OOLUMmA UWVBRtrrY UBRARIIW 
 
WORKS ISSUED li Y 
 
 Cljc ^afeluKt ^oftftg^ 
 
 THE TIIREI^ VOYAGES 
 OF VASCO DA OAMA I'O INDIA. 
 
 FIRST SERIES. NO. XLl I-MDCCCLXIX 
 
V A S C O DA G A M A. 
 
 From a I'or/niit in the possession of 
 
 His Excellency the Count de Lavradio. 
 
THE 
 
 7^ H R E E VOYAGES 
 
 OF 
 
 V A S C DA (i A M A, 
 
 AND 
 
 HIS VICEROYALTY. 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 iLenHas ria latiia 
 
 OF 
 
 GASPAR CORREa, 
 
 ACCOMPANIED BY ORIGIN \.L DOCUMENTS. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE P0R1UOUE8E, 
 WITH NOTES AND AN INTRODUCTION, 
 
 BY THE 
 
 HON HENRY E. J. STANLEY. 
 
 BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER 
 NEW YORK, NEW YORK 
 
Published by 
 BURT FRANKLIN 
 514 West 113th Street 
 New York 25, N. Y, 
 
 H 1^ 
 
 /1xM 
 
 ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY 
 
 REPRINTED BY PERMISSION 
 
 3=iD36A7 
 
 PRINTED IN THE U.S.A. 
 

 S^ DEDICATED, 
 
 Si TO THE MEMORY OF MY FRIEND, 
 
 ' PERCY SMYTHE, VISCOUNT STEANGFOED, 
 
 WHOSE LOSS IS DEEPLY REGRETTED 
 
 BY ALL WHO HAD AN OPPORTUNITY" 
 
 OF APPRECIATING HIS SOUND LEARNING, 
 
 JUDICIOUS CRITICISM, 
 
 AND LOVE OF JUSTICE. 
 
 AS A TRIBUTE oF AFFECTION, 
 
COUNCIL 
 
 THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 
 
 SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHI80N, Bart., K.C.B., G.C.St.S., F.RS., D.C.L., Corr. 
 Mem. Inst. V., Hou. Mem. Imp. Acad. So. Petersburg, etc., etc., President. 
 
 Admiral C. R. DRINKWATER BF.THUNE, C.B. ) 
 
 [ Vice Peebidbnts. 
 The Rt. Hon. Sir DAVID DUNDAS. ] 
 
 The Right Hon. H. U. ADDINGTON. 
 
 J. BARROW, Esq., F.R.S. 
 
 Lord ALFRED CHURCHILL. 
 
 Rear-Admiral R. COLLINSON, C.B. 
 
 General C. FOX. 
 
 W. E. FRERE, KsQ. 
 
 R. W. GREY, Esq. 
 
 CHARLES GREY, Esq. 
 
 JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.A. 
 
 Count de LAVRADIO. 
 
 R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A. 
 
 SiE WILLIAM STIRLING MAXWELL, Bart. 
 
 Sib CHARLES NICHOLSON, Bart., D.C.L., LL.D. 
 
 Majob-General Sir HENRY C. RAWLINSON, K.C.H. 
 
 Hon. H. STANLEY. 
 
 CLEMKNTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., F.S.A., Honobabv Secbbtabv. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Louvarei antes o Camoens sublime, 
 E o bravo Gama, arando ignotos mares, 
 E as Nereidas nuas impellindo 
 As uaos, que amea^a o escolho. 
 
 Francisco MANUF.r,, 
 
 The account here given of Vasco da Gama's voyages 
 is taken from Gaspar Correa's Lendas da India, and 
 is entirely new ; for Correa's work, which has only 
 been printed within the last ten ye^rs, entere into 
 much more detail than the other chroniclers, fre- 
 quently differs from them, and has not been made 
 use of by the great majority of the historians who 
 wrote subsequently to him. 
 
 Gaspar Correa went to India, as he says in his 
 prologue, when very young, and sixteen years after 
 India was discovered, — that would be in 1514. The 
 editors of the history, printed by the Academy of 
 Lisbon, say, however, that he sailed with Jorge de 
 Mello in March of 1512, on the ground of a receipt 
 of which a facsimile is given. The receipt is signed 
 by Gaspar Correa, but bears no date. It does not 
 appear to bear out the assumption that Correa sailed 
 with Jorofe de Mello. It runs thus : 
 
11 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 " tres adigoes 
 Gaspar Correa que foy de Jorge de mello que foy mestre salla 
 
 avera ho mes de Junho sem cevada ao respeito 406 reis 
 
 Recebeo de nuno Rybeiro os quatrocentos e seys reis em cyma 
 
 conteudos, 
 
 Bastiao da costa. Gaspar Correa." 
 
 Correa arrived in India fifteen years before Castan- 
 heda, and must have begun to write his history 
 during the government of Alfonso d' Albuquerque, 
 since while he was his secretary he got hold of a 
 diary written by Joam Figueira, a priest, who accom- 
 panied Gama ; and this, he says, gave him the desire 
 to write down all that he could learn of the deeds 
 done in India. He wrote the history of fifty-three 
 years of the Portuguese exploits in India, leaving off 
 with the government of Jorge Cabral. He mentions 
 having written part of his history in 1561. The year 
 of his death, which, according to Barbosa Machado, 
 occurred in Goa, is not known ; but, as the editors 
 of the printed copy say, it must have been before 
 1583, since Miguel da Gama, son of D. Francisco, 
 the second count of Vidigueira, left India on 
 February 21st, 1583, bringing with him Correa's 
 manuscript. D. Miguel's ship, the Reliqidas, en- 
 countered many storms, and at length arrived in the 
 Tagus, where fire broke out on board the ship, which 
 was with difficulty extinguished, and Correa's manu- 
 script escaped from this danger also. 
 
 Nicholas Antonio, in his Bihliotheca Scriptorum 
 Hispaniw (Rome, 1672), mentions our author in the 
 following terms, "Gaspar Correa, Lusitanus, a civibus 
 siiis laudatur eo quod scripserit, Historia da India" ; 
 
INTRODirCTlUN. lU 
 
 and the prologue of the Academy edition compares 
 him to Polybius : so that it might be a matter of 
 surprise that his work was not pubhshed till three 
 centuries after it was written. 
 
 The printed edition explains the causes which 
 operated to prevent this publication in later times : 
 at an earlier period they must be attributed to the 
 fact that Corjrea expressly intended his work to be a 
 posthumous one, in order that he might speak the 
 truth of all concerned ; after his death, from the 
 corruption which had set in among the Portuguese, 
 truth was still more unpalatable ; and it may also be 
 supposed that many passages of Correa's history 
 could not have passed through the cens\u*e of the 
 Inquisition, since at that time they would have 
 affixed upon D. Joam II. and upon D. Manuel the 
 stigma of Judaism and necromancy. 
 
 Correa's work was hardly ever mentioned from that 
 time tiU 1790, when the Lisbon Academy determined 
 on obtaining a copy of it, for the purpose of printing 
 it. Till lately they had not obtained more than a 
 transcript of part of the first volume, made by two 
 persons, apparently at the end of the last century or 
 beginning of the present one. At length, in 183G, 
 the second, third, and fourth volumes of Correa's 
 manuscript, written in his own hand, were deposited 
 in the library of the Archives by Senhor Dr. Antonio 
 Nunes de Carvalho. The work, however, could not 
 proceed for want of the first vohime, which is lost 
 without leaving any trace or hopes of recovery. 
 Some years ago, however, Senhor Aureliano Basto, 
 
IV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 father of Senhor Joam Baste, the Keeper of the 
 Archives, was so fortunate as to hear of a copy 
 of the first volume in the shop of a confectioner, 
 where he bought it for twenty-eight thousand eight 
 hundred reis. This copy is said to be of a date but 
 a Httle more modern than the time of Correa. 
 
 A second copy exists in the Royal Library of the 
 Ajuda, in two volumes, in a handwriting apparently 
 of the eighteenth century, or end of the seventeenth. 
 This copy is very imperfect. In many parts the 
 copyist has been unable to read the original, besides 
 which he took impardonable liberties with the text, 
 correcting and mutilating it, and making large omis- 
 sions. This copy, however, served to assist MM, 
 Basto and Gomes Goes, also of the Archives, in pre- 
 paring a copy for the press, which has been edited by 
 Senhor Rodrigo J. de Lima Felner. 
 
 The translation now given to the Hakluyt Society 
 has been made from a transcript taken from another 
 copy of the first volume, the property of the Duke of 
 Gor, and which before it belonged to his family, had 
 belonged to the Count of Torrepalma. I was not 
 aware till last year that copies of Correa existed 
 at Lisbon ; and the editors of the Lisbon edition 
 did not know of the copy in the possession of the 
 Duke of Gor. Singularly enough, the Duke of 
 Gor's copy and that rescued from the confectioner 
 appear to have been written by the same scribe : the 
 handwriting, size of the volume and page, columns 
 and headings of the pages in red ink, are similar in 
 the two copies. A whole leaf, however, of the 
 
INTllODUOTION. V 
 
 liabon copy had gone to wrap up sweetmeats, so 
 that the beginning of chapter vi and end of chapter 
 vii have been made to coalesce into chapter vi in the 
 printed edition. 
 
 The various chroniclers who have related Gama's 
 voyage to India vary very much in their dates, and 
 agree only as to the date of his arrival at the river 
 named Dos Reis, on Twelfth Day. They also differ 
 in the number of ships that composed the squadron, 
 some giving four and others three ships, and they 
 vary as to where the three ships were reduced to 
 two, Correa's account, however, differs still more 
 from that of all the others, for he makes the 
 departure from Melinde and arrival in India three 
 months later than in any of the other narratives. 
 He also very much shortens the return voyage to 
 Melinde, which the other historians represent as one 
 of the most arduous passages, in which the crews 
 suffered great hardships. In this, Camoens seems to 
 have followed Correa, canto x, stanza 144 : 
 
 " Thus they set out, cutting through the sea serene, 
 With the wind always gentle, meeting no storm, 
 Until the desired land hove in sight again ; 
 The ever-beloved country in which they were born." 
 
 MiTCHBLL. 
 
 They also differ in the fact that Correa names 
 Gama's ship S. Rafael, whilst Barros names it *S^. 
 Gabriel; but outside the town of Vidigueira, of which 
 Gama was made Count, there is a chapel of St. Raphael, 
 in which an image of that saint is preserved to whom 
 Gama's ship was dedicated. Correa is also the only 
 
VI IxVrRODUCTlON. 
 
 historian who relates that Gama visited Caiianor on 
 leaving Calicut. 
 
 The following are the reasons why, in my opinion, 
 Correa's narrative should be preferred to the others. 
 Firstly, he came to India earlier than any of the 
 other writers, and was the only one who made use of 
 the diary of the priest Joam Figueira. Castanheda 
 who went to India in 1528, is the only historian 
 who competes with him in this respect. Damian 
 de Goes did not visit India. Osorio takes almost 
 all his facts from Goes, and Barros w^rote much 
 later. Secondly, the reasons given by Correa why 
 his work should be a posthumous one, and the 
 religious respect for truth which he professes, 
 ought to secure to him a large share of credi- 
 bility. Thirdly, in many of the points in which 
 Correa is at variance with the other chronicles, his 
 narrative is more in accordance with human nature 
 and probability. The salient points of the narratives 
 of Castanheda, Barros and others, have been added at 
 the foot of the text, and further reasons for preferring 
 Correa's dates and version will be found in the foot- 
 notes. The Lisbon edition does not examine which 
 of the various accounts are to be preferred. The 
 prologue only observes that Correa's work contains 
 some chronological errors, and disputes what he says 
 of the invention of nautical instruments, and of the 
 use of portable firearms. It adds, that " these venial 
 faults ought not to diminish the lustre of Caspar 
 Correa, nor raise doubts as to his good faith, and the 
 full truth with which he relates what he saw and 
 
INTRODUCTION. Vll 
 
 heard." The prologue also disputes Correa's giving 
 the credit of the voyage of Bartholomew Dias to 
 Joam Infante. Here, however, geography supports 
 Correa, for the name of Rio do Infante, the term of 
 the voyage in which Joam Infante and Bartholomew 
 Dias doubled the Cape of Good Hope, shows that 
 Correa had not exaggerated the position held by 
 Joam Infante in that voyage. 
 
 I do not know to what anachronism as to espin- 
 gardas or firelocks the prologue refers : Barros, how- 
 ever, and not Correa, is the person who is guilty of 
 them in Gama's first voyage. Correa only mentions 
 the use of cross-bows. 
 
 Amongst the rare occasions in which Caspar Cor- 
 rea mentions himself, we find the following in the 
 year 1547 (tom. iv, p. 596). At that time " D. Joao 
 de Castro (the thirteenth governor) thought it right 
 to preserve some recollection of the former governors, 
 so he summoned me, Caspar Correa, as I understood 
 painting, and because I had seen in this country all 
 the governors who had governed in these parts; and 
 he enjoined me to work at drawing all the governors 
 naturally [the size of hfe ?]. In which I occupied 
 myself with a painter, a man of the country, who had 
 a great natural turn, and he, by the directions which 
 I gave him, painted their faces so like nature, that 
 whoever had seen them, at once, on seeing the paint- 
 ings, recognised them. The governor also had him- 
 self painted there after nature, armed as if he was 
 figuring in a triumph.^ All were painted on boards, 
 
 ^ This refers to the palm he holds in his hand, and the palm 
 leaf crown on his head in the picture, tom. iv, p. 430. 
 
vm INTRODUCITION. 
 
 each one separately, full size, and all armed with 
 corslets, and some with the very weapons with which 
 they armed themselves, and upon them garments of 
 dark silk, with very rich gold embroidery, and hand- 
 some swords, and above their heads the escutcheons 
 of their arms. At the foot of each was written in 
 gilt letters their names, and the time during which 
 they had governed. He ordered these to be placed 
 in the hall of their house, covered with curtains. 
 This was a thing which looked very well, and all the 
 ambassadors and foreign merchants dehghted much 
 in seeing them ; so much so that some kings and lords 
 sent to fetch them all together to see them. The 
 governor put lay figures^ in the hall, with halberds,^ and 
 with awful features to inspire dread in the Moors 
 who saw them. As the first governor was the Vice- 
 roy D. Francisco d' Almeida, the head of the house of 
 the Almeidas of Portugal, a man of great merit, as 
 has been written in this history, and as the governor 
 was much pleased with his noble deeds, he ordered 
 an inscription to be wi'itten in this manner: 'Rejoice, 
 O great and warlike Lusitania, over your good Por- 
 tugal, since from thee issued Dom Francisco d'AJmeida, 
 the most illustrious man who conquered these parts : 
 and warring in them subjected them to the lordship 
 of Portugal, with so much glory to the royal sceptre.'" 
 The autograph manuscript of Correa contains his 
 pen and ink sketches of these governors, which have 
 been reproduced in the Lisbon edition. They are 
 
 ^ CabiJos. ~ Bysarmas. 
 
INTRODUCTIOxV. IX 
 
 better than the portraits in Pedro Barreto de Resende's 
 work, which are probably copied from the portraits 
 at Goa. There is a MS. of P. B. de Resende in the 
 Sloane collection of the British Museum. 
 
 Vasco da Gama was born in the town of Sines, on 
 the Atlantic, half way between Lisbon and Cape St. 
 Vincent. This town is situated in a bay, (and its 
 name may perhaps be derived from the Latin sinus) 
 which is formed by a point which juts out consider- 
 ably on its northern side, and terminates in some 
 rocky islets. The town faces west. It contains the 
 outer walls of an old castle, and the first cottages at 
 the northern entrance are said to occupy the site of a 
 house which belonged to Gama's family. At about 
 ten min\ites' distance from the town on the northern 
 side of the bay there is a natural wall of granite 
 about sixty feet high, which runs out into the sea 
 and forms a creek, in which small vessels can at all 
 times lie in perfect safety. When I saw it, it was 
 almost completely filled by from forty to fifty fishing 
 vessels, made fast to one another stem and stem. 
 The top of this ridge of rock is occupied by a narrow 
 path or promenade, with a parapet on either side. A 
 path leads up from the creek to a smaU church on 
 the top of the clifi". This church was built by Vasco 
 da Gama after his appointment as Viceroy of India, 
 as an inscription on the right hand of the door states, 
 though it does not mention the year. There is an 
 escutcheon on the left side of the door (on entering 
 it.) Externally this church is very simple ; within it 
 lias only a groined ceiling to recommend it, and a gal- 
 
X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 estaca 
 
 gaUenocas^^Has 
 
 salasmatioufa^erom^'' 
 
 manificas'^° tJbbascotJag 
 
 amacoUeUabitiig'^al 
 
 mtrantebisoreiHas 
 
 pnUias, 
 
 lery or choro alto over the door facing the altar. Of 
 late years a bad portrait of Gama has been suspended 
 in this chapel. An undulating plain of sand, which 
 is almost a desert waste, extends all round Sines, for 
 a distance of more than three leagues, and beyond 
 that the hills are not such as to justify an expres- 
 sion of Lord George Grenville's, of " Lusia's hardy 
 mountaineer."^ 
 
 Dr. Francisco Luis Lopez, who lives at Sines, has 
 written a Brief Notice of Sines, Lisbon, 1850. From 
 it I have extracted the following details of the gene- 
 alogy of Vasco da Gama, which Dr. Lopez has col- 
 lected from genealogical works and the records at 
 Lisbon and Evora. 
 
 Senhor Antonio de Lima says in his Nohiliario that 
 the Gamas proceed from a knight who accompanied 
 the famous Giraldo the Fearless at the conquest of 
 Evora in 1166, but he does not continue the series of 
 his lineage. In some old memoirs it is said that that 
 valiant man was of the family of Ulloa, in Spain, 
 which uses the same arms. The first Gama who was 
 distinguished in Portugal was Alvaro Annes da 
 1 Portugal, p. 34 (London, 1812). 
 
INTRODUCTION, XI 
 
 Gama, who lived in 01iven9a^ in the year 1280, 
 and was one of the famous captains who served D. 
 Affonso III in the conquest of Algarve. He married 
 and had children — (ii) Joao Alves da Gama, Lopo da 
 Gama, Bartholesa da Gama. Joao Alves da Gama 
 lived in 0Hven9a, and served in the wars of D. Diniz 
 and D. Affonso IV. He married Guiomar Cogominho, 
 sister of his brother-in-law, and had (iii) Alvaro 
 Annes da Gama, who served D. Affonso IV, and was 
 with him in the celebrated battle of the Salado in 
 1340. He married Maria Esteves Barreto, and had 
 ■• — (iv) Estevao Alvares da Gama, Diogo da Gama, 
 Commendador de S. Pedro de Trancoso. Estevao 
 Alvares da Gama lived in Elvas in the time of D. 
 Fernando and D. Joao I. He married Catharina 
 Mendes, and had — (v) Vasco da Gama ; who mar- 
 ried, and had — (vi) Estevao da Gama, who was 
 Alcaide M(5r of Sines and of Silves in Algarve. He 
 served D. Fernando, the brother of D. Affonso V. 
 He married Isabel Sodre, daughter of Joao de Re- 
 sende and his wife Maria Sodre, and had — Paulo 
 da Gama, Ayres da Gama,^ (vii) Vasco da Gama 
 
 ^ Oliven^ais in Spanisli Estremadura. In 1300 it was ceded 
 by D. Ferdinand to J). Diniz, King of Portugal, by a treaty 
 for the exchange of certain castles. This treaty was executed 
 in Castel Branco, April 19, era 1338, and is preserved in the 
 Torre do Tombo, Gav. 18, Ma90 9, No. 5. During the War of 
 Independence Spain recovered Olivenqa, which was to have been 
 restored to Portugal in 1815 ; and Murray's Handbook of Por- 
 tugal, p. 51, says that it is a cause of complaint by the Por- 
 tuguese that England did not do nnore to obtain the restitution 
 of Olivenga for them. 
 
 - I am indebted to Senhor Joao Pedro da Costa Basto, the 
 
Xll INTRODUCTION. 
 
 (the navigator), Est e van da Gama, Theresa or Tareyja 
 da Gama. Vasco da Gama is said to have been bora 
 in the year 1469. When young he served in the war 
 against Castile. He married Catharina de Atayde, 
 daughter of Alvaro de Ataide, Alcaide-mor of Alvor, 
 and had — (viii) Francisco, Estevan, Paulo, Christo- 
 vam, Pedro da Silva, Alvaro d' Ataide. M. Ferdi- 
 nand states that Vasco da Gama may have been 
 born earlier than 1469, since a safe-conduct, dated 
 1478, has been discovered, which was given by Fer- 
 dinand and Isabella to Vasco da Gama, and Lemos 
 to go to Tangiers, and it seems unlikely that a safe- 
 conduct would have been given for children. M. F. 
 Denis also thinks it very probable that Gama's eldest 
 son was born before he sailed in 1497; and the 
 ninety-third stanza of the fourth canto of the Lusiad 
 lends itself to the supposition that Gama was already 
 married. On the otTier hand it seems clear that 
 Estevan, who appears to have been the second son, 
 was bom in 1504, after Gama's return from his 
 second voyage, since Correa says, tom. iv, p. 122, 
 that he was from thirty-five to thirty-seven years of 
 age when he became governor of India on the death 
 of D. Garcia de Noronha, April 4, 1540, and it is 
 more probable that Gama married after his return 
 from his first voyage, since during that voyage no 
 allusion is ever made to wife or child, and it is only 
 in his second voyage that we find him accompanied 
 
 head of the Torre do Tombo, for this portion of the genealogy, 
 and for the fact of Ayres being older than Vasco da Gama, which 
 are extracted from accredited genealogical books. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Xlll 
 
 by Alvaro d'Ataide, his brother-in-law. D. Fran- 
 cisco, second Count of Vidigneira, married Guiomar de 
 ViJhena, who died in 1585, they had five sons and 
 one daughter ; the eldest of these, D. Vasco, third 
 Count of Vidigueira, was killed at the battle of 
 Alkasr Kebir, in 1578. D. Francisco, fourth Count of 
 Vidigueira, was bom in 1565 ; he was twice Viceroy 
 of India, and died going to Madrid, at Oropesa, in 
 July 1632: he was buried at Vidigueira in 1640; 
 he married twice, and of his second wife, Leonor da 
 Sylva, he had two sons and eight daughters. The 
 second son, D. Vasco da Gama, fifth Count of Vidi- 
 gueira, and first Marquis of Niza, was born December 
 -14, 1612; he was ambassador to France and to the 
 Popes Urban VIII and Innocent X : he died October 
 28, 1676. He married the Marqueza D. Ignez de 
 Noronha December 29, 1632, and had five children; 
 the eldest, D. Francisco Luiz Balthesar, second Mar- 
 quis of Niza, was bom March 1, 1636, and died at 
 Evora August 10, 1707: he married twice during 
 the lifetime of his father ; first with D. Helena da 
 Sylveira e Noronha, February 12, 1654 : she died 
 after childbirth September 21, 1656 ; of her he had an 
 only daughter, D. Maria Josefa de Noronha, bom 
 September 4, 1656. He married a second time, 
 November 21, 1657, with D. Brites de Vilhena, and 
 had eight sons and two daughters : the eldest of 
 these, D. Vasco Luis Balthasar da Gama, third Mar- 
 quis of Niza, was born at Lisbon August 12, 1662 : 
 he was at the taking of Valen9a de Alcantara, Albu- 
 querque, and other places ; he died October 4, 1735. 
 
xiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 He married August 17, 1709, with D. Barbara de 
 Lara, and had an only daughter, D. Maria Josefa 
 Francisca Xavier Balthasar da Gama, bom February 
 8, 1712, the fourth Marqueza de Niza, and heiress 
 of this house. She married, June 12, 1729, with 
 Nuno da Sylva Telles, second son of the Marquis de 
 Alegrete, who, by his marriage, became fourth Mar- 
 quis of Niza : they had six children, bom between 
 Jime 7, 1730, and January 18, 1738: and from these 
 proceed the later Marquises of Niza/ 
 
 Estevan, Vasco da Gama's second son, was governor 
 of India in 1540, and returned to Europe in 1542 ; 
 he went to Venice because D. Joam III was offended 
 9,t his not taking a wife of his choosing : he died at 
 Venice, leaving a natural son.^ Paiilo, Gama's third 
 son, was killed in a naval action off Malacca in 1534. 
 Christovam, Gama's fourth son, began his expedition 
 in Abyssinia July 6, 1541, and was killed there in 
 1542. Pedro da Silva da Gama, Gama's fifth son, 
 commanded the ship Rainha in the fleet that sailed 
 from Lisbon in 1537. (G. Correa, tom, iii, p. 816 ; 
 and Couto, Dec. v, lib. ii, cap. 3.) Correa mentions 
 him three times in the year 1547, once as son of 
 Vasco da Gama, and once as brother of Estevan da 
 Gama, the governor. A document in the Torre do 
 Tombo, Chancellaria de D. Joao III, Livro 31, fol. 
 18, dated Almeirim, January 26, 1541, appoints D. 
 Pedro da Sylva, gentleman of the King's household 
 
 ^ Antonio Caetano de Sousa, Historia Genealogica da Casa 
 Real Portuguesn, Lisbon, 1743, tom. x, 559-576. 
 2 Antonio Caetano de Sousa. Ibid. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 and son of the Count Admiral ( Vasco da Gama), to 
 be captain of the fort and town of Malacca for three 
 years, with six hundred thousand reis yearly salary, 
 as soon as the post should be vacant ; and directs 
 that D. Pedro should do homage for this fortress 
 according to rule, before he departed from this king- 
 dom (Portugal). 
 
 Alvaro d'Ataide, Gama's sixth son, is mentioned 
 by Cor^:ea, tom. iv, p. 211, as captain of the ship S. 
 Pedro, which came from Portugal in 1541 ; he was 
 imprisoned for a short time by D. Martim Afonso de 
 Sousa, the governor who succeeded to Estevan da 
 Gama, and again released by him in 1542. Diogo 
 do Couto mentions him, Dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. 19, as a 
 son of Vasco da Gama, who was sent by the Vice- 
 roy, D. Afonso de Noronha, as captain-major of the 
 Malacca seae, as he was to enter into the captaincy 
 of Majacca after his brother D. Pedro da Silva da 
 Gama, who was there: D. A. Noronha succeeded to 
 D. Jorge Cabral in 1550. 
 
 Ay res da Gama, brother of Vasco da Gama's 
 father, married Beatriz (or Mecia) Alvez Garcia, 
 and had — Estevan, Sebastian, Isabel, Catharina. The 
 eldest of these children, Estevan, commanded some 
 ships under Vasco da Gama during his second voyage. 
 
 According to the author o{ Evora Illustrada, Padre 
 Manuel Fialho, whose work exists in MS. in the 
 library of Evora, and an Imprimatur for which was 
 given on the 22nd of February, 1707, Vasco da 
 Gama lived at Evora all the time that he was in 
 Portugal after his return from his second voyage, and 
 
XVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 his sons were born there. His house was in a street 
 which runs out of the plaza before the west door of 
 the cathedral. It is still shown, but has been en- 
 tirely rebuilt and altered in appearance. The street 
 is named Rua das Casas Pintadas, because, as Padre 
 Fialho states, Gama had his house painted with the 
 figures of Indians and Indian animals and plants, 
 and there was some gilding on the walls, which was 
 said to have been made from gold which Gama 
 brought from India. Dr. Simoes, the librarian of 
 Evora, told me that he had seen old men who re- 
 membered the remains of these paintings. This 
 house was afterwards bought by the Inquisition, 
 whose office stands almost close by on the north side 
 of the cathedral. The house of the Count of Vi- 
 mioso, who was one of Vasco da Gama's witnesses 
 when he did homage on his appointment as Viceroy 
 of India, ^ still exists, opposite the west door of the 
 cathedral. It no longer belongs to that family, and 
 has been much modernised ; but the dwelling of 
 Garcia Resende, the chronicler of D. Joao II, is in its 
 ancient condition, with a handsome window with 
 mauresque arches. 
 
 It has not yet been explained, — and unless new 
 documents should be brought to light, it will prob- 
 ably never be satisfactorily explained, — why Vasco 
 da Gama remained in inaction from the time of his 
 return from his second voyage in 1503 till 1524, 
 when he went out to Goa as Viceroy. Some Portu- 
 guese are inclined to attribute this inaction of Gama 
 
 ^ See Appendix, third document. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XVU 
 
 to his marriage ; but this does not accord with 
 Gama's character, and Magellan's marriage little more 
 than a year before he sailed did not detain him from 
 his enterprise. The most probable hypothesis is that 
 Dom Manuel, who is now known to have been of a most 
 niggardly disposition, suspicious of his servants, 
 and very jealous of directing personally all the de- 
 tails of government, thought he had recompensed 
 Gama sufficiently, and feared giving too much im- 
 portance to one of his subjects. What inclines me 
 to this supposition of Gama having given umbrage 
 to the King, is the fact that when he was again 
 employed, Don Manuel was dead, and another king 
 had ascended the throne : also because D. Jayme, 
 Duke of Braganza, who knew the justice with which 
 Gama complained of the scanty remuneration of his 
 services, spoke to the King upon the matter, moved 
 thereto only by Gama's great services, and on that 
 account he facilitated the sale of his towns of Vidi- 
 gueira and Villa de Frades to Dom Vasco, so that 
 the King should give him the title of Count of the 
 former town.^ 
 
 Vasco da Gama was buried in the principal chapel 
 of the Franciscan monastery of Cochim, which was 
 probably dedicated to St. Antony, as Correa and 
 Pedro Barreto de Resende so name it. This church 
 was blown up in 1806 by the East India Company.^ 
 Gama's body was removed to Portugal in the year 
 1538, and deposited at Vidigueira. M, F. Denis 
 
 ^ Caetano de Sousa, torn, v, p. 570. 
 2 See note, p. 428. 
 
XVlll INTRODUCTION. 
 
 states that this tomb was violated by the populace 
 in 1840. Gama is described as having been of 
 middle stature, rather stout, and of a florid complexion. 
 
 In the Appendix will be found the text of several 
 inedited Portuguese documents ; it is remarkable how 
 few relating to Gama now exist. No trace is 
 to be found of a hst of the crews of Gama's ships, 
 which Correa says was drawn up, with the names of 
 their famihes, and deposited in the Casa das Minas. 
 The Marquis of Niza, the descendant and representa- 
 tive of Vasco da Gama, informed me that there had 
 been a docimnent in his family containing regulations 
 for the government of India, with marginal notes by 
 Yasco da Gama, but this had been stolen in the time 
 of his grandfather. This document would probably 
 be the one mentioned by Gaspar Correa at p. 425. 
 
 The first document, dated January 10, 1502, is a 
 recapitulation by D. Manuel of Gama's services, and 
 a donation to him and to his heirs of a revenue 
 of three hundred thousand reis, to be fiu-nished by a 
 tythe of the fish of Sines, and out of the taxes of 
 Sines and Santiago. It also authorises him and his 
 heirs to send two hundred cruzados with every royal 
 fleet to India, to be laid out in merchandise, which 
 should be free of all duty except a twentieth for the 
 Order of Christ.- It then grants the title of Dom to 
 Gama, and to his brother A3rres and sister Tareyja. 
 
 A translation of the fourth docimient is given as a 
 note to Correa's account of the vice-royalty of Gama. 
 It speaks well of his integrity and of his justice, but 
 from the details given by Correa he appears to have 
 
INTRODUCTION. XIX 
 
 been too severe. An unmitigated panegyric of Vasco 
 da Gama will be found in the fifth document, which 
 is an inedited speech made by Diogo do Couto, on 
 the occasion of Yasco da Gama's portrait being set 
 up in the Chamber of Goa. The date of this speech 
 is not given, but it appears from a petition of the 
 town of Goa in December, 1609, with respect to the 
 re-erection of a statue to Gama, that the portrait 
 had been set up several years before. Diogo do 
 Couto wrote an oi;ation on the occasion of the re- 
 erection of the statue, which it appears was not 
 delivered. It was printed with some of his inedited 
 works at Lisbon, in 1808. A statue of Gama had 
 been erected on an arch near the quay of the fortress, 
 and had been thrown down by some private indi- 
 viduals clandestinely at night, at which the King 
 had been displeased, and had ordered the affair to 
 be inquired into. He at the same time had ordered 
 the body of D. Christopher da Gama to be. sought 
 for in Abyssinia, to be sent for canonisation. The 
 erection of the second statue was decided upon by 
 the Chamber of Goa on the 9th of December, 1609, 
 and sanctioned on the 11th of December, 1609, by 
 the Viceroy D. Kuy Lorenzo de Tavora, father-in- 
 law of D. Francisco da Gama. Diogo do Couto says 
 that as America was named after Vespucci, so India 
 ought to have been named Agama, to preserve the 
 name of its discoverer. 
 
 The sixth paper is a letter from Duarte Barbosa. 
 It is principally a remonstrance against the miscon- 
 duct of the Portuguese in India, and the violation of 
 
XX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 all the engagements made with the King of Cananor.^ 
 It also mentions the arrival of an ambassador from 
 Abyssinia who was to be sent to the King. The 
 truth of his embassage was doubted because he was 
 a Moor. 
 
 The seventh letter, from King Manuel to Albu- 
 querque, is very interesting. It is a detailed instruc- 
 tion ordering him to survey the Red Sea and the 
 Persian Gulf, and to get information about the coun- 
 try of Abyssinia, to burn and destroy all that he 
 might find at Suez, to get information about Jiddah 
 and the distance to Mekkah, and what garrison it 
 had. 
 
 From this and the preceding letter, it appears that 
 Joam Serrano, who in 1512 was in the Java seas, was 
 in Portugal during the year 1513. 
 
 Three extracts from the third chapter of Genesis 
 in Portuguese, have been added in the Appendix, 
 one of them being taken from a Bible for the 
 modern Portuguese in Ceylon, in order to show the 
 change in the language of the descendants of the 
 Portuguese in India. 
 
 Vasco da Gama has usually been ranked with Co- 
 limibus and Magellan; but the position thus assigned 
 to him not only does not belong to him, but such an 
 estimate is an injustice to those two great navigators. 
 In comparing the three men, the enterprises they 
 carried out, the difficulties they met with, and 
 the resoiu-ces at their disposal, the greatest praise 
 would seem to be due to Magellan. However, both 
 ' See pp. 2r51, 232, 321. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXI 
 
 Magellan and Columbus originated the prospects of 
 their respective voyages, and induced foreign sove- 
 reigns to promote them, and to accept of their ser- 
 vices ; but Gama, as Correa and Camoens tell us, 
 was selected by Don Manuel to carry out a design 
 devised by Prince Henry, and which Don Manuel 
 inherited when it was already matured by Don Joan 
 II. Magellan and Columbus commanded crews who 
 were not their own countrymen, proud men little 
 disposed to follow the lead of a foreigner, and, in 
 Magellan's case, especially disinclined to obey a Por- 
 tuguese ; Gama's crew was entirely composed of his 
 own countrymen, and several of his personal depen- 
 dents were mixed up with them. Gama's great ^ 
 quality was his indomitable constancy, which is set 
 forth in still stronger colours in Correa's narrative 
 than in other histories, and the most pleasing trait 
 in his character is his affection for his brother, though 
 it would have been impossible not to love Paulo 
 da Gama ; but these vu'tues are detracted from by 
 his violent and passionate temper and by the atro- 
 cious cruelties, worse than any ever committed by 
 Pizarro, of which he was guilty during his second 
 voyage. He was able, however, when it suited him, 
 to command his temper, and he appears to have pos- 
 sessed a large fund of dissimulation. No such stain 
 attaches to the names of Columbus and Magellan : 
 the latter lost his life through his chivalrous rashness 
 in refusing the assistance of his Indian allies in an 
 engagement with a superior force. 
 
 Moreover, according to popidar belief, which still 
 
XXU INTRODUCTION. 
 
 shows itself in books where such ignorance would not 
 be expected, Gama is supposed to have been the first 
 navigator who doubled the Cape of Good Hope ; but 
 that task had already been accomplished by John 
 Infante and Bartholomew Dias, and Gama took with 
 with him pilots who had accompanied these navi- 
 gators. 
 
 In relating an event which occurred lq the year 
 1535, Correa gives a conversation of Vasco da Gama's 
 which is worth preserving. There was a certain 
 Diogo Botelho, a pilot, who was condemned to re- 
 main in India ; and in 1535, when the fortress of 
 Diu was commenced and the governor was going to 
 send Simao Ferreira with news of it to the King, 
 Diogo Botelho got the start of him and came from 
 India to Portugal in a very small fusta with six 
 slaves and five Portuguese.^ Sunao Ferreira left 
 India on the 20th November, twelve days later than 
 Botelho, in a caravel of 150 tons. Botelho was in 
 great straits for water and provisions, but took in 
 some at the island of Fayal, which he left with three 
 hours' start of the caravel,- which had ordei-s to cap- 
 tm-e hun. Botelho reached Lisbon^ twenty days 
 before Simao FeiTeira, and obtained his pardon from 
 the King, partly for the good news, and partly 
 
 1 Barros, Dec. iv, lib. vi, cap. 14. He gives the following 
 measurements of the fusta : breadth, 22 spans ; depth from keel 
 to lower deck, six spans ; length, twelve spans, probably a mis- 
 print for a hundred and twelve spans, which I am informed 
 would not be a bad proportion of length and breadth. 
 
 2 Barros gives him eight days' start. 
 
 ■" He reached Lisbon in May ; Barros, Dec. iv, lib. vi, cap. 14. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXlil 
 
 through the intercession of the Empress, which he 
 went to Castile to request. This Botelho was a 
 natural son of Antonio Real, who was captain of 
 Cochim in the time of Francisco d' Almeida, and of a 
 Portuguese woman named Eyria Pereu-a, who brought 
 him up very well: he learned piloting and cosmo- 
 graphy from a Dominican friar in Cochhn: he then 
 went to Portugal, and was well treated by the Kmg, 
 who made him a gentleman, and talked with him of 
 navigation, upon which Diogo Botelho asked the 
 King to give him the captaincy of Chaul. The King 
 was angry, seeing that he asked out of vanity what 
 he did not deserve ; and, half laughing, said : Pilots 
 do not ask to be captains of fortresses. He replied : 
 Sire, I studied and learned so as to deserve it; and 
 if in that manner I have lost, will you do me the 
 favour which I beg on my own account, and for the 
 services which I have rendered. The King said : 
 Do not be in a hurry, for it is not time yet. He did 
 not reply to this, and going out into the ante- 
 chamber, D. Antonio, the privy clerk, asked him if 
 the King had despatched his business. He said : 
 Sir, I will look out for a good despatch myself This 
 having been repeated to the King, he ordered him 
 to be well shut up in the castle of Lisbon, so that he 
 should not run away to Castile, and do as Magellan 
 had done. There he remained a prisoner, and some 
 of his friends disabused hun of his vanity as a pilot, 
 which had broucrht him to where he was. Thus he 
 remained until D. Vasco da Gama sailed for India as 
 Viceroy (in l.)24), and being much entreated by 
 
XXIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 some gentlemen, he begged the King to give Botelho 
 up to him. The King gave him to him to take with 
 him to India, whence he was not to return to Por- 
 tugal without the King's leave. The Viceroy took 
 him out in his ship as he was also a pilot; and at 
 times conversing in the ship, the Viceroy used to 
 say that if the King had ordered Magellan's head to 
 be cut off when he was ruffled because his palace 
 stipend was not increased, he would not have done 
 to him what he did. "But all men who are very good 
 as pilots have mad fancies ; and you, Diogo Botelho, 
 have lost yourself through that ; therefore do you 
 make amends with good services, because the King 
 will grant you favours, and I will do so also." 
 
 This shews the feelings which Gama entertained 
 against Magellan, even after his death, and the httle 
 regard that he felt for the art and science of naviga- 
 tion. 
 
 Camoens was not blind to the shortcomings of 
 Gama, and at the end of the fifth cgjito represents 
 him as an uncultivated, unlettered man, where he 
 says : 
 
 " Let Gama thank the Muses that their zeal 
 For Lusitania's honour bids them sound 
 His name, accordant to the just appeal 
 Of strenuous deeds that claim to be renown'd. 
 For neither they of Pindus' echoing hill 
 NorTejo's nymphs in Vasco's race have found 
 Such friends, that these should leave their grottos dim, 
 And woofs of golden twine, to sing of him." 
 
 QUILLI^AN. 
 
 As the reader s judgment with respect to Vasco da 
 Gama and the men of his time is liable to be led 
 
INTllODUCTION. XXV 
 
 astray by the glorious strains of Camoens, and by 
 the recital of the great and valiant deeds performed 
 by a handful of men from a small country, it is neces- 
 sary to present another pictiu^e of him and his com- 
 panions, drawn by a master-hand. 
 
 " But I had another reason, which made me less 
 forward to enlarge his Majesty's dominions by my 
 discoveries. To say the truth, I had conceived a few 
 scruples with relation to the distributive justice of 
 princes upon those occasions. For instance, a crew 
 of pirates are driven by a storm they know not 
 whither ; at length a boy discovers land from the 
 top-mast ; they go on shore to rob and plunder ; they 
 see an harmless people, are entertained with kindness; 
 they give the country a new name ; they take formal 
 possession of it for the King : they set up a rotten 
 plank or a stone for a memorial ; they murder two 
 or three dozen of the natives, bring away a couple 
 more by force for a sample, return home and get 
 their pardon. Here commences a new dominion, ac- 
 quired with a title by Divine right. Ships are sent 
 with the first opportunity; the natives driven out or 
 destroyed ; their princes tortured to discover their 
 gold ; a free licence given to all acts of inhumanity 
 and lust, the earth reeking with the blood of its in- 
 habitants ; and this execrable crew of butchers em- 
 ployed in so pious an expedition, is a modern colony, 
 sent to convert and civilise an idolatrous and bar- 
 barous people."^ 
 
 The most noble and worthy character in this story 
 ^ It is a tribute to the satire of Swift that this pai'ugraph 
 
XXVI INTllODUCTION. 
 
 is that of Paulo da Gama ; he was a most loveable 
 man, of a gentle disposition, yet capable of as much 
 resolution, and as ready to incur any hazard as the 
 boldest of his companions. All the traits handed down 
 of him, and the speeches reported by Correa shew 
 that he was of the same nature as Bayard. He was 
 an exception to the other men of his age and nation, 
 whose ferocity was stimulated by the desire of gain ; 
 on this account it was fittmg that he should have 
 been removed from the scenes of bloodshed and 
 rapine in which his countrymen were shortly after- 
 wards engaged, and no more appropriate resting- 
 place could have been chosen for him than the island 
 of Terceira, one of the few spots upon the earth 
 which was then unstained with human blood. He 
 was buried within the church of the Franciscan 
 monastery in the town of Angra, under a slab of 
 marble, as a Portuguese writer says, like his pure 
 name. No inscription was put upon this tomb, and 
 the form of the church ha vino; been altered when it 
 was restored, the exact spot where Paulo da Gama 
 rests is unknown. 
 
 " How easy for the dead a home to find ; 
 And, as for ours, for all that wandering die, 
 A nameless sand-hill, any bubbling wave, 
 Will serve the low or lofty for a grave." 
 
 Camoens, Quillinari's Translation. 
 
 has been omitted by his Spanish translator, who evidently 
 thought it aimed at his own country, and did not see that the 
 next paragraph excluding England was ironical ; and he has 
 altered Swift's expression, " Who may be an example to the 
 whole world," from the conditional, to the positive. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXVll 
 
 Nicolas Coelho went again to India on the 25tli of 
 Marcli, of 1500, as captain of one of the ships of the 
 fleet of Pedralvares Cabral, and returned to Lisbon 
 towards the end of the year 1501. From a docu- 
 ment in the Torre do Tombo, Corp. ChronoL, part ii, 
 ma^o 7, doc. 83, he appears to have married Beatriz 
 Rodriguez. The document written on parchment 
 runs thus : 
 
 " Order of the King, D. Manuel, to his almoxarife 
 of the paso de madeiras of Lisbon, in 1503, to pay 
 to Nicolas Coelho, fidalgo of his house, twenty thou- 
 sand reis, which he had granted him with a habit of 
 Christ. Lisbon, March 31, 1503. 
 
 (Signed) " D. Pedro de Castro." 
 
 Below this is written. 
 
 " Beatriz Rodriguez, wife of Nicolas Coelho, owns 
 to having received from Lopez Fernandez, the almo- 
 xarife, 20,000 rs., mentioned in this letter, which she 
 received in virtue of a power-of-attorney given by 
 her husband." 
 
 From a passage in Correa's narrative (p. GO), Nico- 
 las Coelho appears to have been married some time 
 before he sailed with Gama in his first voyage. 
 
 Next in rank after Camoens, among those who 
 took part in, or celebrated the deeds of, the first 
 Portuguese in Asia, comes Osorio, the bishop of 
 Silves, and historian of the deeds of Don Manuel. 
 He has been accused in modern times of having 
 simply translated into Latin the history of Damian 
 de Goes, and in short of being a plagiarist. This 
 •iccusation cainiot be sustained for a moment : in tlio 
 
Xxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 first place the bishop, in his preface or dedication to 
 the cardinal Prince Henry, brother of D. Sebastian, 
 openly avows his obligations to Damian de Goes, in 
 the following words : " Ut autem id facilius exequi 
 possem, Damianus Goes prsestitit. Is enim magno 
 labore, vigilantia, et industria ea ex quam plurimis 
 epistolis et commentariis eruit, et monumentis suis 
 memoriae commeiidavit quae ego minime potuissem 
 sine summo otio perscrutari." In the next place 
 Osorio's history is all his own, through the lofty sen- 
 timents by which it rises far above the chronicle of 
 Goes : for instance where Osorio has the following 
 fine passage in condemnation of the cruel persecution 
 of the Jews and their forcible conversion : "However, 
 that (the persecution) was done neither in accordance 
 with law nor with religion. How, indeed, would 
 you compel rebellious hearts, in nowise bound by 
 having accepted a religion, to believe those things 
 which they despise and reject with the greatest aver- 
 sion ? Do you take upon yourself to hinder the 
 freedom of the will, and to impose bonds upon un- 
 fettered minds ? But that cannot be done, neither 
 does the most holy spirit of Christ approve of it. 
 For He seeks a voluntary sacrifice, not one enforced 
 by evil violence, and bids that the wills of men should 
 be allured and invited to the desire of the true re- 
 ligion." Goes says : " It is certain that this work of 
 making the Jews to turn Christians was worthy of 
 much praise," 
 
 Osorio never fails to condemn whatever was blame- 
 able in the acts of his countrymen, and docs no 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXIX 
 
 suffer his judgment to be blinded by the passions of 
 the age. Thus he is very severe upon the conduct 
 of Gonsalvo Vaz Goes, who, in 1507, sunk an Arab 
 ship after plundering it and sewing up the crew in 
 the sails, notwithstanding that the Arabs had not 
 attempted to defend themselves, and had shewn the 
 safe-conduct given them by Lorenzo Brito the governor 
 of the fortress of Cananor, and without which they 
 would not have put to sea, for the Portuguese allowed 
 no vessel to sail on the Indian seas without their pass- 
 port. The viceroy Almeida was indignant at the con- 
 duct of Goes, deprived him of his post, and did not 
 after that restore him to favour. Damian de Goes men- 
 tions this event, and blames slightly the cruelty of 
 Gonzalo Vaz Goes, but with nothing to compare with 
 the energy of Osorio, 
 
 Barros attempts to justify this practice of the 
 Portuguese of intercepting all ships sailing without 
 their passport, and says, (decade i, liv. vi, cap. i,) in 
 explanation of the title assumed by D. Manuel after 
 the return of Cabral in 1501, of Lord of the Naviga- 
 tion, Conquest, and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, 
 Persia, and India. " As to navigation, the power of 
 our fleets was always so great in those eastern parts, 
 that as we were masters of its seas, whoever wished 
 to navigate, whether Gentile or Moor, in order to do 
 so securely and peacefully, asked for a safe-conduct 
 from our captains out there, which they commonly 
 3all Cartaz ; and if this infidel is found, not proceed- 
 ing from places where we have fortresses, or which 
 ire in our friendship, with just title we may captiire 
 
XXX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 him as a fair prize of war. For although by common 
 right the seas are common, and open to all navigators, 
 and also by the same right we are obliged to give 
 conservation to the property which each one may 
 bring into our presence, because it suits him to go 
 that way, not having any other public way, yet this 
 law has force only in all Europe, among the Christian 
 flock ; which, as by faith and baptism, it is con- 
 tained in the bosom of the Roman church, so in the 
 government of its policy it is ruled by Roman law. 
 Not that the Christian kings and princes are subject 
 to this imperial law, especially this kingdom of ours 
 of Portugal, and others which are drawn close to the 
 Pope by obedience, and not on account of being his feu- 
 datories ; but they accept these laws inasmuch as they 
 are just and conformable to reason, which is the 
 mother of law. But with respect to these Moors 
 and Gentiles, who are outside the law of Christ Jesus, 
 which is the true law, which every man is obhged to 
 hold and keep, under pain of being condemned to 
 eternal fire : since they are condemned in the prin- 
 cipal part, which is the soul, that part of them which it 
 animates cannot be privileged with the benefits of 
 our laws, because they are not members of the evan- 
 gelical congregation, although they are near to it as 
 rational beings, and are, as long as they live, in the 
 possibility and way of being able to enter into it. 
 And even conforming ourselves with the common 
 right itself, not speaking of these Moors and Gen- 
 tiles, who have lost this faculty from not receiving our 
 holy faith, yet any member of it (our faith) cannot 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXXI 
 
 claim preservation in those eastern parts ; because 
 before our entrance into India, by which we took 
 possession of it, there was no one there who had any 
 property inherited or conquered ; and where there is 
 no preceding right of action, there is no present or 
 future right of safeguard. Because as every act, to 
 continue itself for a long time, requires a natural 
 origin, so legal action to be just depends upon an 
 origin of preceding justice, which in common right is 
 a universal centre, with which all the acts of men 
 must concur, who live according to the law of God." 
 This passage of Barros deserves the attention of 
 the reader, and calls for some examination, since his 
 line of argument has been extensively acted upon,^ 
 and perhaps still exercises a certain influence ; and in 
 the first place it may be observed that intolerant 
 propositions like the above are to be found almost 
 always more frequently in the pages of Jay historians 
 such as Barros, Diogo do Couto, Damian de Goes, 
 and others, than in the writings of ecclesiastics such 
 as Osorio and San Roman. This proposition of Bar- 
 ros is wrong in theology as well as in international 
 law, for since in Christian theology, the grace of God, or 
 the merits of Jesus Christ, avail and profit the souls of 
 all men, including Pagans^ who have never heard of 
 
 ^ Similar sentiments are to be found in Coke's Reports, Calvin's 
 case, vol. iv, p. 29, They were condemned by Lord Mansfield. 
 
 ^ Proposition IV. — God gives to all unbelievers, even negative 
 ones, according to time and place, sufficient grace for their sal- 
 vation. Those are named negative unbelievers who have never 
 heard speak of the faith ; and those are named positive unbe- 
 lievers who, having knowledge of the faith, have not chosen 
 
XXX 11 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 revealed religion; these Pagans cannot on the grounds 
 assigned by Barros be excluded from the temporal 
 benefits of Christian law by those who enjoy the full 
 benefits of Christianity. This erroneous proposition 
 has been perpetuated by modern writers, who, how- 
 ever, substitute for the terms Christianity and Pa- 
 ganism, those of civilisation and barbarism. This is 
 one of the propositions that calls for the condemnation 
 of a diplomatic college at Rome. 
 
 Osorio blames the cruelty of Almeida in torturing 
 and executing the prisoners taken at the second 
 battle of Diu, who, he says, having become his slaves 
 
 to embrace it, or have renounced it. These cannot be in ques- 
 tion. The discussion, therefore, only bears upon the former. 
 Not only all the Jansenists, but there are also some Catholic 
 theologians, who maintain that these unbelievers are deprived of 
 all kind of sufficient grace, either near,' immediate, or distant. 
 It is against these that we have laid down the proposition, 
 which we have just pronounced, and which we maintain as 
 certain. 
 
 Alexander VIII has condemned the following proposition, 
 whicli is the fifth : — " Pagans, Jews, heretics, and others of the 
 same kind do not receive any assistance from Jesus Christ ; it 
 may thence be justly concluded that their will is alone and 
 unarmed, without any sufficient grace." Clement XI has also 
 proscribed the following propositions of Quesnel, to' wit, 26 : 
 "Without the faith no grace is received;" 27: "The faith is 
 the first grace, and is the source of all the others ; " 29 : " No 
 grace is granted outside of the Church." Catholic doctrine 
 teaches, therefore, that Pagans, Jews, etc., receive sufficient 
 grace, that graces are received before the faith, and that those 
 who have known it, like those who have never beard speak of 
 it, receive them, since these propositions of Quesnel have beeri 
 condemned in the sense of the author. — Dogmatic Theology of iJl. 
 P. Perrone, vol. iii, p. 023. From the French Translationi, 
 Paris, 1800. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXXUl 
 
 by the fortune of war, ought to have ohtained his pro- 
 tection. Damian de Goes does not express himself 
 with the same generosity as the bishop, though he 
 blames the exceeding cruelty of Almeida, " who blew 
 his prisoners from guns before Cananor, saluting the 
 town with their fragments, so that it seems that God 
 chose to chastise him by his death at the hands of 
 the most barbarous people that were known." Osorio 
 is also very judicious in his account of the death of 
 Francisco d' Almeida, who was killed by the Caffres 
 on the 1st of March, of 1510. The dispute arose 
 through some Portuguese, who were watering the 
 
 It is often asserted that tolerant opinions, such as the preced- 
 ing, are only due to the influence of the present age, and that 
 opinions such as those of Barros and Coke, and those embodied 
 in the Portuguese instructions to Pedralvares Cabral in 1500 
 (see p. 18G) were general in the age in which they lived, whereby 
 it is sought to excuse tenets and practices equally reproved by 
 all religions. Neither of these assertions can be maintained, for 
 the present century is no better than that of Barros, and the 
 seizure of territory is now constantly proposed with even less 
 show of pretext than in former times, for it is advocated merely 
 on grounds of expediency :* and on the other hand, the opinions 
 of Las Casas in 1542, that of Osorio in 1571 (quoted at p. xxviii), 
 that of the confessor of Phil'p III in 1609 (De Morga, p. 418, 
 Hakluyt Society), and that of Honore Bonnor, prior of Salon in 
 1400, disprove the assertion that Barros and Coke are to be 
 taken as correct exponents of the ideas of right and wrong pre- 
 vailing in their time — ideas which cannot vary much for men of 
 learning who really seek to distinguish right from wrong. The 
 following is Bonnor's opinion from UArhre des Batailles (MSS. 
 B. Museum, Reg. 20, C viii) ; this book was composed by order 
 of Charles VI for the Dauphin. 
 
 "Firstly, if it be desired to prove how war ought not to be 
 
 * Grpater Brltnin, vol. ii, 391, 392. 
 
XXXIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ships, attempting to carry off a Caffre, who resisted, 
 and was rescued by his countrymen. The Portu- 
 guese related the matter to Almeida differently from 
 the manner in which it happened, and Osorio blames 
 Almeida for allowing himself to be persuaded to land 
 and avenge this trifling offence, notwithstanding that 
 some represented that no glory or advantage could 
 be got from victory, and that it was not clear through 
 whose fault the offence complained of had arisen. 
 Almeida accordingly landed " as though the safety 
 or dignity of the Portuguese had been involved in 
 obtaining revenge." Almeida and sixty-five Portu- 
 guese were killed by naked and ill-amied men, and 
 the royal standard narrowly escaped capture. Osorio 
 says of this event : "It was believed that these men 
 had suffered this chastisement by Divine judgment, 
 because that they had borne themselves very inso- 
 lently in prosperity, and without moderation in vic- 
 tory, but too frequently had used it with cruelty to- 
 made ngainst infidels, the reason is this : all the good things of 
 the earth have been made by God for human creatures, for bad 
 persons as for the good. For God has never made the sun 
 hotter or more beneficent for one than for another, and He 
 makes it to shine upon good men and upon the evil. And also 
 He causes good corn and good wine and other good fruits to 
 grow in the lands of the infidels, as in those of the Christians, 
 and sometimes even bettor, and He gives them science, and 
 natural knowledge of virtue and of justice; and moreover He 
 has given them kingdoms and duchies and counties, and emperors 
 in their own faith and condition. If, then, God has given them 
 these things, why should Christians take them from them? Since, 
 according to the Holy Scriptures, we ouglit not and cannot compel 
 nor force an unbeliever to take the holy faith or ba{)tism, but we 
 must leave them in their free will which God has given them ; 
 theroibre, if we cannot make war upon them to impose the holy 
 faith, how should we be able to make war upon them for the 
 sake of the property which they possess. Certainly reason never 
 shewed such a thing." (Pt. iv, c. 0.) 
 
INTRODUCTION". XXXV 
 
 wards the vanquished." Damian de Goes has none of 
 the bishop's reflections upon the folly of considering 
 the honour of Portugal involved in a dispute with 
 savages, who perhaps had not been the first offenders ; 
 but he takes the opportunity to say, men should be 
 moderate, since as they conquer so they may be con- 
 quered, and led captive as they have led others 
 captive. 
 
 On the 5th of July, 1596, Essex, after sacking 
 Cadiz, went to Faro, whence he carried off" the library 
 which had belonged to Osorio. Two hundred and 
 twenty-two volumes, supposed to be these of Osorio, 
 were deposited by Devereux in the Bodleian Library, 
 where they are still preserved. Speed says the 
 books in the bishop's hbrary were valued at a thou- 
 sand marks. They are almost entirely theological 
 works. Some Portuguese writers complain of this 
 act of plunder, which they describe as piratical : the 
 example followed had however been first set by Por- 
 tuguese captains. 
 
 Before taking leave of Osorio, it may be as well to 
 add that he supplies all the confirmation that was 
 required for Varthema. In pp. 123, 266, 274, 280 
 of that volume, which is one of the best of the 
 Hakluyt Society's publications, the editor has been 
 at some trouble in the notes in reconciling Var- 
 thema's dates. Osorio confirms these, and also the 
 figures given by Varthema of the numbers of the 
 fleets of Calecut and Portugal. According to Osorio, 
 Almeida sailed from Lisbon in 1505, passed the Cape 
 in J\me, and anchored at Anchediva on the 13th of 
 
XXXvi rXTRODUCTIOX. 
 
 September. In the same year he erected a foit at 
 Coulam, and another at Cananor. A httle fm-ther on 
 (apparently during the year 1506,) he says: "At this 
 time there came to Lorenzo d'Almeida a certain Ita- 
 han, a native of Bologna, named Ludovic Vuai-tman, 
 who had wandered over many countries from the desu'e 
 of seeing the world, and at length, under the dress of 
 a merchant, — since he feigned to be a Moor, — he had 
 come to Calecut." Osorio then relates the negotiations 
 of Varthema with the Milanese, their intended flight, 
 and death. He also states that the fleet prepared 
 by the people of Calecut consisted of eighty large 
 ships and a hundred and twenty-four paraos. Lo- 
 renzo d'Almeida went against this fleet with eleven 
 ships, carrying eight hundred Portuguese soldiers. 
 The action took place before Cananor. Lorenzo 
 attacked the enemy's flag-ship, and was several 
 times baffled in casting the grappling-irons upon 
 it. Osorio says only six Portuguese fell in battle. 
 Lorenzo then betook himself to Cananor, and was 
 received by the King with great demonstrations of 
 rejoicing, and with no small admiration of his 
 valour. 
 
 The siege of the fort of Cananor, related by Var- 
 thema, took place in 1507, and arose out of the 
 treachery and cruelty committed by Gonsalvo Yaz 
 Goes upon the Cananor ship, which was protected by 
 the safe-conduct of Brito, the commandant of the 
 fort, as has been above related. 
 
 Damian de Goes mentions the arrival of Luis 
 Vuart.mun, and ot D. TiOrenzo sending him to re- 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXXVll 
 
 cover the two Milanese, He also says (cap. xxiv) 
 that Vartema was knighted by the Viceroy d' Al- 
 meida, and came to this kingdom (Portugal) with 
 Tristan da Cnnha, and wi^ote this battle (of Panane) 
 in his Itinerary. 
 
 Damian da Goes wrote in 1541 another work be- 
 sides that which formed the groundwork of the 
 history of the Bishop of Silves ; this work, entitled 
 Hispania, was written in Latin. The Univers Pit- 
 toresque, vol. Portugal, p. 219, has made a mistake 
 in quoting from this work, and states on the autho- 
 rity of Goes that twenty-two thousand negroes were 
 annually imported into Portugal ; the number should 
 be ten or twelve thousand, and the words of Goes 
 are : " Singulis annis ex Nigritarum regnis dedu- 
 cuiitur Ulisiponem decem, duodecimque milHa manci- 
 piorum, praeter alia ex Mauritania, India Brasiliaque 
 advecta, quae singula passim decem, viginti, quadra- 
 ginta, quinquagintaque aureis ducatis venduntur." 
 (Hispania, p. 103, Coimbra, 1791.) The Univers 
 Pittoresque also says that Bosmithal (about 1466) 
 and Blathner, a Hungarian prince, caused a smile to 
 be raised at theu* request for two Ethiopian slaves ; 
 the brother of Affonso V replied with disdain : 
 " Those are trifles which do not require the asking." 
 Finally, under D. Manuel and Joan III, the slaves 
 overran Lisbon and all the principal towns of Portu- 
 gal. These facts should not be lost sight of, smce it 
 has been customary most unjustly to charge the good 
 Las Casas with being the author of the African 
 slave trade ; and Mr. Major, in his admirable Life 
 
XXXviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of F^'incG Henry, at p. 187, has rather too much 
 attempted to palliate the conduct of the Portuguese in 
 this respect.^ It has been usual to charge the horrors 
 of the middle passage upon the British cruisers, sent, 
 under the directions of Lord Palmerston and Lord 
 Aberdeen, to intercept slavers ; but those hoiTors 
 date from the beginning, as may be sho^%ii by a 
 docmnent dated October '24, 151-2, in the Torre do 
 Tombo, (Xo. 26, Maco 2 de Leis.) which contains a 
 complaint of the people of Santiago, Cape Verde 
 Islands, of the law which limited the impoi-tation of 
 slaves to the port of Lisbon, because they get less 
 for them, and *" slaves are a merchandise of risk, for 
 very many of them die." The petition gives the 
 followhig example of a vessel which made the port. 
 of Setubal, and in consequence of this law had to go 
 to Lisbon. In douio- this it was blown out to sea 
 and detamed six days. During these delavs " four- 
 teen slaves died, to the great loss of theu" owners. " 
 This vessel carried a hmidred slaves. 
 
 The name that Gama has left in liistory he owes 
 almost entirely to the o-reat o-enius of Camoens. It 
 is owing to his being the protagonist of the LxsiacI 
 that he has come to be regarded as the most remark- 
 able man of Portugal, in preference to Prince Henry, 
 Fernando the Constant Prince, Mairellan, the two 
 Almeidas, Albuquerque, or Camoens himself It is, 
 
 ^ Robinson Crusoe does not agree with his distinction between 
 regrettable and execrable, for he says : '' Perhaps a Portuguese 
 is not a much bettor master than a Turk, if not, in some cases, 
 a much worse." 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXXIX 
 
 therefore, impossible to speak of Vasco da Gama 
 without referring to that great poet and making a 
 few observations upon the Lusiad, avoiding as much 
 as possible what has been said before. 
 
 The Lusiad has been called the epic of commerce. 
 Gaspar Correa's narrative sets forth still more 
 strongly that commerce was the sole object D, 
 Manuel and Gama had before them ; and it is not 
 a pleasing picture which he unconsciously draws 
 of the low chicanery and deceit to which the Portu- 
 guese captains were brought by the greed of com- 
 mercial gains. The benefits which the States of India 
 were to receive through commerce with Portugal are 
 set forth in the most glowing terms, and in modern 
 phraseology ; yet within a very few years we find, on 
 the testimony of the Portuguese, that the Kings of 
 Melinde and Cananor, who had befriended them, and 
 to whom they had sworn everlasting brotherhood and 
 amity, were driven, by the misconduct of the Portu- 
 guese, to desu-e to abandon their kingdoms and with- 
 draw into retirement. As early as 1505, Francisco 
 d'Almeida obtained leave to erect a fort at Cananor ; 
 but the Portuguese were prepared to have done this 
 without permission, for the fort was speedily erected, 
 because, as Osorio relates, Gil Barbosa had ah-eady 
 laid its foundations, keeping silence as to its being a 
 fort, and giving out that it was intended for a spa- 
 cious house. In 1525 D. Enrique de Meneses built 
 a waU round Cochini, in spite of the King, and of 
 the remonstrances of certain Portuguese who urged 
 that the King of Portugal would be displeased at 
 
xl INTRODUCTION. 
 
 such an infrmgemerit of his obligations to the King 
 of Cochim. 
 
 This conduct of the Portuguese contrasts very ill 
 with that of the Arabs, who had been carrying on 
 commerce with Malabar for six hundred years, with- 
 out ever attempting to subjugate the country or 
 interfere with the inhabitants ; not even when they 
 had converted the King of Malabar, as Camoens 
 relates it : 
 
 " But certain strangers coming to this ream 
 From Mecha in the Gulf of Arabie, 
 Who brought the Law of Mahomet with them, 
 (In which ray parents educated me,) 
 It so befell, with their great skill, and stream 
 Of eloquence, these to that hot degree 
 
 This Perimal unto their Faith did win, 
 
 That he proposed to dye a saint therein. 
 
 " Ships he provides, and therein (curious) 
 For oflTrings lades his richest merchandise ; 
 To turn mont^stick, and religious, 
 There, where our legislative Prophet lies. 
 Having no Heir, left of the royal house ; 
 Before he parted, he did cantonize 
 
 His realm. Those servants he lov'd best, he brings 
 From want, to wealth ; from subjects, to be kings." 
 
 Fanshaw. 
 
 Camoens says of Albuquerque : 
 
 " More stanzas had the Siren in the praise 
 
 Of the illustrious Albuquerque sung ; 
 
 But she remembers one harsh act, which weighs 
 
 Him down, though through the world his fame bo rung. 
 
 A great commander (whom to crop bright bays 
 
 On precipitious cliff's his fate hath hung) 
 Should to his men a comrade rather be, 
 Than a judge made up of sovoritie." Fanshaw. 
 
 Camoens, however, in passing over in silence all 
 
INTRODUCTION. xli 
 
 the cruelties committed by Albuquerque upon his 
 prisoners at Ormuz and other places, and blaming 
 him for an act of necessary discipline exercised 
 against a Portuguese, shows the early development 
 of that spirit which in India and China seeks to pre- 
 vent justice being executed against European male- 
 factors.^ A French translator of Camoens, Vaquette 
 d'Hermilly, says of this incident : " Few people will 
 think with Camoens that this action stains the glory 
 of Albuquerque. It is for those who have com- 
 manded armies to judge whether he was too severe." 
 The following is the narrative of the Bishop Osorio, 
 which differs considerably from that upon which 
 Camoens founded his censure : 
 
 " Thus passed the- winter, during which Albu- 
 querque overcame not only his enemies, the rage of 
 the sea, and the rigour of famine, but often also the 
 pride and perversity of his own people ; for it hap- 
 pened at this time that some Portuguese gentlemen 
 were inflamed by desire for certain very beautiful 
 Indian women, whom Albuquerque had placed under 
 careful tutelage in order to send them to Portugal to 
 Queen Mary, to be baptised, and afterwards given 
 away in marriage. Rodrigo Diaz, the son of a secre- 
 tary, who since a long time had relations with one 
 of these Indian women, was the person who so advised 
 and stimulated those gentlemen, that they all used 
 to come by night to the flag-ship to seek these 
 women, without any respect for the orders which 
 Albuquerque had given with regard to them. He, 
 ^ See Competition Wallah, Letter IX, pp. 319, 320. 
 
xlii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 on hearing of so great a disorder, gave orders for 
 Rodrigo to be liung. The gentlemen, however, who 
 were accomplices m the same offence, went and pre- 
 sented themselves before Albuquerque, and begged 
 him to spare the life of that poor procurer. When 
 Albuquerque rejected their petition, they thought to 
 gain more by audacious and insulting words, by 
 w^hich they only compelled their general to arrest 
 and detain them as prisoners. But as he could not 
 w^ell do without them, being short of men, he let 
 them go. They then became proud, and said that 
 this pardon could by no means compensate the injury 
 which had been done to gentlemen of such import- 
 ance and family, and that they would not come out 
 of prison on any condition, but would endiu^e being 
 taken in irons, bound hand and foot, to Portugal, 
 to declare to the King what they had to say against 
 Albuquerque. These fine speeches being repeated to 
 Albuquerque, he was satisfied with letting these 
 harebrained men have their fill of the condition 
 wliich pleased them ; and so he deprived them of 
 then' honom's, and entrusted theu* charges and cap- 
 taincies to other gentlemen."' (Lib. vii, § 7.) 
 
 1 Castanheda, lib. iii, cap. 29, gives an account of this matter 
 very similar to that of Osorio. He states that Ruy Diaz was 
 hung, and some of the captains claimed that he should be be- 
 headed, whilst others claimed that the governor should not sen- 
 tence him without consulting them. The names of the captains 
 who opposed Albuquerque, according to Castanheda, were Ayres 
 da Silva, Francisco da Sousa Mancias (these two were the lovers 
 assisted by Ruy Diaz), Manuel de Lacerda, Simao d'Andrade, 
 Fernan Perez d'Andrade, and Jorge Fogaza. Correa relates this 
 incident still more favourably to Albuquerque; for he states that 
 
INTRODUCTION. xliii 
 
 The critics of Camoens have for the most part 
 bhndly followed Voltaire in praising the episode of 
 Ines de Castro^ as the finest passage in the Lusiad: 
 so much so, that some might infer that it was the 
 only beauty to be found in it. As it has been said 
 that Voltaire could only have read the Lusiad in a 
 translation, it may be allowable to differ from him, 
 and to point out the following, as passages of equal 
 or superior merit to the one selected by him for pre- 
 eminence : The departure of Gama's fleet, canto iv, 
 88-94 ; the description of a waterspout, canto v, 
 16-22 ; the gigantic vision of the Cape of Good 
 Hope, canto v, 37-GO ; Venus with the sea-nymphs 
 assists the Portuguese, canto vi, 18-23 ; the meeting 
 with Mon9aide, canto vii, 24-31 ; the allegory of the 
 happy isle explained, canto ix, 89-95 ; the history of 
 St. Thomas, canto x, 109-119. 
 
 The Portuguese have been much incensed by Vol- 
 taire's criticism of Camoens, and ridicule his igno- 
 rance in representing the poet as bringing the Por- 
 tuguese fleet to the mouth of the Ganges. Here 
 Voltaire may have used the Ganges as a figure for 
 
 Albuquerque ordered the fault of Ruy Dias to be inquired into, 
 and the depositions to be taken by Pero d'Alpoim the auditor, 
 and Lorenzo de Paiva, the secretary : according to Correa the 
 other gallants who visited the governor's ship with Ruy Dias, 
 but who were not discovered by the watchmen, were Jorge 
 Fogaza, Simao d'Andrade, and Francisco de Sa. This happened 
 in July 1510. 
 
 ^ The story of Ines de Castro is almost exactly similar to 
 those of Kani Tambuhan in Malay poetry, and of Dilruban, the 
 theme of M. Bolentineanu, one of the modern Wallachian poets. 
 
xliv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 India, as Camoens himself has done in describing the 
 fleet sighting the coast of India, when he says : 
 
 "Now rising Sol with gold those mountains tips 
 Which Ganges murmuring washes : when a boy 
 From the tall Am'rall's scuttle shews the shipps 
 Land, to the prow ; with that (late storm's annoy 
 And halfe their voyage over) each heart skips 
 Kepriev'd from its vain feares. For now with joy 
 The pilot (whom Melindians to them put) 
 Cryes : if I err not, Land of Calicut." 
 
 Fanshaw. 
 
 A much more grievous error was that made by 
 Voltaire in his first editions,' which he corrected in 
 later ones, of representing Camoens as having sailed 
 with Gama, whose voyage was a quarter of a century 
 before the poet was born. 
 
 Voltaire says the greatest fault of the Lusiad is its 
 being disjointed (le peu de liaison qui regne dans 
 toutes ses parties) ; but Camoens, in his disposition 
 of the poem, has followed the plan of the ^neid, 
 with which Voltaire has no fault to find. There the 
 plot opens with the storm in the Syrtes, and ^neas, 
 by his narrative to Dido, explains how they came 
 there. In the Lusiad, we first meet with Gama in 
 the Mozambique Channel, shortly after he arrives at 
 Melinde, and relates to the King of that town his 
 voyage from Lisbon round the Cape. So in Paradise 
 Lost the plot opens with Satan in hell and his de- 
 signs against Eden, but the preceding history of his 
 expulsion from heaven is subsequently brought in as 
 a narrative to Adam by the Angel. 
 
 The episode of the enchanted island, in which 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlv 
 
 Venus feasted the weary companions of Gama, has 
 given rise to much criticism, which has not in general 
 been fair to Camoens. His countrymen, who are very 
 easily irritated by any detraction from the merits of 
 their poet, are naturally indignant at the " modest 
 author of the Pucelle dOrUans " for pretending to 
 be shocked at the scenes of the island of Venus ; but 
 a commentary still more derogatory to Camoens has 
 been written by Senhor Jose Gomes Monteiro, Porto, 
 1849, who very imnecessarily finds fault with the 
 observations of Humboldt^ in his Cosmos, where he 
 adopts the remark of Sismondi, that Camoens has 
 not d-escribed tropical vegetation. Humboldt applies 
 the same remark to Milton^, and explains that the 
 uncouth names of plants would have been out of 
 place amidst harmonious sounds. Where Milton has 
 described a tropical tree, the banian tree, he has 
 made a mistake with respect to its leaves. Senhor 
 Monteiro has attempted to lower the conception of 
 the poet by reducing the imagery of the Ilha 
 Namorada to the level of a matter-of-fact descrip- 
 tion of a vulgar debauch, which he, against all 
 probabihty and historic grounds, imagines to have 
 taken place at Melinde or Zanguibar. 
 
 All this criticism seems very needless in the face of 
 the plain statement of Camoens in the 89th, 90th, 
 91st, and 92nd stanzas of the ninth canto, that the 
 nymphs and delights of the isle of Venus are nothing 
 else than the honours and fame conferred by great 
 
 1 Vol. ii, p. 59, Colonel Sabine's Translation. 
 
 2 P. 62, ihirl. 
 
xlvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 deeds ; and that the immortals who peopled Olympus 
 were all men, whom antiquity had placed there as 
 a reward for their virtues. In short, Camoens, in 
 this, as in other parts of the Lusiad, has adhered to 
 his classical models, and followed the idea of the 
 ancients, that the great and good were promoted to 
 the table of the gods, as may be seen from the fol- 
 lowing quotations : 
 
 " Hac arte Pollux et vagus Hercules 
 Enisus arces attigit igneas, 
 Quos inter Augustus recumbens 
 Purpureo bibit ore nectar." 
 
 " Ilium ego lucidas 
 
 Inire sedes, ducere nectaris 
 Succos, et adscribi quietis 
 Ordinibus patiar Deorum." 
 
 ** tu das epulis accumbere Divum ; " 
 
 and the same idea is found in the Carmen lxiv of 
 Catullus, on the nuptials of Peleus and Thetis, 
 
 An example of the exactness of Camoens is worthy 
 of being here cited, since it shows how well ac- 
 quainted he was with the peoples he describes, and 
 the opinions held by them ; and all his translators 
 who have been less well-informed have missed the 
 sense of the following passage, though it offers no 
 difficulties of construction : 
 
 " Tem a lei d'hum Propbeta, que gerado 
 Foi sem fazer na carne detrimento 
 Da Mai : tal que por bafo esta approvado 
 Do Deus, que tem do mundo o regiraento." 
 
 — Canto vii, stanza 69. 
 
 Here the poet represents the M\issulman Mon- 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlvii 
 
 zaide describing to the Catual the Portuguese, and 
 their faith, in the very words which would be used by 
 any Arab, If the translators had been more correct, 
 perhaps an English archbishop would not have been 
 so taken by surprise in the summer of 1867. This 
 passage should be rendered : " They hold the faith of 
 a Prophet, who was engendered without injury to the 
 flesh of his Mother : so that he is accepted as the 
 breath {Riih) of the God who possesses the ruling of 
 the universe." 
 
 Another instance of the exactness of Camoens is 
 to be found in his description of Meliapor (canto x, 
 109), " Being then at a great distance from the 
 shore : " in this he records the fact stated in the 
 description of Malabar, of Barbosa and Magellan, 
 that the city of Maylepur, at the time of St. 
 Thomas, was twelve leagues distant from the sea, 
 which later ate away the land and came in upon it 
 (p. 175). 
 
 Baron von Humboldt, in a note to his Cosmos (92, 
 p. 58), says of the edition of Camoens of Jose 
 Maria de Sousa, Paris, 1818 : "Would it not be a 
 monument, well worthy of his fame, if a hall were 
 constructed in Lisbon, after the noble examples of 
 the halls of Schiller and Gothe in the grand ducal 
 palace of Weimar, and if the twelve grand composi- 
 tions of my deceased friend Gerard, which adorn the 
 Souza edition, were executed in large dimensions, in 
 fresco, on well-lit walls ? The dream of the King D. 
 
 Manuel the Giant Adamastor hovering over 
 
 the Cape of Good Hope the murder of 
 
xlviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Ignes de Castro, and the lovely Ilha de Venus, would 
 all have the finest effect." 
 
