant parts of the interior — 
 cooped up in barracoons while awaiting shipment — indiffe- 
 rently supplied with food and even water, and often all but 
 famished previous to their shipment when embarcation was 
 long protracted — then in hot haste huddled on board, not 
 unfrequently through heavy surfs, and miserably stowed 
 away in the hold in much greater numbers than the ship 
 should carry or was supplied for. They were thus carried 
 out to sea upon a long voyage, to put to the test the power 
 of human endurance. 
 
 While the export was going on in this manner to a 
 greater or less extent north of the equator, it was free to the 
 flag of Portugal and to all who chose to use that flag, in lati- 
 tudes south of the line ; and this remained so from the time 
 that the treaties of 1817 came into operation, until 1835, 
 within which period the annual average export of Slaves 
 which touched 125,000 in the five years ending in 1830, fell 
 to 78,500 in the five years ending in 1835 — a diminution 
 which the issue of the next five years determines to have 
 arisen from other causes than the prevention of the export 
 by the squadron, as will presently be seen. 
 
 In 1835 Spain entered into a new treaty with England, 
 
11 
 
 called an equipment article treaty, by which a mutual right 
 of search of merchant vessels, and of detention if equip- 
 ments used in Slave-trading were found on board, was 
 conceded; adjudication being vested in Courts of mixed 
 Commission ; but Portugal did not enter into any new 
 treaty, and the result was that Spanish Slave-traders simply 
 substituted the Portuguese flag, under which the whole 
 Slave trade of Africa was thence-forwmrd prosecuted, down 
 to 1840, during which period of five years the average 
 annual export reached 135,800. 
 
 To check this growing evil, the British Government 
 in 1839 assumed to itself extraordinary powers, and without 
 regard to the will of Portugal passed an Act of Parliament, 
 authorising the search and detention by our cruisers, of all 
 vessels sailing under the Portuguese flag, on all parts of the 
 African coasts. At this time, it must be kept in mind, the 
 Slave trade was legal by treaty to the flag of Portugal south 
 of the equator, and was being openly prosecuted under it — 
 Slave traders having factories on shore, furnished with all 
 manner of stores and merchandise suitable for its prosecution. 
 It was now declared by a British Act of Parliament to be ille- 
 gal, and the suddenness with which this measure was given 
 effect to by our cruisers, without any previous intimation of 
 it whatever, took the Slave traders altogether by surprise. 
 Not only were their vessels seized, and detained for adjudi- 
 cation in our Admiralty Courts (in terms of the Act of 
 Parliament), but armed men were landed to burn and destroy 
 their factories, with all the stores &c. which they contained. 
 A great blow was thus given to the export of Slaves, and, 
 from the annual amount of 135,800 in the five years pre- 
 ceding 1840, the number now fell to 64,000 in that year, 
 and to 28,400 in 1842. 
 
The success, however, that thus attended this extra- 
 ordinary assumption of power by England, and which cannot 
 be regarded as legitimate, terminated upon the repeal of the 
 Act of Parliament in the year 1842 when Portugal, at last 
 yielding to the will of England, concluded an equipment 
 article treaty, declaring Slave trade to be unlawful under 
 her flag in both hemispheres. 
 
 Slave traders now turned their attention to the flags of 
 nations whose treaties with England did not recognise the 
 right of search, as was the case with those of France, and of ' 
 the United States of America, — and they found the latter 
 peculiarly suited to their purpose, notwithstanding that 
 America was bound by treaty to keep a naval force upon 
 the African ooast, adequate to the prevention of the abuse 
 of her flag in Slave trading. Stores and equipments were 
 now shipped upon vessels carrying the American flag, and 
 the trade was prosecuted in the manner described by 
 Mr. Stavely of the Foreign Office, in his evidence before 
 the Committee of the House of Lords, in April, 1849, as 
 follows : — 
 
 “ They go out to the coast of Africa as American 
 vessels, and so long as they wear the garb of American 
 nationality our cruisers cannot meddle with them, but they 
 have always a number of Spanish, Portuguese, or Brazilian 
 passengers on board, and if they find a cargo of Slaves ready 
 in the barracoons, they in a very few hours embark the Slaves. 
 
 Then the American papers are put away, the American master 
 and crew become passengers, and the Spanish, Portuguese, 
 or Brazilian passengers assume the character of master and 
 crew ; the Portugese, Brazilian, or Spanish flag is hoisted, 
 and away they go, taking the chance of making the run 
 without being intercepted. In this way, these vessels 
 
 i 
 
 J 
 
escape molestation, altogether, on the passage to Africa, 
 unless they fall in with an American cruiser, and even she 
 can only search ; she cannot detain them, according to the 
 American law, unless there be Slaves found on board. 
 Then, on their return passage to Brazil when Slaves are on 
 board, the change of flag saves them from this detention, 
 and from capture by any but British cruisers; and the 
 capture of vessels under the colours now adopted, namely 
 Spanish, Portuguese, or Brazilian, renders them by treaty 
 liable to confiscation only— the crew are not subject to any 
 punishment. Were the capture made under the United 
 States’ flag, the crew would be subject to death — Slave 
 trade being piracy by the American law.” 
 
 Be it observed, that the American law as thus stated by 
 Mr. Stavely, does not permit detention of merchant ships, 
 even if found equipped for Slave trading after the manner de- 
 scribed. The American cruisers can only detain, and send (to 
 the U. S. Courts) for adjudication, vessels having Slaves 
 actually on board, and it will be seen that, under the system 
 practised, this never takes place. The maintenance by the 
 United States of a squadron on the coast to watch her flag was 
 thus reduced to a mere sham. Sir Charles Hotham, who 
 commanded the British squadron, was asked by the Lords’ 
 Committee, in May, 1849, “Did the American squadron 
 interfere in any way in the suppression of the Slave trade ? ” 
 to which he replied, “ Only in one instance, to the best of 
 my recollection, and for so interfering the officer got into 
 great difficulty with his Government. He watched and 
 captured a ship that evidently intended to take a cargo of 
 Negroes across, — she w T as at that time of course under the 
 American flag, — he sent her to New York. It was found 
 by the commander that the trial was nearly concluded, and 
 
Was going entirely against him, when he arrived at the port 
 of New York, made his appearance in Court, and obtained 
 a milder sentence, but not more than that. She was fitted 
 for shipping Slaves — the master avowed his intention of 
 shipping Slaves — and she had on board the most notorious 
 Slave dealer on the coast.” 
 
 The French flag too, it is understood, assisted in the 
 traffic to a minor extent ; and the flag of Sardinia was like- 
 wise available for it, because, although the right of search 
 and detention was conceded in the treaty with that power, 
 the right of trial of vessels captured was reserved to Sardi- 
 nian Courts only. Sir Charles Hotham, on being asked, 
 “ Why were you prevented from capturing Slavers under 
 the Sardinian flag ? ” replied, “ There were two instances of 
 captured vessels being sent to Genoa and being released, 
 although the evidence was entirely in favor of the captors. 
 After that, our officers became of course naturally distrust- 
 ful, and unless the case was a very glaring one (which never 
 occurred), they would not interfere with a Sardinian vessel.” 
 
 Under these circumstances the export of Slaves revived, 
 and the numbers increased from 28,400 in 1842, to 55,062 
 in 1843, and to 84,350 in 1847. The memorandum of 
 exports accompanying the Report of the Commons’ Com- 
 mittee extends no further than 1847, but it is well known 
 that the exports of 1848 and 1849 were upon a still larger 
 scale, directed almost wholly to Brazil. 
 
