JUNE 14, 1919 COMPLIMENTS OF SCRIPPS INSTlTimOK FOR BIOLOGICAL RESEARCH BULLETIN OF THE SCRIPPS INSTITUTION FOR BIOLOGICAL RESEARCH OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA THE PROBLEM OF THE PACIFIC BY WILLIAM E. RITTER THE PROBLEM OF THE PACIFIC By william E. RITTER ‘‘The New Pacific,” “The New Par East,” “The Problem of the Pacific” and phrases of like import have been much in vogue during the past few decades. To different groups of persons they have had different meanings. To the group whose interests are anthropological in the technical sense, they connote the meeting and commingling of dominant types of mankind on a scale and in a fashion not occurring before in the history of mankind. To those interested in problems of civilized society taken broadly, they envisage such a coming together and testing of the relative merits of types of culture as the world has not hitherto seen. To statesman¬ ship which looks beyond as well as within political boundaries, the phrases connote very large questions of international politics and law. To the largest and most powerful group of all, that which stands for commerce and finance, the expressions mean above everything else, the issue as to what nation and what industrial and monetary interests shall dominate the Pacific area to the end of becoming the chief bene¬ ficiaries of the vast wealth, actual and potential, of the region. But there is still another group to which the phrases have, or ought to have, yet another primary meaning. This is the group of broadly observant and careful reflective naturalists. The point I want to make necessitates a few sentences on what should be understood by the term “naturalist.” A true naturalist is one who accepts the external world in its totality without cavil or preconception and makes it his life-business to describe what he finds with the utmost truthfulness, and to discover as much as possible of the law pervading the endless bald facts which his descriptions have recorded. The naturalist is the preeminently - rational variety of the human species. He is preeminently rational, I say, because he considers himself as one who not only applies his reason to the problems of man and the rest of nature, but who learns how the parts of nature are related, and therein discovers the reason in nature. According to the naturalist “Reason” does not ‘Horm the world,” as metaphysical idealism would have it. Rather every human 2 being recognizes some measure of unity in the world. That by means of which this unity is perceived the naturalist calls man’s reason; while that about the world which makes it amenable to such percep¬ tion he calls the world’s reason, or the rationality of nature. In the presence of stupendous natural phenomena like those of the ocean all people in all ages have been powerfully wrought upon through their imaginations and emotions. Whether cultured white or untutored black, Mongolian or Polynesian, Malay or Aleut, none escape. The sea’s mighty power, its beneficence and its cruelty, its mystery, its incitement to reverence and to superstition—he who has no experience of the primal instincts involved in these, or having such experience tries to thrust it aside as infantile and outgrown, is in¬ capable of treating intelligently and usefully any of the major problems of the ocean and man in relation to it. In just these primordial attributes of the human spirit, teacher, administrator and industrial leader may stand on common ground with sailor and fisher¬ man and aboriginal of whatever race. But what possibilities of degradation and misery as well as of exaltation and beneficence are germinal in these deep, ancient human attributes! Hence the transcendent importance of reason in the slow, laborious, progress of civilization, its true role being, never to fail to notice, not to supplant or suppress imagination and emotion, but to supplement and guide them, to make their beneficence more certain, more continuous, more enduring. The naturalist would be untrue to his instincts, to the traditions of his calling, and to his training, if he viewed such a problem as that of the Pacific in any lesser light than that of the fundamental nature of man and of the geographic area concerned. Viewed from this starting point it is seen that the Problem of the Pacific during the four centuries of its existence, is an incontestible refutation of the modern doctrine that an all-sufficient interpretation of human life can be reached on an economic basis. Nothing is written more legibly on the pages of history than that the mighty movement of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, one of the remarkable occurrences of which was Magellan’s voyage right through the middle of the little known Atlantic and less known Pacific oceans, was at least as much a manifestation of human curiosity and the spirit of adventure, as it was of greed for material gain. Nor can an open minded reader of human character and history fail to recog¬ nize the religious element—desire to save souls and exalt the Church —as also fundamental. The spices of the Indies, the silks of Cathay, and the gold of the Americas! Not a doubt about the lure of these; but the strength of even that lure was in no small measure sentimental and romantic. Nor 3 ca,ii the thirst for knowledge—positive, objective knowledge—be put down as a mere subsidiary factor in the great achievements of the era. He who would subordinate Magellan’s determination to test his well- calculated hypothesis that the new waters Balboa had seen at Darien, were the same he himself had seen at Malacca; and the same navi¬ gator’s, attempt, at the cost of his own life, to make the natives of the Philippines Christian by force of arms^—he, I say, who would assess these motives of Magellan as less powerful than his cupidity, is no trustworthy narrator of human acts, no true interpreter of human nature. Even the famous pirates and buccaneers, Drake, Cavendish, Lolonnois, Morgan and the rest, were not as exclusively riches-seekers as