 It is most devoutly to be hoped that this sugges- 
 tion will not be followed. The typography of the 
 Sousa edition is excellent, but the plates, with the 
 exception of that representing Adamastor, and per- 
 haps the dream of D. Manuel, are execrable. The 
 Mussulman King of Melinde is represented as a 
 Hindoo, and the Zamorim of Calicut is made to 
 look like a Mussulman. The plate of the Ilha 
 Namorada is more suitable to Voltaire's criticism 
 than to the conception of the poem, which it lowers. 
 All that can be said in favour of these plates is that 
 they will do for that portion of the Paris public, for 
 whom a French artist painted a Spanish alcalde and 
 municipal coimcil, and put them all in the dress worn 
 by the Barber of Seville. 
 
 Mickle has said that Milton must have heard of 
 Fanshaw's translation of Camoens, which was pub- 
 lished fourteen years before Paradise Lost, and he 
 says : " Every one would have owned that the two 
 last books of the Paradise Lost were evidently 
 formed upon it." It is certain that the dividing 
 the vision of Adam into that of the material 
 earth and the deeds of his posterity goes a long 
 way to justify Mickle's supposition ; but on the 
 other hand, there is no similarity between the de- 
 scriptions of the earth and the names and epithets 
 of countries and cities, to show that Milton had 
 availed himself of the geography of Camoens ; and 
 Milton mis-spells Ercoco, which in Camoens and in 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlix 
 
 Fanshaw's version is correctly spelt Arquico. Milton, 
 in making Adam to ascend the hill in company with 
 the Angel, clearly had in view the Gospel narra- 
 tive of the temptation of Christ ; and in describing 
 the posterity of Adam, he may have followed the 
 same tradition as that followed by the Morisco poet, 
 Mohamed Rabadan, who represents Adam as giving 
 to Seth a cloth, upon which the future destiny of his 
 posterity was depicted. 
 
 Mickle, in a note on Camoens's satire of Don Sebas- 
 tian's excessive love for the chase, says : " Had the 
 nobihty possessed the spirit of Camoens, had they, 
 like him, endeavoured to check the Quixotry of a 
 yoimg generous prince, that prince might have 
 reigned long and happy, and Portugal might have 
 escaped the Spanish yoke which followed the defeat 
 of Alcazar." It would seem more true to say that 
 the rash exploit of Don Sebastian was due to 
 Camoens, and that the King was fired and incited 
 to it by the fitting conclusion of the Lusiad, a poem 
 in which many acts more adventurous had been 
 commemorated. 
 
 Canto X, 155, 156. 
 "An arm (to serve you) trayn'd in war have I, 
 A soul (to sing you) to the Muses bent : 
 Onely I want acceptance in your eye, 
 Who owe to Yertue fair encouragement. 
 If Heav'n afford me, this ; and you, some high 
 And brave exployt ; worthy a monument 
 
 Of verse, as my prophetick thoughts presage, 
 By what I see now in your tender age. 
 
 " Making Mount Atlas tremble at your sight, 
 More than at that of dire Medusa's head ; 
 
1 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Or putting in Ampelnsian fields to fligiit 
 The Moors in Fez and black Morocco bred ; 
 I'l gage my Muse (then in esteem and plight) 
 You in such manner throagh the World shall spred, 
 
 That Alexander shall in you respire, 
 
 Without envying the Meonian Lyre," Fanshaw. 
 
 I have given several passages from the Lusiad 
 illustrate Correa's account of Gama's voyage, to- 
 gether with the best Enghsh translations, taken 
 from the versions of Sir Richard Fanshaw, 1655 ; 
 WiUiam Julius Mickle, 177&; Thomas M. Musgrave, 
 1826; Edward QuiQiaan, 1853; Sir T. Livingston 
 Mitchell, 1854; and Captain R. Burton. It is much 
 to be regretted that Qmllinan, the best of the trans- 
 lators, died without completing more than the first 
 five cantos of the Lusiad. Captain Bmton's transla- 
 tion, which is nearly finished, will probably be the 
 closest to the original.. 
 
 The history of Vasco da Gama and his successors 
 must always have a great interest for those who 
 have succeeded to the dominion of the Portuguese 
 over India;.' and the causes which led to their de- 
 cline and fall ought to have still more importance. 
 That the domination of the Portuguese was epheme- 
 ral was perhaps to be expected, since it was foimded 
 on wrong, as they themselves seem early to have 
 recognised ; for Camoens says : 
 
 " But o'er all Ind ambition and of gain 
 the greed, that raise up openly the face 
 against their God and Jastice, these shall fain 
 disgust thy soul, but do thee no disgrace. 
 Who worketh injury reasonless and vain, 
 
INTRODUCTION. li 
 
 with force engendered by his power of place, 
 nought conquereth, the sole true conqueror he 
 who knows to render Justice fair and free." 
 
 Canto X, 58, Captain R. Burton. 
 
 " Ah, whither wilt thou lead us now astray, 
 Bent as thou art the fated land to wrong ? 
 To what new forms of pain and death betray 
 With sounding names enticing us along ? 
 What golden mines, what gorgeous realms of day, 
 Are now the promise of thy facile tongue ? 
 What wondrous victories, what pomps of glory, 
 Ovations, triumphs, palms, immortal story ? 
 
 " Leave you a foe increasing at your gate, 
 To seek another over seas so wide, 
 For whom this ancient realm made desolate, 
 Drain'd of its strength, in ruin shall' subside ? 
 Court you a peril dark, an unknown fate, 
 That fame may flatter and exalt your pride. 
 Proclaiming you, with liberal pomp of words, 
 Of Ethiop, Ind, Arabia, Persia, lords ? " 
 
 Canto iv, 97, 101, Qdillinan. 
 
 Gaspar Correa, also, writing about the same time, 
 says that the beginnings of the affairs of India were 
 so golden, that they did not seem as though they 
 had beneath the iron which afteiwards they dis- 
 closed Evils increased and good things 
 
 diminished, so that almost the whole became a lively 
 evil, and the historian of it would rather be called 
 its imprecator than the writer of illustrious^ deeds. 
 
 The prologue of the editor of the printed edition 
 of Correa says : " However, it is not to be doubted 
 that Gaspar Correa, if freed from the dense atmo- 
 sphere breathed by his contemporaries, and moulding 
 his belief and ideas upon the belief and ideas of the 
 
lii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 present time, would have proffered an anathema 
 against all that, which, for the men of this age 
 better than the past, who are enemies of ferocity 
 and violence, is reprehensible and criminal. For 
 our part, who write this, making abstraction of 
 Homeric battles of forty against a thousand, ac- 
 cording to the expression of an eminent lyric poet ; 
 of close sieges sustained with wonderful patience 
 and endurance ; of the glory which belongs to the 
 navigations and discovery of lands, which in all 
 parts of the globe still preserve Portuguese names ; 
 of the poems of Camoens and of Garrett, and the 
 odes of Diniz, which this glory inspired, and which 
 increase and immortalise it ; for our part, we must 
 confess it, in obedience to the inner warnings of con- 
 science, — the conquest of India is repugnant to us, 
 and strikes us Avith horror, on account of the in- 
 justice and barbarity of the conquerors, their frauds, 
 extortions, and sanguinary hatreds. Perfidy presid- 
 ing over almost all compacts and negotiations ; whole 
 cities ravaged and given up to theilames ; amid the 
 glare of conflagrations, and the horrid hghtning of 
 artillery, soldiers converted into executioners after 
 victory, cutting the throats of old men, assassinat- 
 ing women, tearing children in pieces upon their 
 mothers' breasts ; conversions to Christianity serving 
 as a transparent veil to covetousness : these are the 
 fearful pictures from which we would desire to turn 
 away our eyes. No less repugnant are the acts of 
 ingratitude of D. Manuel and of his son, wlK)m some 
 writers have sought perforce to insert in the list of 
 
INTRODUCTION. Hi 
 
 111 
 
 good kings, shutting their eyes to miiltipHed and 
 concordant facts, which contradict them. To repay 
 with contempt and hunger the debts of blood due to 
 the foremost men, after that they had risked their 
 souls in unjust enterprises, could not but be a pleas- 
 ing thought to corrupt and hypocritical courtiers, by 
 whose counsel public affairs were conducted, who 
 thought everything scanty for themselves, and who 
 absorbed all, from the returns of the largest and 
 most copious mercantile ventures, down to the in- 
 famous proceeds of meretricious traffic. But these 
 are turpitudes which cannot be remembered now 
 without shame and sorrow." 
 
 " Now these iniquities on the one hand, and on 
 the other, the almost certain impunity of crimes, 
 whenever the criminal shielded himself behind 
 powerful patrons, or was able to assist himself with 
 the magic power of gold, were the founts from which 
 sprung pereiuiial streams of abuses overflowing India, 
 and hindering the Portuguese from observing good 
 faith, justice or fair play, not at this time with the 
 conquered, for these they no longer looked upon 
 as fellow men, but with other Portuguese. Each 
 one, bent on enriching himself as speedily as possible, 
 by whatever means it might be, only took care to 
 heap up treasure, and left for a later occasion the 
 distribution of his wealth, in order to free himself 
 from his crimes, and besides this to avenge himself of 
 his opponents. It was, therefore, to this moral 
 leprosy, to these internal cankers, that Gaspar Correa 
 chiefly alluded, and to which Diogo do Couto attri- 
 
liv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 buted the loss of India, saying, that it had been won 
 with much truth, fidehty, valour, and perseverance, 
 and that it was lost through the absence of those 
 virtues, which were its safeguard until the time of 
 the government of Jorge Cabral, (let this coincidence 
 be noted^) or even up to the time of D. Constantino 
 de Bragan9a." 
 
 Portuguese writers on the loss of their Indian 
 empire, appear to attribute that loss principally to 
 the cruelties and injustice committed by their go- 
 vernors ; whilst none of them ever seem to think that 
 Portugal was two small a country to maintain the 
 drain upon its population caused by the occupation 
 of India. The following is a summary of part of a 
 MS. in the library of Lisbon, named " History of 
 the Elevation and Decadence of the Portuguese 
 Empire in Asia." 
 
 " D. Geronymo de Azevedo, whose cruelties in 
 Ceylon rendered the name of man infamous, succeeded 
 to Tavora as viceroy in 1612. The history of Portu- 
 guese Asia terminates with his government in mat- 
 ters of importance ; the occurrences of his govern- 
 ment were characteristic of the decadence of the 
 empire. The most outrageous insolence and perfidy 
 were then the traits of the Portuguese commanders. 
 Pereira, captain of Mombasa, treacherously instigated 
 the Caffres to kiU the king, whose head he sent as a 
 trophy to the viceroy Azevedo ; the insolence of D. 
 Luis da Gama brought on the hostilities of the Turks 
 
 ^ The coinoidence referred to is between Dio^o do Couto and 
 Correa, who ended his history with Jorge Cabral's governorship. 
 
I 
 
 INTRODUCTION, Iv 
 
 and Persians against Ormu^ ; in Ceylon the soldiers 
 robbed the natives at their pleasure, until the people, 
 says Faria, sought refuge with the beasts of the 
 mountains ; a Portuguese captain, breaking the treaty 
 of peace, took, close to Surat, a Mekkah ship belong- 
 ing to the Mogul, and brought it in triumph to Goa. 
 To procure its restitution, the Mogul detained all 
 the Portuguese ships that were in his ports, and 
 together with his tributary, the king of Decan, laid 
 siege to Damao, Chaul, and Ba9aim, and laid waste 
 the surrounding country. Even the Chinese, who are 
 unfitted for war, were exasperated. In 1606, a Dutch 
 fleet blockaded the mouth of the Tagus, and pre- 
 vented the annual succour leaving for India ; the 
 Dutch increased their forces in Asia, and the natives, 
 from hatred of the Portuguese, favoured them. The 
 Portuguese in Ceylon and other places fought with 
 one another. Thiago Simoes for services rendered to 
 the king of Monomotapa, had received a concession 
 of the mines of that country on behalf of the king 
 of Portugal, and had built some forts on the river 
 Zambeze ; he asked the viceroy for reinforcements, 
 which were sent with the letrado Fonseca Pinto ; 
 this succour revolted against Simoes, and ruined his 
 estabHshment ; Fonseca, who had been sent as judge 
 to Mozambique, enriched himself by infamous acts of 
 tyranny and injustice, an example which was followed 
 by his successors. The viceroy bought a peace of the 
 Mogul, who, through the influence of the Jesuit 
 Pereyro, prohibited the commerce of the EngHsh and 
 Dutch, and the Portuguese ships detained in his 
 
Ivi INTRODUCTIOX. 
 
 ports were restored. During the last thirty years, 
 the power and trade of the Turks increased greatly 
 on the coasts of Arabia, and a large portion of the 
 produce of India was again sent to Eiu-ope by way of 
 Egypt and Constantinople. The vassals of the Mogul 
 refused to trade with the Enghsh and Turks, and 
 shewed hostility to Sir Henry Middleton in the Red 
 Sea. He, on that account, pillaged by force of arms, 
 but did not act as a pirate ; he took some ships of 
 the Mogul near Aden, but gave them equal value in 
 English goods for the merchandise which he took 
 from them, according to the valuation of the mer- 
 chandize in Asia, openly declaring that he only 
 wished for a just commerce. Azevedo, the viceroy, 
 prepared a fleet of eight ships and sixty frigates, but 
 after a feeble attack, he withdrew ; and though fre- 
 quently challenged by the Enghsh, who were only 
 reinforced by four ships, he shunned the combat, and 
 allowed the enemy to retire with his ships laden. 
 Miranda, the admiral of the Malacca seas, was no 
 happier ; he was totally routed by a Dutch squadron 
 of eight sail, and the trade with China was inter- 
 rupted. The spirited conduct of Middleton won 
 over the Mogul, who cared little for the resentment 
 of Azevedo, and he admitted the English to trade, 
 and welcomed Middleton hospitably. Shortly after 
 Abbas Shah took Ormuz from the Portuguese. The 
 Kings of Siam and Ava then shewed their neglect of 
 the Portuguese. During some of the last fifteen 
 years, not one ship went from India to Portugal, and 
 the expenses of the succours sent against the Dutch 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ivii 
 
 a.nd English exceeded the duties of the Company, 
 which were enjoyed by Spain. Azevedo received an 
 order from Madrid to dispose of all offices within his 
 jurisdiction by pubhc sale, and to apply the money 
 to the maintenance of his government. Azevedo, on 
 going from Goa to Diu, met four English ships, and 
 shunned the encounter, from fear of the blow to the 
 state of Portuguese India if he should lose the great 
 galloon : such was the poverty of the Portuguese ex- 
 chequer in Asia ; but even supposing that it could not 
 bear the loss of a single galloon, yet Azevedo was very 
 rich. One day he complained of the great losses he had 
 suffered in his merchant ships, about the latter 
 period of his government ; and one of his officers 
 observed that he must still have got 400,000 or 
 500,000 ducats : to this he replied — " I have still 
 got more than that value in flocks only." Though 
 the Spanish ministry seemed to have abandoned 
 India, they looked at the success of the English and 
 Dutch with great resentment ; as Azevedo had not 
 routed them, he was summoned home, where he was 
 despoiled of all his riches, and condemned to prison, 
 in which he died : whilst in prison he was supported 
 by the Jesuits, who afterwards buried him honour- 
 ably, on account of their gratitude for the support 
 he had given them. Azevedo used to throw his 
 prisoners off the point of Malvana to the crocodiles, 
 for his and his soldiers' amusement. Still greater de- 
 cadence followed the governorship of Azevedo : the 
 fortresses were stripped of their territory, ship- 
 wrecks increased the losses of the Portuguese. The 
 
Iviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 most notable events of the government of Joan 
 Conde de Eedondo, who succeeded Azevedo in 1617, 
 were the solemn fasts held in Goa : during some of 
 these the citizens spent days and nights on the 
 floors of the churches, imploring the Divine assist- 
 ance, in the most profound and reverential silence, at 
 the same time that no sound was heard in the lugu- 
 brious streets. Though Azevedo was punished for 
 not routing the EngHsh, the Spanish government 
 made so httle accoimt of India that Fernan de Albu- 
 querque, who governed it during three years after 
 Redondo, never received a letter from the court of 
 his sovereign. In 1622, D. Francisco da Gama sailed 
 from Lisbon with four ships and the commission of 
 Viceroy : on the way three ships abandoned him, 
 and he had to burn his own ship on the coast of 
 Mozambique to save it from a Dutch squadron ; he 
 continued his voyage to India in a gaUiot. After 
 five years of government, during which he did not do 
 any act of the least importance, he resigned the 
 government to Luis de Brito, bishop of Cochym, who 
 died two years later. On his decease, papers were 
 found appointing two governors, one for the civil, 
 the other for the military department. In 1632, the 
 Count de Linhares being Viceroy, the European 
 enemies plundered the Portuguese at sea without 
 opposition, and ruined their commerce ; nevertheless, 
 Linhares, on his return to Eiu-ope, presented to the 
 King a transelim or cord for his hat, and a pair of 
 drops to the Queen, a gift worth 100,000 crowns. 
 In 1639, when another Archbishop of Goa governed. 
 
'INTRODUCTION. lix 
 
 a squadron of nine Dutch vessels entered the river of 
 Goa and burned three galleons without opposition, 
 for the fort was without ammunition or men. In 
 1640 Portugal shook off the Spanish yoke, and in 
 1642 a viceroy was sent to India by D. Joan IV. 
 At the end of the seventpenth century, the Court of 
 Lisbon directed its attention to Brazil and neglected 
 India : the succession of viceroys was kept up, but of 
 all the establishments on the coast of Asia, Portugal 
 only retained Goa, Diu, and the isle of Macao ; and, 
 according t(j information acquired by Abbe Raynal 
 (who published his Histoii^e Philosophique, etc., about 
 ten years ago),^ at most two small ships every year 
 brought some porcelain for Goa and Diu, but these 
 had to touch at Surat and other ports to complete 
 their return cargo of silks and spices. In 1773 the 
 title of viceroy was changed for that of captain- 
 major, and the Inquisition of Goa was aboHshed." 
 
 This manuscript contains also the following para- 
 graph : — 
 
 " The Abbe Raynal, in his reflections on the fate 
 of the Portuguese, says that when the Court of 
 Lisbon projected the discovery of India and hoped 
 for inexhaustible treasures, the most moderate and 
 weak mind foresaw and prophesied the evils which 
 would foUow the event : and time, he says, the 
 supreme arbiter of pohticians, would hasten to fulfil 
 those predictions. The objections to the voyage of 
 Gama are clear and evident. They are these : nothing 
 
 ' This fixes the date of this manuscript, which is withoat 
 author's name or date; its number in the catalogue is 338 Mello. 
 
Ix INTRODUCTION. 
 
 else but sterile deserts like those of Lybia were to 
 be found, or if in tbose countries riches were found, 
 the extent of the voyage would render them useless, 
 or, if they were available, the introduction of these 
 riches would cause a degeneration of customs fatal to 
 the kingdom. The colonial establishments would 
 produce depopulation and contempt of agriculture, 
 and if any colonies were necessary, Ethiopia offered 
 nearer and better settlements. The anger of the 
 Sultan of Egypt and the combination of all Europe 
 against Portugal completed the prophecy of the evils 
 which threatened it. But it was neither foreseen nor 
 prophesied that the unheard of and bad comportment 
 of the Portuguese might render the most important 
 and lucrative commerce in the world a heavy, and at 
 last, an insupportable burden upon the treasury of 
 Lisbon or Madrid. It was not prophesied that the 
 shameless villany, the pillage and robbery of their 
 countrymen would be the cause of the destruction of 
 their rule. Of the objections here enumerated, our 
 author (Raynal) makes httle mention. The increase 
 of riches is not what does the harm, nor what causes 
 the depopulation and neglect of agriculture, which 
 he mentions as the consequences of the navigation to 
 India. . . .The large population of Holland sprung up 
 from its maritime commerce; and if the science of 
 commerce had been as well known in Lisbon as in 
 Amsterdam, Portugal would have been more popu- 
 lous and flourishing than Holland." 
 
 The author of this manuscript History of the De- 
 cadence of the Portuguese Indian Empire, and other 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixi 
 
 Portuguese writers in a greater degree, complain of 
 the Spanish yoke as having contributed to the down- 
 fall of the Portuguese in Asia. This, however, must 
 have had a small share compared with the internal 
 disorganisation of the Portuguese in Asia. For in 
 general the treasuries and accounts of the crowns of 
 Spain and Portugal were kept distinct; the Spanish 
 colony of the Philippines relieved the treasury of 
 Goa of the chief part of the expenditure for the Por- 
 tuguese settlements in the Moluccas; and if the 
 Court of Madrid left a Viceroy of Goa for three years 
 without a despatch, at least they did not hamper 
 him with regulations. With respect to this part of 
 the subject, some interest attaches to two CastiHan 
 opinions which are amongst the manuscripts in the 
 library of Evora, ^-, £ 70 and 72. One of these, 
 dated Madrid, July 17, 1627, states that there is no 
 discipline amongst the Portuguese, that each captain 
 in action does what he pleases in leading his men, 
 and that this is sometimes very successful in sudden 
 attacks : it says that Goa is quite neglected and un- 
 defended, and the other forts are in the same state : 
 it recommends the King to put in force the regula- 
 tions of 1608 and 1609, and says that of all the 
 fleet of the Coimt of Vidigueira in 1622, six hundred 
 soldiers did not remain in the service, the rest having 
 dispersed over the country. 
 
 The second opinion, dated Madrid, September 21, 
 1627, states that the pay of the soldiers in Portu- 
 guese India was 10 xerafins a quarter, or 40 a year, 
 with a monthly allowance for provisions of 4 xerafins, 
 
Ixii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 which make 48 a year, in all 88 : this amounts to 
 7920 xerafins for a company of 90 men, the captain 
 receiving 300, and the ensign and serjeant 150 each, 
 in all 8520 xerafins ; each xerafin worth seven and a 
 half reals (or nearly a dollar each). It advises that 
 the soldiers who embark at Lisbon should be bound 
 to serve the number of years which His Majesty may 
 ordain, and that they should not be allowed to leave 
 their captains without a passport, or otherwise they 
 would disband as they do at present. 
 
 Another cause of the loss of India by the Portu- 
 guese was that they extended themselves too much, 
 and occupied too many points of the territory washed 
 by the Indian Ocean, instead of contenting them- 
 selves with a few points giving them command of 
 the trade of those regions, and to occupy which 
 would not have exceeded the means and resources 
 which a small nation like Portugal was able to dis- 
 pose of This danger was foreseen from the first by 
 Francisco d' Almeida ; Albuquerque, however, took 
 the opposite view, and succeeded in giving fuU play 
 to Portuguese ambition and greed, of territory, and 
 in extending their dominion. 
 
 The differences of opinion and policy which existed 
 between Albuquerque and Almeida are thus stated 
 by Osorio, lib. vii, § 14. 
 
 "Almeida judged that there would be little security 
 if the Portuguese assailed the cities of India, from the 
 danger of dividing their forces and so weakening them. 
 Therefore his counsel was to hold the sea, for he 
 considered that the master of the sea was master of 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixiii 
 
 the vvliole of India, For that reason he would 
 not quit his ships, and, provided that he had one 
 harbour secured under his command, he took no 
 care about the rest ; saying that it would be im- 
 possible to send each year from the kingdom of Por- 
 tugal so many soldiers as would be wanted for 
 garrisons of forts and citadels : that whoever at- 
 tempted to undertake that would be scattering the 
 Portuguese here and there at the mercy of their 
 enemies, whereas, while they were together and 
 united, they were dreaded by all the Indians. Albu- 
 querque, on the contrary, animated by the higher 
 hopes, which great minds are usually accustomed to 
 conceive, often revolved in his thoughts the means, 
 not only of assuring the affairs of the Portuguese for 
 a few years, but also of gaining a firm footing for 
 their domination, which he assured himself would be 
 very widely extended in the future ; h$ judged that 
 they ought not simply to consider how the ships 
 might return each year laden with pepper to Portu- 
 gal, but rather in what fashion they might lay the 
 foimdation of the empire of Manuel and his successors 
 in India; and the more distant that were their 
 succours, the more, he held, ought they to be care- 
 ful to occupy and people various ports in India, so 
 as to plant the Portuguese nation in so many places, 
 that they might at need raise an army in India it- 
 self. Besides, he said, the sea was an insecure place 
 of retreat for those who did not possess here and 
 there some resource on land : a single tempest mi ght 
 swallow up the largest fleet which could be hoped 
 
Ixiv INTRODUCTION, 
 
 for; and the commodities of the land repaired the 
 losses of the ships, and were not useless for reconquer- 
 ing the domination of the sea. Moreover, he held it 
 to be a very dangerous thing to shut up the fleet of 
 Portugal in a strait, especially where the country 
 was poor, sterile, and unfitted to maintain an army 
 during winter. He therefore considered that they 
 provided very ill for the future time who affirmed 
 that the aifairs of the Portuguese could be sufficiently 
 established in the kingdom of Cochim or Cananor, 
 amidst so great a number of the sworn enemies of 
 the Christian name, who were so bent on seeking 
 out opportunities to ruin the Portuguese : that the 
 town which rehed only upon itself for its defence 
 was not sufficiently secure, like one which could be 
 succoured in time of need from several other places : 
 that the dominion of the sea was not weakened by 
 this occupation of strong places, but rather favoured 
 and assisted by it, for the more harbours and refuges 
 the fleet had access to, the more easy would be its 
 navigation, and many places would supply more 
 easily than one only the materials requisite for build- 
 ing or refitting ships. Finally, he was entirely of 
 opinion that he who desired to remain master of the 
 Indies, not for the life of a man only, but for ever, 
 ought to build a fortress which should be peopled by 
 all sorts of men ; so that in times of necessity they 
 should not always have to wait for succours from 
 Portugal, which, during so long and perilous a navi- 
 gation, for the most part perish from various maladies, 
 or are lost in the waves of the sea, or detained by 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixv 
 
 the rigour of winter, or constrained to repose and de- 
 sist from arms, so much are they weakened and ren- 
 dered useless by the hardships of the sea. The issue 
 of affairs has verified, long after the death of Albu- 
 querque, howfittingandnecessary his counsel was. For 
 when Suleyman, the Emperor of the Turks, sent the 
 governor of Egypt with a powerftd fleet to India to 
 dispossess the Portuguese, and he came and encamped 
 before the citadel of Diu, and battered it furiously 
 during many days, and made all his efforts to take 
 it ; although the besieged did him great damage, he 
 would not have raised the siege so soon, had he not 
 received news of the great fleet which' was arriving 
 at Goa to come and give battle to him at the port of 
 Diu. And again, when the King of Cambay with a 
 powerful succour of Turks was encamped for six 
 months before that citadel, he would not have been 
 so easily driven away and defeated by Joam de 
 Castro, viceroy of Portugal in India, if Goa had not 
 furnished arms, men, and supphes, which by that 
 hastened the victory. For that city has become so 
 greats, that whole armies can be raised in it, and 
 powerful fleets be fitted out there. Albuquerque, 
 weighing with judgment that which has happened, 
 placed so well the foundations of the state of Goa, 
 that it is difficult to ruin that which he estabhshed. 
 Since there were no Portuguese women to be the 
 means of peopling the place, he used to have the 
 Indian women taken in war baptised, and married 
 them to his soldiers, to whom he assigned some pos- 
 sessions in the island which had been confiscated 
 
Ixvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 from the Saracens, and he granted them other favours 
 and presents to draw them into such marriages. 
 Thus, as Romulus built Rome, and Theseus made 
 the peasants of Attica come to Athens, or as some 
 others have founded towns, it may also be said that 
 Albuquerque was the founder of Goa, which he had 
 conquered by his valour, and at the point of his sword." 
 
 A letter of Francisco dAlmeida to the King, 
 written after the death of his son D. Lorenzo, and 
 pubhshed in the Lisbon Annals of Science and Litera- 
 ture, in 1858, confirms Osorio's statement of his 
 views, as will be seen by the following extracts. 
 
 "With respect to that fortress in Coulam, the 
 greater the number of fortresses you hold, the weaker 
 will be yoiu* power : let all our forces be on the sea ; 
 because if we should not be powerful at sea (which 
 may the Lord forbid) everything will at once be 
 against us ; and if the King of Cochim should de- 
 sire to be disloyal, he would be at once destroyed, 
 because our past wars were waged with animals ; 
 now we have wars with the Venetians and the Turks 
 of the Sultan. 
 
 "And as regards the King of Cochym, I have 
 already written to your Highness that it would be 
 well to have a strong castle in Cranganor on a pas- 
 sage of the river which goes to Calecut, because it 
 would hinder the transport by that way of a single 
 peck of pepper. With the force we have at sea we 
 will discover what these new enemies may be, for I 
 trust in the mercy of God that He will remember us, 
 since all the rest is of little importance. Let it be 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixvii 
 
 known for certain that as long as you may be power- 
 ful at sea, you will hold India as yours ; and if you do 
 not possess this power, little will avail you a fortress on 
 shore ; and as to expelling the Moors from the country, 
 I have found the right way to do it, but it is a long 
 story, and it will be done when the Lord pleases and 
 will thus be served." 
 
 Diogo do Couto wrote a book called the Soldado 
 Pratico, in which he shews the causes of the deca- 
 dence of the Portuguese in India. This book was 
 printed in 1790 by the Lisbon Academy. As the 
 introduction by the Academy states, Diogo do Couto 
 is not to be looked upon as a philosopher free from all 
 passion and prejudice, nor as a censor of the justice 
 of the conquest of India, nor as one who examines 
 the good and evil which the Indian colonies might 
 cause to Portugal : the time in which he lived, ^ says 
 the editor, did not admit of such ideas : he only 
 looked upon India as a means of enriching Portugal, 
 and that principally by arms, and he directs his 
 attention to whatever weakened the warlike re- 
 sources of tlie Portuguese, or to the tendency of in- 
 dividuals to prefer private interest to that of the state. 
 
 This book is written in two parts, and consists of 
 dialogues between a soldier and a viceroy : the first 
 part is printed last, as it was found in Diogo do 
 Couto's last manuscript, in which the part which 
 was last written was put first : in this later part 
 Diogo do Couto added a third speaker, a despachador, 
 or official in Portugal who attended to the business 
 ^ Rather, the profession which he followed. 
 
Ixviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of Portuguese officers and soldiers. This part, ob- 
 serves the editor, is written with less simplicity than 
 the earher part, and is overloaded with historical 
 parallels and a show of erudition which had become 
 the taste of the time. 
 
 In the first chapter, the soldier complains of the 
 way in which old soldiers, on their return from 
 India, are kept out of their rights by the delays of 
 the officials who ought to settle their accounts.^ 
 Next, complaint is made of the little secrecy ob- 
 served in the councils in India, and of the enemy 
 obtaining all the information he required : and that 
 when the official inquiries were held over the officials 
 of justice, of revenue, and the captains of forts, the 
 reports of witnesses, which ought to be kept secret, 
 were not so, and the inquiry became null, the guilty 
 escaped all consequences, and the witnesses were ex- 
 posed to enmity and revenge ; so that it would be 
 better to give up holding these inquiries from which 
 there was no result. The speakers then agree that 
 no one that returned from India with wealth ever 
 kept it, that the money appeared to be excom- 
 municated, and disappeared as if it were enchanted, 
 and that it came by infernal methods and went 
 away by the same, seeing that most of it was coined 
 from the blood of innocent people. With respect to 
 this the soldier tells an anecdote of a gentleman who 
 was appointed to one of the best fortresses of India, 
 and a monk said to him : " Sir, remember that you 
 are going to enter upon the favour which the King 
 ^ Kii'wee Prize-money, Times, August 29, 1868. 
 
I 
 
 INTRODUCTION. Ixix 
 
 has granted you for your services, and that in that 
 office you can win heaven as well as I in this habit, 
 by this means, that you content yourself with what 
 is yours, and allow the poor to live, and do justice." 
 To this the captain replied: "Father, I must do what 
 the other captains have done ; if they went to hell, I 
 must go there and keep them company, because I am 
 not going to my fortress except to come back rich." 
 The monk thought it was useless to say more to him; 
 and though he said this by way of courtier-like 
 speech, he did what he said : also the devil took it 
 all away from him in a few days. 
 
 The second chapter discusses the delays to which 
 the soldiers and small people were exposed in the 
 despatch of their business, which the official attempts 
 to excuse by saying that the delays are caused by 
 persons higher in office, and that if the petitions 
 were presented at unseasonable times, their objects 
 would be retarded instead of being advanced. 
 
 The third chapter treats of the inroads made upon 
 the Treasury by the King's officers ; for instance, 
 when an embassy is sent with a present of horses, 
 the Viceroy sells them for the King's service out of 
 his own stables at exorbitant prices, and a horse 
 worth two hundred is set down at six hundred and 
 more. When the horses arrive from Ormuz, the 
 best are selected for the governor and his friends, 
 and the prices fixed by him. The governors when 
 appointed have to swear a great many things to the 
 King, most of which they do not observe. One of 
 the things they swear to observe is the privilege of 
 
Ixx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the city, and the first thing they do is to trample 
 upon it, and they always find lawyers to tell them 
 that such a privilege is to be understood in such a 
 sense. And the governors misconstrue the phrase in 
 their instructions : " Above all, do what seems best 
 to you for my service ;" since this rather should tie 
 their hands, for what is the King's service unless to 
 do justice, to give to each man his rights, and to fit 
 out fleets when occasion serves, and provide for war- 
 like aftairs as may be most necessary, and take care 
 of the repute of the state, and defence of vassals, 
 because the King cannot guess beforehand futiu-e 
 contingencies. The conduct of the governors is com- 
 plained of, who appoint their own servants to various 
 ofiices, instead of appointing deserving men of long 
 service : also the governors do not pay the soldiers 
 regularly, and pretend that there is no money in the 
 Treasury, When the Viceroy or governor has finished 
 his time, it is only proclaimed foiu" or six days 
 before his departure that he will pay any person 
 who has claims upon him ; and as he has then one 
 foot in the stirrup, no one comes forward with a 
 claim, and the clerks give him certificates which 
 serve to close blind men's eyes. 
 
 The fourth chapter treats of the way in which 
 property confiscated to the King's treasury, or se- 
 questrated when revenue oflicials' accounts are wi^ong, 
 all vanishes amongst different friends of the governor, 
 without reaching the treasury. 
 
 The fifth chapter is about similar abuses. 
 
 The sixth chapter is on the injustice administered 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxi 
 
 by the law ; on its severity with the Indians and its 
 laxity with the Portuguese ; on the expensiveness of 
 procedure which, when a man gains his cause in a 
 claim of two thousand cruzados, the law at the end 
 leaves him only five hundred clear. And an auditor 
 will write down / heard where a witness says / saw, 
 and where he should say yes he says no : and the 
 person that died, died, and the murderer walks 
 about. What is worse is, that if you say to one of 
 these, look at what you are doing, and ask him how 
 he gave so unjust a sentence, he answers you very 
 quietly : There are the judges who did it, for I did 
 not hear any more of it. And this infernal fellow is 
 not mindfiLl that all the losses which he inflicted on 
 the parties, and all the expense which he has put 
 them to in appeals, he owes it them luider pain of 
 going to hell. It is enough that this is the worst 
 sign I know of India not being in a good state, 
 that the governors sell the offices of justice to those 
 who seU justice so openly. The ex-governor repUes 
 that this cannot be otherwise, because there are not 
 in India so many judges or learned jurists as can 
 serve so many fortresses ; and if such an office is to 
 be given to Peter, who is not a learned man, why 
 should it not be given to John : for these injustices 
 which have been mentioned, the governor does not 
 order them to be committed, and as for what is given 
 to my servant, which may be two quilts, or as many 
 carpets, or other trifles of gold or silver, this is 
 nothing — he may take them ; for I have theologians 
 who advise me that this is to sell favour and not 
 
Ixxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 offices : but the fault is in there not being men 
 enough to fill these offices. The soldier answers : 
 Of such favourites and of such theologians (if it is 
 so, which I do not believe) hell is full! What is the 
 meaning of selling favour ? In what law, divine or 
 human, is it to be found that if they pay for my 
 ship, which they buy for the King, five thousand 
 pardaos, that I am to give the favourite three thou- 
 sand ? This is to calumniate the theologians, and 
 make them the authors of these robberies. Let the 
 governors do what injustice they please, and not put 
 forward the monks as the authors of them, which is 
 another sin over and above. With regard to what 
 you say of these offices being so distributed, because 
 there are not sufficient fit men, I reply that for 
 many years it has not been customary to seek for 
 men for the offices, but for offices for the men ; and 
 if any one tried to seek them he would find them ; 
 but they are not found, because the Viceroy's favoiu*- 
 ites would be lost if they were found : for these 
 have not to give bribes, but to beg, and do many 
 favours, so that necessity may not be the cause of 
 theii" committing abuses in their office. For this 
 reason, the Carthaginians ordained that their magis- 
 trates should be rich men ; for if they were poor, 
 they could not do true justice, as they might be 
 forced by want to commit some abuse. Let the 
 governor seek for rich men, who are disinterested, 
 and do them honour, and he will find men who will 
 administer justice to the poor, for they are the people 
 who requu-e it, and whom the King ought most to 
 
I 
 
 INTRODUCTION. Ixxiil 
 
 defend, because the poor and small are falcons and 
 hawks with which kings hunt and catch heaven. 
 This was a saying of Amadeus Duke of Savoy re- 
 lated by Raphael Volaterrano. Diogo do Couto then 
 mentions many kings who took particular care of the 
 poor, and goes on to complain of the governors giving 
 away in marriage the orphan daughters of gentle- 
 men, if they have any money, to their servants. He 
 observes that those who crossed the river Lethe 
 lost their memory, and that the governors who 
 double the Cape of Good Hope, after that lose 
 theirs with respect to the fear of God and fear of the 
 King. 
 
 The seventh chapter speaks of the abuses which 
 happen when the governor goes the rounds of the 
 different forts and cities, and of persons (some of 
 them so grave in habit and condition, that the sol- 
 dier is silent with regard to them) who come to the 
 governor to tell him that such a one has a pretty 
 daughter, that such a one's husband is in prison. 
 There was one governor or viceroy who asked a poor 
 man to his face, who was requesting emplojrment, to 
 give him his daughter : the poor man rephed — " My 
 daughter has nothing of her own except the being 
 honourable ; may God please that I should never do 
 such a thing." See what a buffet was this for a 
 governor ; enough to make him take a cowl, or at 
 least arrange a good marriage for the daughter of 
 such a father. The soldier next complains of the 
 debts for supplies and stores not being paid to those 
 who sold those things, who are obliged to sell their 
 
Ixxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 debt to a favourite at a reduction, and the favourite 
 obtains payment and a large profit. 
 
 The eighth chapter is about the inutihty of send- 
 ing overseers of the treasury to the northern ports, 
 and that as they beg and even bribe to obtain those 
 commissions, it must be in order to serve themselves : 
 it also mentions custom-house abuses. 
 
 The ninth chapter treats of the fraud of antiquated 
 payments to soldiers who are still on the lists after 
 their death, and whose pay is still drawn : some 
 sailors draw pay who have not been to sea for thirty 
 or forty years, and many died long ago and draw 
 pay as if they were alive. 
 
 The tenth is a long chapter on the irregularities of the 
 accounts of Goa, and the abuses with respect to vari- 
 ous institutions; fencing schools had been turned into 
 schools of dancing, and there was not in all India a bom- 
 bardier who could hit the hill of Cintra. The Viceroys 
 had usurped the nomination of the prelates of the 
 Franciscan and Dominican friars. The soldier ob- 
 serves, that it is a doctrine of theologians that if the 
 Lord were to chastise all sins in this world, it would 
 seem to remove our eyes from the sight of the Last 
 Judgment; for it would be clear that if everything 
 was paid for in this world, there would be nothing 
 to pay in the other: all that he says, he submits to 
 the correction of the Holy Church, as these are not 
 matters in which soldiers have leave to speak. 
 
 The second and third scenes of the second part of 
 this dialogue repeat much that has been said before 
 about the neglect of the old soldiers, and that many 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxv 
 
 persons named to civil employments in preference to 
 old soldiers, on the ground of being lettered men, 
 really know no more Latin or law than the soldiers. 
 These reflections of Diogo do Couto are strongly in 
 support of the proposition lately made in British 
 India to set apart a portion of the civil appointments 
 for veteran soldiers. 
 
 Complaint is also made that now that the number 
 of judges had been increased, impunity for crimes 
 had increased also : whilst a number of people live by 
 buying up claims and legal rights, and go from one 
 judge to another, and pass their time in the tribunals 
 as if they found there their greatest happiness. 
 
 In the third scene of the third part, Diogo do 
 Couto refers to the opposition made by Francisco 
 d' Almeida to scattering forts in various positions in- 
 stead of relying upon the fleet : and says that more 
 harm is done to the honour of Portugal when one 
 of these is lost, than advantage gained from these 
 forts, which only cause expenditure and supply no 
 revenue. 
 
 The second set of dialogues, which were written 
 first, treat of the duties of the Viceroy and various 
 officers about him, and of abuses such as have been 
 mentioned in the preceding dialogues. 
 
 It is unnecessary to point out how much of Diogo 
 do Couto's observations upon the defects of the Por- 
 tuguese administration in his time appHes to our In- 
 dian administration. Those who have served in 
 India or in other Asiatic territories of the British 
 Crown will be able to make the application for them- 
 
Ixxvi INTRODUCTIOX. 
 
 selves. It will not be invidious to say that legal de- 
 lays and the administration of justice are as much a 
 matter of complaint now as in Diogo do Couto's 
 time. Under these circumstances it will be a matter 
 of regret that the Duke of Buckingham, in liis 
 despatch refusing to grant the petition of certain 
 inhabitants of Singapore for the restoration of the 
 judicial independence they formerly enjoyed under 
 the government of India,^ should have assumed that 
 colonial judges are inferior to English judges, or if 
 they were so, should so quietly have acquiesced in 
 such a state of things. The fact that Indian and 
 colonial judges do not, in the words of this despatch, 
 like the English judges, "perform their functions 
 under the eye of a numerous and highly educated 
 bar, with the assistance and imder the correction 
 of colleagues who are among the first lawyers of the 
 world, and subject to the observation of a critical 
 and well informed press," makes it imperative that 
 none but trustworthy and fii-st-rate men should be 
 appointed to judicial functions in India and the 
 colonies.^ 
 
 Before concluding, I desire to make my acknow- 
 ledgments to Senhor Joam Basto, the Keeper of the 
 Archives at Lisbon, for the very obliging manner 
 in which he furthered my researches, and assisted 
 me in collating the copies of documents with the 
 originals. 
 
 ^ Despatch of September 21, 1868, Straits Times, Singapore, 
 November 14, 18G8. 
 
 * See Captaiu Gulliver's opinion, voyage to the Houyhuhums, 
 cap. xii. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii 
 
 The Society is indebted to Count Lavradio for the 
 portrait of Gama, copied from an ancient picture, the 
 property of Count Lavradio. 
 
 In another engraving are represented the arms of 
 the family of Vasco da Gama, with the " Quinas" of 
 Portugal, which the King allowed him to quarter, 
 p The third plate contains a facsimile of the signature 
 of Gama and of his two witnesses, taken from the 
 third document in the Appendix. 
 
 London, May, 1869. 
 
 I 
 
CHRONOLOGY OF KAMA'S FIRST VOYAGE 
 
 TO INDIA. 
 
 Correa's Dates. Poge 
 
 Gama sails from Lisbon .... March 25^ 1497 . 37 
 After a Voydgebf liearlj five months, 
 
 arrives at St. Helena Bay . . August 18 „ . 47-52 
 Stands but' to sea for one month, 
 
 then makes the land 60 
 
 Stands out to sea again for tWo 
 
 months, then doubles the Cape November „ . . 52 
 Enters a river east of the Cape . November „ . . 63 
 Enters other rivers, and leaves the 
 
 coast ■ . . . end'ofNov. „ . 55 
 
 Meets with a great storm" . . .' Dec. 8 or 12 „ . 56 
 
 Mutiny of the crews December „ . 59 
 
 Sights the coast of Natal . . . Dec. 25 „ . 66 
 
 Enters the river of Mercy, or Dos 
 
 Reis, or Do Cobre Jan. 6, 1498 . . 67 
 
 Remains there a month, to careen 
 
 the ships, scurvy breaks out, 
 
 breaks up Coelho's ship, sets up 
 
 landmark of S. Raphael . . . January „ . . 73 
 The two ships leave the Rio dosReis February „ . . 74 
 They sail for several days, pass the 
 
 banks of Sofala, and overhaul a 
 
 sambuk, twenty later they reach 
 
 Mozambique end of March „ . 80 
 
 They remain off Mozambique 20 or 
 
 22 days, and leave Mozambique 
 
 on Sunday April 8 or 15 „ . 96 
 
IXXX CHRONOLOGY OF GAMA's FIRST VOYAGE. 
 
 Correa's Dates. Pa?e 
 
 They reach Mombasa .... April 21, 1498 . 99 
 They leave Mombasa Thursday 
 
 night April 26 „ . 103_ 
 
 They reach Melinde Sunday . . April 29 „ .109 
 
 Stay at Melinde three months, and 
 
 leave it August 6 „ . 141 
 
 They sight the coast of India . . August 26 „ . 145 
 Remain at Calecut about 70 days 
 
 (Barros says 74) 222 
 
 Leave Calecut and arrive off 
 
 Cananor Nov. „ . . . 225 
 
 Leave Cananor and go to Angediva Nov. 20 „ . . . 235 
 
 Leave Angediva Island .... Dec. 10 „ . 239,253 
 
 Reach Mehnde Jan. 8, 1499 . 253^ 
 
 Leave Melinde Jan. 20 „ . 259 
 
 Touch at Terceira Island, burial of 
 
 Paulo da Gama end of Aug. „ .265 
 
 Reach Lisbon Sept. 18 „ . 266 
 
^ 
 
(THE FIRST VOYAGE OF VASCO DA GAMA, 
 FROM THE "LENDAS DA INDIA'' OF 
 GASPAR CORREA) 
 
 The first Book of the Discovery of India by tlie first fleet 
 which sailed from the kingdom in the year one thousand 
 four hundred and ninety-seven; and other four fleets of 
 captains of expeditions, up to the year one thousand five 
 hundred and five, when Don Francisco d' Almeida went to 
 India, the first conqueror who governed India four years. 
 Which I, Gaspar Correa, brought together and wrote, with 
 the greatest veracity with which I have been able to know 
 the deeds and events of the illustrious captains who went 
 thither up to the year one thousand five hundred and nine.^ 
 
 ^ This title-page of the manuscript of the Duke of Gor is not given 
 in the printed edition of Gaspar Correa, Lisbon, 1858. 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 Nothing of this human hfe is so profitable to the living as 
 the remembrance and memory of the good and evil that has 
 gone by, in order to preserve ourselves from evil, by guiding 
 our life, so as not to fall into those evils, according as the 
 good men acted; and within the soul a very pure love and 
 lively remembrance of those things which the High God was 
 pleased to suffer for the salvation of the world; with perfect 
 faith, which, if we act righteously, will give us eternal glory : 
 and to those of us who are wanting in this remembrance, 
 damnation without end. 
 
 For that which may piously be believed is, that those will 
 obtain merit before God who write good things. I do not 
 speak with respect to sacred writings which are for the pur- 
 pose of our salvation ; I only speak of the good and virtuous 
 deeds of those who have preceded us, from the memory and 
 remembrance of which, according as each one has an incli- 
 nation thereto, the fruits of satisfaction may be gathered. 
 Son?e' persons have so much enjoyed these, that they have 
 esteemed it great wealth to possess a large library, only for 
 the pleasure which they derived from reading and knowing 
 things that have passed by. I, the least worthy of all who 
 have handed down the deeds of others, with my weak and 
 rude understanding, direct my efforts to write and relate the 
 affairs of India ; as it appears to me that in some other time 
 they will seem well to whoever hears them. 
 
 I chose to undertake this labour, bom of leisure, and so 
 unnecessary for me, since these things will be related and 
 written in such perfection in the great chronicle of the most 
 
4 PROLOGUE OF 
 
 excellent King Dom Manuel, who ordered the discovery of 
 India, and of the illustrious prince Dom Joau^ our sovereign^ 
 and successor in his glory. On account of which, it remains 
 for me only to be a writer as an eye-witness (and the chro- 
 nicler of the kingdom is one by hearsay), and I took up this 
 task with pleasure, because the commencements of the 
 affairs of India were things so gilded, that it seemed that 
 they had not beneath them the iron^ which later they dis- 
 covered to view. 
 
 Following out my resolution I went forward, in order that 
 the work I had already executed should not be lost. Evils 
 increased, the benefits diminished ; thus, almost everything 
 changed into lively ills, so that the narrator of them might, 
 •with reason, be called the imprecator, and not the eulogist 
 of such illustrious deeds and events as occurred in the dis- 
 covery and conquest of so many kingdoms and lordships : 
 in the which, the deeds of the Portuguese appear more 
 wonderful than those of any other nation, accomplished with 
 such glorious honours, as Our Lord in his great mercy was 
 pleased to grant the accomplishment of by our hands, as 
 appears in these days. 
 
 And as sixteen years had passed since India had been 
 discovered, when I came to it, a youth of few years, without 
 any intention of undertaking this charge ; but seeing the 
 noble deeds which took place, and the doubtful struggles 
 which occurred later, I decided upon making some brief 
 remembrances with veracity of what had happened. I 
 laboured with much care upon the events which I saw, and 
 those which had gone before, inquiring of the older men who 
 had been in this discovery, and removing doubts by means 
 of the same men who had been present at the events : in the 
 course of which, I found some men who had come in the 
 very ships of the discovery. Also by means of some 
 memoirs which I found in the possession of Moors and Gen- 
 tiles, and especially in Cananor, who wrote with surprise at 
 
GASPAR CORREA, O 
 
 seeing wtat they had never imagined. All which I thus 
 collected together, and wrote with that truth (for which I 
 pray our Lord to assist me in- the labours of this life for the 
 deserving of the true salvation), for with this design I will 
 add nothing^ to the truth of what I was able to ascertain 
 most certainly. I do not fear the criticism and contradiction 
 which many will offer on various affairs, shewing the desire 
 to have it understood that they were present at them, and for 
 that cause know them better, striving to reach at the honour 
 which pertains to those affairs. And as I am without any 
 feeling of covetousness, vanity, or envy, I have taken upon 
 myself this labour only to satisfy my desire, and to content 
 my will. And I will not write anything of the countries, 
 people, or trade, because there were some who occupied 
 themselves with those matters : upon which I saw some 
 volumes, and especially a book which Duarte Barbosa made 
 respecting them, and wrote of the factory of Cananor.^ For 
 which, if it please God, I will only labour at writing very 
 completely of the noble deeds of our Portuguese who warred 
 in these parts of India. And of the great and small, as will 
 be necessary and reasonable, I will write with much exact- 
 ness of the good and evil deeds of each one as they happened, 
 without detracting from anyone their deserts, either for 
 good or evil ; protesting that I will not show this book to 
 anyone in my days, because after this life is passed they say 
 the same of the good as of the bad ; and there are many 
 who correct other men's work but no one corrects himself. 
 The great and small having arrived at equality in death 
 remain such as they were. To God alone I commend my- 
 self; may He please to assist me with respect to my desire 
 
 ' The Lisbon edition adds here, " nor diminish." 
 
 * Da f eitoria de Cananor. Damian de Goes also mentions as the work 
 of Duarte Barbosa a book describing the nations lying between the Cape 
 of Good Hope and the Lequeos, in which he treats of their customs, 
 ceremonies, and sects. Cap. 42. 
 
6 TO THE READER. 
 
 and purpose, which I entirely offer for His holy service and 
 praise; and of His holy mercy may I attain to ending my 
 days in His holy service, and to write and end this work in 
 complete truth without any failing of my conscience ; because 
 if I were to write any evil falsehood of the dead, it would be 
 a great charge against me, and an accusation before the 
 Lord God. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 How the King Dom Joan sent Joan de Covilhan and Gonzallo de Pavia, 
 his equerries, to go and learn about the countries of Prester John 
 of India. 
 
 During the reign of Dom Joan, the second of that name in 
 the kingdom of Portugal/ in the year one thousand four 
 
 ^ Os Lusiadas, Canto IV — 
 
 LX. 
 
 Porem depois que a escura noite eterna, 
 Affonso aposentou no Ceo sereno, 
 O Principe, que o Reyno entao governa, 
 Foi Joanne segundo, & Rey trezeno : 
 Este por haver fama sempiterua, 
 Mais do que tentar pode homem terreno, 
 Tentou, que foi buscar da roxa Aurora 
 Os terminos, que eu vou buscando agora. 
 
 LXI. 
 
 JSIanda seis companheiros, que passarao 
 Espanha, Franca, Italia celebrada, 
 E hi no illustre porto se embarcarao, 
 Ohde ja foi Partenope enterrada : 
 Napoles, onde os fados a mostrarao, 
 Fazendo a varias gentes sobjugada, 
 Para a illustrar no fim de tantos annos, 
 Co senhorio de inclytos Ispanos. 
 
 When endless night had seal'd his mortal eyes, 
 And brave Alfonso's spirit sought the skies. 
 The second of the name, the valiant John, 
 Our thirteenth monarch, now ascends the throne. 
 To seize immortal fame, his mighty mind, 
 What man had never dared before, design'd ; 
 That glorious labour which I now pursue. 
 Through seas unsail'd to find the shores that view 
 The day-star rising from his watery bed, 
 The first grey beams of infant morning shed. 
 
 Mickle. 
 
8 JOURNEY OF 
 
 hundred and eighty-four, there came to Portugal the Bang 
 of Benin, a Caffre^ by nation, and he became Christian, with 
 many of his people, as must be related in his chronicle. 
 From this king, and from his people, the said King Dom 
 Joan collected much information about India and its affairs, 
 for he was very desirous to learn with much certainty that 
 the king of it was Prester John, who was a Christian, and 
 the lord of great riches. Which information produced so 
 great an impression upon the king's heart, that he became 
 possessed with an earnest resolve to send and learn about, 
 and discover India. On which account, carrying out his 
 desire, he at once, in the said year (1484) secretly sent two 
 young men of his equerries- to learn of many lands, and 
 wander in many parts, because they knew many languages. 
 To these he gave many injunctions that each one should go 
 wherever God gave him the inclination to go ; and that they 
 should labour earnestly to know about India, and in what 
 direction it was, and that they should go there, and learn 
 
 He sent explorers forth, -who past athwart 
 
 Spain, France, and ever famous Italy. 
 
 There they embark'd at the renowned port 
 
 Where buried lay the false Parthenope ; 
 
 Fair Naples which so long was Fortune's sport, 
 
 So oft some new assailant's shppery fee. 
 
 Until the lordly Spaniard fix'd her fate 
 
 And made her glorious in her last estate. 
 
 QuillmaJi. 
 ^ With the early Portuguese writers Caffre means simply a negro : 
 they took the name from the Arabs on the Atlantic coast, and it was 
 they who gave it to those we now call Caffres. Barros mentions an 
 ambassador of the King of Benim, and not the king himself as coming to 
 Portugal. The kings of Benim used then to receive their investiture 
 from the Ogane [of Abyssinia], a sovereign who lived in great state 
 twenty months' journey to the cast of Benim. 
 
 2 Camoens says he sent six scouts ; Barros mentions two who were 
 sent before these mentioned in the text, and who went as far as Jeru- 
 salem, but did not venture to accompany the Abyssinian monks who 
 visited Jerusalem, because they did not know Arabic : these two men 
 were Friar Antony of Lisbon and Peter of iNlontaroyo. 
 
KINO John's scouts. 9 
 
 about Prester Jolin, and of what he was, and bring him in- 
 formation of all ; and if he existed they were to endeavour 
 to see him and speak to him, visiting him on the king's part, 
 and giving him an account of the great desire of the king to 
 know him, and to converse and become friends with him, all 
 for the good service of our Lord, being informed that he was 
 a most Christian king ; and giving him the best account 
 possible of everything so that it should appear well to him. 
 Of all that they met with they were to obtain much infor- 
 mation and take notes, so as to bring him news of all. The 
 king promised them a large recompense for their labour, and 
 for such great services as they would be rendering him ; and 
 for as long as they should continue in this service, he would 
 take good care for the support of their wives and children. 
 He directed them to separate and go by different roads; 
 and gave to each of them letters of acknowledgement of the 
 recompense which he promised them if they returned alive, 
 or to their sons and wives if they sJiould die in this service. 
 And he ordered a plate of brass like a medal to be given to 
 each of them, with an inscription engraved in all languages, 
 which said, " The King Dom Joan of Portugal, brother of 
 the Christian kings": that they might show them to Prester 
 John, and to whomsoever they thought fit. One of these 
 men was a Canarian by race, named Gonzallo^ de Pavia, who 
 spoke Castilian. The other was natned Pero de Covilhan, 
 
 > Castanheda and De Barros call him Affonso. Castanheda says they 
 were despatched on the 7th May, 1487, and the king gave them a map 
 on which to mark their track, and four hundred cruzados, of which they 
 took what they wanted and deposited the rest with the Florentine banker 
 Bartolameu ; they reached Barcelona on the day of Corpus, and went on 
 to Naples, which they reached on St. John's day ; thence they were 
 forwarded by the sons of Cosmo de Medici. Barros says they were 
 despatched by the king in Santarem on the 7th of May, 1487, and that 
 they went to Naples, where they embarked for Rhodes, and there 
 lodged with the Portuguese knights Fray Gonzalo and Fray Fernando. 
 Thence they went to Alexandria, Cairo, and Toro (probably Mount 
 Sinai), where they separated : Alfonso da Paiva went to Ethiopia, 
 
10 JOURNEY OF 
 
 being a native of the village of Covilhan. These men being 
 thus instructed, the king gave to each one some precious 
 stones to sell for their expenses, and despatched them. 
 They both in company took the road to Venice ; and in the 
 pilgrim galleys, and strange dresses passed to Turkey, and 
 went to Alexandria in the guise of merchants, in whose 
 company they put themselves, serving them for wages, and 
 with them they passed in the cai'avan to Mecca ; always in- 
 quiring and obtaining information of what concerned them, 
 and there they took counsel together and separated. And 
 Gonzallo de Pavia undertook his journey to India, and went 
 to Calicut, and ran along all the coast as far as Cambay in 
 company with a Jewish merchant, with whom he formed 
 such a friendship that he informed him of all his business ; 
 
 and Pero de Covilhan to Aden, Cananor, Calicut, and Goa ; there he 
 embarked for Sofala, and returned thence to Aden and Cairo, where 
 he had news that his companion da Paiva had lately died in that 
 city. In Cairo he learned that two Sj^anish Jews were seeking 
 him, one named Rabbi Abraham, a native of Beja, and the other Joseph, 
 a shoemaker of Lamego ; these had been sent by the King of Portugal. 
 In accordance with the king's desire, Covilhan wrote to him, and sent 
 him information by the Jew Joseph, and set out with Abraham to Aden, 
 whence they went to Ormuz. There he left Abraham, who returned by 
 way of Aleppo, and he went back to the Red Sea and to the court of 
 the Pre.ster John, who was named Alexander, which they call Escander, 
 who received Covilhan with honour. Alexander died shortly after, and 
 his brother Naut reigned in his stead ; he made little account of Covilhan, 
 and would not give him leave to depart from the kingdom. After many 
 years, in 1515, or 1520 according to Correa and San Roman, David the son 
 of this Xaut then reigning, Rodrigo de Lima, ambassador of Dom Manuel 
 having asked for Peter of Covilhan, the Abyssinian king still refused 
 him leave to go, saying that his predecessors had given him lands upon 
 which to live with his wife and children. And by means of this em- 
 bassy of D. Rodrigo news was had of Covilhan, for he gave an account 
 of his journey, and confessed to a jiriest Francisco Alvarez, who accom- 
 panied D. Rodrigo and wrote an account of the embassy. 
 
 Castanheda says that Covilhan wrote to D. Joam by the Jewish mes- 
 senger Joseph that Calicut and Cananor were on the coast, and that it 
 was possible to navigate thither by his coast and the sea of Guinea, first 
 inakinff for Sofala. 
 
KING John's scouts. 11 
 
 and with this Jew he turned back, going by Ormuz, where 
 he died ; for which the Jew felt great grief, and promised 
 him that he would endeavour to go to Portugal to give an 
 account to the king of the things which he wished to know, 
 for which the king would give him a great reward. For 
 certifying the truth he was to take to him the metal plate 
 which he carried with him. This the Jew carried out ; but 
 before that, much time elapsed before he came to Portugal, the 
 ships having already departed which went to discover India. 
 Peter of Covilhan, from Mecca took the road to Egypt along 
 the sea-shore, passing by many towns, and went as far as 
 the country of the Prester, and went to where he was and 
 spoke to him, and gave him an account of his journey, and 
 of having come to seek for him ; at which, the Prester was 
 greatly pleased, and read the letters on the metal plate, 
 which were in Chaldee, his own language, to which he gave 
 much credit, because he and his ancestors had their own 
 information by hearsay respecting the great kings there 
 were in Christendom. This was related to him by some of 
 his people whom, at times, he sent to visit Jerusalem and 
 the Pope of Rome, on which account they always had a great 
 desire to hear about them and to communicate with them : 
 for this reason they paid great honours to Peter of Covilhan, 
 and gave him lands and lordships as Count, with many 
 vassals and rents. These Peter of Covilhan did not wish to 
 accept, as he desired to return with his message to the king. 
 But the Prester said that he should stay in his country not 
 to die on the road, and not to lose so good a commencement 
 as he had made ; because he wished to send a servant of his 
 to Rome, who should go from Rome to Portugal ; and 
 during this time his other companion would arrive, and if he 
 did not come, then he could do as seemed fit to him. 
 Meanwhile, he wished him to get sons and a lineage, who 
 would remain to him as a remembrance until he saw that 
 which he so greatly desired. Peter of Covilhan struggled 
 
12 VOYAGE OF 
 
 much against this, but the Prester did not choose otherwise; 
 and so he remained until his time came, as I will relate 
 farther on in its place. 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 How the King sent Janifante with four caravels to discover the coast 
 of Guin6.' 
 
 The King Dom Joan, in pursuance of his great desire, spoke 
 with one Janifante, a foreign merchant, who frequently came 
 
 ' The account given by Barros here also differs from that of Gaspar 
 Correa. Barros assigns the chief command to Bartholomew Dias, a 
 gentleman of the king's household : he says the fleet consisted of three 
 vessels, two of fifty tons each, and a small vessel with supplementary 
 provisions; and that they sailed at the end of August 1486. Peter 
 d' Alanquer was pilot of Bartholomew Dias' ship ; Joam Infante, another 
 gentleman, was captain of the second ship, which was named the San 
 Panteleam, and its pilot was Alvaro Martins; the provision ship was 
 commanded by Peter Dias, brother of Bartholomew, and its pilot was 
 Joam de Sant lago. Although Diogo Cam had discovered three hundred 
 and sixty-five leagues of coast beginning from Cape St. Catherine up to 
 the cape named do Padrao, after passing the river of Congo, Bartholo- 
 mew Dias followed the coast until reaching Angra do Salto, so named 
 from two negroes whom Diogo Cam carried off from there, whom Dias 
 brought back to that place. Dias set up a landmark named Sant lago 
 in Serra parda, another to St. Philip at the great and notable Cape of 
 Good Hope, and another of Holy Cross in the island of that name. 
 After leaving Angra das voltas in twenty-nine degrees south latitude, 
 Dias ran for thirteen days with the sails hoisted half way up the mast, 
 when, the wind lessening, they sought the land, which they found ran 
 eastwards, and which hitherto had been in general north and south. 
 Seeing that for some days they did not meet the land, they took a 
 northerly course and came to a bay, which they named dos Vaqueiros, 
 on account of the many cows which they saw on shore tended by their 
 herdsmen. Running along the coast, they came to an island in thirty- 
 three degrees and three-quarters, half a league from the mainland, which 
 they named Santa Cruz, and because there were two springs in it they 
 named it Penedo das Pontes. Here the crews complained greatly and 
 wislied to turn back, but the Captain Dias persuaded them to go on two 
 
JAN INFANTE. 13 
 
 to Lisbon, and knew much of the art of navigation, and he 
 made an agreement with him, to give him ships and men, 
 and all that was necessary, without his spending any more 
 than his own labour ; and that he should go and run down 
 the coast of Benim, and run along it as far as he could, until 
 he had expended his provisions : and that in all the new 
 countries which he should discover and settle, he would give 
 him such recompenses in them, that he would esteem himself 
 fortunate. The said Janifante accepted this, giving a pro- 
 mise to the king that he would not value his life to serve 
 him. The king at once fitted out four caravels, which Jani- 
 fante selected at his pleasure in the river of Lisbon, and the 
 whole of the cargo of the caravels consisted of provisions ; 
 and for merchandize, copper bracelets and brass basons, 
 rattles and little bells, looking glasses, knives, coloured 
 
 or three days more, and then return if they found nothing to induce 
 them to continue: to this they agreed. At the end of these days they 
 only came to a river, which is twenty-five leagues further on than Santa 
 Cruz Island, in thirty-two degrees and two-thirds: and as Captain Joam 
 Infante was the first to land, the river was named do Infante. Here 
 the crews renewed their complaints, and Dias returned with great regret, 
 and left the landmark in Sta. Cruz with as much grief as if he had left 
 there a son banished for ever. Leaving that place they saw the great 
 and notable cape, concealed for so many hiindred years, which Diaa 
 named Cape of Storms, but the Bang Dom Joam when he arrived gave 
 it the more illustrious name of Cape of Good Hope. Dias then placed 
 there the landmark of St. Philip, and then made for the provision ship, 
 which they had left nine months before ; of nine men who had remained 
 with it, three only were alive, and one of these, Fernando Colazo, a na- 
 tive of Lumiar of the district of Lisbon, who was a clerk, died of joy, 
 being very weak with illness. Dias returned in December of 1487, 
 having left Lisbon sixteen months and seventeen days before. He dis- 
 covered three himdred and fifty leagues of coast, which was as much as 
 Diogo Cam had discovered in two voyages. Decade i, lib. iii, cap. iv. 
 B. Dias in 1500 commanded a ship in the fleet which saUed to India 
 after the return of Vasco da Gama. His ship and three others foundered 
 in a tempest between Brazil and the Cape of Good Hope on the 23rd of 
 May. On the 12th of May a comet appeared towards the Cape of Good 
 Hope, and was seen for eight days, and was supposed to have prognos- 
 ticated the sad fate of the four ships. 
 
14 VOYAGE OF 
 
 cloths, and coloured silks. All being disposed in good order, 
 he set out, taking in the caravels only seafaring men. Thus 
 he always ran along the coast of Guine, because he always 
 navigated in sight of land, taking soundings, and writing 
 down all that he saw for the knowledge of the countries. 
 He proceeded so far as that the coast began to turn sea- 
 ward, and met with contrary winds, and struggled on, 
 tacking frequently, now towards the land and now towards 
 the sea, with such great storms and high seas, that they 
 threatened to swallow up his ships. When he saw that the 
 winds were general, without ever changing, and as four 
 months had passed that they were beating about to land- 
 ward and seaward, and that going out to sea he found the 
 waves so great that he could not navigate amongst them 
 with the caravels, and the people clamoured to him greatly 
 not to give them such superfluous labour, with such risk to 
 their Kves, and so little profit, as they had been so long 
 going on in this way, and it was now well-known that there 
 was no other weather. Janifante seeing that they were 
 speaking the truth, and that there were no more provisions, 
 put back and betook himself to the king, and gave him an 
 account of his voyage. He reported that if he were to take 
 tall ships with which he could stand out more to sea, that he 
 could go much farther on, because when he again saw land, 
 he found countries which he had not before seen ; but that, 
 with large ships which could resist the waves, he could, by 
 beating up, run along the coast until he discovered the 
 cape : without any doubt, he had certain hope that beyond 
 it he should discover great countries. The king listened to 
 all he said, and replied, that he rejoiced greatly at what he 
 related to him, and that he should rest until he had ordered 
 large and strong ships to be built, with which he might sail 
 against the storms and seas, to discover for him the cape of 
 that land of which he gave him such good hope, and so also 
 he trusted in God. " I order you to construct the ships 
 
JAN INFANTE. 15 
 
 according to your will, and you shall return to discover this 
 Cape of such Good Hope as you give me." He granted 
 favours to Janifante, and payment to the sailors who went 
 with him ; and upon these he placed a strong prohibition 
 not to go out of the kingdom, because they were to go with 
 Janifante in another fleet which he would again send to dis- 
 cover the Cape of Good Hope, which they had not been 
 able to discover with the caravels : and he ordered them to 
 labour in his ship-building yard, where he gave them 
 provisions for their maintenance, because they were not to 
 sail out of the kingdom. On this account the king at once 
 commanded timber to be cut down in the woods and barren 
 lands, which the carpenters aiid shipwrights ordered for 
 cutting, which was brought to Lisbon, where three large 
 ships were at once begun of the size which Janifante ordered; 
 because the king commanded that they should be built as he 
 ordered, and he ordered that they should be built of very 
 strong timber. While he was occupied in this business he 
 fell ill and died ; at which the king felt much grief, and gave 
 orders for desisting from the work until he should find a man 
 to his pleasure whom he might charge with the discovery 
 which he so greatly desired to make. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 How, by the death of the King Dom Joam, the King Dom Manoel, who 
 succeeded to the kingdom, occupied himself with the discovery of 
 India. 
 
 At this time also an illness overtook the king, which gave 
 him care aiid occupation, so that he could no longer look 
 after the building of the three ships, until the year 1495, when 
 he died of his illness in Alvor^ ; and there succeeded him as 
 
 ^ On the 25th of October, Castanheda. D. Manuel received the sceptre 
 
16 DOM MANUEL 
 
 king the King Dom Manoel. He provided for the affairs of 
 the kingdom as he thought fitting ; and after all had been 
 set in order^ being inspired by Our Lord, he took the reso- 
 lution to learn and inform himself about the affairs of India,^ 
 for he knew that the king had had so great a desire in this 
 matter that he had sent his two equerries, from whom there 
 had not been any answer. He (Dom Joam) only had infor- 
 mation by means of letters which he wrote respecting this to 
 Venice, to a principal merchant, a great friend of his, who 
 negociated and executed his commissions. From him he had 
 received answers, in which he gave him a long account of 
 India, and of its great riches and trade which issued from it 
 by many seas and lands, by which way there came rich mer- 
 chandise and aroniatic spices to Alexandria, from which the 
 Turk drew great profits ; and from that place the merchan- 
 dise came by the trading of the merchants who brought it 
 to Venice. This was the greatest trade which there was in 
 
 at Alcacer do Sal on the 27tli October, Barros ; Osorio also says that 
 D. Manuel, who was then twenty-six years old, was residing at Alcacer, 
 Solatia, which the Paris version of 1581 translates Lisbon. 
 I Os Lusiadas, iv, Ixvi — 
 
 Parece, que guardava o claro Ceo 
 
 A Manoel, & seus merecimientos 
 
 Esta empresa tam ardua, que o moveo 
 
 A subidos, & illustres movimentos : 
 
 Manoel, que a Joanne succedeo 
 
 No Reyno, & nos altivos pensamentos : 
 
 Logo como tomou do Reyno o cargo, 
 
 Tomou mais a conquista do mar largo. 
 
 Seems, gracious Heav'n, reserved for thee alone, 
 Emanuel, and for thy great desart 
 So hard a worke : for thee with thoughts high-flown 
 Inspir'd, and cut out fit to act this part. 
 Manuel (succeeding John, both in the throne. 
 And in the haughty purpose of his heart) 
 When first he took on him the kingdom's charge. 
 The conquest undertook oth' ocean large. 
 
 Fanshaw. 
 
SUCCEEDS TO THE THRONE. 17 
 
 Venice, because it went thence to all parts, so that some- 
 times the galleys of Venice came to Spain and went to sell 
 at Lisbon, as he had seen, but in what part India lay he was 
 unable to tell him. This, however, was an affair for a great 
 prince to undertake and endeavour to discover and conquer 
 it, and adventure in this his whole kingdom and power ; for 
 if it pleased Our Lord to shew it to him and make him lord 
 of it, he would be exalted in riches and grandeur over all the 
 Christian princes, and he would be of glorious memory for 
 the exaltation of our holy faith. By these letters the {late) 
 king was incited to his great desire ; and the reading of 
 them by the King Dom Manoel, who found them in a chest 
 of the king's papers, caused him to feel a great longing to 
 order the making of the discovery of India ;^ and having 
 directed his intellect to this care, as a very prudent man, 
 and one of good counsel, he chose first to obtain information 
 of the facts, and of what he could do, before commencing so 
 great an enterprise. Not being willing to risk in vain his ex- 
 penditure and the lives of his vassals, he determined first to 
 possess true information, and would not commence an affair 
 which he was not to bring to a conclusion ; especially so 
 great a one as this, and at the beginning of his reign. 
 Because it was fitting in this matter, and also because he 
 was some little inclined to astronomical matters, he sent to 
 Beja to summon a Jew with whom he was very well ac- 
 quainted, who was a great astrologer, named (^acoto ;^ with 
 
 ' Castanheda says D. Manuel profited much by the instructions and 
 regulations for this navigation left by D. Joam. 
 
 2 This man was the " celebrated mathematician, Abraham Zakut," 
 mentioned by Rodriguez de Castro in his Bibliotheca Rabhinica Espanola^ 
 vol. i, p. 544, whose descendants abjured Judaism ; some of these 
 relapsed, one of whom was Zacuth, who was born in Lisbon in 1575, 
 and wrote — De Praxi Medica admiranda, Amsterdam, 1634 ; Be 
 medicorum principum hisioria, Amsterdam, 1629 ; and Introitus ad 
 Praxin et Pharmacopoeam, Amsterdam, 1641. All these works of 
 Zacuth are in two volumes of the edition of Lyons 1657, in the library 
 at Oxford. [The 
 
18 THE JEWISH ASTRONOMER 
 
 whom he spoke in great secret, and charged him to ascertain 
 whether he should advise him to engage himself in the dis- 
 
 The language of Gaspar Correa in relating this interview of the king 
 with the Jew shows the confusion still existing between astronomy and 
 astrology. Alfonso X of Spain constantly consulted Mussulman and 
 Jewish learned men. Other writers subsequent to Correa, such as 
 Barros, San Roman, Castanheda, etc., do not mention this consultation 
 held by Dom Manuel at all, probably because in their time such a pro- 
 ceeding would have been described as Judaism and necromancy. Rodri- 
 guez de Castro mentions that the head of the Zafcut family was ennobled, 
 which seems to confirm Correa's anecdote. Camoens represents Dom 
 Manuel as seeing two persons in a dream, the Ganges and the 
 Indus, who make to him predictions similar to those of the Israelite 
 astrologer and mathematician.^ The Zacut who was consulted by D. 
 
 ' Canto IV, 71— 
 
 l)as aguas se Ihe antolha que sahiam, 
 Para elle os largos passos inclinando, 
 Dous homens que mui velhos pareciam, 
 De aspecto, inda que agreste, venerando. 
 Das pontas dos cabellos Ihe caliiam 
 Gottas, que o corpo todo vao banhando ; 
 A cor da peUe, ba9a a denegrida ; 
 A barba hirsuta, intonsa, mas comprida. 
 
 72. 
 D'ambos de dous a fronte coroada 
 Ramos nao conhecidos, e hervas tinha : 
 Hum delles a presen^a traz cansada, 
 Conio quem de mais longe alii caminha : 
 E assi a agoa, com impeto alterada, 
 Parecia, que de outra parte vinha, 
 Bern como Alfeo de Arcadia em Syracusa 
 Vai a buscar os bracjos de Aretusa. 
 
 73. 
 Este, que era o mais grave na pessoa, 
 Desta arte para o Rey de longe brada : 
 O tu, a cujos Reynos, e Coroa, 
 Grande parte do mundo esta guardada : 
 Nosoutros, cuja fama tanto voa, 
 Cuja cerviz hem nunca foi domada, 
 Te avisamos, que he tempo, que ja maudes 
 A reccber de nos tributos jirandcs. 
 
ABRAHAM ZACUT. 19 
 
 covery of India, and if it was a matter which might come to 
 pass, so that the labour which would be necessary for this 
 
 Manuel appears to have written a book on the Climate of Portugal. 
 This book was in 1786 amongst the MSS. of Alcoba^a, but is now lost. 
 Manuel de Faria y Sousa, second edition, Lisbon, 1680, tome iii, part iv, 
 cap. ix, gives an extract from Zacut's Prologue addressed to the King. 
 Rabbi Abraham Zacut is also the author 6f an almanack beginning 
 from 1473, in which he is mentioned as the astronomer of D. Manuel. 
 This almanack was translated into Latin from the Hebrew by Master 
 Joseph Vizinus, his disciple, and printed at Leiria in 1496. Brunet 
 says only one copy of it is known to exist in the Royal Library at 
 Lisbon. Besides that, there is one in the National Library, another in 
 that of the Academy of Lisbon, and a third in the library at Evora. 
 This almanack begins with a dedicatory epistle from Zacut to the 
 Bishop of Salamanca. Brunet mentions two other editions, Venice 
 1496 and 1502; there is another, or recast of the book, called "Almanach 
 perpetuum sive tacuinus, Ephemerides & diarium Abraami Zacuti hebrei," 
 printed at Venice in 1525, with corrections by Dr. Luca Guarici. 
 