 It is not for us to discuss the merits or demerits of the 
 policy which led our Government to domineer over Brazil 
 in respect of the Slave trade in 1850, nor to enquire into 
 the motives which led the Government of that Empire to 
 prohibit further importations of Negroes into it, causing as 
 a natural consequence a suspension pro tanto of the exports 
 
15 
 
 from Africa, which continues to this day. It suffices that 
 we have given a brief outline of the history of the attempt 
 to suppress the export of Negroes from Africa by forcible 
 means on the African coasts, and have shown that at the 
 end of thirty years’ exertion for this object, the annual 
 export, that is in 1847-48-49, was as large as the annual 
 average export during the period from 1798 to 1805, when 
 Slave trading was open to all the nations of the world, and 
 England herself actively engaged in it. And this with a 
 large number of ships of war upon the coasts of Africa, — 
 many of them steamers, and in a higher state of efficiency 
 than at any former time. And what have been the results 
 of this fruitless crusade ? To England, a great sacrifice of 
 valuable life in fleets cruizing off unhealthy shores, and 
 an expenditure of millions of the public money : and to 
 Africa, a fearful aggravation of the sufferings and increase 
 in the mortality, of her miserable serfs before and after 
 embarcation ! 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 The influences of Slave Trade Suppression Trea- 
 ties on the Interests of British Commerce in 
 Africa. 
 
 In pointing out the effects which the measures adopted in 
 attempting to suppress the export of Negroes from Africa 
 have had on the interests of British commerce, we shall 
 begin with that which has been considered to be, of all 
 others, the most important as a means of suppression, — the 
 Equipment Article Treaties with foreign powers. 
 
 The articles enumerated in those treaties, as equipments 
 affording proof of an intention to prosecute Slave trading, 
 are so many, that no ship engaged in lawful commerce can 
 be without a greater or less number of them. Palm oil 
 trading ships for instance, have of necessity to carry many of 
 those articles either in themselves proscribed or proscribed 
 in regard to quantities. The trade cannot be prosecuted 
 otherwise. In consequence of this, the owners of British 
 ships in that trade give bond to the custom house autho- 
 rities, that these articles shall not be used for Slave trading 
 purposes ; and certificates to this effect from IT. M. customs 
 are respected by commanders of our own ships of war on 
 the African coasts, but they are not so by the commanders 
 of the ships of war of the foreign powers who have concluded 
 equipment article treaties with us. Such documents are not 
 recognized as legal evidence by these commanders, who have 
 power by the terms of the treaty to detain the ships, and 
 
— 
 
 17 
 
 send them for trial by mixed Courts of Commission. Con- 
 demnation and confiscation are in such a case certain, seeing 
 it is indisputable that many of the proscribed articles were 
 on board ; and, the judgment pronounced by the mixed Court 
 being final, there is no appeal or means of redress of any 
 kind. 
 
 Virtually, therefore, the whole British palm oil trade of 
 Africa, amounting in 1857 to 42,720 tons, is carried on by 
 sufferance of the foreign powers with whom we have such 
 treaties. As yet no evil has resulted from this state of things, 
 excepting on the coast south of the line, where Portugal has 
 colonial possessions, and her men of w’ar are fallen in with. 
 On that coast a promising British commerce was in course 
 of development, when Slave trading there was legal under 
 the Portuguese flag ; but no sooner did Portugal make the 
 traffic unlawful, by entering into the equipment article treaty 
 before spoken of, than the annoyance to our merchantmen from 
 search and detention by Portuguese cruisers became intolera- 
 ble ; resulting in the seizure, trial, and final condemnation of 
 a ship from Liverpool, and causing the withdrawal of some of 
 the principal merchants engaged in this, until then, unmolested 
 and rising trade. This vessel, the Lady Sale, had been dispatched 
 from Liverpool by a house of the highest respectability to 
 prosecute the palm oil trade on the Zaire or Congo river, but 
 was obliged to leave it from not meeting with the success 
 expected. At the time of her capture, she had on board a 
 greater quantity of water than is allowed by equipment 
 article treaties, the principal part of which had been taken 
 in on the Congo as ballast, and was quite unfit for human 
 use, being in palm oil casks. She had also more rice than is 
 allowed by these treaties ; this article having been laid in 
 for the food of Kroomen who were engaged upon the coast, 
 
18 
 
 as is usual, in order to save the European crew of the ship 
 from the heavy part of the work of the palm oil trade. She 
 had also on board an iron boiler or large pot, which was abso- 
 lutely necessary for testing the qualities of the oil, that being 
 done by boiling. These articles form part of those proscribed, 
 and the fact of their having been found on board was held 
 to be proof of an intention to prosecute Slave trading, and 
 was the cause of the ship’s condemnation. 
 
 Of course this put an end to any further palm oil trading 
 on the Congo, but the application of those treaties to British 
 shipping extends equally to all parts of the African coasts, 
 north and south. The having on board any one of the 
 proscribed articles would justify the condemnation and con- 
 fiscation of a ship, and thereby the owner is placed in this 
 position ; — He is, by the sentence of the court, held to have 
 entered upon an illegal voyage — his policies of insurance 
 become thereby void — and the ship and cargo are irretriev- 
 ably lost to him. The ship above alluded to was, it is true, 
 after a length of time and the loss of a voyage, restored ; but 
 only as an act of grace. The fairness of the capture and trial, 
 and the soundness of the judgment pronounced, according to 
 the text of the treaty, were maintained by the Portuguese 
 authorities, and could not be questioned by those of England. 
 What a serious hindrance is thus presented to the spread of 
 British commerce on the southern coasts, and in what 
 jeopardy is the whole British palm oil trade with Africa 
 placed, by treaties of our own formation, and by ourselves 
 urged upon foreign Powers ! 
 
 Another class of treaties considered to be of great impor- 
 tance as a means of Slave trade suppression, but which in 
 their operation are inimical to the spread of British commerce 
 in Africa, are those entered into with native kings and chiefs 
 
19 
 
 foi* the relinquishment of Slave dealing, — or, more properly 
 speaking, for the relinquishment of the practice of selling 
 Slaves for exportation. A theory is got up and propounded 
 to them by the officers of the squadron, to the effect that 
 Slave trade and lawful commerce cannot co-exist, — that the 
 one must be relinquished before the other can be formed, 
 and that if treaties with England be entered into whereby 
 Slave trading shall be relinquished, lawful commerce will 
 come in and compensate for the loss. The poor ignorant 
 men five credence to this doctrine, and, dazzled by the 
 
 O 
 
 receipt of presents as from the Queen of England, put 
 their marks to papers the nature of which they cannot be 
 supposed to comprehend. Dealing in Slaves is suspended, 
 and the immediate advent of the promised lawful commerce 
 is anticipated as a necessary consequence ; but it does not 
 come, — for commerce, as every sensible man knows, cannot be 
 formed in a day, or in a year. Disappointment and a return 
 to Slave selling are the natural consequences. This, how- 
 ever, is an infringement of the treaty, and the issue is illus- 
 trated by what took place, under such circumstances, with 
 the Chiefs on the river Gallinas. A fleet of British men of 
 war assembled at its mouth, and on the 3rd i ebruary, 1849, 
 landed 300 armed men, who burned to the ground, towns, 
 villages, and stores, with all the property in them, to the 
 distance of about twenty miles up its banks. Lawful com- 
 merce is of slow growth, and can only take root where there 
 is continuous mutual friendliness and good faith ; but here 
 the chiefs are deceived, and with their people are made our 
 enemies. 
 
 But the most grievous part of the matter, is, that the 
 theory on which those treaties is based, namely, that lawful 
 commerce cannot co-exist with Slave trade, is fallacious. 
 