economists of the modern school would make them. Thirst for adventure and blood was more than thirst for gold with these men, as has often been said. And such semi-scientific voyages as those of Cook and Bering, and such fully scientific explorations as those of the ‘‘Beagle,” the U. S. exploring expedition, and the “Challenger;” and such missionary efforts as those of Junipera Serra, of John Williams, of Lorimer Pison, of Ivan Veniaminof and of Wm. Duncan, are not a whit less funda- mental, even if somewhat less bulky, a part of the Problem than were the operations of the Kussian American Company, the Alaska Com¬ mercial Company, the Deutsche Handels-und Plantagen-Gesellschaft der Sudsee-Insen zu Hamburg, and the Colonial Sugar Refining Com¬ pany. The problem of the Pacific like the older problem of the Atlantic and the still older one of the Mediterranean, and of every other definitive part of the earth, rests on what can be marked off into five approximately equal sectors of the human animal’s nature: (1) that of his physical nature requiring nutriment, clothing, and other material things; (2) that of his emotional and imaginative nature, urging to objective adventure; (3) that of his religious and philan¬ thropic nature expressing itself in placative, votive and adorative acts toward the mysterious forces of the universe a part of which he recog¬ nizes himself to be, and which work alternately for his benefit and injury; (4) that of his rational nature demanding infallible objective knowledge of himself and the enveloping universe; and (5) that of his social nature, manifesting itself in political and institutional organization and performance. The next move toward our goal will be by way of a single small sub¬ division of the general problem. Take the fur industry of the extreme North Pacific, letting the fur seal question stand central in it, as it does naturally. The five sectors of man’s nature indicated above stand out clearly in this subproblem. 4 The existence far to the north of numbers of mammalian species the pelts of which were valuable for human clothing first became known to the civilized world in the mid-eighteenth century through the explorations of the navigator Vitus Bering and the naturalist G. H. Steller, their efforts being a manifestation of Russians spirit of curiosity afid adventure and desire for geographic knowledge. We know positively that neither desire for lands nor trade cut much figure with the Russian authorities who set these explorations afoot. The story of economic utilization and destruction which followed in the wake of the discoveries, and continued a full century, though highly illuminating, must be passed by except for three points: (1) the almost complete extermination of some of the richest fur bearing animals, notably the sea otter, as a consequence of unintelligent, uncontrolled, rapacious hunting and trading; (2) the gradual coming in of scientific knowledge and political action to regulate the industry and save from destruction something of this remaining source of' wealth; and (3) the humanitarian efforts, first purely religious but later political, on behalf of the natives, Esquimos and Indians. The economic operations were as ruthlessly destructive of the natives as of the fur bearing animals. In consequence, not only humanitarian and religious motives led to efforts for the people, but the indispensa¬ bility of the Esquimos particularly as laborers for prosecuting the industries, worked to the'same end. Confining ourselves now to the fur seal question, attention is called to what may be designated as the era of pure economism in the history of the question. This era extends from the discovery of the Pribilof islands and their seal herds in 1786, to 1910, the year of expiration of the North American Company’s government-secured monopoly of the business, and the assumption by the government of the United States of immediate charge and operation of the property. The period is described as one of pure economism, from the fact that during this time the policy was based on the familiar belief that economic con¬ siderations are paramount; that other factors which necessarily come in, as political, scientific and humanitarian, are yet wholly secondary and subordinate to economic factors. As might have been expected, failure, even economic failure, viewing the matter broadly, resulted. Regulative measures for killing seals while they were on the islands were adopted and carried out with considerable faithfulness, but they were based on inadequate natural history knowledge of the animals, so proved only partially effective for conserving the herds. Pelagic sealing, seal killing, that is, while the animals are on the high seas, came into vogue, and was especially disastrous in that it destroyed breeding females and young as well as males. A 5 The total result was that in the nineties of the last century it became certain that unless a radically different course in managing the herds was adopted, their economic extinguishment was only a question of a few years. Our national government resolved to take the problem seriously in hand. Commendably it began by making a scientific study of not only the American but all the northern fur seal herds, such as had never before been approached. The report of the investigating com¬ mission of 1896 and 1897 headed by the distinguished naturalist and administrator, David Starr Jordan, is a model of what a combined scientific and economic report should be. It is noteworthy that the investigating commission was composed of British as well as American scientists, this because an important aspect of the problem, that of pelagic sealing, involved Canadian, English, and Japanese interests as well as those of the United States. The most important results so far attained by the new course pur¬ sued by the United States Government, the initial move in which was this investigation, are : (1) the international convention of 1911 between the United States, Great Britain, Japan, and Russia, by which