 The library of the Academy of History, Madrid, possesses a MS., 
 proceeding from the Jesuits' library, of Abraham Zacut, in Spanish, 
 named '■'• Ajuntandento mayor con el tratado de las Nacencias: et 
 Almanach omnium planetarum & est tam ad revolutiones prseteritas 
 quam ad futuras ; et est ejus principium anni 1473 inclusive, et primo 
 
 74. 
 Eu sou o illustre Ganges, que na terra 
 Celeste tenho o berc^o verdadeiro, 
 Estoutro he o Indo IJey, que nesta serra 
 Que ves, seu nascimento tem pnmeiro : 
 Custar-te-hemos com tudo dura guerra, 
 Mas insistindo tu por derradeiro, 
 Com nao vistas victorias sem receyo, 
 A quantas gentes ves poras o freyo. 
 
 Canto IV, 71. 
 From out those fountains seem'd to issue then, 
 Advancing to him with gigantic stride. 
 Two very ancient venerable men 
 Of noble aspect, dash'd with rustic pride. 
 Dripp'd from their drenchM locks the water sheen 
 Adown their vasty limbs on every side, 
 Thick matted beards, but long and silver-white, 
 Flow'd o'er their tawny breasts like streams of light. 
 
20 THE JEWISH ASTRONOMER 
 
 should not be lost in vain ; for if it were a possible thing, he 
 had the will and readiness to spend upon it all that was 
 
 ponuntur revolutiones solis." This MS. is in good writing of the 
 fifteenth century, on paper bearing the mark of the time of Ferdinand 
 and Isabella: it is in two columns; at the top of the first column 
 there is written, in paler ink and in a different hand — 
 " abraem zechut ebreus composuit 
 inter alios istum librum qui vulgari ser- 
 mone ajuntami*"'" maior apellat"' 
 qui utinam deum trinu et unum instar christia- 
 nor'"" cognovisset." 
 The MS. begins— 
 
 " por q' ya es aclarado q' la rrayz e el 
 prt(jipio para alcancjar la scieta 
 
 72. 
 Their temples with wild coronals were bound. 
 Mysterious wreaths of boughs and herbs unknown. 
 One weary seem'd, as if from other ground 
 He came and thence had travellVl far alone. 
 His flood too roll'd with other force and sound, 
 As though from some remoter fount come down, 
 So stole from Arcady to Syracuse 
 Alpheus to rejoin his Arethuse. 
 
 73. 
 And he, the graver elder of the twain, 
 The King thus greeted, shouting from afar : 
 " O thou, the monarch for whose crown and reign 
 Regions immense reserved and destined are. 
 We, whose renown is known to land and main, 
 We, yet untaught a stranger's yoke to bear. 
 Unwilling come to tell thee 'tis thy time 
 To claim vast tribute of our gorgeous clime. 
 
 74. 
 " I am illustrious Ganges ! my true fount 
 Is in the hidden groves of Paradise : 
 And this, O King ! is Indus ; from the mount 
 He springs which yonder .stands before thine eyes ; 
 On many a deadly struggle must thou count 
 Ere we are thine ; persist and win tlie prize. 
 By matchless victories thy constant arm 
 Shall tame the nations that beneath thee swarm." 
 
 (Juillinan. 
 
ABRAHAM ZACUT. 21 
 
 possible, but be would do nothing in it without his counsel, 
 and for that he had summoned him, and for the same 
 
 del astrologia es a saber perfgta- 
 mente los mouimentos del sol e de la luna 
 q' se llama en uocablo de los sabios thalimoh 
 cuenta de circulos e signos. e tanbie la Ua- 
 maro secrete de hibur en el libro q' La- 
 bia de los hechos del prim° dia del ano. en- 
 pero segti la verdad no es este el q' madaro 
 q' fuese secreto segu q' parece por sus pala- 
 bras en el libro de los cassamientos. por 
 eso puse mis cJjos e mi cora^o para igua- 
 lar todos sus movimientos porq' sean cla- 
 ras a todos nosotros sus diversidades por 
 su curso verdadero." 
 This MS. ends— 
 
 " E a las vezes hallares estrella q' tie- 
 ne coplexio de dos p**' q'ndo se junta e obra 
 aq'lla estrella en su cabo como aq'llas dos 
 ptaB juntas. Aqui se acaba este capitulo 
 muy honrrado e p''''veitoso e coplimi° de n'ro 
 libro mayor. Deo gratias." 
 The following account of Zacut and of his science is given by Gaspar 
 Correa in his Lendas da India^ between the histories of Joao da Nova 
 and Vasco da Gama's second voyage : — 
 
 " The king was much inclined to astronomy (estrolomia), for which 
 reason he frequently conversed with the Jew Zacuto, because he found 
 him very exact in everything ; and these ships having arrived thus [four 
 ships of Joam da Nova which reached Lisbon in August 1502], and 
 telling him that they had not met with any contrary storm on their 
 way, the others having experienced so many tempests, the king spoke of 
 this to the pilots, who could give him no reason for it ; and one day the 
 Jew Zacuto being present, and hearing it all, he said to the king : ' Sire, 
 the sea which your ships traverse is very large ; in some parts of it it is 
 summer, in others winter, and all in one course ; and two ships may go, 
 one after the other, and both by the same course, one will arrive in a 
 region where it is then winter and will meet with storms ; and when 
 the other arrives there it will be summer, and it will not meet with the 
 storm which the other found : and this is why some will meet with 
 storms and others not. And the reason why the winters and summers 
 are not fixed in any certain spot, is because the sea is very wide and 
 desert, remote from the land, and the storms and calms take their 
 course in many uncertain parts. But when the navigators of this course 
 
22 THE JEWISH ASTRONOMER 
 
 strongly recorameiideJ to him to look and see with attention 
 what he could ascertain about this from his good science, 
 
 shall have more experience in making their course, and they know how 
 to take the summer which there is in the open sea between here and the 
 Cape of Good Hope, both in going and coming, they will make this 
 voyage in a very short time, and will go and come without labour and 
 in safety, if they are prudent in their navigation. Since, Sire, with the 
 great desire which I feel for your service, I have laboured much to com- 
 prehend the secrets of this navigation, I have understood that the de- 
 parture of the sun causes the storms and irregularities of the weather ; 
 because, when the sun removes from the equinoctial line to the northern 
 parts, the southern part remains dark and cold. This diminution of 
 the heat of the sun causes the diminution of the days which are shorter, 
 and increases the tempests by the coldness of the waters, which are 
 more stirred up by the winds, and because the Cape of Good Hope ad- 
 vances much into the sea in the southern region, and the sun being at a 
 distance from the line in the northern direction, so that the south re- 
 mains dark and cold ; thereby are caused the great storms and tempests, 
 and short days of scanty light, which the ships find, because the sun is 
 removed a long way from there : and when the sun goes to the southern 
 part, then there will be calms and warm and longer days in the sea of 
 the Cape of Good Hope. And because at the time the ships are making 
 for the Cape, or are near it, the sun is removed to the northern region, 
 for this cause the storms and darkness of the short, days remain about 
 the Cape. On that account the Ptolemies and others who have written 
 named it the Stormy Cape, because it is deprived of the shelter of lands, 
 which are very far removed from it, for there is no land on its east or 
 west side, only in a direct line the nearest land is the coast of India to 
 Cape Comorym, and on this other side by the saTne line the Cape Verde, 
 which is a very great distance; and with the navigation which the ships 
 now make to double the Cape to windward of it, giving it a wide berth 
 to allow for the winds being from seaward, they make a bend by which 
 they traverse more than seven thousand leagues, which voyage they 
 could much shorten and improve when the pilots shall have learned by 
 experience the removal of the sun to a distance, and to which part it 
 goes, for the removal of the sun is the cause of the good and bad 
 weather. And, Sire, because I have laboured much in this, in order to 
 assure myself of the truth of it I have made an experiment as to the de- 
 clination of the sun and its lengthening its distance from the line to 
 either side of north or south, and- of how much time it goes to one ex- 
 tremity, and how much to the other, and how far it proceeds, and 
 whether it runs as much in going as in returning, and I have found that 
 it journeys over all with a regular course and pace. So that I have well 
 
ABRAHAM ZACUT. 23 
 
 and for this he should take whatever time he chose for 
 giving his reply. The Jew took charge of the commission 
 
 ascertained, and laid it down in a kind of formula, how much the sun 
 removes itself each day, both in its going away and in its return ; in 
 such wise that in any part where navigators may have sighted the sun 
 at midday, or the north star at night, and make their reckoning of the 
 sun's declination, they may know what distance they have gone, and 
 will know how to navigate all the seas in the world. If it please the 
 Lord that I may finish ascertaining some doubts which are still obscure 
 to me, I affirm to your Highness that this navigation to India will then 
 be so easy that very small vessels will be able to sail thither ; and so 
 small as to be only capable of containing the provisions and water for 
 the people that go in them, because all the advantage of this course and 
 navigation will consist in knowing how to seize upon the seasons in 
 their proper monsoons, so as not to fall in with storms and contrary 
 winds, which cause detention." 
 
 The king having heard all this was much gratified, and promising the 
 Jew many rewards for his labour, strongly recommended him to com- 
 plete so good a work as he had begun. This the Jew undertook, and 
 as he had tried everything, and discovered with certainty the course of 
 the sun and its changes, he made experiments from the stars with his 
 astronomical arts, and made rules for the sun's declination, separating . 
 the years, each one by itself, and the months and days, from one bissex- 
 tile year to anotlier, which are exactly four years, and as to how much 
 the sun progresses each day, reckoning from midday to midday, both in 
 the northern and in the southern region, all this with much arrange- 
 ment and good order. For this purpose he made a form (pasta) of 
 copper of the thickness of half a finger, round, with a ring (argola), in 
 which it was suspended straight, and upon it lines and points, and in 
 the middle another plate (chapa), also of copper, sliding round the cir- 
 cumference, and in it were placed some holes bored opposite one another, 
 so that the sun entering through both at the moment of midday, it was 
 seen in what part was the sun ; all this with great art and subtle 
 method : and he named it astrolabe, for taking thus the exact spot in 
 which the sun was, and making a reckoning in the table of each year, 
 it was known how many leagues had been gone. This the Jew taught 
 to some pilots whom the king sent to him, how and in what manner 
 they were to take the sun at the moment of midday with the astrolabe, 
 and teaching them the reckoning they had to make with the tables of 
 the rules, in all which he indoctrinated them much. The king then 
 sent these men away to sail to a certain part, and the Jew gave them 
 large charts with lines (riscos) of different coloui's which showed the 
 names of the winds all round the north star ; this received the name of 
 
24 THE JEWISH ASTRONOMER 
 
 and returned to Beja ; and on his setting about it, the Lord 
 was pleased to shew him his will. Having well ascertained 
 all, he returned to the king with much satisfaction, and said 
 to him, " Sire, with the great care which I have taken in the 
 matter which your highness so much enjoined upon me, and 
 with the good pleasure of Our Lord, that which I have found 
 out and learned is that the province of India is very far off 
 from this our region, far removed by wide seas and lands, 
 
 navigating needle, and scale of the degrees to the southward for reckon- 
 ing the leagues traversed by the sun in its course/ with many other 
 arrangements and experiments which the pilots understood, and experi- 
 mented with in the currents of the sea. So that this science of piloting 
 became continually more defined and ascertained, and as they sailed 
 they laid down the lands in the charts, and the islands in their proper 
 limits by the sun's altitude, by reckoning of leagues, and courses of the 
 winds and soundings and bearings, which continually was more brought 
 to the great perfection in which it now is : God be for ever praised, Who 
 was pleased that the Jew should speak with such certainty of all, and of 
 the small vessels navigating this voyage, as was seen later to be the 
 case, and as will be found further on in some parts of this book. The 
 king esteemed this as being as great a service as it is seen to be, and 
 derived from it such great satisfaction, that he conferred many favours 
 upon the Jew, so that he endeavoured still more, taking greater pains 
 to make another greater contrivance, which was still wanting to this 
 work, and which it was desirable to accomplish, because if the weather 
 was rainy, and the sun concealed, in order to take an observation with 
 the astrolabe when ±hey remained blind in their voyage, he arranged 
 the tables of the sun's course with the circumferences of the north star, 
 for which he made another contrivance for taking the point in which 
 the north star was, with such art that all the pilots remained very per- 
 fect in their knowledge of navigation in all weathers : thus practising 
 navigation to India and other parts they continued improving by the 
 experience they had of these things, navigating both with the sun and 
 the darkness of the night. All which was for the great increase of good, 
 as at the present day appears, for the service of the Lord God ; because 
 learned men of subtle understanding went on attaining and ascertaining 
 still more, so that now it is quite perfect. This was all begun by the 
 
 » This passage is obscure : the text of it is — " a que se pos nome 
 agulha de marear, compasso dos graos do Sul pera a conta das legoas no 
 discurso do andar do Sol." 
 
ABFAHAM ZACUT. 25 
 
 all inhabited by dark people, in which there are great riches 
 and merchandise, which go forth to many parts of the world, 
 and there is much risk before they can come to this our 
 region. That which I have looked at, and by the will of 
 Our Lord have attained to is, that your highness will dis- 
 cover it, and will subjugate a large part of India in a very 
 short time, because. Sire, your planet is great, under the 
 sphere, the device of your royal person, in which are 
 contained the heavens and the earth; for God will be pleased 
 to bring all this into your power ; which power will never 
 end, for the king who fears God, even though he spent his 
 whole kingdom in this ; because God kept this enterprise 
 reserved for your Highness. And I find that two natural 
 brothers of yours will discover India, but who they may be 
 I cannot ascertain. But since it is thus ordained of God, 
 He will show all the truth of what I have said to your High- 
 ness : upon which I stake my head in pledge, under the 
 pleasure of our Lord, in whose power everything is." All 
 which having been heard by the king, he gave great thanks 
 to the Jew for such good news as he had given him, and he 
 enjoined him strictly to maintain great secrecy about this 
 for the great importance of it to his State. 
 
 said Jew, named Zacuto, a great astrologer, who afterwards fled from 
 Portugal to Gulf 0,1 where many others betook themselves ; and there 
 he died in the error in which the enemy blinded him, having acquired 
 such knowledge of the stars, and remaining blind in such a bright day 
 as is our holy Catholic faith ; and as this affair happened in this year of 
 1502, I have put it here for his memory, for I have written this in this 
 year of 15G1. God be for ever praised. 
 
 " Juljo^ Ajuda MS. 
 
2<) I'KEPARATION OF SHIPS 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 How the King commanded the ships which had been begun to be 
 finished, and how they were provided with the things which they 
 had to take for their voyage. 
 
 The king, in his great satisfaction at what the Jew had 
 told him, gave great praise to our Lord for having granted 
 him the so great favour of so important an affair as the dis- 
 covery of the navigation to India in the commencement of 
 his reign: the which had not been granted to any other king 
 of Christendom, and during so long a time had been re- 
 served for him : and with great trust in our Lord, he fol- 
 lowed his chief inclination and desire, which was all for His 
 holy service. He immediately gave orders for the finishing 
 of the three ships which were begun,^ and that they should 
 be made the strongest built that was possible. So much 
 diligence was employed in this, that in a short time they 
 were completed and launched in the sea, and equipped with 
 everything. The king ordered the sailors who had gone 
 with Janifante, who were good workmen, to serve in this 
 labour of the caravels, and to supply the ships with double 
 tackle and sets of sails, and artillery and munitions in great 
 abundance : above all, provisions with which the ships were 
 to be filled, with many preserves, and perfumed waters, and 
 in each ship, all the articles of an apothecary's shop for the 
 sick, a master, and a priest for confession. The king also 
 
 ' Castanheda says he ordered two ships to be built of the wood which 
 1). Joam had ordered to be cut; one, the S. Gabriel of 120 tons, the 
 other, the S. Rafael of 100, and he bought a carvel of 50 tons to go with 
 these ships from a pilot named Birrio, from whom the carvel took its 
 name. Correa says further on that the three ships were built of the 
 same size and pattern, in order that each shi]) might avail itself of any 
 part of the tackle and fittings. 
 
FOR THE VOYAGE TC INDIA. 27 
 
 ordered all sorts of merchandise, of what was in the king- 
 dom and from outside of it, and much gold and silver coined 
 in the money of all Christendom and of the Moors ; and 
 cloths of gold and silk, and wool, of all kinds and colours ; 
 and many jewels of gold, necklaces, chains, and bracelets, 
 and ewers of silver and silver-gilt, yataghans (gomia), swords, 
 daggers, smooth and engraved, and adorned with gold and 
 silver workmanship ; spears and shields, all adorned so as 
 to be fit for presentation to the kings and rulers of the 
 countries where they might put into port ; and a little of 
 each kind of spice. The king also commanded slaves to be 
 bought who knew all the languages which might be fallen in 
 with; and all the supplies which seemed to be requisite were 
 ])rovided in great abundance and in double quantities. 
 
 CHAPTER y. 
 
 How the King gave the captaincy of three ships to Vasco da Gama, a 
 nobleman of his house, and charged him to go and discover India. 
 
 Whilst these things were being thus prepared, the king 
 was full of care both day and night, as to whom he should 
 entrust this so great enterprise ; he was always praying the 
 Lord, that if this affair was to be for His holy service. He 
 would be pleased to show him the men whom it would please 
 Him to send upon this voyage, with respect to which the 
 king was occupied in constant thought. The grandees of 
 the kingdom, seeing the preparations which the king was 
 making for this fleet which he was going to send for the 
 discovery, spoke to him about a few men who appeared to 
 be fitting for this, but the king answered them, that he had 
 them already decided upon. Many days passed thus, and one 
 day the king sitting in his hall of business at a table with 
 his officers, giving orders, by chanco the king raised his 
 
28 DON MANUEL SELECTS 
 
 eyes/ and Vasco da Gama happened to cross through the 
 hall : he was a gentleman of the household, and of noble 
 lineage, son of Estevan da Gama, who had been comptroller 
 of the household of the King Dom Alfonso, for in that time 
 they took honour more from nobility of blood than from 
 titles of Dom, which were not then customary amongst 
 those who were noble by direct lineage. This Vasco da 
 Gama was a discreet man, of good understanding, and of 
 great courage for any good deed. The king setting eyes 
 
 ' Barros says that the ting, being in Estremoz, named Vasco da 
 Gama as captain major of the fleet, both for the confidence he- placed in 
 him, and from Vasco da Gama having a claim to this voyage ; for, 
 according as it was said, Estevan da Gama, his father, now deceased, 
 had been decided upon for making this voyage during the life of the 
 King Dom Joam. Camoens gives an account which agrees with that 
 of Gaspar Correa, and he makes Vasco da Gama say — Canto iv, 77 — 
 
 Eu que bem mal cuidava, que em effeito 
 Se puzesse, o que o peito me pedia. 
 Que sempre grandes cousas deste geito, 
 Presago o coracjao me prometia : 
 Nao sei porque razao, porque respeito, 
 Ou porque bom sinal, que em mi se via, 
 Me poem o inclito Rey nas maos a chave 
 Ueste cometimento grande, & grave. 
 
 78. 
 E com rogo, & palavras amorosas, 
 Que he hum mando nos Reys, que h mais obriga. 
 Me disse : As cousas arduas & lustrosas, 
 Se alcan^ao com trabalho, & com fadiga : 
 Faz as pessoaa altas, & famosas, 
 A vida, que se perde, & que periga. 
 Que quando ao medo infame nao se rende 
 Entao, se menos dura, mais se estende 
 
 79. 
 Eu V08 tenho entre todos escolhido 
 Para huma empresa, qual k v6s se deve ; 
 Trabalho illustre, duro, & esclarecido, 
 O que eu sei que por mi vos serk leve : 
 Nao Bofri mais, mas logo, d Rey subido 
 Aventurarme a ferro, a fogo, a neve, 
 lie tao ponco por vos, que mais me peua 
 Ser esta vida cousa tao pe([uena. 
 
VASCO DA (3AMA TO COMMAND THE FLEET. 29 
 
 upon him, his heart was transported, and he called him, and 
 he kneeled before the king, who said to him : "1 should re- 
 joice if you would undertake a service which I require of 
 you in which you must labour much." He kissed his hand, 
 saying : " Sire, I am a servant for any labour that may be, 
 
 81. 
 Com merces sumptuosas me agradece, 
 E com razoes me louva esta vontade ; 
 Que a virtude louvada vive e crece, 
 E o louvor a altos casos persuade. 
 A acompanharme logo se offerece, 
 Obrigado de amor, e de amizade, 
 Nao menos cobi^oso de lionra, e fama, 
 
 caro meu irmao, Paulo da Gama. 
 
 Canto IV, 77. 
 I — whose foreboding heart would still project 
 Great things like this, as if for me design'd. 
 But who had scarcely hoped to give effect 
 To such ambitious longings of my mind, — 
 
 1 know not for what reason, what respect, 
 Or what good omen in my star divined, 
 The king entrusted to my hands the key 
 Of this reluctant stubborn mystery. 
 
 78. 
 And with intreaties, and with sugard praise 
 (Which are the pow'rfullest commands of kings) 
 He sayd to me — "Through deep and rugged ways, 
 Vertue attains the best and noblest things, 
 A life well lost, or hazarded, to bays 
 Of everlasting Honour persons brings : 
 
 For (if to sordid feare it never bends) 
 
 The shorter 'tis, the farther it extends. 
 79. 
 You have I chose (and all the rest set by) 
 To a taske fit for you to undergoe : 
 A taske heroick, difficult and high, 
 Which (for my sake) you will think light, I know. 
 I could not suffer more : but thus reply, [snow, 
 
 O my dread leige ! through swords, through fire, through 
 
 For thee to venture, only is annoy 
 
 When I consider life is such a toy. 
 
30 APPOINTMENT OF 
 
 since my service is required, which I will perform so long 
 as my life lasts." At which the king rose up, and went to 
 sit at a table which was set out in the hall for dinner, and 
 whilst there he said to Vasco da Gama that it was his 
 will that he should go in those ships where he would send 
 him, that it was an affair upon which he was much bent, and 
 on that account that he should make ready. To this, Vasco 
 da Gama replied that his soul was in readiness, and that 
 there was nothing to detain him from embarking at once. 
 When the king had finished dining he withdrew to his 
 chamber, and asked of Vasco da Gama if he had any brother. 
 He answerd that he had three, one a lad, another who was 
 studying to be a priest, and another older, and that all were 
 men very ready to serve in anything that was committed to 
 them. The king said to him : " Call him to go with you in 
 one of the two ships, and do you choose the one you Hke 
 best, in which you shall carry my standard; for you shall be 
 the captain-major of the others. '' Vasco da Gama kissed 
 his hand, and said : " Sire, it would not be in reason that I 
 should carry the standard, because my brother is older than 
 I, but he shall carry it, and I will go under his command, 
 which is right, and your Highness should have it so for your 
 
 81. 
 With sxunptuous boons ; and words, that those exceed ; 
 My good will he doth praise, and gratifie : 
 For vertue, spurr'd with praise, doubles her speed ; 
 And is inflaai'd to enterprises high. 
 To second me in this exployt, agreed 
 (Oblig'd by nature's and by friendship's tye 
 Thirsty alike of Honour, and of fame) 
 My dear and loving brother Paul de Game. 
 
 Fanshaw, 
 Castanheda says that the king offered the command to Paulo da Gama, 
 son of Estevan da Gama, chief alcayde of Sinis : he excused himself on 
 the ground of ill-health, from being unable to endure the fatigues of the 
 cliicf command, and begged the king to give that charge to his brother 
 Vasco, wiio was experienced in seafaring, halving done much service for 
 Dom Joam. 
 
OTHER OFFICERS. 31 
 
 service.^' At which answer the king shewed his pleasure^ 
 and said : '' That he greatly rejoiced at the good knowledge 
 which he had of obedience, and that for this God would 
 grant him a great reward, and that he expected good ser- 
 vice from one who had such good knowledge of what obe- 
 dience was, which is a great virtue: and in that matter that 
 he should dispose of it as he pleased /' but his heart found 
 rest in him, and on that account committed everything to 
 him in the carrying out of this voyage ; " for my heart tells 
 me that my desire will be accomplished by you : therefore 
 dispose yourself as you think fit ; for to you alone, I give 
 the command and the whole charge ; and do you look out 
 for a captain for the other ship, a man according to your will 
 and pleasure." For which Vasco da Gama kissed the king's 
 hand, and said to him : " Sire, my elder brother, whom I 
 mentioned to your Highness, is named Paulo da Gama, and 
 he is now absent on account of a wound which was given to 
 the judge of Setubal, for which he is blamed : and without 
 a pardon from your Highness he will not be able to come." 
 The king said to him : " For love of you I pardon him my 
 justice, for the services which I expect from you and him, 
 he satisfying the parties now that he has his pardon ; and 
 let him come at once without making any delay; and mean- 
 while do you attend to the preparations and equipment of 
 the ships, and take the sailors who best please you, and so 
 of all other things, because, if it please God, you will discover 
 India : and I pray our Lord, that He may so permit it for 
 His holy service, and I recommend you to Him, and your 
 labours shall be well rewarded by me." For which Vasco 
 da Gama kissed his hand. 
 
32 VASCO DA GAMA^S PRKPARATIONR, 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 How Vasco da Gama provided the ships in great abundance with the 
 things that were necessary for his voyage. 
 
 Vasco DA Gama wrote at once to his brother all that had 
 happened, so that he should endeavour to arrange matters 
 with the judge and obtain his pardon, since he had got that 
 of the king, and then come to kiss the king's hand, as was 
 highly fitting. This Paulo da Gama did with much diligence; 
 and he obtained the forgiveness and became friends with the 
 judge, from whom he obtained a document, with which he 
 came to the king, and kissed his hand and said : " Sire, I 
 owe much to God for granting me the great favour that your 
 Highness should choose to make use of me in a business so 
 important for your service." The king replied : " I selected 
 your brother; and he (selected) you to be assisted by you in 
 his labour in this enterprise, which God inclined me to com- 
 mit to him ; for which my heart greatly trusts that he will 
 give satisfaction to my desire, on which account I commit 
 to him the whole charge and authority. He, like a good 
 brother, knowing the obedience which he owes to you from 
 your being his elder, would wish to go under your command, 
 by which he shewed obedience to God, for which I hope 
 that our Lord will reward you both : and I confide in both 
 of you, that you are men such as will do me such good ser- 
 vice as will oblige me to give you great recompenses. But 
 as I have set my will upon your brother to give him the 
 charge of this voyage, you may arrange amongst each other 
 as you please with respect to the honour of the standard, for I 
 shall be pleased any way." For this the two kissed the 
 king's hand, with many compliments for the satisfaction and 
 giving pleasure to the king; and they presented to him 
 
PREPARATIONS OF VASCO DA GAMA, 33 
 
 as captain of the other ship, a great friend of theirs named 
 Nicolas Coelho, Vasco da Gama saying : " Sire, this man is 
 nothing less than a brother in the friendship which we bear 
 him ; he shall be our partner if your Highness approve of 
 his going in the other ship." The king said : " I am con- 
 tent since you are so"; for which they all kissed his hand.^ 
 The king commanded Vasco da Gama to make ready to set 
 out presently, and to ascertain all that he required to take 
 with him, and whatever more he wanted to ask for it from 
 his officers, to whom he had given orders to give him what-' 
 ever and as much as he asked for ; and he was to choose 
 masters and pilots at his pleasure, because thenceforward 
 there would not be navigation by latitude nor charts ; only 
 the needle to know the points of the compass, and the 
 sounding plummets for running down the coast ; and know- 
 ledge of the lands and a good estimation by means of the 
 good judgment which God gave him. Vasco da Gama was 
 of a very indefatigable disposition, and very skilful in all 
 things, and he equipped the ships which were named SaTn 
 Miguel, Sam Gabriel, and 8a7n Rafael ; for when the King 
 
 ^ Camoens, Canto iv, 82 — 
 
 Mais se me ajunta Nicolao Coelho, 
 De trabalhos mui grande sofredor ; 
 Ambos sao de valia, e de conselho, 
 De experiencia em armas, e furor. 
 Ja de manceba gente me aparelho, 
 Em quem crece o desejo de valor, 
 Todos de grande esfor^o, e assi parece, 
 Quem a tamanhas cousas se offereoe. 
 
 Nich'las Coellio makes a third : for paina 
 Most indefatigable. And these are 
 My two supporters strong of hand, and brains : 
 Experienc't both, both no less bold in warr. 
 I get me a young crew of sturdy swains. 
 Whose budding valour itcht for martial jarr : 
 All metled lads ; and so, it well appeers. 
 That came to such a business volunteers. 
 
 Fanshaw. 
 
34 PREPARATIONS OF GAMA. 
 
 Dom Joan fitted them out, he gave them those names. 
 Vasco da Gama spoke to the sailors who were told off for 
 the voyage, and strongly recommended them, until the time 
 of their departure, to endeavour to learn to be carpenters, 
 rope-makers, caulkers, blacksmiths, and plank-makers ; and 
 for this purpose he gave them an increase of two cruzados 
 a month beyond the sailors' pay which they had, which was 
 of five cruzados a month; so that all rejoiced at learnino-, so 
 as to draw more pay. And Vasco da Gama bought for them 
 all the tools which befitted their crafts. 
 
 Thus^ the ships were supplied with the full complement of 
 what was requisite. Vasco da Gama gave an account to 
 the king of all that he did, and always talked to him of the 
 things which he desired ; and the king told him to do what 
 his heart prompted him with respect to those ships and 
 whatever they bore in them, and that in the countries at 
 which he touched, he should take great precautions for 
 taking care of his health and life upon which depended all 
 that had been done, and that remained to be accomplished ; 
 and, according as he saw fit, he was to make peace or war, 
 and to make of himself a merchant or a warrior, or one cast 
 away, or who had lost his way, and he was to make himself 
 an ambassador, and of his own part he might send embas- 
 sages to kings and rulers, and give letters under his signa- 
 ture, and do as he thought fit ; and all that he said to hira 
 thus was nought, because it seemed to the king in his heart 
 that Vasco da Gama would know much the best what to do; 
 for each time his heart received greater satisfaction from him. 
 
 ' This paragraph and the greater part of the next chapter down to 
 the bracket is missing from the printed edition of Correa ; the absence 
 of this portion does not appear to have been observed, for the printed 
 text runs thus, without a break in the paragraph :— " E Vasco da Gama 
 Ihe comprou todas sus ferramentas doque compria a sens officios. Aos 
 casados mandou El Rey pagar a cada hum cera cruzados pera deixarem 
 a suas molhcres," etc. 
 
DEPARTURE OF GAMA. 35 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ITow the King committed the Royal Standard to Vasco da Gama in the 
 Cathedral of Lisbon,' and despatched him, and he departed to the 
 discovery of India. 
 
 The ships being equipped and ready^ as I have said, one 
 Sunday the king went with the Queen Dona Maria to hear 
 Mass, which was said pontifically by the Bishop Cal9adilha, 
 who also made a discourse in praise of the voyage, and holy 
 design of the king in regard to the new discovery which he 
 was commanding to be made ; and he called upon the peo- 
 ple to pray to the Lord that the voyage might be for his 
 holy service, and for the exalting of his holy faith, and for 
 the increase of the good and honour of the kingdom of Por- 
 tugal. When the Mass was ended, at which the good brothers 
 and their associate were present, richly dressed, and to whom 
 the king shewed great honour and favour, as they stood close 
 to the curtain, where also were the principal lords of the realm 
 and gentlemen of the court, the king came out from the cur- 
 tain, and spoke to the captains who placed themselves on 
 their knees before him, and they spoke to him, saying: " Sire, 
 the honour we are receiving from your Highness is so great, 
 that with a hundred bodies and lives which we might expend 
 in your service we never could repay the least part of it, 
 since greater honours were never shewn by a sovereign to 
 his vassals, than you have done us, as the great prince, 
 king, and lord that you are, with such magnanimity and 
 honour that, if at this very moment we should die, our line- 
 age would remain in the highest degree of honour which is 
 possible, only because your Highness has chosen and sent 
 
 ' Castanheda says the King despatched Gama and his captains from 
 Montemor o novo, from which they went to Lisbon. Barros says the 
 king was at Montemor when he appointed Gama. 
 
36 DEPARTURE OP 
 
 US for this work, whilst you have so many and such noble 
 vassals to whom to commit it : for which we are already re- 
 compensed before rendering this service, and until we end 
 our Hves in performing it. For this we beg of the mercy of 
 the Lord, that He direct us, and that we may perform such 
 works that He, the Lord, and your Highness also, may be 
 served in some measure in this so great favour that has been 
 shown us, as He knows that such is our desire ; and should 
 we not be deserving to serve Him in this voyage, and so 
 holy undertaking, may the Lord be pleased that we may pay 
 with our lives for our shortcomings in the work. We pro- 
 mise your Highness that our lives will be the matters of 
 least moment that we shall adventure in this so great favour 
 that has been shewn us, aild that we will not return before 
 your Highness with our lives in our bodies, without bringing 
 some certain information of that which your Highness de- 
 sires." And they all again kissed the hands of the king and 
 of the queen : upon which the king came forth from the 
 cathedral and went to his palace which then was in the re- 
 sidence of the alcasbah in the castle. There went before 
 him the captains, and before them the standard which was 
 carried by their ensign in whom they trusted, and on arriving 
 at the palace the king dismissed them, and they again kissed 
 his and the queen's hand. Vasco da Gama on a horse, with 
 all the men of the fleet on foot, richly dressed in liveries, and 
 accompanied by all the gentlemen of the court, went down 
 to the wharf on the bank, and embarked in their boats, and 
 the standard went in that of Paulo da Gama, Then, taking 
 leave of the gentlemen, they went to the ships^ and on their 
 arrival they fired all their artillery, and the ships were dressed 
 out gaily with standards and flags, and many ornaments, 
 and the royal standard was at once placed at the top of the 
 mast of Paulo da Gama; for so Vasco da Gama commanded, 
 and discharging all their artillery, they loosened the sails, 
 and went beating to windward on the river of Lisbon, tacking 
 
VASCO DA QAMA. 37 
 
 until they came to anchor at Belem, where they remained 
 three days waiting for a wind to go out. There they made 
 a muster of the crews, and the king was there all the time 
 in the monastery, where all confessed and communicated. 
 The king commanded that they should write down in a book 
 all the men of each ship by name, with the names of their 
 fathers, mothers, and the wives of the married men, and the 
 places of which they were native; and the king ordered that 
 this book should be preserved in the House of the Mines, in 
 order that the payments which were due should be made 
 upon their return, because] ^ the king ordered that a hun- 
 dred cruzados should be paid to each of the married men 
 for them to leave it to their wives, and forty cruzados to 
 each of the single men, for them to fit themselves out with 
 certain things; for, as to provisions, they had not got to lay 
 them in, for the ships were full of them : and to the two 
 brothers a gratification of two thousand cruzados to each of 
 them, and a thousand to Nicolas Coelho. 
 
 When it was the day of our Lady of March^ (the 25th), all 
 heard Mass; then they embarked, and loosed the sails, and 
 went forth from the river, the king coming out to accompany 
 
 > End of leaf lost from the Lisbon MS. 
 
 ^ Barros says that the day before his departure, Gama and the other cap- 
 tains held vigils in the house of our Lady of Belem, and on the follow- 
 ing day of our Lady, which was Saturday, July 8, 1497, many people 
 flocked there to take leave of the fleet : and the priests and friars 
 ordered a procession when Vasco da Gama was going to embark : he and 
 his went with tapers in their hands, and the people of the city followed 
 uttering the responses to a Litany, until they reached the boats. There, 
 all kneeling, the vicar of the monastery made aloud a general confession, 
 and at the end absolved them in the form of the Bulls, which Prince 
 Henrique had obtained for those who might perish in this discovery or 
 conquest. On that day so many tears were shed, that that shore 
 may well be named the shore of tears ; for it may be called the shore 
 of tears for those that go, and the shore of pleasure for those that 
 return. And when the sails were cast loose, all the crowd of spectators 
 redoubled their tears, and commended them to God, and made prognos- 
 tications, according as each one felt with respect to that departure. 
 
38 DEPAETUEE OF QAMA. 
 
 them in his boat, and addressing them all with blessings and 
 good wishes, he took leave of them, his boat lying on its oars 
 until they disappeared, as it is shown in the painting of this 
 city of Lisbon. Vasco da Gama went in the ship Sam Rafael, 
 and Paulo da Gama in the Sam Gabriel, and Nicolas Coelho 
 in the other ship Sa^n Miguel -A in each ship there were as 
 many as eighty men, officers and seamen and the others of 
 his family, servants and relations, all filled with the desire 
 to undertake the labour that was fitting for each, and with 
 great trust in the favours which they hoped for from the king 
 on their return to Portugal. 
 
 Paulo da Gama, as he went out of the Lisbon river, hauled 
 down the royal standard from the masthead, and at the great 
 supplications of his brother, who gave him good reasons 
 why it was fitting that he should carry it, he again hoisted 
 it.3 
 
 ^ Barros says Vasco da Gama went in the S. Gabriel, with Peter 
 d'Alanquer as pilot, who had been to the Cape of Good Hope, and 
 Diogo Dias, brother of Bartholomew Dias, as clerk. Paulo da Gama 
 was captain of the S. Rafael; pilot, Joam de Coimbra; and clerk, 
 Joam de S^. The third ship, named Berrio, Captain Nicolas Coelho ; 
 pilot, Peter Eacolar ; and clerk, Alvaro de Braga. He says these three 
 ships were little more or less than a hundred or a hundred and twenty 
 tons each, and their crews, between sailors and fighting men, in all a 
 hundred and seventy men. He mentions another " ship, whose captain 
 was one Gonzalo Nunes, a servant of Vasco da Gama, which went only 
 manned so that after the stores of the ships had begun to be expended 
 they might take the superabundant provisions which this ship carried, 
 and its crew would go over to the other ships." These four sail set out 
 with Bartholomew Dias in company in a ship which was going to 
 Mina on the Guinea coast. Castanheda gives a similar account, but 
 says the crews amounted to a hundred and forty-eight men, and that 
 the store-ship, which had been bought from Ayres Correa, was of two 
 hundred tons. 
 
 2 Osorius says of the departure of Gama : — " Next day a great multi- 
 tude came together, not only for his sake, but also on account of the 
 others who were his companions, and led them down to the boats. Not 
 the priests and monks alone, but all the rest of the concourse prayed 
 aloud to God with tears that this perilous navigation might turn out 
 well for all of them, and that all having well performed the undertaking 
 
FOREBODINGS OF THE POPULACE. 39 
 
 might return safely. This weeping and lamentation was made by so 
 many that it seemed that funeral rites were being performed. For 
 some spoke thus : ' See whither covetousness and ambition are carrying 
 away these wretched men ! Could a more severe punishment be found 
 for these men, even had they confessed the most horrible crime ? For 
 they have to cross over the immense width of the ocean, and to overcome 
 with most perilous hardships the enormous waves, and in innumerable 
 places meet with risk to their lives. Would it not have been far more 
 tolerable to be carried off by any kind of death on shore, rather than to 
 be buried in the sea waves so far from home ?' Such, and many like 
 discourses they held, since fear compelled them to imagine everything 
 sadder than it was." Osorio says Gama sailed on the 9th July. 
 
 Camoens has put these forebodings of the populace into the mouth 
 of an old man, Canto iv, 87 — 
 
 Partimonos assi do santo templb. 
 Que nas prayas do mar esta sentado. 
 Que o nome tern da terra, para exemplo, 
 Onde Deos foi em carne ao mundo dado : 
 Certificote, 6 Rey, que se contemplo, 
 Como fui destas prayas apartado, 
 Cheio dentro de duvida, e receio, 
 Que a penas nos mens olhos ponho o freio. 
 
 88. 
 A gente da cidade aquelle dia, 
 Huns por amigos, outros por parentes, 
 Outros por ver somente, concorria, 
 Saudosos na vista, e descontentes ; 
 E nos CO a virtuosa companhia 
 De mil Religiosos diligentes, 
 Em procissao solemne a Deos orando, 
 •Para os bateis viemos caminhando. 
 
 89. 
 Era tao longo caminbo, e duvidoso, 
 Por perdidos as gentes nos julgavam ; 
 As mulheres com choro piedoso, 
 Os homens com suspiros que arrancavam : 
 Mays, esposas, irmijas, que o temeroso 
 Amor mais desconfia, acrescentavam 
 A desesperacjao, e frio medo 
 De ja nos nao tornar a ver t.lo cedo. 
 
 90. 
 Ciual vai dizendo : O fillio, a quem eu tuiha 
 So para refrigerio, e doce amparo 
 Desta cansada ja velhice minha, 
 Que em choro acabara pcnoso, e amaro ; 
 
X 
 
 40 FOREBODINGS OF 
 
 Porque me deixas misera, e mesquinha ? 
 Porque de mim te vfe, 6 filho caro, 
 A f azer o funereo enterramento, 
 Onde sejas de peixes mantimento ? 
 
 . 91. 
 Qual em cabello : O doce e amado esposo, 
 Sem quem nao quiz amor que viver possa ; 
 Porque hia aventurar ao mar iroso 
 Essa vida, que he mina, e nao he vossa ? 
 Come por hum caminho duvidoso 
 Vos esquece a affei9ao tao doce nossa ? 
 Nosso amor, nosso vao contentamento, 
 Quereis que com as velas leve o vento ? 
 
 92. 
 Nestas, e outras palavras, que diziam 
 De amor, e de piedosa humanidade, 
 Os velhos, e os mininos os seguiam, 
 Em quem menos esfor^o poem a idade : 
 Os montes de mais perto respondiam, 
 Quasi movidos de alta piedade : 
 A branca area as lagrimas banhavam, 
 Que em multidao com ellas se igualavam. 
 
 93. 
 N6s outros sem a vista levantarmos, 
 Nem k may, nem §, esposa, neste estado, 
 Por DOS nao magoarmos, ou mudarmos 
 Do proposito firme comecjado : 
 Determinei de assi nos embarcarmos, 
 Sem despedimento costmnado, 
 Que postoque he de amor usan9a boa, 
 A quem se aparta, ou fica, mais magoa. 
 
 94. 
 Mas hum velho d'aspeito venerando. 
 Que ficava nas prayas, entre a gente, 
 Postos em nos os olhos, meneando 
 Tres vezes a cabe9a, descontente, 
 A voz pesada hum pouco levantando. 
 Que nos no mar ouvimos claramente, 
 Cum saber so de experiencias feito, 
 Taes palavras tirou do expert© peito. 
 
 95. 
 d gloria de mandar ! 6 vaa cobi^a 
 Desta vaidade, a quem chamamos fama ! 
 d ~f raudulento gosto, que se ati(,'a 
 Cuma aura popular, que honra se chama ! 
 
THE POPULACE. 41 
 
 Que castigo tamanho, e que justi^a 
 Fazes no peito vao, que muito te ama ! 
 Que mortes, que perigos, que tormentas, 
 Que crueldades nelles experimentas ! 
 
 96. 
 Dura inquieta^ao d'alma, e da vida, 
 Fonte de desamparos, e adulteries, 
 Sagaz consumidora conhecida 
 De fazendas, de reinos, e de imperios : 
 Chamam-te illustre, chamam-te subida, 
 Sendo digna de infames vituperios : 
 Chamam-te Fama, e gloria soberana, 
 Nomes com quern o povo nescio engana. 
 
 87. 
 Thus we departed from the sacred fane 
 That sits upon the margin of the sea, 
 Named for example to the proud and vain. 
 From Bethlehem, where God, our souls to free, 
 Assumed the bonds of flesh. I scarce restrain 
 My tears, O King ! I do aver to thee. 
 When I remember Liow I left that shore. 
 In doubt, in trouble, for the charge I bore. 
 
 88. 
 The people of the city on that day, 
 Some for their kindred, others for their friends, 
 The mass in idle wonder, throng'd the way, 
 With gloomy looks rebuking hopeless ends ; 
 While we, escorted by a long array, 
 A thousand holy friars, o'er the sands 
 In solemn slow procession seaward trod. 
 And hymn'd our fervent orisons to God. 
 
 89. 
 The multitude already deem'd us lost 
 In the long mazes of a barren chase : 
 The wails of women sadden'd all the coast, 
 Mix'd with the groans of men, a dismal base. 
 Brides, mothers, sisters, as they loved the most. 
 With deepest anguish sought a last embrace ; 
 And hopeless while in presence of their own, 
 Mourn'd the departing as for ever gone. 
 
 90. 
 One following cried : " O son, on whom my hope 
 Reposed complacent for its comfort, sole 
 And dear support adown the painful slope 
 Of weary days that now must end in dole, — 
 
42 FOREBODINGS OF 
 
 Why dost thou leave me all alone to cope 
 "With age and •wTetchednesa, so near my goal V 
 Why wilt thou go to find a stormy grave, 
 And feed the latent reptiles of the wave ?" 
 
 91. 
 Another with hair loose : " O heart-loved spouse ! 
 Forlorn of whom love wills not I should live, 
 What frenzy to the rage of ocean vo'ws 
 A life which is my own, not thine to give ? 
 Our home delights — canst thou abandon those, 
 To roam the wilds, a homeless fugitive ? 
 Dost thou forget our love, our peace ? Are they 
 Sport for the winds that waft the sails away V" 
 
 92. 
 Old men that creep as if they read the ground. 
 And little children, tottering as they go. 
 In imitation of the mourners round 
 Lament, for sorrows deeper than they know : 
 The neighbouring mountains murmur'd back the souud, 
 As if to pity moved for human woe, 
 Uncounted as the grains of golden sand 
 The tears of thousands fell on Belem's strand. 
 
 93. 
 We not so much as dared to lift our eyes 
 To wife or mother in their sad estate. 
 Lest at the threshold of our enterprise 
 The heart should waver from its purpose great. 
 So to embark my strength I ruled it wise. 
 Evading thus a tender custom's weight. 
 The last farewell, the pang that courts delay, 
 A sting to those that go, and those that stay. 
 
 94. 
 But an old man of venerable look. 
 Who stood among the people on the shore, 
 Fasten'd his gaze upon us, and thrice shook 
 His brow, in token of displeasure sore ; 
 And, clearly heard by us afloat, he spoke. 
 From a full heart ; and skill'd in worldly lore, 
 In deep slow tones this solemn warning fraught 
 With wisdom by long-suffering only taught : 
 
 95. 
 " O passion of dominion ! O fond lust 
 Of that poor vanity which men call Fame ! 
 O treacherous appetite whose highest gust 
 Is vulgar breath that takcth honour's name ! 
 
THE POPULACE. 43 
 
 O fell ambition, terrible but just 
 Art thou to breasts that cherish most thy flame ! 
 Brief life for them is peril, storm, aud rage. 
 This world a hell and death their heritage. 
 
 96. 
 " Shrewd prodigal ! whose riot is the dearth 
 Of states and principalities opprest ; 
 Plunder and rape are of thy loathly birth ; 
 Thou art alike of life and soul the pest. 
 High titles greet thee on this slavish earth ; 
 Yet none so vile but they would fit thee best : 
 But Fame forsooth and Glory thou art styled, 
 And the blind herd is by a sound beguiled." 
 
 Quillinan. 
 
44 VOYAGE TO THE CAPE. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Of the navigation which the ships performed, and of the storms wliich 
 they underwent, until they doubled the Cape of Good Hope, which 
 they did not see. 
 
 The two companions, standing out to sea, as I have said, 
 made their way towards Cape Verde,^ and for that purpose 
 
 * Gaspar Correa, in accordance with his annouiiced design of cele- 
 brating the great deeds of the Portuguese, is more intent upon giving 
 relief to the personality of Vasco da Gama, and accordingly he passes 
 rapidly over that part of the voyage which was not new ground. The 
 details which he omits are here supplied from John de Barros' Asia, i 
 Decade, Liv. iv, cap. 2 : — 
 
 " With the fair wind which they had,* they arrived in thirteen days 
 at the island of Sant-Jago which is the chief one of the Cape Verde 
 Islands, where they took some refreshments. After leaving that island, 
 Bartholomew Dias accompanied them until he took the direction and 
 course to Mina, and Vasco da Gama followed his course. The first land 
 which he made before reaching the Cape of Good Hope was the bay, 
 which is now called that of St. Helena, five months had passed since 
 he left Lisbon ;t there he went on shore to take in water, and also 
 
 * Castanheda's account differs; he says Da Gama ordered the ships, if 
 separated, to rendezvous at Cape Verde Islands. They sighted the 
 Canaries in eight days ; and, on a subsequent night whilst passing the 
 llio do Ouro, the ships parted company in a storm, and during eight days 
 they made their course separately for the Cape Verde Islands; and when 
 Paulo da Gama, Coelho, Diaz, and Nunez had rejoined one another they 
 fell in with Vasco da Gama in the afternoon of a Wednesday, and they 
 saluted him with artillery ; the next day, the 28th of July, they reached 
 Santiago, and took in water and repaired their yard-arms, and left again 
 on a Thursday, the 3rd of August. B. Diaz took leave there of Vasco 
 da Gama. 
 
 t Castanheda says they sighted land at nine on Saturday, the 4th of 
 November; but, as they did not know this point of the coast, they again 
 stood out till the following Tuesday, when they made for the shore and 
 reached a bay which they named Sta. Elena. Coelho was sent in jiis 
 boat to find water along the coast, as there was none in the bay, and he 
 found soni'^ four leagues further at a place which he named Santiago. 
 
VOYAGE TO THE CAPE. 45 
 
 they stood well out to sea to make the coast, which they 
 knew they would find, as it advanced much to seawards, as 
 
 to take the sun's altitude : because, as there was but a short time since 
 mariners of this realm took advantage of the use of the astrolabe for 
 that requirement of navigation, and as the ships were small, they did 
 not put much trust in using them on board on account of the ship's pitch- 
 ing and tossing. They used chiefly an astrolabe of wood of three spans 
 diameter, which they mounted on three poles, in the manner of shears, 
 the better to make sure of and ascertain the solar line ; and they were 
 able distinctly to kno\^ the true altitude of that spot ; since they carried 
 with them other small ones of brass, so rudely did this art commence 
 which has given such results to navigation. And since in this kingdom 
 of Portugal the first use of it was discovered in navigation (but we treat 
 of this matter at length in the first books of 'our geography), it will not 
 be strange if in this place we relate when, and by whom it was dis- 
 covered ; for this work of his is not less worthy of praise than that of 
 other new inventors who have found out things profitable for men's use. 
 In the time in which the Prince Dom Henrique began the discovery of 
 Guinea, all the navigation of mariners was along the coasts, always 
 making their course by it, of which they had their knowledge by means 
 of signs of which they made guides, as even in the present time they use 
 them in some measure, and for that manner of discovery that sufficed. 
 But after they wished to navigate in the open, losing sight of the coast, 
 and standing out into the wide ocean, they learned how many deceptions 
 they met with in their estimation, and judgment of the day's run ; for, 
 according to their method, they allowed so much way to the ship in the 
 twenty-four hours, both by reason of the currents, and for other secrets 
 which the sea possesses, of the truth of which navigation by altitude is a 
 very clear demonstrator. But, as necessity is the teacher of all arts, in 
 the time of the lung D. Joam II, this business was given in charge by 
 him to Master Rodrigo, and Master Joseph, a Jew : both of them doc- 
 tors of his, and to one Martin of Bohemia, a native of those parts, who 
 boasted of being a disciple of John of Monte Regio, a famous astrono- 
 mer amongst the professors of that science ; and these found out this 
 method of navigating by the sun's altitude, and they made their tables 
 of its declination such as are now used by navigators ; already more per- 
 fected than they were at the commencement when those great wooden 
 astrolabes did the work. Well, whilst Vasco da Gama was ready with 
 the pilots to take the sun's altitude in this manner, they gave him 
 notice that they had seen behind a hillock two Negroes walking and 
 stooping in the manner of persons gathering herbs; and as this was the 
 chief thing which he desired, to find some one to give him some infor- 
 mation of the country, with much joy he gave orders to surround the 
 
46 VOYAGE TO THE CAPE. 
 
 they learned from the sailors who had been in the caravels 
 of Janinfante ; and they ran as far as they could to sea in 
 
 Negroes secretly and gently so as to take them. As they walked bent 
 down, and busy in gathering honey at the foot of the shrubs with a 
 burning stick in their hands, they did not perceive the people who were 
 surrounding them until they ran upon them, and caught one of them. 
 As there was no interpreter who understood him, and he, frightened at 
 that novelty, did not take readily to signs, which nature has made 
 common to all men, Vasco da Gama ordered two ship-boys to come, one of 
 whom was a Negro, and to sit by him to eat and drink, whilst he went 
 aside from them to let him get rid of his fear. This method proved very 
 successful, for the ship-boys induced him to eat, so that when Vasco da 
 Gama returned he was already rid of his fears, and by signs pointed out 
 some mountains, which might be two leagues off, giving to understand 
 that his people's village was at the foot of them. Vasco da Gama, as he 
 could not send a better scout to call the others, giving him a few toys of 
 bells and crystal beads, and a cap, ordered him to be set at liberty, 
 making signs to him to go and return with his companions to whom he 
 would give as much. This the Negro did at once, and that afternoon 
 brought ten or twelve men, who came to seek what he had got, which 
 was given to them also : but whatever articles of gold, silver, or spices 
 were shewn to them, they gave no heed to. When next day came 
 there came again with these more than forty, and were so familiar, that 
 a man-at-arms named Fernan Veloso begged Vasco da Gama to let him 
 go with them to see their village, so as to bring some more information 
 of the country than what they could give, which Vasco da Gama con- 
 ceded, almost at the entreaty of his brother, Paulo da Gama. 
 
 " Fernan Veloso having departed with the Negroes, and Vasco da 
 Gama having returned on board his ship, Nicolas Coelho remained 
 on shore to look after the crews whilst they collected wood, and 
 gathered lobsters, which were abundant there. Paulo da Gama, not 
 to be idle, and seeing many young whales passing between the ships 
 in pursuit of the shoals of small fry, got two boats to go after them with 
 fish-spears and harpoons, which pastime was near costing him his life. 
 Because the sailors of the boat in which he went, had gone and made 
 fast the ropes of two harpoons to which they were attached, to the bows 
 of the boat where they were tied ; and happening to strike a whale, it 
 struggled so much in the fiu-y of its pain, that it was near upsetting the 
 boat, if the rope had not been long enough and the sea very shallow, 
 which caused the whale to run against the bottom without being able to 
 swim any more, which served to cool it. And as it was already after- 
 noon, and all were about to betake themselves to their shipSj they saw 
 Fernan Veloso coming down a hill in a great hurry. Vasco da Gama, 
 
VOYAGE TO THE CAPE. 47 
 
 the direction of the wind, to double the land without diffi- 
 culty ; and thus they navigated until they made the coast, 
 
 who had his eyes fixed upon his return, when he saw him in that haste, 
 bade them hail the boat of Nicolas Coelho, which was coming off from 
 the shore, and tell him to return to it to take him off. The sailors in the 
 boat, because Fernan Veloso never omitted to talk of his prowess, when 
 they saw him come down to the beach at a half trot, purposely delayed 
 to take him in. This detention caused the negroes, who were in ambush 
 waiting for them to come out on shore, to suspect that Fernan Veloso 
 had himself made them some sign not to came out. And whilst he was 
 trying to get into the boat two negroes ran up to him to detain him, for 
 which boldness they came off with their chaps bathed in blood ; at which 
 the others hastened up, and the shower of stones and arrows upon the 
 boat was so great, that when Vasco da Gama arrived to pacify them, he 
 got an arrow through his leg, and Gonzalo Alvares, master of the ship 
 San Gabriel, and two sailors, each received one. Vasco da Gama, seeing 
 that there was no means of peace with them, ordered to row back to the 
 ships, and despatched a few crossbow-men of ours to expend their stores 
 upon them, so that they should not remain unchastised.* Two days later, 
 the weather being fair, Vasco da Gama gave orders for setting sail, with- 
 
 * Camoens and Osorio mention the landing for the purpose of taking 
 an observation, and the wound received by Gama in the leg; and 
 Camoens describes the incident of Velloso in a very lively manner, 
 Canto V, 35 — 
 
 Disse entao a Velloso hum companheiro, 
 (Come^andose todos a sorrir) 
 Oula, Velloso amigo, aquelle outeiro 
 He raelhor de descer, que de subir ; 
 Si he, responde o ousado aventureiro, 
 Mas quando eu para c^ vi tantos vir 
 Daquelles caes, depressa hum pouco vim, 
 Por me lembrar, que estabeis ca sem mim. 
 
 To Fernan then a boon companion tried, 
 
 While rang the decks with laughter's merry chime, 
 
 " Ho, friend Velloso, yonder mountain side 
 
 Seems less laborious to descend than climb." 
 
 " True," unabash'd the adventurer replied, 
 
 " But, when yon black pack hither troop'd, twas time, 
 
 For your sake, as I thought, ray pace to mend, 
 
 llemcmbering you were here without your friend." 
 
 Qihillinan. 
 
48 VOYAGE TO THE CAPE, 
 
 and having reconnoitred it, they tacked and stood out to 
 sea, hauling on the bowline as much as they could, and so 
 
 out bringing away any information about the country, as he had desired ; 
 for Fernan Veloso had seen nothing to relate, except the danger which 
 he said he had met with amongst those negroes, who as often as they went 
 away from the beach made him come back, almost as if they wished to 
 keep him there as a decoy, so as to do some mischief whenever they came 
 off to take him on board, in the manner which they showed. Vasco da 
 Gama continued his voyage, standing out to sea to get from under the 
 land ;* when the third day came, which was the twentieth November, 
 he passed that great Cape of Good Hope, with less storms and danger 
 than what the sailors expected, from the reputation which it bore, and on 
 account of which it was named the Cape of Storms ; and on St. 
 Catharine's day (25th Nov.) they arrived at what is now called the water- 
 ing place of San Braz, which is sixty leagues beyond the Cape. Although 
 they found there negroes with frizzled hair like the former ones, these, 
 ■without hesitation, came to the boats to receive anything that was thrown 
 to them on the beach ; and by signs they began at once to come to an 
 understanding with our men, so that barter was established between 
 them, giving sheep for the things which our people gave them. But of 
 all the flocks of horned cattle that they had, our people could never ob- 
 tain a single head. It appears that they valued them very highly, for 
 some of the oxen without horns which our men saw, were very fat and 
 clean, and women rode upon them on pack-saddles of reeds.f During 
 three days that Vasco da Gama stayed here, our people were much 
 entertained by them, as they are pleasure-loving people, given to 
 playing on musical instruments and dancing ; among them there were 
 some who played upon a kind of pastoral flute, which seemed good 
 after its fashion.^ From which place Vasco da Gama moved to another 
 
 * Castanheda says he sailed on the morning of Thursday, the 16th 
 November, and sighted the Cape on the afternoon of the following Satur- 
 day, but he could not double the Cape till Wednesday, the 22nd of 
 November. 
 
 t Castanheda says some of the cattle were oxen without horns. He 
 and Osorius and Goes mention here some birds, called sotilicayros, the size 
 of geese, which do not fly, and bray like donkeys; their wings were 
 membranes like those of bats. Here, Castanheda says, they remained 
 thirteen days, and burned their store ship. 
 X Camoens, Canto v, 63 — 
 
 As mulheres queimadas vem em cima 
 Dos vagorosos bois, alii sentadas, 
 Animaes que elles tem em mais estima, 
 Que todo o outro gado das manadas ; 
 
» 
 
 VOYAGE TO THE CAPE. 49 
 
 they ran for many days. And as it seemed to them that 
 now they could double the land, they again tacked towards 
 the coastj also on the bowline, against the wind, until they 
 again saw the coast, much further on than where the cara- 
 vels had reached, which the masters knew from the sound- 
 ings which they had got written down from the voyage of 
 Janinfante, and the days which they found to have less sun 
 by the clocks. Having well ascertained this, they stood out 
 again to sea ; thus forcing the ships to windward, they went 
 so far out to sea towards the south, that there was almost 
 not six hours of sunlight in the day ; and the wind was very 
 powerful, so that the sea was very fearful to see, without 
 ever being smooth either by day or night, but they always 
 met with storms, so that the crews suffered much hardship. 
 
 port near that, because there had arisen some contention between our 
 men and the negroes respecting barter of cattle ; and they continued 
 along the beach, following in sight of the ships until they anchored. 
 And as a great number had come, more in form of war than of 
 peace, he ordered a few cannon to be fired at them, but only to frighten 
 without hurting them, and he went to take another position two leagues 
 from that place, where he took out all the provisions which he had in 
 the tender, and it was burned. Leaving this place on the day of the 
 Conception (December 8th), when the fourth day arrived, which was the 
 eve of Santa Luzia (Dec. 13th), a great storm arose." 
 
 Castanheda agrees with this. Osorio says the storm arose on the 
 8th December. 
 
 Cantigas pastoris, ou prosa, ou rima, 
 
 Na sua lingua cantam, concertadas 
 
 Co' o doce som das rusticas aveuas, 
 
 Imitando de Tityro as camenas. 
 
 Strange ditties singing in a language strange 
 The sable women on their oxen rode ; 
 (They prize, beyond all beasts that herded range, 
 These beeves, slow- paced and patient of their load) 
 They sang in concert, true to every change, 
 And tuned to pastoral reeds their voices flow'd : 
 I thought, while listening to the rural strain, 
 The age of Tityrus was come again. 
 
 Quillinan. 
 
50 VOYAGE TO THE CAPE. 
 
 And after a month that they had run on this tack, they 
 stood in to shore and went as long as they could, all praying 
 to the Lord that they might have doubled beyond the land ; 
 but when they again saw it, they were very sad, though they 
 found themselves much advanced by the signs of the sound- 
 ings which the pilots took, and they saw land of another 
 shape which they had not before seen. Seeing that the 
 coast ran out to sea, the masters and pilots were in great 
 confusion, and doubtful of standing out again to sea, saying 
 that that land went across the sea and had no end to it. 
 This being heard of by Vasco da Gama, (according as it was 
 presumed, to the information he had from the Jew ^acuto), 
 he told the pilots that they should not imagine such a thing, 
 and that without doubt they would find the end of that land, 
 and beyond it much sea and lands to run by, and he said to 
 them : " I assure you that the Cape is very near, and with 
 another tack standing out to sea, when you return, you will 
 find the Cape doubled." This Vasco da Gama said to encou- 
 rage them, because he saw that they were much disheartened, 
 and with the inclination to wish to put back to Portugal. 
 So he ordered them to put the ships about to sea, which 
 they did much against their will ; for which reason Vasco 
 da Gama determined to stand on this tack so long as to be 
 able to double the end of the land ; and besought all not. to 
 take account of their labours, since for that purpose they 
 had ventured upon them ; and that they should put their 
 trust in the Lord that they would double the Cape. 
 
 Thus he gave them great encouragement, without ever 
 sleeping or taking repose, but always taking part with them 
 in hardship, coming up at the boatswain's pipe as they all 
 did. So they went on- standing out to sea till they found 
 it all broken up with the storm, with enormous waves, and 
 darkness. As the days were very short, it always seemed 
 night ; the masts and shrouds were stayed, because with the 
 fury of the sea the ships seemed every moment to be going 
 
VOYAGE TO THE CAPE. 51 
 
 to pieces. The crews grew sick with fear and hardship, be- 
 cause also they could not prepare their food, and all clamoured 
 for putting back to Portugal, and that they did not choose 
 to die like stupid people who sought death with their own 
 hands ; thus they made clamour and lamentation, of which 
 there was much more in the other ships. But the captains 
 excused themselves, saying that they would do nothing ex- 
 cept what Yasco da Gama did ; and he and his companions 
 underwent great labour. 
 
 As he was a very choleric man, at times with angry words 
 he made them be silent, although he well saw how much 
 reason they had at every moment to despair of their lives . 
 and they had been going for about two months on that tack, 
 and the masters and pilots cried out to him to take another 
 tack ; but the captain major did not choose, though the 
 ships were now letting in much water, by which their labours 
 were doubled, because the days were short and the nights 
 long, which caused them increased fear of death ; and at this 
 time they met with such cold rains that the men could not 
 move. All cried out to God for mercy upon their souls, for 
 now they no longer took heed of their lives. It now seemed 
 to Vasco da Gama that the time was come for making 
 another tack, and he comported himself very angrily, swear- 
 ing that if they did not double the Cape, he would stand out 
 to sea again as many times until the Cape was doubled, or 
 there should happen whatever should please God. For 
 which reason, from fear of this, the masters took much more 
 trouble to advance as much as they could; and they took more 
 heart on nearing the land, and escaping from the tempest of 
 the sea : and all called upon God for mercy, and to give 
 them guidance, when they saw themselves out of such great 
 dangers. Thus approaching the land, they found their 
 labour less, and the seas calmer, so they went on running 
 for a long time, steering so as to make the land and to ease 
 the ships, which they were better able to do at night when 
 
52 VOYAGE TO THE CAPE. 
 
 the captain slept, which the other ships did also, as they 
 followed the lantern which Vasco da Gama carried : at night 
 the ships showed lights to one another so as not to part 
 company. Seeing how much they had run, and did not find 
 the land, they sailed larger so as to make it ; and as they 
 did not find it, and the sea and wind were moderate, they 
 knew that they had doubled the Cape ;^ on which great joy 
 fell upon them, and they gave great praise to the Lord on 
 seeing themselves delivered from death. The pilots con- 
 tinued to sail more free, spreading all the sails ; and running 
 in this manner, one morning they sighted some mountain 
 peaks which seemed to touch the clouds ; at which their 
 pleasure was so great that all wept with joy, alid all devoutly 
 on their knees said the Salve. After running all day till 
 
 1 From Correa's mentioning November a little further on, the Cape 
 must have been doubled in October or November. Barros and the 
 other historians make the voyage from Lisbon to the Cape four months 
 and a half, from July 8 to November 20 ; Correa gives seven months, 
 from March 25th to the end of October. Correa's account of the 
 doubling of the Cape and of the long tacks to the south is more probable 
 than the short passage of the other historians from St. Helena Bay to 
 the Cape, since all the historians agree as to the shortness of the days 
 and darkness which the ships met with, and which they must have gone 
 far south of the Cajje to find in anything like the degree mentioned by 
 Correa, viz., a day of six hours sunlight. This shortness of the days 
 near the Cape shows that Gama arrived there in the winter of that re- 
 gion, that is to say, much before November (Barros' date), which adds 
 to the probability of Correa's date of the departure, March 25, being 
 the correct one, and not July 8, which, moreover, is not Lady Day, as 
 stated by Barros. Osorio also, in mentioning the discovery of St. 
 Helena Bay and the river St. James, which are near to another, says 
 they were so named because of being discovered on those saints' days ; 
 but St. Helena is on the 18th August or 3rd September, and St. James 
 on the 25th July, so that these dates do not agree unless older calendars 
 have a different date for either of these saints' days. Camoens and 
 Barros moreover say that Gama reached St. Helena Bay five months 
 after leaving Lisbon, whereas from July 8 to the beginning of Novem- 
 ber (November 7 is Castanheda's date) makes only four months. Five 
 months from March 25, Correa's date would bring the date of arrival at 
 St. Helena into accordance with that saint's day, August 18. 
 
VOYAGE TO THE CAPE. 53 
 
 night, they were not able to reach it, and discovered great 
 mountain ridges, so as it was night they ran along the coast 
 which lay from east to west ; and they took in all the sails 
 only running under the large sails, for these were the orders 
 of the captain major. The next day at dawn they again set 
 all the sails and ran to the land, so that at mid-day they 
 saw a beach which was all rocky, and running along it, they 
 saw deep creeks, and such large bays, that they could not 
 see the land at the end of them ; they also found the mouths 
 of great rivers, from which water came forth to the sea with 
 a powerful current ; here also, near the land, they fouud 
 many fish which they killed with fish-spears. The watch- 
 men in the tops were always on the look out to see if there 
 were shoals ahead. The crews grew sick with fever from 
 the fish which they ate, on which account they ate no more. 
 The pilots, on heaving the lead, found no bottom : so they 
 ran on for three days, and at night they kept away from the 
 land, and shortened sail. Sailing in this manner they fell 
 in with the mouth of a large river, and the captain major 
 ordered a boat to be lowered, and the pilot to sound the 
 entrance of the river ; and he said that it was superfluous, 
 because if there was a shoal it would be burst through. 
 Then they took in the sails, excepting the great one, with 
 which they entered the river, which was very lai^ge : and 
 they went up it, the boat going befoi-e and sounding, and 
 approaching land, where they found twelve fathoms, they 
 anchored. There they found very good fish-, for the i:ivei' 
 was of fresh water ; but in the whole of the river they found 
 no beach, for there was nothing but rocks and crags. Then 
 Vasco da Gama went to see his brother, and so did Nicolas 
 Coelho, and they all dined with great satisfaction, talking of 
 the hardships they had gone through. 
 
 When th^ had finished dining, Vasco da Gama ordered 
 Nicolas Coelho to go in his boat up the river to see if he 
 found any village. He went up more than five leagues. 
 
54 GREAT STORM 
 
 without finding anything besides many streams which came 
 from between the mountains to pour into the river ; there 
 were no woods in the country, nothing but stones on both 
 sides of the river : upon which he returned to the captain 
 major. Then the following day, before the morning, Vasco 
 da Gama again ordered Nicolas Coelho to go in a boat with 
 sails and oars, and with provisions to eat, and told him to go 
 as far as the head of the river, to see if he could find anyone 
 to speak to, to learn what country they were in. He went 
 up the river a distance of more than twenty leagues, and 
 returned without having found anything. Then they decided 
 on going out again, and they took in water and wood of the 
 dry trees, which it seems the river brings down when it 
 comes from the mountain. On that account the captain 
 major wished himself in person to discover the river up to 
 its head, to see whence could come those trees which they 
 found there dry, but the masters said this would be a labour 
 without profit, and that they ought to go out of the river 
 and make for the country which they wished to seek, and they 
 would find it. This seemed good to the captain major, and 
 they came out of the river, with much labour, as the wind 
 was contrary, and entered the mouth of the river. The 
 strong current of the river, which went out to sea, alone 
 assisted them, and with it they went outside without sailSj 
 only towing with the boats which guided them. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 How the ships saw land within the Cape, and ran along it, and of what 
 they found, and the winter overtook them at sea, where they 
 weathered great storms, and Vasco da Gama put the pilots in irons. 
 
 When the ships returned to sea they ran along the coast 
 with great precaution, and a good look-out not to run upon 
 any shoals, and they entered other great rivers and bays ; 
 
AFTER PASSING TEE CAPE. 55 
 
 and they explored everywhere and searched without ever 
 being able to meet with people^ nor boats in the sea^ for all 
 the country was uninhabited : and in entering and leaving 
 the rivers they endured much fatigue, and were much vexed 
 at not being able to learn in what country they were. With 
 these detentions and delays they wasted much time, and 
 spent all the summer of that country, so they had to run 
 along the coast because the winds were favourable for going 
 ahead ; for they were westerly. And because they found 
 everything desolate, without people by land or sea, they 
 agreed unanimously not to enter anymore rivers, but to run 
 ahead ; and thus they did ; for by day they ran under full 
 sail, drawing as near to the land as possible to see if they 
 could make out any village or beach, which as yet they had 
 not seen ; and by night they stood away to sea, and ran 
 under shortened sail. Navigating in this manner, the wind 
 began to moderate, and fell calm altogether, which happened 
 in November, when they had to struggle with another wind, 
 with which they stood out to sea, fearing that some contrary 
 storm might arise ; then, taking in all sail, they lay waiting 
 for the springing up of another wind, so they went increasing 
 their distance from the land till they lost sight of it; for the 
 wind increased continually, and the sea rose greatly, for then 
 the winter of that country was setting in.' The masters, see- 
 
 ' Castanheda says : during this storm Coelho parted company and re- 
 joined the ships next night; when the storm had passed, on the 16th 
 December, Gama sighted the flat islands which are sixty leagues from 
 S. Bias, and five beyond the islet of the Cross, where Bartholomew Diaz 
 set up his last landmark, and they were fifteen leagues from the Rio do 
 lifante. On Saturday (17th December) they passed the island of Cruz, 
 and lay to next night so as not to run by the Rio do Iffante. On Sunday 
 they run along the coast till evening, and then stood off and on the land 
 till Tuesday, 20th December, when the wind shifted from astern to west. 
 That night they lay to, and the next day at ten they reached the isle of 
 Criiz, which was sixty leagues astern of their reckoning, on account of 
 the great currents. The fleet then got a stern wind for three or four 
 days, which carried it through the currents. 
 
56 GREAT STORM 
 
 ing that the weather was freshening, took counsel as to re- 
 turning to land and putting into some river until meeting 
 with a change of weather.! This they did, and putting 
 about to the land, the wind increased so much that they 
 were afraid of not finding a river in which to shelter, and of 
 being lost. On which account they again stood out to sea, 
 and made ready the ships to meet the storm which they 
 saw rising every moment, so that the water should not come 
 in, with ropes made fast to the masts, and with the shrouds 
 passed over the yards so that the masts should remain more 
 secure ; and they took away all the pannels from the tops, 
 and the sails, so as not to hold the wind ; the small sails^ 
 and the lower sails all struck, and with the foresails only 
 they prepared to weather the storm. Seeing the weather in 
 this state, the pilot and master told the captain-major that 
 they had great fear on account of the weather because it was 
 becoming a tempest, and the ships were weak, and that they 
 thought they ought to put in to land and run along the coast 
 and return to seek the great river into which they had first 
 entered, because the wind was blowing that way, and they 
 could enter it for all that there was a storm. But when the 
 captain-major heard of turning backwards, he answered them, 
 that they " should not speak such words, because as he was 
 going out of the bar of Lisbon, he had promised to God in 
 his heart not to turn back a single span's breadth of the way 
 which he had made, that on that account they should not 
 speak in that wise, as he would throw into the sea whomso- 
 ever spoke such things. At which the crew, in despair, 
 abandoned themselves to the chances of the sea which was 
 broken up with the increase of the tempest and rising of 
 the gale, which many times chopped round, and blew from 
 all parts, and at times fell ; so that the ships were in great 
 peril from their great labouring in the waves, which ran 
 very high. Then the storm would again break with such 
 
 ' Monetae. 
 