 
 20 
 
 The doctrine, nevertheless, is preached up by certain parties 
 at home, and is apt to impress the public mind with the idea 
 that the commerce which exists with Africa must have risen 
 up in localities where no Slave trading was prosecuted, or 
 where it had first been put down by the squadron. We shall 
 prove that the theory and this deduction from it are alike 
 erroneous. 
 
 This is so far done by what has already been stated, 
 namely, that while the Slave trade was legal to the Portu- 
 guese flag on the south coasts of Africa, and was prosecuted 
 without let or hindrance under it, lawful commerce was at 
 the same time prosecuted there. And further, the evidence 
 of Capt. Matson who commanded a ship of the squadron 
 when the onslaught was made upon the traffic on these coasts 
 in 1840-41-42, may be quoted as to the fact: — 
 
 “ At Ambriz,” said he, to the Commons’ Committee, 
 “ when the five Slave factories were burned, there were five 
 or six or seven other factories that were legal factories, — 
 English, American, German, — they were not touched — 
 they were all full of goods; the same trade was going on 
 — the Slave trade in one factory, and legal trade in the 
 other.” 
 
 But the history of the rise and progress of the palm oil 
 trade now flourishing in the Bight of Biafra on the north coast, 
 furnishes very interesting and satisfactory proof on the ques- 
 tion. This commerce dates its commencement so early as 
 from the time when Slave trade was legally prosecuted by 
 subjects of England. The Supercargoes of ships from 
 Liverpool, while lying in the Bight for the purchase of 
 their Slave cargoes, bought also such palm oil as was offered 
 (in very small quantities) for sale; the article, so far as it 
 went, being useful as ballast on the voyage tfTThe West 
 
21 
 
 Indies, as well as remunerative when forwarded thence for 
 sale at Liverpool. 
 
 Upon the abolition of Slave trading by England, this 
 incipient commerce — an off-shoot as it were of the Slave 
 trade — was followed up by the merchants of Liverpool. 
 From custom hottse and other documents, it is estimated 
 that the palm oil received from the Bight of Biafra at 
 that port in the year 1806 was 150 tons, in 1809 upwards of 
 600 tons, in 1819 upwards of 3000 tons, in 1829 upwards 
 of 8000 tons, and in 1839 it was 13,600 tons, giving a value, 
 at the then price of the oil, of nearly half a million sterling. 
 During the whole of this period the Slave trade was prose- 
 cuted in the Bight, the Slaves and the palm oil being both 
 supplied under the auspices of the same kings and chiefs. 
 
 The enormous extent to which Slave traffic is represented 
 as having been carried in 1820-21, appears from a despatch 
 of Sir Charles Mac Carthy, presented to Parliament in 
 1822, along with other papers relating to Slave trade, 
 namely, that “ during the nine months from October, 1820 
 to July, 1821, 190 cargoes of Slaves were taken out of the 
 river Bonny, and 162 out of the Old Calabar.” This was 
 quoted by Capt. Denman, in his evidence before the Lords’ 
 Committee of 1849-50. Before the same Committee, Mr. 
 Dawson, a merchant of Liverpool prosecuting the palm oil 
 trade in the Bight of Biafra, stated, that “in 1830 he had 
 seen as many as 17 Slavers in the river Bonny at one time, 
 some of them very large ships.” And Capt. Denman 
 further stated, that when he was on the coast in 1834-35, 
 “ the Bight of Biafra was the great focus of Slave traffic, 
 north of the equator.” 
 
 By 1839, however, the export of Slaves from the Bight 
 had ceased, leaving in its place a trade in palm oil, which by 
 
22 
 
 that time had expanded (as has been already stated) to 
 13,600 tons. At the end of the next ten years, namely, in 
 1849, the import from thence into Liverpool was estimated 
 at upwards of 15,700 tons. In one of these years however, 
 1845, it touched 18,040 tons, and, assuming this to have 
 been the highest point of the import for that period, the 
 remarkable fact is brought out, that during those ten years, 
 when the Bight was free from Slave trading, the palm oil 
 trade did not progress in so great a ratio, as it had done in 
 the ten years preceding, when Slave trading was actively 
 prosecuted. 
 
 What then becomes of this theory, and of what value 
 are the treaties based upon it ? The theory, we submit, has 
 been proved to be utterly erroneous ; and this being the case, 
 what shall we say of the treaties ? It is true that witnesses 
 have come before the Parliamentary Committees, who, 
 without having given to the question sufficient considera- 
 tion, or having bestowed upon it due enquiry, have stated it 
 as their opinion that lawful commerce cannot exist in contact 
 with Slave trading. But the preceding pages contain ample 
 evidence not only that the contrary was the fact at Ambriz 
 and elsewhere on the south coast ; but that, for thirty years 
 from its rise, the palm oil trade of the Bight of Biafra on 
 the north coast flourished in the midst of the traffic : and 
 we may add this gratifying and important fact, was in the 
 end the means of banishing it, as we trust and believe for 
 ever, from the Bight. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Extension of Commercial Intercourse to the 
 Interior of Western Africa. 
 
 The fallacy of the doctrine that lawful commerce cannot exist 
 in contact with the Slave trade, and the injurious effects which 
 the measures based upon such a doctrine have had upon 
 the interests of British commerce with Africa being thus 
 exposed, the way is so far clear for considering the best 
 means of extending commercial intercourse into the regions 
 of Central Africa, watered by the river Niger and its con- 
 fluent the Chadda. And if we examine into the causes 
 which have led to the advancement of the palm oil trade in 
 the Bight of Biafra, we shall find data that may enable us 
 to arrive at the best mode of procedure for attaining the 
 desired object. 
 
 But first, let us show the progress which has been made 
 by that trade down to the present time. We have, in the 
 preceding pages, traced it from its commencement in 1806, to 
 the year 1849, during which period the annual export of oil 
 rose from 150 tons to 15,700 tons, and we have now to state 
 that it continued to increase in the years which followed, 
 and that in the year 1857 it amounted to 26,050 tons, landed 
 at the port of Liverpool alone ;* to which if we add the 
 
 * The oil imported from the Bight into Liverpool during the past 
 year (1858) through the ordinary channel (namely, in merchant shipp- 
 ing), amounted to 20,300 tons ; besides which, 3600 tons were imported 
 in the African mail steamers which now run to Liverpool. It is believed 
 
comparatively small quantity of 2500 tons shipped to other 
 ports, the exports from the Bight may be stated at two 
 thirds of the total import of palm oil from Africa to Great 
 Britain during that year, as given in the Board of Trade 
 returns, namely, 42,720 tons. 
 
 And now with respect to the causes which have led to 
 this wonderful advancement ; one, and a significantly impor- 
 tant one was, that the trade in its first and more tender 
 stages had the good fortune to be let alone. There was no 
 jarring by interference with the Slave trade as it then 
 existed in the Bight, or with the habits, customs, and pre- 
 judices of the people ; and before the chiefs were invited to 
 enter into treaties with England, Slave trading had ceased. 
 Another cause was, that the trade was conducted directly 
 under the auspices of the kings and chiefs, who found 
 themselves and their people benefited by it, and therefore 
 encouraged its promotion. And a third and most important 
 cause was, that the trade was an open one on equal terms to 
 all who chose to engage in it, and by this means the benefit 
 of competition, regulating values in the interchange of com- 
 modities according to supply and demand, was kept up ; the 
 natives obtained full value for their oil in barter for the 
 merchandise they were in want of, and thus their industry 
 was stimulated and maintained. For the present the palm 
 oil trade absorbs all the available labour of the Bight ; but 
 there can be no doubt, that if labourers were plentiful, other 
 tropical products suitable for the purposes of commerce 
 would be cultivated and prepared. 
 