pelagic seal killing is entirely stopped during the continuance of the treaty so far as the citizens of these countries are concerned; (2) the demon¬ stration that depleted seal herds can be rehabilitated, and what measures consonant with economic profits are necessary to insure the perpetuity of the herds; and, (3) the decisive wisdom of our Gov¬ ernment in undertaking to handle the whole situation on the basis of scientific knowledge of the seals, humanitarian treatment of the natives, and due regard for the internationally economic and political interests involved. But it would be erroneous to suppose that the fur seal problem is thus solved wholly and for all time. Although there is no doubt about the efficacy of the international convention so far as it has been tested, its real test is yet to come— began indeed last year, 1918. Its operation from now till its self- determined expiration in 1926 will be crucial; and just as in its origin and present nature it is international, so the detailed watch over its operation ought to be international. But it is in the possibilities, indeed probabilities for the more distant future of the fur seal problem that interest in it reaches its highest level. Weighty considerations can be brought forward to support the belief that if the peoples of the Pacific area, along with those of the rest of the world, continue to advance in civilization the Pacific Ocean in common with the other waters of the earth will, as geographical features, and as producers of animals and plants essential to civilized 6 man, play an incalculably larger role in that advance than they have liitherto. Now these seals along with other marine mammals would almost surely be important elements in this larger role. As indicated above, the seals, at any rate, are demonstrably susceptible of a sort of culti¬ vation. At the same time that they are being utilized for a variety of human needs, their numbers can be augmented. Their productive¬ ness can be made an inereasing quantity. So far as the northern fur seal herds are concerned, the limit of such increase appears to be the space available for the animals during the breeding period. It is not a question of food supply, but of living room, this from the peculiar habits of the animals in choosing small, rocky islands as breed¬ ing places. But certainly as regards the American, or Pribilof Island herds, and probably as regards the Russian, or Commander Island herds and the Japanase, or Kuril Island herds, there is room for expansion beyond what was utilized before commercial depletion began. But were a great augmentation of the herds to take place, an aspect of the problem which has hitherto received little attention would almost certainly become prominent. ' This is the question of the food of the seals during the half-year of their long oceanic journey- ings off the North American and Asiatic coasts. That the American seals feed to some extent, while in the far north, on salmon is certain. But concerning their food while they are off the coast of Canada and the Pacific states little is known. Are they not likely to utilize the most abundant fishes of these waters, the herrings, sardines, mackerels, etc. ? But these are just the fish groups which are becoming the bases of some of the world’s important fisheries. At any rate even if the seals do not feed directly and extensively on these economieally valuable fishes, it is inevitable that their food habits should be closely involved with the lives of the fishes—so inextricable do we now know the ‘‘web of life” to be in the waters, as well as upon the lands of the earth. So starting with a small, seemingly detached piece of that aspect of the problem of the Pacific which concerns the ocean as an organic producer, rather than as a commercial and military highway merely, we are led on naturally into the problem of the biology of the Pacific in its entire gamut from its marine mammals down to its microscopic plants. And the problem is, be it noticed, one which concerns in the main extra territorial waters. In its very essence it is international. The merest glance at a quite different aspect of our problem as a whole must now be taken; that namely, of the infiuence of the ocean as a geographic feature, upon the peoples inhabiting its appertinent lands. The illustrative question chosen is that of possible seasonal weather forecasting from scientific studies on the ocean and its superincumbent and contiguous atmosphere. Metereology and oceanography have already advanced far enough to justif}^ the hypothesis that in general weather variations for a given land area might be foretold some months in advance on the basis of adequate knowledge of atmospheric and oceanic conditions. The enormous practical importance of such possibilities for agricul¬ ture, water supply and so forth is so obvious as to need little comment. The only point I enlarge upon is the much greater relative importance of it in the future than at present, especially for a semi-arid, sparsely populated region like that of much of western North America. Unforewarned water and crop shortage will be a much more serious matter generations hence when the population of this region shall be much denser than it is now. To the naturalist, then, the problem of the Pacific, while indeed international, is so because it is part of a much larger, interpeoples problem. And successful handling of it is conditioned upon the creation among the peoples concerned of what may be called an interpeoples and an interracial consciousness. Such a consciousness would have to rest on all the five sectors of man’s nature mentioned above: the economic, the emotional and imaginative, the religious and philanthropic, the rational, and the political. Otherwise and more succinctly stated, the problem is one of basing the political unity of nations on the biotic and ethnic unity of peoples, making large use to this end of the common Merest the peoples have in those port Mis of naUire which are the external groundwork of their lives. 8