AFTER PASSING THE CAPE. 57 
 
 fury, that the seas rose towards the sky, and fell back in 
 heavy showers which flooded the ships. The storm raging 
 thus violently, the danger was doubled; for suddenly the wind 
 died out, so that the ships lay dead between the waves,] 
 lurching so heavily that they took in water on both sides j 
 and the men made themselves fast not to fall from one side 
 to the other ; and everything in the ships was breaking up,i 
 so that all cried to God for mercy. Before long the sea 
 came in with more violence, which increased their misfortune, 
 with the great difficulty of working the pumps ; for they 
 were taking in much water, which entered both above and 
 below ; so they had no repose for either soul or body, and 
 the crews began to sicken and die of their great hardships. 
 At this the pilots and masters and all the people poured out 
 cries and lamentations to the captains, urgently requiring 
 them to put back and seek an escape from death, which there 
 they were certain of meeting with by their own will if they 
 did not put about. To which the captains gave no other 
 reply than that they would do no such thing unless the cap- 
 tain-major did it. The captain-major, seeing the clamours 
 of his crew, answered them with brave words, saying, that 
 he had already told them that backwards he would not go, 
 even though he saw a hundred deaths before his eyes: thus 
 he had vowed to God; and let them look to it that it was not 
 reasonable that they should lose all the labours which they 
 had gone through up to this time, that the Lord who had 
 delivered them until now, would have mercy upon them ; 
 they should remember that they had already doubled the 
 Cape of Storms and were in the region which they had come 
 to seek, to discover India, on accomplishing which and re- 
 turning to Portugal, they would gain such great honour 
 and recompenses from the King of Portugal for their child- 
 ren ; and they should put their trust in God, who is merci- 
 ful, and who, from one hour to another, would come with 
 His mercy, and give them fair weather, and that they should 
 
 jp~ 
 
,v^ 
 
 58 VASCO DA GAMA REPRESSES 
 
 not talk like people who distrusted the mercy of God. But, 
 although the captain-major always spoke to them these and 
 other words of great encouragement^ they did not cease from 
 their loud clamour and protestations that he would give an 
 account to God of their deaths of which he would be the cause, 
 and of the leaving desolate their wives and children : all 
 this accompanied by weeping and cries, and calls to God for 
 mercy. Whilst they went on this way with their souls in 
 their mouths," the sea began to go down a little, and the 
 wind also, so that the ships could approach to speak one 
 another, and all clamoured with loud cries that they should 
 put about to seek some place where they could refit the ships, 
 as they could not keep them afloat with the pumps. The 
 crews of the other ships spoke with more audacity, saying 
 that the captain was but one man, and they were many; and 
 they feared death while the captains did not fear it, nor took 
 any account of losing their lives. The captain-major chose 
 that the two other ships should know his design, and he 
 said and swore by the life of the king his sovereign that 
 from the spot where he then was he had not to turn back 
 one spanks breadth, even though the ships were laden with 
 gold, unless he got information of that which they had come 
 to seek, and that even if he had near there a very good port 
 he would not go ashore, lest some of them should retire to 
 a certain death on shore, allowing themselves to remain 
 there, rather than go on with the ships trusting to the 
 mercy of God, in which they had such small reliance that 
 they made such exclamations from the weakness of their 
 hearts, as if they were not Portuguese: on which account 
 he would undeceive them all, for to Portugal they would 
 not return unless they brought word to the king of that 
 which he had so strongly commended to them, and that he 
 took the same account of death as did any one of them. 
 While they were at this point a sudden wind arose, with so 
 great a concussion of thunder and darkness, and a strunger 
 
THE MUTINY OF HIS CREWS. 59 
 
 olast than they had yet experienced, and the sea rose so 
 much that the ships could not see one another, except when 
 they were upheaved by the seas, when they seemed to be 
 amongst the clouds ; and they hung out lights so as not to 
 part company, for the anxiety and fear which the captain- 
 major felt was the losing one of the ships from his company, 
 so that the seamen would put back to Portugal by force, as 
 indeed they had very much such a desire in their hearts. ] 
 But the captains took very great care of this, because 
 Vasco da Gama, before going out of Lisbon, when convers- 
 ing alone with the Jew Zacuto in the monastery, had received 
 from him much information as to what he should do during 
 his voyage, and especially recommendations of great watch- 
 fulness never to let the ships part company, because if they 
 separated it would be the certain destruction of all of them. 
 Vasco da Gama took great care of this, personally, and by 
 means of his servants and relations in whom he trusted : and 
 this they attended to with much greater solicitude after they 
 had heard the sailors say that they were many, and the cap- 
 tains only a few single men ; and in fact they had in their 
 minds such an intention of rising up against the captains, 
 and by force putting back to Portugal, and they thought 
 that if it became necessary to arrest them for this and 
 bring them before the king, he would have mercy upon 
 them, and should they not find mercy, they preferred rather 
 to die there where their wives and children and fathers 
 were, and in their native country, and not in the sea to be 
 eat by the fishes. With such thoughts they all spoke to 
 one another secretly, determining to carry it out, and trust- 
 ing that the king would not hang them all for the good 
 reasons which they would all give him; or else to secure 
 their lives they would go to Castile until they were pardoned: 
 and this was the greatest insolence they were guilty of; and 
 so they decided upon executing their plan. In taking this 
 decision they did not perceive the danger of death, into 
 
60 VASCO DA GAMA REPRESSES 
 
 which they were going more than ever. In the ship of 
 
 Nicolaa Coelho there was a sailor who had a brother who 
 
 lived with Nicolas Coelho, and was foster-brother of a son 
 
 of his; and the sailor brother told this boy of what they had 
 
 all determined to do. This boy being very discreet, said to 
 
 his brother that they should all preserve great secrecy, so 
 
 as not to be found out, for it was a case of treason, and he 
 
 warned his brother not to tell any one that he had mentioned 
 
 such a thing to him. The boy, on account of the affection 
 
 which he had for his master Nicolas Coelho, discovered the 
 
 matter to him in secret, and he at once gave the boy a 
 
 serious warning to be very discreet in this matter, that they 
 
 should not perceive that he had told him anything of the 
 
 kind. With the firm determination which Nicolas Coelho 
 
 at once formed to die sooner than allow himself to be seized 
 
 upon, he became very vigilant both by day and night, and 
 
 warned the boy to try to learn with much dissimulation all 
 
 that they wanted to do, and by what means. The boy told 
 
 him that they would not do it unless they could first concert 
 
 with the other ships, so that all should mutiny : at that 
 
 Nicolas Coelho remained more at ease, but was always very 
 
 much on his guard for himself. As the storm did not 
 
 abate, but rather seemed to increase, and as the cries and 
 
 clamour of the people were very great, beseeching him to 
 
 put back, Nicolas Coelho dissembled with them, saying : 
 
 " Brothers, let us strive to save ourselves from this storm, 
 
 for I promise you that as soon as I can get speech with the 
 
 captain-major, I will require him to put back, and you will 
 
 see how I will require it of him." With this they remained 
 
 satisfied. Some days having passed thus with heavy storms, 
 
 the Lord was pleased to assuage the tempest a little and 
 
 the sea grew calm, so that the ships could speak one 
 
 another : and Nicolas Coelho coming up to speak, shouted 
 
 to the captain-major that : '' It would be well to put about, 
 
 since every moment they had death before their eyes, and if 
 
THE MUTINY OP HIS CEEWS. 61 
 
 they who were captains did not choose to do so, and so 
 many men who went in their company were so piteously 
 begging with tears and cries to put back the ships, and 
 they did not choose to do so, it would be well if they should 
 kill or arrest us, and then they would put back or go where 
 it was convenient to save their lives ; which we also ought 
 to do, and if we do not do it, let each one look out for him- 
 self, for thus I do for my part, and for my conscience sake, 
 for I would not have to give an account of it to the Lord." 
 Paulo da Gama, who also had come up within speaking dis- 
 tance, heard all this. When they had heard these words of 
 Nicolas Coelho, who, on ending his speech, at once begun 
 to move away, the captain-major answered him that he 
 would hold a consultation with the pilot and his crew, and 
 that whatever he determined to do, he would make a signal 
 to him of his resolution. During this time they lay hove 
 to in the smooth water, because the wind never changed 
 from its former point. Vasco da Gama, as he was very 
 quick-witted, at once understood what Nicolas Coelho's 
 words meant, and called together all the crew, and said to 
 them that he was not so valiant as not to have the fear of 
 death like themselves, neither was he so cruel as not to feel 
 grieved at heart at seeing their tears and lamentations, but 
 that he did not wish to have to give account to God for 
 their lives, and for that reason he begged them to labour 
 for their safety, because if the bad weather came again he 
 had determined to put back, but to disculpate himself with 
 the king, it was incumbent upon him to draw up a docu- 
 ment of the reasons for putting back, with their signatures. 
 At this all raised their hands to heaven, saying that its 
 mercy was already descending upon them, since it was 
 softening the heart of the captain-major and inclining him to 
 put back, and they said that all would sign the great ser- 
 vice which he would render to God and to the king by put- 
 ting back. Then the captain-major said that there was no 
 
62 GAMA PUTS THE PILOTS IN IRONS 
 
 need of the signatures of all, but only of those who best 
 understood the business of the sea. Then the pilot and 
 master named them, and they were three seamen. Upon 
 this the captain-major retired to his cabin, and told his ser- 
 vants to stand at the door of the cabin, and put inside the 
 clerk to draw up the document, and ordered the three sea- 
 men to enter : and dissembling, he made inquiries as to re- 
 turning to port, and all was written down and they signed 
 it. He then ordered them to go down below to another 
 cabin which he had beneath his own for a store-cabin, and 
 he ordered the clerk to go down also with them, and he 
 summoned the master and pilot and ordered them below 
 also, telling them to go and sign, as the clerk was there. 
 Then he called up the seamen one by one, and ordered them 
 to be put in irons by his servants in his cabin, and heavy 
 irons for the master and pilot. All being well ironed and 
 bound, the captain-major turned them out, and called all 
 the men, ordering the master and pilot at once to give up 
 to him all the articles which they had belonging to the art 
 of navigation, or if not, that he would at once execute 
 them ; of which being greatly afraid, they gave everything 
 up to him. Then Vasco da Gama, holding them all in his 
 hand, flung them into the sea, and said — " See here, men, 
 that you have neither master nor pilot, nor any one to show 
 you the way from henceforward, because these men whom I 
 have arrested will return to Portugal below the deck, if 
 they do not die before that," (for he was aware that they had 
 agreed amongst one another to rise up and return by force 
 'to Portugal, and on that account had cast everything into 
 the sea), " and I do not require master nor pilot, nor any man 
 who knows the art of navigation, because God alone is the 
 master and pilot who had to guide and deliver them by His 
 mercy if they deserved it, and if not, let His will be done. 
 To Him you must commend yourselves and beg mercy. 
 Henceforward let no one speak to me of putting back, for 
 
AND THROWS THE QUADRANTS OVERBOARD. 63 
 
 know from me of a certainty, that if I do not find informa- 
 tion of what I have come to seek, that to Portugal I do not 
 return." Seeing and hearing these things, the crew became 
 much more terrified, and with much greater fear of death, 
 which they held as certain, not having either pilot or 
 master, nor any one who knew how to navigate a ship. 
 Then the prisoners and all the crew on their knees begged 
 him for mercy with loud cries ; the prisoners saying that 
 they, being ignorant men and of faint heart, had come to 
 an understanding to put the ship about and return to the 
 king and oifer themselves for death, if he chose to give it 
 them, and they would have taken him a prisoner, that the king 
 might see that he was not to blame for putting back ; but 
 this was not to have been done, except with the will of all 
 the people of the other ships: but since God had discovered 
 this to him before they had carried it out, let him show 
 them clemency ; for well they saw that they deserved death, 
 from him, which was more than the chains which they 
 bore. All the crew frequently called out to him for clemency, 
 and not to put the prisoners below the decks, where they 
 would soon die. Then the captain-major, showing that he- 
 only did it at their entreaty, and not for any need which he 
 had of them, ordered them to remain in their cabins in the 
 forecastle^ still in irons, and forbade their giving any direc- 
 tions for the navigation of the ship, except only for the 
 trimming of the sails and the work of the ship. Vasco da> 
 Gama then ran alongside of the other ships and spoke them, 
 saying that he had put his pilot and master in irons, in 
 which he would bring tliem back to the kingdom, if God 
 pleased that they should return there; and that they should 
 not imagine that he had any need of their knowledge, he 
 had flung into the sea all the implements of their art of 
 navigation, because he placed his hopes in God alone, who 
 would direct them and deliver them from the perils amongst 
 
 ' Chapiteo. 
 
64 REPRESSION OF THE MUTINY. 
 
 whicli they were going : and on that account, since he had 
 now made his men secure, let them secure themselves as 
 they pleased : and without waiting for an answer he sheered 
 off. Nicolas Coelho felt great joy in his heart on hearing 
 from the captain-major that he had got his pilot and master 
 thus secured from rising against him, since he had put 
 them in irons; and with much dissimulation he spoke to his 
 master and pilot and seamen, saying that he was much 
 grieved at the captain-major's way of treating his ship's 
 officers, whom he stood so much in need of in the labours 
 they were undergoing, but what he had done was because 
 of his being of so strong and thorough a temperament, as 
 they all knew, and he had not chosen to wait for them to 
 make entreaty for the liberty of the prisoners, but that 
 whenever the ships again spoke one another he would do 
 it. This all the crew begged him to do, with loud cries of 
 mercy, since they would follow the flagship wherever it 
 went. This Nicolas Coelho promised them, so they re- 
 mained contented. Paulo da Gama had other conversations 
 with the officers of his ship, with much urbanity, for he was 
 a man of gentle disposition ; he also promised them that he 
 would entreat his brother on behalf of the prisoners, and 
 bade all pray God for the saving of their lives, and that all 
 would end well, so that all remained consoled.^ 
 
 • Barros says nothing of this repressed mutiny, and Camoens praises 
 the constant obedience of the Portuguese who might have been ex- 
 pected to rebel ; yet the Portuguese have more reason to glory in Gaspar 
 Correa's account of Vasco da Gama's struggles, not only with the ele- 
 ments, but also with his faint-hearted crew, than in Camoens' descrip- 
 tion, which gives him a shipf ul of heroes. 
 
 V, 72. 
 
 Cr6s tu que ja nao forao levantados 
 
 Contra sen capitao, se os resistira, 
 
 Fazendose piratas, obrigados 
 
 De desesperafjao, de fome, & de ira ? 
 
 Grandemente por certo estao provados, 
 
 Pois que nenhum trabalho grande os tira 
 
 Daquelle Portuguesa alta excellencia, 
 
 De lealdade firme, & obediencia. 
 
VOYAGE FROM THE CAPE, 65 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 How the ships entered a beautiful river, in which they refitted the two 
 ships and burned the other, and they named this river the River of 
 Mercy. 
 
 Whilst these things were happening the wind did not shift 
 its direction, but the sea being smoother the ships were 
 more easy, though they let in so much water that they never 
 left off pumping. The captain-major saw this, and that the 
 ships had an absolute need of repairs ; and also because they 
 had no more water to di'ink, because, with the tossing 
 about in the storm, many barrels had broken and given way 
 under such great pressure, he stood in to land under sail, 
 for the weather was moderate and was beginning to be 
 
 Think'st thou, they had not risen long ago 
 Against their gen 'rail (cross to their desire) 
 Turning freebooters, forced to be so 
 By black despair, by hunger, and by ire? 
 If ever men were try'de, these are : since no 
 Fatigue, no suff'rings, were of force, to tyre 
 Their great and Lusitanian excellence 
 Of loyalty, and firm obedience. 
 
 Fanshav}. 
 
 Osorio, however, mentions the mutiny and its repression, only he de- 
 scribes it as occurring before the Cape was doubled : he says — 
 
 "As often as there was some diminution of the storm, the crews, half 
 dead with fear, pressed round Gama, and prayed and conjured him not 
 to extinguish by such a dreadful death both himself and the men com- 
 mitted to his charge, for the waves could not be resisted much longer ; 
 and they prayed him to yield to the tempest and to suffer the fleet to be 
 taken back to their country before it was sunk in the waves. When he, 
 with a constant mind, rejected their demands, several conspired to- 
 gether to kill him. Gama, who learned this from the information of 
 his brother Paul, avoided these snares by the greatest vigilance, and put 
 the pilots in chains, and he himself performed the duty of the chief 
 pilot." 
 
66 DISCOVERY OP NATAL, 
 
 favourable :^ all were praying to God for mercy, and that 
 He would grant them a haven of safety. Which God was 
 pleased to do in His mercy, for presently He showed them 
 land,^ at which it seemed that all were resuscitated from 
 the death which they looked upon as certain if the ships 
 were not repaired. After that the wind came free, and 
 they sailed along the land for several days without finding 
 where to put in ; this was now in January of the year 1498. 
 Thus they ran close to the land, with a careful look out, for 
 they did not dare to leave the land, from the great peril in 
 which the ships were from the great leakage. Proceeding 
 in this way, one day they found themselves at dawn in the 
 mouth of a large river,^ into which the captain-major entered, 
 for he always went first ; and all entered, and found within 
 a large bay sheltered from all winds, in which they anchored, 
 
 • Forao na volta da terra dando as velaa per o tempo ser brando e hia 
 largando : todos pedindo a Deos misericordia. The printed edition has 
 a different punctuation, and has altered todos, which all the MSS. have, 
 to iodas referring to the sails : this would require hia to be in the plural. 
 
 ^ Barros says that, after the storm, they reached what are now named 
 Ilheos Chaos, Low Islands, five leagues further on than the island of 
 Cruz, where Bartholomew Dias set up his land-mark : in these parts, by 
 reason of the strong currents, they sometimes advanced, at others lost 
 way, until Christmas Day {Natal), they passed the coast of Natal, to 
 which they gave this name. 
 
 » This river will be the one to which Barros gives the name of dos 
 Reys, because they arrived there on the twelfth day ; and some, he says, 
 call it do cobre, of copper, because of the barter of copper bracelets with 
 the Negroes. Castanheda says : continuing their voyage (after the 
 Btorm), they sighted land seventy leagues more to the eastward on Christ- 
 mas Day ; they then stood out to sea and suffered much from want of 
 water, and on a Thursday, the 10th of January, the boats went along 
 the shore, and Martin Afonso, the interpreter, was sent ashore and well 
 received. Here Gama remained five days, and the watering-place was 
 named Agoada de Boa gente, and the river Rio do Cobre from the copper 
 which the Negroes bartered for shirts. Gama left on the 15th January, 
 and sailed along the coast till the 24th, when he anchored in the mouth 
 of a great river, which they named Dos bons sinaes. Damian de Goes 
 gives a similar account, only he states the arrival at the rio Dos bons 
 sinaes as happening on the 25th January, St. Paul's Conversion. 
 
OP THE RIVEE OP MEBCY OR OP THREE KINGS. 67 
 
 and all exclaimed three times — " The mercy of the Lord 
 God V for which reason they gave this river the name of 
 the River of Mercy. Here they soon caught much good 
 fish, with which the sick improved, as it was fresh food, and 
 the water of the river was very good. Now, at this time, 
 in all the ships there were not more than a hundred and 
 fifty men, for all the rest had died. Soon after arriving at 
 this place the captain-major went to see his brother and 
 Nicolas Coelho, and they conversed, relating their hard- / 
 ships ; and Nicolas Coelho related the treason which his 
 men were preparing, to take him prisoner and return to 
 Portugal, and they did not do it from the fear they had that ) 
 the captain-major would follow after them, and if he caught 
 them would have hung them all ; and they only waited for 
 all to agree together to mutiny ; and he had sought thosQ 
 feigned words which he had spoken, and it had pleased 
 God that Vasco da Gama had understood them, so that by 
 his imprisoning his officers at once all had remained secure. 
 So all gave praise to the Lord for having delivered them 
 from such great perils. Then they settled about refitting 
 the ships, for they had all that was necessary for doing it. 
 Although they had a beach and tides for laying the ships 
 aground, for greater security it was ordered that they 
 should be heeled over whilst afloat, and thus it was arranged 
 for by all of them. While they were on the quarter-deck, 
 Paulo da Gama entreated his brother to set the prisoners at.^ 
 liberty, which he did, setting free the sailors, and the 
 master and pilot, with the condition that, if God should 
 bring them back to Lisbon, when he went before the king 
 he would present them to him in the same manner in 
 chains, not to do them any harm, but only that his difficul- 
 ties might be credited, and that for this he would give him 
 greater favours : at which all the crews felt much satisfac- 
 tion. Afterwards they spoke with all the officers, and 
 arranged for careening the ships, and went to look at them. 
 
68 CAREENING THE SHIPS. 
 
 They found that there was no repairing the ship of Nicolas 
 Coelho, as it had many of the ribs and knees broken. For 
 that reason they at once decided to break it up •} and then 
 they cut out its masts, and much timber and planks of the 
 upper works, which, with the yards and spars of the other 
 ships lashed together and fastened, made a great frame, 
 which they put under the side of the ship to raise it more 
 out of the water : for this purpose they then discharged 
 from the captain-major's ship into that of his brother, which 
 was brought alongside, all that they could of the stores and 
 goods ; and everything heavy below decks they put on one 
 side of the ship, which caused it to heel over very much, 
 and with the timber under the side, and the tackle fitted to 
 the main-mast, they canted the ship over on one side so 
 much that they laid her keel bare ; and on the outer side 
 they put planks upon which all the crew got to work at the 
 ship, some cleaning the planks from the growth of seaweed, 
 others extracting the caulking, which was quite rotten, from 
 the seams ; and the caulkers put in fresh oakum and then 
 pitched it over, for they had a stove in a boat where they boiled 
 the pitch. The captains were occupied with their own work 
 day and night, and gave much food and drink to the crews, 
 so that they used such dispatch, that in one day and one 
 night, by morning they had finished one side of the ship, 
 very well executed, though with great labour in drawing 
 out the water from the ship, which leaked very much lying 
 thus on one side. When she was upright, they turned her 
 over on the other side, and did the same work much better 
 performed, because the ship did not leak so much; and 
 
 * Barros mentions careening the ships, but nothing of breaking up 
 the ship of Nicolas Coelho ; on the contrary, he says later that that 
 ship being the smallest, led the way along the coast. Goes says they 
 heeled the ships over and careened them, and passed thirty-two days 
 here. Castanheda says the same, only he says they beached the ships 
 (tirar os navios a monte). 
 
I 
 
 COELHO'S SHIP BROKEN DP. 69 
 
 when it was completed and the ship upright^ it was so sound 
 and watertight that for two^ days there was no water in the 
 pump. Then they loaded it again with its stores, and tran- 
 shipped to it the stores of the other ship, upon which they 
 executed the before-mentioned caulking and repairs, so that 
 it became like new. They then fitted them inside with several 
 knees, and ribs, and inner planking, and all that was re- 
 quisite, with great perfection, and collected the yards, spars, 
 and all that they had need of belonging to the ship San 
 Miguel ; and the captain-major took Nicolas Coelho on board 
 of his ship, entertaining him well. They then took away 
 from the ship much wood for their use, and beached the 
 ship, and took away its rudder, and undid it, and stowed 
 away its wood and iron-works, in case of its being wanted 
 for the other ships, because they had all been built of the 
 same pattern and size, as a precaution that all might be able 
 to take advantage of any part of them. Then they burned 
 the ship in order to recover the nails, which were in great 
 quantity, and a great advantage for other necessities which 
 they met with later. After they had thus repaired the 
 ships, the captain-major sent Nicholas Coelho with twenty 
 men in a boat to go and discover the river : and he, after 
 ascending it for two leagues, found woods and verdure, and 
 further on he found some canoes which were fishing, and 
 the men in them were dark, but not very black ; they were 
 naked, having only their middles covered with leaves of 
 trees or grass. These men, when they saw the boat, came 
 to it, and entered it in a brutish manner, and were in 
 a state of amazement. No one knew how to speak to 
 them, and they did not understand the signs which were 
 made to them. So Nicolas Coelho made them go back to 
 their canoes, and returned to the ships, but of the canoes 
 one followed after the boat, and the others returned to take 
 the news to their villages. These men who came with the 
 boat, at once, without any fear, entered the ship and sat 
 1 The Lisbon edition has ten days. 
 
41^' 
 
 70 FIRST MEETING WITH 
 
 down to rest, as if they were old acquaintance ; no one 
 knew how to speak to them. Then they gave them biscuit 
 and cakes and slices of bread with marmalade : this they 
 did not understand until they saw our people eat, then they 
 ate it, and as they liked the taste, they ate in a great 
 , hurry, and would not share with one another. Whilst this 
 was going on they saw many canoes coming, and larger 
 ones, with many of those people also naked, with tangled 
 hair like Cafrev^ 'without any other arms than some sticks 
 like half lances, hardened in the fire with sharp points 
 greased over. The captain-major, seeing the other canoes 
 coming, ordered the first come to go to their canoe, which 
 they did unwillingl}^, and went out and remained to speak 
 with those that were arriving and went their way. The 
 others arrived, and all wanted to come on board ; as they 
 were more than a hundred, the captain-major would not 
 allow them, only ten or twelve, who brought some birds 
 which were something like hens, and some yellow fruit of 
 the size of walnuts, a very well tasted thing to eat, which 
 our men would not touch, and they seeing that, ate them 
 for our people to see, who, on tasting them, were much 
 pleased with them :'they killed one of the birds, and found 
 it very tender and savoury to eat, and all its bones were 
 like those of a fowl. The captain-major ordered biscuit and 
 wine to be given them, which they would not touch till 
 jthey saw our people drink. He also ordered a looking- 
 glass to be given them; when they saw it they were much 
 amazed, and looked at one another, and again looked at the 
 mirror, and laughed loudly and made jokes, and spoke to 
 the others who were in the canoes. They went away with 
 
 ' Cafre here means a negro, and from the use of the word before, 
 page 8, with reference to Benin, it appears that the Portuguese got the 
 name from the Arabs of the west coast of Africa, and that the name was 
 applied to the nation we call Kaffirs by the Portuguese, and not by the 
 Arabs, as is usually supposed. 
 
THE NATAL KAFFRES. 71 
 
 the looking-glass highly delighted, and left six birds and 
 much of the fruit, and all went away ; and in the afternoon 
 they came again, but bringing a quantity of those birds, at 
 which our men rejoiced very much, and filled hen-coops 
 with them, because they gave them and were satisfied with 
 anything that was given them, especially white stuffs; so 
 that the seamen cut their shirts in pieces, with which they 
 bought so many of these birds that they killed and dried 
 them in the sun, and they kept very well. Here it was 
 observed that in this river there were no flies, for they 
 never saw any all the time they were there, which was 
 twenty days ; and they went away because the crew began 
 to fall ill. It seems that it was from that fruit which was 
 very delicious to eat ;^ and the principal ailment was that 
 
 ' Barros describes this sickness, and says that it happened during the 
 stay of the ships for a month to careen and repair, but he places the re- 
 fitting of the ships in February in the river of Bons Sinaes^ north of 
 Cabo de Corrientes and of Sofala, instead of in January in the river of 
 Afisericordia of Correa, which must be the same as Barros' river dos 
 Reys (Twelfth Day), since Correa says "it was now January" just before 
 they entered the river of Misericordia. Barros says of the sickness — 
 " The greater part of the sickness was erysipelas, and the so great 
 growth of the flesh of their gums, that it would hardly be contained in 
 the men's mouths, and as it grew it rotted, and they cut into it like into 
 dead flesh : a very pitiable thing to see ; which sickness they afterwards 
 came to know proceeded from the salt meat and fish, and biscuit spoiled 
 by long time." This is probably the first occurrence or mention of the 
 ecurvy at sea. Camoens, as usual following Barros, places these events at 
 the same time and place. 
 
 Canto v, 79. 
 
 Aqui de limos, cascas, & de ostrinhas, 
 Nojosa cria^ao das agoas fundas, 
 Alimpamos as naos, que dos caminhos 
 Longos do mar, vem sordidas, & imundas : 
 Dos hospedes, que tinhamos visinhos. 
 Com mostras aprasiveis, & jocundas 
 Houvemos sempre o usado mantimento, 
 Limpos de todo o falso pcusamento. 
 
72 MANY OF THE CREWS 
 
 their gums swelled and rotted^ so that their teeth fell out, and 
 there was such a foul smell from the mouth that no one could 
 endure it. The captain-major provided a remedy for this, for 
 he ordered that each one should wash his mouth with his own 
 water each time that he passed it, by doing which in a few 
 days they obtained health^ The captain-major made a hole 
 
 * The prejudice that this is a remedy or a prophylactic is very ancient 
 in the Peninsula: Strabo, lib. iii, 164, and Diodorus Siculus, v, 22, 
 mention that the Celtiberians thus washed their teeth. Apuleius and 
 Catullus are said also to mention this usage. The prejudice still sur- 
 vives, and I have been informed that it is still resorted to on board 
 slavers on the west coast of Africa. 
 
 81. 
 E foi, que de doencja crua, & fea, 
 A mais, que eu nunca vi, desanipararao 
 Muitos a vida, & em terra estranha, & alhea 
 Os ossos para sempre sepultdrao : 
 Quern havera que sem o ver o crea ? 
 Que tao disformemente alii Ihe inchfirao 
 As gengivas na boca, que crecia 
 A came, & juntamente apodrecia. 
 
 82. 
 Apodrecia cum fetido & brute 
 Cheiro, que o ar visinho inficionava, 
 Nao tinhamos alli medico astuto, 
 Cirurgiao subtil menos se achava ; 
 Mas qualquer neste officio pouco instruto 
 Pella came, ja podre assi cortava, 
 Como se fora morta, & bem convinha, 
 Pols que morto, ficava quern a tinha. 
 
 79. 
 Here we careen'd our ships, and much the need 
 That hulls so long afloat, defiled and rough 
 With sordid slime and barnacles and weed. 
 Should cast their cumbrous sea-engender'd slough. 
 And here the blameless Ethiops — hosts indeed. 
 Who thought no kindness short of all enough — 
 Supplied our every want with ready smile ; 
 And men they were in. whom we found no guile. 
 
DIE OF SCURVY. 73 
 
 with pickaxes in a stone slab at the entrance of this river, 
 and set up a marble pillar, of which he had brought many 
 for that purpose, which had two escutcheons, one of the 
 arms of Portugal, and another on the other side, of the 
 sphere, and letters engraved in the stone which said : " Of 
 the lordship of Portugal, kingdom of Christians/'^ The 
 captain-major, seeing how much the seamen and masters 
 and pilots worked, especially his own, notwithstanding the 
 imprisonment which he had inflicted upon them, when he 
 was about to quit this river of Mercy, made them all come 
 to his ship, where he addressed them all, beseeching them 
 
 ^ Barros says that after careening the ships — " With the assistance of 
 the people of the country he put a landmark with the name of San 
 Rafael, of those which he brought with him for this discovery." 
 
 81. 
 Disease assail'd my crews, — such fell disease, 
 And loathsome, as till then I ne'er beheld — 
 Who would believe, that saw not, how in these 
 The livid gums with growth prodigious swell'd. 
 Breathing infection that depraved the breeze ? 
 Alas, how many a gallant life was quell'd. 
 How many a proud and noble form laid low 
 On yonder shore, and by so vile a foe ! 
 
 ■ 82. 
 The air was sicken'd by the noisomeness 
 That reek'd from this malignity obscure. 
 Astute physician had we none, still less 
 Chirurgeon subtle to resolve the cure ; 
 Whoso applied him to the task, by guess. 
 Cut out, as if 'twere dead, the flesh impure : 
 Not without reason, whatsoe'er the skill. 
 For unextirpated, 'twas sure to kill. 
 
 Quillinan. 
 Castanheda gives a similar description of the sickness and mortality, 
 which he says " would have been much greater had it not been for the 
 good disposition of Faulo da Gama, who visited the sick night and day, 
 and comforted and tended them, and divided liberally amongst them 
 those things for the use of the sick which he had brought for his own 
 use." 
 
74 THE MUTINEERS FORGIVEN. 
 
 not to suffer weakness to enter their heai'ts^ which would 
 induce them to wish to commit another such error, by 
 harbouring thoughts of treason, which is so hideous before 
 God, and always brings a bad end to those who engage in 
 it : he said that he well saw that faintheartedness was the 
 cause of what had passed, and that he forgave all. / And 
 that since the Lord had been pleased to deliver them from 
 so many dangers as they had passed up to that time, by 
 His great mercy, therefore they should put their trust in 
 Him, who would conduct them in such manner as to obtain 
 the result which they were going in search of; by which 
 they would gain such great honours and favours as the 
 king would grant them on their return to Portugal ; and he 
 would present them to the king, and would relate their 
 great labours and services, and that they ought to bear in 
 remembrance these great advantages, which would be such 
 a cause of rejoicing for all of them. They, with tears of 
 joy, all answered, Amen, Amen, may the Lord so will it of 
 His great mercy. And they weighed anchors and went 
 out of the river with a land breeze.^ 
 
 • Barros says they left the river where they careened the ships, and 
 which he names de Bona Sinaes, on the 24th of February, 1498, and he 
 says they met here with two great dangers ; one was that Vasco da 
 Gama was in a small boat with two sailors speaking to his brother on 
 board his ship, and holding on to the main chains, when the water fell 
 so suddenly that it carried away the boat from under them, and he and 
 the sailors only escaped by holding fast to the chains until they came 
 to their assistance. The other danger happened to this same ship the 
 day it went out of the river ; crossing the bar it stuck on a sandbank, 
 and was likely to remain for ever, but the tide rising it escaped the 
 danger. Castanheda, Osorio, and Goes say Gama left this river on Satur- 
 day, 24th of February, and on the afternoon of Thursday the 1st of March 
 they saw the four islands of Mozambique. 
 
VOYAGE TO MOZAMBIQUE. 75 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 How the two ships left the river of Mercy, and ran along the coast to 
 Mozambique, and of what they found and did before they arrived 
 there. 
 
 Vasco da Gama made that caressing speech to the crews 
 from apprehension that some of them might run away on 
 finding some country with which they might be satisfied, in 
 which case it would be the most certain perdition that 
 might be. And he was fearful of the vagabonds whom he 
 brought with him, because he had begged the king to order 
 some men who had been condemned to death to be given 
 to him, in order to risk them in sending them ashore in 
 certain countries of doubtful safety; in which also, and 
 wherever it was expedient, he would leave them, as he 
 might greatly benefit by what they learned when he foimd 
 them later. The king had highly approved of this, and 
 had commanded to put six such men on board each ship, of 
 whom some w,ere already dead. Then, with the favourable 
 wind whicji' they had, and the ships well repaired, they 
 sailed with much satisfaction along the coast, with a good 
 look-out by day and night. Running in this manner, they 
 sighted a sail, which was making from the sea to the land : 
 at which they felt great satisfaction, and gave great thanks 
 to the Lord for having brought them into a region of navi- 
 gation. The ships at once made after the sail, which, on 
 seeing our ships, fled to seawards, and our people lost sight 
 of it at night, at which they were very sad, and continued 
 on their course as they saw it no more. Running along 
 the coast, as close in to land as they could, on passing 
 a point they saw a large creek, and then alongside the 
 point they saw a zambuk at anchor. Vasco da Gama, on 
 
76 VOYAGE TO MOZAMBIQUE. 
 
 seeing it, hove to, and quickly ordered men to go in 
 a boat with sails and oars after a canoe which was leav- 
 ing the zarabuk and escaping to shore. They soon over- 
 took it, upon which six cafres who were in it threw them- 
 selves into the sea, and there remained in it one Moor, 
 who did not take to flight because he could not swim : he 
 was dressed in a shirt of white stuff, with a silk girdle, and 
 a coloured cloth folded on his shoulders, with which he 
 I covered himself, and on his head a round cap, which did 
 I not cover his ears, made of many squares of silk of various 
 1 colours sewn with gold thread, and small gold rings in his 
 ears. Our men took him into their boat and went to the 
 zambuk, and found nothing, because the Moor had got to 
 freight it and embark in it much property which be had on 
 shore, in the possession of a great merchant, of whom this 
 Moor was the agent. So they returned to the ship with 
 great satisfaction at having found a man of whom they could 
 ask questions and learn in what country they were ; and at 
 once they set sail and went their way. The Moor was well 
 entertained, but in speaking to him no one understood 
 hira, for there was no other interpreter than an African 
 slave,^ who spoke Arabic to him, of which the Moor under- 
 stood few words. He told us by signs that further on 
 there were people who knew that speech. The captain- 
 
 ' Barros says there was a sailor named Fernan Martins who spoke 
 Arabic to some of the Negroes who understood it at the river of Bons 
 Sinaes, some of whom were less dark than the others, and seemed to be 
 of mixed Arab blood. 
 
 Camoens, Canto v, 76. 
 
 Ethiopes sao todos, mae parece, 
 
 Que com gente melhor commuuicavao, 
 
 Palavra alguma Arabia se conhece, 
 
 Entre a linguagem sua, que fallavao : 
 
 E com pano delgado, que se tece 
 
 De algodao, as cabe^as apertavao, 
 
 Com outro, que de tinta azul se tinge, 
 
 Cada hum as vergonhosas partes cinge. 
 
GAMA MEETS WITH VESSELS. 77 
 
 major ordered them to give him to eat cakes of sugar and 
 oliveSj and to give him wine. He ate of everything, but 
 would not drink the wine. Then Vasco da Gama gave 
 him a long robe to cover him, and he was like one amazed 
 looking at what he had never seen before. The captain- 
 
 77. 
 Pella Arabica lingua, que mal fallao, 
 E que Fernao Martinz mui bem entende, 
 Nos dizem, que por naos, que estas igualao 
 Na grandeza, o seu mar se corta, & fende : 
 Mas que Ik donde sae o sol se abalao 
 Para onde a costa ao sul se alarga, & estende, 
 E do sul para o sol, terra onde havia 
 Gente assi como nos da cor do dia. 
 
 78. 
 Mui grandemente aqui nos alegramos, 
 Co a gente, & co as novas muito mais, 
 Pellos sinaes, que neste rio achamos, 
 O nome Ihe ficou dos bons sinais : 
 Hum padrao nesta terra levantamos, 
 (Que para assinalar lugares tais 
 Trazia alguns) o nome tem do bello 
 Guiador de Tobias a (Jabello. 
 
 Canto v, 76. 
 All Ethiopians are they, but it seems 
 That they commune with some superior race ; 
 For in their speech intelligible gleams 
 Of meaning, phrases Arabic, we trace ; 
 The snow-white turban on the brow redeems 
 The wild expression of the Caffre face ; 
 A light blue kilt that half invests the frame 
 Bespeaks them civilised to sense of shame. 
 
 77. 
 In tongue Arabian, which though ill they speak, 
 Yet well interprets Fernan Martinez, 
 They say that ships as long from stern to beak 
 As ours, are wont to navigate their seas ; 
 That they go forth from eastern shores to seek 
 The coasts that southward broaden, and from these 
 Back towards the birthplace of the sun they sail 
 Unto a land of men, like us, of feature pale. 
 
.^ 
 
 V 
 
 78 GAMA OBTAINS NEWS OF INDIA 
 
 major felt great satisfaction in his heart with this Moor 
 whom they had brought, and by his demeanour he seemed 
 to be an honourable man, and he made him welcome, and 
 ordered them to give him very good food ; and speaking 
 to him by means of signs, he showed him spices, and the 
 Moor said that he would fill his ships with them. The 
 Moor, as indeed he was a broker, and gained his livelihood 
 thereby, soon desired to make himself broker of our people, 
 because by loading our ships he would make much profit ; 
 and he would form good friendship with our people and pro- 
 vide for them^ and conduct them to Cambay, of which he 
 was a native, where he would make much profit : and with 
 these reflections he showed much satisfaction at going with 
 them. Navigating thus for some days, they came in sight 
 of the shoals and bank of Sofala, and the Moor by signs 
 had told them to be on the watch for them ; and the 
 captain-major rejoiced greatly at finding that truth and 
 sincenty in the Moor : and they stood out to sea until they 
 had passed them, and they did not see the river of Sofala, 
 for it seems they passed it by night, although the Moor 
 tried to tell them with his signs, and they did not under- 
 stand. Having passed the bank they returned towards the 
 shore, continuing their voyage ; and going on thus they 
 sighted a sail ahead, which was also going along the coast, 
 at which all were much pleased. Then the captain-major 
 edged out to sea, so that the sail might not escape in that 
 
 78. 
 Our new-found friends rejoiced us much ; yet more 
 Their news : the stream of augury so fair, 
 We named the river of Good Signs ; the shore 
 Demanded our commemorative care, 
 And of memorials that from home we bore 
 For special landmarks, one we planted there, 
 Calling it after that Angelic Guide 
 Who led Tobias to his unknown bride. 
 
 QidUlnan. 
 
FROM A MOOR OF CAMBAY. 79 
 
 direction. That ship did not alter its course, and our 
 people soon overhauled it, and hove to and sent a boat to 
 it, into which two cafres entered, whom they brought to 
 the captain-major, at which the Moor rejoiced, for they 
 were from Mozambique : with these men they obtained 
 speech by means of a cafre of Guine, who was with Paulo 
 da Gama, and the boat went to fetch him, and brought him, 
 and he spoke with the cafres, and they understood each 
 other well, at which there was much satisfaction.^ The 
 sambuk was laden with pigeons' dung, which there was in 
 some islands, and they were transporting it, as it was mer- 
 chandise in Cambay with which they dyed stuffs. The 
 captain-major ordered them to give biscuit and salt fish and 
 wine to the cafres, which they eat and drank with much 
 pleasure. Then the Moor, by the speech of the cafre, and 
 with the two cafres whom he communicated with in another 
 language, said to the captain-major that further on they 
 would find a place in which there were many people and 
 much trade, where he would conduct them, and give them 
 all that they required, because his oflBce was to be a broker, 
 and he knew about all sorts of merchandise, and would take 
 him to his country, Cambay, where he would load the ships 
 with as much drugs and spices as they desired; for Cambay 
 was a very rich country, and the greatest kingdom in the 
 world. To which the captain-major replied with many 
 thanks, and swore to him by the life of the king his sove- 
 reign that he would so well pay him for his work that he 
 should for ever esteem himself very fortunate in having 
 come into his company. Then the Moor told him to order 
 a good look out to be kept upon the sambuk, which would 
 guide them by a safe road amongst the many shoals there 
 were, because it always sailed in those parts, and knew 
 
 > This, and other passages of the early Portuguese -writers, seem to 
 indicate that the language of Congo formerly extended from the i 
 Atlantic to the Indian Ocean. ' 
 
80 ARRIVAL AT MOZAMBIQUE. 
 
 them all. This seemed good to the captain -major, and he 
 ordered four of his men to go in the sarabuk, and six of 
 the cafres to be brought to the ship, and ordered them to 
 keep a strict watch by night, and if they saw any shoals, to 
 point them out to the cafres, and that they should let 
 themselves be guided wherever they chose ; and that they 
 should always show a light with the lantern which was 
 given them. With this order they navigated astern of the 
 sambuk, which carried sails of matting, with which it 
 sailed more than the ships. Thus they navigated more 
 than twenty days, when they arrived at Mozambique, which 
 was at the end of March of 1498.^ 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 How the ships arrived at Mozambique, and what happened to them 
 there. 
 
 On arriving at Mozambique, which is subject to the King 
 of Quiloa, they came to three islands, which are outside of 
 it ; Vasco da Gama sent his pilot in a boat to follow the 
 sambuk and take soundings of the entrance of the port : 
 and taking in the large sails, they entered the port under 
 foresails and mizens, astern of the sambuk ; there they 
 found a good bottom and the roadstead sheltered from the 
 sea winds." They saw on shore a large town of houses 
 
 ' Barros says that they arrived at Mozambique in five days from the 
 river of Bons Sinaes, which they left on the 24th of February. Castan- 
 heda and Goes give the same time ; Castanheda says Coelho saw the 
 Sambuks on the 2nd of March, the day after they sighted tlie Mozam- 
 bique islands. 
 
 2 Barros gives a rather different account : he says the Portuguese 
 anchored at some islands more than a league out at sea, at one of them 
 which was named S. Jorge from a landmark which Vasco da Gama set 
 up there. The sheikh, he says, was named Zacocja ; and a Moor who 
 
ARRIVAL AT MOZAMBIQUE. 81 
 
 covered with thatch ; so that our men gave great thanks to 
 the Lord for having brought them into port where they 
 
 came off to inquire who were the Portuguese, was (as was known later) 
 of the kingdom of Fez. During ten days that Da Gama was at S. Jorge 
 he establislied peace with the sheikh, and set up the landmark in sign of 
 it, and said mass on the island, as it was Lent. During this time there 
 came, among the Moors who brought provisions, three Abyssinians of 
 the country of Prester John ; these, on seeing the image of the angel 
 Gabriel painted on the ship of that name, as they were accustomed to 
 images of the angels in their own churches, knelt down and worshipped. 
 When the captain-major knew that they were Abyssinians, he ques- 
 tioned them through the interpreter Fernan Martins. The Moors, who 
 saw how pleased the captain was to speak to them, got them away 
 quickly, and hid them away so that Da Gama could not see them again. 
 The sheikh then sent two pilots, with whom the captain-major was 
 satisfied, and agreed to give them each thirty mithcals of gold, weight 
 of the country, which might be about fourteen thousand of our reis, and 
 besides a scarlet jacket. Two days after this agreement. Da Gama sent 
 two boats to fetch wood and water, which the negroes of the country 
 used to bring to the beach for a reward : while they were taking this in, 
 suddenly seven sambuks full of people armed in their fashion came to 
 them, and with shouts began to discharge arrows, which the Portuguese 
 returned with crossbows and musketry. With this breach of the peace no 
 more boats came to the ships. (Barros says nothing of the visit of the 
 sheikh to the ships described by Correa, Osorio mentions it ; and 
 Camoens follows Osorio in his description of the visit, in Canto i, 59- 
 72). After this skirmish Vasco da Gama weighed from the posi- 
 tion he had taken before the town, and went on Sunday, March 11, 
 to S. Jorge Island (Damian de Goes and Castanheda say on Tuesday 
 the 13th), and, after hearing mass, sailed for India, taking one of 
 the pilots, as the other was on shore at the time of the rupture. But, 
 on account of the strong currents, at the end of four days' navigation, 
 they found themselves four or five leagues on this side of Mozambique. 
 Vasco da Gama, seeing that he must wait for a more favourable wind 
 to force his way against the currents, which change, according to the 
 Moorish pilot, would be with the next new moon, went to anchor at the 
 island S. Jorge (Castanheda says he returned there on Thursday the 
 14th), from which he would depart without communicating with Mozam- 
 bique. But as the water was getting short, and six or seven days had 
 passed since he arrived, by the advice of the Moorish pUot, who said he 
 could take the people at night to a watering place, he sent with him 
 two armed boats. Either that the Moor wished to escape from the 
 Portuguese by taking many turns about the coast, or that really he 
 
82 ACCOUNT BY BARROS AND OTHERS 
 
 could now see houses and people. Having thus arrived, 
 the captain-major went to his brother's ship to tell him to 
 
 became confused from its being night, in a thicket of mangroves, he 
 never could find the wells he had spoken of ; which obliged Da Gama 
 to send two well armed boats to fetch water in spite of the negroes who 
 came to prevent their taking water. And as the Moorish pilot and a 
 negro ship-boy ran away during this expedition, next day Vasco da 
 Gama went in arms before the town, where two thousand men were 
 drawn up on the beach : Vasco da Gama made a signal of peace, and 
 the Moor who went with messages came up, when Da Gama complained 
 of what they had done, and demanded that the negro who had run 
 away should be given up, and also the pilots, who had received pay for 
 this navigation, and that he would be satisfied with that. The Moor 
 said he would come back with the answer, which was that the sheikh 
 was much scandalised at the Portuguese because, when the negroes had 
 wished to play with them in a festival manner, according to their 
 custom, at the time when they went to fetch water, the Portuguese had 
 attacked them, killing and wounding some, and that they had sunk a 
 sambuk with its goods ; that as to the pilots, he knew nothing of them, 
 as they were foreigners, and if they owed Da Gama anything, he might 
 send on shore to seek for them ; that for him it was enough that he had 
 sent them already once, and that at a time when he seemed with his 
 men to be safe people who spoke truth, but that at present he under- 
 stood that they were vagabonds who went about plundering seaports. 
 At the end of these words, without waiting for a further answer, the 
 Moor went back to the sheikh ; and a shout arose on shore, and they 
 began to rain arrows, and boats approached to do better execution ; as 
 they had not yet experienced the fury of our artillery, and with the 
 first shots, which Da Gama ordered to be fired, he so chastised them, 
 that they passed over behind the island to the mainland, and in that 
 channel the Portuguese took a sambuk, all the crew of which, except an 
 old Moor and two negroes, escaped. When the town was thus aban- 
 doned, though Da Gama mightTiave burned it, as it was his intention 
 to frighten them so as to get the pilots, he would do no more injury 
 that time, and four or five men had been laid dead at the feet of the 
 sheikh by the artillery, which was the cause of their having run away. 
 Returning to the ships, Da Gama learned, by questions put to the 
 Moor with torture, the cause of their running away, and also about the 
 gold trade with Sofala, and that from there to Calecut was a month's 
 voyage, as he had heard say. On hearing this. Da Gama was much 
 pleased, as this was the most positive news he had yet heard, and before 
 the sheikh could guard the wells, he sent boats that night for water, 
 with the Moorish prisoner, and they returned when it was already day- 
 
OF DEALINGS WITH MOZAMBIQUE. 83 
 
 enter the port with the standard at his peak, which he 
 accordingly did : they there conversed, and Vasco da Gama 
 gave him an account of the good words he had heard from 
 the Moor, and all that he had told him. He then bade 
 them take the cafres to the sambuk, and they went away 
 much pleased with pieces of white stuff which were given 
 them, and they brought back the sailors who were on 
 
 light. The sheikh feared that if he refused what the Portuguese de- 
 manded, they would come and burn his town and vessels, and he sent 
 next day to ask for peace from Vasco da Gama : and as to the pilots 
 who had lighted up this fire, one of them had fled to the interior, fear- 
 ing the punishment that might be given him, and the other was chas- 
 tised -for ever, as he had been killed by the artillery ; that the jackets 
 and what else they had, had been taken from their wives, and he sent 
 these things herewith to Da Gama, and instead of those men another 
 pilot, who would serve him better. Vasco da Gama seeing there was 
 not much time for negotiation, and that a pilot suited him better than 
 any other amends, accepted the pilot with suitable words, and ordered 
 the jackets and other goods to be taken back to the sheikh to do what 
 he pleased with : and he set at hberty the Moor and negroes of the 
 country, clothed to their satisfaction. The following day he went back 
 to the island of S. Jorge, where he remained three days waiting for 
 weather until the 1st of April, when he left, taking with him rather a 
 mortal enemy than a pilot. For he, either from the hatred he felt for 
 us, or because the sheikh had so commanded him, brought the ships 
 amongst some small islands, saying they were a point of the mainland. 
 For which lie he was well flogged, from which the islands retained the 
 name of Islands of the Azoutado, which they now bear among our 
 people: they may be about sixty leagues beyond Mozambique. Castan- 
 heda also names the 1st of April as the date of the final departure from 
 Mozambique. Castanheda's account is the most unfavourable to the con- 
 duct of the Portuguese, for he describes them as opening fire with 
 cannon on the people in the Mozambique boats when, on the first 
 arrival of the Portuguese, they were making signs to them to come into 
 the port : he then relates a fight at the watering place, and after that 
 two bombardments of the town, one on the 25th, Sunday, and another 
 on the 26th, Monday ; on the 27th they went back to the island of S. 
 Jorge. Camoens describes the skirmish at the watering place and sub- 
 sequent hostilities. Canto i, 84-95, much in the same manner as Barros; 
 Osorio mentions the affray with the seven sambuks, but says nothing of 
 any further hostihties. 
 
84 TRADE OF 80FALA AND MOZAMBIQUE. 
 
 board the sambuk. The cafres went to the shore, •where 
 many people collected on the beach to question them, and 
 in a short time they returned to the ship in a canoe, with 
 cocoa-nuts and two hens, which they gave to the captain- 
 major, and begged of him some biscuit and wine to take 
 on shore, which he ordered to be given them, and they re- 
 turned ashore well satisfied. Then they spoke to the Moor, 
 whose name was Davand, and gave him a scarlet cap and 
 a string of small coral beads, and told him to go on shore, 
 and assist them as foreign men who came as wanderers 
 from a very distant country. The Moor went ashore, and 
 Nicolas Coelho carried him in his boat, which went until he 
 jumped into the water, and then returned to the ship. The 
 Moor was surrounded by very many people, and so he went 
 to the house -of the Sheikh, who is the captain of the 
 country on behalf of the King of Quiloa, and who was in 
 this town as agent collecting the duties from the merchant 
 ships, which are many in number, and come from many 
 countries, with much goods of various kinds which they 
 trade with in this town of Mozambique, and they pay large 
 duties ; and with these goods they go along the coast, and 
 up many rivers which they find, in which they eff'ect much 
 barter of silver and gold, ivory and wax ; especially in 
 Sofala, where they carry on extensive barter of the gold 
 which is in that country, in which these merchants trade; 
 and they are almost all of them Moors, and being thus 
 traders, on account of their extensive commerce they re- 
 main like natives of the country ; and the greater number 
 of the kings and rulers of all these countries are Moors of 
 the sect of Mahomed. The Moor, on speaking to the 
 Sheikh, gave him an account of all that had happened to 
 him with our people up to that time, and that they were 
 making their voyage to Cambay to ship pepper and drugs. 
 The Sheikh inquired much of him as to whether our men 
 were Turks, because he know that they were white men. 
 
VISIT OF THE SHEIKH OF MOZAMBIQUE. 85 
 
 and that they had ships of another fashion, and not hke 
 those of India. The Moor assured him that they were not 
 Moors, and that it was asserted that they were Christians. 
 This the Sheikh did not rely upon, and he desired to visit 
 our people in person, and told the Moor to return to the 
 captains and ask them if they were willing that he should 
 come to see them : and he sent them fowls and cocoa-nuts, 
 and figs, and a sheep. The Moor had there a pagan, 
 a native of the country, whom he knew from the many times 
 that he came to Mozambique, and he used to lodge in his 
 house, and this man had a boy who spoke very well the 
 language of the Cafres, who are the natives of the country, 
 and he took this boy with him to the ship to interpret. 
 And with these delays he did not return to the ship till 
 late, when the captains rejoiced very much on seeing him 
 come back with refreshments, which was a proof of good 
 faith. On speaking with him, and hearing the message of 
 the Sheikh, they were much pleased, since the principal 
 reason of their coming was to discover new countries, and 
 establish good terms of peace and amity. Therefore they 
 told the Moor that they would be very glad to see the 
 Sheikh, because they were men who were going about as 
 lost amongst countries which they did not know, and that 
 they would be glad to hold friendship and peace with all 
 peoples, and to buy and sell whatever might satisfy them ; 
 and that the principal article which they would desire to 
 buy was drugs, which were a merchandise which would not 
 spoil however much it remained at sea. Upon which the 
 Moor Davane returned next day to the Sheikh. He, on 
 hearing the reply of our people, was pleased, as also with 
 the further information which the Moor related to him. In 
 the afternoon the Sheikh came to the ship in two canoes 
 lashed together, and upon them poles and planks, covered 
 over with mats which gave shade : in this came ten Moors 
 sitting down, and the Sheikh sitting on a low round stool. 
 
^/ 
 
 86 CONVERSATION WITK 
 
 covered with a silk cloth, and a cushion on which he sat ; 
 he was a dark man, well-made, and of good presence, and 
 was dressed in a jacket of Mekkah velvet with many plaits, 
 and a blue cloth with braid and gold thread, wrapped 
 round him, which covered him to the knees, and drawers of 
 white stuff down to the ankles, and the body bare ; above 
 the cloth wrapped round him was a silk sash, in which he 
 wore a dagger mounted with silver, and in his hand a 
 sword, also mounted with silver. On his head he wore 
 a turban of silk stuff of many colours, with braid and 
 fringes of gold thread, wrapped round a dark coloured 
 skull-cap of Mekkah velvet. The Moors who came with 
 him were dressed in the same fashion ; they were fair men, 
 and dark men, and others swarthy, because they were sons 
 of Cafre women of the country and white Moorish mer- 
 chants who since a long time have established their com- 
 merce throughout all the countries of India, so that they 
 have remained as natives. The captains dressed themselves, 
 and placed chairs on the quarter-deck, and a bench with 
 a carpet on it for the Moors to sit upon : and when they 
 arrived at the ship they sounded the trumpets for them, 
 and they were much pleased to hear them. When the 
 Sheikh entered, many of the sailors assisted him to ascend 
 on board, and the captains received him at the entrance 
 of the quarter-deck with great salutations. The Moorish 
 Sheikh took the right hand of Paulo da Gama and pressed 
 it between both of his, and raised it to his breast, which is 
 ■^V 9- rnark of great courtesy, and they sat down on the chairs, 
 <^ the Sheikh in the middle, and the Moors on the bench. 
 The Moor Davan^ was standing, and with his interpreter 
 spoke what was said. The Sheikh was looking all round, see- 
 ing things which he had never seen, and said that he was 
 very fortunate that they had come to his port, and that he 
 would be happy to do for them all that they required on 
 account of the great pleasure which he felt in seeing that 
 
THE SHEIKH OF MOZAMBIQUE. 87 
 
 wliich lie had never seen before, and as they were foreign 
 merchants he should be very glad to know from what 
 country they were, and what they had come in search of. 
 Vasco da Gama, taking off his cap and making a bow to 
 his brother, as though he begged his leave to speak, re- 
 plied that they were from another country, and servants of 
 the greatest king of Christians that existed in the world, 
 and they had set out in a great fleet, which his King had 
 sent to another country to seek for merchandise, such as he 
 would show him, and whilst proceediug on their voyage 
 they had separated from their companions in a storm, and 
 two years had passed that they were going about the sea as 
 lost men, for their pilots did not know that land to which 
 they were going for cargo. The Sheikh said : " And if you 
 do not find that country what will you do V They replied 
 that they would go about the sea until they died, because 
 if they returned before their King without bringing him 
 what they had come to seek, he would cut off their heads. 
 The Sheikh told them to show him the merchandise which 
 they were going in search of. Then they showed him 
 pepper, cinnamon, and ginger. The Sheikh, on seeing it, 
 laughed to his own people, and answered that they should 
 be satisfied, since he would give them pilots who would 
 conduct them whither they could fill their ships as much as 
 they pleased ; but what merchandise did they bring for the 
 purchase of what they wanted. Vasco da Gama replied 
 that the merchandise went in the other ships, but that they 
 had gold and silver for buying and selling. The Slieikh 
 said that with gold and silver they would obtain what they 
 sought aU over the world : and he asked him to order the 
 trumpets to sound, as they very much liked to hear them ; 
 and thus he took leave of him, saying that he would at 
 once send him the pilots who would serve him well ; upon 
 which they separated with many courtesies and salutations. 
 The Moor Davane remained on board ; then the captain- 
 
88 DEALINGS OF THE PORTUGUESE 
 
 major gave him a present to carry to the Sheikh^ five ells of 
 fine scarlet cloth, and five of satin, and two scarlet caps, 
 four sheaths of knives made in Flanders, very handsome, and 
 a mirror ; and he also bade him beg pardon for the present 
 not being as much as he would have desired it to have 
 been. And he sent twenty cruzados in gold and twenty 
 testoons in silver for the malemos^ who were the pilots, for 
 of those coins he would give each month whatever he should 
 direct. The Moor Davane remained amazed when he heard 
 the things which our people said, and was filled with a great 
 desire never to separate from our men untiP they should 
 return to their own country. Then he went on shore with 
 the present, which he gave to the sheikh, who was much 
 pleased with it J and he told the sheikh that the captain- 
 major besought him very much to send him pilots ; in 
 which matter the sheikh showed good will and readiness, 
 and found them and spoke with them, arranging that each 
 of them should be paid four cruzados of gold, and should 
 have good quarters in which to carry his provisions ; on 
 which account half the money, two cruzados and two tes- 
 toons, were given at once to each of the pilots, whom the 
 Moor brought at once to the ship with his bundle, at which 
 the captain-major was much pleased. The Moor then re- 
 turned on shore, for they sent him to buy cows and sheep, 
 and whatever he could find to eat. The Moor said that he 
 would look about and bring whatever he could find, but 
 that in this country there was nothing but maize, which 
 they eat boiled with fish, and that the sheep came from 
 other places outside, and that they would find them further 
 on along the coast, and that there were no cows, but he 
 would bring what he found : upon which he went ashore in 
 
 » This word is perhaps the Arabic for an instructor, a word in general 
 use all over Africa. 
 
 2 This is probably the same man who, according to Osorio, Goes, and 
 Castanheda, came with his son and offered to pilot Gama to Molinde. 
 
WITH MOZAMBIQUE. 89 
 
 a canoe, because the captain-major did not choose that the 
 boat should go ashore. When the Moor was gone, the 
 captain-major talked to the pilots who knew how to speak 
 Arabic with a Portuguese man who had been in Africa, and 
 could speak it well ; and he asked them about many things, 
 of which they gave a good account, and they were lodged 
 in the forecastle in the pilot's cabin. The Moor, when on 
 shore, despatched the business he had gone about, and the 
 sheikh when alone with him asked him many questions, as 
 to how many men /same in the ships, and if they were 
 healthy or sick, and what weapons of war they had, and 
 whether they had brought many such things as they had 
 sent him. The Moor told him that the men-at-arms might 
 be about sixty men, and that many of them were sick, and 
 that their weapons were the swords which he had seen that 
 they wore at their belts, and they had lances ; and he had 
 not seen their body armour, much less their merchandise, 
 as they kept it below the decks ; but our men were well- 
 conditioned people, and seemed to him men who would do 
 good to those who did it to them : and as this was his 
 opinion, he would take them to Cambay, and there would 
 do their business and assist them in whatever they re- 
 quired, since he thought without any doubt that they 
 would pay him well for his work. As to the people of the 
 other ship, he had not been on board of her, and did not 
 know what it contained. The sheikh having heard this 
 from the Moor, then harboured treachery in his heart 
 against our men, coveting what he might be able to take 
 from the ships, and dissembled with the Moor, showing 
 that he intended to do good to our people. He told the 
 Moor to look for and take to them all that they had sent 
 for, and that when they should be about to depart, then he 
 on his own part would send them what could be got. Then 
 he bade the Moor return to the ship with a message to the 
 captain-major that he would be much pleased if he would 
 
o 
 
 90 DEALINGS OF THE POHTUODESE 
 
 do him the honour to consent to come on shore to amuse 
 o himself and dine with him, and if he would send the sick to 
 'f . get them cured, and this he begged much of him. The 
 Moor (in whose heart the Lord was pleased to put much 
 good faith towards our men), seeing these questions and 
 many others which the Sheikh put to him, at once under- 
 stood that he intended treachery to our people, and that if 
 it should be that he should take the ships and kill or cap- 
 ture our people, he would lose the advantages which he 
 hoped for from our men for the good service which he had 
 determined on performing for them : and with this reflec- 
 tion, and because the Lord was so pleased, he settled in 
 his heart to act with all sincerity towards our men, as if 
 they were his own brothers. So he went to the ship, and 
 went apart with the captain-major alone, and gave him an 
 account in the Arabic language, which the interpreter spoke, 
 of all that had occurred with the sheikh, and that according 
 to his understanding it seemed to him that he was intend- 
 ing treachery ; and he told him this that no harm might 
 happen to them. L^pon this the captain-major embraced 
 him, promising and vowing to him that he would recom- 
 pense him as he deserved, besides the good which God 
 would do him for having thus kept faith with them who 
 were strange and foreign men ; and whilst they had done 
 no harm to that Moor, he had wished to injure them. Then 
 he sent an answer to the Sheikh, consisting of many thpnks, 
 but that they could not disembark in any country, except 
 in that one to which their King was sending them, neither 
 could they send the sick on shore, because he wished to de- 
 part immediately ; and as the men were used to being 
 always at sea, he was afraid that the land would do them 
 harm, and they might die shortly after: but he would ask him 
 to send to show him where there was water, to fetch 
 some with the boat. The captain-major had disposed this 
 with the design of taking the boat well armed, and of doing 
 
WITH MOZAMBIQUE. 91 
 
 them all the harm in his power if he found there any one 
 who attempted to ill-treat them ; because, if the Moor had 
 rightly perceived any treachery on the part of the sheikh, it 
 would discover itself there at the watering place ; because, 
 where they would have to take in water was on the main- 
 land, in a place with brushwood, for Mozambique is entirely 
 an island surrounded by sea water. The Sheikh, on hearing' 
 the reply of the captain-major that he would not come] 
 ashore, nor send the sick, and that he wished to take in 
 water, determined to seize his boat there, and kill his men, 
 and to go with four Moorish ships which were in the port, 
 and many men, and board the ships, and capture them. 
 For this purpose he made ready secretly, and called the 
 captains of the ships who were Moors, giving them an ex- 
 planation of how he intended to capture our ships and kill 
 all those on board, because they were Christians, enemies 
 of the Moors, and of their prophet Mohamed. The Moors 
 oflfered themselves for this with good will. The Moor 
 Davan^ heard and understood all this, and came off to the 
 ship and gave an account of the whole to the captain-major, 
 who held a council with his brother and the pilots and 
 masters, at which it was decided that in no possible event 
 should they risk that a single man should be killed or 
 wounded, on account of their great want and scarcity of 
 men : and as they had no water, and of necessity must go 
 and fetch it, the men should go in the boat well armed, 
 because in the sea they had nothing to fear, and must be 
 on their guard on shore. Then the captain-major ordered 
 two cannons to be placed in the boat, and to make shelters 
 for the gunwales with a small sail, which they could raise 
 when they wished, to shelter themselves from arrows : and 
 he sent in it Nicolas Coelho with ten sailors and twelve 
 men with crossbows, well armed, because at this time they 
 had not as yet got firelocks. He questioned the pilots if 
 they knew where the watering place was ; one said yes, but 
 
92 DEALINGS OF THE PORTUGUESE 
 
 that they could not take in water except at high tide, which 
 was at midnight ; at which the captain-major rejoiced, 
 because the boat would not go by day when the Moors 
 would see it, and would go with greater security. Thus 
 they carried it out ; but the pilot, who, it seems, knew part 
 of the treachery, would never conduct the boat to the 
 watering place, and kept going up creeks and under trees, 
 making delays, so that the tide might go down and they 
 might remain high and dry. The master paid great atten- 
 tion to the tide, because the captain-major had warned him 
 to do so ; and when he saw that it was ebbing he returned, 
 and the pilot then endeavoured to get them to go into other 
 estuaries ; but our meu understanding his falseness, guessed 
 rightly the way by which they had come, and at once went 
 back. Nicolas Coelho wished to kill the pilot, but did not 
 venture, and thought to bring him to the captain-major 
 that he might order him to be hung, so that the people on 
 shore might see. But the pilot, who was taking good care 
 of himself, when the boat came out into the bay and it was 
 already morning, threw himself into the sea and dived, and 
 came up again a long way from the boat, making away for 
 the shore : our men rowed after him, shooting arrows at 
 him, at which many people flocked to the beach with arms, 
 discharging many arrows at the boat, and stones from 
 slings. This was seen from the ships, and the captain- 
 major put up a flag in the poop of the ship, at which the 
 boat went to the ship, and they took counsel, for Vasco da 
 Gama wanted to go at once and burn the ships since there 
 were already many people in them. In the council they 
 decided not to do such a thing, not to expose any of their 
 men, and that they could easily send them to the bottom 
 with their artillery, but that if they did so in a new country, 
 and in the first where they had put into port, a bad reputation 
 jwould be spread abroad about them, and it would be said 
 I that they were robbers and pirates who came to deceive and 
 rob, which would be the cause of great hindrance to what 
 
WITH MOZAMBIQUE. 93 
 
 they had come to perform ; for which reason it was bettor to 
 dissemble and act as cowards and send to complain to tho 
 sheikh as though they knew nothing of his treachery. This 
 seemed the best course to all. When they wished to send 
 the Moorish broker he did not choose to go on shore, saying 
 that ho was afraid they would kill him. Then they made 
 sail and went out of the port, when they saw a canoe with 
 four cafres and a Moor with a white cloth raised upon a pole, 
 who called out, and the captain-major hove to, and the Moor 
 spoke in Arabic. Ho said that the sheikh was amazed at 
 our people trying to kill his pilot, and at their going away 
 like men who were irritated, the cause of which was not 
 known ; because if anyone had done them any injury let 
 them send and say so, and he would do them strict justice 
 in the matter. The captain-major ordered them to put into 
 the canoe the property of the pilot who had fled, and he 
 ordered one Joan Machado, a convict, to enter the canoe, and, 
 because he understood a little Arabic, he bade him tell tho 
 Sheikh, that he, like a good friend, and from affection, had 
 given him two pilots to direct him, and he had ordered them 
 to show where he could get water, and they had gone a 
 whole night and the pilot had not pointed it out, and for that 
 had fled to the shore and our people had tried to catch him ; 
 and his people had come out with arms to fight: and as they 
 were not going about to do mischief, nor to fight, but only 
 to seek for what their king had ordered them ; and as they 
 had not found sincerity there, in the Sheikh's country, on that 
 account they wont away without communicating with him. 
 With this message he sent this Joan Machado, who had been 
 banished for ever, he and ten others ; for Vasco da Gama on 
 leaving the kingdom, had asked the king to give him a few 
 prisoners who were condemned to death, in order to adven- 
 ture them, or leave them in desolate countries,^ where, if 
 
 ' Camoens, Canto ii, 7 — 
 
 E de alguiis, que trazia condenaclos 
 I'or culpas, & pos' fcitos vcrgonhosos, 
 
94 CONVICTS USED AS SCOUTS. 
 
 they lived, they might be of great advantage when he re- 
 turned and found them again. This seemed good to the 
 King and he sent him ten men who were condemned to death, 
 and he had them as banished to desolate countries. One of 
 these was this Joan Machado, whom he sent thus in the 
 canoe, with the design of leaving him in the country, because 
 if he lived when Portugese returned there they might learn 
 from him the affairs of the country and of the people. While 
 the ship was lying to it drifted, and struck upon some shoals 
 from which it got off with much difficulty. These banks 
 were afterwards named the Banks of St. Raphael, from 
 Vasco da Gama's ship.^ He was much irritated at being un- 
 able to pay off the sheikh, which it was in his power to do, 
 and he gave orders to put the pilot in irons to prevent his 
 escaping. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 How the ships went away from Mozambique along the coast ; and of 
 what happened Jjy the way until they reached Melinde. 
 
 In proceeding on their voyage, as the wind did not serve for 
 going along the coast, they went and anchored off an island, 
 which is at the distance of one league from Mozambique, to 
 
 Porque podessem ser aventurados 
 Em casos desta sorte duvidosoa, 
 Manda dous 
 
 7. 
 But from a class condemn'd at home for crime, 
 Reprieved from death, and with the Armada sent 
 To be adventured, at the chieftain's time, 
 Where risk of nobler life were wealth misspent. 
 
 Two he selects Quillinan. 
 
 1 Barros describes this as happening after the fleet had run by Quiloa. 
 
THE CONVICT JOAN MACHADO. 95 
 
 wait for the wind, and to allow of the canoe returning from Mo- 
 zambique ; but it did not return because the Sheikh was much 
 pleased at being able to keep Joan Machado as a captive,^ 
 
 y Corroa relates that when Pcdralvares Cabral came to Mozambique 
 in 1500, the slieikh showed the Portuguese, at the extremity of the town, 
 a tomb with a cross at the head, and told him that there lay a Portu- 
 guese who had remained behind from the other ships ; and he showed 
 them a plank upon which letters were cut with a knife, which said : 
 " In this grave lies Damiam Rodriguez, whom Vasco da Gama left in 
 this country, who came with him as a banished man and seaman in the 
 St. Gabriel.''^ This they went to show to the captain-major, and all 
 were glad to see it ; butjthe^ deceased had not_J;Qld_the trutlv^becajise 
 Doni Vasco did_npt_leaye him, but only one Joao IMachado, also a 
 banished man, of whom this Damiam Rodrigues who was banished was 
 a friend ; for they had both been arrested together for having killed 
 a man on the Rocio (promenade) of Lisbon, and both had been long 
 prisoners in the Limoeiro of Lisbon, and both were condemned to death 
 for this affair. For this reason, when the shiji .S'. Rafael struck on the 
 shoals on leaving Mozambique, Rodriguez, knowing that Joao Machado 
 remained on shore, at night took to swimming from the ship *S'. Gabriel 
 of Paulo da Gama, in which he was a seaman, and went ashore in 
 search of his friend Machado ; and was conducted to the house of the 
 sheikh, wliere INIachado was, and the sheikh rejoiced much at having 
 both of them ; for Machado could speak Arabic a little, and tlie sheikh 
 gave them all they needed, for which they attended upon him like ser- 
 vants. This Joao Machado related to the sheikh the greatness of the 
 King of Portugal, and how he would send fleets and men to India until 
 he took it : and on learning what our people had done at Melinde the 
 sheikh decided on becoming a great friend of ours. Whilst both these 
 men were in this condition, Damiam Rodrigues fell ill and died, at 
 which Machado was much grieved, and with the sheikh's permission he 
 buried him at the end of the town, and engraved the letters on the 
 plank, and placed it at the head of the grave, with the cross, which the 
 sheikh consented to, because he had already determined to be our friend. 
 In order that the King of Quiloa should know of the affairs of Portu- 
 gal, which Machado related, the sheikh wrote them, and sent them by 
 ^lachado, to whom he gave a very good treatment, for Machado was 
 a man of good presence and goodly speech, and well instructed. IVIachado, 
 when in (Quiloa, told the king a great deal about the affairs of Portugal, 
 for he could now speak the language well ; and thence he was sent to 
 the King of Bomba^a, who was married to a daughter of the King of 
 Quiloa. Speaking to these, INIachado inspired them with great fear of 
 Portugal, so that they were deterred from desiring war with our people. 
 
96 DEPARTURE FROM MOZAMBIQUE. 
 
 in remembrance of those Christian ships having come there. 
 After hearing the message of the captain-major he was for a 
 long time talking to Joan Machado, and would not send an 
 answer, though he saw very well that the ships were at the 
 island, because he was afraid that the captain-major would 
 capture the people who might go there because they did not 
 bring back Joan Machado, whom he did not wish to send 
 back. This Joan Machado profited very much afterwards 
 by thus remaining there, because he went thence through 
 many countries and passed to Cambay, and from that place 
 to other countries, and learned all the languages, for he was 
 a man of good understanding, and he devoted himself to 
 good, so that he became an honourable man, as will be re- 
 lated further on in this book. The ships having arrived thus 
 at this island, in which there were no people, the crews dis- 
 embarked, and Vasco da Gama ordered them to erect an 
 altar and say mass; for he still had two priests and the 
 others were dead, for two had been embarked in each ship ; 
 and by means of these who survived all confessed during 
 two days, and on Sunday they received the sacrament, and. 
 the mass was said in praise of St. George, with respect to 
 whom the captain-major was very devout. On this account 
 they named this island after St. George. Whilst they were 
 here waiting for a wind the captain-major wished to send 
 -Nicolas Coelho in the boat, well armed, and with a cannon and 
 some small guns, to go and ask the sheikh for a pilot, and if 
 he did not provide one, on the ground of this grievance he 
 was to bombard the ships and send them to the bottom if he 
 could ; this did not seem good to all for the reasons which 
 
 Thence he went to Melinde, where he was very well treated by the 
 king, with whose permission he embarked in a Moorish dress for Cam- 
 bay ; there he went about for some time, and thence went to Balagate, 
 and established his abode with the Sabayo, the lord of Goa, where he 
 was held in honour, for he was a valiant man, of whom I wiU relate 
 more further on. 
 
VOYAGE FROM MOZAMBIQUE. 07 
 
 have already been mentioned before. Then as the wind came 
 they went away along the coast, the pilot telling them that 
 ho would take them to a great city named Quiloa^ of much 
 trade and abounding in wealth, in which there was a separate 
 quarter where Christian traders dwelled. This the pilot said 
 with falsehood,^ and with the design of leading them into 
 some snare so that they might all be killed, from spite at 
 their having put him in irons ; and he told them that in 
 Quiloa they would find whatever they wanted, and especially 
 pilots of the Indian's ships which were always lying there ; 
 respecting these things the captain-major conversed with the 
 broker Davan^, questioning him about the things which the 
 pilot told him of Quiloa. He told him that it was so, that 
 Quiloa was indeed a great city, and traded in much mer- 
 chandise which came from abroad in a great many ships from^ 
 all parts, especially from Mekkah, and that in the city there 
 were many kinds of people, and there were some Armenian 
 
 > Camoens, Canto i, 98. 
 E dizlhe mais co falso pensamento, 
 Com que Sinon aos Frigios enganou, 
 Que perto estd, huma ilha, cujo assento 
 Povo antigo Christao sempre habitou. 
 
 99. 
 
 Aqui o engano, e morte Ihe imagina, 
 Porque em poder e for(;as muito excede 
 A Mozambique, esta ilha que se chama 
 Quiloa, mui conhecida pella fama. 
 
 98. 
 "With art like that of Sinon, when his guile 
 Deceived the leaguer'd Phrygians to their fate, 
 He tells the Lusitanians of an Isle 
 By Christians held from immemorial date. 
 
 99. 
 
 And here, the Moor forbodes, intrigue and death 
 
 Await the stranger ; for its power and force 
 
 Out measure the Mozambican ; its name 
 
 Quiloa, frequent in the mouth of Fame. 
 
 Quillinan. 
 
98 THE FLEET RUNS BY QUILOA. 
 
 traders who were from a coimtry called Armenia, and it was 
 said tliat these people were Christians, but he did not know 
 if they were so, because he had never had any dealings with 
 them ; but he advised Vasco da Gama not to trust to the 
 pilot, lest from anger at their having put him in irons, he 
 should practise upon them some deceit, or evil, by causing 
 the ships to strike upon some shoals. The captain-major on 
 hearing all this from the Moor was much comforted, seeing 
 that he was a sincere friend, and he showed him great 
 honour. The Moor busied himself so much in learning our 
 speech, that in a short time he was able to say everything. 
 The captain-major told the pilots and masters to be very 
 watchful during the voyage, and to look out that the Moorish 
 pilot did not commit any error, because if they struck on any 
 shoals he would at once have both his eyes put out. Navi- 
 gating thus they arrived before Quiloa, where the Lord sent 
 them a contrary wind, so that they were unable to fetch the 
 port,^ where the Moorish pilot had determined on wrecking 
 the ships even though he died for it there on the spot, from 
 which the Lord delivered them by not giving them a wind 
 for entering into the port ; and they ran along the coast, and 
 reached the port of Bombaza, also a great city of trade with 
 many ships.- All this the captain-major was veiy desirous of 
 seeing and learning, although there was much risk in it, be- 
 \ cause he had come on purpose to discover and learn everything, 
 and he anchored before the bar. The King of this place had 
 already received a message from the Sheikh of Mozambique, 
 
 1 Barros agrees with Correa in saying that the pilot said there were 
 Christians in Quiloa : he says the currents carried the ships past Quiloa 
 by night, but that they fell into another danger, for the S. Rafael 
 grounded upon a bank, from which it got off with the tide ; from which 
 those banks were named of S. Rafael. Camoens, Canto i, 100-102, 
 follows Barros, and says Venus turned away the fleet from Quiloa with 
 a contrary gale. 
 
 * Castanheda and Barros say they arrived there on the 7th of April, 
 the eve of Palm Sunday : they mention the beauty of the houses built of 
 stone and mortar, with windows and terraces in the fashion of Spain. 
 
AHHIVAL AT MOMIUZA. 99 
 
 who sent to say that our people were Christians and robbers^^ 
 who came to plunder and spy the countries under the device 
 that they were merchants, and they made presents and be- j 
 haved themselves very humbly in order to deceive, and after- 
 wards come with a fleet and men to take possession of] 
 countries ; and therefore, he knowing that, had wished to 
 capture them and they had fled from the port. This same 
 message had already come to Quiloa when our people arrived 
 there, for the Sheikh had sent it in a vessel which with oars 
 and sails ran fast along the coast. Our people having thus 
 anchored at the bar, the King, who was already prepared to 
 act treacherously, at once sent a large boat laden with fowls, 
 sheep, sugar-canes, citrons, lemons, and large sweet oranges, 
 the best that had ever been seen ; and he sent a respectable 
 old Moor to say to the captain-major that he had much 
 pleasure in seeing him there at anchor, but his pleasure 
 would be complete when the ships were at anchor within his 
 port, if he could go in person to visit him on board of his 
 ship ; and in his city he would do him such services that the 
 captain-major would be glad to give him his friendship, and 
 that peace shohld last for ever between him and their King ; 
 that he therefore prayed him to enter at once ; and he sent 
 him two pilots to bring the ships into port, because the en- 
 trance had shoals which spread out a good deal. The pilots 
 had already got their orders to put the ships upon the banks, 
 where they would be lost, and they were to escape in the 
 boats which would be sent from the shore. The crews were 
 delighted with the present, and especially the sick with the 
 vegetables and oranges. The captain-major sent many 
 thanks to the King for his desire to render him many services, 
 in consequence of which he sent two men to buy him some 
 things which he wanted for his men to eat. Then he sent 
 two of the convicts, who have been already mentioned, and 
 told them to endeavour to see all the city and to see if 
 
v/ 
 
 100 DBALINaS OK THK 
 
 there were any Christians, as they told him;' and he sent 
 with them the broker Davane ; but he did not choose to go, 
 saying, that after they had seen the King then he would be 
 of service in the affair of the merchandise, which was his 
 business, more than establishing new friendships with in- 
 habitants of a country, which he did not know how to do. 
 This seemed reasonable to the captain-major, and he did not 
 send him, so the boat went back with the two men. On 
 hearing the reply the King was very well satisfied, and en- 
 tertained the Portuguese very well, and he sent them with 
 the old Moor through the city, and he ordered that they 
 should have without money all that they saw and required 
 or that they asked for ; with this pretence they conducted 
 them through the whole city, and took them to the house of 
 some Moors who feigned to be Christians, and who shewed 
 them beads with crosses, which they kissed and put on their 
 eyes, and did great honour to our people for being Christians, 
 making them sit down and eat cakes of rice with butter and 
 honey and plenty of fruit ; and they wished the Portuguese 
 to sleep in their house,^ but the Moor who conducted them 
 
 1 Barros says he sent two men to spy out the city : Camoens says 
 they were two of the convicts, of the most sagacious, and that they were 
 to see if there were any Christians in the town : Canto ii, 7. Barros says 
 Gama e'xcused himself from entering the port for two days, as they 
 were Christian feasts, during which they did not work. 
 