 If, then, the same elements were brought to bear upon 
 
 that a large portion of this was from the Bight of Biafra ; still there is a 
 falling off for the year as compared with 1857, which is attributed to local 
 troubles at Bonny, that for a time suspended the trade. 
 
25 
 
 the promotion of commerce with Central Africa, there 
 can be little question of the eventual issue being as prosper- 
 ous there, as it has proved in the Bight of Biafra. The first 
 of these elements is in our own hands : as far as our inter- 
 course with those regions has hitherto gone, kings, chiefs, 
 and people, have shown the greatest desire to be friendly, and 
 to become connected with us in commerce ; and why should 
 not this be reciprocated by us, without any intermeddling 
 with their internal affairs ? The second referred to, was the 
 direct encouragement which the kings and chiefs in the Bight 
 of Biafra gave to the promotion of industry among their 
 people, by their being themselves personally engaged in trade. 
 This would soon be developed in Central Africa also. The 
 benefits which would accrue to both chiefs and people from 
 such a course would very speedily be seen and appreciated. 
 
 And in regard to the third and most important element — 
 wholesome competition — how is that to be brought to bear ? 
 How is the stimulus to industry, arising from general supply 
 and demand, to be brought into operation in regions so dis- 
 tant and difficult of approach ? The experience of the past 
 gives proof that this must be attained by other means than 
 the expensive one hitherto pursued, of navigating the rivers 
 by steam vessels. 
 
 It is now a quarter of a century since the first attempt 
 to open commerce with those regions in this way was made, 
 and failed of success. This was a commercial expedition, 
 consisting of two steamers, equipped and dispatched from 
 Liverpool, in 1832-33, by an association of merchants, and 
 conducted by Messrs. Laird, Oldfield, and others. The 
 Niger was ascended as high as to the town of Rabbah, some 
 500 miles from the coast, and the Chadda was also ascended 
 to some distance ; but the heavy expenditure proved ruinous 
 to the enterprise, and its further prosecution was abandoned. 
 
2(1 
 
 Again it is nearly twenty years since the second attempt 
 was made by the less expensive means of one steamer, — the 
 Ethiope, built by the writer for the purpose, who appointed 
 Mr. Becroft to the command, and to the conducting of the 
 adventure, in conjunction with his surgeons Messrs. King 
 and Moffat. The Niger was in this instance navigated to 
 a point above Rabbah, some 50 miles below the town of 
 Busah, where it is supposed the celebrated traveller 
 Mungo Bark perished; here further progress was stopped 
 by strong rapids which could not be passed by a vessel of 
 the Ethiope' a steam power (30 horses). This voyage also 
 was seriously damaged by the heavy expenditure of the 
 steamer. Nevertheless, the proceeds of the produce obtained 
 were to such an amount, as gave a ground of hope that by a 
 continuous series of such ascents, the trade transacted might 
 gradually increase, so as eventually to defray expenditure, 
 and afford remuneration. 
 
 The government expedition to the Niger of T841-42, 
 next followed, consisting of three steamers, — the Albert, 
 Wilber force, and Soudan, — sent out professedly for the 
 advancement of commerce and agriculture in Central Africa, 
 but which, in the opinion of merchants then engaged in trade 
 to Africa, was not likely to accomplish that object, — of which 
 more as we proceed. The disastrous results of this expedi- 
 tion are before the world, and it will always be a source of 
 satisfaction to the writer that he gave timely warning of the 
 probable consequences; and, that this being unheeded, he gave 
 such instructions to Capt. Becroft (who was still on the coast 
 in command of the Ethiope ) as enabled him to render impor- 
 tant succour to the Albert when in distress up the Niger. 
 
 Again, after the lapse of some years, a further experi- 
 ment to form commercial intercourse by steam navigation un 
 the Niger, was attempted under the direction of the writer : 
 
27 
 
 subscriptions having been entered into by a number of 
 mercantile men, and others not connected with commerce, of 
 London, Liverpool, Manchester, and Glasgow, to form a 
 guarantee fund against expenses and possible results, the 
 Niger was again ascended to Kabbah by the Ethiope, com- 
 manded as before by Capt. Becroft, and with Mr. Kino 
 as surgeon and supercargo ; but the adventure commercially 
 fell so far short of expectation, and was attended by so many 
 adverse contingencies, that further prosecution of the experi- 
 ment was relinquished. 
 
 Since then, the Chadda, the confluent of the Niger, has 
 been successfully explored by Dr. Baikie, in the Pleiad 
 steamer, under the auspices of government, and the direction 
 of Mr. MACGREGOR Laird; and that gentleman has just 
 returned to the coast from an ascent of the Niger under the 
 -same auspices and direction. But these missions, supported 
 by pecuniary grants from government, must be looked upon, 
 more as exploratory and scientific than commercial. Out of 
 them, however, a project has arisen for the prosecution of 
 trade upon the river by a Joint S' o k ( ompany, of which 
 notice will be taken as we proceed. At present it is our 
 purpose to show the difficulties that stand in the way ol 
 the formation of general commerce with Central Africa by 
 steam navigation upon the Niger, — difficulties which have 
 not hitherto been sufficiently considered. 
 
 In the first place, the danger to life in passing the 
 unhealthy swamps of the Delta, although lessened by the 
 employment of Africans for ships’ crews, and by the use of 
 quinine and other precautionary measures, must always be a 
 great barrier to the promotion of general commerce with 
 the interior by that channel. 
 
 In the next place, the cost of steam vessels and the heavy 
 
28 
 
 expenditure attending their navigation to, and in, such remote 
 regions, (not to speak of the heavy responsibilities arising 
 from casualties,) inevitably enhance the cost of the merchan- 
 dize to be bartered for produce in Central Africa, to a degree 
 such as the limited extent of trade cannot bear. And even 
 if produce were obtainable in much larger quantity, it would 
 require to be purchaseable at very low prices, in order to 
 defray such heavy expenditure, not to say a word of remu- 
 neration; and in such a case no encouragement would be 
 given to call out and stimulate native industry. Commerce 
 must be remunerative to all parties engaged in it, to be 
 lasting, — to be lasting it must become general, — and must 
 be general to become competitive, and there is no prospect 
 of commerce attaining and passing through those stages in 
 Central Africa by means of steam navigation on its waters. 
 
 The project of a J oint Stock Company above alluded to, 
 carries with it in its details the appearance of partially over- 
 coming these difficulties, inasmuch as the heavy expenditure 
 of steamers would, in some measure, be lessened by what is 
 proposed, namely, to plant trading stations at various parts 
 of the rivers in the interior, for the collection of produce in 
 barter with the natives ; those stations to be visited periodi- 
 cally by a steam vessel with flat bottomed launches in tow, 
 bearing supplies of fresh merchandize, and conveying to the 
 coast in return the produce collected. This mode of prose- 
 cuting the trade is now being followed, aided by annual 
 subsidies from government; and the object of the scheme 
 projected is to extend existing operations by the formation 
 of a J oint Stock Company with limited liability. Of course 
 the ground-work of this project is a desire to advance .com- 
 mercial intercourse in those quarters, but it is not difficult to 
 see that while the commerce transacted might, with govern- 
 
29 
 
 ment aid, be remunerative to those conducting it, its ostensi- 
 ble object would not be accomplished. For a commercial 
 company with limited liability on the one hand, and support 
 from grants of the public money on the other, would form a 
 monopoly to the utter exclusion of general supply and 
 demand. Though it might be remunerative to the English 
 shareholders it would be devoid of that essential element for 
 the development of native industrial resources, — competition, 
 and instead of being a means towards the expansion of 
 general commerce with Central Africa, would retard it. 
 