 2 Barros says nothing of these Christians ; but Camoens, who in imi- 
 tation of Homer and Virgil represents Venus as protecting the Portu- 
 guese, and Bacchus as defending the approaches to India, says that 
 Bacchus erected the altar and feigned Christianity ; he says that the 
 Portuguese spies were shown a picture of the Holy Spirit painted as 
 a white dove, and of the twelve apostles. These pictures could not have 
 been improvised by the Moors. He also says that the two Portuguese 
 did pass the night with these feigned Christians. Barros has already 
 mentioned that there were Christian Abyssinians at Mozambique, and 
 it is more probable that these should have been real Christians, than 
 that the Moors should have feigned Christianity and veneration for the 
 cross. Castanheda says the two convict spies were taken to the house 
 of two Indian merchants who were Christians of St. Thomas ; these, on 
 
PORTUGUESE AT MOMBASA. 101 
 
 would not let them, but took them back to the King, who 
 continued asking them many things and showing much 
 satisfaction, and then sent them to be entertained in his 
 palaces. Next day in the morning the King asked the two 
 Portuguese if they wished to take away any thing of what 
 they had come to fetch. They answered that since the ships 
 were going to come into port they would then buy them. 
 The King then said that that would do as well, and that they 
 could wait till they came in. He then ordered that one of 
 the Portuguese should go and give an account to the captain- 
 major of what they had found, because he wished that he 
 should relate to the captain-major how well he had been re- 
 ceived, so that he might be more pleased to come inside the 
 port, for the King desired nothing else, since they would not 
 have pilots to take them out again ; but his principal hope 
 was that the pilots would cast the ships upon the banks at 
 the entrance. The King sent the old Mooi', accompanied by 
 others as soldiers with their arms and arrows, and he sent to 
 entreat the captain-major to enter at once. He replied that 
 he would whenever the pilots ordered it. The Moor spoke 
 to the pilots, who said that they ought to go in at once as 
 the tide was already rising ; upon which the captain-major 
 ordered that they should weigh. Our pilots became angry, 
 saying that the tide was not yet a quarter full, and that they 
 ought to wait till the tide was quite high, and they said so 
 to the Moorish pilots ; they replied that the water that there 
 was then was sufficient, because later with more water the 
 tide ran very strong, which was not good. Nevertheless the 
 captain-major ordered the anchor to be weighed as he would 
 go forward. The old Moor then got back into his boat to 
 go rowing ahead of the ship, which on loosing the foresail 
 would never bring her head round to point towards the bar^^ 
 
 learning that the Portuguese were Christians, were much pleased, and 
 siiowcd thcni a picture of the Holy Ghost which they worshipped. 
 
 ' Barros s;vys — '' S'uscu da Gauui's ship wt)uld not head round for tlie 
 
102 THE PORTUGUESE SUSPECT 
 
 but went drifting towards the bank ; on which account the 
 master ordered the anchor to be let fall and to strike the 
 sails quickly ; this Paulo da Gama did also. Upon which 
 the Moor in the boat asked the captain-major what message 
 he sent to the king. The captain-major was vexed at not 
 entering port, and told him to say to the king that he saw well 
 that he coujd not come in, and that he would be very glad 
 to enter. With this the Moor went away, and the pilots 
 whom he had brought, impatient with the ship, cast them- 
 selves into the sea, and made off to the boat, which picked 
 them up and made for the shore. Alarmed at this the 
 captain-major ordered the pilot whom he had got secured 
 to be tortured by dropping boiling grease upon him because 
 the other pilots had been with him, and he at once confessed 
 that the pilots who had fled had been commanded by the 
 King to let the ships go on the banks, and that as they 
 had again cast anchor and did not enter the port, they sup- 
 posed it was because their treachery was known, and for 
 that they fled.^ For this the captain-major and all gave 
 thanks to the Lord who had thus miraculously delivered 
 
 sail to catch the wind, and began to di-ive upon a shoal ; he, seeing the 
 danger, with loud cries ordered to let go an anchor." 
 
 Camoens, in six very beautiful stanzas of the second canto, poetises 
 the incident of Gama's ship refusing to steer, and represents sea- 
 born Venus, obeyed by the water powers, convoking the Nereids to stay 
 the ship from entering the unfriendly port ; and the sea-nymphs, like 
 ants struggling with a heavy weight, opjiosed their soft bosoms to the 
 hard prows of the ships, and turned aside the Portuguese from a horrible 
 end. Though an imitation, it is yet an improvement upon Neptune's 
 setting Cymothoe and Triton to dig Eneas' ships out of the sandbanks. 
 
 ' Barros, Camoens, and Osorio attribute the fear and flight of the 
 Moorish pilots to the great shouting and rushing of the crew from one end 
 of the ship to the other to let go the anchor. Barros says that even the 
 Mozambique pilot jumped off the poop into the sea ; Castanheda says 
 that Gama caused two of the Mozambique prisoners to be tortured with 
 boiling grease ; and when he was aliout to torture another Moor, this 
 man jumped into the S(;a with his hands tied together, and another 
 jumped in from the poop. 
 
THE PILOTS. 103 
 
 tliein_frora so great a danger. When the tide turned and 
 went out, as it was moonlight, the captain-major ordered 
 them to weigh the anchor,^ at which they worked all night, 
 
 ' Barros, Castanheda, and Camoeus say that the Moors came that 
 niglit to cut tlie ships' cables, but that as they were heard their evil de- 
 .sign (lid not succeed. 
 
 Cauto II, 17. 
 Na terra cautamente apparelhavaui 
 Armas, e muni(joes ; que como visseni, 
 Que no rio os navios ancoravam, 
 Nelles ousadameute se subissem : 
 E nesta trai(;ao determiiiavam, 
 (Jue OS de Luso de todo destruissem, 
 E que incautos pagassem deste geito 
 O mal, que cm Mo<;ambique tinham feito. 
 
 18. 
 As aucoras tenaces vao levando 
 Com a nautica grita costumada. 
 Da proa as velas s6s ao vento dando, 
 Tnclinam para a barra abalizada. 
 Mas a linda Erycina, que guardando 
 Andava sempre a gente assinalada, 
 Vendo a cilada grande, e tao secreta, 
 Voa do ceo ao mar como huma setta. 
 
 19. 
 Convoca as alvas filhas de Nereo, 
 Com toda a mais cerulea companhia ; 
 Que, porque no salgado mar nasceo, 
 Das aguas o poder Ihe obedecia : 
 E propondo-lhe a causa, a que desceo, 
 Com todos juntamente se partia, 
 Para estorvar que a armada nao chegasse 
 Aonde para sempre se acabasse. 
 
 20. 
 Ja na agua erguendo vac com grande pressa 
 Com as argenteas caudas branca escuma : 
 Doto co'o peito corta, e atravessa 
 Com mais furor o mar, do que costuma : 
 Salta Nise, Nerine se arremessa 
 Por cima da agua crespa, em forcja summa ; 
 Abrem caminho as ondas cncurvadas, 
 De temor das Nercidas apressadas. 
 
104 GAMA LEAVES AN ANCHOR 
 
 until morning, and before the tide had entirely gone down, 
 with the great force which they used, the cable broke, and 
 the ship went out, and the anchor remained behind, which 
 the Moors got up later, and placed at the gate of the 
 King^s palace, where afterwards the Viceroy Dom Francisco 
 
 21. 
 
 Nos hombros de hum Tritao com gesto acceso 
 
 Vai a linda Dione furiosa : 
 
 Nao sente, quem a leva, o doce peso, 
 
 De soberbo com carga tao formosa : 
 
 Ji, chegam perto, donde o vento teso 
 
 Enche as velaa da frota bellicosa : 
 
 Repartem-se, e rodeam nesse instante 
 
 As naos ligeiras, que hiam por diante. 
 
 22. 
 Poem-se a deosa com outraa em direito 
 Da proa capitaiaa, e alii fechando 
 O caminho da barra, estao de geito, 
 Que em vao assopra o vento, a vela inchando : 
 Poem no madeiro duro o brando peito, 
 Para detraz a forte nao forcjando : 
 Outras, em derredor, levando-a estavam, 
 E da barra inimiga a desviavam. 
 
 23. 
 Quaes para a cova as providas formigas, 
 Levando o pezo grande accommodado, 
 As forcjas exercitam, de inimigas 
 Do inimigo inverno congelado ; 
 Alii sao sens trabalhos, e fadigas. 
 Alii mostram vigor nunca esperado : 
 Taes andavam as nymphaa estorvando 
 A gente Portugueza o fim nefando. 
 
 24. 
 Torna para detraz a nao forcjada, 
 A pezar dos que leva, que gritando 
 Maream velas, f erve a gente irada, 
 O leme a hum bordo, e a outro atravessando : 
 O mestre astuto em vao da popa brada, 
 Vendo como diante ameacjando 
 Os estava hum maritimo penedo, 
 Que de quebrar-lhe a nao Ihe mette medo. 
 
BEHIND IN MOMBASA. 105 
 
 Dalmeida found it.^ The King, to conceal his treachery, 
 quarrelled much with the pilots because they ran away, in 
 
 ' Castanheda says Gama left Monibaza on Friday, and that on leav- 
 ing the bar they left behind one of their anchors, as the men were very 
 weary with getting up the others, and could not weigh this one ; the 
 Moors found it later and placed it close to the King's palace, where 
 Francisco d' Almeida found it when he took Mombaza. 
 
 25. 
 A celeuma medonha se levanta 
 No rudo marinheiro, que trabalha : 
 O grande estrondo a Maura gente espanta, 
 Como se vissem horrida batalha : 
 Nao sabem a razao de furia tanta, 
 Nao sabem nesta pressa, quem Ihe valha ; 
 Cuidam, que seus enganos sao sabidos, 
 E que hao de ser por isso aqui punidos. 
 
 26. 
 Ei-los subitamente se lan^avam 
 A seus bateis veloces, que traziam : 
 Outros em cima o mar alevantavam, 
 Saltando n'agua, a nado se acolhiam : 
 De hum bordo e d'outro subito saltavam ; 
 Que o medo os compellia do que viam ; 
 Que antes querem ao mar aventurar-se. 
 Que nas maos inimigas entregar-se. 
 
 27. 
 Assi como em selvatica alagoa 
 As raas, no tempo antigo Lycia gente, 
 Se sentem por ventura vir pessoa, 
 Estando fora da agua incautamente ; 
 Daqui e dalli saltando, o charco soa, 
 Por fugir do perigo que se sente ; 
 E acolhendo se ao couto, que conhecem, 
 Sos as cabe^as na agua Ihe apparecem : 
 
 28. 
 Assi fogem os Mouros : e o piloto. 
 Que ao perigo grande as naos guiara, 
 Crendo que seu engano estava noto, 
 Tambem foge, saltando na agua amara. 
 Mas por nao darem no penedo immoto, 
 Onde percam a vida docc e chara, 
 A ancora solta logo a cai)itaina, 
 Qualquer das outras junto dclla amaina. 
 
lOG THE FLEET LEAVES 
 
 the presence of the convict who had remained on shore 
 (who was named Peter Diaz, and who afterwards came to 
 
 Canto II, 17. 
 The warriors on the isle are all prepared, 
 And wait the moment to effect their scheme, 
 To seize the fleet, within the bar ensnared 
 And tether'd to its anchors in the stream ; 
 Nor less than massacre of all on board 
 Will satisfy their fury, which they deem 
 A sacred thirst of vengeance, for they seek 
 Their brothers to avenge of Mozambique. 
 
 18. 
 The nautic cheer that helps the windlass round 
 Calls up the sullen anchors, slow to rise ; 
 With foresheet only to the wind unbound, 
 The Armada, by the landmarks steering, plies 
 Right for the bar. But of her charge renown'd 
 Still watchful, Erycina, who descries 
 The peril, darts on ocean from above 
 Swift as an arrow from the bow of Love. 
 
 19. 
 She summon'd the white Nereids to her aid, 
 And all their mates of the cerulean plain : 
 Her voice the willing Tower of Waters sway'd : 
 And all the listening sisters of the main 
 Their Aphrodite cheerfully obey'd. 
 Prompt at her word, they follow to restrain 
 The lured Armada from the fatal river, 
 Where once entangled it is lost for ever. 
 
 20. 
 Away they race, and foremost of the throng 
 Nerine, flashing onward in the pride 
 Of force consummate, flings herself along ; 
 Nisa goes bounding o'er the bounding tide ; 
 Doto, in more than wonted fury strong. 
 Breasts the tall billows : the curved waves divide 
 In awe to give the rushing Nereids way — 
 Long lines behind them gleam of argent spray. 
 
 21. 
 Majestic passion sparkling in her eyes, 
 Upon the shoulders of a Triton sate 
 The lovely Diontea ; lightly lies 
 On him the burden, proud of such a freiglit — 
 
MOMBASA. 107 
 
 India to our people, and became a seafaring man, so that 
 they named him "Northeast^'), and the King ordered the 
 pilots to be beaten. 
 
 The floet that umlcr easy canvas tries 
 The ill-oinen'd pass, they reacli ere yet too late, 
 And, instant, wheeling as the leader guides, 
 A troop of Nymphs around each vessel glides. 
 
 22. 
 The Goddess and her troop confront the sail 
 Of Gama, hindering access to the bar. 
 With such effect that all in vain the gale 
 Blows aft. Their bosoms, resolute as fair. 
 Against the bows enforced, back, back comi^el 
 The strong-ribb'd ship, while with as strenuous care 
 Others astern, cling grappling at the hull : — 
 The shuddering ship recoils with canvas full ! 
 
 2;]. 
 As emmets, provident against their foe 
 The shrewd and nipping winter, to their cell 
 'i'railing some bulky weight well-balanced, show 
 Wliat mighty hearts in little room may dwell. 
 And tugging, straining, over high and low. 
 Straight to their hoard the giant prize comjoel — 
 So toil the Nymphs from I'uin foul to save 
 Their Lusian friends and comrades of the wave. 
 
 2i. 
 The stagger'd ship to leeward falls, and drifts 
 In spite of those who toil with shrilly cry 
 At cord and sail ; the raging steersman shifts 
 His helm from side to side incessantly : 
 The Master from the poop in vain uplifts 
 His warning voice tliat tells of peril nigh ; 
 For breakers now upon his quai'ter loom, 
 A reef of sea-beat rocks that threaten doom. 
 
 25. 
 'I'he fearful whooping the rough seamen raise. 
 Clangs to their toil : the clamour and the press 
 Of furious energies the ISIoors amaze. 
 As if they were amid the horrent stress 
 Of battle : whither the loud tumult sways, 
 Or what it bodes, they know not, Init they guess 
 The weft unravell'd of tlieir artful snare, 
 Aud vengeance bursting on them, then, and there. 
 
108 DEPAXiTURE FROM MOMBASA. 
 
 26. 
 ImpeU'd by irresistible dismay, 
 Lo ! on a sudden, overboard they leap. 
 Whirling from this side and from that away ! 
 Some vault to their almades and skim the deep ; 
 Others plunge headlong in the upboiling sea, 
 Adventuring rather through its coil and sweep 
 To struggle for the chance of hfe, than know 
 "What fate may wait them from an injured foe. 
 
 27. 
 As on the bosky margin of a lake. 
 Having emerged incautious from the mere, 
 Frogs (in old time a Lycian people) take 
 Affright perchance at some intruder near. 
 And leaping, splashing, hither, thither make 
 The troubled water vocal with their fear, 
 And huddle to their customary screen, 
 Nought but their heads above the surface seen, — 
 
 28. 
 So flit the ISloors : and he of Mozambique, 
 AVho led the ships to that great jeopardy, 
 Believing his imposture known, alike 
 Escapes by plunging to the bitter sea : 
 But lest upon the steadfast rock they strike. 
 Where life, so sweet and precious, lost must be. 
 The flagship drops the anchor at a cast ; 
 The rest, hard by their leader, moor as fast. 
 
 Quillinan. 
 
 Mombas. The main entrance is about a mile and a half broad be- 
 tween the outer reefs, which together with the south end of the island 
 form the outer bay or road, which has in general from six to nine 
 fathoms' depth of water, with some deep holes of from eighteen to 
 thirty-five fathoms, and a shoal patch with less than four fathoms. 
 
 The port, although safe inside, is rather difficult of access, on account 
 of extensive reefs which contract the entrance to the port to about two 
 cables' length, with from eight to sixteen fathoms between the reefs, 
 with the castle bearing about NNW.— Horsburgh's Directory. 
 
VOYAGE TO MELINDE. 109 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 How the ships reached Melinde, and of the good peace which the King 
 established with our people, and from thence they departed to 
 Calicut. 
 
 Our men having left Bombaza, they ran along the coast 
 with much vigilance, because they did not trust to the 
 pilot whom they had got in irons, and proceeding on their 
 voyage, one afternoon they sighted two sambuk s/ of which 
 they only captured one, for the other got so close in to 
 shore that the ships could not reach it, until it found a very 
 narrow river, into which it put in. The other, which was 
 taken, was laden with ivory, and eighty men were captured 
 in it. Its captain was a man of Dias, who was taking 
 thither his wife, a very pretty woman, with rich jewels and 
 money in a chest, and four women in her service. The 
 captain-major distributed amongst the ships, only the people 
 who remained in the sambuk, into which he ordered ten 
 Portuguese to be put, whom he prohibited from moving any- 
 thing, and bade them watch well by night, so as not to part 
 company from the ships. They searched the sambuk and 
 did not find any arms in it. So they went on until they arrived 
 at Melinde," which is on the open coast. As the city was a 
 
 ' Both Barros and Camoens say they met the two sambuks the day 
 after leaving Mombaza. Barros says they captured thirteen Moors, as 
 the rest jumped into the sea, and that Gama brought them on to 
 Melinde, and that all these men concurred in praising the humanity of 
 the King of Melinde, and in saying that a pilot might be obtained 
 there for India. Osorio says he took fourteen Moors, and let go the 
 rest, and that among the prisoners was their captain, from whom he got 
 much information. Castanheda says that Gama tried to find a pilot among 
 these prisoners of the sambuk, but they always said they could not 
 pilot him even though they were put to torture. 
 
 2 Barros, Osorio, and Camoens say they arrived at Melinde on Easter 
 Sunday, 1-498 ; Castanheda says they arrived at sunset on the Saturday 
 before Easter Day : he says Melinde is situated on a plain by the side of the 
 
1 ] ARRIVAL OF THE FLEET 
 
 great one, of noble buildings, and surrounded by walls, and 
 placed immediately on the shore, it made an imposing 
 appearance, and at the sight of it our men experienced great 
 
 sea, and looks like Alcouchete ; it was surrounded by palm trees and 
 gardens of orange trees and evergreens. 
 
 Canto II, 73. 
 Quando chegava a frota aquella parte, 
 Onde o reino Melinde ja se via, 
 De toldos adornada, e leda de arte. 
 Que bem mostra estimar o sancto dia : 
 Treme a bandeira, voa o estandarte, 
 A cor purpurea ao longe apparecia, 
 Scam OS atambores, e pandeiros : 
 E assi entravam ledos, e guerreiros. 
 
 74. 
 Enche-se toda a praia Melindana 
 Da gente, que vem ver a leda armada ; 
 Gente mais verdadeira, e mais liumana. 
 Que toda a d'outra terra atraz deixada. 
 Surge diante a frota Lusitana, 
 Pega no fundo a ancora pezada : 
 Man dam fora hum dos Mouros, que tomaram, 
 Por quem sua vinda ao Rei manifestaram. 
 
 73. 
 When to that distance from the which their eys 
 Might reach Melinde, the Armada came ; 
 Adorn'd with tapistrie triumphant-wise, 
 As that day's holiness it well became. 
 The Standard trembles, and the streamer flyes. 
 The scarlet-wast-cloaths at a distance flame. 
 The drums and timbrels sound. Thus they that bar. 
 Like Christians enter, and like men of war. 
 
 74. 
 With people hid is the Melindian shore, 
 That come to see the joyful fleet. More kind 
 Are these, more humane, and of truth have more. 
 Than those of all the coun treys left behind. 
 The Lusitanian navy drops, before. 
 The hea\'y anchors, which fast rooting find. 
 One, of the Moors they took, is sent on land : 
 To let the King their coming understand. 
 
 Fanshaw. 
 
BEFORE MELINDE. Ill 
 
 deli ghtj and gave great pra_ise_to the_Lord, who had brought 
 them to such a country. They anchored in front of the city 
 close to many ships which wore in the port, all dressed out 
 with flags, for the King also ordered flags to be hung out on 
 the walls of the city, to show our people the pleasure which 
 he felt at their arrival. The reason of this was, that on the 
 arrival of the news which ran through the country of the 
 coming of the ships, and of what they did wherever they 
 came, he spoke with a soothsayer in whom he much confided, 
 and talked with him of what he should do, touching our 
 people. The soothsayer told him to establish all the peace 
 and amity with our men that he could, because it would 
 last for ever, and he would not receive the injuries which our 
 men would do to all the other places in which they did not 
 meet with full sincerity ; for our people were to be the 
 masters of all India, and by establishing a friendship at first 
 with them, it would last for ever. ; The King, who trusted 
 much in the soothsayer, decided in his heart to act in this 
 manner. Afterwards our ships arrived off the port, which 
 was at the end of April of 1498,^ it was already late, and 
 
 ' Amongst other reasons for thinking that Correa's dates are more 
 exact than those of Barros and the other writers, the circumstances 
 attending the arrival at Melinde may be mentioned. Barros says 
 Gama arrived there on Easter Sunday, April 15, 1498 — Correa says the 
 end of April. Now Correa is in the habit of mentioning the saints' 
 days rather than the dates of the days of the month, and it is hardly 
 likely he would have omitted to mention Easter Sunday had they 
 arrived on that day. Moreover, Correa mentions that it was a moon- 
 light night when they got up their anchor to leave Mombaza, and both 
 accounts agree that that was three nights and two days before the 
 arrival at Melinde. Now, full moon was on the 6th of April, about 
 two p.m. Greenwich mean time, and the expression of a moonlight 
 night would appear to apply better to a night at the end of April, six 
 days or a week before the full moon, than to a night six days or a week 
 after the full moon of April 6th. Also, if Gama had arrived on the 
 15th April, that would have been during Ramazan, which ended on the 
 23rd April, after which came the three days of Bairam ; and as Correa 
 mentions the Moors and Portuguese eating together by day, and gives 
 
112 ARRIVAL AT MELINDE. 
 
 they did not send any message. Next day, in the morning, 
 there came a canoe, with a well dressed man, who spoke 
 from the canoe, and said that the King asked who they were, 
 and what they wanted in his country, and that whatever they 
 had need of they might send to fetch in the city, and if it 
 was to be had, it would all be given them for money, and 
 with good will. The captain-major replied that they re- 
 quired a good deal, and for that reason would he give him 
 leave to enter the port, because without his leave he would 
 by no means enter. That skiff went back with the message 
 and did not come again, and as it was late the old Moor of 
 the sambuk said to the captain-major that he should send 
 him ashore, and that he would bring back word from the 
 King. The captain-major approved of this, and sent him in 
 the boat, which was to put him into some one of the ships, 
 of which there were many close to the beach : this they did, 
 and a skiS* which was going along came to the boat to ask 
 what they wanted. The Moor got into this and went ashore, 
 and the boat returned to the ship. The Moor went to speak 
 to the King, giving him an account of how our men had 
 \ brought him away as a prisoner, but without doing him any 
 ' harm, and that he knew that in Mozambique and Quiloa and 
 Bombaza, they had intended to do injury and treacher}^ to 
 the Portuguese, without their having done any harm : on 
 that account let the King consider what he would do with 
 our people, because if he did not give them leave to enter 
 the port, they wished to go away at once. The King having 
 heard this, and in consequence of what he had already 
 determined upon in his heart, immediately ordered a boat to 
 be laden with refreshments, which he sent to the captain- 
 major, saying that he was much pleased that he should enter 
 
 many details, without mentioning either the fast of Ramazan nor the 
 subsequent festivities, the probability is great that Gama arrived, 
 as Correa says, at the end of April, when the Ramazan and Bairam 
 would be entirely over. 
 
PROCEEBINGS AT MELTNDE. 113 
 
 into the port, and that the captain-major was to send iind 
 tell him whatever he wanted. The old Moor remained with 
 the King, who sent off a pilot in a skiff to bring the ships 
 inside the port, which was formed in the sea by a reef, by 
 which they were to enter. The captain-major on receiving 
 the Kiug^s message, talked with the broker Davane, and 
 begged him to go and speak with the King, and see what 
 he thought of him, and then with his advice the captain- 
 major would do what was fitting. This the Moor did at once, 
 and, dressed in his red robe, he went on shore, in the boat 
 which had brought the refreshments, and on behalf of the 
 captain-major he gave the King many thanks for the refresh- 
 ment and for the answer which he had sent giving him leave 
 to enter the port, which he would do soon, when the pilot 
 ordered it. The King was much pleased with the Moor, and 
 sat apart with hira asking him many questions ; touching 
 which the Moor gave hira a long narrative of all that he had 
 seen since he had been going in company with our people. 
 Then the King spoke with his magistrates and councillors, 
 and said that he felt much pleasure in his heart at seeing our 
 people come to his port in a peaceable and amicable manner, 
 and that they should give him their opinions, because he 
 wished not to err. Upon this they all treated the tnatter, 
 and settled that the King should receive them with hospit- 
 able entertainment, because there were no such evil people 
 in the world as to do evil to any who did good to them : and 
 even should the Portuguese not be good, it would still be in 
 his power to turn them out of the country, or to do them 
 an injury if they had deserved it. The King rejoiced much 
 at this answer, and at acting in this matter with the favour- 
 able opinion of his own people. On the next day the King 
 sent off the Moor, and with him his casis, an old man of 
 much authority, who was the principal priest of his mosque, 
 with a present of sheep, fowls, and vegetables, and sent to 
 say to the captain-major by the Moor, that he had great 
 
114 PROCEEDINGS AT MELINDE. 
 
 pleasure in seeing him, and he hoped that his pleasure vrould 
 be much greater when he should have established sincere 
 peace and friendship with them, on which account they 
 should at once enter the port, and then come on shore and 
 repose within his palaces. When the captain-major heard 
 this, he showed much respect to the casis, because the Moor 
 told hira that the King had sent him as though he were a 
 prince, his own son. The captain-major ordered them to 
 bring hira preserves in a silver vase and water with a nap- 
 kin ^ ; and then had the ships dressed out with flags. The 
 pilot whom the King sent, put the ships into their place 
 outside of many other ships which were in the port, also 
 with flags, and the ships fired a salute with all their artillery, 
 so that the cit}- shook, for the captain-major ordered the dis- 
 charge beneath it and towards the outer side, and he ordered 
 everything to be settled according as was suitable, and on 
 firing they threw a few balls from the large guns to seaward, 
 which went skimming and ricochetting on the sea, causing 
 great arnazement ; and the trumpet sounded. At this all 
 the people of the city came out on the beach, and they said 
 that a single one of those shots would throw down the whole 
 city. Whilst the captain-major went to his brother^s ship, 
 Nicolas Coelho remained in the ship as captain. When they 
 were moored the captain-major sent his answer to the King 
 by the Kasis, with great compliments of courtesy and thanks 
 for what he had sent, and to say that they were there to do 
 hira any service which he might command. The Kasis, 
 seeing that they were sending him away, said that the King 
 had sent him to stay with Vasco de Garaa until their agree- 
 ments of peace had been established, and everything was 
 made secure ; and the Moor said that the King had sent the 
 Kasis to stay as a hostage. But the Captain-major, as a 
 
 > A mark of welcome of a guest, in use in Turkey, Persia, Wallacliia, 
 and other countries, and frequently mentioned as in use in Spain in 
 Calderon's plays. 
 
I'ROCEEDINCS A'l' ]\rELTM)K. 115 
 
 great compliment, and in order to show the great confidence 
 which he placed in the King, told the Kasis to say to the 
 King that his goodness of heart was sufficient, so that all 
 was secure; and he gave the Kasis a string of coral for liis 
 prayers, for which the Kasis made him very courteous salu- 
 tations, and uttered many good wishes and words of praise. 
 These men having returned to the King, he was much 
 pleased at seeing such confidence in our men, and, in speak- 
 ing with his own people, he said that men who did not wish 
 to do evil did not fear evil. Immediately afterwards, the 
 Captain-major sent the Moor on shore to say to the King 
 that he required several things for the ships and for the 
 crews, which he would buy with his mone}', if he would 
 grant him leave to send with the broker a man to buy them, 
 and not let them be defrauded. He sent the Moor in the 
 boat, v/hich was to put him in the boat of a Moorish ship, 
 and not go ashore ; this was done, and a boat of the Moor's 
 took him on shore. There he gave his message to the King, 
 who gave himself up to leisure with the Moor ; and, as it was 
 late, he remained with the King, who during the whole 
 night was questioning hira about many things, touching 
 which the Moor was unable to give him information, only 
 he told him of the benefits and largesses which he had seen 
 the Portuguese bestowing in Mozambique, where the Sheikh, 
 coveting the plunder which he might have gotten in the 
 ships, prepared treachery against them ; also in Quiloa and 
 Bombaza ; and that they had done no harm to those whom 
 they had taken in the sambuk, neither had they touched 
 anything. Upon this the King called the Moor of the sam- 
 buk, and questioned him as to what had happened of what 
 the broker had been saying. The Moor threw himself at 
 the feet of the King, saying, " Sir, the Christians who are 
 in the ships are such men that, with few entreaties which 
 you might make to them, you would deliver me from cap- 
 tivity, and my wife, and all my property and crew, which 
 
/ 
 
 116 GAMA RKLEASKS TKK CAI'TATN 
 
 'they had not touched at all, neither had they done any 
 [harm." Because, on reaching his sambuk, Vasco da Gama 
 ordered him to strike his sail, and to do so at once and 
 obey without fighting, for if he fought and did not obey 
 that flag which he carried at the peak which was of the 
 King of Portugal, he would burn them all and send them 
 to the bottom : which he would do to whomsoever he found 
 at sea who did not obey him, and strike without resistance : 
 and those who did not do so he would sink them all to the 
 bottom.' And as the King was so excellent a man, that ; 
 without knowing them he had given them such a welcome, ' 
 Vasco da Gama sent him those men and their sambuk and 
 property, to do with all according to his pleasure : and he 
 sent a boat to take the sambuk in tow in front of the 
 houses, and the Moorish broker to go and present them all 
 to the King. When this was heard by the Moor, and by 
 the others, they raised their hands to heaven with loud ex- 
 clamations, saying in their language : " The God of heaven 
 requite you well, and all your company, and restore you to 
 your country in health and safety ;" and the people of the 
 ship answered Amen ! Amen ! a good voyage, and the 
 Lord of his mercy give us safety. At the shouts and 
 cries of the Modr§7 which were heard on shore, many 
 people flocked down to the beach, and the boat arrived thus 
 laden with Moors and the sambuk in tow, and having 
 landed thcmi on the beach, the boat at once, returned to the 
 
 ' This may seein a very high-handed proceeding, partaking more of 
 might than right, and due to the Middle Ages, which were then on the 
 point of concluding. These traditions have however been preserved in 
 the same seas, as appeared from a letter in the Times in the summer of 
 18G7 from an J^nglisli naval officer, who complained that a British ship 
 of war had burned a dhow or sambuk and captured the crew because 
 they had no papers and were suspected of slave trading, though they 
 had only been going from one part of their island Johanna (one of the 
 (!omoro Islands) to another, and had been blown away or carried away 
 by tl)e currents from the land. 
 
AND CKEVV OF THE SAMDUK. 117 
 
 ship. The King's page and the broker went in front, and 
 behind them the old Moor with his women and people ; and 
 all being present before the King, the page gave him the 
 message of the captain-major : then all threw themselves 
 down before the King to kiss his feet, with exclamations of 
 great praise for having thus delivered them from captivity. 
 The King showed very great satisfaction at this, holding it 
 to be greatly to his honour j and all his people and the in- 
 habitants of the city spoke much in praise of our men. On 
 the next day the King sent to say to the captain-major, 
 that if he did not wish to come on shore, that he would 
 come, to see him in the ship, and that this he would surely 
 do, and that he should therefore arrange how this was to 
 be, because in seeing him with his eyes, his heart would be 
 at rest with that which he so milch desired. When the 
 good brothers heard this, both took counsel of one another. 
 Vasco da Gama said that as at sea they carried their lives 
 at all hours in peril of the hour of death, so it befitted them 
 to act on land, risking their lives and persons in the power 
 of the Moors and Gentiles, and labouring day and night to 
 establish peace and friendship with these new peoples, 
 which God showed to them: but what it- necessarily became 
 them to do, as they neither saw nor understood the false- 
 hoods, was that they should attend to preserving themselves 
 as best they might, placing all their hopes in the mercy of 
 God : and in order that what had been already gained 
 should not be lost, he required him, his good brother, for 
 God's sake, as the eldest which he was, to be content that 
 he as the younger should be adventured amongst the perils 
 of the land, whilst he ought always to remain at sea, being 
 the more important: for should it be the case that the Lord 
 were pleased that his life should be imperilled, he entreated 
 him to return at 'once to the kingdom to give news to the 
 King of the Bervice ^vhich he had rendered ; and so his soul 
 would go to rest for having fulfilled the obligations which 
 
118 PROCEEDINGS AT MELINDE. 
 
 he owed to God aud to his King. Vasco da Gama having 
 made this entreaty to his brother, they embraced several 
 times with many tears, and sincere love; Paulo da Gama 
 promising him to do as he requested him, and praying the 
 Lord God to have mercy upon them. This agreement 
 having been thus made between the good brothers, they 
 settled that if it were incumbent on Vasco da Gama to go 
 on shore, he would do it, for all the risk that there was in 
 it, if the King requested it, in order to make some begin- 
 ning of establishing good relations, for up to this time they 
 had done nothing. Then he sent an answer to the King, 
 saying, that God had brought them thither where they 
 were, because knowing that he as so noble a king would do 
 them good and entertain them, for thus also did the great 
 kings and princes when there arrived in their countries, 
 foreign men, lost and wandering as they had come : for 
 which reason they would serve him like his own subjects, 
 in all services which he might command them ; only as to 
 coming on shore, that they could not do, as they had been 
 forbidden by their sovereign to land in foreign countries,^ 
 
 ' jCamoens, Canto ii, 83. 
 E nao cuides 6 Key, que nao sahisse 
 O nosso Capitao esclarecido 
 A verte, ou a servirte, porque visse, 
 Ou sospeitasse em ti peito fingido-i 
 Mas saberils, que o fez, porque comprigse 
 O regimento, em tudo obedecido, 
 I)e seu Rey, quo Ihe manda que nao saya, 
 Deixando a frota em algura porto, ou praya. 
 
 84. 
 E porque he de vassallos o exercicio, 
 Que OS membros tern regidos da cabe^a, 
 Nao quererils, pois tens de Rey o officio, 
 Que ninguem a seu Rey desobedec^a : 
 Mas as merces, e o grande beneficio, 
 (iue ora acha em ti, promete, que conhecja 
 Em tudo aquillo, que cllo, c os sous pudorom, 
 Em quanlo os rios para o mar convrem. 
 
NICOLAS COELIIO VISITS THE KING. 119 
 
 and therefore they hoped he would pardon their not 
 complying with his desires on this occasion. With this 
 answer they sent him a piece of scarlet cloth, and another 
 piece of crimson satin, and a large mirror of Flanders closed 
 with doors, and beautifully gilt. The King, on receiving 
 the answer and the present, was much pleased, and all his 
 courtiers praised it much, and took pleasure in looking at 
 the mirror and the painted figures which surrounded it. 
 The King found himself indisposed that night, and on that 
 account did not go to the sea, as he had determined on doing; 
 and he sent to say so, and that since they could not come on 
 shore, meanwhile, until he should be well again, he begged 
 them to send him a man to see and converse with, for which 
 he had a strong desire : and whatever they required ho 
 would order it to be taken to them, and that in all they 
 should do as though they were in their own country. When 
 Vasco da Grama heard this, in order to satisfy the King, 
 from its being so very desirable to gain his goodwill^ he 
 sent on shore Nicolas Coelho, very well dressed, for he was 
 
 83. 
 And if our Chief refrains to tender here 
 His homage to the Ruler of the hmd, 
 Deem not, O King, that he is held by fear 
 Of less tlian Kingly usage at thy hand : 
 Hut know that bound by the restraint severe 
 Of duty, he obeys his King's command 
 Tliat till his orient mission be complete, 
 Nor coast nor harbour tempt him from the fleet. 
 
 84. 
 And since the laws of vassalage require 
 Subservience of the members to the head, 
 Thou, holding regal office, wilt desire 
 No subject a forbidden path to tread. 
 15ut for the gratitude he owes thee, Sire, 
 He vows, 'tis all he can, thy fame to spread, 
 And pledges too his nation's friendship won 
 So long as rivers to the ocean run. 
 
 QuiUimin. 
 
120 NICOLAS COELHO VISITti Tilt; KING. 
 
 a well-conditioned man, of courteous bearing, and discreet. 
 The captains gave him many instructions as to what he was 
 to do and to say and answer, and that in the evening, with 
 the leave of the King, he was to return to the ship to sleep. 
 He went in the boat with the Moorish broker Davane, and 
 landed on a quay which there was in front of the King's 
 houses. There the crowd of people was so great, that the 
 magistrates could not make them keep off even with blows. 
 On arriving before the King, Nicolas . Coelho made hira a 
 ceremonious salutation, which the King was pleased at see- 
 ing, and bade him sit on the end of the carpet upon which 
 he was seated, upon a stool two spans high, covered with a 
 cloth of common brocade, and the stool was worked with 
 gold and inlaid with ivory. lu that place with the Moor he 
 asked him many questions of his coining and navigation, 
 and of the affairs of Portugal. He gave the King an 
 account how the King of Portugal had a name like God, 
 that he was called Manoel, and that he was the greatest 
 Christian sovereign that there was in the world, and that 
 he took so many thousand horsemen to the wars against 
 people who refused to obey him; which wars he conducted 
 by land and sea, in which he always had a fleet of two hun- 
 dred ships : and that he had so many cities and towns, and 
 had such revenues, that every month he put into his trea- 
 sury two hundred thousand cruzados^ beyond his expendi- 
 ture : and that from his desire to know of new countries, he 
 had sent a hundred ships to make discoveries at sea, and to 
 return to him with all the merchandise which they found, 
 especially pepper and drugs ; and all had full regulations as 
 to what they were to do, above all that they were not to do 
 harm to anyone unless they did it to them : they were not 
 to land in any countries except with their captain-major, 
 under pain of death. They had set sail thus with this fleet, 
 which, he said, was going to a very distant country, and 
 ' A cruzddo -^ '2i. dJ. = aiuiuiil surplus of £3oO,UU(.t. 
 
PliOCEEDINUS AT MKLINUE. 121 
 
 liatl bccii separated from the fleet by a storm, and two years 
 had passed that they had been going about as lost upon the 
 sea, without knowing their course, nor whither they were 
 going, experiencing frequent storms and great hardships, of 
 which so many of their people had died, that they had 
 broken up another sliip, for they were three, and so these 
 two remained in which they were voyaging, and would havo 
 to continue their voyage until they reached that country 
 Vhich they were going to seek, in order to bring back in- 
 formation to their King; and if they did not find it, or meet 
 with their fleet, they would go on running along countries 
 until all died, because they did not know how to return to 
 their country for their pilot had died. Nicolas Coelho thus 
 related many other tlr'ngs, which the King asked him 
 about, until the setting of the sun, when he asked leave of 
 the King, and returned to the ship : and the King ordered 
 him to be carried in his boat, in which he went pleased and 
 smiling, for it was very much gilt and splendid. The King 
 gave him two very fine white cloths, and two coloured silk 
 cloths with gold fringes, and a ring with a blue stone very 
 pretty to look at. Afterwards he returned other times to 
 shore when he was called for by the King, who always sent 
 to visit the captains and inquire after all the people of the 
 ships. In order that the King should not be put to ex- 
 pense for them, they sent a ship-boy, one of the banished 
 men, with the Moorish broker, to go through the city to 
 buy all that they required, and the purchases were made 
 with silver testoons, which went for double their worth. 
 During all these days the King constantly held council with 
 his wise men, who assured him that the peace which he 
 should establish with our people would last for ever, so long 
 as they themselves did not break it, and that our people 
 would come to be lords of India and of many countries, and 
 of fleets which wore to come, and that he would see it all 
 thus with his own eyes, whilst he lived ; meantime, it was 
 
122 VASCO AND PAULO DA GAMA 
 
 good counsel to obtain our friendship by such proceedings 
 that it should remain good for ever. This counsel the 
 King in his heart readily proposed to follow, and he fre- 
 quently talked of it with his people who thus advised him, 
 because things with a good beginning have a good ending. 
 Then the King pressed the captains much to come and 
 speak to him, because it was very requisite, for if they did 
 !not see and speak to each other, nothing would be done 
 iwell by messengers. For which reason the captains also 
 agreed to do so, and they sent to say to the King that 
 since such was his desire, and they also greatly desired to 
 do it, that if he would approve of it, they might see one 
 another in the sea, where they would come in their boats 
 to the edge of the shore, since they could not come on 
 shore : with which the King was content. The day being 
 fixed upon which they were to have an interview with the 
 King, the captains dressed themselves nobly and very splen- 
 didly,^ with all the men who were to take part in this : and 
 each of them went in his boat seated on chairs covered with 
 
 ' Camoens, Canto ii, 97. 
 Nao menos guarnecido o Lusitano, 
 Nos seus bateis da frota se partia 
 A receber no mar o Melindano, 
 Com lustrosa e honrada companhia. 
 Vestido o Gama vem ao modo Hispano, 
 Mas Francesa era a roupa, que vestia, 
 De cetim da Adriatica Veneza, 
 Carmesi, cor que a geute tanto preza. 
 
 97. 
 Nor less of pomp the Lusitanian shows 
 When, with his gallant retinue, advance 
 The Armada's boats, midway to welcome those 
 Of the Melindan on the bay's expanse. 
 Clad in the vogue of Spain Da Gama goes, 
 All but the cloak, a gorgeous robe of France, 
 The web Venetian satin, and the dye 
 A gloiious crimson that delights the eye. 
 
 Q uiUinan. 
 
VISIT THE KINO OF MELINDE. 123 
 
 critnson velvet, and carpets underneath, and the sides of the 
 boats were spread with woollen rugs, on which the men sat. 
 The boats had two swivel guns each, which they always carried, 
 and two cannoneers, and many flags; and on leaving the ships 
 they fired several guns which they pointed outside, that the 
 firing of the cannon tnight not do any harm to the shipping. 
 The two boats, side by side, came to the edge as near as 
 they could come, where the King was waiting for them, with 
 all the people of the city who could not find room on the 
 beach, houses, and walls of the city. Having arrived there, 
 they saw the King, and both performed great cpurtesies 
 and salutations to him, and the King returned them suit- 
 ably. Then the King, much pleased, ordered his men (as 
 the sea was calm) to take and place him in the boats, where 
 they on board received him, kneeling with one knee on the 
 ground, and paying him great honours and courtesy; and in 
 the bows of the boat Ihey spread a carpet and set a chair 
 upon which the King sat down. Paulo da Gama, by means 
 of the interpreter, who was the slave that spoke Arabic 
 (which the King knew how to speak), and whom they had 
 brought well dressed, said to the King : " Sire, great King, [ 
 you are doing us such great honour at this hour, that from 
 this day forward we remain bound to you like your own 
 vassals,' if you are pleased to establish peace and friendship 
 with the King of Portugal our Sovereign, as his true bro- 
 ther." To which the King answered : ''God knows that I 
 have already determined upon that in my heart, and that it 
 
 1 Camoens, Canto ii, 104. 
 O tu, que so tiveste piedade, 
 Rey benigno, da gente Lusitana, 
 Que com tanta miseria, e adversidade 
 Dos mares exprimenta a furia insana : 
 Aquella alta, e divina Eternidade, 
 (iue o Ceo revolve, e rege a gente humana, 
 Pois que de ti taes obras recebcmos, 
 To pague o que nosoutros nao podemos. 
 
124 VISIT TO TIIK KING 
 
 is what I desire day and night and always, and it greatly 
 gratifies me, from this time forward for ever, as long as I 
 live, to have a true brotherhood with your King of Portugal 
 as long as I live, which I thus affirm upon my religion." 
 Upon this the captains put themselves on their knees, trying 
 to kiss his hand, and the King made them rise, at which the 
 crews of the boats shouted "Welcomed the Lord be 
 praised!" and the trumpets sounded, and the ships again 
 
 ' Boa viagem. 
 
 105. 
 Til so de todos quantos queima Apollo, 
 Nos recebeste em paz do mar profundo, 
 Em ti dos veiitos horridos de Eolo 
 Kofugio achamos bom, fido, e jocundo : 
 Em quanto apacentar o largo polo 
 As estrellas, e o Sol der lume ao mundo 
 Oude qiier que eu viver com fama, e gloria, 
 Vivirao teus louvores em memoria. 
 
 104. 
 O Thou, the King benign, in whom alone 
 We find compassion of our lorn- estate. 
 We who till now but misery have known 
 In weary coil with seas infuriate ; 
 May He who guides from His eternal throne 
 The spheres of heaven and course of human fate, 
 lluquite thy signal bounty, royal Moor, 
 Since we in all but gratitude are poor. 
 
 105. 
 From none but thee beneath the torrid ray 
 Has peace consoled the strangers from the deep ; 
 In thee at last a solace and a stay 
 Are ours, and refuge from the whirlpool's sweep : 
 For which while earth shall know the light of day. 
 While either pole its starry flock shall keep, 
 Where'er may live Da (iama's name, be sure. 
 In fame and glory will thy praise endure. 
 
 Quill inan. 
 Osorio says that the King of Melinde was very old, and that ho was 
 of a gentle and benignant disposition. 
 
OF MELINDE IX 'J'TIK nAnii(t[-R. 125 
 
 fired their artillery; for so it had been ordered that when the 
 trumpets sounded on shore the artillery should fire. All this 
 took place close to the beach^ and all the King's people saw 
 it. Then Vasco da Gaina took a splendid sjvvord, which he 
 had brought in a case made for it^ which was of enamelled 
 gold, very handsome, with its bolts, very magnificent, such 
 as it was the custom to usc> at that time, and a lance of gilt 
 iron, and a buckler lined with crimson satin worked with 
 gold thread, and presented them all to the King, saying : 
 "Sire, at the accomplishment of great deeds arms are 
 offered, as a mark of true friendship and brotherhood, which 
 we do to you at this moment as a sign of your sincerity, in 
 the name of our King Manoel, who is the greatest that is in 
 the world ; for it is his custom to present arms to any new 
 friend and brother whom he adopts, and to certify his sin- 
 cerity he gives him arms in order to assist and defend him 
 with them, because with the sword the greatest honour in 
 the world is gained, which is that of knighthood ; and who- 
 ever breaks the friendship which he forms by the gift of the 
 sword, remains with his honour lost for ever ; therefore. 
 Sire, we give you this sword and arms in the name of our 
 King, and promise to maintain sincere peace and friendship 
 with you for ever, as with the brother of our sovereign the 
 King of Portugal, whom you have now adopted as a new 
 brother." The King again answered : " I promise and 
 swear by my religion for ever to comply with true peace and 
 friendship with the King of Portugal, my new brother, and 
 never, as long as I live, to be wanting to him in anything, 
 nor to break that which I now speak before all my people ; 
 and I hold it to be good fortune to possess the friendship of 
 so great a King as is yours."' Then Vasco da Gama said 
 
 ^ The following extract from a letter of the Viceroy D. Francisco 
 D'Almeida to the King, written after the death of his son in 1507, and 
 published for the first time in the Annaea das sciencias e lettras, 1858, 
 speaks of the subsequent conduct of the Portuguese at Melinde : — 
 
126 VASCO DA GAMA VISITS 
 
 to the King that he begged and earnestly entreated him to 
 charge and recommend to the broker, and to the pilot whom 
 they had brought from Mozambique, and who had conducted 
 them so far, to guide them well to that country to which 
 he was taking them ; and he said that in it there were 
 drugs, and perhaps there they might fall in with the ships 
 of their company, because they were desirous of departing 
 soon. At this the King laughed, and said that they should 
 rest themselves, because he would direct them by a better 
 course than that which they had hitherto followed, and that 
 they should return to their ships, and that next day he 
 would tell them that which would be very suitable to them. 
 "With that he gave them leave to depart. The King re- 
 mained on the beach, looking on at the joy with which our 
 people went away, shouting and sounding the trumpets, and 
 on reaching the ships they were received with loud cries 
 which were heard on shore. The good brothers returned 
 highly delighted, and gave an account of what had passed 
 to Nicolas Coelho, who was a man of good understanding ; 
 and all prayed the Lord to guide them in his holy service. 
 Next day, in the morning, the King sent to say that his 
 heart had rested that night with great comfort on account 
 of what they had done ; and therefore, as for an affair of the 
 King his brother, he begged them to come on shore, be- 
 
 " Your Highness is as you know so much indebted to the King of 
 IMelinde, and for good example's sake he ought to be greatly honoured 
 by Y. H. and favoured with advantages, since he has given and con- 
 tinues to give such good reception and equipment to your fleets and 
 crews that put in there ; in repayment of which your captains commit 
 such disorders amidst the security which they find in that country, that 
 they do him such great injuries, that the King would no longer have re- 
 mained there, if he had not been sustained by letters from here [^from 
 himself at Goa\ and empty words of wliich he never sees the fruit. 
 They say that you are sending there Sancho de Pedrosa as factor : of 
 two things one will happen, either the Moors will kill him for you, with 
 the people who go with him, or the King will depose himself from the 
 country ; and D. Alvaro will give Your Highness the details of this." 
 
TFIE KING IN [IIS PALACE. 127 
 
 cause it was very fitting. And because tlieyhad agreed to it, 
 Vasco da Gama at once went in his boat, which was well 
 equipped, and accompanied by twelve men well dressed ; on 
 the beach he was received by the King's principal gentle- 
 men and very many people, and on reaching the King's 
 houses he came to the door to receive Vasco da Gama, and 
 embraced him, and the captain-major put his knee on the 
 ffi'ound and made much courteous salutation.^ The Kinsr 
 asked for his brother, and he replied that he had been in- 
 disposed in the night, and for that had not come. The King 
 sat down on a dais upon silk coverings, where he made the 
 Captain-major sit ; he made great compliments and excuses, 
 but the King would not admit of anything unless he sat by 
 his side ; and in the presence of his people he said, " The 
 friendship which I have established with the King, my bro- 
 ther, which you have conferred upon me, time will show its 
 sincerity in my heart ; and I have become fully informed of 
 all your affairs, and of the fortune which you have experi- 
 enced, which increases my desire still more to assist you and 
 favour you in everything, as I am bound to do, since God 
 brought you to this city of mine to give me such satisfaction 
 as I have in my heart ; and with respect to the course which 
 you wish to make to Cambay, where the broker wishes you 
 to go, it is not a good one, because in Cambay there are not 
 the things which you seek for, except when other people 
 bring them there from abroad, and they cost much, because 
 
 » Barros appears to have reduced these two interviews to one, for he 
 says that according to the agreement with his brother, Vasco da Gama 
 came alone to visit the King in one of the sambuks, whilst Paulo da 
 Gama and Nicolas Coelho remained in the ships with the anchors apeak 
 so as to be ready for any necessity, and that the men in the boats 
 carried concealed arms. Barros says that when the artillery fired, the 
 Melinde people were alarmed and were ready to return on shore, but 
 that Vasco da Gama made a sign to cease firing and allayed their per- 
 turbation. With unworthy suspicions on one side, and panic at un- 
 usual sights on the other, it is easy to see how the misunderstandings 
 arose at ^lozambique and Mombaza. 
 
128 PROCKKDINGS AT MELTNDE. 
 
 those people make their profit upon them ; but I will set you 
 in the right way, and will give you pilots to take you to the 
 City of Calecut, which is in the country where the pepper 
 and ginger grows, and thither come from other parts all the 
 other drugs, and whatever merchandise there is in these 
 parts, of which you can buy that which you please, enough 
 to fill the ships, or a hundred ships, if you had so many : 
 only you need that your broker Davane consent to go with 
 you, for he knows the price of the things, for you not to be 
 cheated in buying and selling ; and you must not give for 
 the things more than they are worth in the country, because 
 that is a thing which would do much injury to the other 
 merchants, and with respect to which at times contention 
 arises." The King then spoke to Davane the broker, who 
 was present, and asked him if what he had said was true, 
 and he answered that it was. Then the King begged him, 
 since he kn^w the whole, to consent to go with our people 
 to assist them, and instruct them in matters for which he 
 was so fitted, and that the Captain-major would pay him well. 
 The Captain-major was much pleased at what he heard the 
 King say, and at this of the broker, he spoke to the King, and 
 said : " Sir, the pay which I will give to Davane, and to as 
 many as speak truly to me, I promise and swear by the life 
 of my king, that it shall be so good that always wherever 
 there be Portuguese, people shall come and seek them to assist 
 them ; and if Davan^ should go with me, and should like to 
 return with me, he will tell you of the good pay which I will 
 give him, because. Sire, I promise you by the life of my 
 sovereign, that on returning from Calecut, we will come here 
 to give an account of all that we meet Avith of good or of 
 evil, because if we meet with good, to give you the pleasure 
 which you will feel at the good you are doing us, and if evil 
 should come to us we will come to ask you to share our 
 gi'ief." To which Davane replied, " Sire, I would be glad 
 to go to Calecut and over all the world with the Portu- 
 
I'ROCEEDINGS AT MEUNDE. 129 
 
 guese, on account of what I have seen and understood 
 since I have been going in their company, therefore as 
 long as they desire I will serve them, for that the pay 
 will be good, of tliat I am very sure/' For which the 
 King expressed his thanks to him. Then the Captain- 
 major told the King that there was not to be found in the 
 city the provisions which they wanted more than anything 
 else, which was wheat, of which they found very little, 
 and required a great deal, because it was the principal food 
 of the Portuguese, with which they made biscuit. The 
 King said that if they had any of it, to show it : and a skiff 
 was at once sent for some to the ship, and brought it. The 
 King looked at it, and said that there was no wheat in the 
 country, that the merchants brought it from Cambay, and 
 that they only brought some for his food, because it was 
 not an article of merchandise, and that search should be 
 made for as much as was in the city, but a person was 
 wanted who knew how to make it. The captain-major said 
 that he would have it made, and that he wanted it soon, 
 because he wanted to go away at once, for this was at the 
 end of May of the year 1498. The King replied that the 
 ship would not have weather for the voyage till three 
 months hence, that it would have to be in the month of 
 August, which was the time of the monsoon for the naviga- 
 tion. At which the captain-major was enraged in his heart, 
 and said he should be glad to go immediately, because he 
 had much hope that there in Calecut he should find his 
 companions. The King said to him that on leaving this 
 place he had to cross the sea for the coast of India, and they 
 could not voyage except with the monsoon, because it was 
 winter on the opposite coast, and there were great storms 
 in which they would be lost, and therefore they could not do 
 anything more than wait for the monsoon ; and that they 
 should rest themselves whilst they prepared what they had 
 need of. Upon this Vasco da Gama took leave and returned 
 
130 PROCEEDINGS AT MELINDE. 
 
 to the ship, for it was now time to dine^ so that the King 
 was very urgent that he should dine with him. The captain- 
 major excused himself with many compliments; and on 
 reaching the ship^ he saw a boat from the shore laden with 
 large copper kettles and cauldrons of boiled rice, and very 
 fat sheep roasted whole, and boiled, and much good butter, 
 and thin cakes of wheat and rice flour, and many fowls 
 boiled and roast, stuffed with rice inside ; also much vege- 
 tables and figs, cocoa-nuts, and sugar canes ; and all in 
 such quantity that all the crews of the ships were sated. 1 
 The captains sat down at once at their table, which was 
 set out, and ate of what the King had sent, for their men 
 to see the confidence which they placed in him, that he 
 would not give them poison : and the first thing the King 
 asked was whether the captains had eaten, and they told him 
 they had, at which the King showed great satisfaction, see- 
 ing the confidence which our people had in him, of which he 
 talked much with his people. The captain-major sent his 
 thanks to the King for what he had sent him, and sent to 
 him some preserved pears between two silver basins, which 
 he cut into quarters with a knife, and with a silver-gilt fork 
 he took some of the pear, and touched the other pieces and 
 ate it, and covered up the basins with a napkin, and gave 
 them over to a servant of the King who brought the food ; 
 and he sent the broker with a message to the King, that the 
 conserves were to be taken with water after dinner. The 
 King was much pleased with it, and ate of the conserve, 
 taking it with the fork, also to show how much he trusted 
 the captains. Vasco da Gama talked over with his brother 
 and Nicolas Coelho all that had passed with the King, with 
 which they were all much gratified, except for the long de- 
 tetition which they would have to undergo there, and dread- 
 ing that during that time the King^s goodwill might change, 
 or that some event might happen by which that which had 
 been accomplished might be damaged ; but in this there was 
 
PROCKEDINGS AT MELINDE. 131 
 
 nothing for it, but to commend themselves to God, for 
 everything was in his power ; and to take good precautions 
 with the crews, that they should not go ashore, with the 
 exception of a few sick men for recreation Avho would return 
 to sleep on board. Also that the broker should always stay 
 with the King, because in his presence there would not be 
 any Moors who would speak ill of our people. For that rea- 
 son, when the broker returned on board with the King's 
 acknowledgments, they spoke to him at length of all that 
 was incumbent upon him, which was as follows : '' Since 
 they had great confidence in him as in a son of their own, 
 and they put all their repose in his hands, it was fitting that 
 he should always be with the King, because, whilst he was 
 present, there would be no Moor to speak evil to the King 
 against our men. For he well knew the treachery which 
 the sheikh of Mozambique had wished to carry out, without 
 any cause, and so in Quiloa and Bombaza ; and this only on 
 account of the false inducements made to them by the 
 foreign Moors, who were trading merchants, who went about 
 those countries with their merchandise, and did not wish 
 that others should take away their profits, and for this they 
 were their adversaries, considering that if we traded in 
 these countries with their merchandise we should take away 
 their gains; and to impede this, they had put into the heads 
 of the Sheikh of Mozambique and of the Kings of Quiloa 
 and Bombaza, that we were robbers who went about to 
 plunder and take other men's countries ; because, if the 
 kings and rulers of these countries were to believe them, 
 they would do us injuries, and we might do harm to them in 
 these countries, so that they would believe that it was the 
 truth which they had said of us, and this reputation would 
 run through all countries, so that we should be ill received, 
 and should not be able to trade, which was what they de- 
 sired ; and since we were obliged to remain in this place 
 until the time for departure, we had apprehensions that 
 
132 PROCEEDINGS AT MELINDE. 
 
 some bad Moors might speak to the King from envy of our 
 good understanding and friendship, which he had esta- 
 blished with us, which the Moors would not venture to do 
 if you are present, by which we shall be at rest and secure 
 that no one will do us harm." When the Moor had heard all 
 this, he replied : " Gentlemen, since I am a Moor, how is it 
 that you trust to me to act faithfully by you ? " The captain- 
 major answered him : " My heart tells me that you are our 
 true friend, and that much good has come to us from you, 
 and therefore I put everything into your hands, and do you 
 do that which your heart bids you." The Moor repUed : 
 " May God do to me that which I desire to do to you." 
 The cafre, who interpreted for the Moor, said then to the 
 captains, " Sir, this man very taibo ;" which meant that he 
 was very good,^ at which the Moor was much pleased, and 
 said that so they should name him ; then from that time 
 forward they called him Taibo. Then the captain-major 
 gave him a gold chain of the value of thirty cruzados, and 
 told him always to wear it, and he put it round Davaue's 
 neck. The Moor said that he would wear it when he went 
 amongst good people, because it was a danger to show gold 
 amongst bad people. Then they settled that he should 
 have a testoon a-day for himself, and they gave him at once 
 a hundred testoons, which he took and gave to Nicolas 
 Coelho to keep for him ; and with the honour of the chain, 
 he went off to show it to the King, who rejoiced very much 
 at seeing him so pleased, on which account he also gave 
 him a cabaya of silk stuff, which the King took off from 
 himself and gave to him. Cabaya is a garment such as a 
 
 ' This incident is the probable origin of the name which has been 
 handed down by Castanheda as that of the Moor of Calecut who spoke 
 Spanish ; he confirms indirectly Correa's account when he says, cap. xv, 
 "he said his name was Monzaide, and this name was corrupted by the 
 Portuguese and changed to Bomtaibo, as all those called him who went 
 in this voyage, knowing him as a Portuguese." 
 
PKOCEEDINGS AT MELINDE. 133 
 
 pnlote^ is with us. This act was a great advantage to our 
 people, as will be seen further on, for the good faith which 
 this Moor always observed to our men. The crews also I 
 knew of the honour which had been shown by the King to \ 
 the Moor, on seeing his chain, and the name which had \ 
 been newly given him, which was Taibo, which meant good. 
 The King had been joking with him and saying, that since 1 
 they had given him the name of good, that he should be it, i 
 because he also would give him a recompense. So the good ' 
 brothers and all gave great thanks to the Lord for having 
 brought them to such a good King, and for having 
 guided them into the good path which they were following. 
 For this reason it was incumbent upon them to maintain all 
 ceremony with the King, and all the forms and obligations 
 of friendship that he would accept, in order to preserve his 
 friendship, and that of the people of the country, and so to 
 dispose their affairs that they should advance from good to 
 better, and to show the King the great confidence they had 
 in him, and always go ashore whenever he should call them, 
 and not go beyond his will in anything. They then called 
 the masters and pilots, and told them that, they would have 
 to remain there till August, when it would be the monsoon 
 in which they would depart, and of the good state in which 
 affairs stood, and that meantime they would equip and refit 
 the ships with what was necessary, all which was discussed 
 among them, and they took measures for heeling over the 
 ships, laden just as they were, and they caulked the sides 
 as much as they could, and the decks and upper works, and 
 pitched it all over with pitch of the country, which was very 
 good and with a good smell ; and they made ropes of coir, 
 which is a thread which the people of the country make of 
 the husks which the cocoa-nuts have outside, and which is 
 so abundant, that in the whole of India they do not use any 
 
 ' Cabaya is the Jubbeh ; pelote is a pelisse with skins inside. The 
 gifts of the chain and dress were both honorific distinctions of more 
 value than tlicir actual cost. ' 
 
134 THE KING OF MELINDE 
 
 other thread for the rigging and cables ; they are soft 
 and stretch, for which reason they are more serviceable 
 than our cables, and in salt-water they are stronger. So 
 our people made good hawsers and rigging with it, and 
 new rigged the ships ; and as our people had brought 
 with them all the tools for a rope-yard, they went to do 
 their work along the beach, and the people of the city 
 came out to see them, and said that our people had much 
 skill in all things, and the King also came out to see 
 it. IVhen they had done this work they returned on board, 
 for no one entered into the city, and the sick men were out- 
 side of it in the gardens, of which there were many, and 
 very luxuriant, with very good water ; only the ship-boy, for 
 the purchases, with an Arab slave who interpreted, went 
 there to buy things, and cruzados and testoons were worth 
 more than in Portugal. In order that our people should not 
 be cheated in the price of things, the King ordered it to be 
 cried all over the city that nobody was to sell anything to 
 the Portuguese for more than what it was worth, and that 
 if anyone did so he would send and burn his house, so that 
 all observed this order. With all these proofs of friendship 
 which the King showed to the captains, who frequently 
 went on shore to see the King, sometimes one of them, 
 sometimes the other, whom the King used to take to see 
 the city, or for recreation in a large garden, there was now 
 such security and sincere friendship, that the King desired 
 to go and see the ships, and mentioned it to the captain- 
 major. He said that it would be a great honour which he 
 would be doing him and his men, since by touching the 
 ships they would become highly honoured and fortunate. 
 The day having been fixed, the ships were cleaned and set 
 in order with perfumes and boughs and many flags, and the 
 quarter-decks decked out with figured stuffs of Flanders 
 and carpets and rugs ; and the lances in stands with the 
 points cleaned, and the naked swords and white weapons 
 hung up, with splendid breastplates, and the arms of t\w 
 
VISITS THE SKll'S. 135 
 
 captains ; and a buffet was set out with its plate, and attend- 
 ants very splendidly dressed. The captains went ashore in 
 the boats, which were also decked out, and in the boat of 
 Paulo da Gama they took only one chair for the King : it 
 was covered with crimson velvet, with a gold fringe and 
 silver bosses ; a carpet covered all the floor of the boat, in 
 the bows there was a standard, forked, of white and red 
 damask, with the cross of Christ, and a fringe and cords of 
 gold and crimson. On reaching the beach the King entered 
 the boat with some of his nobles ; he sat down on the 
 chair, complaining to the captains of their not having chairs 
 to sit upon ; they replied that it was not the custom for any 
 one to sit down with the sovereign. Many boats and skiffs 
 of the merchant ships accompanied the King, with their 
 flags and rejoicing of musical instruments and kettle-drums, 
 which were not heard when our trumpets sounded, as all 
 kept silence to hear them. When they arrived at the ships, 
 they gave a great salute with artillery and shouts. The 
 King ordered them to go all round the ships, looking at 
 them outside, and asking of many things. Wlien the King 
 went up the ladder into the ship, which the captains had 
 had made for that purpose, they supported him with their 
 arms with great caurtesy and respect, and set the chair on 
 the quarter-deck.^ \The King then sat down, and his people 
 on benches covered with woollen rugs, and they were all 
 much surprised at what they saw. The King asked about 
 everything, and went to see the captain^s cabins, which 
 were also ornamented, and then he again sat down, where 
 now a handsome table had been set out with dainty napkins 
 of Flanders ; and they spread upon it many conserves, and 
 confectionery, preserved almonds which they had brought 
 
 ' Barros says nothing of the King's coming on board the ships, but 
 he and Camoens both say that he went round the ships. Barros saya 
 after this Da Gama was in security as to his friendship. Camoens is 
 more in accordance with the spirit of Gaspar Correa's account. 
 
136 THK KING OF MKLINDE 
 
 in glass bottlesj large and small olives^ and cases of marma- 
 lade. The King was much surprised at what he saw, and 
 said to his people : " If these men use silver, their King will 
 not use anything but goldj" and he made the captains sit 
 down, and ate, and gave to eat to his people, who were much 
 pleased with the olives more than with anything else. They 
 gave them wine in gilt vessels, which they did not drink, as 
 it was not their custom ; then they gave them water in 
 silver cups, and gilt glasses. Having finished eating, the 
 captain-major took a rich hand-basin, chased and gilt, and a 
 ewer to match, and went to pour water on the King's hands, 
 but he, out of courtesy, would not consent to receive it. 
 Then one of his own people poured water, and the King 
 washed his hands and mouth, and dried them with a napkin 
 embroidered with gold ; and on taking away the basin the 
 Moor could not do it except with both hands, and the same 
 with the ewer, for they were very heavy. The captain-major 
 immediately ordered them to be emptied of the water and 
 put into their cases, and commanded them to be given to 
 the pages, to take them away, which the King would not 
 admit of. The captain-major then said to him: "Sire, order 
 these things to be taken for your service, because as they 
 have been in your service, nobody else can make use of 
 them, for such is our custom." For which the King thanked 
 him very much, and was highly pleased with the ewer and 
 basin, saying that no King in India had got such things. 
 He was much amazed, and talked with his own people of the 
 magnificence which our men displayed. After that they re- 
 turned ashore with festivity. The King, however, went on 
 board the other ship, which he found ornamented and 
 dressed out in the same manner. On reaching the beach he 
 would not consent to the captains coming out of their boats, 
 and took leave of them. The captain-major sent the broker 
 to take the chair to the King, which gave him great plea- 
 sure. Thus all remained so certain and secure in peace and 
 
VISITS THE SHIPS. 137 
 
 friendship, that ever afterwards the captains went ashore 
 and came away, and so also the ships' crews, as if they were 
 natives of the place ; and since it seemed to the captains that 
 it would be more fitting also to give something to the 
 King's confidantes and to his magistrates, of whom there 
 were three principal ones : a minister of the land revenue, 
 and another of the sea, and a minister of justice, they agreed 
 to send to each five ells of yellow satin and five ells of 
 green Eouen cloth, and four scarlet cloth caps, and begging 
 pardon for the little they sent ; with this they were very much 
 pleased and satisfied, and went to tell the King of it, who 
 said : "Nothing is wanting to these men to achieve every- 
 thing just as they desire."^ 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Ilow the King of Melinde bade farewell to our people, and of the equip- 
 ment which he gave them ; after which they went and reached the 
 port of Calecut on the coast of India. 
 
 The time having now arrived for the departure of the ships, 
 which was with the new moon of July of 1498 -^ the King, 
 who took great care of all that was requisite for our men, 
 had got ready for them two pilots, the best that could be 
 found : and be sent to call the captains, and told them that 
 
 ' Barros says that some gentiles from Cambay, whom they call 
 Banians, came to see the ships, and that seeing a picture of Our Lady 
 in Da Gama's cabin, and that the Portuguese reverenced it, they made 
 adorationtoit with much more ceremony ; and next day they returned to it. 
 The Banians and Portuguese were mutually pleased, and the Portuguese 
 imagined that these people were samples of some Christian community 
 in India from the times of St. Thomas. 
 
 2 About the loth July. Barros says that among the people who came 
 to visit the ships was a Moor of Guzarat, named Malemo Cana, who, both 
 from the satisfaction which he felt at the intercourse with the Portuguese, 
 and to please the King of Melinde who was looking for a pilot for them, 
 
138 SCIENCE OF ARAB PILOTS. 
 
 it was now tlie season for departure. They replied that they 
 were quite ready, and had got their water on board, as the 
 Mozambique pilot had told them to do so. The King sent 
 to call him to his presence, and asked him if he wished to 
 go with our people. He said yes, since they treated him 
 very well. At which the King was pleased and said that 
 when he returned he would show him great favours, and 
 that he was glad of his going,, so as to assist in case of any 
 of the pilots whom he sent falling ill or dying. The King 
 also recommended the captains to treat him well, since of 
 
 accepted to go with them. Vasco da Gama, after talking to him, was very- 
 well satisfied with his knowledge, especially after he had shown him a map 
 of all the coast of India, with the bearings laid down after the manner 
 of the Moors, which was with meridians and parallels very small (or 
 close together), without other bearings of the compass ; because, as the 
 squares of those meridians and parallels were very small, the coast was 
 laid down by those two bearings of north and south, and east and west, 
 with great certainty, without that multiplication of bearings of the 
 points of the compass usual in our maps, which serves as the root of the 
 others. When Vasco da Gama showed him the great wooden astrolabe 
 which he had brought and others of metal with which he took the sun's 
 altitude, the Moor was not surprised, and said that some pilots of the 
 lied Sea used brass instruments of a triangular shape, and quadrants 
 with which they took the sun's altitude, and chiefly that of a star which 
 they most made use of for their navigation. But that he and the Cam- 
 bay mariners and those of all India made their navigation by certain 
 stars both in the north and in the south, and also by other notable stars 
 which traversed the middle of the heavens from east to west, and they 
 did not take their distance with instruments like those, but with another 
 which he used ; which he brought at once to show, which was of three 
 tables (or plates). Since we have treated of its shape and use in oiu- 
 geography in the chapter of instruments of navigation, it is sufficient to 
 say here that in that operation they use an instrument which we now 
 use, and which mariners call halhestilla^ the cross staff (or Jacob's staff), 
 and in that chapter an account of it and its inventors will be given. 
 
 Osorio, in speaking of Gama's arrival at Mozambique, describes the 
 compasses used by the Arab mariners at great length ; he also says they 
 used quadrants for observing the sun's distance from the equinoctial 
 line; and says: "Finally, they were instructed in so many of the arts of 
 navigation, that they did not yield much to the Portuguese mariners in 
 the science and practice of maritime matters." 
 
rUEPARATIONS FOR UEPAUTUUK FROM MELINDE. 139 
 
 Ills owu will he wished to sei-ve them ; which they promised 
 him they would do. They continued conversing with the 
 King, who gave them much information as to what they 
 ought to do in the matter of buying and selling ; and he 
 recommended them^ above all, to speak with great gentle- 
 ness, and to dissemble as much as they could whenever they 
 fell in with bad and arrogant men ; and to do no harm, ex- 
 cept when they had received so much themselves that all 
 people should rejoice at their revenging themselves ; and, 
 whilst trading to take care not to spoil the wares, which was 
 a most important matter, and would cause them much harm, 
 which the foreign merchants would seek to do them ; and 
 since the people of Calecut did not observe much good faith, 
 they should not trust themselves without safe hostages. 
 There were many other things as to which the King advised 
 them like a true friend, also that the Moorish broker knew 
 the weights and measures, and he had full confidence that 
 he would act with all sincerity, and since he now understood 
 a good deal of our language, he was the greatest benefit they 
 could possess. As it was now the hour, they went to dine 
 with the King, who gave them a great banquet, and sent 
 boats laden with food to the ships, enough for all the crews. 
 Having ended dining, they rested a little, and as the pilots 
 said they must sail in three days' time, the captains ordered 
 water to be taken in, and to fill large tanks,^ which they had 
 already placed in the ships, for as they had few staves for casks, 
 the King had ordered them to be made by the carpenters of 
 the country. They had made the tanks with planks joined and 
 sewn together strongly with coir thread, and caulked with 
 pitch ; they were pitched in such a way that they were more 
 watertight than casks, and they were made to measure to fit 
 the ships below deck, and placed at the foot of the main 
 mast. Each one contained thirty pipes of water, and each 
 ship made four tanks, which was a very useful equipment, 
 
 ' Tanques. 
 
1-iO GAMA SETS UP A LANDMARK 
 
 for tlie ships were made freer so as to be able to take in 
 more cargo. The captains remained with the King till 
 night, when they went to the ships, and told the masters to 
 dispose matters as the pilots wished to sail in three days, 
 and they rejoiced very much since it was the day of the 
 Transfiguration of our Lord.^ Next day they went on shore 
 to stay with the King, who begged them very much always 
 to be with him until their departure. Whilst they were 
 with the King, he entreated them very earnestly to promise 
 him to return thither, and not to go to Portugal without his 
 message, which he wished to send to the King, his brother, 
 with his letters of sincere friendship ; which friendship he 
 should always maintain with him, so that he should be a 
 greater King than any of those of India. The captains re- 
 plied that they would be very well pleased to do so, and so 
 they promised to do, and swore by the head of the King 
 their Sovereign, even though they should find their fleet at 
 Calecut, because that was the most certain and direct way 
 to return to Portugal ; and this they assured so much that 
 the King trusted to it. They then said that : — " Since the 
 sea and land had their perils, according as the Lord pleased, 
 here we will leave you a mark which shall always remain in 
 this city of yours for your remembrance, and that of all as 
 many as shall descend from you, which will be the name of 
 our king written on a stone, as his sign which is placed in 
 all the countries of his friends, and it is placed in commemo- 
 ration of his sincerity." At this the King was much pleased, 
 and said that they should bring the stone at once, and that 
 he wished it to stand at the gate of his palace.^ They said, 
 that standing inside the city it would not be seen by the 
 
 ' August 6. 
 
 ^ Barros says that before sailing they placed, with the King's consent, 
 a landmark in the town, with the name of Sancto Espirito, saying that 
 it was in testimony of the peace and friendship which they had esta- 
 blished with him. 
 
AT ifKl-lNDE. 141 
 
 people who arrived at tliis port, and for that reason it ought 
 to be where it could be seen by all. To which the King 
 replied, that ho much wished to see it, and that they might 
 set it up where they liked. Then they gave orders to bring 
 from the ship a column of white marble, with its pedestal 
 and capital, which bore upon it the escutcheon of the Quinas 
 with the crown ; and on the other side another escutcheon 
 with a sphere ; and at the foot letters engraved in the stone 
 and gilt within, which said, "King Manoel." Of these 
 columns they had brought six, which the King had ordered 
 to be made, and had commanded the captains to set them 
 up in the countries where they established friendship, that 
 the remembrance of it might last fc5r ever, and that they 
 might be seen by all nations that might come later. When 
 the column had been brought and the King had seen it, he 
 complained to the captains of their not having set it up as 
 soon as they had arrived ; they answered, that they had not 
 done so because their King had commanded them not to set 
 up that stone except in a country in which they knew true 
 friendship and sincere love, such as you. Sire, have shewn 
 us out of the greatness of your goodness."^ The King ex- 
 perienced much satisfaction at these words of the captain- 
 major, and told him at once to set up the stone wherever 
 they liked ; so they went and placed it on a hill which there 
 was above the port on the left hand side of the city, a place 
 that was very conspicuous, so that the column could be seen 
 from all the sea.~ The King sent stonemasons to assist in 
 
 ' This change of persons is thus in the original. 
 
 - When Pedralvares Cabral, who sailed from Lisbon on the 9th 
 March, 1500, reached Melinde, the King of Melinde had been obliged to 
 remove the column on account of the hostility it excited amongst his 
 neighbours ; he conducted Joan de Sa by the hand, and showed him the 
 column put by safely in a room, and the arms had been freshly coloured 
 so that it looked like new. 
 
 Horsburgh's Lidia Directory says, vol. i, p. 281: — "The Pagoda [or 
 sea-mark on an island five miles NW by N of Melinde] is called by the 
 
142 PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 setting it up ; and when it was placed it was solemnised by 
 the prayers of three priests who were in the ships, and with 
 the trumpets and a salute of artillery from the ships, at which 
 the King felt much pleasure. Then the captains asked leave 
 of the King to say their prayers there to God before their 
 departure, as they always did thus, and as it was outside of 
 the city. To this the King answered that, " outside or 
 within the city, wherever they pleased they should do it as 
 if they were in their own country of Portugal.-" Therefore 
 they at once set up a tent with a sail at the foot of the 
 column, and within they disposed an altar with a rich altar- 
 cloth, and placed an eiBgy of our Lady of Mercy before which 
 mass was said, and they all communicated, for they had 
 already confessed on board the ships. This having been 
 ended in a short space of time, they got back to the boats ; 
 and the people of the city had been looking on much amazed, 
 and our adoration seemed to them very good. Then all went 
 to the King, where the captains also went as they were to 
 I dine soon. Then the King ordered the pilots to come, and 
 ' delivered them over to the captain- major, telling him to 
 I treat them well because their wives and children remained 
 lat Melinde until they returned. Upon this the captain- 
 major sent to tjie ships, and they brought him a hundred 
 gold cruzados, and he, in the presence of the King, gave to 
 each of the pilots fifty cruzados to leave for their wives, 
 because when they returned thither they would pay them 
 for the service they had rendered. This was looked upon 
 by all as much liberality. The king was pleased at seeing 
 the cruzados, and took them and gave their value to the 
 
 late Admiral Owen, Vasco da Gama's Pillar, and according to him is 
 built on the north end of a flat peninsular rock, which is about a quarter 
 of a mile long from NNE to SSW, and one hundred and fifty yards 
 wide. The Pillar is in lat. 3° 13' S, Ion. 40° 11' E." This is probably 
 another landmark erected since Gama's time ; it certainly occupies a dif- 
 ferent site from the one erected by Gama. 
 
DKPARTURE FROM MKLINDK. 1 I') 
 
 pilots in money of the country; and Vasco da Gama, noticing 
 it, immediately sent to the ship for ten Portugueses of gold, 
 which he presented to the King in a handkerchief, saying, 
 that that money was called Portuguese, and that each one 
 was worth ten of the smaller coins, and that he should keep 
 them, and with them always remember the name of Portu- 
 guese. The King was much gratified, and said, that the 
 name of the Portuguese would never leave his heart where 
 he preserved it, except when he died. The captain-major then 
 presented to the king the ship-boy of the purchases, who 
 was one of the banished, and said that he left that man with 
 him, because if any ship came from Portugal, for it might 
 be that some one of his fleet might come, this man would 
 relate to them all the benefits and favours which the King: 
 had bestowed upon them, and also they would leave it all 
 written down with their signatures, and if the ship-boy 
 wished to go to any other place, to let him go wherever he 
 wished, because no one could serve well without willingness. 
 The King granted this and was pleased ; then the captain- 
 major spoke to the ship-boy, and told him that he left him 
 there as the King was so great a friend of the Portuguese, and 
 that his life was quite safe, and that he was to do his best to 
 see and learn about every thing, and if he wished it he might 
 go to other countries to see and learn all things ; because, if 
 he lived and returned to Portugal, for this service he would 
 make him a gentleman of the king's household, both him 
 and any other that so remained behind doing such service to 
 the King; and of this he gave him his warrant signed ; and 
 he also gave him fifty testoons. This same day, in the 
 evening, the pilots went on board the ships, one with Paulo 
 da Gama, and the other with Vasco da Gama, and with him 
 the Mozambique pilot, and they gave them cabins in which 
 to stow their property. Then the King sent boats to the 
 ships laden with biscuit, which he had ordered to be made 
 in the Moorish fashion, which is like mouthfuls of bread, and 
 
114 GAMA SrCrHTS THE COAST OF INDIA. 
 
 much rice, and butter, cocoa-nuts, sheep salted whole like 
 salt meat, and others alive, many fowls and vegetables, 
 separately for each ship, and in great abundance, and much 
 sugar in powder in sacks. And as they were equipped with 
 everything and ready to set sail next day, which was the 
 day of the Transfiguration of our Lord (August 6th) ,^ they 
 took leave of the King, who could not endure it, and em- 
 barked in his boat and went with them, saying very afiec- 
 tionate things, with which he bade farewell to each of them 
 at the side of the ships ; and he remained looking at them 
 for a space as they hoisted in the boats ; and bidding each 
 other farewell the trumpets sounded, and all the crews gave 
 a shout of '' Lord God have mercy, farewell ! " after which 
 night fell. The next day they arose with the ships dressed 
 out with flags, and as it was a fine day they loosed the sails, 
 sounding the trumpets with much joy, all upon their knees, 
 giving great praise to the Lord for so much favour as He 
 had shewn to them in their affairs. Sailing with a fair wind 
 in twenty days they got sight of land,- which the pilots 
 
 » Barros says they sailed from Melinde on the 24th of April. 
 ^ Barros says, " Crossing that great gulf of seven hundred leagues, 
 which there are from one coast to the other, in the space of twenty-two 
 days, the first land which they touched was below the city of Calecut, a 
 matter of two leagues." This does not disagree with Correa's statement, 
 which would make about twenty-two days to Calecut. 
 
 Camoens, Canto vi, 92. 
 
 Jd a manhaa clara dava nos outeiros, 
 
 For onde o Ganges murmurando soa, 
 
 Quando da excelsa gavea os marinheiros 
 
 Enxergarao terra alta pella proa. 
 
 Ja fora de tormenla, e dos primeiros 
 
 Mares, o temor vao do peito voa, 
 
 Disse alegre o Piloto Melindano, 
 
 "Terra he de Calecut," se nao me engano. 
 
 93. 
 
 Esta he por certo a terra que buscais 
 
 Da verdadeira India, que apparecc, 
 
 E se do mundo mais nao desejais, 
 
 Vosso trabalho longo aqui fenece. 
 
ARRIVAL OFF CANANOR. 145 
 
 foretold before that they saw it, this was a great mountain 
 which is on the coast of India, in the kingdom of Cananor, 
 which the people of the country in their language call the 
 mountain Delielly, and they call it of the rat, and they call 
 it Mount Dely, because in this mountain there were so many 
 rats that they never could make a village there. As it was 
 the custom to give the fees of good news to the pilots when 
 they see the land, they gave to each of the pilots a robe of 
 red cloth, and ten testoons ; and they went on approaching 
 the land until they saw the beach, and they ran along it and 
 passed within sight of a large town of thatched houses inside 
 a bay, which the pilots said was named Cananor, where 
 many skiffs were going about fishing ; and several came 
 near to see the ships and were much surprised, and went 
 ashore to relate that these ships had so much rigging and so 
 many sails and white men ; which having been told to the 
 King he sent some men of his own to see, but the ships had 
 already gone far, and they did not go. 
 
 Sofrer aqui nao pode o Gama mais, 
 De ledo em ver que a terra se conhece, 
 Os giolhos no chao, as maos ao ceo, 
 A merce grande a Deos agradeceo. 
 
 92 and 93. 
 Now morn, serene in dappled grey, arose 
 O'er the fair lawns where murmuring Ganges flows ; 
 Pale shone the wave beneath the golden beam ; 
 Blue o'er the silver flood Malabria's mountains gleam : 
 The sailors on the maintop's airy round, 
 Land, land, aloud witli waving hands resound ; 
 Aloud the pilot of Melinda cries. 
 Behold, O chief, the shores of India rise ! 
 Elate the joyful crew on tip-toe trod. 
 And every breast with swelling raptures glow'd ; 
 Gama's great soul confest the rushing swell, 
 Prone on his manly knees the hero fell. 
 Oh bounteous heaven, he cries, and spreads his hands 
 To bounteous heaven, while boundless joy commands 
 No farther word to flow. Mickle. 
 
1 iG PREDICTIONS MADE AT CANANOR 
 
 In this country of India they are much addicted to sooth- 
 sayers and divinerSj especially on this coast of India, which 
 is named country of Malabar, and they call these diviners 
 Canayates. According to what was known later, there had 
 been in this country of Cananor a diviner so diabolical in 
 whom they believed so much, that they wrote down all that 
 he said, and pi-eserved it like prophecies which would come 
 to pass. They held a legend from him in which it was said 
 that the whole of India would be taken and ruled over by a 
 '>" very distant king, who had white people, who would do great 
 harm to those who were not their friends ; and this was to 
 happen a long time later, and he left signs of when it would 
 be. In consequence of the great disturbance caused by the 
 sight of these ships, the King was very desirous of knowing 
 what they were ; and he spoke to his diviners, asking them 
 to tell him what ships were those and whence they came. 
 The diviners conversed with their devils, and told him that 
 the ships belonged to a great king and came from very far, 
 and according to what they found written, these were the 
 people who were to seize India by war and peace, as they 
 had already told him many times, because the period which 
 had been written down was concluded. The King, much 
 moved, asked them whether his kingdom would receive any 
 injury. They replied that our people would do no harm 
 except to those who did it to them. Upon this the King 
 became very thoughtful, and talked of this frequently with 
 his people, who very much contradicted what the diviners 
 said, and they told him not to believe them, for in this they 
 never hit upon the truth, because at the time that our ships 
 arrived more than four hundred years had elapsed since in 
 one year more than eight hundred sail of large and small 
 ships had come to India from the parts of Malacca and 
 China and the Lequeos, with people of many nations, and 
 all laden with merchandise of great value which they brought 
 for sale : and they had come to Calecut, and had run along 
 
i 
 
 V 
 
 WITH RESPECT TO THE I'OliTUGUESE. 147 
 
 the coast and had gone to Cambay; and they were so numer- 
 ous that they had filled the country and had settled as dwellers 
 in all the towns of the sea-coast, where they were received 
 and welcomed like merchants, which they were. When 
 those people arrived thus on the coast of Malabar everybody 
 considered that they were the people whom their prophecies 
 mentioned as those who would take India, and they had 
 inquired of the diviners, who, looking at their records, told 
 them not to be afraid, since the time when India was to be 
 taken had not yet arrived. Thus it was ; for those people 
 had gone all over India, trading and selling their mefrchandise 
 during many years, in which many of them married and es- 
 tablished their abodes and became naturalised in the country, 
 and mixed up with the inhabitants of the country. Many J 
 others returned to their own country, and as no more ever 
 arrived, they went on diminishing in number until they came 
 to an end ; but a numerous progeny remained from them ; 
 and because they were people of large property, and numer- 
 ous in the towns where they resided, they had a quarter set 
 apart, like as in Portugal and Castile in other times there 
 used to be Jewries and Moorish quarters set apart; and '" 
 they built bouses for their idols, sumptuous edifices, which 
 are to be seen at this day ; and in the space of a hundred 
 years there did not remain one. All this they had got thus 
 recorded in their legends ; and since at that time so many 
 people did not take India, how was it to be taken now by 
 people who came from such a distance, and who would not 
 come in sufficient numbers to be able to conquer it ? 
 and they mocked at what the soothsayers said. But the 
 King, who put great trust in them, and whose heart divined 
 what was going to come to pass, spoke to a soothsayer in 
 whom he placed great belief, and told him to look and see 
 upon what grounds he made his assertions; because if it was 
 as he had been saying, he would labour to establish peace 
 with the Portuguese in such a manner as to make his king- 
 
148 DECISION OF THE KING OF CANANOR. 
 
 dom secure for ever, and in this lie would spend part of his 
 treasure. The soothsayer answered, " Sire, I am telling 
 you the truth, that these men will not bring so many people 
 with them to seize upon countries and realms, but those who 
 come, in whatever number they may be, will be able to pre- 
 vail more with their ships than all as many as go upon the 
 sea, on which account they must be masters of the sea, in 
 which case, of necessity the people of the land must obey 
 them j and when they shall have become powerful at sea, 
 what will happen to your kingdom if you have not secured 
 peace with them ? I tell you the truth, and you will see it 
 with your eyes ; and now follow what counsel you please/' 
 The King answered: ''My heart tells me that you are 
 speaking the truth, and I will do that which is incumbent 
 upon me." The diviner said to him : " If before five years 
 you do not see that I have told you the truth, order my head 
 to be cut ofiF." Upon which the King remained quite con- 
 vinced, and determined in his heart to establish with the 
 Portuguese all the peace and friendship that was possible. 
 And because soon after news arrived that our people were at 
 the city of Calecut, which is twelve leagues from Cananor, 
 the King sent men to Calecut who always came to tell him 
 of what happened there to our men. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 How the ships arrived at the city of Calecut, and in which is related all 
 that happened to them there until they again departed. 
 
 The ships continued running along the coast close to land, 
 for the coast was clear, without banks against which to take 
 precautions ; and the pilots gave orders to cast anchor in a 
 place which made a sort of bay, because there commenced 
 the city of Calecut. This town is named Capocate,^ and on 
 
 ' Capucad is two leagues from Calicut. Barros says the first land 
 
GAMA AKIMVES OFF CALECUT. 110 
 
 anclioring there a multitude of people flocked to the beacli, 
 all dark and naked, only ccjvered with cloths half way down 
 the thigh, with which they concealed their nakedness. All 
 were rauch amazed at seeing what they had never before 
 seen. When news was taken to the King he also came to 
 look at the ships, for all the wonder was at seeing so many 
 ropes and so many sails, and because the ships arrived when 
 the sunjwas almost set ; and at night they lowered out the 
 boats, and Vasco da Gama went at once for his brother and 
 Nicolas Coelho, and they remained together conversing 
 upon the method of dealing with this King, since here was 
 the principal end which they had come to seek ; it seemed 
 to him that it would be best to comport himself as an am- 
 bassador, and to make him his present, always saying that 
 they had been separated from another fleet which they came 
 to seek for there, and that the captain-major had come and 
 brought him letters from the King. This they agreed upon 
 together, and that Vasco da Gama should go on shore with, 
 that message sent by the captain-major, who cai'ried. the 
 standard at the peak ; they also talked of the manner in 
 which these things were to be spoken of. When all was 
 well decided upon, Nicolas Coelho returned to the ship, and 
 Vasco da Gama remained with his brother, talking with the 
 Moor Taibo (the broker), who told him not to go on shore 
 without hostages ; that such was the custom of men who 
 newly arrived at the country : and the Moor said that this 
 King of Calecut was the greatest king of all the coast of 
 India, and on that account was very vain, and he was very 
 rich from the great trade he had in this city. The next day 
 
 they touched was two leagues below Calicut ; and that they arrived 
 there on the 20th of jNIay, in the beginning of winter on that coast, so 
 that there was not much traffic in the port, and the foreigners had gone 
 away, and the inhabitants were surprised at the ships coming in that 
 season. He also says that after two days the ships went to Capocate, 
 a port near there, where Gama waited two days for the King's message. 
 
150 PROCEEDINGS AT CALECUT. 
 
 at dawn a great many skiffs came out with fishing nets, 
 passing near the ships, and Vasco da Gama told the Moorish 
 pilots to call the fishermen to sell some fish, since they 
 knew the language of the country. When they heard them- 
 selves called by the pilots they came at once and entered the 
 ship, and gave a quantity of fish like sardines, which they 
 called canalinhas, and they gave a great many for a vintin, 
 which they bit with their teeth to see if it was silver. Vasco 
 da Gama told the pilots to say, if the fishermen asked, that 
 they came from Melinde, and had arrived there parted com- 
 pany, and were going in search of other ships of their com- 
 pany which they thought they might find there. When the 
 fishermen returned on shore many people asked questions of 
 them, as they had seen them go on board the ship. They 
 related what had been said to them, and shewed the coin 
 which had been given them for the fish. All this was re- 
 lated to the King, who waited for our people to send to him. 
 The King was very desirous that the Portuguese should send 
 on shore, and he ordered the fishermen to go to the ships 
 to sell their fish, or anything they liked, and to inquire 
 about everything. This they did, and brought many fowls, 
 figs, and cocoa-nuts, and there came many of them. Vasco 
 da Gama ordered that no one should buy except the pilots 
 
 tnd Moors, whom he ordered to pay according to the will 
 f the owners, and to offend them in nothing. Many skiffs 
 went to the other ship, and there also no one bought except 
 the pilot, with vintins, with which the captains here paid 
 the crew, each man twenty cruzados. The Moor and the 
 pilots said to the captain-major, that he should send on shore; 
 he replied, that he should not land in a foreign country with- 
 out leave from its owner, as he had acted in Melinde. At this 
 conjuncture there came a boat full of wood to sell ; and as 
 there was much wood in the ship they did not take it, and 
 as they were going away the captain-major ordered them to 
 be called, and there were six men came in the boat, and he 
 
PROCEEDINGS AT CALECUT. 151 
 
 ordered a vintin to be given to each man^ and that they 
 mio-ht go their way, as there was no need of the wood. The 
 Moor asked why he gave them money, since they did not 
 take the wood. And the captain-major repHed, ''' They are 
 poor men and come to sell their wood, and as it was not 
 bought they were going away discontented, and on that 
 account he had ordered money to be given them, that their 
 labour might not have been in vain ; for he was thus accus- 
 tomed to pay well all those who did good to him.^' At this 
 the Moor and the pilots were surprised ; and so they repeated 
 it to the black people who had brought the wood, so that 
 they went ashore very much pleased, and related this as a 
 great wonder. It was at once told to the King, who, in 
 in talking with his own people, \:^uuted much the liberality 
 an,d goodness of the Portuguese ; on the King's questioning 
 the fishermen about everything, they told him all that they 
 had heard from the pilots, and that they did not venture to 
 come out on shore because they had not got the King's 
 leave to do so, and that they came from Melinde, and were 
 going about lost in search of their company, which they had 
 expected to find here ; and as they had not found them they 
 were intending to go away. Thus things remained for three 
 days ; and as the fishermen, who came back again, said that 
 they had related everything to the King; and as the captain- 
 major saw that the King sent no message, he asked the 
 Moor his opinion of what they ought to do, because they did 
 not know the customs of these people. The Moor told him 
 that he ought to send a message to the King and say what 
 he wanted. This seemed good, and the Moor was ordered 
 to get ready to go on shore ; and at this time there came 
 from the shore a large boat in which there was a servant of 
 the King, a gentleman of birth, whom they call Nairj he 
 came without clothes, except a white cloth which covered 
 him from the middle to half the thighs ; he had a very thin 
 round shield, with slings of wood and vermilion, which 
 
152 MESSAGE FROM THE KING OF CALECUT. 
 
 glittered very muclij and a naked sword with an iron liilt : 
 the sword was short, of an elFs length/ and broad at the 
 point ; his hair was pressed down upon his head ; he was a 
 very dark man, and very well made. On reaching the side 
 of the ship, without coming on board, he asked for the 
 captain ; and the captain-major answei'ed him that he was 
 the person he wanted ; that he was the captain. The Nair 
 then said that the King had sent him to say that they should 
 send word who they were, and what they wanted in his 
 port. The captain-major answered that he had not sent his 
 message because he had not yet had the King's leave to do 
 so, but now that he had ordered it he would do so. Then 
 the Moor went with the Nair^ with full instructions as to 
 what he was to say. The King, on seeing the messenger, 
 and that he was a Moor, imagined that our men were so 
 also. The Moor said to the King, " Sire, the captain-major 
 of those ships says : ' I did not send you a message during 
 these days because I had not got your leave to do so ; ' but 
 now that you have sent it by your servant, he has sent me, 
 and he says that he is the .slave of the greatest Christian 
 King in the world ; who had sent a fleet of fifty ships which 
 { he had ordered to go to a country to take cargo of pepper 
 and drugs, in exchange for rich merchandise and gold and 
 silver which he sent ; and that when they found the country 
 where they could take in the cargo which they were seeking 
 for, they should establish a firm peace and good relations 
 with the king of it, which should last for ever ; and he was 
 the ambassador who was to go on shore, because the captain- 
 major would not leave the ship to go ashore. And after 
 their setting out on their voyage a storm at sea had separated 
 them from the rest of the fleet, and they knew nothing of it 
 and had been going about to many places for t-\vo yeai'S like 
 
 ^ Covado, three quarters of a yard, a Flemish ell. 
 ' Barros says Gama seut one of the convicts with the Moorish pilot 
 to take the first message. 
 
MESSAGE TO THE KING OF CALECUT. 153 
 
 lost people ; and they had been to Melinde, where there is a 
 very noble king to whom they had related this fortune of 
 theirs. As he had taken compassion upon them, he had 
 said that he would give them pilots who would bring them 
 to the country where the pepper grew, and there were many 
 drugs, for which we thanked him very much ; and the pilots 
 brought us here where we now are ; and we have come with 
 great hopes that since in this city of yours there are pepper 
 and drugs, we should fall in with our fleet ; and since we 
 have not found it we are sorrowful, for we do not know 
 what we are to do ; and this is the reason of our coming and 
 what we seek/^ When the King heard all this message he 
 was much surprised ; and in talking of it with his own people, 
 he said that it would be well, since our people had put into 
 port, to know what merchandise they Avished to buy, and 
 what merchandise they had brought to sell ? What the King | 
 said seemed good to all ; and his chief factor, who is the |l 
 director of the exchequer of the sea-trade, then asked the , 
 Moor how it was that he was going about with the Christians, j 
 The Moor related to him how it was, and in what place they 
 had taken him on board, and how since he had been with 
 the Portuguese he had seen them act as such ^oodjmen ; and 
 because they paid him well he would serve them and go 
 with them to the end of the world if they wished it. He 
 also gave them a long account of the magnificence with 
 which they had acted towards the King of Melinde, and the 
 valuable things which they had given him ; upon which the 
 King felt a great longing to obtain as much from our people: 
 and he sent to say to the captain-major that he grieved 
 much for his ill-fortune, and rejoiced at his fleet having 
 arrived at his port ; that as to the cargo which he was going 
 in search of, he would fill his ships with as much pepper and 
 drugs as they wished for, and would give him on payment 
 whatever there was in the city ; and in the meantime they 
 might do what they pleased. The King also sent the Moor 
 
154 DESCRIPTION OF THE 
 
 in a boat with many figs, fowls, and cocoa-nuts fresli and 
 dry. The good brothers were much pleased on hearing the 
 King^s message, and gave great praise to the Lord. Having 
 taken counsel together, they sent many thanks to the King 
 for his reply, and for the refreshments, and said that they 
 accepted it out of courtesy, but that they could neither 
 accept, nor buy, nor sell anything without first establishing 
 peace and friendship ; because if they did not first make that 
 agreement they could do nothing, for such were the regula- 
 tions received from their King, and if they did not act in that 
 manner he would order their heads to be cut off: for that 
 reason they would do nothing and would return thence if 
 they did not first establish peace, for their King did not wish 
 to trade except with his friends. And if he wished to know 
 the reason of first establishing peace, they would give the 
 King's own embassage which he had sent to be given to the 
 King who should give them the cargo ; and if he was pleased 
 to admit of this he should send hostages, as was the custom 
 in a new country, for the captain-major to go on shore and 
 give an explanation of his embassage^ \ 
 
 The city of Calecut, as it was the principal one of India, on 
 account of its great trade since ancient times, was all inhabited 
 by foreign and native Moors, the richest that there were 
 in all India. There were Moors of Grand Cairo who brought 
 large fleets of many ships with much trade of valuable goods, 
 which they brought from Mecca, and they took back in 
 return pepper and drugs, and all the other richest merchan- 
 dise of India, with which they acquired great wealth ; and 
 the people who are natives of the country have no profit 
 from it nor income, but only enough to sustain themselves 
 with ; this sustenance is of little cost as I will explain in its 
 place in this book. As they are ill off for wealth they are 
 much subject to the Moors who are so rich, and this espe- 
 cially in the sea-ports, in which they are rich from the great 
 resources which they draw from trade with the Moors ; from 
 
MOORS OP MALABAR, 155 
 
 this trade the Moors were very powerful, and had so estab- 
 lished and ingratiated themselves in the countries of the sea 
 ports, that they were more influential and respected than 
 the natives themselves, so that many of the heathen became 
 Moors, in such manner that they were more people than 
 the natives, by a diabolical method which the Moors found ;^ 
 because in this region of Malabar the race of gentlemen is 
 called Nairs, who are the people of war : they are people who 
 are very refined in blood and customs, and separated from 
 all other low people, and so much do they value themselves 
 that no one of them ever turned Moor ; only the low people 
 turned Moors, who worked in the bush and in the fields. 
 And these people are so accursed that they cannot go by 
 any road without shouting, so that the Nairs may not come 
 up suddenly and meet them, because they kill them at once, 
 for they always carry their arms, and these low people may 
 not carry arms to defend themselves ; and when they go 
 along thus shouting if any Nair shouts to them they at once 
 get into the bush very far from the road. The Moors, 
 understanding that it was a good way to increase their sect, 
 said to the Kiag, and to the rulers of the places in which 
 they traded, that they met with great difficulties with their 
 merchandise, because they had not got labourers to cart it 
 from one point to another, because the labourers, being low 
 people, could not go amongst other people, as the Nairs would 
 kill them whenever they met them, and therefore they would 
 esteem it a favour if those of the low people who might turn 
 
 ' The diabolical method of the Moors was to set their faces against 
 distinctions of race, whilst the Portuguese adopted them, and have per- 
 petuated them by the word of their own language which expresses race, 
 namely casta. Though the Arabs had come to Malabar and established 
 their trade there six hundred years before, they had not thought of seizing 
 the country; and when they converted the King Serna-Perimal, he 
 divided his kingdom among his relations, and went away, after aban- 
 doning his state and wealth, to die at Mekkah. See The Coasts of East 
 Africa and Malabar, p. 102 ; and Camoens, ('auto vii, 32-35. 
 
 _) 
 
156 DESCRirTION OF THE MOORS OF MALABAR. 
 
 Moors should be able to go freely wherever they pleased ; 
 I since, being Moors, they would then be outside of the 
 Malabar religion and usages, and that they might be able to 
 touch all sorts of people ; because if this was not agreed to 
 they would not be able to transport their goods to sell them 
 in their provinces. At the same time giving some fees to the 
 magistrates and confidantes of the King, they succeeded in 
 '^ ' getting this consented to. On which account these low 
 people [desired] to enjoy so great an advantage, because 
 they were such accursed people that they lived in the bush 
 and in fields, where they ate nothing but herbs and land 
 crabs, and by becoming Moors they could go where they 
 liked, and gain their livelihood, and eat as they pleased. 
 When they became Moors the Moors gave them cloths and 
 robes with which to clothe themselves, and so many of them 
 became Moors and were converted to the religion of Mo- 
 hammed, and they increased so much in numbers that all 
 the country became full of them ; which caused these Moors 
 to be very influential and powerful by their trade through all 
 the countries, and especially in this country of Malabar, and 
 above all in this city of Calecut, where they had their prin- 
 cipal port for shipping pepper and drugs, which they trans- 
 ported to Mecca, and spread over Turkey, and thence to 
 all the provinces of Christendom by exchange from country 
 , to country, 
 
 ^"^ ^^ As these things were so, the Moors of Calecut, in which 
 ^ 1^' ' ; city there were many who were acquainted with the affairs 
 of Christendom, perceived the great inconvenience and cer- 
 tain destruction which would fall upon them and upon their 
 trade, if the Portuguese should establish trade in Calecut, 
 which they would immediately afterwards do throughout 
 all the Indian countries ; and, taking counsel amongst one 
 another, they all agreed that with all the power of them- 
 selves and their property, they should get the Portuguese 
 turned out of the country, which they would also do in all 
 
DELIBERATIONS OP THE MOORS OP CALECUT. 157 
 
 the other parts, in such manner as that they should not be 
 able to trade nor profit, nor establish men at arms, whom 
 the Portuguese would be unable to maintain because they 
 were from a very distant country; and in navigating to India 
 the sea would swallow up so many that a sufficient number 
 of them never could come to India to make themselves 
 masters of it, and take possession of countries, and deprive 
 them of the great footing and powers which they held in 
 India. With these calculations thus set on foot among 
 themselves, they wrote and made known their determination 
 to all the others of all the coast of India, who were very 
 ready to give all necessary assistance in person and pro- 
 perty. With this design they spoke to the King's chief 
 factor, who was the principal overseer of his exchequer, also 
 to the King's Gosil, who is the minister of justice; and they 
 spoke to him in secret, after the manner of true friends, 
 saying that they, as sincere friends of the King, for whose 
 service they would spend their lives and property, told him, 
 that they as persons so deserving of credit would tell the King 
 and warn him to take precautions and consideration as to 
 what he did with the Portuguese, because, without any doubt, 
 they were men who had got such wealth in their own country, 
 that they did not undergo all this labour for trade, but only 
 to conquer countries and acquire honours by arms, and that 
 first they had been sent to see and spy, in order later to 
 come and take these countries ; for which reason it might 
 doubtless be believed that these who came in these ships did 
 not come for anything else, except under the cloak of mer- 
 chants who come to establish peace and trade, and briog 
 presents and feigned pretences only to see and spy, and 
 afterwards come to conquer and plunder ; and this was easily 
 seen, since they came from so distant a country with two 
 ships to trade and take in cargo ; therefore they (the Moors) 
 had given information and warning to the King that he 
 might look to what he should do with the Portuguese. The 
 
 / 
 
158 PROCEEDINGS OF THE MOORS OF CALECUT. 
 
 Gozil and overseer of the revenue, being wary men, at once 
 occupied themselves with this matter, and conversing to- 
 gether upon it, they understood that what the Moors had 
 said was all because they did not wish to see other traders 
 who would injure their commerce, and that the fears which 
 they were instilling were all emptiness and wind, because 
 there was no power in the world sufficiently great to take 
 Calecut, in which there were two hundred thousand men 
 available for war. So the two talked the matter well over 
 together, with the hopes which they entertained of the fees 
 which the Moors gave them, all which they might gain ac- 
 cording to the proceedings which they took in this affair ; 
 and they gave some hints to the Moors that they thought 
 well of what they had said, and that they would from affection 
 for them do everything to prevent the Portuguese injuring 
 their commerce. Upon this the Moors, being much pleased, 
 at once gave them large presents and secured their goodwill. 
 For it is notorious that officials take more pleasure in bribes 
 than in the appointments of their offices. With this founda- 
 tion, which the Moors established by this means, they caused 
 later to the Portuguese great evils and hardships, as will be 
 seen further on. This overseer of the treasury and the Gozil 
 were made firm in their own interests, of deriving for their 
 profit all that they could obtain from the Moors, which was 
 the chief object ; also that of showing to the King that they 
 took good care to look after the business of his service, and 
 what was advantageous to him ; and they touched upon this 
 matter to the King, without giving him an account of the 
 information which the Moors had given them. The King 
 was very vain on account of his much grandeur, and covetous 
 by disposition. He said to his people, that in the whole 
 world there was no power which he feared so as to omit 
 carrying out his will, so that whoever came to him with 
 deceit would get nothing for his pains. Whilst he was under 
 the influence of this fancy, the Moor came with the captain- 
 
GAMA SENDS A SCOUT ON SHORE. 159 
 
 major's message, as has been related above ; when the King 
 heard it he talked it over with his confidantes, taking their 
 opinions as to what he ought to do ; and they said they 
 would consider about it, since affairs done in a hui'ry for the 
 most part were done wrong, and besides that the condition 
 of kings was to do their business leisurely>i- This, therefore, 
 seeming good to the King, he ordered the Moor to come, 
 and told him to return to the captain-major and that he 
 would send him a reply; but if, meanwhile, he required 
 anything on shore, he might send in security to purchase it. 
 It seemed to the captain-major that these were State fashions 
 of the King for giving his reply ; but he thought it advan- 
 tageous to send on shore a man who, in the guise of a buyer, 
 might see the people of the city. For this purpose he sent 
 one Joao Nuz (Nunez),^,a banished man, who could speak 
 Arabic and Hebrew, and who was a new Christian, and a 
 man of subtle understanding, who already understood the 
 speech of the Moor, but could not speak it ; and Vasco da 
 Gama spoke to him and told him to go ashore with the 
 Moor with money to buy things to eat, and to look well 
 all over the city, and at the manner of the inhabitants, and 
 to listen well to what he heard ; and not to speak nor answer 
 questions, and to see what things were sold, and ask the 
 Moor about the prices, and not buy anything except things 
 to eat, and to return to sleep on board the ship ; having 
 given him full instructions as to what was requisite, he de- 
 spatched him, and told the Moor to go ashore and always take 
 Joap Nuz with him, and not let him separate from him, and 
 to shew him all the things which were sold in the shops, 
 which were articles hot included in merchandise, and which 
 he would have pleasure in carrying back to Portugal to show, 
 
 • This speech seems very genuine, and much resembles many passages 
 in the sixth chapter of the Fables of Pilpay or Humayiin Nameh, on the 
 evils of precipitation. 
 
 2 The printed edition calls hira Joan Martins. 
 
^''*' 160 THE SCOUT ADDRESSED IN SPANISH. 
 
 but not to buy anytbinor, because he could not buy tliem ex- 
 cept after peace and trade bad been established. When 
 these two landed and the people saw a Portuguese, they 
 crowded so much to see him that they smothered him, at 
 which the Moor saw himself so molested that he went to the 
 house of the Gozil, who was much pleased at seeing Joan 
 Nuz : and having learned from the Moor how they had been 
 importuned, he sent with them a servant of his, one of the 
 Nairs, to make the people keep off, so that they went about 
 without restraint from the people. The Moors seeing Joan 
 Nuz, and some of them having spoken to him without his 
 answering, arranged with the Gozil that he should not let 
 him go at night to the ship, but that he should stay on shore, 
 because they would find some one to talk to him and learn from 
 him what they desired. The Moor and the Portuguese on 
 going to the beach did not find a skiff, for it was already 
 night, and returned to the house of the Gozil, and proceeding 
 thither they fell in with a Moor who spoke to Joan Nuz in 
 Castilian, as if he was amazed at seeing him, and he said 
 to him, " Brother, God preserve j^ou."^ Joan Nuz replied, 
 
 ' Cainoeiis, Canto vii, 24. 
 Entre a gente, que a vcl-o concorria, 
 Se chega hum Maliometa, que nascido 
 F6ra na regiao da Berberia, 
 La onde f ora Anteo obedecido : 
 Ou pela visinhanc^a ja teria 
 O reino Lusitano conhecido, 
 Ou foi ja assinalado de seu ferro, 
 Fortuna o trouxe a tao loiigo desterro. 
 
 25. 
 Km vendo o mensageiro, com jocundo 
 Rosto, como quern sabe a lingua Hispana, 
 Lhe disse : Quem te trouxe a estoutro mundo, 
 Tao longe da tua patria Lusitana? 
 Abrindo, lhe responde, o mar profundo, 
 l:*or onde nunca veio gente humana, 
 Vimos buscar do Indo a grao corrente, 
 Por onde a Lei divina se accresccnte. 
 
MEETING WITH THE CASTILIAN MOOR. 101 
 
 " God give you health," and he felt great delight at hearing 
 him speak thus. The Castihan inquired where he was going? 
 they told him that they could not find a boat to go on board, 
 and were therefore going to sleep at the house of the Gozil. 
 The Castihan then said that they should not go there, that 
 he had a house in which he would rejoice that they should 
 
 26. 
 Espantado ficou da grao viagem 
 O Mouro, que Mon^aide se chamava, 
 Ouvindo as oppressoes, que na passagem 
 Do mar, o Lusitano llie contava : 
 Mas vendo em fim, que a forcja da mensagem 
 So para o Rei da terra relevava, 
 Lhe diz, que estava fora da cidade, 
 Mas de caminho pouca quantidade : 
 
 27. 
 E que, em tan to que a nova lhe chegasse 
 De sua estranha vinda, se queria, 
 Na sua pobre casa repousasse, 
 E do manjar da terra comeria : 
 E, despois que se hum pouco recreasse, 
 Com elle para a armada tornaria ; 
 Que alegria nao pode ser tamanha. 
 Que achar gente visinha em terra estranha. 
 
 28. 
 O Portuguez acceita de vontade 
 O que o ledo Mon(jaide lhe offerece : 
 Como se longa fora ja a amizade, 
 Com elle come e bebe, e lhe obedece : 
 Ambos se tornam logo da cidade 
 Para a frota, que o Monro bem conhece, 
 Sobera k capitaina, e toda a gente 
 Moncjaide recebeo benignamente. 
 
 29. 
 O capitao o abra^a em cabo ledo, 
 Ouvindo clara a lingua de Castella, 
 Junto de si o assenta, e prompto e quedo, 
 Pela terra pergunta, e cousas della. 
 Qual se ajuntava em Rhddope o arvoredo, 
 S6 por ouvir o amante da donzella 
 Eurydice, tocando a lyra de ouro, 
 Tal a gente se ajunta k ouvir o Mouro. 
 
162 MEETING OF GAMA^S MESSENGER 
 
 sleep, and eat as much as they pleased. They thanked him, 
 and when about to go with him, the Nair would not permit it 
 unless they first went to the house of the Gozil, where the 
 Castilian went with them ; there the Castilian told the Gozil 
 that he wished to take those guests to his house, if he would 
 give him permission ; and the Gozil said he might. Then 
 
 30. 
 EUe comme^a : O gente, que a natura 
 Visinha fez de meu paterno ninho, 
 Que destino tao grande, ou que ventura, 
 Vos trouxe a commeterdes tal caminho ? 
 Nao he sem causa, nao, occulta e escura, 
 Vir do longinquo Tejo, e ignoto Minho, 
 Por mares nunca d' outro lenho arados 
 A reinos tao remotos e apartados. 
 
 31. 
 Deos por certo vos traz ; porque pretende 
 Algum servi9o seu por vos obrado : 
 Por isso so vos guia, e vos defende 
 Dos imigos, do mar, do vento irado. 
 Sabei, que estais na India, onde se estende 
 Diverso povo, rico, e prosperado 
 De ouro luzeute, e fina pedraria, 
 Cheiro suave, ardente especiaria. 
 
 Canto VII, 24. 
 Amongst the rout, which him did swarm to see, 
 Comes one, trayn'd up in the Arabian's lore, 
 Having been born in land of Barbaric, 
 There, where Anteus was obey'd of yore. 
 Whether, the Lusitanian people, he 
 Knew meerly as a neighbour to that shore ; 
 Or (bitten with their steel) was sent so far 
 On Fortune's errand by the chance of war. 
 
 25. 
 The messenger with jocund face survay'd. 
 He in plain Spanish gave him thus the haile ; 
 How to this world, in name of Heav'n (cara'rade) 
 So distant from thy native Portugale ! 
 Op'ning a passage through rough seas (he said) 
 Which never mortal wight before did sayle, 
 We come to seek of Indus the great streame, 
 Whereby to propagate the Gospel's beam. 
 
WITH THE CASTILIAN MOOR. 163 
 
 the Castilian Moor took them to his house, and gave them a 
 good supper, asking them about their fortunes in having 
 come as far as that country, and of what they came to seek. 
 Upon all which Joan Nuz gave him information according 
 as he had been indoctrinated by the captain-major. The 
 Castilian told him that he was a native of Seville, and when 
 
 26. 
 Astonisht at so great a voyage stood 
 The Moor (his name Monsayde), briefly told 
 Their sad disasters on the azure flood, 
 And hair-breadth scapes, by this same Lusian bold. 
 But since, his main afi'air (he understood) 
 Unto the King alone he would unfold ; 
 He tells him, he at present is not there, 
 Being retir'd into the countrey neer. 
 
 27. 
 So that (until the news at Court have bin 
 Of their prodigious passage through the mayn) 
 Please him, to make his homely nest, his inne ; 
 With victuals of the land hee'l entertain 
 Him there : and, being well refresht therein, 
 Himself will bring him to the fleet again. 
 For that, the world hath not a thing more sweet, 
 Than in a distant land when neighbours meet. 
 
 28. 
 The Portingall with bosome not ingrate 
 Accepts the offer, kind Monsayde made. 
 As if their friendship were of ancient date. 
 With him, he eat, and drank, as he was pray'd. 
 Towards the ships (that done) return they straight : 
 Which the Moor knew when he the build survay'd. 
 They climbe the Am'ral, where both man and boy. 
 Receive Monsayde with a gen'ral joy. 
 
 29. 
 The captain (rapt) him in his arms did squeeze, 
 Hearing the music of the Spanish tongue ; 
 And (seated by him) shrieves him by degrees 
 Touching the land, and things thereto that long. 
 But as in Thracian Rhodope the trees 
 And bruits, to hear his golden lute did throng 
 Who did his lost Euridice deplore ; 
 So throng'd the common men to hear the More. 
 
 k2 
 
 c-^ 
 
\,' 
 
 164 THE CASTILIAN MOOR 
 
 a boy of few years had been a prisoner, and had undergone 
 various captivities until a master of his had died and had left 
 him free, and to make his life secure he had taken the name 
 and ceremonies of a Moor, but that God in heaven, to 
 whom he recommended himself, knew that his soul was 
 / Christian.^ Joan Nuz rejoiced much at hearing him, espe- 
 cially because the Moor (the broker) understood very little 
 of what they were talking, for Joan Nuz also spoke to him 
 
 ' Barros and Camoens relate that this Moor, whom they name Mon- 
 zaide, was a native of the kingdom of Tunis, and had already had com- 
 munications with the Portuguese at Oran; and that either from remem- 
 brance of the west, where he had been born, or from some other good 
 disposition which moved him on seeing the Portuguese, and speaking 
 to them in Castilian, from the moment he entered the ships, he became 
 
 I intimate with Vasco da Gama, and came with him to Portugal, where 
 he died a Christian. 
 
 The account of his origin and of the motives of his assisting the Por- 
 tuguese related by Correa is much more probable than that of Barros ; 
 it is also more agreeable to human nature, since, according to the account 
 
 I of Barros, if he had been an Arab from Tunis he would have been an 
 
 ' unmitigated traitor. 
 
 30. 
 He thus begins. O men ! whom Nature plac't 
 Neer to the nest where I my birth did take ; 
 What chance, or stronger destiny, so vast 
 So hard a voyage, made you undertake ? 
 For some hid cause from Tagus are ye past, 
 And unknown Minius, through that horrid lake 
 On which no.barke before did ever floate, 
 To kingdoms so conceal'd, and so remote. 
 
 31. 
 God, God hath brought you : He hath (sure) some grand 
 And special business here for you to do. 
 For this alone He leads you by strong hand 
 Through foes, seas, stormes, and with a heavenly clew. 
 India is this, with sev'ral nations man'd; 
 Great Nature's bounty all beholding to 
 For glist'ring gold, for sparkling stones of price. 
 For odoriferous gums, for burning spice. 
 
 Fanshaw. 
 
VISITS GAMA^S SHIPS. 165 
 
 in Castilian ; and lie told the Castilian that he should be very- 
 glad if he would come to the ships to speak to the captain- 
 major. He said that he would go willingly, and the Gozil 
 would give him leave ; and they went to sleep. Next day 
 they had leave of the Gozil, and they all went to the ship, 
 where, on entering, the Castilian made his salutation, taking 
 off his cap in his hand, and spoke to the captains who were 
 sitting together on chairs, and said, " God give you good 
 fortune. Who has brought you to this port.'^ The captain- 
 major replied, " Honoured Castilian, God give you health." 
 The people hearing them thus speaking Castilian wept with 
 joy. The captain-major showed him great honour, and made 
 him sit on a stool, and continued talking to him and asking 
 him many questions as to his fortunes and how he had come 
 thither? to all which he answered : and when it was time to 
 dine, the captain-major ordered dinner to be set for him at 
 a table at which he and Joan Nuz ate ; and the captains 
 dined at another table. When dinner was over they retired 
 to the cabin with the Castilian, to whom the captain-major 
 also gave an account of how they had arrived at this port, 
 in the same manner as Joan Nuz had related it ; and the 
 captain-major said that he was resolved to establish peace 
 with the King, and to give him his embassage and the pre- 
 sent which he had brought for him, and there to take in 
 cargo for the ships, but he did not know if he should take 
 the right steps or go wrong, because he was not acquainted 
 with the position of the King and of the inhabitants, nor of 
 the commerce of the country. The Castilian Moor, inspired 
 by God, said to him, "Gentlemen, captains, listen well to 
 what I say to you : when I entered this ship I had in my 
 heart treason towards you, which I will relate, but on enter- 
 ing this cabin God commanded my heart to speak to you the 
 truth, and I verily believe that He disposed that you should 
 arrive here for much good, which it pleases the Lord that 
 you should meet with, delivering you from so many perils of 
 
v" 
 
 166 INTERVIEW OF THE CASTILIAN MOOR 
 
 the sea, and now from those of the land, which it pleases 
 Him that you may be delivered from by me by my discover- 
 ing to you the whole truth. For you must know, gentlemen, 
 I that from the moment you put into port here you caused 
 disturbance of mind to the Moors of this city, who are nu- 
 merous and very powerful in the country on account of their 
 great riches and commerce. These, on seeing the ships and 
 knowing that they belonged to Christians, of whom they are 
 mortal enemies, knowing also that you were sending a mes- 
 sage to the King for the purpose of treating with him and 
 establishing peace and friendship, which would not be unless 
 with the object of establishing trade, assembled all their 
 chief men and held councils in which they agreed to employ 
 themselves in person and property in turning you out of 
 India, not only from this place, but also from all the other 
 ports of the whole of this coast ; for in all of them there is 
 a great number of Moors, both rich and powerful, as in this 
 city. They have written their letters upon this determination, 
 and no doubt but that the replies will not be delayed many 
 days, without doubt also all will be much gratified at this 
 consultation ; and these here are already thoroughly agreed 
 with the overseer of the treasury and with the Grozil, to injure 
 you as much as they can with the King. As I am known 
 to all, and they are aware that I am from the parts of Chris- 
 tendom, as I have related it frequently, it seemed to them 
 that I, better than any one else, could deceive and betray 
 you, and they promised me large gifts to induce me to in- 
 troduce myself feignedly into your friendship in order to 
 learn your secrets, and give them information of everything. 
 I speak to you the truth, that it was with this design and 
 thought that I brought into my house your men as guests, 
 so that by that friendship I might gain admittance to your- 
 selves j and here, on entering this cabin where I now am, 
 my heart felt much fear of God, which directed me to do 
 good to you. Now that I have told you the truth, command 
 
WITH THE PORTUGUESE CAPTAINS. 167 
 
 me what I am to do^ and you will see whether I am false or 
 true, for in my opinion it is not right that you should trust 
 to me, since you see me as a Moor and amongst Moors/^ 
 Having heard all this the captains answered the Moor, that 
 it was a great matter which he had related to them, and that 
 already for that much they were under great obligations to 
 him, as he would see by his recompense after that they had 
 experienced his truth ; and they begged him much to advise 
 them as to the manner they were to assume towards him, 
 in order to avail themselves of the good which he wished to 
 do them, and that it should not be perceived by the Moors 
 lest they should do him any harm. The Castilian repHed, 
 that he would give them his opinion, but that they should 
 do whatever they thought for the best, afld it was that they 
 should not consent to his returning again on board the ships ; 
 and that on shore, with those who went there he would do 
 the best he could ; and, that his own people might not per- 
 ceive it, they should dismiss him with fair words, saying, that 
 he should not take the trouble to return to the ship except 
 with their leave, which would be given after that peace was 
 established. This seemed to them the best, and so they 
 settled it ; then, after much conversation, they came out 
 to the quarter-deck, where they remained talking of many 
 things which the Castilian related, and all the crew re- 
 joiced at hearing them. Then the captain-major ordered 
 five ells of very fine green cloth to be given him, and said 
 that he had much enjoyed hearing so many things as he had 
 told them of, and that he might go on shore with good luck, 
 and that he, the captain-major, was waiting for a message 
 from the King to go on shore, and if he went there he would 
 be very glad if the Castilian were to go with him to speak 
 to the King, since he knew the language of the country. 
 The Castilian replied : " Sir, no one can go before the King 
 except when he commands it ; meantime I shall be very glad 
 to serve you whenever you have arranged your affairs ; there 
 
1G8 LANGUAGE HELD ON SHOKE 
 
 on shore I am at your service for this favour which you have 
 done me without my having deserved it." With this he 
 took leave and went on shore, where the Moors at once 
 spoke to him of what he had found out. He said to them 
 that he had talked much with the Portuguese, and had 
 learned from them that they had started from Portugal in 
 company with a large fleet which their King had sent to a 
 country to take in cargo of drugs and pepper, in exchange 
 for merchandise, and that in a storm they had parted com- 
 pany from the rest ; and since two years they had been 
 going about as lost^, for they did not know the country to 
 which they were going ; that only the captain-major of the 
 fleet carried a pilot who knew the country where they were 
 to take in cargo, which was a new country to which as yet 
 they had not navigated ; and they carried with them a pre- 
 sent and letters for the King of the country for the estab- 
 lishment of peace and friendship before that they bought and 
 sold ; and that these letters and presents had been brought 
 by the captain of these ships, who was the ambassador who 
 was to go on shore to establish peace and ti'ade ; and that, 
 having separated from their companions, they had been 
 going for a year and a half without seeing land ; and they 
 had come to Mozambique, where evil and treachery had been 
 wrought against them ; so, also, the people of Quiloa and 
 Bombaza had wished to act towards them, from which places 
 they had gone to Melinde, where they had met with good at 
 the hands of the King, and they had there established peace 
 for ever, and had refitted their ships, and eat and slept on 
 shore in the King^s house ; and he, on learning their for- 
 tunes, had given them pilots who had brought them hither, 
 
 • It is not stated why Gama misrepresented and increased the 
 length of time employed in his voyage ; Barros does not relate this, but he 
 confirms it indirectly, since he says the Catual urged on the King of 
 Calecut that little account was to be taken of the Portuguese, since they 
 required two years' navigation to reach Calecut. Asia, i, lib. iv, cap. ix. 
 
BY THE CASTILIAN MOOR. 169 
 
 for they thought that since their fleet had gone to seek 
 pepper and drugs^ it might be that it had come here to 
 Calecut ; and with the hope of finding their fleet here, they 
 had come for that purpose, and on not falling in with it, 
 they had been about to depart ; but since here they had 
 found what they had come to look for, they would take in 
 cargo, if the King would establish a peace with them, for 
 which object they would give him the letters and present of 
 their King which they had brought with them, and which 
 they were to give to the King of the country where they 
 should take in cargo. ■ " Most of these things,'^ said the 
 Castilian Moor, " which I have related to you were told to 
 me by the captains, and they were told me by a broker 
 whom they have got with them, and by the . Melinde pilots. 
 They gave me five ells of cloth, and they dismissed me like 
 men who did not want anything more of me, only they 
 begged me that if they came ashore that I would go with 
 them to the King's presence, to which I replied to them 
 that I would do it with good will, but that no one could go 
 before the King except those whom he commanded to do 
 so : and upon that they sent me on shore." The Moors on 
 hearing these things from the Castilian gave much credit to 
 him, because they held him to be a good Moor. All of 
 them took counsel together, and said that since the King 
 was covetous they would not be able to impede his speaking 
 to the Portuguese ; but that after he had spoken to them 
 and received their present, whilst friendship and commerce 
 were being established, then it would be necessary to take 
 such measures that in the purchases and sales they should 
 dispose matters so that they should not take in cargo, and 
 should go away, and the principal part of this business 
 would have to be done by the overseer of the treasury, and 
 that the Gozil should cause them detention before speaking 
 to the King, so that they should be out of humour, and give 
 way to anger, so as to do some wrong, which would be the 
 
170 DELIBERATIONS OF THE MOORS OE CALECUT. 
 
 cause of their effecting notliiBg ; but that for this to take 
 place they must give so much to the overseer of the treasury 
 and to the Gozil, that they should do everything, and for this 
 they must not value money in a matter which so greatly in- 
 terested them, since it was certain that if they did not do 
 so, and the Portuguese were to establish trade, they would 
 be ruined. And if it should perchance happen that the 
 King were to speak to them and ask their advice, they 
 would say that they should rejoice at everything which 
 was to his advantage ; but that he ought to make his agree- 
 ments with the Portuguese with such precautions that evil 
 should not befal him later, because the Christians were very 
 arrogant, and rested satisfied with nothing, and giving them 
 one thing they wanted another, and if that was not given 
 them, they would take it by force ;^ and they would cause 
 him to feel such suspicion of the Portuguese, that he would 
 never confide in them, from which something might arise 
 on account of which they might be turned out of the country ; 
 which being the case, it would be known at once through- 
 out the country, even though they went to another port, no 
 one would admit them, since the King of Calecut had 
 turned them out, so that they would then return to their 
 own country, and would arrive there, or not. All this having 
 been well talked over and consulted upon amongst the 
 Moors, they then spoke to the overseer of the treasury and 
 the Gozil, and gave them much money and rich jewels ; and 
 they engaged on their part to do all in their power with the 
 King, and to counsel him not to admit the Portuguese into 
 the country ; the Moors offering to pay the King all the loss 
 that he might suffer from this. The Portuguese, after the 
 departure of the Castilian, continued talking of what they 
 
 ( ^ If the history of the Arabs in Spain be taken into consideration, 
 there was nothing exaggerated in this picture, and subsequent events in 
 Indui proved its correctness. Osorio gives a long speech by the Moors 
 to the King of Calecut, like that given by Correa. 
 
\/ 
 
 DELIBERATIONS OF GAMA AND HIS CAPTAINS, ] 71 
 
 ouglit to do if the King sent tliem a message to come on 
 shore ; and Nicholas Coelho came to this council from the 
 other ship of Vasco da Gama, where he always remained ; 
 then they related to him all the warning which the Castilian 
 had given them of the consultation which the Moors had 
 held, of which. they also informed the masters and pilots, 
 and talked it over with them ; all expressed great doubt as 
 to the captain-major's going on shore, since there was so 
 much hazard and peril of life, and he ought not to run any 
 risk, for his death would be the perdition of them all if he 
 were killed on shore, and he ought not to go there ; and if 
 the King sent for him, then they should send another per- 
 son saying he was the ambassador, and he must not go by 
 any manner of means ; and this all agreed to. But Vasco 
 da Gama, as he was ardent in the service which he desired 
 to render to the King, said : " Sir, my brother, and my 
 friends, you must know that since I embarked in this 
 voyage from the first, before God, I offered my life and soul 
 for it, if the merciful Lord should be pleased that I should 
 bring it to an end, if it was for His holy service ; for which 
 reason I tell you in truth that even though I were now 
 within the bar of Lisbon, I would not go in, but rather by my 
 own hands would seek death than appear before the King 
 without bringing him the commission which he charged me 
 with ; and because I settled this in my soul, I do not value 
 my life at anything ; and a suflBciently bad account would be 
 given of me if, from fear of death, I were to put a man in 
 my place to perform that which is so much my obligation. 
 Therefore, without any doubt, I shall go on shore, and I 
 fear nothing, for everything is in the hand of God. For 
 which, my brother and all of you, for the sake of God, 
 and on behalf of the King our sovereign, whatsoever disaster 
 or death may happen to me, I require you not to desist from 
 labouring, by any arrangement which may seem good to you, 
 until you have laden these ships, or as much of them as may 
 
172 PREPARATIONS OF GAMA 
 
 be in your power; and if you should be unable to get any 
 cargo to sh,ow to the King, then you may depart at once, 
 and return to Portugal to give an account to the King of 
 what we have accomplished ; and if you should be unable to 
 depart at once with the weather which you may have, then 
 go along the coast as far as the weather serves you, and 
 discover as much as you can see, endeavouring to buy 
 pepper and drugs, and things of this country as samples ; 
 and take nothing by force, neither on the land nor by sea, 
 that the reputation which the Moors give of us may not 
 remain true, for they say that we are robbers, and come to 
 spy out countries in order to come later and take them ; and 
 if it please our Lord, they will turn out truthful in this, for 
 may it please God to give so great a favour to the King ; 
 and this I tell you, and command you with all the authority 
 which I hold/' To this no one had anything to answer, 
 except to hope that Grod would choose what was best for His 
 holy service ; Paulo da Gama also promised his brother that 
 he would do all as he had bidden.' Vasco da Gama made 
 his arrangements for going on shore, and prepared the present 
 that he would take and the letter which he had to give to 
 the King, which both of them^ drew up, placing in it the 
 exordium of Portugal, and [they made] the King say that it 
 had come to his knowledge that the ruler of India had power 
 over several kingdoms, and was the lord of great riches, 
 and was powerful from his warlike people with whom he 
 could conquer the world if he chose : which had caused him 
 a great longing in his heart to send in search of him and 
 to become acquainted with him, and establish with him as 
 much friendship and peace as he might be willing to admit, 
 and to become friends like brothers ; and he wished to send 
 his ships and merchandise, of which there was much in his 
 
 ' Barroa says they settled that Vasco da Gama should go on shore, 
 and Paulo da Gama and Nicolas Coelho should remain on board. 
 ' The two brothers. 
 
FOR NEGOTIATING WITH CALECUT. 173 
 
 kingdom of all sorts whatever, which would be brought to 
 the kingdom of Calecut, and sold and exchanged for other 
 goods which he was informed were to be found in his king- 
 dom and countries, especially pepper and drugs, which did 
 not exist in his own kingdom. For this he had sent fifty 
 ships, and in them a captain-major for the sea, who would 
 not go on shore, but only his servant, Vasco da Gama, the 
 second captain-major, who was to go on shore with those 
 people whom he had sent ; and all that he should say to the 
 King of Calecut was from his mouth, and his speech, and all 
 credit was to be given to it, because that which he arranged 
 and agreed to with the King of Calecut, he affirmed it for 
 ever ; this his sons also, and those who should descend from 
 them, would likewise affirm, and he thus affirmed it. And 
 they signed it with the signature of the King, and placed 
 upon the letter the seal of his arms with red wax. Vasco 
 da Gama got ready twelve men of good appearance to go 
 with him well dressed ; and the present for the King, which 
 was a piece of very fine scarlet cloth and a piece of crimson 
 velvet, a piece of yellow satin, a chair covered with brocade of 
 much nap, studded with silver gilt nails; a cushion of crimson 
 satin, with tassels of gold thread ; and another cushion of 
 red satin for the feet ; a hand basin chased and gilt, with a 
 ewer of the same kind, a very handsome thing ; and a large, 
 very splendid, gilt mirror; fifty scarlet caps, with buttons 
 and tassels of crimson twisted silk and gold thread on the 
 top of the caps ; and fifty sheaths of knives of Flanders, 
 with ivory handles,^ which were made in Lisbon, and the 
 sheaths gilt. All these things were wrapped in napkins, 
 and all in very good order.^ 
 
 ' Tachas, properly studs, nails. 
 
 ' Barros says that Vasco da Gama went on shore with twelve persons, 
 but that he had not taken a present with him, and on the day after his 
 audience of the Zamorim, at the advice of Monzaide, he sent a few 
 things to the Zamorim, with the excuse that when he left Tortugal he 
 
 / 
 
1 74 PREPAKATIOXS FOR NEGOTIATION. 
 
 was not sure of reaching India and seeing the King of Calecut, and 
 therefore was not as well provided as he should have been, and these 
 things were some which he had brought for his own use, and he sent 
 them, not for their value, but as samples of Portuguese goods : and 
 only these had escaped from the damp of the sea, as they had been going 
 on it so long. Barros says Gama brought two letters from the King of 
 Portugal to the King of Calecut, one in Portuguese, the other written 
 in Arabic. Castanheda says, the I^ug finding Gama had brought 
 nothing from the King of Portugal, asked for the golden image of St. 
 Mary which he had in his ship ; Gama replied that the St. Mary was of 
 gilt wood and not of gold, and even if it was he could not give it, as it 
 preserved him at sea. Castanheda says Gama gave two letters, one in 
 Portuguese, the other in Arabic ; this latter was read and explained to 
 the King by a committee of four Moors, one of whom, at Gama's re- 
 quest, was Monzaide. Osorio says (iama went ashore with twelve men, 
 and gave his letters and presents to the King, who seemed to despise 
 them ; Gama excused them on the ground that D. Manuel had hardly 
 expected that the voyage would end so prospei"ously. Gama begged 
 the King not to communicate the letters to the Moors, but only to 
 Monzaide. 
 
-y 
 
 NEGOTIATIONS WITH CALECUT. 
 
 175 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 5(^c£r cVvcMp^A 
 
 How Vasco da Gama went on shore, and had an interview with the -t- ^.a 
 King of Calecut, and spoke to him about a covenant of peace and Tvviao^ 
 trade : and of what happened. 
 
 The King, on receiving the message of the captain-major to 
 the effect that he could do nothing without first estabhshing 
 peace, and giving an explanation of this, and that after peace ' 
 was established then he would establish trade, spoke of this 
 matter to his confidantes and the overseer of the treasury and 
 the Gozilj for the King said he desired to know what the Por- 
 tuguese King wanted. The overseer of the treasury and the 
 Gozil, who had already received the presents of the Moors, ' 
 said to the King that it was very requisite first to learn the 
 truth about our people whether they came for a good purpose 
 or not ; and that meantime he should send to tell them to 
 send a man from whom he could get information as to what 
 the Portuguese wanted, and if it was a thing agreeable to 
 his will, then he would hear the embassage of their King. 
 This advice seemed good to the King ; and at the end of 
 three days after that he sent to call the broker, who was 
 always on shore with Joan Nuz to purchase provisions. 
 The broker however also bought porcelain, benzoin, and bags 
 of musk, these in small quantities ; also pepper which they 
 sold him by measure, and bimdles of cinnamon and ginger, 
 as if for himself, and at night they carried it away, when they 
 went to the ship. When these came before the King he 
 told them to go to the ship and take a message to the cap- 
 tain, and he sent with them a Nair, a relation of the Gozilj^ 
 and told them to say that a man should be sent who could 
 give explanations as to what he might ask him, and that 
 they should send word through him how they wished the 
 
17G NEGOTIATIONS WITH CALECUT. 
 
 peace to be made. The captain-major^ seeing that a boat 
 was coming with a message, ordered the things of the pre- 
 sent, which have been already mentioned, to be put on 
 handkerchiefs, as if they were cleaning and sunning them, 
 also many strings of coral beads, which was their principal 
 I merchandise. When the Nair came on board, they gave 
 \ him a good reception, and when he had given the King's 
 J message they at once called Nicolas Coelho, who came from 
 the other ship, and the captain-major sent him on shore well 
 dressed and with twelve men, and told him what the King 
 wished to know from him^ and that when he asked about the 
 peace, he was to tell him that he, the King, was to give his 
 peace and security like a King, such as he was^ to the Portu- 
 guese that they might go on shore buying and selling mer- 
 chandise, and that no one was to do them any harm, nor any 
 fraud, neither in the prices nor in the goods, and they were 
 fco give them everything the same as to the other foreign 
 merchants, and that they should give them boats to embark 
 every evening what they bought in the day, and that they 
 might buy goods in what quantities they pleased, and that 
 they should not pay more duties than what were customary 
 in the country, both with regard to what they bought and 
 what they sold ; and this trade of buying and selling was to 
 last for ever with such good friendship as if he was own 
 brother to the King of Portugal ; and of this he was to take 
 oath, according to his usage, and give his signature. If he 
 was satisfied with this, and gave his oath and signature, a 
 factor would then go on shore immediately with the goods. 
 When all should have been thus established, and the buying 
 and selling commenced, and the captain-major should see that 
 this was being done with order and friendship, he would im- 
 mediately, on hostages being sent, go on shore to establish 
 and confirm this peace also with his oath ; and would show 
 the letters which he brought from the King with his present. 
 All this the captain-major gave in writing to Nicolas Coelho. 
 
NEGOTIATIONS AT CALECUT. 177 
 
 While this was being done^ the Nair was looking at the 
 things which were spread out, at which he was surprised ; 
 and the captain-major gave him a cap and a knife with a 
 sheath ; and, as the cap had no tassel, he asked to have one 
 of the other caps and knives, but the broker told him that 
 those were to be taken to the King. Then they went 
 ashore, and when they landed many people ran up, and 
 when they reached the gate of the palace they found many 
 seats like benches of earth, very well arranged, on which 
 was seated the Gozil on a mat of many patterns ; he rose 
 and made a salutation to Nicolas Coelho, and made him sit 
 close to him ; there were here two hundred men of the 
 Nairs- who were in the service of the Gozil. He ordered 
 the Nair who had come with them to go inside the palace to 
 take information to the King, and the Nair went and re- 
 mained so long without returning, that it appears he was 
 relating to the King all that he had seen in the ship. It was 
 now very late, for this happened after they had already 
 dined, and the sun had set, when a message arrived from 
 the King that he could not speak to them as he was engaged, 
 and would speak to them next morning. Nicolas Coelho 
 said nothing, and asked the Gozil to order a boat to be pre- 
 pared for him and he would return to the ship. He answered 
 that the sea was high, and for that reason no one could go 
 to the ships at night. They remained there a great part of 
 the night; then the Gozil sent Nicolas Coelho to the house 
 of a Gentile, a man of the country, which was a very good 
 house ; and he ordered them to give him there boiled rice, 
 which they set before him on green fig leaves, which were 
 as broad as a sheet of paper ; and they gave him fowls, roast 
 and boiled after their fashion, and good figs. When they 
 had done eating, they gave them mats on which they slept 
 upon benches like those that were at the King's door. The 
 Castilian, who had seen everything, when it was night kept 
 walking before the door of the house, until Nicolas Coelho 
 
178 NICOLAS COELHO GOES ASHORE, 
 
 came out for a moment, when lie told him to dissemble, 
 because they were exposing him to these delays in order 
 that he might get angry and lose his temper, and he went 
 away not to be seen speaking to Coelho. Next day Nicolas 
 Coelho took it very easily and leisurely in the house until 
 they came to call him, when he went to the King's house, 
 where he was met at the door by the overseer of the 
 treasury, with many people, who received him with much 
 honour, and told him that the King was indisposed and 
 could not talk to him, and that the King sent word that 
 Coelho was to say to him all that he wished. Nicolas 
 Coelho said that he had brought a message which the 
 captain-major had oi-dered him to repeat to the King, and 
 therefore he could not speak it except to him ; and if the 
 King was indisposed, he would go back to the ships and 
 would come whenever the King pleased. The overseer of 
 the treasury pressed him to speak to him, but Nicolas 
 Coelho would not, and asked him for a boat to return to 
 his ship. The overseer of the treasury sent word of this 
 to the King, who ordered him to be introduced. The over- 
 seer of the treasury then brought Coelho to where the 
 King was, in a small house like a chamber with little light. 
 The King was seated on a low bed covered with a white 
 cloth; near him was one of his Brahmans, who are like 
 their clergy. Nicolas Coelho made his most profound 
 salutation to the King, and remained standing in silence. 
 The Brahman asked the broker why he did not speak ; and 
 the broker repeated this in another language to Joan Nuz, 
 who repeated it to Nicolas Coelho : and he replied that he 
 could not speak without the King's commanding him to do 
 so. Then the King bade him speak, and he gave him the 
 whole message which he had brought, as the captain-major 
 had ordered him. After hearing it, the King told him to go 
 outside and wait, and the overseer of the treasury would 
 bring him the answer. Nicolas Coelho replied that he 
 
AND VISITS THE KING OP CALECDT. 179 
 
 would not receive the answer from any one except from 
 himself. Then the King said that he was satisfied with all 
 he had asked^ and he ordered the overseer of tlic treasury 
 to carry it all out^ and with that he dismissed him.^ When 
 they had again come outside^ the overseer of the treasury 
 told him to say what goods they had brought. He 
 replied that they would bring what they had got on shore, 
 and if they were not satisfied with them, they would take 
 them back again, and would buy with gold and silver, but 
 that they would have to settle the prices, and do all this 
 after that the King had made everything secure as he had 
 said ; and then they would commence trade of buying and 
 selling as in a country of a friend and brother of the King 
 of Portugal, and the captain-major would come on shore to 
 give the embassage which he had brought for the King. A 
 message of this was sent back to the King, who sent his 
 signature on a dry leaf of a palm tree: the King's Brahman 
 brought it ; it was written with letters made with strokes. 
 The Brahman took a thread which he wore hung round his 
 shoulders between his thumbs with his hands joined, and 
 swore that the King had signed that leaf, and in it affirmed 
 everything just as the captain-major had requested. Then 
 Nicolas Coelho spoke to the broker, who told him to take 
 the leaf with marks of satisfaction, that he believed all as 
 true, and afterwards he would see how the business ad- 
 vanced. Then Nicolas Coelho, with signs of pleasure, took 
 the leaf and kissed it, and placed it on his head, and put it 
 in his bosom, and asked the overseer of the treasury to 
 give him a boat to take the message to the captain-major. 
 This he gave him at once, and on going to the beach the 
 Castilian passed by the broker and put into his hand a 
 writing by which he told the captain-major to make re- 
 joicing over the King's leaf, and to send on shore a small 
 quantity of merchandise for selling and buying each day, 
 ^ The other historians do not mention this visit of Coolho to the King. 
 
180 NEGOTIATIONS AT CALECUT. 
 
 and that at night they should embark what they bought ; 
 and to send a factor with the broker and Joan Nuz, and 
 another man, and that they should be warned not to try to 
 obtain more than was offered. When Nicolas Coelho arrived, 
 and Vasco da Gama saw the letter of the Castilian, and 
 Coelho had related to him what had happened, what the 
 Castilian said seemed to him good advice, and he ordered 
 flags to be hung out, and the trumpets to be sounded, and 
 salutes to be fired with several charges in both ships ; at 
 which the people were amazed seeing the ships fire so 
 many discharges. Immediately after, the captain-major, 
 running the risk of the luck which God might give, appointed 
 as factor one Diego Diaz, a man of the King's establish- 
 ment, and as clerk Peter de Braga,^ and with them Joan 
 Nuz, and the broker and the Moorish pilot from Melinde, 
 whom he invited to go with them on shore. By the advice 
 of the broker, in order to settle the price, he sent in a chest 
 one hundredweight of unwrought branch coral, and as 
 much of vermilion, and a ban-el of quicksilver, fifty pigs of 
 copper, twenty strings of large cut coral, and as many of 
 amber, and five Portugueses of gold, fifty cruzados, and a 
 hundred testoons in silver ; also a table with a green cloth, 
 and a wooden balance with four weights of a quintal, and 
 one half quintal, and he ordered them to accept as the 
 price what was given them, and to verify it with the balance 
 and weights. All which the clerk was to write down in the 
 book which he carried for that purpose, and they were not 
 to crave more than what was given them ; and by no means 
 to persist, nor to allow the broker to show any urgency or 
 obstinacy, as was his custom ; and in everything they were 
 to show that they were pleased, and to act so that they 
 should rather be considered as simple men than as wary ; 
 and he told the broker and pilot not to be in anywise obsti- 
 nate in buying and selling, as such was their custom, and 
 
 ' Barros mentions their appointment, but as having happened later, 
 he names De Braga, Alvaro, instead of Peter. 
 
A FACTORY ESTABLISHED AT CALECUT, 181 
 
 when tliey did not find a good market they went to some 
 other place where they found it better. Having given all 
 of them instructions as to what they had to do, he sent 
 them in the boat, in which they went to a short distance 
 from the land, and anchored with a grapnel, because they 
 could not reach the land, for the waves broke very much, 
 and only the Indian skiffs were able to take the waves, 
 which did them no harm. As soon as the boat anchored, 
 there came at once a skiff from the shore, in which the 
 broker and Joan Nuz and the pilot placed themselves, and 
 went on shore to ask the overseer of the treasury to give 
 them a house on the beach for the factor to remain there 
 with the goods which they were bringing ; he at once gave 
 orders to the broker to take whichever house he pleased. 
 This he did, and took a large house in two compartments, 
 from which they at once cleared out the people who lived in 
 it. The skiff brought the factor and clerk and all the mer- 
 chandise, and the balance which they suspended, and they 
 placed the table with a bench which they also brought from 
 the ship ; the merchandise they placed in the other apart- 
 ment. Soon after the overseer of the treasury came with 
 many Nairs, whom he ordered to keep off many people and 
 Moors whe were looking on. The factor then showed all 
 that he had got there to the overseer of the treasury, who 
 asked him if he had got much goods of those which he had 
 shown him. He replied that he had little, because much 
 others had gone in the other ship, and that he would sell all 
 that he had if he found anything to buy. The overseer 
 asked what money he had got, and the factor showed it 
 him. The overseer of the treasury then sent for a changer, 
 who weighed it all, and proved it with his touchstones, 
 which they carry for that purpose, and with which they are 
 very clever ; and they set a value on each coin, which they 
 told to the factor, and the clerk wrote it down, and it was 
 higher than in Portugal. The factor said that it was worth 
 
182 COMMENCEMENT OF PORTUGUESE 
 
 more in his country, but that they might make a profit on 
 their purchases. A price was then set upon each article of 
 merchandise separately by itself, upon which a large profit 
 was made, both in the value and also in the weight, which 
 they named farazolas,^ which, being verified by the scales, 
 gives twenty farazolas and eighteen pounds one bahar. 
 They also settled the prices of pepper and all the drugs. 
 When they wanted to set a price upon other goods, the 
 factor said that he had not got leave to buy anything else 
 but drugs. Then the Gozil asked what they wanted next, 
 for he was also there, having come later bringing with him 
 a few Moors of his party for them to see what was being 
 done. The overseer of the treasury then asked if they 
 wished to begin weighing at once ; they said yes : he then 
 ordered many sacks of pepper to be brought, which were 
 weighed in their balance, which was large and with one 
 arm only, and each weighed five farazolas. The factor re- 
 ceived it as it was in the sacks, without deduction for the 
 sacks, and without speaking about the price, since it was 
 very little. All day they weighed pepper, and in the evening 
 they reckoned what it was worth, and the factor told the 
 overseer of the treasury to take payment in any sort of 
 goods as he pleased : this he took in cut coral, and copper 
 and quicksilver, which was sufiicient for the goods which 
 had been weighed ; all which was weighed very favourably to 
 his satisfaction by the overseer of the treasury, who hindered 
 him in nothing; so the factor gave him more than the weight, 
 until the balance touched the ground. Having ended, 
 all the goods were carried away and embarked in Indian 
 skifis, which put it into the boats, both of which took the 
 cargo, and the skiffs returned ashore. Whilst the overseer 
 of the treasury was about to go away, the factor gave him 
 
 1 The appendix to Barbosa and Magellan's book says: " a farazola is 
 twenty-two pounds of sixteen ounces and six ounces and a half more : 
 twenty farazolas are one bahar." 
 