 Nor would the purposes intended to have been carried 
 out by the government expedition before referred to, have 
 had any other result, supposing that the river fever had not 
 put a stop to the enterprise, by causing a prompt return of 
 the steamers to the coast. Those purposes were mainly — 
 to make treaties with the kings and chiefs of the interior, such 
 as have already been alluded to, for the suppression of dealing 
 in Slaves ; and to enter into arrangements for the purchase of 
 territory on which to plant a British settlement, professedly 
 to initiate the population of the interior in the culture and 
 preparation of productions suitable for exchange in commerce. 
 
 Only two such treaties were concluded, — one with the 
 chief of Eboe, the first considerable place come to in 
 ascending the Niger, just above the Delta, — the other with 
 the chief of Iddah, the next considerable place; and an 
 incident which occurred a few days after the signing of the 
 latter, strikingly developed their mischievous practical opera- 
 tions. 
 
 The circumstances (abridged from Thomson and Allens' 
 published narrative of the expedition) were shortly these : 
 Capt. Trotter of the steamer A Ibert, in ascending the river, 
 fell in with a large canoe descending, belonging to the chief 
 
30 
 
 of Muye, and in charge of his son. It contained three Slaves, 
 a male and two females, three horses, and other property, pur- 
 chased at the market of Egga. “ As Muye is in the territory 
 “ of the chief of Iddah, the canoe, Slaves, horses, &<*., were 
 <c condemnable by virtue of the treaty with him, which pro- 
 “ hibited him, or his subjects, from dealing in Slaves out of 
 u his own dominions.” The canoe was accordingly detained, 
 and the young man in charge of it put upon a formal trial ; 
 the issue of which was this, — that, taking the shortness of the 
 time that had elapsed for the promulgation of the treaty, and 
 other matters, into consideration, — the destruction of the 
 canoe and the seizure of the property in it should not be 
 enforced, but the Slaves were declared to be free and were 
 carried to the coast, and the young man was assured that 
 the terms of the treaty would be strictly acted upon in 
 future. 
 
 Now, supposing that a number of such treaties had been 
 concluded with the kings and chiefs of the interior upon the 
 Niger, and that it was possible by war steamers of light 
 draft of water, or by other means, (forts on the river were 
 spoken of,) to keep up surveillance for their enforcement, — 
 would not this officious intermeddling, by strangers, in the 
 internal affairs of a country, exasperate the kings, chiefs, and 
 people, and make them enemies instead of friends, and thus 
 interrupt at the very outset the formation ot that commercial 
 intercourse with them which it was sought to establish and 
 -cultivate ? 
 
 Then, with respect to a settlement for the purpose of 
 initiation in the culture of exchangeable products, the expe- 
 riment had been tried and had signally failed, long before, at 
 Sierra Leone. This settlement was founded in 1792, ex- 
 pressly “ as an experiment for substituting a commerce in 
 
 r 
 
T — ^ 
 
 31 
 
 the natural productions of the soil, for that in the bodies of 
 its inhabitants and what, may the reader suppose, is the 
 annual amount of productions exported from Sierra Leone 
 at the present time, after millions of English money have 
 been expended upon it? According to the latest official 
 report of its Governor, published in the Blue book of the 
 colonies for the information of Parliament, namely, that for 
 1856, the value of produce exported to England, the United 
 States, and France, — that is to say the total export from the 
 colony, is estimated at £153,347, — not more than the value 
 of produce annually passing through the hands of any second 
 or third rate commercial house engaged in trade with India, 
 China, or America. The estimated value of the imports for 
 the year is also given, and corresponds to the miserable amount 
 of the exports, the total from all parts being £149,357. 
 The cause of this is, that the chiefs and people of the sur- 
 rounding territories declined the proffered tutelage, and, to 
 this day, either hold themselves aloof from the colony, or 
 are in hostility to it ; the results, mainly, of jarrings caused 
 by treaties ; whilst the paltry amount of commerce which 
 exists in the colony itself, has passed into the hands of a few 
 European residents, and has become a species of small 
 monopoly, to the exclusion of general supply and demand. 
 And if such be the state of things at a British settlement, 
 situated on the coast, and open to communication b\ sea 
 with all the world, after having been in our possession for 
 nearly three quarters of a century, what was to be expected 
 from one planted in the interior of Africa, which could not 
 be approached except by the navigation by steam of a river at 
 its season of flood, through some 100 miles of pestilential 
 swamps ! 
 
 How, then, is competitive supply and demand to be A 
 
32 
 
 brought to bear upon commerce with Central Africa? It 
 must, it is contended, be done, by the people of those regions 
 taking a principal hand personally in the work. They must 
 themselves bring their produce to a market on the coast, 
 where they will obtain muoh better prices for it than could 
 possibly be afforded where a heavy steam ship expenditure 
 had been incurred ; and it so happens that a peculiar charac- 
 teristic of the African is favourable to this. It is well 
 known that he makes little calculation of the value of time, 
 and will go a great distance to find a good market for any 
 produce he has to sell, as well as to obtain the merchandise 
 he is want of. He is, however, ignorant of his opportunities in 
 this respect, and must be shown them. The Niger is navi- 
 gable, by canoes of large size, from the far westward, and 
 the Chadda from the far eastward. These rivers form a con- 
 fluence at a distance of about 250 miles from the coast, flow on 
 to “ Iddah,” a town finely situated about 50 miles lower down, 
 and passing “ Kiri market,” about 60 miles further on, and 
 “ Eboe ” some 40 to 50 miles more, find their way to the sea 
 by the outlets of the Niger. Here a barrier presents itself 
 to the further progress of the journey from the interior, by 
 the fact of those outlets flowing through the unhealthy, 
 swampy land of the Delta, inhabited by a barbarous and 
 turbulent population. And even if the coast were reached 
 in safety, there is no market for the sale of produce, except 
 at the town of Bonny, which is situated on the Delta and 
 is notorious for its unhealthiness. 
 
 The natives of the interior, on the Niger and Chadda, are 
 thus debarred from communication with the coast by this 
 route, and are not aware that it can be reached by another 
 discovered some years since in the exploration of the Old 
 Calabar river. Capt. Becroft, after making his first ascent 
 
of the Niger in the steamer Ethiope, was instructed by the 
 writer to ascend the Old Calabar river, in the hope that a 
 connection might be discovered between it and the river 
 Chadda. In doing so he found that what was laid down on 
 the maps as the Old Calabar river, is not a river but an estuary, 
 into which a river flows called the “ Cross river,” but which 
 in reality is the “ Old Calabar,” and which he navigated for 
 some 250 miles, when further ascent was stopped by rapids 
 too strong to be stemmed by a steamer of the Ethiope' s power. 
 The river up to this point had a good depth of water, and it 
 was ascertained that this was also the case immediately above 
 the rapids. The banks were cultivated, the climate was good, 
 and chiefs and people were exceedingly friendly. No con- 
 nection with the Chadda was discovered ; but the exploration 
 as traced by Mr. Arrowsmith in the map appended shows, 
 that the town of “ Ikrikok” immediately above the estuary of 
 the Old Calabar, is distant in a straight line from “ Kiri 
 market” on the Niger only 118 English miles. This market 
 is put down on the map “ Kiri,” from the explorations of 
 Messrs. Laird and Oldfield. But by Capt. Becroft 
 and his party it is called “ Egara.” It is held every ten 
 days, and attended by canoes from Iddah and other places up 
 the river, and from Eboe and other places below. The 
 former bring Slaves, Ivory, Tobacco, Goats, Corn, &c., 
 which are exchanged for Salt, Cloth, Gunpowder, Earthen- 
 ware, &c., brought by the latter. As many as 34 large 
 canoes have been counted passing to this market in one day. 
 