TRADE AT CALECUT. ] 83 
 
 ten ells of crimsou satin and four red caps^ and six knives 
 with sheaths, which the overseer thanked him for, making 
 many offers ; and he asked the factor what goods he wished 
 to put on board next day : he replied that he would send 
 and ask the captain-major. Then the overseer of the trea- 
 sury left him a Nair, who was always to remain for his pro- 
 tection ; this the factor thanked hitn for very much, and 
 was glad of it, because he made the people keep off" from 
 the door, who smothered them. The boats went to the 
 ship, and with them the clerk Peter de Braga, who went to 
 give an account of what had happened, and show the book 
 in which he had written the weights and prices of every- 
 thing and of the money, at which they experienced great 
 satisfaction and gave great praise to the Lord. Next day 
 they sent more copper in the boats, and also a little more or 
 less of the other goods, as much as was sufficient for weigh- 
 ing during the day. Vasco da Gama sent to tell the factor 
 to ask the overseer of the treasury to give them pepper 
 because it had to go below all the other goods ; and to buy 
 poles and planks to make compartments for each sort of 
 goods to go separate, which was done. Next day the boats 
 went in the morning to take their posts, and the Indian 
 skiffs came at once and carried the goods on shore. Then 
 the overseer of the treasury oi'dered pepper to be carried to 
 the factory, and sent one of his clerks to be present at the 
 weighing. When the overseer of the treasury related to 
 the King the prices which he had fixed, and the manner in 
 which things had been weighed, he was much pleased at the 
 large profits which were made, and which doubled the 
 money of all that was bought and sold ; and he told the 
 overseer of the treasury to give them also some of all the 
 other goods, so as to see with which most gain \vas made. 
 During this day also pepper was weighed as the factor had 
 requested, and he paid the labourers what the King's clerk, 
 who was looking on at the weighing, told him to give 
 
184 TRADING AT CALECUT. 
 
 them. The pilot also purchased planks and rafters, which 
 he took to the ships in Indian boats, for which a fixed price 
 had been established for each journey they made to the 
 boats or to the ships. The boats remained constantly in 
 the position they had taken, each one with two swivel guns 
 and a gunner, and sailors with pikes under the benches, 
 and swords placed below the thwarts of the boats, and they 
 carried with them provisions' to eat, and were always ready 
 at hand to come up if any disturbance occurred : and they 
 went on weighing until the evening, when the overseer of 
 the treasuiy came to make the account and receive the mer- 
 chandise, and he took those goods which the factor gave 
 him, because upon all of them much money was gained. At 
 night, when the Portuguese took the goods on board, the 
 overseer of the treasury went to give an account to the 
 King, who ordered that ginger should be given next day, 
 which was done, and the ginger was brought to the factory; 
 it came smeared with red clay, because it was exported in 
 that manner, for with the clay it travelled better, and with 
 more strength. But the clay was so much in excess of 
 what was sufficient, that the clay weighed much more than 
 . the ginger, which was a great robbery of the Portuguese, 
 and the factor understood it, because the broker pointed it 
 out to him ; but he dissembled and told the overseer of the 
 treasury to order more clay to be put upon the ginger, 
 because it had to go a long way. Of this the overseer of 
 the treasury ordered so much to be brought, that they had 
 to spend three days in weighing it ; during these they also 
 brought in some pepper, because the factor said it was 
 necessary to stow it below the other merchandise. The 
 Mozambique pilot who was in the ship arranged the com- 
 partments with the rafters and planks, all which were made 
 very strong and pitched over, which was done by the ship^s 
 workmen; and they were lined with matting, of which there 
 was plenty on shore, made for this purpose of stowing 
 
TRADING AT CALECUT. 185 
 
 cargo in ships. I The pilot told the captain-major that each 
 kind of goods was to go by itself separated from the rest, 
 because that which went mixed was spoiled, the one kind 
 by another ; and it was thus executed as the pilot directed. 
 When three days had passed, during which they weighed 
 the ginger, the overseer of the treasury said that they 
 should take cinnamon ; the factor said they would take the 
 cinnamon last, because, as it was a bulky article of little 
 weight, it must lie on the top of the cargo. The overseer 
 replied that it was necessary they should take a little of it, 
 because they had to clear out a house in which it was kept. 
 The factor, seeing that perforce he would have to do as the 
 overseer chose, could not do anything else ; and the cinna- 
 mon was brought in packages of sticks and mats, and so I 
 they weighed it, and it was old cinnamon and of a bad! 
 quality which was unserviceable. The factor acted as if he 
 did not perceive it, and weighed it, and the boats went 
 loaded with it three times, during a day till nightfall, to the 
 ships, and all of it was discharged into the ship of the 
 captain-major, which as yet had got no cargo. The factor 
 wrote to the captain-major that he had taken the cinnamon, 
 although it was bad, because the overseer of the treasury 
 had sent it for him to take. The captain-major answered 
 him, telling him to take everything, even should they be 
 worse goods, because they were not able to^ do better ; and 
 that he was always to ask for pepper, which was the most 
 suitable, because they could not stow cargo without first 
 having pepper to go below. The King was so covetous, on 
 account of the large gains he was making upon the pur- 
 chases and sales, that he now no longer recollected anything 
 about the embassy. The Moors felt great vexation at see- 
 ing the Portuguese thus taking in cargo, and that like stupid 
 people they accepted so unprofitably whatever was given 
 them without making any complaint, since these were bad 
 articles, which were not worth the half of what they were 
 
186 
 
 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MOORS 
 
 //: 
 
 AP 
 
 giving for ttem, and the mercliandise which they gave was 
 with excess of weight; and they knew that the King was so 
 covetous that, as long as the Portuguese wished to buy, the 
 King would sooner supply our men than them ; on which 
 account, if many ships came to fetch cargo, they would en- 
 tirely lose their trade. So they went to speak to the Gozil, 
 and made a long exposition to him, saying that he very 
 Iwell saw that the buying and selling of the Portuguese was 
 jlike that of stupid men, who gave for merchandise the 
 Idouble of what it was worth, and who took rotten things 
 which were of no use, and were delighted with them as if 
 they were good; all which the King gave because he gained 
 so much by it ; and that it was certain that always and 
 whenever the Christians should come thither, he would be 
 I selling merchandise and supplying cargo to them sooner 
 Ithau to the Moors. Wherefore, if they could not get 
 cargoes as they had done for so many years, they would be 
 entirely ruined, and all their remedy to prevent this coming 
 to pass lay in his hand, and in that of the overseer of the 
 treasury, as they could counsel the King not to establish 
 peace nor trade with the Portuguese except after he had 
 first had many years experience of their being sincere 
 friends ; because it was very clear that they were not mer- 
 chants, but spies who came to see the country, in order to 
 come afterwards with a large fleet to take and plunder it ;^ 
 
 • This advice not to make a treaty hurriedly was wise ; if trade is 
 mutually advantageous no treaty is required, and both parties are 
 interested in conducting themselves well, which they are not when one 
 party is the strongest and has bound the weaker by a treaty. As soon 
 as Vasco da Gama returned to Portugal, a fleet of thirteen ships was 
 {fitted out and sailed for India in the -year 1500 under Pedralvares 
 ICabral. It was not^ however, a fleet of merchantmen laden with goods 
 to exchange for the produce of India — it carried twelve hundred men 
 and several priests, and the principal article, saysBarros, in the instructions 
 given to Pedralvares, was: "Before he attacked the Moors and idolaters of 
 those parts with the material and secular sword, he was to allow the 
 priests and monks to us? their sj^iritual sword, which was to declare to 
 
ON THE MANNER OF THE POKTUGUESE TRADE. 187 
 
 because,, if tliey were really merchants^ they would not buy 
 in that manner^ nor unprofitably give such high prices for 
 that which was worth nothing : and withal the King was so 
 covetous, that he neither saw nor understood how much 
 this was of importance to his kingdom and his vassals, and 
 he had established peace and trade, in order to see the em- 
 bassage, and learn of what nature it was, all which had been 
 entirely forgotten. And since they would give the Gozil 
 and the overseer as much as they pleased, they should find 
 the means of counselling the King to send for the embassy 
 to come on shore, and to do his business as so great a King 
 should do. If the ambassador came, by showing him great 
 state, he would esteem the King much more highly, because 
 the Grand Turk, whenever he received an embassy from 
 any King-, however great he might be, the ambassador,before 
 he saw him, waited at his doors for many days, for all con- 
 sisted in points of honour and state and ceremony which 
 great kings have to uphold ; and after that the embassage 
 has been heard, many days pass before the reply is de- 
 spatched. Therefore, since the Gozil had already given 
 
 them the Gospel, Avith admonitions and requisitions on the jiart of the 
 Roman Church, asking them to abandon their idolatries, diabolical 
 rites and customs, and to convert themselves to the faith of Christ, for 
 all men to be united and joined in charity of religion and love, since we 
 were all the work of one Creator, and redeemed by one Redeemer, who 
 was Christ Jesus, promised by prophets, and hoped for by jDatriarchs 
 for so many thousand years before he came. For which purpose they 
 brought them all the natural and legal arguments which the Canon 
 Right disposes of. And should they be so contumacious as not to 
 accept this law of faith, and should reject the law of peace, which 
 ought to be maintained amongst men, for the conservation of the 
 human kind, and should they forbid commerce and exchange, which are 
 the means by which peace and love amongst all men is conciliated and 
 obtained (since this commerce is the foundation of all human polity, if 
 the contracting parties agreed in religion and belief in the truth, which 
 each one is obliged to hold and believe of God), in that case they should 
 put them to fire and sword, and carry on fierce war against them. And 
 of all these things he carried coi^ious regulations." Decadj i, lib. v, cap. i. 
 
188 NEGOTIATIONS AT CALECUT. 
 
 them his word, let him take some action in the matter so as 
 to prevent the cargo being proceeded with, and then they 
 would at once see the arrogance of the Portuguese, and 
 that which they concealed under the cloak of merchants. 
 The Gozil offered to do it, for he felt envy on account of 
 what the overseer of the treasury had got from our men, 
 and he went to the King and spoke to him in the manner 
 in which the Moors had spoken to him ; upon which the 
 King sent to call the overseer of the treasury, and talked 
 over with him what the Gozil had been saying. The over- 
 seer said that the Portuguese put all on board, and paid as 
 jmuch as was asked, without rejecting or refusing anything; 
 at which the Gozil said, that on that account he had great 
 suspicions that the Portuguese were not merchants ; that if 
 
 j they were so, they would not take poor and despicable 
 merchandise, giving for it double what it was worth, but 
 that he understood truly that they were evil men of war, 
 and thus in the guise of merchants they entered into coun- 
 tries to spy and search in order afterwards to come and rob, 
 and therefore they ought not to give them cargo, but rather 
 to kill them all and burn the ships, so that they should 
 
 , never return there again. The King said, since that was 
 their opinion, he would send for the ambassador to come, 
 who would bring him the present, and afterwards they 
 would do whatever would be for the best, and that they 
 should still go on selling goods to them, because if they 
 did not supply them, the Portuguese would at once be filled 
 with suspicions of evil, on account of which the ambassador 
 would not come on shore : this seemed to them good. The 
 King then arranged with the Gozil the coming and reception 
 of the ambassador, and that after he had come on shore, he 
 would go thence outside to Panane, where he used to re- 
 side frequently, and he would order the ambassador to come 
 thither, and if he did not go, he would order him to be 
 brought by force, and he would order him to be seized if he 
 
NEGOTIATIONS AT CALECUT. 189 
 
 broke out into any violence ; and they settled that that 
 would be a good course. Immediately next day the Gozil 
 sent one of the King's Nairs with a message to the captain- 
 major, that the King said that since peace had been esta- 
 blished as he desired, and he was loading his ships, he 
 would be pleased if he came to deliver the embassage which 
 he had brought for him. The Castilian, who took good 
 care, as it pleased the Lord, on learning these things, came 
 at night in the gajb of a beggar, and going along begging 
 alms, reached the door of the factory and begged alms in 
 Castilian, and the factor recognised him, because the Cas- 
 tilian told him by a sign, and he brought him inside, when 
 he told the factor that the captain-major was not to come 
 ashore without good hostages, and that he would give him 
 a sign of what would be a good one : then he went out 
 again, begging in the same way. This the factor wrote to 
 the captain-major, who on hearing the message of the Nair, 
 told him that he was ready to go at once, and he asked him 
 as a favour at once to send a hostage to the ship as was 
 the custom for ambassadors, because he was ready to go 
 itnmediately. When the King heard this, with the longing 
 that he had for the present, he told the Gozil to send a 
 couple of Nairs, of the most honourable that he had, and 
 with them his nephew. The Gozil did not like this, as he 
 did not know what would turn out. The King told him to 
 send them, because after the ambassador had come on 
 shore he would send for them to come, and of this he gave 
 him his promise. Then the three Nairs, with very good 
 cloths, and gold bracelets on the shield-arms above their r 
 elbows, and gold earrings in their ears, and their swords 
 and splendid shields, which it is their custom always to 
 carry as long as they live, by day and night, were delivered 
 over by the Gozil to the factor, for him to convey them to 
 the ship; he excused himself from doing so, saying he 
 could not because he was weighing, but that the interpreter 
 
190 VASCO DA GAMA GOES ON SHORE 
 
 Joan Nuz would go to the King for him to deliver thera up, 
 because they had to be received from the King's hand, and 
 then he would conduct them to the ship. This the Gozil 
 did, and went with the interpreter to the King, and deli- 
 vered to him the hostages. Meanwhile, the Castilian found 
 time to tell the factor which of the three Nairs was the 
 Gozil's nephew, who was sufficient. They went immediately 
 in an Indian boat to the ship, and the captain-major re- 
 ceived them with much honour ; and seeing three hostages, 
 on account of the notice which he had ali'eady received 
 from the factor, he said through the interpreter that one 
 hostage was sufficient for so great a king as was the King 
 of Calecut, even though he were only one youth belonging 
 to his household. They then got ready at once, and the 
 captain-major ordered all the articles which I have before 
 mentioned to be wrapped up in handkerchiefs and napkins, 
 and the Nairs were delighted to see them : and he ordered 
 the trumpeters to be dressed in white and red liveries which 
 he had had made ; and on the trumpets were set streamers 
 of white and red taffiity, with a gilt sphere upon them, and 
 their slings, and the trumpets were cleaned and burnished 
 so that they shone like gold. \ He took to accompany him 
 twelve men well clothed, and some of his household, and 
 there went Alvaro de Braga, Joan de Setubal, and Joan 
 Pallia, all smart men. The clothes of the captain-major and 
 the articles of silver were put in a chest, and all embarked 
 in the boat, and he took one of the Nairs, and left the other 
 with the Gozil's nephew, well lodged in an apartment of 
 his cabin, to whom Paulo da Gama gave a good welcome. 
 Next day Vasco da Gama went in the boats, which also 
 carried goods for the factory, where the Gozil, with many 
 people, was on the beach waiting for him ; and he first sent 
 the Nair to go and tell the King that he was there, and 
 with him he sent an interpreter. This the captain-major 
 did on account of a warning from the Castilian, who sent 
 
TO VISIT THE KING OP CALECUT. 191 
 
 him word that the King was about to go five leagues out- 
 side the city, in order to bid him go thither, and that this 
 was at the advice of the Moors. The Nair and interpreter, 
 on reaching land and mentioning the message with which 
 they were going to the King, were sent back again by the 
 Gozil to the captain-major to tell him to disembark and that 
 they would go to the King's houses, and that he had had to 
 go outside the city in a hurry and would return in the even- 
 ing, and had given orders for them to wait there till he 
 came. Yasco da Gama sent the Nair on shore to wait until 
 he saw the King and tell him that he was coming at his 
 summons, and that as he did not find him, on that account 
 he was returning to the ship until the King came : and if 
 he sent for him to come, he would come at once. At this 
 the Gozil felt melancholy ; and said to the factor that the 
 captain-major did wrong not to come out and wait for the 
 King as he had bidden. The factor told him that the 
 captain-major was doing what he was ordered by his in- 
 structions, and that he was not to give his embassage by 
 night but by day, when the King was in his palace with all 
 liis nobles. Then he sent word to the captain-major to send 
 the hostages on shore that they might go and eat. The 
 captain-major answered that he had not got to send them, 
 that he had no authority over them, and that they could 
 very well go away if they pleased, as he was not going to 
 keep them byibree. Then Yasco da Gama spoke to the 
 hostages, and told them that he had been going on shore to 
 speak to the King, and that he had not found him, since 
 the Gozil had sent to say that the King had gone outside 
 to some other part, and that he had sent him word to send 
 them on shore, which he could not order them to do, be- 
 cause the King had ordered them to remain there in the 
 ship until he had spoken to him ; therefore, if they wished 
 to go, they might go and welcome, as he did not keep them 
 by force. The Nairs said that they would not go except 
 
192 gama's presents to the king of calecut. 
 
 with the King's orders, and they sent to say this to the 
 Gozil ; on account of which they brought them their food 
 and water, which they drank. The Gozil sent a message to 
 the King of what the captain-major had done. 
 
 The King was angry because he was inclined to go out 
 of the city, and he came back at once next day, and sent to 
 tell the captain-major that he was in his palace waiting for 
 him. Upon this the captain-major went at once in the boat, 
 and the Moorish broker took him on shore with all the 
 packages in large Indian boats, and he went into the fac- 
 
 \ tory, where he dressed himself in a long cloak coming down 
 to his feet, of tawny coloured satin, lined with smooth bro- 
 
 [ cade, and underneath a short tunic of blue satin, and white 
 buskins, and on his head a cap with lappets of blue velvet, 
 with a white feather fastened under a splendid medal ; and 
 a valuable enamel collar on his shoulders, and a rich sash 
 with a handsome dagger. He had a page dressed in red 
 satin, and in front of him went the men in file one before 
 another. First after these went the basin, carried wrapped 
 in a napkin by a man who held it against his breast, and in 
 front another with the ewer ; then a tray with the knives 
 and caps, and then the open mirror which had doors, and 
 was all splendidly gilt ; next the pieces of silk, and in front 
 of all the chair carried upon the head of the broker : and 
 there was in front a piece of scarlet cloth opened so as to 
 show it. Before these went the trumpets sounding, and 
 the factor went with a cane in his hand, and his cap off, as 
 he conducted all the bearers of the present. The King was 
 in a balcony and saw everything in the order in which it 
 came, with great pleasure at seeing such rich things. The 
 factor entered in front and presented each thing to the 
 King, and he placed a cushion upon the chair, and another 
 at its foot [and said], that the ambassador asked him as a 
 favour to sit on the chair for him to give him his embassage 
 seated on that chair, and the King, with the great satisfaction 
 
GAMA GOES TO AN AUDIENCE OF THE ZAMORIM. 193 
 
 which he experienced, sat upon it. Before arriving at the 
 palace there was a long street through which the captain- 
 major went ; but the crowd was so great that our men could 
 not advance, even though there were many Nairs making 
 the people keep off, and in that crowd there were a great 
 number^pL Moors also with swords and shields, after the 
 fashion of the Nairs. i The captain-major went very leisurely 
 and without fatiguing himself, and remained still until they 
 had made the people stand off. Before reaching the palace, 
 by the King's orders, the catual of the King's house came 
 to receive the captain-major ; he is the chief officer of the 
 guard of the King's palace, and if any one enters where the 
 King dwells without his leave, immediately he will order his 
 head to be cut off at the door of the palace without asking 
 the king's pleasure about it. With this Catual the Portu- 
 guese proceeded with less encumbrance, because he ordered 
 the people to keep off, and they were much afraid of him. 
 Each time the factor presented any piece of goods, the King 
 looked at it for some time, and this caused much detention. 
 When the captain-major arrived, he was conducted through 
 many courts and verandahs to a dwelling opposite to that 
 in which the King was, beyond, in another room arranged 
 with silk stuffs of various colours, and a white canopy, which 
 was of subtle workmanship and covered the whole room. 
 The King was sitting in his chair, which the factor had got 
 him to sit upon ; he was a very dark man, half naked, and 
 clothed with white cloths from the middle to the knees : one 
 of these cloths ended in a long point on which were threaded 
 several gold rings with large rubies, which made a great 
 show. He had on his left arm a bracelet above the elbow, 
 which seemed like three rings together, the middle one 
 larger than the others, all studded with rich jewels, par- 
 ticularly the middle one which bore large stones which could 
 not fail to be of very great value ; from this middle ring 
 hung a pendent stone which glittered : it was a diamond of 
 
19-i DESCRIPTION OF THE KING OF CALECUT, 
 
 the thickness of a thumb ; it seemed a priceless thing. 
 Round his neck was a string of pearls about the size of hazel 
 nutSj the string took two turns and reached to his middle ; 
 above it he wore a thin round gold chain which bore a jewel 
 of the form of a heart, surrounded with larger pearls, and all 
 full of rubies : in the middle was a green stone of the size of 
 a large bean, which, from its showiness was of great price, 
 which was called an emerald ; and, according to the informa- 
 tion which the Castilian afterwards gave the captain-major 
 of this jewel, and of that which was in the bracelet on his 
 arm, and of another pearl which the King wore suspended 
 in his hair, they were all three belonging to the ancient 
 treasury of the Kings of Calecut. The King had long dark 
 hair, all gathered up and tied on the top of his head with a 
 knot made in it ; and round the knot he had a string of 
 pearls like those round his neck, and at the end of the string 
 a pendent pearl pear-shaped and larger than the rest, which 
 seemed a thing of great value. His ears were pierced with 
 large holes, with many gold ear-rings of round beads. Close 
 to the King stood a boy, his page, with a silk cloth round 
 him ; he held a red shield with a border of gold and jewels, 
 and a boss in the centre of a span's breadth of the samo 
 materials, and the rings inside for the arm were of gold ; 
 also a short drawn sword of an ell's length, round at the 
 point, with a hilt of gold and jewellery with pendent pearls. 
 On the other side stood another page, who held a gold cup 
 with a wide rim, into which the King spat ; and at the side 
 of his chair was his chief Brahman, who gave him from time 
 to time a green leaf closely folded with other things inside 
 it, which the King* ate and spat into the cup. That leaf is 
 of the size of an orange leaf, and the King was always eating 
 it ; and after much mastication he spat it into the cup, and 
 takes a fresh one, because ho only tastes the juice of this 
 leaf and the mixture that goes with it of quick-lime and 
 other things, which they call areca, cut up small ; it is of the 
 
gama's address to the kino of calecut. 195 
 
 size of a chestnut. Thus chewed all together, it makes the 
 mouth and teeth very red, because they use it all day 
 wherever they may be going, and it makes the breath very 
 pleasant. The factor having finished presenting all the 
 things to the King, which he was looking at very leisurely, 
 the ambassador arrived and made profound salutations to the 
 King ; and the King, bowing his head and his body a little, 
 extended his right hand and arm, and with the points of his 
 fingers he touched the right hand of the captain-major, and 
 bade him sit upon the dais upon which he was ; but he did 
 not sit down, and spoke to him through the language which 
 Joan Nuz spoke to the broker, and the broker spoke to the 
 Brahm an, who was by the King ; there were also there the 
 overseer of the treasury and the Gozil, and Vasco da Gama 
 said to the King, " Sire, you are powerful and very great 
 above all the kings and rulors of India, and all of them are 
 under your feet. The great King of Portugal my sovereign 
 having heard of your grandeur, and it is spoken of through- 
 out the world, had a great longing to become acquainted 
 with you and to contract friendship with you as with a 
 brother of his own, and with full and sincere peace and 
 amity to send his ships with much merchandise, to trade 
 and buy your merchandise, and above all pepper and 
 drugs, of which there are none in Portugal ; and with 
 this desire he sent fifty ships with his captain-major; 
 and he sent me to go on shore with his present and 
 message of love and friendship, which I have presented to 
 you, because I have been separated from the rest of my 
 company by storms. God has been pleased to bring me 
 here where I now am, and, therefore, I truly believe that 
 you are the king and ruler whom we came in search of, 
 since here we find the pepper and drugs which our King 
 commanded us to seek, and which you. Sire, have been 
 pleased to give us; and I have great hopes in God that 
 before we depart hence another fleet will arrive here, or 
 some others, for without doubt, Sire, we came to seek for 
 
1.90 gama's audience of the king of calecut. 
 
 jou; and I tell you, Sire, that so powerful is the King of 
 Portugal my sovereign that after I shall have returned to 
 him with your reply, and with this cargo which you are 
 giving me, he will send hither so many fleets and mer- 
 chandise, that they will carry away as many goods as are to 
 be had in this city. To certify the truth of what I say, here 
 is the letter of the King my sovereign signed with his 
 hand and seal, and in it you will see his good and true words 
 which he says to you." Vasco da Gama then kissed the 
 letter and placed it upon his eyes, and upon his head, and 
 gave it to the King with his knee on the groutid ; the King 
 took it and placed it on his breast with both hands, showing 
 marks of friendship, and opened it and looked at it, then 
 gave it to the overseer of the treasury, telling him to get it 
 translated. The King then said to Vasco da Gama that he 
 should go and rest, and that he would see the letter and 
 answer it; and that he should ask the overseer of the treasury 
 for whatever merchandise he wished to put on board, and he 
 would give it him ; also whatever he required for the ships ; 
 and that he should send all his people to the city to amuse 
 themselves, and to buy whatever they liked, for no one would 
 do them any harm. He told the Gozil to announce this by 
 the crier, and with that he dismissed Vasco da Gama, saying 
 that another day he would speak more at leisure, as it was 
 now late. So Vasco da Gama went out with the overseer of 
 the treasury, and the Gozil, and the Catual of the King's 
 door, who brought him to the factory, with his trumpets 
 blowing before him, and there they took leave of him with 
 salutations. The captain-major slept at the factory, after 
 his great satisfaction, and the next day he sent the trumpeters 
 to the ship with a letter in which he wrote all that had taken 
 place with the King. 
 
 The overseer of the treasury came next day to the captain- 
 major and brought him twenty pieces of white stuff, very 
 fine with gold embroider}^, which they called beyramies. 
 
THE king's presents TO VASCO DA QAMA. 197 
 
 and other twenty large white stuffs^ very fine, which were 
 named sinabafos, and ten pieces of coloured silk, and four 
 large loaves of benzoin, as much as a man could carry, and 
 in a porcelain jar fifty bags of musk : six basins of poi'celain 
 of the size of large soup basins, and six porcelain jars, each of 
 which would hold ten canadas^ of water. He said that the 
 King sent him these things for himself, and that when he 
 went away, then he would give him what he was to take to 
 the King. For which the captain-major sent his best 
 thanks ; and he sent all these things and his clothes to the 
 ship, and ordered them to bring on shore a piece of crimson 
 satin and ten strings of large coral, and twenty red caps 
 and many knives, and a piece of scarlet cloth, and a case of 
 branch coral of the best that there was. The Gozil ordered 
 the proclamation to be made which the King had com- 
 manded, and as the factory house was small, and the 
 captain-major had ordered the scales to be mounted outside 
 the door, he ordered a large shed to be made with boughs, 
 and had it swept and watered, and he had benches set all 
 round, upon which many merchants and Moors used to sit 
 looking at what was going on. They were always weighing 
 goods, and at night they paid, and before daylight put the 
 goods on board, as the sea was sometimes favourable for 
 that, but the best time was in the evening. Then the 
 captain-major made presents, which he sent by the broker 
 to the overseer of the treasury and the Gozil and Catual, 
 to each ten ells of satin, six caps, ten knives in sheaths, 
 three strings of coral, and half a quintal of branch coral ; 
 with which they were much delighted, and sent great 
 thanks : but the Gozil was angry because he knew that the 
 captain-major had given more to the overseer of the trea- 
 sury than to him. The Moors seeing this good state of 
 affairs for the Portuguese, and the great evil that was 
 beginning for them if they did not interrupt it, and that if the 
 ^ A Canada is a ineasme oqual to three pints. 
 
J 
 
 , 198 DELIBEEATIONS OF THE MOORS AND THE CATUAL. 
 
 1 Portuguese trade and friendship remained thus established, 
 I they would be ruined for ever, they held their councils 
 I and spoke to the Gozil and the Catual of the King's gate, 
 and gave them much money to act so that this should not 
 be established, for which purpose they might find means to 
 excite some quarrel so that the Portuguese should do some 
 harm and that they might kill some of them, after which 
 the Portuguese also would wound and kill, and the King 
 would be indignant against them, and order them all to be 
 killed, and would take all that was in the factory. The 
 (Jozil, and especially the Catual, because he was in poorer 
 circumstances and coveted much what the Moors gave and 
 promised, bound themselves to do what they should see, 
 but that as to quarrels and killing the Portuguese, they 
 were afraid that the King would act with great severity in 
 that case, because he was so taken with the Portuguese, as 
 they saw. He therefore at once set on foot his evil design, 
 and went to tell the captain-major that the King wished to 
 speak to him next day, because afterwards he had to go to 
 a city which was two leagues off where he had his principal 
 residence, for this was only the commencement of the city, 
 and he only came thither to see the ships ; and this was the 
 truth, because from there to the principal residence of the 
 King, which was in the middle of the city, there were two 
 good leagues. The captain-major, on hearing this message, 
 and believing that it was from the King, said that he would 
 do what he ordered. But the King had not given such 
 orders ; but when he sent those presents to the captain- 
 major, he went to his residence in the city, as he had left 
 everything well disposed of. The Catual took great precau- 
 tions at the doors, in such a manner that no one could go 
 in to the King without his first knowing of it, and going and 
 telling the King, for this was his duty of chief guard ; and 
 neither the overseer of the treasury nor the prince went in to 
 the King without leave from the Catual ; and this was so 
 
PHOCEEDINGS OP THE CATUAL. 199 
 
 according tc their ancient usages. The Moors, seeing that 
 the Catual }iad power to do everything, since he had the 
 King so kept under his hand, that even if the Portuguese 
 wished to complain to him of any injury that might be done 
 them, they could not do so, bribed the Catual so much that 
 he took measures for doing his work. Two days having 
 passed, he came to the factory in a litter, which men carried 
 on their shoulders. These are made with thick canes bent 
 upwards and arched, and from them are suspended some 
 cloths half a fathom in width, and a fathom and a half in 
 length ; and at the extremities, pieces of wood to sustain 
 the cloth hanging from the pole ; and upon this cloth a mat- 
 tress of the same size as the cloth. All this made of silk 
 stuffs and gold thread, with much embroidery and fringes, 
 and tassels, and the ends of the pole mounted with silver ; 
 the whole very splendid, and as rich as the gentlemen who 
 go in them, who go sitting upon this mattress ; or, if they 
 please, lying down on silken cushions ; and as many dainty 
 luxuries as they may desire. The Catual came in one of 
 these litters, and brought another like his own, saying that 
 the King had sent it for Vasco da Gama to go in, since the 
 distance was a long one, and it would weary him, for the 
 King was in the city. The overseer of the treasury was in 
 the factory talking to the captain-major about the goods. 
 During these days much pepper was being given to him, 
 and great preparations were making for embarking cargo; 
 for they had already got many drugs, and were then taking 
 cloves and nutmeg. The cloves were all stick, and the nut- 
 megs half rotten ; but the captain-major and factor praised 
 it all as good, so that the Moors and Gentiles were of opinion 
 that the Portuguese were stupid, considering that they did 
 not perceive that deceit. Then the captain-major got into 
 the litter,^ and strongly recominended the preparations that 
 
 ' This account differs from that of Barros and Camoens in many re- 
 s])ects ; they relate that Gama had an audience of the Zamorin, whom 
 
200 BARROS' ACCOUNT OF GAMA's 
 
 were to be made tu the overseei* of tlie treasury and to the 
 factor; and he went away with the Catual, thinking that he 
 
 tliey describe in much the same language as that of Correa : their 
 account of Gama's speech or embassage to the Zamorin is also the 
 same, except that they do not mention his fiction of having started with 
 iifty ships. Barros represents this embassage as having been delivered 
 at a second audience, and that at the first two letters from Dom Manuel 
 were presented to the Zamorin, one in Arabic and the other in Portu- 
 guese. Barros says that the Catual told the Castilian iloor to attend 
 upon Gama ; and Camoens represents the Catual as questioning him 
 about the Portuguese ; and in the speech which he puts into the mouth 
 of the Moor Monzaide the poet shows more knowledge of the opinions 
 of the Moors than is to be found generally at the present day, for Mon- 
 zaide says to the Catual of the Portuguese, Canto vii, 69. — 
 
 Tern a lei de hum Propheta, que gerado 
 Foi sem fazer na carne detrimento 
 Da Mai, tal que por bafo esta approvado 
 Do Deos, que tern do muudo o regimento. 
 
 They hold a Prophet's law who was begot 
 Sinless nor stained with carnal detriment 
 His Mother ; and that same the Word they wot 
 O' the God who sways the world omnipotent. 
 
 Captain R. Burton. 
 
 Barros then says that the Moors, forewarned by auguries of the ruin 
 the Portuguese would bring upon them and upon Malabar, persuaded 
 and bribed the Catual to thwart the Portuguese ; and the first thing he 
 did was to prohibit the Portuguese from going out of their house on the 
 beach into the town, giving as a reason the danger of their getting into 
 a quarrel with the Moors. Vasco da Gama, seeing these delays, asked 
 to be dismissed without any cargo of spices, since it was sufficient for 
 him to bring back news to the King of Portugal, and Monzaide ad- 
 vised him to get away before the large Arab ships arrived from the 
 Red Sea. The Catual then informed the Zamorin that in general all 
 the people in Calicut who came from the west said that the Portuguese 
 were corsairs rather than merchants, that they were men banished froui 
 their own country, and that the letters which they had given under the 
 name of embassage were a fiction to conceal their infamy as vagabonds, 
 that it was not in reason that a king so distant as was the west of the 
 country of the Franks should send an embassy which had no other 
 foundation than a desire for friendship with the King of Calecut ; and 
 this very circumstance showed that it could not be, for one reason for 
 frieudship was communication between persons, and assistance in action, 
 
AUDIENCE OF THE ZAMORI>f. 201 
 
 was conducting liim to the King's palace. Tlie Catual went 
 leisurely, because eight men whom the captain-major took 
 
 and in this case there was the great difference between their respective 
 creeds, and the distance between the states: and a king so great and 
 powerful as the King of Portugal was represented by them to be, gave a 
 bad sign of his power in the present which he had sent, which was 
 rather that of a simple merchant, and any merchant from the Straits 
 gave a better one : they had brought no goods in proof of their being 
 merchants, and it was better not to lose the profits which they already 
 had from the Moors for the promises of men who dwelled in the extre- 
 mities of the earth and required two years of navigation to arrive 
 
 The Zamorin, on reflection, sent for Vasco da Gama, and urged him to 
 tell him the truth, whether he was in reality a banished man, and that 
 if so he would assist him, and whether it was true that he had no king, 
 and was more of a corsair than a merchant. Vasco da Gama did not 
 let him go on further, and said that it was no wonder the King of 
 Calecut's vassals thought such things, from the great novelty of people 
 who were new to them in religion and customs, and who had come by a 
 way never before navigated, with an embassage from a powerful king 
 who did not pretend to more than their friendship, and to giving them 
 a new outlet for their spices, because Portugal was so rich in men, arms, 
 horses, gold, silver, silk, and other things necessary to human life, that 
 they did not require to seek those of other men, especially so remote aa 
 those of India. But that hearing of the fame of the Zamorin his King 
 had sent him to him, and that in the thousand six hundred leagues of 
 coast which the King of Portugal had discovered, in which there had 
 been found many Gentile kings and princes, he had required nothing 
 of them, except to instruct them in the faith of Christ Jesus, in whose 
 service he undertook this enterprise of new discoveries. And besides this 
 benefit of salvation of souls which the King, D. Manuel, procured for 
 those kings and peoples, he also sent them ships laden with things which 
 they did not possess; in return for which his captains brought him others 
 which were in those countries. By which exchanges those kingdoms 
 which accepted his friendship, from being barbarian became polished, 
 from weak became powerful, and instead of poor, rich ; all at the cost 
 of the labour of the Portuguese. In this his King only sought for the 
 glory of doing great things for the service of his God, and the fame of 
 the Portuguese.* As to the Moors, as they were their enemies, they had 
 
 * The history of a very few years later shewed how false this language 
 was. Vasco da Gama may have deceived himself ; yet the same lan- 
 guage has been repeated, with the same consequences. The latest occa- 
 sion ou which the language has been used, was last month, in advocacy 
 of extending the objects of the Abyssinian expedition. (Dec. 3, 1867.) 
 
202 BAREOS' ACCOUNT OF THE 
 
 with hinij in woollen jackets, with sticks in their hands, were 
 getting tired. He had not chosen that they should carry 
 
 taken from them four principal fortresses in the kingdom of Fez by force 
 of arms ; and on that account the Moors everywhere reviled the name 
 of Portuguese, and maliciously sought their death. Such treachery they 
 had not met with from the heathen, because they were naturally friends 
 of the Christians, and conformed with them in many of their customs, 
 and in the fashion of their temples, as he had seen in this kingdom of 
 Calecut. Even the King of Calecut's Brahmans, in the religion which 
 they held of the Trinity of three Persons and one only God, which 
 amongst the Christians was the foundation of all their faith, conformed 
 with them (though in another very different manner) \_Darros'' parenthe- 
 sis], which thing the Moors contradict. And the King of Portugal had 
 so long desired to make the discovery of the way from Portugal to India, 
 that even if he, Gama, should not return, by reason of any disaster, 
 he knew for certain that the King would prosecute this discovery until 
 he got information of the Zamorin. He therefore begged the Zamorin 
 to use his power to protect them against the hatred of the Moors, and 
 not allow them to be the cause of lighting up war in these parts. The 
 Zamorin listened very attentively to all these words of Vasco da Gama, 
 looking much at the temperance with which he spoke, and the fervour 
 and constancy of the man, in order to form a conjecture as to their truth. 
 As he was a prudent man, and wished also in part to satisfy the Moors, 
 he desired Vasco da Gama to return to his ships, where he would send 
 him the reply to his embassage. lie added that, for the present, this 
 seemed most suitable for Vasco da Gama himself, since he had confessed 
 that there was hatred between the Portuguese and the Moors; and if 
 the Portuguese remained in the city, they might exchange words which 
 might be the cause of their receiving some injury, against his will, at 
 which he would be displeased ; and with this he dismissed him. 
 
 The Catual then conducted Vasco da Gama out of Calicut, under the 
 show of accompanying him half way to the place of his embarcation ; 
 and he had secretly ordered the officers of the King, who were in Capo- 
 cate, where he took leave of him, to detain him, like men who did that 
 in their course of duty. AVhen Vasco da Gama saw himself detained, it 
 appeared to him that it was rather at the instigation of the Moors than 
 by the orders of the Zamorin, and he began to complain seriously to the 
 officers; but they said that he complained without cause, and that it was 
 their duty as King's officers to look to the good and safety of the country ; 
 for they did not detain him with the intention of annoying him, but 
 from apprehension that he would cause some annoyance or injury to the 
 people of the country after he got to his ships, according as it was said 
 that they had done in the ports where they had touched ; and if he and 
 
PORTUGUESE PROCEEDINGS AT CALECUT. 203 
 
 swords, which the Nairs had much requested of him. Neither 
 did the captain-major wear anything else than a tunic of red 
 
 his people were peaceable people, they ought to follow the custom of 
 those parts, especially in the winter season, and beach their sliips, and 
 not always remain with the yards hoisted, like people who had the design 
 of committing some evil. To this Vasco da Gama answered, that his 
 ships had keels, and were not of the build of those of the country, and 
 therefore it was imjaossible to beach them, as they had not got the tackle 
 and fittings which they had in Portugal for that purpose. Finally, they 
 were so urgent as to beaching the ships, or leaving on shore some men 
 with goods, in the manner of hostages, until the Zamorin should dis- 
 miss him, saying that the seafaring men required it in order to be able 
 to fish in security with respect to them, that Vasco da Gama agreed to 
 leave on shore, with a small quantity of the goods which they carried 
 for buying provisions, Diogo Dias as factor, Alvaro de Braga as clerk, 
 Fernan Martins the interpreter, and four men of his service, until he 
 saw how the Zamorin despatched him. Those who carried out this 
 business, since they saw that they had put themselves in security, con- 
 sented to Vasco da Gama's re-embarking ; but they put all manner of 
 artifices in the way to prevent Diogo Dias from buying anything, so 
 that for six or seven days they were rather prisoners than factors. Vasco 
 da Gama complained of this to the Catual, who gave excuses and feigned 
 ignorance of it. The Catual also advised his removing the factors to 
 Calecut where there was plenty of merchandise, and going with his ships 
 from Capocateto before Calecut, where he would be nearer the Zamorin. 
 Vasco da Gama, though he felt that these artifices were delays to detain 
 him until the arrival of the Red Sea ships, nevertheless moved his ships 
 to before Calecut in order more easily to communicate with the Zamorin 
 and to know what his factors were doing. Vasco da Gama hearing 
 from Monzaide that the Moors would have already killed them had they 
 not feared to anger the Zamorin, and seeing that the Zamorin had for- 
 gotten to despatch him and that his business was in a bad way, held a 
 council with his brother and Nicholas Coelho ; and after it, wroto 
 through Monzaide to Diogo Dias that he was to come as secretly as 
 possible on such a day before morning to the beach where he would find 
 boats to pick him up. But as the Moors kept watch on them, they per- 
 ceived them and arrested them, taking what goods they were carrying 
 with them. Vasco da Gama upon this seized twenty and odd fishermen 
 who came to sea to fish, and set sail with them, which was a great satis- 
 faction to the Moors at seeing the disturbance it caused to the Gentile 
 Malabars, and the cries of the fishermen's wives. (Here Camoens varies 
 slightly from Barros, and siiys the men seized by Vasco da Gama as 
 reprisals for the factors were old and rich merchants of Calecut who had 
 
204 DARROS' ACCOUNT OF THE PROCEEDINGS 
 
 satin, and an overcoat of scarlet cloth, and a scarlet cloth 
 cap. Thus they went by roads which the Catual took, with 
 
 come to the ships to sell precious stones. • ) This affair reached the eaca 
 of the Zamorin at once, the Moors saying that now he would see what 
 the Portuguese really were, and as the Malabar women clamoured for 
 their fathers and husbands, the Zamorin sent two principal men of 
 the Gentiles to get information. These reported to him that Vasco da 
 Gama seemed rather to have taken these people as reprisals for his own 
 men than for any other motive, especially as he was under sail stand- 
 ing off and on the shore as if he would give satisfaction if they gave it 
 to him. The Zamorin sent these same men for Diogo Dias and the 
 others with him, and spoke to them of the method of despatching them, 
 and bid them write to Vasco da Gama to treat well the men he had taken 
 as his men were well treated, and with the Zamorin, who would 
 despatch his business through them. Gama remained well satisfied with 
 this letter ; however, he made some more tacks out to sea to increase the 
 clamour of the parties interested in the liberty of his captives, and then 
 anchored before the city. Finally, the Zamorin despatched Diogo Dias 
 to Vasco da Gama with a letter which he had written to the lung Dom 
 Manuel, in which he said that he had received his letter and heard his 
 ambassador, and had answered him ; and that the cause of his departure 
 in that manner was the ancient differences between Christians and Moors; 
 that he would feel much satisfaction at possessing his friendship and 
 trading in the things of his country, if it could be without those scandals, 
 because he held the Moors as being natives of his kingdom, as they were . 
 people employed in that branch of commerce since very ancient times. 
 With this letter and a few things which he gave to Diogo Dias he dis- 
 missed him, sending two Gentile gentlemen to deliver him and his com- 
 panions and the goods which had been detained to Vasco da Gama, and 
 receive from him the fishermen. This they did with some precautions in 
 the method of the delivery, as the Moors were still bent on their artifices. 
 But when all our men were regained, on account of some goods which 
 they would not give up, Vasco da Gama retained certain Indians whom 
 lie brought with him, and also the faithful Monzaide, and departed 
 that day, which was the 29th of August, seventy-four days having 
 elapsed since his arrival at the city of Calecut.t (Camoens also says 
 
 * Castanheda also says that Gama, on looking out for hostages, first 
 thought of taking four young men who came to sell jewels ; but he let 
 them go after receiving them well, and later detained six persons of dis- 
 tinction who came in a boat with nineteen men. 
 
 t Castanheda says that Gama refused to take his merchandise, and 
 retained his prisoners as a proof of his discovery. Chap. xxiv. 
 
OP TOE PORTUGUESE AT CALECUT. 205 
 
 many turns^ until it became nighty when they stopped at 
 some large houses, where they lodged the captain-major and 
 
 that Gama carried off by force some Malabar men and also Monzaide, 
 and some pepper, cloves, nutmeg, and cinnamon as proofs of his 
 discovery, -which he had obtained through Monzaide : Correa related 
 this (p. 175) of Davane. In the next chapter, Barros says that 
 Gama, on leaving Calecut, set up a landmark named Santa Maria on 
 some small islands close to the coast, since one named S. Gabriel, which 
 he had sent to the Zamorin by Diogo Dias to be set up in the city of 
 Calecut was not likely to be left standing by the Moors for many hours. 
 Here Gama found some fishermen, and sent by them a letter written to 
 the Zamorin by the hand of Monzaide, in which he complained of the 
 deceit practised in restoring the merchandise, a good part of which had 
 remained on shore (Barros had before said that the whole quantity sent 
 was but little), and that the Zamorin should not take it ill that he 
 carried away with him some of his subjects, because it was not with the 
 object of reprisals for the goods, but in order that the King his sovereign 
 might through them be informed of the State of Calecut, and by the 
 same means the Zamorin might learn the affairs of Portugal, when he or 
 some other captain returned to his city, which he hoped would be the 
 following year, for the confusion of the Moors. Castanheda gives the 
 same account of a letter which he says was written by Bomtaibo in 
 Arabic, on the Monday, 10th of September, to the King of Calecut, 
 because Gama thought they would require his friendship if they re- 
 turned there, and that it was necessary to use some ceremony with him. 
 
 Camoens, Canto viii, 60. 
 Sobre isto nos conselhos, que tomava 
 Achava mui contrarios pareceres. 
 Que n'aquelles, com quem se aconselhava, 
 Executa o dinheiro sens poderes : 
 O grande Capitao chamar mandava, 
 A quem, chegado, disse : Se quizeres 
 Confessar-me a verdade limpa e nua, 
 Perdao alcantjar^ da culpa tua. 
 
 61. 
 Eu sou bem informado, que a embaixada. 
 Que de teu Rei me deste, que he fingida ; 
 Porque nem tu tens Rei, nem patria amada, 
 Mas vagabundo vds passando a vida : 
 Quem da Hesperia ultima alongada, 
 Rei, ou senhor, de insania desmedida, 
 Ha de vir commetter com nA.os e f rotas 
 Tao incertas viagens, e remotas ? 
 
206 CAMOENS' ACCOUNT OF GAMA's AUDIENCE. 
 
 his men in a separate inner house in the middle of the other 
 houseSj and they gave them poor straw mats upon which to 
 sit. When the captain-major left the factory, the Castilian 
 passing by Joan Nuz, who came last of all, said to him, 
 " Sufrir y callar" (endure and be silent). This he repeated 
 to the captain-major as they were coming along the road, at 
 
 62. 
 E, se de grandes reinos poderosos 
 O teu Rei tern a rcgia magestade, 
 Que presentes me trazes valerosos, 
 Signaes de toa incognita verdade ? 
 Com pe(jas, e dons altos sumptuosos 
 Se Ha dos Reis altos a amizade ; 
 Que signal, nerQ\penhor nao he bastante 
 As palavras de hiJm vago navegantc. 
 
 63. 
 Se por Ventura vindes desterrados, 
 Como jd foram homens de alta sorte, 
 Em meu reino sereis agasalhados ; 
 Que toda a terra he patria para o forte : 
 Ou se piratas sois ao mar usados, 
 Dizei-mo sem temor de infamia, ou morte ; 
 Que, por se sustentar em toda idade, 
 Tudo faz a vital ueccssidade. 
 
 60. 
 Forthwith a council he conven'd, but found 
 Discordant sentiments alone prevail'd ; 
 For gold among his faithless Counsellors 
 Its pow'rful influence had exercis'd. 
 The great commander, then, the Samorim 
 Summon'd, and thus address'd : " If thou to mo 
 The pure unvarnish'd truth wilt now confess. 
 Pardon for thy offence thou shalt obtain ; 
 
 61. 
 For well am I inform'd this embassy. 
 Which thou jiretendcst by thy King is sent, 
 Is a mere fiction. Neither King hast thou, 
 Nor belov'd country ; for thy life is pass'd 
 In lawless roving. From Iberia 
 Would any Sovereign with sense endued. 
 Hither send Missions, and confide his fleets 
 To seas unknown, remote and unexplor'd ? 
 
VEXATIONS PUT UPON GAMA BY. THE CATUAL. 207 
 
 which he was irritated. They remained thus sitting in the 
 house, upon the mats, for a considerable part of the night. 
 Then they brought them boiled rice upon fig-leaves, with 
 boiled fish ; and they shut the door outside, and no one 
 spoke to them any more; only they set down inside ajar of 
 water. Some, who were hungry, ate; but the captain-major 
 ate nothing, from his irritation and anger; and he walked 
 up and down almost the whole night, for the house was very 
 close, and the air very still. When it was morning they did 
 not open the door till very late, when the Catual sent to tell 
 him that the King's orders were for him to remain there, as 
 he could not speak to him. The captain-major sent Joan 
 Nuz with a njessage to the Catual, but they did not permit 
 him to go with it; and they again shut the door until almost 
 midday, when they brought them rice and fish to eat, as 
 before. Then Joan Nuz said to the people who brought it, 
 that they required to go out for their natural wants. They 
 said they would go and tell the Catual ; and in a short time 
 they returned with leave for those to go out who wanted ; 
 
 62. 
 If, too, thy King the royal sceptre wields 
 Over dominions great and powerful, 
 What costly off' rings hast thou to present, 
 To prove thyself his Representative? 
 Gifts of inestimable price are wont 
 The amity of Monarclis to cement ; 
 Nor is such friendship adequately pledg'd 
 By a mere wand'ring Navigator's word. 
 
 C3. 
 If thou art exilM from thy native land, 
 (Which oft has been the fortune of the great). 
 In my dominions thou shalt be receiv'd : 
 For ev'rywhere the brave a country find ; 
 Or if to piracy thou hast thyself 
 Devoted, here thou need'st not fear or death 
 Or infamy ; for stern necessity 
 Life to preserve all means may justify." 
 
 Musgrave. 
 
v/ 
 
 208 DETENTION OP GAMA BY THE CATUAL. 
 
 and five went out, who were separated; and each one went 
 with a Nair as a guard, who conducted them to the edge of 
 a thicket, where they were able to retire. After that they 
 again put them in the house, and shut them in ; and so 
 they remained all day and the night, and all were very angry 
 at seeing themselves thus prisoners. The captain-major, 
 although his heart was burning with fire, yet dissembled, and 
 put on a good face, telling them not to be angry, because 
 God would deliver them, if it so pleased Him. Next day, 
 in the morning, the Nairs took them away, saying that the 
 Catual had ordered them to go in that direction, and they 
 went amongst thickets until about midday, stifled with the 
 great heat of the sun ; and they reached the bank of a river, 
 where they were put into two Indian boats, and they went 
 along a great river which had large villages of houses on 
 both banks. The boat in which five of the Portuguese went, 
 remained behind, and the boat which carried the captain- 
 major arrived at a place where there were some small 
 thatched houses. There they did not let them land ; only 
 they remained until some rice was cooked, which they gave 
 them, saying that there was nothing else to eat with it. 
 Some, who were very hungry, ate it ; but his great passion 
 did not suffer the captain-major to eat ; and they again 
 proceeded along the river. The captain-major was very 
 angry because he did not see the other boat, but he said 
 nothing; and when it was almost night they landed, andT 
 were put into a house, and shut in, in the same manner. 
 Joan Niiz asked the Nairs for the other boat ; they said that 
 it would come soon. 
 
 When a great part of the night had passed, the captain- 
 major was called and told that the Catual wanted him, and 
 they did not allow any one to go with him except the in- 
 terpreter. As the captain-major was going out, he told the 
 men who remained in the house, who were three in number, 
 to be discreet, and if they removed them from that place 
 
DETENTION OP VASCO DA QAMA. 209 
 
 to any other whatsoever to say nothing good or evil, and not 
 to answer anything if they were questioned, and to do no 
 harm even if it should be done to them, because it would 
 be of no advantage to them since there they were. The 
 other men of the other boat were brought and put in 
 another house close to this one, without their having any 
 knowledge about the captain-major, and they shut them up 
 also in a house, and took away their sticks, which they 
 gave up without showing any passion, because Joan de^ 
 Setubal told them that it was requisite to endure every- 
 thing and say nothing, but only act as though they were 
 ignorant, and did not feel what was done to them ; but 
 they wept with rage because they did not know what had 
 been done with the captain-major. He was conducted for 
 a short distance among the bushes, and the other Nairs re- 
 mained behind, and he went with one Nair alone by a 
 narrow path through the bushes, so that his heart was 
 much afflicted, and they reached some houses in which he 
 was put alone in a house and shut in. All these vexations 
 were practised upon him, because the Moors who were 
 with the Catual only acted thus in order that the Portu- 
 guese might break out into open violence. Whilst the 
 captain-major was thus coming through the thicket with 
 only one Nair, the Moors offered much money to the Catual 
 to order him to be killed ; this he did not dare do, saying 
 that if he did such a thing he would be very certain of his 
 own death, which the King would inflict on him and upon 
 all his lineage ; and that they well saw how much he was 
 labouring, and into what trouble he was bringing the Por- 
 tuguese, and how they endured everything without moving 
 against him. This night the captain-major remained alone 
 with very sad thoughts, for he did not know what would 
 become of himself nor what had been done with his men. 
 Next day in the morning they brought him where the Catual 
 was, who was sitting on the couch on which he slept, and 
 
210 DISCUSSION BETWEEN GAMA AND THE CATUAL. 
 
 looking very ill-disposed ; without speaking to Vasco da 
 Gama, nor bidding him sit down, he kept him standing 
 until they called Joan Nuz to interpret ; when he had come, 
 the Catual said to him that a ship had arrived from Mombaza 
 and Quiloa, in which had come respectable merchants who 
 said and certified to the King, that the Portuguese were 
 \ robbers who went about the sea plundering, and that under 
 ' the cloak of merchants they entered countries to see if they 
 ■ could plunder, which they had attempted to do in Quiloa 
 ' and Bombaza ; but that they had not allowed them to enter 
 within. On which account the King of Calecut was highly 
 indignant, and had ordered their ships to be taken, and all 
 of them were to be kept prisoners until they confessed the 
 truth to him ;l therefore the captain-major should tell him 
 the truth, that he might go and relate it to the king. The 
 captain-major, speaking with much assurance and almost 
 laughing, said to the Catual that he should conduct him to the 
 King and he would tell him the truth ; and that he was not 
 going to tell to him anything of that which he questioned 
 him about, and that he might go and tell the King so. The 
 Catual rose up with signs of great anger, and asked him 
 why he did not tell it to himself who was questioning him. 
 But the captain-major did not answer anything ; neither 
 would he speak at all, although the Catual put many ques- 
 tions to him. Then the Catual again ordered Vasco tla^ 
 Gama to be put in another house by himself, and Joan Nuz ] 
 
 * Barros does not notice this ; Camoens does, and says : 
 
 Canto VIII, 85. 
 Aos brados, & razoens do capitao, 
 Responde o idolatra, que mandasse 
 Chegar d terra as naos, que longe estao. 
 Torque melhor dali fosse, & tornasse. 
 
 To all the captain's importunities, 
 The pagan bids him in a word, command 
 (For tlie more ready truck of merchan-Jise) 
 To liave liis ships brought close up to the land. 
 
 Fanshaw. 
 
DELIBERATION OF THE CATUAL WITH THE MOORS. 211 
 
 in anctlier, and the Catual again sent for Joan Nuz and put 
 many questions to him ; but he, who had always been warned 
 by the captain-major as to what he was to say, answered 
 many things beside the purpose. The Catual talked of it 
 with his own people, and said that a man was a brute who 
 did not know how to speak except what he was told to say ; 
 and he asked him if the ships contained much merchandise. 
 He replied that they contained a good deal of the same as 
 what was in the factory. Then they again put him in the 
 house ; and the Catual took counsel with the Moors, as to 
 the advisableness of making the Portuguese disembark all 
 the merchandise that they had got, and then they would go 
 and tell the King that he ought to take it, which he would 
 do as he was very covetous, and then they would tell him 
 that they had information that the Portuguese were robbers 
 who went about plundering by sea aud land, and that he 
 should command them all to be executed, and their ships to 
 be taken, and then there would remain in his hands great 
 riches which would be found in the ships ; and that after- 
 wards no one could do him any harm on that account. This 
 seemed good to the Moors, who gave presents of rich jewels' 
 to the Catual to act in that manner. But the Catual only 
 spoke thus to the Moors in order to extract from them the 
 large sums which they gave him, for he well knew that 
 although the King was very covetous, and might easily 
 practise some exaction upon them, yet to take their ships 
 and put them to death, that he would never do, because he 
 would not choose to incur so great a stain upon his honour. 
 The Catual made these calculations ; and, desiring to see 
 what course he could take, he spol^e to the captain-major 
 the next day, and told him that the King had commanded 
 that Vasco da Gama should have all the merchandise which 
 he had got in the ships brought on shore and put in the 
 factory, and after that he would give him the whole of his 
 cargo in four days, and then he should depart immediately. 
 
212 DISCUSSIONS BETWEEN QAMA AND THE CATUAL. 
 
 To this the captain-major replied that he would do what the 
 King commarided, and that it was necessary to send a mes- 
 sage to the ships for them to send the merchandise. Then 
 the Catual went to other houses a little distance off close to 
 the sea^ where the Portuguese were who had remained in 
 the house and those who had come in the boat which had 
 been separated, and neither party knew anything of the 
 other, and they placed them in other houses close by [where 
 the captain-major was] . Since, during all these days, neither 
 the factor nor any of the Portuguese knew what had become 
 of the captain-major, they went about very sorrowfully be- 
 cause they did not know what had been done to him ; and 
 they were very sad because no message came ; and the 
 factor spoke of it to the overseer of the treasury, who told 
 him that the King was a long way off, and for that reason 
 there was this delay, for the overseer did not know anything, 
 and truly thought that the captain-major was with the King, 
 who was at a distance of two leagues thence. Then the 
 Catual told the Moors the answer which the captain-major 
 had given him, and that he was as calm and as little angry 
 as if he had not felt anything, though he had done so many 
 things to him and to his men, and they did not utter a word. 
 The Moors then said that he should let the captain-major 
 send a man to the ships to bring ashore the merchandise; 
 and if they did not bring it, then they would be justified in 
 going and telling the King that he had promised to bring 
 all the merchandise on shore, and now would not bring it, 
 because he did not trust the King's good faith ; and with 
 this they could also tell the other things, which would make 
 the King indignant, so that at least he would not give the 
 Portuguese any more cargo, so that they would immediately 
 discover the design which they entertained. Then the 
 Catual told the captain-major that he had sent to inform the 
 King of what he, the captain major, had said, and that the 
 King was satisfied, but that he ordered that he should not 
 
PROCEEDINGS OP PAULO DA GAMA. 213 
 
 reembark until all the cargo was complete. At which the 
 captain-major shewed much pleasure, and said that the King 
 did him a great favour, and acted like a good friend and 
 brother of the King his sovereign. Then the Catual, seeing 
 the satisfaction of the captain-major, was pleased at seeing 
 him content, and sent for the Portuguese to come from 
 where they were to the captain-major, and all were much 
 delighted because the captain-major made them a sign to 
 that eflfect. He then sent Joan de Setubal to the ship in 
 an Indian boat wliich the Catual gave him, for this place 
 was about a league distant from the factory ; and he told 
 him to tell his brother all that had happened, and the state 
 in which he was; and therefore he -was to send the Indian 
 boat laden with merchandise of all sorts; and if he saw that 
 they did not allow him, Vasco da Gama, to go on board, he 
 was to take back the factor, and nobody was to go on shore, 
 and he was to keep a good guard over the hostages. This 
 had been done; for after the captain-major went on shore, 
 Paulo da Gama had not again allowed them to come out of 
 the cabin. They indeed had desired to escape, if they had 
 been able, for the Catual had sent them word to do so 
 through the boys who brought them their food from the 
 shore. Joan de Setubal gave the message to Paulo da 
 Gama, who was furious when he knew what had happened ; 
 but he at once sent the Indian boat laden with merchandise, 
 and Joan de Setubal remained on board the ship, as the 
 captain-major had told him to do; and the Indian boat with 
 the merchandise came to land where the Catual was, who, 
 on seeing the boat laden with goods, sent it to the factory; 
 and the negroes told the factor that the captain-major was 
 there enjoying himself with the Catual, and that he ordered 
 all the merchandise to be brought on shore. So the factor 
 rejoiced very much, and sent to tell the captain-major that 
 he had sent to the ship for goods, and that they had not 
 sent any because they had not got his orders, and therefore 
 
/ 
 
 214 COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN VASCO 
 
 it would be necessary for him to go to the ship to have the 
 merchandise sent, because they had sent to tell him that they 
 were not going to send any more. The captain-major 
 was put out at this message, and told the Catual to give 
 him many Indian boats, with which he would shortly return 
 with all of them laden in superabundance, because nothing 
 that he brought on shore had to return to the ships, and 
 whatever was over and above would remain for him and for 
 the Gozil and the overseer of the treasury; and that he, the 
 Catual, would have all the merchandise in his hands until 
 the cargo was completed. The Catual, covetous of this, 
 oi'dered ten large Indian boats, in which the captain-major 
 was going to embark; but the Catual would not consent to 
 it, and told him to send the Portuguese men in the boats, 
 and that only the interpreter and two others should remain 
 with him; and that when the boats came with the merchan- 
 dise, then he would send him on board at once. At this the 
 captain-major dissembled, and shewed no passion; and he 
 sent to say to his brother that he was of opinion that even 
 though he were to send the boats full of goods, they would 
 not let him go; and therefore, if it should be so, he required 
 him, for God's sake,'and as his own brother by blood he 
 much entreated him, that when he saw clearly that they did 
 not intend to let him embark, that he should at once send 
 the hostages on shore with much honour and with gifts, and 
 that he should immediately make sail ; and if they did not 
 set him at liberty upon the arrival of the hostages, he was 
 then to return to the kingdom, and give information to the 
 King of what had been done; and if he, Vasco da Gama, 
 remained behind, and were killed, nothing was lost; but if 
 Paulo da Gama did not go back to Portugal, so great a 
 benefit would be lost, that he would have to give an account 
 of it to God ; therefore he was to do nothing else except 
 depart, because if he remained there in the port, it would be 
 the cause of their killing him, or torturing him, to obtain 
 
AND HIS BROTHER PAULO DA GAMA. 215 
 
 the delivery of the ships or the merchandise; or what was 
 most certain, many ships which were in the port would go 
 out to fight them, for which the Moors would make great 
 efforts. Paulo da Gama, on receiving this message from his 
 brother, ordered the men to come on board the ship, and 
 would not send out any more goods; and he wrote a letter 
 to the captain-major saying that without him he would not 
 depart from the port ; and for this he would spend his life 
 and the ships, for all the crew were ready to die together 
 for this matter;' therefore Vasco da Gama was not to send 
 him any orders, because in this he should do only what 
 would seem to all of them for the best ; therefore let the 
 Catual undeceive himself, because if he did not at once set 
 him at liberty, they would make war, and destroy all the 
 ships that were in the port. The captain-major rejoiced 
 much at this letter. The Catual, seeing that the boats re- 
 turned without anything, asked the captain-major why, and 
 he replied that the captain of the ship would not give any 
 merchandise until he went on board. At this the Catual 
 became very melancholy. He then went to the factory, and 
 took the factor and clerk, with the three men who were with 
 them, and the captain-major with three others, and took 
 them to the house of the Gozil, and delivered them up into 
 his keeping whilst he went to tell the King of the affront 
 which they had given him. Then the Catual went to the 
 King, and said to him : " Sire, since I belong to you, all 
 these days I have been labouring for jour service, and I had 
 brought much merchandise on shore from the ships; and 
 the ambassador, with falsehood, promised that he would 
 cause to be brought on shore all the merchandise he had got 
 in the ships, which was so much that there would remain 
 
 ' Castanheda gives a similar account of Paulo da Gama's resolution to 
 rescue his brother ; he however says that the merchandise was sent on 
 shore with Diogo Diaz, the factor, and Alvaro de Braga, his clerk, upon 
 which {^ma was released and returned to the ships. 
 
216 THE catual's representations to the king. 
 
 some over and above^ and all that remained in excess was to 
 I be for you. And when all was thus agreed upon, I sent ten 
 boats to the ships, and the men who went in them did not 
 choose to return, and sent back the boats empty, and said 
 that the ambassador and factor, and all that was in the 
 factory, were to be sent to them immediately, because, if 
 they were not sent, they would at once make war, and burn 
 all the ships that were in the port. , On which account I have 
 spoken to the Moors, who are the owners of the ships ; and 
 all offer themselves to fight, and take or burn the Portuguese 
 ships." This the Moors also repeated to the King, and they 
 certified to him that the Portuguese were robbers, and with 
 falsehood went about thus giving presents in order to see 
 and spy countries and peoples, and then they committed 
 their evil deeds ; and that the goods which were in the fac- 
 tory ought to be given up for the injuries which they had 
 committed at sea. But the Moors did not desire to have 
 anything, but only that the King should order it all to be 
 taken and collected for himself. When the King heard this, 
 ( he at once ordered the goods in the factory to be brought 
 \ in, and commanded that the captain-major and the others 
 I should be put to death. His Brahman and the overseer of 
 the treasury hindered him in this, and said : " Sire, do not 
 command such a thing to be done, for you have no reason 
 for it ; because, even though all that the Catual says were 
 true, yet up to this time the Portuguese have done no harm, 
 but rather, like good people, have been very mild and peace- 
 able. Look, that they gave you so rich a present that such 
 an one was never given in all India. Let this matter be ; 
 and whenever you see that they do harm, then execute your 
 will." Upon this there were long debates, for the Moors 
 wished to make war at once; however, it seemed best to the 
 King to wait until the Portuguese should first commence to 
 do injury. 
 
 Puulo da Gama, seeing that the boats brought nothing, 
 
PAULO DA QAMA HOLDS A COUNCIL. 217 
 
 but on the contrary brought word that they had seen the 
 factor go away with many people^ and the door of the fac- 
 tory shut up, all felt much anger, not knowing what was 
 going on on shore; and so they remained all night, keeping 
 a careful watch. Next day Paulo da Gama called all to 
 a council, and he spoke to all of them of the message which 
 his brother had sent him, whom he valued so much, and 
 much more than his own life, and said that to go away and 
 abandon him was so strong a measure, that he would die 
 sooner than return to Portugal ; and that he knew the tem- 
 perament of his brother, who would give a hundred lives in 
 exchange so long as that the King his sovereign were in- 
 formed of what he had already done ; and for his part the 
 greatest danger which he saw for the lives of those that 
 were on shore would be if they were to move and do any in- 
 jury, such as it was in their power to do, to the ships in the 
 harbour ; and that he had reflected much upon this during 
 the night, and had determined on setting the hostages at 
 liberty, and on sending them ashore with much honour, for 
 it might be that this might bring some advantage, and that 
 they might let our men go, or at least do them no harm. 
 This seemed good to them all, and they agreed that in any z' \/^ 
 case this should be done. Upon this Nicolas Coelho.. offered 
 to go on shore with them, trusting to what God might 
 please, because if they did not set free the captain-major, 
 he intended to remain with him. This decision was at 
 once put in execution, and Paulo da Gama brought the 
 Nairs out of the cabin and said to them that the King had 
 sent them to remain there in pledge until the ambassador 
 returned to the ship, and in case of any harm being done 
 him on shore, for their heads to be cut off; and he asked 
 whether they knew that this was so. They answered, yes : 
 that there they were, and if any harm were done to the 
 ambassador on shore, the Portuguese might cut off their 
 h«ads if they pleased, for they were men who had brothers 
 
218 PAULO DA GAMA RELEASES THE HOSTAGES. 
 
 and relations on shore who would revenge their deaths, even 
 upon the person of the King. Then Paulo da Gama re- 
 lated to them all that the Catual had done to the ambas- 
 sador, which the King did not know of; but that since the 
 King had wicked and traitorous servants and people who 
 without any fear of him did such things, he would depart 
 immediately and return to his country, and they might do 
 what they pleased with the Portuguese who remained on 
 shore; and since they, the Nairs, were men of gentle birth, 
 let them look well to what was so requisite for their own 
 honour, and complain much to the King of the contumely 
 which he would be heaping upon them ; and they were to 
 tell the King, that he might know for certain that their 
 King was so good, that for the love of one man alone he 
 would send to take vengeance for him as far as the extre- 
 mity of the world, and let him know of a surety that they 
 would take a great revenge since their ambassador had 
 gone on shore to oflFer so rich a present, under the King's 
 peace and good faith, which he broke like a base man, and 
 did not keep faith, and did not act like the great King of 
 Calecut, of whose greatness so much had been told them in 
 Melinde. But now, in all the countries to which they went, 
 they would relate his frauds and falsehood; and that he was 
 a king who deceived foreign people, and that he did not 
 possess the goodness and truth of the good King of Melinde : 
 that he was going away, and let the King take good care 
 of those that remained on shore, for he swore by the head 
 of the King his sovereign that he would have to pay dearly 
 for them. Then he gave to each of the Nairs a red cap, a 
 knife and sheath, three ells of red satin, and a gold Portu- 
 guese, and sent them in the boat, to put them on shore if 
 they found an Indian boat. The Nairs seeing that they 
 were well paid as if they had rendered great service, and 
 that the ships intended to depart, begged much of Paulo da 
 Gama not to leave, but to wait until they had got on shore 
 
THE HOSTAGES REMONSTRATE WITH THE KING. 219 
 
 and spoken to the King. He replied that he was not going 
 to wait for anything, that he knew now that Calecut had a 
 treacherous king. The boat carried them close to the 
 shore, and they called an Indian boat, which carried thera 
 to the beach, and the boat returned to the ships, which 
 made sail leisurely, with a light wind which was a land 
 breeze ofif shore, and as it was now afternoon it was slight ; 
 and they stood out of the port under foresails and mizens, 
 and soon after the wind fell altogether, and changed to a 
 sea breeze, with which they again came to anchor, a league 
 from the shore. ^ The Nairs, on arriving before' the King, 
 in the presence of his court, repeated all to him just as 
 Paulo da Gama had spoken, and they said that if he were 
 going to order the ambassador to be put to death, that he 
 should say so, because then they would at once kill them- 
 selves there before him, since he the King had given them 
 as pledges of his good faith, and they, trusting to it, had 
 staked their heads, and they owed them, and it was not 
 right that they should keep them, since he had not kept 
 faith; and that he ought to look well at this so great 
 damage that he would be doing to his honour, since the 
 Portuguese had done no harm in his country, but had given 
 him the most valuable present which had ever been given 
 to a king of Calecut; and he should consider what the Por- 
 tuguese would say of him wherever they went, which would 
 be a very ill report, the chief part of which would be that 
 he had wished to rob them of their goods which they had 
 brought on shore. The overseer of the treasury supported 
 the Nairs much in this statement, and the Gozil also, to 
 whom the Nair his nephew made much remonstrance. The 
 King, on hearing this, and seeing that the ships were de- 
 parting without the injury which the Moors announced, re- 
 pented of what he had done, seeing, too, the clamour of 
 
 ^ Castanheda describes the ships as standing out to sea and anchoring 
 before Calicut. 
 
 / 
 
220 THE KING RELEASES GAMA WITH APOLOGIES. 
 
 the NairSj and he summoned before him the broker who 
 was with the factor. He^ on coming into the King's pre- 
 sence, threw himself at his feet, and said : " Sire, give a 
 great punishment to whoever has counselled you to do so 
 
 I great an evil against your great honour by breaking your 
 faith." The King ordered the factor to be called : he camo 
 shortly, and the King told him to go with the overseer of 
 the treasury to see how much merchandise he had in the 
 
 I factory, and he would immediately order it to be paid for. 
 
 I And he sent for Vasco da Gama, and he begged his pardon 
 
 imany times, saying that he had been deceived with bad 
 counsel, and evil reports which had been made against him; 
 but for the deceit which had been practised- upon him, he 
 would inflict a good chastisement on those who deserved it, 
 and this he swore he would do ; therefore he might embark 
 at once, and go with good wishes. To this the captain- 
 major only replied, that the King should do that which his 
 honour required, because he was a foreign man, and if the 
 King were not so to act, people would speak very ill of him. 
 The King then gave Vasco da Gama a large quantity of fine 
 white stufFs^^nd pieces of silk, and a gold jewel with rubies 
 and pearls, and so took leave of him, asking his pardon fre- 
 quently, and saying that if at any time he returned to his 
 country he would hear of the punishment which he had in- 
 flicted upon those who had given him the bad counsel. 
 While Vasco da Gama was thus going away accompanied by 
 the Nair hostages, they met the factor, who was returning 
 to tell the King that the factory had been robbed, and the^ 
 captain-major would not suffer the faptor to return to the 
 King, for the broker said that the robbery had been done 
 by the King. The captain-major embarked in two Indian 
 boats with all his men, and bade farewell to the overseer of 
 
 jthe treasury, and said that if at any time he returned to 
 Calecut he would take his revenge upon those who had 
 
 "done him wrong. The overseer of the treasury said he re- 
 
INFORMATION GIVEN TO GAMA BY THE CASTILIAN. 221 
 
 gretted very mucli the manner in which he had been treated, 
 but that the King was not in fault. j The Castilian came up 
 in a hurry and got into the boats which the Moors had sent, 
 for as a known friend he went with them to the ship to see 
 the design which they entertained. The captain-major was 
 very glad to see the Castilian, and on coming to the ships, 
 when the Portuguese saw the captain-major they wept with 
 joy. When all had come on board, the brothers embraced 
 with great delight. 
 
 Then the Castilian related that all the evil had been 
 caused by the Catual of the gate, who, for the large bribes 
 given him by the Moocs, had done everything wdthout the 
 King having known or given any orders about it, and had 
 carried them through the woods ; subjecting them to those 
 great vexations in order that they might commit some out- 
 rage which they could have reported to the King, so that he 
 might have ordered them all to be put to death ; but they 
 had. preserved themselves by behaving so patiently that the 
 Nairs themselves felt grief for them, and disputed with the 
 Moors; and then, seeing that they did no harm, th^Xlatual } 
 went to the King with the accusation of the falsehood, with \ 
 which the Portuguese refused to bring the merchandise on 
 shore, as they had agreed to do ; and he had said so many 
 bad things of them that the King gave orders to put them 
 to death ; and it would have been done had not his Brah:;__ 
 man prevented it, and after him the overseer of the treasury; 
 and they should give great thanks and praise to the Lord 
 for having delivered them from such great risk in which 
 they had been placed. Then the captain -major gave to the 
 'Castilian five portugueses of gold and ten ells of scarlet 
 cloth, and four red caps ; and he gave him a signed docu- 
 ment, which said : " Portuguese gentlemen, this Castilian, 
 named Alonso Perez, is our sincere friend ; therefore place 
 all confidence in him, because I have found in him all good 
 faith, as he is a faithful Christian.^' This he signed, and the 
 
 ■y 
 
222 THE CASTILIAN TAKES LEAVE OF GAMA. 
 
 , Castilian was more pleased with it than with all the rest, 
 
 and promised that he would fulfil that which the document 
 
 said. The captain-major promised him that if he returned 
 
 to India, and found him there, he would do for him what he 
 
 I deserved ; and he told him to say to the Moors, that for love 
 
 ^ of them he would come back to India : and that the evils 
 i ... 
 
 which they had procured for him would be their destruction, 
 
 as they wx)uld see, and they might keep it in their remeiif^ 
 brance. With this he dismissed the Castilian, who, on 
 ^ • ^7 >^ arriving on shore, told the Moors of the great hatred and 
 spite against them which the Portuguese were carrying 
 4- (,■ away with, them ; and that they went away swearing that if 
 
 i^ they returned to India they would revenge themselves, and 
 
 the Moors should pay them for the robbery which the King 
 had committed in the factory, since they had been the cause 
 of all. He told the overseer of the treasury that the Portu- 
 guese spoke very highly of him, and without doubt, if they 
 came back to India, he would find a good friend in them, on 
 account of the sincerity they had always experienced from 
 him. The things which the Castilian related were repeated 
 to the King, for which reason he sent for him, and the Cas- 
 tilian gave him an account of it all. The King then recog- 
 nising the error which he had committed, desired to give 
 the satisfaction which his honour required ; and as the ships 
 were at anchor, waiting for a wind, the King sent the Cas- 
 tilian with one of his Brahmans, of very great credit, in an 
 Indian boat, with great haste, to tell the captain-major that 
 he felt very great regret for what had happened ; but that 
 he had arrested the person whose fault it was, and he would 
 inflict upon him the punishment which he would see ; there- 
 fore he greatly entreated him to return to the port, because 
 \ he would send on board his ship all the goods required to 
 complete the lading of the ships, and all the goods which 
 had remained on shore, for he did not wish them to go away 
 speaking ill of him. The captain-major answered that he 
 
 \ 
 
GAMA SAILS FROM CALECUT. 223 
 
 was not going to return to the port^ and that he was going 
 back to his country to relate to his King all that had hap- 
 pened to him, and he would tell him the truth, which- was 
 that all had been caused by the treachery of his own people 
 with the Moors ; and if at any time he should return to 
 Calecut, he would revenge himself upon the Moors who had 
 done all the harm; with which he dismissed the messengers, 
 saying that he would tell his King of the good compliments 
 of the King of Calecut now that he had repented of his 
 error. As there was a fair wind the ships set sail, and 
 they gave great praise to the Lord who had delivered them 
 from so great perils, and they were content, although the 
 ships were only half laden, for the masters said that so they 
 sailed very well, because the ships were old and would not 
 have been very safe if fully laden. The captain-major said 
 that with only ten quintals of each kind of goods that he 
 carried he was very well satisfied, and that the Lord had 
 shown him great favour in granting him what he ha^ got, 
 which was sufficient for the King to be certain that he had 
 discovered India; and if the Lord were pleased in His mercy 
 to bring them to Portugal, then the King could order the 
 ships to be fully laden. So they went running down the 
 coast. The King of Calecut remained with much inclina- 
 tion to use severity against the Moors in respect to their 
 merchandise, but did not dare to give them offence lest 
 they should go out of his country, by which he would have 
 incurred great loss. Then, as he thought that the Portu- 
 guese would go to Cananor, he wrote a letter to the King, 
 giving him an account of the error he had committed 
 against our men, with many excuses to the effect that the 
 Moors had been the cause of it, and that he sent to make 
 great entreaty of the Portuguese to return to his country to 
 see the punishment which he gave to those who were in 
 fault, and in order to complete the cargo of the ships with 
 the goods which remained on shore, which they had re- 
 
224 DELIBERATIONS AT CANANOR ABOUT THE PORTUGUESE. 
 
 fused to- do, on which account he felt much regret, and if 
 the Portuguese went to Cananor, he requested him to tell 
 them all this on his behalf. To which the King of Cananor 
 answered that he would do so. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 How the Portuguese went to the port of Cananor, and saw the King, 
 and of what happened with him, and what they settled. 
 