 The distance, then, between the two rivers, at Ikrikok 
 and Kiri respectively, being 118 English miles, the transit 
 across this comparatively short district of country is the only 
 bar to the opening up to Central Africa of a highway to the 
 sea, and a market of general supply and demand in the estu- 
 
34 
 
 ary of the Okl Calabar, in the Bight of Biafra, where there 
 is a safe and commodious anchorage, and where British~and 
 other trading ships are constantly arriving and departing, 
 keeping up that competition which has been so instrumental 
 in promoting the remarkable prosperity of the Bight. This 
 spirit of competition, indeed, has become almost excessive of 
 late years at Old Calabar ; but though it may prove a misfor- 
 tune for the time being to the Europeans engaged in the 
 trade, it carries along with it its own cure ; and, that compe- 
 tition is the soul of commerce is indisputable — a stimulus 
 without which no trade can long flourish. 
 
 If, therefore, a line of communication were established for 
 the short distance in question, so as to enable native traders 
 from the interior to avail themselves of such a market, a 
 prospect would be presented for a rising commercial inter- 
 course with Central Africa which at present is hopelessly 
 distant. Produce could then be sold and merchandise in 
 return obtained at such values as would stimulate and sus- 
 tain native industry as well as compensate for the journey, 
 which is rendered comparatively easy by the aid of the ex- 
 tensive ranges of water conveyance furnished by the Niger 
 and Chadda. 
 
 Some geographers are of opinion that a creek communica- 
 tion exists between the rivers Niger and Old Calabar; but 
 failing this, a road — it might be too much in the first instance 
 to speak of a canal — may be formed to connect them. The 
 expense of such an undertaking would be unworthy of con- 
 sideration compared with the importance of opening to the 
 vast population of Central Africa, an easy and safe transit to 
 a competitive market, and this at a point on the coast only a 
 few weeks’ sail from Europe, with steam-packets from England 
 plying toit monthly. Mungo Park considered that his mis- 
 
sion to the Niger possessed an importance only second to that 
 of Columbus in search of a new world, anticipating that, as 
 the result of his investigations, a dark and almost unknown 
 quarter of the globe would be opened up to the benefits of free 
 intercourse with civilised nations. And here is an opportu- 
 nity for consummating the noble purpose for which he sacri- 
 ficed his valuable life, bequeathing, as it were, to his country 
 the honour of carrying it into effect. 
 
 In justice to the memory of this enterprising philanthro- 
 pist, as well as out of regard for the interests of Africa, this 
 mode of communication with the interior should be inves- 
 tigated, and its practicability put to the test. This once 
 established, a new era would dawn on those parts of Africa. 
 And it would almost seem, as if, under Providence, things 
 were in a state of preparation for this. Old Calabar has now 
 for half a century been in direct commercial connection with 
 England : the kings and chiefs since Slave trading ceased in 
 that river have joined in treaties with England, the terms of 
 which they have faithfully adhered to ; and it is now thirteen 
 years since Christian missionaries settled amongst them, at 
 their own special invitation — missionaries of the United 
 Presbyterian Church of Scotland — both clergymen and 
 female teachers, who have been labouring in the good work 
 of improving the adult population, and in educating the 
 youth of both sexes ; who, it is to be hoped under such train- 
 ing, are growing up in the blessings of Christian knowledge 
 and civilisation, dhe native language has been acquired and 
 grammatically arranged; and by means of a printing press 
 not only elementary books for the use of the schools, but 
 considerable portions of the bible have been printed for cir- 
 culation, in that language. 
 
 As before stated, in any intercourse we have as vet. had 
 
36 
 
 with Central Africa, kings, chiefs, and people have shown 
 the most friendly disposition, and the greatest desire to be 
 connected with us in commerce. Nothing could exceed the 
 kind manner in which Capt. Becroft and his surgeons were 
 received and treated by the king or chief of Kabbah, — Osman 
 or Osiman, — while the Ethiope lay at anchor off that city for 
 nearly a fortnight, in 1840, the city being then in high pros- 
 perity ; or again, in the year 1845, by Massaba this ^chief’s 
 brother at Laddeh, a town inland from Si-wah, (its port on 
 the river,) some distance below Kabbah. Kabbah^wasAiow 
 in ruins ; burnt to the ground and abandoned by its king or 
 chief ; the issue of a quarrel which had arisen between the 
 two brothers ; who, however, according to intelligence 
 recently transmitted from the river by Dr. Baikie, have 
 been reconciled, and are again living in friendship. 
 
 These personages who are of high birth, are supposed to 
 be next in consideration to the sultan of Sakatu ; and from 
 what has above been stated of the strong desire manifested 
 by them for trade, we should approach them with every 
 prospect of their receiving and acting with eagerness upon 
 suggestions for its promotion. While as showing the com- 
 mercial capabilities of the districts of country between 
 Iddah and Kabbah, we give the following extract from a 
 paper drawn up by Mr. King, surgeon of the Ethiope, on 
 his return from the ascent of the Niger in 1845. 
 
 “ Ivory, vegetable tallow, and peppers, formed the prin- 
 cipal articles of barter. The two latter we conceive might 
 be obtained to an unlimited extent, were the natives assured 
 of a regular demand for them. Besides these, indigo might 
 also become a considerable article of trade. 'This plant 
 grows everywhere along the banks of the river ; and, on our 
 ride to Laddeh, we saw small fields of it remarkably clean 
 
37 
 
 looking and carefully thinned, with plantain trees interspersed 
 for the purpose of shading it. Cotton wool is also a produce 
 tion of the country, and is spun and woven into cloths, for 
 the dress of the people, at all the principal towns we visited. 
 Indian corn — of which there are more varieties than one — 
 and millet, appear to be very plentiful. Tale-seed, of similar 
 properties to linseed, and which we understand is an article 
 of export from the east coast of Africa to England, is like- 
 wise very abundant. Ground-nuts are plentiful, as is also 
 another species of earth-nut, called sweet nut by our people 
 who were very fond of them. A small kidney-shaped bean, 
 not unlike the French haricot bean, is also very common. 
 We have likewise seen dates, and an oil prepared from their 
 kernels, but dark looking and burnt. We met with a similar 
 oil at Eboe and Iddah, prepared from the kernels of the 
 common palm oil nut, and which answered exceedingly well 
 the purposes of our engineer, for whose use it was purchased. 
 Other oils in small quantities are also made by the natives, 
 but of an animal kind; the principal of which is that 
 prepared from the fat of the lamantine, or sea-cow of the 
 Niger. This last is chiefly used as an unguent by the women. 
 Dye-woods, gums, and bees-wax, would in all probability be 
 found in quantity ; and leopard and bullock skins might also 
 be turned to advantage in trade. 
 
 “ It will thus be seen, that if the commercial resources 
 of this district upon the Niger were drawn out, there would 
 be no want of exchangeable productions, to uphold a lasting 
 intercourse with Europe.”* 
 
 * For the reader who may desire to see some account of the ap- 
 pearance and character of the Niger, an abridgement of Mr. King’s 
 paper, from which the above extracts are taken, is given as an appen- 
 dix. Although written several years ago, it is the latest account of 
 the Niger above its confluent the Chadda yet extant. 
 
38 
 
 It may be added, that “ vegetable tallow ” is an oil 
 extracted from the nut of the shea tree, which hardens and 
 takes the appearance of animal tallow. It is an article which 
 "could at once be made available in commerce, and as will be 
 seen from the above, according to Mr. King’s opinion, in 
 unlimited quantity. During the few days the steamer lay at 
 anchor off the village of Si-wah, the port of Laddeh before 
 spoken of, the natives prepared ten tons of this oil, which 
 was purchased ; and it commanded a higher price in England 
 than palm oil. 
 
 It will also be seen from the above that at all the princi- 
 pal towns of the interior. Cotton Wool is spun and woven into 
 cloths for native use. Many of these cloths are of excellent 
 quality, proving the quality of the staple itself. The im- 
 portance to England of the opening up of new sources 
 whence increased supplies of this article might be procured, 
 is admitted on all hands. Perhaps it would be difficult to 
 exaggerate its importance. And may it not also with reason 
 be said, that to have a market opened up for this one item 
 of her produce, almost to any extent to which she could 
 supply . it, must be of equal, if not greater, importance to 
 Africa? There are vast regions there ready for being brought 
 under cotton cultivation, with a climate well adapted to its 
 production. A market alone is wanting to stimulate that 
 production. And is there not here, in addition to all the 
 other arguments for it, an urgent call for enquiry as to the 
 best means of forming commercial communication with those 
 regions : and, seeing all the attempts hitherto made with this 
 object, have signally failed for testing the practicability of 
 what is now suggested ? 
 
CHAPTER IY. 
 
 The Kingdom of Benin. 
 
 At the close of the last chapter reference is made to the* 
 supply of cotton-wool which might be procured from Central 
 Africa through the channel indicated. And from the impor- 
 tance of the subject, though not exactly bearing on that now 
 immediately before us, we may be allowed, to add a few 
 words as to the procurability of the article likewise from the 
 kingdom of Benin. This kingdom, it is believed, extends 
 far back into the interior, but its principal town bearing the 
 same name is situated a short distance only from the coast at 
 the Bight of Benin. On a visit paid to it in 1838 by two 
 surgeons of a palm oil ship belonging to the writer, then 
 trading in the principal river of the kingdom, also called 
 Benin, samples were procured of cotton wool of excellent 
 quality, and also of yarn and cloth, spun and woven from it by 
 the natives for native use ; and it doubtless would be exten- 
 sively produced and collected for exportation if encouragement 
 were given by the opening of a market for its sale. The 
 town, it is understood, has water communication by creek 
 with the town of Lagos on the coast, where a British consul 
 resides, and where a demand for cotton has of late years been 
 maintained, through the spirited instrumentality of an indi- 
 vidual merchant of Manchester. But from the isolated and 
 degraded state in which the town of Benin was found 
 in 1838, we think it exceedingly probable that the know- 
 ledge of this demand has not yet reached it. It was then in. 
 
40 
 
 a very wretched condition— shut' up within itself in barba- 
 rism — having no intercourse apparently with the coast, 
 although at one time it must have had commercial communi- 
 cation more or less direct with Portugal, as there are classes 
 of its inhabitants who bear Portuguese appellations, — such 
 as “ Grandes ” and “ Phaedoes,” the latter being a corruption 
 of the Portuguese word for brokers or traders. The king, 
 who had been a great dealer in Slaves, (which no doubt 
 accounts for the debased state of the town,) affected much 
 dignity, but granted the request of the visitors, namely, 
 permission to open trade at Gatta, (a small village situated 
 not far from the town, on a creek flowing into the Benin 
 river,) and the Phredoes expressed their desire that our people 
 would soon return again to trade with them. 
 
 It is important further to state, that Capt. Becroft, in 
 the course of exploring the Benin river two years subse- 
 quently, came upon extensive grassy plains, free of wood or 
 bush, and in all respects suitable for being brought under 
 cotton cultivation, and this at a distance not exceeding 100 
 miles from the entrance of the river, where there are British 
 palm oil factories, and where British ships are at all times at 
 anchor, trading in oil, and from whence as above stated, 
 there is understood to be water communication, by creeks, 
 with the market for cotton which has been opened at Lagos. 
 
 An opinion was entertained, in which the writer partici- 
 pated, that this river, from its magnitude, and its proximity 
 to the mouths of the Niger, would furnish a channel of 
 approach to the main body of the latter, by which the 
 swamps of its Delta might be avoided ; and Capt. Becroft 
 was instructed by the writer to endeavour to ascertain the 
 truth or otherwise of this opinion, on his first ascent of the 
 Niger in the Ethiope steamer ; and he accordingly ascended 
 
41 
 
 the river with that object. The desired approach was no; 
 found, but by the attempt the river was explored, and the 
 plains above spoken of were discovered, which the natives 
 on the river below call the Sooba country, and represent it 
 as belonging to the king of Benin. For about 40 miles, 
 the Benin is a fine bold river. Above this point it flows 
 in two branches, which the Ethlope ascended some 40 miles 
 on the one, and 60 miles on the other, including windings ; 
 both were found to be tortuous and narrow, but having a 
 depth of not less than three fathoms of water, beautifully 
 clear and transparent. At the points indicated, however, 
 both branches were so choked up with equatic plants, a: 
 effectually to stop further progress. Their banks were richly 
 studded with palm and other trees growing in great luxuri- 
 ance ; and it was at the extreme point reached on the south- 
 ernmost, that the extensive plains referred to opened up to view. 
 No population nor signs of population were visible on those 
 plains, but no doubt there must be Negro labourers in plenty 
 in a kingdom so large ; and, now that the export of Negroes 
 has ceased in these quarters, it may be inferred that the 
 knowledge of a market for the sale of produce only is wanting 
 to induce application to industrial pursuits. It is remarkable, 
 that so little should be known of a country of so much 
 importance, or of its king and people ; the capital town 
 being so near to the coast and so easy of access. 
 

 
APPENDIX. 
 
 General Remarks on the River Niger, Abridged from a Paper 
 bt Mr. King, Surgeon or the steamer “ Ethiope, written 
 after his Return from the Ascent of that River, with 
 Captain Becroft, in 1845. , 
 
 We shall now take a short General Review of the Niger, which 
 pursues a course of upwards of 2000 miles from its sources to the sea ; 
 and, in so doing, we propose to divide it into three Sections the 
 Lower, the Middle, and the Upper Niger, a division which will be found 
 at once natural and convenient for illustration. According to this 
 arrangement, we shall designate as the Lower Niger, that portion of 
 the River from the sea to Iddah ; as the Middle, that from Iddah to 
 to Busah ; and from the latter town upwaids, the Upper Niger. 
 
 The term Upper Niger we apply to that part of the River which 
 Mungo Park is known to have navigated, from Sansanding (which he 
 reached by an overland journey from the Gambia River) to Boussah, 
 where his career was so unfortunately terminated a distance of perhaps 
 1500 miles Unhappily at the death of that celebrated traveller his 
 papers were lost, and consequently we remain without any knowledge 
 of the countries or people on the banks of this extensive range of the 
 river. 
 
 On the Lower Niger, a divergent to the south-east, a little above 
 Eboe, may be said to mark the commencement of what is called the 
 “Delta of the Niger,” and if we assume its base to extend along the 
 coast from the Benin river to the Bonny river, it will enclose an area 
 of several thousand square miles. The inhabitants of this region, who 
 consist of several distinct races or tribes, are rude and barbarous ; they 
 are all of them Pagans and sunk in the most profound ignorance and 
 horrid and degrading superstitions. 
 
The appearance and character of the people improve as you advance 
 into the interior. The first glimpses of this appear at Eboe, where the 
 women in particular clothe better; and a stranger experiences a greater 
 feeling of -security in go ng on shore, being not only kindly received, 
 but hospitably treated by the people. Above Eboe both banks of the 
 river, up to Kiri, continue to be thickly covered with trees, but upon 
 passing the latter place the country begins to open a little and to rise 
 into hills of moderate elevation. It is still, however, everywhere studded 
 with wood, by which any view into the interior is effectually intercepted, 
 and this continues to be its character all the way to Iddah. On this 
 part of the river no towns of any importance and but few villages are 
 to be seen. 
 
 At Iddah, where our middle division of the river commences, a 
 great change for the better is observable in the appearance and character 
 of the people. They begin now to have more of the Arab features and 
 less of the distinctive Negro countenance than the natives on the coast — 
 are far more gentle in their dispositions and pleasing in their manners, 
 and are in general well clothed with the cotton manufactures of the 
 country. The better classes also profess the Mahommedan religion and 
 have their resident mallum or priest. 
 
 A great change also takes place here in the aspect of the country. 
 The valley of the Niger now opens wider and is bounded by hills which 
 are but partially wooded and which, indeed, on the eastern side present 
 a grassy surface, nearly altogether free from wood. Great beauty is 
 also imparted to the scenery by the occurrence, for a short distance on 
 both sides of the river, of precipitous cliffs of a coarse red sandstone, 
 rising perpendicularly out of the water to thy height of about 250 feet. 
 On the summit of those cliffs, on the eastern bank, the town of Iddah 
 is situated, from which a commanding and extensive view of the country 
 is obtained. Looking from this eminence towards the confluence of the 
 Chadda with the Niger, the view is particularly pleasing, presenting to 
 the eye a number of tabulated hills and truncated cones, which form a 
 picture of great novelty and beauty. The rocks in this extent (from 
 Iddah to the confluence) are chiefly of a primitive nature: but, from 
 changes effected upon them by physical causes, and from disintegration, 
 t iey now form as it were such a chaos of ruins as almost to convey the 
 idea of remnants of a former world. 
 
45 
 
 From the confluence to Egga nearly, the country is a continued 
 series of table- lands of about 1400 feet high, steep generally towards the 
 river, but apparently sloping in other directions. Their summits, as viewed 
 from the river, frequently present stony escarpments for considerable 
 distances, unbroken in some places and in others resembling the ruins 
 of ancient fortifications. Some fine pieces of alluvial land extend from 
 the river towards their bases, when these are at any distance. Palms 
 with other trees adorn their sides, and large villages are to be seen 
 embosomed in many of their recesses. The people say that on these 
 table-lands their principal farms or plantations are situated. 
 
 At Egga the country loses its tabulated appearance and again 
 becomes undulating and wooded. This appearance it exhibits on the 
 Egga side, with little exception, to beyond Rabbah, while the opposite 
 bank soon begins to rise once more into mountains of considerable 
 height — 1500 to 2000 feet perhaps — and which extend nearly as far as 
 to that city. Those mountains, with the exception of a few lofty cones, 
 are of the anamorphous description, and are generally wooded even to their 
 summits. At Rabbah, sandstone cliffs again present themselves, rising 
 precipitously out of the river to about the same height as those at Iddah, 
 to which they are very similar. The city of Rabbah partly overlooked 
 those cliffs and commanded a very extensive and beautiful view of the 
 surrounding districts. At this town our ascent of the river upon this 
 occasion terminated, agreeably to our instructions, but while here, in 
 1840, we made an attempt to reach Boussah, in the hope of making the 
 ascent of the river from the coast meet the termination of Mungo 
 Park’s descent from its sources. Our progress, however, was stopped 
 by rapids, near to Lever, (or Layabah,) which the Kthiope s steam power 
 was unable to stem, and we were consequently obliged to return back to 
 Rabbah, not having found any town of importance on this part of the 
 river The scenery here was quite equal to any we had seen on the 
 river below. 
 
 The country along the greater part of this middle division of the 
 Niger, is under the rule of the Felatahs, a people probably of Moorish 
 descent, and of a very bold and enterprising character. They differ 
 greatly in their habits and dispositions from the Negro part of the 
 population, who are a remarkably mild and peaceably disposed race, and 
 apparently are little concerned whether they be the governors of the 
 
46 
 
 country, or the governed. The latter, however, evince a greater dis- 
 position for trade than the Felatahs, and it was with them only we 
 transacted business. The acknowledged head or chief of the Felatahs 
 resides at Sakatu, distant from Rabbah about ten days’ journey, in a 
 northerly direction. The present reigning sovereign, we were informed, 
 is Alloh, a son of sultan Belloh, who died in 1834. 
 
 The only foreign intercourse which this part of Central Africa 
 enjoys, is with the Arabs who come from Tripoli and 1 ezzan, and return 
 again annually. These men travel the desert in companies or caravans 
 for mutual protection, until they reach Kano, a Felatah town in the 
 Houssah country, where they separate and spread into Borno, Yarribah, 
 Nuffe, and other countries. They bring with them copper and brass, 
 Which the artisans of the Country manufacture into ornaments and arti- 
 cles of domestic use. They likewise bring woollen cloths, carpets, knives, 
 swords, beads, coral, small looking-glasses, salt, and unwrought silk, 
 taking back chiefly slaves, with cotton cloths, red and yellow dyed goat 
 skins, musk, and other articles. Fearing, no doubt, the establishment of 
 a direct trade from the coast, they endeavour to impress the minds of 
 the natives with the notion, that Europeans will some day take possession 
 of their country, and that on this account our visits ought not to be en- 
 couraged. From the kind and hospitable reception we have everywhere 
 met with, however, and the desire evinced to trade with us, the efforts of 
 those people on this point do not seem to have been attended with much 
 
 ■success. 
 
 At and above Iddah, we consider the climate to be as healthy as 
 that of any other tropical country. The heat (as was also the case m 
 ? our ascent of 1840, when we were in the river more than six months) 
 was at no period extreme, the thermometer ( Fahr .) during the hottest 
 period of the day seldom rising above 88° in the shade upon deck, or 
 85° in the cabin; exposed freely to the sun, it would rise to 110°, and 
 sometimes to 114°, from one to two hours only however after the sun 
 had passed his meridian. During the night, and towards morning, it 
 generally sank to 76° or 74°, when it felt even very chilly. Ram, except 
 when accompanied with squalls and tornadoes,- was never \eiy heavy or 
 ■continued, and although it was near the middle of the rainy season when 
 we left the coast on this ascent, we had scarcely anything but dry weather 
 ■all the time we were in the river. According to the accounts of the 
 
47 
 
 natives, the rains are never long continued in those parts ; so that the 
 annual rise and inundations of the Niger depend but little, we should 
 say, upon the quantity of rain which really falls upon these districts. 
 As in the case of the Nile, the rise of the Niger is no doubt mainly the 
 effect of the rains which periodically visit those mountains where it 
 originates. This rise commences in July, goes on slowly until Septem- 
 ber, when it increases very rapidly, and reaches its greatest height about 
 the latter end of that month, or the beginning of October. Its waters 
 then decrease, at first as rapidly as they latterly rose, afterwards more 
 gradually and slowly, until they attain their lowest point about (as we 
 are told) the latter end of January. 
 
 The exploration of so extensive and interesting a part of the river 
 as the upper division is most desirable, and as the countries along part of 
 that great range are known to be mountainous, there is reason to hope 
 that ores available for commerce might be found in them. 
 
 M. Brown, Printer, it. Old Broad Street, London, E. C. 
 

 
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