 While the Portuguese were at Calecut, the King of Cananor 
 always knew all that happened to them, because he had 
 sent people for that purpose to write to him everything. 
 The Moors of Cananor, who received information from those 
 of Calecut, in order to indispose the inclination of the King, 
 used to tell him many lies about the Portuguese, that they 
 used violence and arrogance in Calecut, and many other 
 false tales with respect to which the King knew the truth. 
 For which reason, one day that the Moors were thus re- 
 lating these things to him, he said that no one should tell 
 him lies, because he would order his head to be cut off for 
 it. The King said this because he had already settled in 
 
 i his heart that he would establish as much peace with the 
 Portuguese as they might be willing, because he was al- 
 ways talking to his soothsayers, who continually repeated 
 <'7 \ what they had said to the King, and they said to him that 
 
 1 the evils done in Calecut caused by the Moors would doubt- 
 less grow, and that the Portuguese would always do much 
 harm to Calecut, and would destroy the Moors throughout 
 India, and would turn them out of India, and they would 
 never again possess the navigation which they noAV had. 
 The King said that if that came to pass, that he also would 
 receive great losses to his kingdom. The soothsayers said 
 to him and gave great assurances that so it would be, be- 
 
PREDICTIONS OF THE SOOTHSAYERS. 225 
 
 cause the Portuguese would be masters of the sea, and that 
 no one would be able to navigate upon it unless they were 
 friends of the Portuguese, and that whoever were their 
 enemies would be destroyed at sea and on the land, and 
 that they were telling him the truth, and he should take 
 counsel and do what appeared to him to be for the best^V/ 
 The Portuguese, then, running along the coast with land 
 and sea breezes, Avhich was in November of 1498, found 
 themselves one morning in sight of Cananor, far out at sea, 
 and the King had kept boats out at sea lest they should 
 pass by night ; the land breeze began to fall and the ships 
 became becalmed until there sprung up a change of wind 
 from the sea which brought them to land, and they came 
 before the port of Cananor." When the ships were sighted, 
 the King at once sent to them a large boat, which they call 
 a parao, with a good crew, in which he sent a Nair of his 
 with a message to the captains, begging them much and 
 supplicating them by the life of the King their sovereign, 
 not to pass by without going to his port to see him, because 
 it was very necessary for a great good, and also for them to 
 refit themselves, for he already knew the evil which had 
 been done them in Calecut, which he regretted very much. 
 
 ' The following lines from a Persian Kasidah, or ode of Niamet Ullah 
 Wely, written in the year 570 a.h. or 1174 a.d., may be given as an 
 instance of the sayings of the soothsayers referred to in the text. 
 
 The nation of the Christians shall seize upon the whole of Hindostan. 
 
 Then, when tyranny and innovation shall have become a custom 
 among them, 
 
 The King of the West shall fight against them victoriously, 
 
 Between them there shall be great wars, 
 
 The Christians without doubt shall be defeated, 
 
 Islam shall remain victorious for forty years in the realm of Hind ; 
 
 After that Dajal shall appear in Isfahan, 
 
 T'o drive out Dajal — listen to what I say, — 
 
 Jesus comes, and the Mehdy of the End of Time shall come. 
 
 ^ Goes, Castanheda, Barros, and Camoens take Vasco da Gama away 
 from the Indian coast on leaving Calecut ; none of them say anything 
 of Cananor. 
 
226 ARRIVAL AT CANANOR. 
 
 Following after this message, he sent many boats with jars 
 of water and wood, figs, fowls, cocoa-nuts, dried fish, butter, 
 and cocoa-nut oil, and a message to say that if they would 
 not listen to his request to come and speak to him, he begged 
 them to take these things which he had sent, and which 
 they required for their voyage ; and since they were mer- 
 chants, they made a great mistake in not completely filling 
 their ships with a cargo of the goods they had come in 
 search of, and that he would give them as much as they 
 wanted, and they would not be losing any time for their 
 voyage ; and he would be surprised, since they were men of 
 good understanding if they rejected his friendship, so he 
 entreated them much and would give them the merchandise 
 at a much better price, and in better condition than what 
 had been given them in Calecut, because he desired to esta- 
 blish a sincere peace and friendship with them. The good 
 brothers having heard this message, for the captain-major 
 as yet went in his brother's ship, both held a council, and 
 settled to have an interview with the King, and to establish 
 with him peace and trade, since that was what they had 
 come in quest of; and they went on till they arrived at the 
 port, and anchored, with the ships dressed out with flags 
 and standards, and they fired salutes with chambers^ towards 
 
 ' Camaras : these were tubes or cylinders which received the charge 
 and were introduced into the breech of the cannon, sometimes fitted by 
 pressure, at other times by screwing ; as is mentioned by Diego Ufano, 
 in his Treatise on Artillery^ Brussels, 1617, p. 15: "The parafuso (screw- 
 gun) of Lisbon is likewise a piece of ordnance but the chamber is 
 
 with a screw fitting." Further on he says of this gun called parafuso — 
 " Its form shows well how much labour there was in fitting it with its 
 chamber or breech, the charge of which was always made and fashioned 
 after the method used for loading with cartridges or little bags of stuff." 
 See also Cibrario, Frammenti JStorici, Torino, 1856, p. 406, etc., who 
 mentions camaras and mascolos, which are the same as camaras. Cibrario 
 also says that every bombard had a spare chamber to change with the 
 one already discharged. 
 
 Thus the camara was a separate piece of metal which was adjusted to 
 
BREECH-LOADING ARTILLERY. 227 
 
 the outside, not to do any harm to the shipping. The 
 King, who saw this from the beach, was much pleased, and 
 immediately sent one of his ministers to visit the Portu- 
 guese and convey to them many thanks for having come to 
 the port, and to entreat of them to complete the taking in 
 of the ships' cargoes with what suited them best, as he 
 would give them of everything ; and they were not to omit 
 to take these goods, even though they might not have 
 wherewith to pay for it; because he would give it all if they 
 would swear by the head of their King and sovereign that 
 when they returned to India they would come to his city to 
 take cargo, and establish peace and the friendship of a 
 brother between him and their King, for which purpose 
 he was ready to see them whenever they pleased, and 
 this they ought to do since it so much suited them. To 
 this the Portuguese replied with many compliments and 
 thanks, saying that they would do everything that he de- 
 
 the cannon, and there were some which served for firing salutes inde- 
 pendently of their cannon. 
 
 The passage in the text might perhaps also be translated — They fired 
 salutes with chambers outside [the guns] so as not to hurt their ships. 
 
 From the following passage of Gaspar Correa's History of Pedralvares 
 Cabral, 1500, it will be seen that these chambers served like modern 
 cartridges for rapidly loading breech-loading guns. "As all (the boats) 
 were going in good order, and Nicolas Coelho in the van, he ordered 
 the guns to be fired. The bombardier had not well covered up the 
 chambers which he carried loaded, and he set fire to them, so that all 
 went off with the balls which they carried, which wounded the sailors, 
 and some men were burned, and the boat was stove in, and would have 
 gone to the bottom if the others had not crowded up, and they took 
 it between other boats, and returned to the ships. This the captain, 
 major took for an omen, and he did not choose that they should return 
 against the [Indian] ships." 
 
 Colonel A. Lane Fox informs me that this practice of firing the 
 chambers for salutes has continued to the present day, and the guns 
 now fired in St. James's Park on the Queen's birthday are these identical 
 chambers of the ancient Bombards, which have been used ever since ; 
 and it is to be hoped that the ancient custom of firing these chambers 
 will never be given up. 
 
228 PRESENTS TO THE KING OF CANANOR. 
 
 sired, only if he would excuse the interview between them, 
 which was a thing that could not be, because the King their 
 sovereign forbade them ever going on shore without first 
 having established peace and friendship by means of signed 
 letters with which he could be satisfied, and therefore in all 
 the rest of what the King of Cananor might desire they 
 would do everything in accordance with his pleasure. With 
 this they gave a list of the things which were wanting to 
 complete the cargo, and also of what they wanted for the 
 voyage. Immediately, on the following day, the King sent 
 to them in paraos all that they had asked for, with super- 
 fluity, so that they sent some back ashore. The captain- 
 major seeing such generosity and such demonstrations on 
 the part of the King, desired to overcome him in liberality, 
 and without weighing or reckoning he sent him in the same 
 paraos so large a quantity of branch coral, vermilion, quick- 
 silver, and brass and copper basins, that the whole was well 
 worth the double of what the King had sent. When the 
 paraos went away from the ships, Nicolas Coelho was sent 
 in a boat with a present to the King, viz., a piece of green 
 cloth, a piece of brown satin velvet, a piece of crimson 
 damask, a large silver basin, thirty scarlet cloth caps, two 
 knives with sheaths, and five ells of darker scarlet cloth. 
 On reaching the beach, the clerk called men, who carried 
 away the present, and the boat returned to the ship with- 
 out any of the crew having landed, for the cap tain -major 
 had thus ordered it. The King was much delighted with 
 the present, and said to Nicolas Coelho that the goods 
 which had been sent in excess should be left for them to 
 pay for whenever they pleased, and that he was much 
 pleased with the present, because his heart saw that which 
 it had desired, but that it would not be altogether at rest 
 unless he saw the cap^tains with his own eyes, and he would 
 manage that they should not violate the commands of their 
 King. With this he dismissed Nicolas Coelho, and sent 
 
MESSAGES BETWEEN GAMA AND THE KING. 229 
 
 him to the ships in a parao. Immediately afterwards, with 
 great haste, the King ordered a wooden bridge to be made, 
 which advanced into the sea as much as a cross-bow shot, 
 and very narrow, so that only one man could pass upon it 
 in front of another, and at its extremity a chamber was 
 made of wrought wood ; thither the King came to sit with six 
 or seven persons, for the house would not hold more, and 
 there he could see the ships better, and send everything 
 which they required. Then he sent word to say that he 
 begged the captains very much to come and see him in 
 their boats, since they could do so without any infraction of 
 their King's commands, because he was waiting for them in 
 the water where they could come in their boats without 
 touching land. The captains seeing so great a desire on 
 the part of the King, disposed matters for complying with 
 his will, and for making a treaty of peace and friendship, 
 and an agreement as to merchandise, for they bore in mind 
 that if Calecut did not make a good settlement, they could 
 take advantage of Cananor and its capabilities, and from 
 thence they might gain the good will of Calecut; so that on all 
 accounts it was very necessary to make an agreement with 
 Cananor. They sent to tell the King that they would go and 
 see him whenever he commanded it. The King, with much 
 satisfaction, sent his thanks, and a request that they would 
 come the very next day, and that they would get ready for 
 that purpose. Next day the King came with many people 
 and music, and in state, very richly dressed, and sat down 
 in the chamber, which was hung with rich silken stuflfs, and 
 he sat on a dais covered with silk stuffs. The captains 
 came in their boats : they were gaily dressed, and the 
 sailors also wore very splendid clothes, which the captain- 
 major gave them, made of the silk stuffs which the King 
 had given, and there were carpets in the boats and covered 
 chairs, and rugs on the thwarts, on which the crew sat; 
 and the boats carried forked streamers of white and red 
 
230 VISIT OF THE POKTUGUESE CAPTAINS 
 
 damask with the cross of Christ, and the trumpets soundecl, 
 and the boats carried their swivel guns, and on leaving the 
 ships they fired salutes with many chambers. As they 
 were coming along, the King's minister, who governs 
 all the kingdom, came to the King, who sent him to accom- 
 pany the captains, to do them more honour. The captains 
 showed him much respect, and Vasco da Gama took him 
 into his boat and carried him with him. When they 
 reached the chamber where the King was, the two captains 
 made him profound salutations, and remained standing with 
 their caps in their hands. The King rose to them from his 
 seat much pleased, and came to the edge of the planking ; 
 and he ordered the boats to come close up, and entreated 
 the captains to come in where he was, which they did as the 
 King requested it so much, and as there were only his chief 
 men with him, about seven or eight persons. When they 
 entered the chamber, the King took them both by the hand, 
 and sat down with them upon his dais, and looked at them with 
 much delight. The King inquired which of them had been 
 a prisoner in Calecut; and Paulo da Gama said: "^Sire, this 
 brother of mine it was to whom the King did much harm 
 without his deserving it." The King said that the King of 
 Calecut had sent him a letter begging him, if the Portu- 
 guese came to Cananor, to exculpate him, because what 
 had been done had happened without his knowledge, and he 
 had been deceived, at which he had been very angry, and 
 would take great vengeance on those who had given him 
 bad counsel. The captain-major replied : " Sire, when the 
 King gives this punishment we shall see that he speaks the 
 truth ; we now no longer remember this, for the time will 
 come that he will repent still more of it.'' Then Paulo da 
 Gama said, by means of the broker Davane and the Melinde 
 pilot, who interpreted : " Sire, you will have already known 
 who we are, and how we have come to this country, which 
 it is not necessary for us to relate to you more at length : 
 
TO THE KINO OF CANANOR. 231 
 
 I only say that we have seen with our eyes that you are 
 truly a good king, without any of the falseness of the King 
 of Calecut, on which account we have come here at your 
 call; and since you show so much goodness in your conduct 
 and actions, we shall be glad to establish with you peace 
 and good friendship, which shall always endure with the 
 King our sovereign, who is so good a king, that when he 
 establishes friendship with any good king, he then becomes 
 like his brother, a friend of his friends, and enemy of his 
 enemies ; this sincere friendship being thus established, we 
 will serve you like our own king, which will do likewise, as 
 many of us as may come later to India, as you will see." The 
 King answered him: "There is now in my heart the greatest 
 joy that I ever thought to feel, and within me all is peace 
 and friendship towards your King ; therefore I will affirm it 
 in the manner you may desire, according to my custom, be- 
 cause it will give rest to my heart, which has desired this 
 from the first day that I saw your ships, and since I learned 
 what happened to you in Calecut ; with the friendship of 
 your King which you will give me, my heart will be very 
 tranquil until I see in this my port other ships which will 
 bring me an answer from your King ; and if you promise 
 me this, my desire will be accomplished/' Then Paulo da 
 Gama replied: "Sire, the certainty of seeing our ships come 
 to this your port with an answer from our KingjGod can 
 give it according to his will, because we are going amidst 
 the perils of the sea; but we, who are both sons of one 
 father, we promise you, by God who is in the heavens, and 
 by the head of our King, that if any other ships of our 
 King should come to this port, they will bring with them 
 letters ratifying the security of your peace and brotherhood, 
 which will last for ever as long as you so wish it ; all which 
 we two promise in the name of our King from this day for- 
 ward for ever ■} and in remembrance of it and as a trust- 
 
 ' The Viceroy Francisco d' Almeida says, in a letter to the King : " I 
 
232 VISIT TO THE KING. 
 
 worthy sign we give you this sword ; as such is the custom 
 of our King, who, when he establishes a new friendship, 
 gives a sword to certify its sincerity, because by breaking 
 it he would remain with the loss of his honour, since all 
 honour is gained with the sword. For which reason, from 
 this day forward for ever peace and friendship with you re- 
 main secured on our part." Then they gave him the 
 sword which Paulo da Gama carried: it had a hilt enamelled 
 with gold, and a velvet scabbard with the point sheathed 
 with gold. The King then said that all those words and 
 promises and assurances which they had given to him on 
 behalf of their King, he in the same manner said and 
 affirmed them for ever upon his head and upon his eyes^ and 
 by the womb of the mother that bore him : and he at once 
 ordered a gold leaf to be prepared, upon which all these 
 things were written, and which the King and his ministers 
 signed^\ Then the King gave them a splendid gold collar 
 of jewels and pearls, broad to go upon the shoulders, for the 
 King, it might be worth ten thousand cruzados, and ten 
 pieces of silk with gold thread, a very handsome thing; and 
 he gave to each of the captains a thick round gold chain 
 with a gold jewel set with precious stones, and six gold 
 rings with valuable gems; and to each of them twenty very 
 fine white stuffs ; upon which they paid him great compli- 
 ments and courtesies, and took leave of him. The King 
 also made demonstrations of much affection and satisfaction. 
 The good brothers returned to the ships with very great 
 satisfaction ; and two days later the King sent to say that 
 they should send for the letter, which was now finished. 
 Upon this they sent Nicolas Coelho in the boat very well 
 fitted up : he went to the chamber on the sea where the 
 King was, and took with him the broker and the Melinde 
 
 built the castle of Caiianor and dismantled that of Ajigediva ; the 
 Moors were greatly enraged with the castle of Cananor." Annaes de 
 iiciencias, Lisbon, 1858. 
 
COELHO VISITS THE KING OP CANANOR. 233 
 
 pilot, who knew the language of the country very well. 
 The King delivered the letter to him with his own hand, 
 again repeating the words of his oath, and swearing besides 
 by his pagodes, which are their idols, which they adore as 
 gods, that he would fulfil everything till his death, and that 
 when he died, he would enjoin it likewise upon his prince ; 
 and this so long as that the ships came to his port, and 
 took in cargo of what was to be found in his country, all 
 which he would give them of a good quality, and for the 
 prices which it was worth in the country, and also he would 
 take the merchandise which they gave him ; for which they 
 would establish a factory, and in the whole of his country 
 they would be secure, as in the country of an own brother 
 of the King of Portugal. All which the King said was put 
 down in the letter ; he saw that Nicolas Coelho wished to 
 write everything, at which he was much pleased, and com- 
 manded the letter to be read, and Nicolas Coelho wrote. 
 The King was much pleased to see him write, and the 
 whole translated. Then Coelho gave the paper to the King, 
 who signed it with his hand ; and the gold letter was 
 wrapped up, and upon it was put the paper which Nicolas 
 Coelho had written. The King gave to Nicolas Coelho two 
 rings and some fine white stuffs, and dismissed him, sending 
 with him his minister to go and deliver the letter to the 
 captains, to do them greater honour. The captains re- 
 ceived him with great respect and ceremony, and the 
 minister kissed the letter, and touched his eyes with it, and 
 placed it on his head, and then gave it into Paulo da 
 Gama's hand, who took it with both hands with great cour- 
 tesy, and placed it upon his breast. They gave to the 
 minister a piece of scarlet cloth, and another of green satin, 
 and they again sent Nicolas Coelho on shore to carry a pre- 
 sent to the King of a silver hand-basin and a chased and 
 gilt ewer, and half a piece of brocade; and to four Nairs 
 who came with the minister they gave red caps and knives 
 
23-i GAMA TAKES LEAVE OF DAVANE. 
 
 with sheaths; so they went away praising our people highly. 
 When they arrived before the King, who was still in the 
 chamber, and Nicolas Coelho gave him the present, the 
 King and his people were much surprised, and held this to 
 be great liberality, and said that the Portuguese would not 
 do such things unless the King of Portugal possessed great 
 riches. Then the King commanded the minister to send to 
 the ships all that they wanted for their voyage freely for 
 nothing, for which purpose he ordered the broker to remain 
 on shore, and Nicolas Coelho went back to the ships. They 
 were three days taking on board the things they wanted. 
 When about to sail, they dismissed the broker and gave 
 him a document signed by themselves, in which they de- 
 clared to all the captains of the King of Portugal that 
 Davane the broker, a native of Cambay, was a very good 
 and sincere friend, who had always gone with them until 
 their departure, and they had always found in him much 
 truth, and therefore wherever they might find him they 
 were always to do him great honour, wherever they met 
 with him, whether at sea or in the country in which they 
 signed this. They gave him a hundred cruzados and a 
 hundred testoons, besides all that was due to him, and they 
 gave him goods which were worth as much as five hundred 
 cruzados, and pieces of silk and damask, and a letter in the 
 language of the country, which the pilot spoke, and which 
 specified all this, and which the broker requested to have 
 given him. They also gave him a gold portuguese, and 
 told him to have a hole bored in it, and always to wear it 
 hung round his neck as a remembrance, because that coin 
 was called a portuguese, and was money of the King of 
 Portugal. So the broker remained very well satisfied, and 
 the captain-major said he would send to recommend him 
 highly to the King for him to treat him with honour; and 
 the broker asseverated that when he knew of Portuguese 
 coming to India he would go and seek for them to serve 
 
DEPARTURE FROM CANANOR. 235 
 
 them ; and with that he took leave. Whilst they were thus 
 on the point of departure, two paraos came from the shore 
 for each ship, laden with fowls and many fresh things, 
 which they took in; and by a Nair who brought these 
 things they sent a recommendation of the broker to the 
 King, and through him they took leave of the King with 
 many complimentary speeches. They then loosed the sails 
 and departed, which was on the twentieth of November of 
 the year 1498.1 
 
 > Camoens represents Garna as having been advised by the Castilian 
 Moor to leave the Indian coast before the arrival of the great Arab 
 ships from the Red Sea. 
 
 Canto IX, 3. 
 Gida se chama o porto, aonde o trato 
 De todo o Roxo mar mais florecia, 
 De que tinha proveito grande, e grato 
 O Soldao, que esse reino possuia. 
 Daqui aos Malabares, por contrato 
 Dos infieis, fermosa companhia 
 De grandes naos pelo Indico Oceano 
 Especiaria vem buscar cada anno. 
 
 4. 
 
 Por estas ndos os Mouros esperavUm, 
 Que, como fossem grandes e possantes, 
 Aquellas, que o commercio Ihe tomavam, 
 Com flammas abrasassem crepitantes : 
 Neste soccorro tanto confiavam, 
 Que ja nao querem mais dos navegantes, 
 Senao que tanto tempo alii tardassem, 
 Que da famosa Meca as naos chegassem. 
 
 5. 
 
 Mas o Governador dos ceos, e gentes, 
 Que, para quanto tem determinado, 
 De longe os meios d£ convenientes, 
 Por onde vem a effeito o fim fadado ; 
 Influio piedosos accidentes 
 De affeicjao em Mon^aide, que guardado 
 Estava para dar ao Gama aviso, 
 E merecer por isso o Paraiso. 
 
236 DEPARTUEE FKOM CANANOR. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 How the ships departed from Cananor and crossing over to Melinde 
 met with calms, and put in, and touched at the island of Angediva : 
 and of that which happened to them there. 
 
 The good brothers having set sail from Cananor made their 
 course to MeKnde^ and having got away from the coast about 
 forty or fifty leagues^ the wind fell and they remained in a 
 dead calm^ at which they were much put out. Talking of 
 it to the pilots^ they said that it was not yet the time of the 
 
 6. 
 
 Este, de quem se os Mouros nao guardavam, 
 Por ser Mouro, como elles, antes era 
 Participaute em quanto machinavam ; 
 A tenc^ao Ihe descobre torpe e fera : 
 Muitas vezes as naos que longe estavam 
 Yisita, e com piedade considera 
 O dano, sem razao, que se Ihe ordeua 
 Pela maligna gente Sarracena : 
 
 7. 
 Informa o cauto Gama das armadas, 
 Que de Arabica Meca vem cada anno, 
 Que agora sao dos seus tao desejadas, 
 Para ser instrumento deste dano : 
 Diz-lhe, que vem de gente carregadas, 
 E dos trovoes horrendos de Vulcano, 
 E que pode ser dellas oprimido, 
 Segundo estava mal apercebido. 
 
 3. 
 
 Gidii is hight the harbour, where the trade 
 Of the Red Sea was in most flourishing way. 
 Whereby was great and grateful gain conveyed 
 To the Soldiin, who o'er the land held sway. 
 Hence to the Malabar s, by contract made 
 With th' Infidels, a beautiful array 
 Of stalwart vessels, through far Indic seas 
 Came seeking every year their spiceries. 
 
I; 
 
 DEPARTURE FROM CANANOR. 237 
 
 monsoon, and on that account it would be well to return to 
 land, not to go on in that way working the ships and ex- 
 pending water. The captain-major said : " I am ashamed 
 to return to land, which is the act of people who do not ! y 
 know how to navigate." The pilot said : " We will not re- 
 
 4. 
 And for this squadron did the Moors await, 
 That, inasmuch 'twas puissant, and 'twas dire, 
 These, who had 'minished their commercial state 
 It might-consume with crepitating fire. 
 Upon such succour was their hope so great, 
 That from the stranger nought they now desire, 
 Save that in harbour he such time remain, 
 Till the famed Meca's ships the coast could gain. 
 
 5. 
 But He who rules the heavens and human race, 
 Who for whate'er determined hath His will. 
 Convenient means from distant time and place, 
 The fated end disposeth to fulfil ; 
 Inspired with accidents of ruth and grace 
 The Moor Mougaide's heart ; who prudent still 
 Stood ever prompt the Gama to advise, 
 And by such merit conquer Paradise. 
 
 6. 
 He, whom the Moorish clan suspected not, 
 Being like them a Moorman, but designed 
 Participant in every knavish plot 
 Reveals the villain treacheries of his kind : 
 And oft the squadron which was moored remote 
 He visits, and with pity calls to mind 
 The loss all reasonless and hapless fate. 
 Doomed by the Saracens' malignant hate. 
 
 7. 
 He warns the wary Gama of th' Armade 
 From the Arabian Meca yearly sent. 
 Wherein his tribe their hope of vengeance laid, 
 That it might be their hatred's instrument : 
 It comes with soldiers in a host, he said. 
 And horrid bolts which Vulcan did invent ; 
 And to their power he must fall a prey. 
 Seeing he stands unfurnished for the fray. 
 
 Captain R. Burton. 
 
238 ARRIVAL AT ANGEDIVA, 
 
 turn to Cananor^ but will fetcli the first land, and we will go 
 and stop at an island near the land, which has a good port, 
 in which there is good water and wood, sheltered from all 
 winds, where we shall be very well, until we have the mon- 
 soon/^ ^ When the captains heard this they determined to 
 
 ' Barros represents Gama as touching at the Islands of Anchediva. 
 Camoens does not mention those islands, but brings the Portuguese 
 to an enchanted island which Venus provides for their repose and 
 delight, and where their future triumphs in Asia are foretold to them. 
 
 Canto IX, 51. 
 Cortando vao as naos a larga via 
 Do mar ingente, para a patria amada, 
 Desejando pro verse de agoa fria, 
 Para a grande viagem prolongada : 
 Quando juntas com subita alegria 
 Houverao vista da Ilha namorada, 
 Rompendo pello ceo a may fermosa 
 De Memnonio suave, e deleitosa. 
 
 52. 
 De longe a ILha virao fresca, e bella, 
 Que Venus pellas ondas Iha levava 
 (Bern como o vento leva branca vella) 
 Para onde a forte armada se enxergava : 
 Que porque nao passassem sem que nella 
 Tomassem porto, como desejava, 
 Para onde aarnaos navegao a movia 
 A Accidalia, que tudo em fim podia. 
 
 53. 
 Mas firme a fez, e immovel, como vio, 
 Que era dos nautas vista, e demandada, 
 Qual ficou Delos, tanto que pario 
 Latona Febo, e a deosa i, ca^a usada. 
 
 51. 
 
 As now triumphant to their native shore 
 
 Through the wide deep the joyful navy bore, 
 
 Earnest the pilot's eyes sought cape or bay. 
 
 For long was yet the various watery way ; 
 
 Sought cape or isle from whence their boats might bring 
 
 The healthful bounty of the crystal spring : 
 
 When sudden, all in nature's pride array'd. 
 
 The Isle of Love its glowing breast display 'd. 
 
ARRIVAL AT ANGEDIVA. 239 
 
 put into port, and some little wind arising they returned to- 
 wards the land, and found in a short time more wind, of 
 which there was none, except near the coast. They fetched 
 the land and ran along the coast, with delays, because the 
 wind did not serve for the island, and they met many ships, 
 which were sailing to all parts, and the pilots said that they 
 should go and take them, because they carried much mer- 
 chandise. The captains said : '' We have got the ships 
 laden with what we came to seek ; we do not want to take 
 other men's goods, for we are not thieves.'' They went and 
 put in at Angediva, where they enjoyed themselves much : 
 there were good water springs, and there was in the upper 
 part of the island a tank built with stone with very good 
 water and much wood ; there they remained until ten days 
 of November (? December), when they departed on their 
 voyage to Melinde. The ships remained thus at this island, 
 in which there were no inhabitants, only a beggar-man, 
 whom they call joguedes, of whom further on I will give a 
 long account ; this man lived in this island under a stone 
 grotto, and he ate of what was given him from the ships 
 which passed by there, which was only rice and dried herbs, 
 because these men do not eat anything else. Our men 
 were much on shore enjoying themselves and looking at the 
 manner of navigation in these parts, and [observed] that the 
 
 O'er the green bosom of the dewy lawn 
 
 Soft blazing flow'd the silver of the dawn, 
 
 The gentle waves the glowing lustre share, 
 
 Arabia's balm was sprinkled o'er the air. 
 
 Before the fleet, to catch the heroes' view. 
 
 The floating isle fair Acidalia drew ; 
 
 Soon as the floating verdure caught their sight. 
 
 She fixt, unmov'd the island of delight. 
 
 So when in child-birth of her Jove-sprung load, 
 
 The sylvan goddess and the bowyer god. 
 
 In friendly pity of Latona's woes, 
 
 Amid the waves the Delian isle arose. 
 
 Mickle. 
 
240 DESCRIPTION OF INDIAN VESSELS. 
 
 stips had not got more than one large mast, and two ropes 
 on the sides and one at the prow like a stay, and two hal- 
 liards which come down to the stern and help to sustain the 
 mast; and the rudder is very large and of thin planks; and 
 on the outside of these ships they have ropes on either side, 
 with which they haul on the rudder in order to steer the 
 ship: and the ship is undecked, short, and with few ribs, the 
 planking is joined and sewn together with coir thread, and 
 very strongly, for it endures all the strain of sailing ; and 
 the planks are fastened in the same manner to the ribs, 
 sewn with the same coir, and they remain as secure as if 
 they were nailed. There are other ships which have the 
 planks nailed with thin nails with broad heads, riveted in- 
 side with other heads fitted on, and also broad : and they 
 have planks as high as up to where they put cargo, and 
 from that point upwards they have cloths very thick, more 
 so than bed-sacking; these are pitched with a bitumen 
 which they call quil, which is like pitch, which they boil 
 with cocoa-nut oil and fish oil ; and above these cloths some 
 cane mats of the length of the ship, woven and very strong, 
 and they are a defence against the sea, and no water gets 
 through them. Inside, instead of decks, they have chambers 
 and compartments made for the merchandise, covered with 
 leaves, the leaves of the palm tree dried and well woven 
 together ; they form a sort of shelving roof from which the 
 water runs to the sides of the ship, and the rain-water runs 
 to the side of the ship and goes below to the pump without 
 touching the goods, which are carried very well lodged and 
 stowed in their compartments ; and above this covering of 
 palm leaves they place cane mats spread over it, and walk 
 upon them without doing harm to the chambers beneath. 
 Our people had seen all this in the port of Cananor, in 
 which there were some very large ships, and the captains 
 had sent the sailors to see them, so that they might give an 
 account of everything in Portugal; in these ships they have 
 
DESCRIPTION OF INDIAN VESSELS. 241 
 
 not got pumps, only some buckets of thick leather, tanned 
 in such a way that they last very long; they throw out 
 all the water by hand labour : they call these buckets 
 haldes} Their yards have two-thirds of their length abaft 
 and one-third before the mast, and the sail is longer abaft 
 than forward by one-third ; they have only a single sheet 
 {escota), and the tack of the sail at the bow is made fast to the 
 end of a sprit almost as large as the mast, with which they 
 bring the sail very forward, so that they steer very close 
 to the wind, and set the sails very flat. They do not 
 pitch the ships as we do, they only put bitumen of quil^ 
 in the seams, and grease them with fish oil, which sticks like 
 tallow grease ; this they do inboard as well as outside, so 
 that the vessels are very watertight, and sail for the seven 
 months that the summer lasts. They have no tops, nor 
 have they more than the one large sail. They carry their 
 water in tanks, which are made after the fashion which I 
 have already mentioned, square and high. Their planks 
 are also sewn with coir and rattans outside, and are very 
 strong inside, and resist the weight of the water; they are 
 pitched inside also, and are very watertight and roomy, so 
 that they carry thirty or forty pipes of water. The ships 
 ,which are thus sewn with coir have keels, and those fastened 
 with nails have not, but are flat-bottomed. Their anchors 
 are of hard wood, and they fasten stones to the shanks so 
 that they are heavy and go to the bottom ; they have also 
 got other anchors of stone and iron which have wooden 
 arms, and which also hold well. They carry their rudders 
 fastened to the ships with ropes passed outside. The crew 
 are lodged above, and no one has quarters below where the 
 
 1 This is a Portuguese, not a Malabar word : halde is a bucket, and 
 a shovel ; baldear is to pour out, to discharge from one ship to another, 
 to bale. 
 
 2 Kil, pitch, Malabar, or Tamil word. 
 
242 DESCRIPTION OP INDIAN VESSELS. 
 
 mercliandise is stowed. I have given this description of 
 these ships of the coast of India as it seemed natural here. 
 They never put their boats inside the ships, except in the 
 case of the ships which cross over from India to the straits 
 of Mekka. The Portuguese ships remained thus at Ange- 
 diva, which is a league off from the mainland, and near 
 there was a river which is named Cincatora,^ from which 
 Indian boats came out to fish ; these went a long way 
 off from the ships from fear, on which account our men 
 could not get to speak to them to give them confidence, and 
 to get fish from them, which they wanted very much, for 
 they could catch none where they were, and -the Portuguese 
 in their boats could not overtake them because they went 
 very fast with sails and oars. The ships which passed by 
 came to the island to take in wood and water ; and as the 
 island contained a bay, within which the Portuguese ships 
 lay, the ships that came from outside did not see them, ex- 
 cept when they came upon them suddenly. On those occa- 
 sions our people saw well the sails of those ships, which 
 have not got small sails, but within the seams of the sail 
 they put thin cords running from top to bottom, which 
 make the sail very strong ; and to each of these cords they 
 splice on outside the sail other cords of half a fathom long, 
 one end outside, the other inside the sail, with a fathom be- 
 tween each, and this in very good order as far as half of 
 the sail; and when there is much wind, with these ties 
 they roll up and tie up the sail underneath, so that they 
 make the sail as small as they wish.^ When they have to 
 stand on a fresh tack, they lower the sail half way down the 
 
 ' Perhaps the fortress of Cintacola, at the mouth of the river Aliga, 
 which separates the kingdom of Decani of the Sabayo from tlie kingdom 
 of Xarsinga, which fortress belonged to the Sabayo. See East Coasts of 
 Africa and Malabar, p. 78. 
 
 2 From this elaborate description of reefing a sail, it would appear 
 that this practice was till then unknown in Europe. 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF THE PORTUGUESE AT ANGEDIVA. 243 
 
 mastj and with a rope, wliicli is rigged from the yard to the 
 poop, they haul upon the yard until they bring it even with 
 the mast and pass the rope to the other side, and so bring 
 the yard over to the other side : in going to windward they 
 fasten the sheet to the tack of the sail and haul it for- 
 ward as much as they wish to go upon a bowline ; and this 
 is their art of navigation and way of handling their sails. 
 The ships which came in to the island, surprised at seeing 
 our ships, tried to take the offing, which they were unable 
 to do so quickly that the Portuguese boats could not first 
 reach them, in which the Moorish pilot went and. spoke to 
 them, and gave them security; upon which they used to 
 anchor, and the captain-major sent at once to bring back the 
 crews who were on shore, and sent to tell the Moors that 
 they might go, and welcome, on shore and no one would do 
 them any harm ; and they, having thus gained confidence, 
 went on shore to wash, and fetch water and wood, which each 
 merchant and passenger brings to his quarters, because the 
 captain of the ship gives wood and water to the mariners, 
 and provisions are given by money payments and each man 
 carries what he buys for the voyage. These Moors seeing 
 that the Portuguese were so peaceable with them in their 
 boats, used to come and see the captains, and brought them 
 fowls, figs, and cocoa-nuts, for which they gave them many 
 thanks, and caps, and knives, and they complained of not 
 being able to communicate with the Indian boats about their 
 fish, which they wished to buy and pay well for. Then the 
 Moors sent their boats to the Indian boats and spoke to 
 them, and made them lose their fears, and they brought them 
 to our ships, where they bought their fish, and paid for it 
 with vintins and half vintins of silver, so rnuch to their 
 satisfaction that they gained confidence, and many always 
 came to the ships to sell their fish. As they found good pay 
 they used to bring fowls, figs, rice, and many other articles 
 of food from the main land, and stuffs and other things, so 
 
244 ACCOUNT GIVEN BY BARROS OP THE 
 
 that they became great friends with our men from the large 
 profits they made ; and they used to come from the sea with 
 great haste to see who would get first to sell his fish. Whilst 
 our ships remained in this way at Angediva, the news of it 
 ran through the country and reached Goa,^ which is twelve 
 
 ' Barros relates that Vasco da Gama had sent a landmark named S. 
 Gabriel through Diogo Dias to the Zamorin, but that it was not likely 
 that it would be left many hours standing, so on leaving Calecut he 
 went to some small islands close to the coast to set up another landmark ; 
 and these islands, which are between Bacanor and Baticala, are now 
 named Santa Maria, after the landmark which he set up there. Having 
 done this, and wishing to heel over and clean his ships, at the suggestion 
 of the people of the country he went to some other islands called Ange- 
 diva or Anchediva, from anche five and diva islands, since there are five 
 of them, and one is notable on account of a fortress which King Manuel 
 caused to be built there. Whilst Gama was refitting his ships and taking 
 in water, as it was the best along the coast, and all the ships that navi- 
 gate in these parts used to come here for it, there came to him a corsair 
 named Timoja, who later was a great friend of the Portuguese. He, 
 hearing of the Portuguese ships, came out of a place where he lived, 
 named Onor, near there, and as he was an astute man he attempted to 
 attack the Portuguese by stratagem, and joined together eight rowing 
 vessels covered with branches, so that they appeared like a large raft. 
 When Gama saw this raft approaching from the coast, he inquired 
 of the Indians, who were going about familiarly with the Portuguese, 
 what the thing he saw was. They replied that it was the inven- 
 tion of a corsair who used to attack the ships that passed by there. 
 Vasco da Gama ordered his brother and Nicolas Coelho before Timoja 
 came up to go and discharge their artillery at him, which they did in 
 such manner that the vessels separated and made for the coast ; during 
 their flight Nicolas Coelho captured one of them, in which they found 
 some rice and other meagre provisions of the country. After this event, 
 another occurred, for the country was full of the news of the Portuguese 
 abiding in these islands, which was as follows. A Moorish ruler named 
 Sabayo, to whom belonged a city named Goa, which was twelve leagues 
 from the Anchediva Islands, had with him many Arabs, Parsees, Turks, 
 and some Levantine renegades, with whose assistance he had acquired 
 great state ; when he heard of the Portuguese ships, he desired to have 
 more information about them, and summoned a Jew, a native of Poland, 
 who served him as Shahbender (captain of the port), and asked him if 
 he knew to what nation they belonged. The Jew replied that he knew 
 that they were Portuguese, who dwelt in the extreme parts of Christen- 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF TEE PORTUGUESE AT ANGEDIVA. 2 45 
 
 leagues thence, the King of the place was a Moor named Sa- 
 bayo, who was the lord of many countries and people. As this 
 
 dom, warlike people, enduring hardships, and that the Sabayo should 
 attempt to get them into his service, as with such men he might make 
 great conquests. As the Sabayo used to endeavour to obtain the services 
 of warlike people, he ordered the Jew to go to them and approach them 
 on his part with a favourable offer ; and if they would not accept, he 
 would send three or four armed vessels to back him, and on his sending 
 them word, they should attack the Portuguese ; and that he should go 
 at once, and the ships would follow. The Jew started with that under- 
 standing, and came in a small boat to the land, and ascended a small 
 hill over above the Portuguese ships, and there began to shout that he 
 wished to speak to the captain, and that they should give him a safe 
 conduct by that sign, showing at the same time a wooden cross. When 
 Vasco da Gama saw the cross he reverenced it in his heart, saying to 
 himself that under that sign of his redemption he did not expect deceit 
 or injury; and turning to the heathen who were with him, he asked them 
 if they knew the man who was shouting. They, as they were pleased at 
 the good which had been done them, said : " Sir, do not trust that man, 
 because he is a soldier of a city named Goa, which is near here ; and as 
 he is a Moor, people with whom you are at enmity, perhaps he comes 
 with some deceit." When Vasco da Gama got this information, he 
 ordered an answer to be given, that if he wanted anything and was a 
 safe man, that he gave him a safe conduct. Upon which the Jew re- 
 plied that he came with much sincerity, and that trusting to him he con- 
 fided himself into his power. With which words he came down and 
 came to Vasco da Gama, showing much confidence, like one who had 
 nothing else in his breast ; but Vasco da Gama discovered it at once by 
 ordering him to be tortured. When the Jew found himself in that 
 state he began to beg them for the love of God not to torture him, and 
 he would tell the whole truth of his coming ; and that before coming to 
 that point he would relate the beginning of his birth and life, from 
 which, and from what he now felt with respect to their arrival in these 
 parts, it seemed to him that it was not only for his salvation, but also 
 for that of so many thousand souls, as there were of the heathen in those 
 parts, because it was not in reason that men so western as were the 
 Portuguese people, who lived at the end of the earth should come to the 
 east Jjy so great a distance over seas and unknown tracks, unless for 
 some great mystery, which God intended to work by means of them. 
 Then he began to relate the beginning of his life, saying that in the 
 year of Christ 1450, the King of Poland had ordered a proclamation to 
 be made throughout his kingdom, commanding all the Jews witliin it 
 to become Christians within thirty days, or to go out of his kingdom, 
 
246 PROCEEDINGS OF THE PORTUGUESE AT ANGEDIVA. 
 
 city was the principal seaport, with a large river which formed 
 an island in which the town was situated, which was a place 
 
 and that after this limit of time had elapsed, whoever were found should 
 be burned. This was the cause of the greater part of the Jews going 
 out of the kingdom to divers parts, and in this emigration were his father 
 and his mother, who were dwellers in a city called Bosna; these came to 
 Jerusalem, and from thence passed on to the city of Alexandria, where 
 he was born ; and after that he had grown up, after wandering about in 
 many parts, he had come to those of India, into the service of the 
 Sabayo, the ruler of Goa, by whose order he had come here to call upon 
 Vasco da Gama and his men to enter his service and pay, as there were 
 several Levantines there with him ; and that the Sabayo had formed 
 this desire because he had vaunted the Portuguese nation ; and this was 
 the true cause of his coming, and he begged him not to do him any in- 
 jury, and to be pleased to receive him as Christian people are accus- 
 tomed to receive those who come to be baptised, since he wished to 
 accept it, and to die in the Christian faith. When Vasco da Gama saw 
 in this, and in other conversations which he had with him, that he was a 
 man of experience, and that he gave many details about the affairs of 
 those parts, he began to console him, and to tell him not to vex himself 
 about the son and property which he said he had left in Goa, because 
 the King his sovereign, if so be he should by the help of God arrive in 
 Portugal, would at once send a large fleet to these parts, with which he 
 would return, in which voyage the Jew would be able to regain his son, 
 and much more property than what he left in Goa by the favour of the 
 King of Portugal. Finally he was baptised, and named Gaspar, taking 
 as surname Gama, on account of Vasco da Gama, who brought him to 
 that state ; and by his advice the next day, before the ships which the 
 Sabayo was to send could arrive, Vasco da Gama, being now ready, set 
 sail, crossing the great gulf between India and Africa. During this 
 passage many of the crew fell sick and died, by reason of the many 
 calms. The first land which he made was below the city of Magadaxo, 
 situated on the open coast; he passed by it without stopping longer than 
 to discharge his artillery at it, for seeing by the show of its edifices that 
 it was an important place, he did not choose to gain more experience of 
 the sincerity of the ISIoors of that coast. But he could not go away 
 without some encounter with them, for having advanced further on to 
 another city named Pat6, there came out seven or eight well armed sam- 
 buks with the intention of attacking hhn, but he made such discharges 
 of artillery against them that they did not choose to follow him further. 
 On arriving at JNIelinde he was received by the King with much plea- 
 sure, who treated the sick men with refreshments from the shore, but 
 several were buried during the five days that he remained there, in 
 
GEANADINE JEW IN THE SERVICE OF GOA. 247 
 
 of great trade, it kept at sea a fleet of swift vessels, with 
 wWcli tliey used to make the ships which passed by come 
 into their port to pay them their dues. This Sabayo, hear- 
 ing that our ships were at Angediva, and it was also related 
 to him by the ships and sambuks which passed by Angediva, 
 that the Portuguese did no harm to any one, desired to learn 
 about the ships, and he called a G ranadine Jew, who was his 
 captain-major at sea, and he spoke to him about our ships. 
 This Jew, at the taking of Granada,^ was a very young man, 
 and having been driven from his country he passed through 
 many lands until he came to Turkey, and went to Mekkah, 
 from whence he passed on to India and established his abode 
 with this Sabayo, who, finding him to be a valiant man in 
 naval warfare, made him captain-major of his fleet. When 
 the Sabayo talked to him about the ships the Jew offered to 
 go and see them, and, if he could, to communicate with them 
 as they could not do him any harm, for he would go in a 
 swift vessel with sails and oars, and it might be that he 
 should find the ships in such a condition that he might be 
 
 such a condition were they. Setting sail again, on reaching the shoals 
 where the ship San Rafael had struck (as we have before related), 
 it struck again, and remained there for ever : this did not cause much 
 vexation to Gama, as so many of his crews had died that he could not 
 navigate three ships, and even for two there were few, these men 
 were divided among the two ships (Osorio says Gama burned Paulo's 
 ship at Melinde). They reached the isles of S. Jorge in front of Mozam- 
 bique on the day of the Purification (February 2nd), and heard a mass 
 there, and another at the watering place of S. Bras, and on the 20th of 
 March (Osorio says 26th of April) doubled the Cape, when the crews 
 began to recover their health. 
 
 ' Osorius calls him a Sarmate by nation and Jew by religion ; Barros 
 says a Polish Jew ; Castanheda says he announced himself as a Levan- 
 tine Christian, and that at a distance of two hundred leagues from 
 Anchediva he confessed he was a Lloor, and later he was converted, and 
 it was said afterwards that he was a Jew, because it was found that he 
 was married to a Jewess who lived in Cochim. Correa's account is the 
 most i3robable. 
 
248 PLANS OP THE RULER OF QOA AGAINST THE PORTUGUESE. 
 
 able to bring them to Goa, for he had already been informed 
 about these ships going about at Calecut and on the Malabar 
 coast. So he got ready to start in a small fusta with rowers, 
 and took with him eight large armed fustas with men to fight 
 with the Portuguese ships if that should be suitable. He was 
 an old man, quite white, of large stature, and full beard. He 
 came with his fustas, and arrived by night, in order not to be 
 seen by the ships, and posted the fustas amongst the islets 
 which were at the mouth of the river of Cintacola, which was 
 at the distance of half a league from the ships, where they 
 could very well remain without being seen by the ships. As 
 it was a dark night he got into an Indian boat with rowers, 
 and went silently to the ships and saw them from a distance, 
 and knew that they were ships from Spain, and upon that 
 he returned to the fustas. When it was morning he got 
 into a small fusta well manned with rowers, which went very 
 swiftly with sails and oars, and went to the ships with the 
 determination to go on board of them with some feigned 
 pretext, and see what crews they had, and if he found a con- 
 venient opportunity to take them by some stratagem, and if 
 not, then he would see if he could burn them and get any 
 plunder from them, or else he would return to Goa to fetch 
 a fleet with which to capture them. He trusted to his small 
 fusta, which the boats could not overtake even if they came 
 in pursuit of it ; and with this idea he went to the ships. 
 When this Jew arrived at the islets with the fustas he had 
 been seen by the fishermen who went out to sea, and they 
 saw that the fustas had concealed themselves amongst the 
 islets, and they knew that they belonged to Goa and went 
 to sea to plunder. The fishermen, as they were very friendly 
 with the Portuguese, who lived in good fellowship with them, 
 and hoping that on that account the Portuguese would make 
 them a present, came to the ships with great haste and gave 
 them notice of all that they perceived, and that the fustas 
 were not in that place except for the purpose of doing some 
 
THE GRANADINE JEW COMES ON BOARD GAMA's SHIP. 249 
 
 mischief. The captain-major gave them good pay for this, 
 and they went away much pleased. The captains then got 
 ready their artillery, and took all the measures which were 
 fitting, and watched well all the night, but they did not see 
 the Indian boat in which the Jew came to see the ships. 
 When it dawned the Jew came in his small fusta, and did as 
 though he wei-e passing by to some other part and saw the 
 ships that had put in ; so when he had come near he took 
 in his sail, and with the oars approached the ships which 
 were both close together. When he was near their sterns 
 within hearing, he hailed the ships in Castilian, saying, 
 " God preserve the ships and the Christian captains, and the 
 crews who sail with them ;" and the rowers gave a shout, 
 which was answered from the ships with the trumpets. All 
 the crews were much excited and pleased at hearing the 
 Castilian language ; and the Jew, coming up nearer, said, 
 " Gentlemen, captains, give me a safe conduct and I will 
 come on board of your ships to learn the news of my country, 
 and from me you also may learn whatever you please, since 
 God has brought you hither for your good and for mine ; for 
 Tt is now forty years that I have been a captive, and now 
 God has shown me ships from Spain, which is my country, 
 therefore may it be your pleasure to give me the safe con- 
 duct which I request, for without it I should not dare to 
 come on board." They answered him from the ship that he 
 might safely come on board with peace, and that they would 
 do him all honour, because they much rejoiced at hearing 
 him speak, and that in the ships there was no one who would 
 do harm to anybody. The Jew, trusting to these words, 
 approached and came on board, and they received and wel- 
 comed him, and bade him sit down, and questioned him as 
 to the country he came from, and how it was that he was at 
 such distance from his native land, and many other things 
 which the Jew answered ; and the captains showed that they 
 were much pleased to hear him. Of the rowers of the small 
 
250 GAMA SEIZES THE GRANADINE JEW. 
 
 fusta several also came on board^ and were mucli surprised 
 at what they saw^ and in great security as they saw tlieir 
 captain sitting down thus and conversing with so much 
 satisfaction. The captain-major ordered Nicolas Coelho to 
 be called to come and see the new guest who had come to 
 visit them. Nicolas Coelho came to the ship in his boat with 
 a few meUj and as he approached the ship the captain-major 
 ordered him to come alongside on the side where the fusta 
 was, and when they arrived to board the fusta. The captain- 
 major then rose up and at once ordered the Jew to be bound 
 by men who were ready for that purpose ; and on seeing 
 that, the sailors of the fusta threw themselves into the sea, 
 and the boat came up and gathered them all in so that none 
 escaped. The Jew, seeing himself bound in that manner, 
 said, " Oh, gentlemen, noble Christians, God protect me and 
 you j for having trusted myself to your words I am now 
 bound hand and foot." The captain-major answered him, 
 " Jew, it was with treachery that you asked for a safe con- 
 duct, and on that account it shall not avail you." Then they 
 put heavy irons upon his feet, and sent all the rowers down 
 below decks. Afterwards the captain-major ordered the Jew 
 to be stripped, and two ship-boys to give him many stripes 
 with cords ; and he said to the Jew that he well knew of the 
 treachery with which he had come with the fustas which 
 were concealed amongst the islets, and therefore he swore, 
 by the life of the King of Portugal his sovereign, that he 
 would put him to death by flogging and torturing him with 
 drops of hot fat, until he confessed the truth out of his 
 mouth. The Jew, finding himself in such straits, and that 
 he was already questioned about the fustas which were at 
 the islets, said, " Sir, I confess that I am worthy of death, 
 but have pity on me and on this white beard, and I will tell 
 you the whole truth." Then the captain-major ordered him 
 to be unbound and dressed, and he related all that I have 
 mentioned above. Then the captain-major took great oaths 
 
THE POETUGUESE CAPTURE THE GOA ROW-BOATS. 251 
 
 that if lie did not deliver up to him the fustas which were in 
 the islets, he would have him flayed alive. The Jew replied, 
 " Sir, command me, and if I do not do it I am in your power." 
 Then the boats were sent well manned, with their swivel 
 guns and many pots of powder all prepared ; there were 
 twenty men in each boat with the best arms that could be 
 provided ; and the captain-major went in the small fusta, 
 taking the Jew with him in irons and his hands tied behind 
 him, and the pilots and masters went in the boats. They 
 went at night, when it was quite dark, for the moon set before 
 the morning; and Vasco da Gama told the Jew to speak to his 
 men on arriving at the fustas in such manner that they 
 should not be alarmed, nor get ready to fight, because the 
 first thing after that would be his being killed. The Jew 
 said, " Sir, I will endeavour to save myself from death." 
 They went and reached the fustas before morning, and all 
 were asleep taking their rest. The light fusta went a little 
 in front, and the boats a little astern and at a distance from 
 it, which being heard by the people of the fustas who kept 
 watch, they asked who was coming. To which the Jew re- 
 plied in their own language, " It is I, and I am bringing 
 with me some relations." Upon which he entered amongst 
 the fustas, and the ships' boats, carrying their matches con- 
 cealed, came to the outer side of the fustas ; when the 
 captain-major reached them he gave a shout which they 
 heard, crying out, Santiago, Sam Jorge; at which the boats 
 gave a shout and fired their guns, and the Portuguese 
 boarded the fustas with their powder-jars lit, which they 
 threw amongst the rowers, who were all asleep ; so that 
 the whole of them sprung into the sea. As the fighting men 
 were few in number, and flustered with being so suddenly 
 roused from sleep, there was no one who fought or defended 
 himself, since it seemed that the fustas were entirely on fire 
 with the flames from the powder-pots. As all the fustas 
 were together our men over-ran them all, until not one black 
 
252 CAPTURE OF THE GOA ROW BOATS. 
 
 roan remaiBed in them; and all were swimming about in 
 the sea and taking refuge in the islets; during which 
 time it dawned. But the captain-major, with the light 
 fusta and the ships' boats was going about the sea killing 
 them all, and they went to kill as many as were in the islets, 
 for they spared the life of nobody. They then took the 
 fustas in tow made fast to the boats and light fusta, and so 
 returned to the ships with great delight, and the ships 
 hailed them in return with shouts and trumpeting. They 
 found rice and cocoa-nuts in the fustas, and some dried fish 
 which formed their provisions ; the fustas contained some 
 small guns and cannon {roqueiras) , which the Portuguese 
 threw into the sea, and the weapons were javelins (zagunchos) 
 and long swords and large bucklers made of boards covered 
 with hides sewn with sinews, and very light and long bows, like 
 English bows, with cane arrows with long broad iron points. 
 The Portuguese took from the fustas whatever they wanted, 
 and broke up some of them for wood. The Indian fishing- 
 boats came up, and the Portuguese captains told them to 
 take the fustas away with them, but they would not do it, 
 but each one carried away what he pleased, and they divided 
 the sails into pieces and took them for their fishing-boats. 
 Then the Portuguese selected from amongst the captive 
 rowers some of the best men for the service of the pumps, 
 twelve for each ship, and they killed the others in the pre- 
 sence of the fishermen, because they knew of the treachery 
 with which they had come. The Jew was much alarmed, 
 and expected that when the others had all been made an end 
 of, he would be the last to receive more severe punishment, 
 but the captain-major ordered him to be put below the deck. 
 As he had already taken in water, and it was the season of 
 the monsoon,^ and the pilots said that they ought to depart, 
 
 ' Camoens, Canto x, 143. 
 Podeisvos embarcar, que tendes vento, 
 E mar tranquilo para a patria aniada : 
 Assi Ihe dissc, e logo movimento 
 
DEPARTURE FROM ANGEulVA, 253 
 
 they set sail, crossing over the great gulf and making their 
 course for Melinde ; which they did with good weather and 
 without misfortune, and arrived at Melinde on the eighth of 
 January of the year 1499.^ / 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 How the ships arrived at Melinde, and what they did there until they 
 
 departed for the kingdom. 
 
 When the ships arrived at the port of Melinde, they an- 
 chored, and dressed themselves out with flags, and the 
 
 ^ Correa said above (p. 239) that they sailed from Angediva on the 10th 
 December ; Goes and Castanheda fix the departure from Angediva on Fri- 
 day, 5th of October, the sighting of Magadoxo and bombardment of it on 
 the 2nd February, and the arrival at Melinde on Monday the 7th of 
 February. Castanheda gives a few additional details of the return voy- 
 age from Angediva to Melinde, which he says lasted four months, what 
 with calms and other causes : the crew were again sick, with their gums 
 swollen and rotten as at the river Bons sinaes, and they had ulcers in 
 their arms and legs, and thirty persons died, and others could hardly 
 move ; they were also short of water, which had to be served out by 
 measure. The pilots wanted to put back to Calicut, and made a con- 
 spiracy, which Vasco da Gama discovered, upon which he arrested them, 
 and took the care of directing the ships' course. 
 
 Fazem da Ilha alegre, e namorada : 
 Levao refresco, e nobre mantimento, 
 Levao a companhia desejada 
 Das Ninfas, que hao de ter etemamente 
 For mais tempo, que o Sol o mundo aquente. 
 
 143. 
 Ye may embarque (for wind and weather fit, 
 And the sea courts you) for your countrey dear. 
 Thus said shee to them ; and they forthwith quit 
 The Isle of Love, the harbour of good chear : 
 Noble provisions they take out of it ; 
 Take their desir'd desirous Nymphs to bear 
 Them company : whom nothing shall divorce, 
 Whilst in the heav'ns the sun shall run his course. 
 
 Fanshmv. 
 
254 RETDRN TO 3IELINDE. 
 
 trumpets sounded^ and the crews shouted. The pilot, who 
 had already got leave from the captain-major, hailed the 
 skiff of a ship which was near to them, and it was sent, and 
 he went on shore to take the good news to the King of the 
 good fortune which our men had met Avith ; at which the 
 King was much pleased, and went immediately to seat him- 
 self on the beach, waiting until the boats were lowered into 
 the sea. The captains got into them at once and went to 
 the shore, and as soon as the boats grounded they jumped 
 out, because the King was standing by with the water 
 reaching to his feet. He embraced the captains with both 
 arms, as though they had been his brothers ; and so he led 
 them away to the palace, where he again embraced them, 
 and sat down between them both, the captains making great 
 salutations. The King then began to inquire of them if 
 they came with good health, and if their affairs had been to 
 their satisfaction. Paulo da Grama said to him: "Sire, you, 
 with your royal sincerity and kind affection, put us in a 
 good road, on which account we have found all that we 
 were seeking for : and if the Lord be pleased to bring us to 
 Portugal, we may say that we are very fortunate : and since 
 you. Sire, procured for us this so great good, we and those 
 who descend from us will for ever be under greater obliga- 
 tion to you than any men ever owed to a ruler .^^ For 
 which reason they offered to him themselves and their 
 ships and all they contained, for all was his, since all had 
 been acquired through him, not only that which they pos- 
 sessed at the present time, but all that there might be in 
 future, for all was his, as he was so good and true a king, 
 and they promised to serve him like their own king and 
 sovereign. The King thanked them very much with very 
 affectionate words, and they related to him all that had 
 happened to them ; during this time the pilots came to kiss 
 the King^s feet, and he gave them a warm welcome, and 
 they related to him what they had seen the Portuguese do. 
 
V 
 
 THE KING WELCOMES THE PORTUGUESE. 255 
 
 When tliey related what they had done with the fustas at 
 Angediva^ all were much amazed, and the King said that he 
 would be much pleased to see the Jew, and they at once 
 sent to fetch him. When he came before the King, the 
 captain-major bade h-im give an account of all his ill success 
 to the King, which he related, and they were all much sur- 
 prised. The King asked the captain-major how he had be- 
 come acquainted with the treachery of jthe Jew^ Pie said : 
 " Sire, no one told me of it, but only my heart, for on hear- 
 ing him speak, I felt such irritation that it seemed that my 
 heart was struggling to leap out of my body.^^ The King 
 then said : " Now at length I know indeed that you are 
 such perfect men, that I should be very fortunate if I pos- 
 sessed such men in my kingdom to attend to my service and 
 honour ; on which account I say, and swear by my religion, 
 that from this day forward for ever, I am a true friend, like 
 a brother of the King of Portugal, your sovereign ; and 
 since I tell you this truly and of my own accord, I entreat 
 you much to promise me that you will engage the King to 
 order all his ships to come to this city of mine, where I will 
 do them all the good that is in my power, so that I shall be 
 a great king having such people for my friends ; and I shall 
 live much at my ease with my kingdom in security, whilst 
 possessing the friendship of so great a king : and I already 
 know much more than what you have told me.^^ Paulo da 
 Gama answered: " Sire, God shows good things to the good, 
 and you have shown them to us, for if you had not directed us 
 we should not have found that which, had we not discovered, 
 never could we have retui'ned to our country, and we 
 should have gone on running over seas and countries until 
 all of us should have ended our lives : and since you have 
 conferred such benefits upon us, we will always pray to 
 God that He may increase your royal state over your ene- 
 mies. By this great benefit that you have done us, when 
 we were going about as lost, so that the King our sovereign 
 
256 HOSPITABLE RECEPTION AT MELINDE. 
 
 would never again have seen us, you, Sire, have delivered 
 us and saved us from perdition, and have given us the 
 remedy, so that now we shall go before the King our sove- 
 reign with the great advantages which we are conveying to 
 him, so that he will experience such pleasure and satisfac- 
 tion, that for ever he and his sons, and all who descend 
 from them, will truly be your brothers in sincere affection, 
 the friends of your friends, and the enemies of your enemies : 
 and when any other ships come here, which without doubt 
 he will send, you will see in his letters all the truth of what 
 we now tell you here, for the King our sovereign will send 
 many ships and men to seek for India, which will be all of 
 it his, and he will confer great benefits on his friends, and 
 you will be the one most esteemed, above them all, like a 
 brother of his own ; and when you see his power, then your 
 heart will feel entire satisfaction. One favour we ask you 
 to do us, which is that these pilots which you gave us, or 
 others if it so seem better to you, should be given to us to 
 go with us to Portugal, because they know the navigation 
 of this country, which our men do not know j for after we 
 shall have passed the extremity of this land, after that we 
 shall know how to go to our country, which is very near to 
 this one, if we knew how to navigate in the fair season 
 of this coast ; because, when we came thus with many 
 storms, as we did not see the land, we did not take down 
 the marks of the coast in order to know how to return to 
 our country. Also, if your pilots go with us, they will be- 
 come acquainted with our navigation, and they will see our 
 country and king, and when they return they will relate to 
 you truly what they have seen.^^ The King was much 
 pleased with this, and said : '' It appears that you divine 
 everything which I desire in my heart, for this was the 
 thing which I was most desirous of, and I was now on the 
 point of speaking of it to you, because I had already settled 
 it with the best pilots whom I have found, and of whom you 
 
PILOTS PROVIDFT) FOR THE PORTDGUfiSE. 257 
 
 will take good care^ since they are willing to do me this 
 service, so much for my satisfaction, and they leave with mo 
 their wives and children lamenting themselves; and I tell 
 them that I send them assured against injury upon my own 
 head," The captains replied : " Sire, wo will keep and 
 maintain your word till death." The captain-major then 
 immediately sent to fetch two hundred cruzados in gold, 
 which he gave to the King to leave with the pilots' wives ; 
 so that the King and all his people remained well satisfied. 
 The King then ordered the pilots to embark, and with his 
 own hand he delivered them over to the captains, and told 
 them at once to get on board the ships all that they had 
 need of; and he ordered water to be taken to them in the 
 boats of the ships which were in the harbour, and in every- 
 thing much was done for their equipment. The captains 
 always remained with the King all day until night, when 
 they always went to sleep in their ships. When they wero 
 quite ready and wished to embark, the King was with his 
 ministers and principal gentlemen, and in the presence of 
 them all, the King with his own hand gave to Paulo da 
 Gama a letter written on a leaf of gold, like that of the 
 King of Cananor. This letter was very long : in it the 
 King mentioned all that had passed between him and the 
 Portuguese, in offers of service and obligations, and he 
 affirmed it all with oaths ; and made many requests to the 
 King of Portugal that he would send his fleets and men to 
 his port, which would be very suitable to his honour ; and 
 he sent him as a present a broad gold neck-chain with pre- 
 cious stones and pearls, which in Portugal was worth ten 
 thousand cruzados, also a chest much wrought with orna- 
 ments of silver and ivory, full of white stuffs and silks, and 
 gold thread, such as our people had never seen the like of. 
 The King said these things were for the Queen, and with 
 these were twenty jewelled rings of the same value as the 
 necklace. He also gave to the captains jewels of gold, and 
 
258 r:2f:sEVTs z.ychanged between 
 
 various kinds of stuffs, all of much value ; lie likewise sent 
 presents to Nicolas Coelho, who was on board the ship. 
 The king requested the captains to give him, in writing, and 
 signed by them, a statement of all that had passed between 
 them up to that time, which they did ; and with many em- 
 braces and very affectionate speeches the captains took 
 leave and embarked. The King sent his minister immedi- 
 ately after them with two boats laden with packages of fine 
 white stuffs and coloured stuffs of many sorts and patterns, 
 and many fine muslins ; and he sent word to the captains 
 that he sent that for their masters and pilots and crews, and 
 that they were to distribute it among them to each man, as 
 they thought fit, so that they might not be discontented 
 with his country. He also sent for the Queen a piece of 
 ambergris, set in silver, of the length of half an ell, and of 
 the thickness of a man's waist ; when the captains saw it 
 they ordered ihe crews to shout, for the King to hear them 
 on shore, and the trumpets to be sounded. The captains, 
 however, desiring that the King of Portugal should excel all 
 others in greatness, ordered to put into the boats ten 
 chests of different sorts of uncut coral, and much amber, 
 vermilion, and quicksilver, many pieces of brocade, velvet, 
 satin, and coloured damasks, and a piece of scarlet cloth, 
 and coloured cloths of Rouen. Also a chest full of mirrors, 
 knives, red barret-caps, and other kinds, and many strings 
 of crystalline beads of many colours which looked pretty, 
 and many gilt glasses, and two hundred bars of copper ; for 
 they considered that it was not worth while to take these 
 things back to Portugal where they were worth little, and 
 they had brought it ail to trade with and had not expended 
 it. Vasco da Gama at the same time sent to the King a 
 dagger of his own, very richly enamelled, with a message 
 to the effect that that object had been his, and that he begged 
 him much to wear it always for his sake, in its belt which 
 had splendid fringes, as was the custom at that time. He 
 
THE KING OF MELINDE AND THE PORTUGUESE, 259 
 
 also gave othei' things to the minister^ so that he went away 
 much pleased to the King, who was seated on the beach, 
 where the minister presented all these things to him. On 
 seeing them the King said : '' I am a poor man to be able 
 to pay for all this/^ Then he at once sent to the merchants 
 of the city and they collected a hundred pieces of Mekkah 
 velvet, of many colours, and pieces of satin, and fine damask 
 stuffs from Mekkah, and the King sent these to the ship 
 with a message to the captains, that these stuffs were poor 
 materials for their own clothing, but that they should be given 
 to the seamen and crews to dress in when they reached 
 Portugal. For this they sent great thanks to the King, 
 and as the message left the ships there came from shore 
 many boats laden with refreshments, and many things for 
 the voyage, and a large jar of ginger, preserved with sugar, 
 for the captain-major, and another for Paulo da Gama, which 
 they were to eat at sea when they were cold. With this 
 came the pilots with their baggage, which the Portuguese 
 pilots stowed away in their quarters with them in the cabins of 
 the forecastle. The pilots then gave orders for their speedy 
 departure ; and on the next day, the day of St. Sebastian, 
 they set sail with foresails and mizens, and again cast anchor 
 half a league outside the port. This next day the priests 
 said a dry mass in both ships with many prayers, all be- 
 seeching the Lord devoutly, with many tears, to be pleased 
 of His great mercy to bring them to Portugal. When this 
 Was concluded they loosed the sails, standing out from the 
 land as much as the pilots directed ; this was on the day of 
 St. Sebastian, the twentieth of January of 1499.^ 
 
 » Barros, Goes, and Castanheda say that Gama stayed five days at 
 Melinde. Goes says he left on the 12th February, and Castanheda says 
 the 10th February. 
 
260 DEPARTURE FROM MELINDE. 
 
 /^(r CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 How our men departed from Melinde and arrived in Portugal ; and of 
 what happened to them by the way. 
 
 When tlie sliips had set sail, as has been related, they con- 
 tinued to ran down the coast, and the captains gave orders 
 to the pilots to keep a good look out, and to note well the 
 coast and landmarks which it presented, and to question the 
 [Moorish pilots as to all they saw, and to write it down with 
 Ifull details ; especially the outlines and marks presented by 
 the land when it remained astern, because that was the view 
 and description by which it would be known by those who 
 would come from the kingdom, running along the coast; 
 and also to write down the names of the towns and rivers 
 and everything. This the pilots did with much care ; and^ 
 it was also done by a priest of the ship, named Joan Figueira^ 
 who of his own accord wrote down all that happened in this 
 voyage ; and on arriving at Melinde he was at the point of 
 death. Then, thinking that he was going to die, he gave to 
 the captain a note-book in which he had written down every- 
 thing, at which the captain was much pleased; and on 
 leaving Melinde he charged him to go on writing in the same 
 manner until the voyage was ended, which he did. Many 
 copies were afterwards made of what this priest wrote ; 
 I and I saw some fragments of one of them, in the possession 
 of Alfonso de Albuquerque, amongst some old papers of his 
 (for I, Gaspar Correa, served him for three years as his clerk), 
 and seeing in them things so pleasing to hear and to know, 
 I gathered together this manuscript book, which was already 
 ' become pieces and was torn in parts : and on account of it, 
 I I formed the resolution of writing all that I might be able 
 ' to acquire and hear of the deeds and events of India, with 
 
GAMA RUNS BY SOFALA. 261 
 
 respect to whicli I have already made my excuses, which I 
 earnestly entreat my readers to accept from me, and that 
 they will take into account my ignorance through which I 
 have fallen into error. To continue, the Portuguese navi- 
 gated thus with a fair wind, and at their ease,, relying on 
 the good pilots they had ; for they were so experienced that 
 they used to say, to-morrow we shall see such a land, or 
 river, or islands, and they were always correct without 
 making any mistakes. On reaching Mozambique^ they 
 would not go thither, they had not any necessity to do so, 
 and went on their course. When they were in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Sofala the pilots told the masters that they 
 ought to be well prepared and ready to lower the sails, and 
 that at night they should shorten sail, and keep a good 
 look-out, because where they were going there was a river 
 belonging to a country named Sofala, from which at times 
 there issued a very violent squall of wind, which swept away 
 the trees and cattle and brought them down to the sea ; but 
 that this was not certain, for some years it did not occur : 
 and, since it was thus doubtful and very sudden, no one 
 passed by there without great precautions as to the sails, for 
 ships even without sails still ran some risk, but these squalls 
 lasted but a short time, and passed over like thunderstorms 
 that they were : although the ships should be rigged with 
 little sail they would run very fast, on account of the great 
 current of the sea which would carry them towards the Cape 
 of Good Hope. The pilots directed the ships to be brought 
 very close to the land as a precaution against the wind, in 
 
 ^ Goes says that when opposite the town of Tagata Gama biu-ned 
 Paulo da Gama's ship, which was very old ; Castanheda says he did thia 
 on the 17th of February at the banks of St. Rafael, named after it. 
 Goes says that Gama arrived off Zanzibar on the 28th of February, and 
 that the ruler of it sent him refreshment; he sailed on the 1st of March, 
 and then anchored off St. Jorge Island, without communicating with the 
 Sheikh of Mozambique : on the 3rd of March (Castanheda) he touched 
 at San Bias, and doubled the Cape on the 20th March. 
 
262 REJOICINGS AT DOUBLING THE 
 
 case it blew ; and the Lord was pleased that it did not arise. 
 Since the Portuguese had met there with sea-winds which 
 were very stormy, and as they found many islands and 
 shallows, the captains spoke to the pilots about standing 
 further off from the land, lest any wind from the sea might 
 do them harm, and that they could not keep the course 
 which they were then making. The pilots replied that it 
 was at that time the summer of this region, and that there 
 was no other wind except that which they then had, which 
 was a stern breeze ; and that if this wind fell calm there 
 would arise a head wind fi*om the opposite direction, and 
 that there would be no wind from seaward, and they were 
 to be under no apprehension of it ; and if there should come 
 a contrary wind they would not need to put into port, nor 
 fetch the land, they would only have to lie-to until a fair 
 wind sprung up again, for even while they were lying-to the 
 currents would carry them forwards. By reason of these 
 currents, whenever the wind was contrary, the sea would 
 rise very high, but there would not be rain nor storms. 
 The Lord, however, was pleased in His mercy that they 
 should pass the Cape of Good Hope, in sight of it, without 
 any accident, and immediately afterwards they saw the turn 
 which the other coast takes towards Portugal. They took 
 down many bearings and mai"ks of this coast, and sound- 
 ings, which they took lying-to. They found in the sea 
 some yellow weeds like espadana,^ and many seals,^ which 
 at sight of the ships dived underneath the water. They 
 ran under full sail, and seeing the Cape remain behind, 
 and that they had passed by it towards Portugal, the 
 ii pleasure of all was so great that they embraced each 
 |other with great joy ; they then all knelt down, with 
 their hands raised up to heaven, uttering great praise and 
 
 ^ Espadana, a plant called Gladiolus, Xiphinm, Xiphion Spatha, 
 VictoriaUs foemina, and Gladiolus STjlvestris, Bluteau. 
 ■•' Lobos marinhos. 
 
CAPE ON THE IIOMEWAliD VOYAGE. 263 
 
 prayers for the great benefits wliicli had been granted them. 
 Vasco da Gama then said to the master and pilot and the 
 seamen whom he had arrested: ''What do you men now say 
 of the great shame with which you covered yourselves^ when, 
 from fear of the storm, you wished to seize upon me and 
 lose this great pleasure which we all possess, and this great 
 service which we have rendered to God, and to the King 
 our sovereign, who will grant us so many favours for our 
 great hardships." 'To this only one mariner answered, 
 who was named Joam Dameiroeira ;^ he said : " Sir, we 
 acted according to what we are ; you acted like as you are. 
 Now, Sir, on a day of so much joy, it is in reason that we 
 should be pardoned." Vasco da Gama replied : " I forgive 
 you, for in my heart there is no ill will towards you, but on 
 account of the vow which I made, I will take the master 
 and pilot in irons to present them before the King, who 
 will grant you many favours for this, which I will beg of 
 him for you and for your children, and this I promise you ; 
 and you shall go from the palace to your houses bound in 
 chains, which there you will take off, only this will be for a 
 remembrance and recollection of this so perilous voyage 
 which you have made, the honour of which will endure as 
 long as you live." Then he ordered them to bring on the 
 quarter-deck all the things that the King of Melinde had 
 sent, and he sent an equal portion to the ship of Paulo da 
 Gama, and he distributed it all amongst the whole ship's 
 company with great order, giving to each according as it 
 seemed just, so that all were contented. He gave to the 
 Moorish pilots dresses of scarlet cloth such as they desired, 
 and jubbehs of yellow satin, and Paulo da Gama did the 
 same with his people. The pilots and masters then held a 
 consultation as to the course they should make, and they 
 spoke of it to the Moorish pilots, and told them that the 
 coast on this side towards Portugal made so great a bay 
 ' The Lisbon edition has Joao d'Ameixoeira. 
 
264 ARRIVAL AT TERCEIRA. 
 
 that they could not run along it^ therefore they must now 
 stand out to sea for Portugal, for they had a very good 
 notion and understanding of the course which they ought 
 to make, all which they explained to the Moorish pilots, 
 who already understood some little of our speech. These 
 asked if Portugal stood out as far into the sea as the Cape 
 of Good Hope ; they told them that it did so, and even still 
 more ; the pilots .answered that it would be well to take 
 this course : and the ships sailed within speaking distance 
 of one another, telling each other of all that they were doing. 
 When it was night the Moorish pilots took observations 
 with the stars, so that they made a straight course. When 
 they were on the line they met with showers and calms, so 
 that our men knew that they were in the region of Guinea. 
 Here also they encountered contrary winds, which come 
 from the Strait of Gibraltar, so that they took a tack out to 
 sea on a bowline, going as close to the wind as possible. 
 They sailed thus with much labour at the pumps, for the 
 ships made much water with the straining of going on a 
 bowline, and in this part of the sea they found some trouble- 
 some weed, of which there was much that covered the sea, 
 which had a leaf like sargar^o, which name they gave to it, 
 and so named it for ever.^ Our pilots got sight of the 
 north star at the altitude which they used to see it in Por- 
 tugal, by which they knew that they were near Portugal. 
 They then ran due north until they sighted the islands,^ at 
 
 ^ Sargago. Bluteau gives a description of this weed, which he says 
 rises a span above the surface of the sea : he quotes from John Hugh 
 Linschoten, Hist. Orient., 3rd part, p. 34 — " Lusitani herbam Sarga(jo 
 nominant, quod Nasturtio Aquatico, quod ipsi Sarga^o indigitant, non 
 admodum dissimilis sit," etc. Bluteau says this weed is a remedy for 
 the stone and diseases of the bladder, when eaten raw or boiled. 
 
 2 Goes says they arrived at Santiago on the 25th April : he and Caa- 
 tanheda say that Nicolas Coelho parted company here from Gama (Goes 
 says in a storm, Castanheda says one night), and went on to give news to 
 D. Manuel of the discovery, and reached Cascaes on the 10th of July, 1499. 
 
DEATH OF PAULO DA GAMA. 265 
 
 whicli their joy was unbounded, and they reached them, and 
 ran along them to Terceira, at which they anchored in the 
 port of Angra at the end of August. There the ships 
 could hardly keep afloat by means of the pumps, and they 
 were so old that it was a wonder how they kept above 
 water, and many of the crews were dead, and others sick, 
 who died on reaching land; there also Paulo da Gama died, 
 for he came ailing ever since he passed the Cape, and off 
 Guinea he took to his bed, and never again rose from it. 
 When that happened Vasco da Gama passed over to his 
 brother's ship, and always voyaged with him : all the crews 
 in general had grown sick. Paulo da Gama lived only one 
 day on shore, and was buried in the monastery of St. 
 Francis, with great honours, and was accompanied by the 
 captain and all the honourable people of the island. Vasco 
 da Gama bewailed the death of his good brother with very 
 great regret and affliction, for he loved him much. When 
 the ships had arrived thus at the islands, the almoxarife 
 (officer of the King's duties) and the King's officials used 
 much diligence in refitting the ships with everything that 
 they required, and they put mariners on board of them to 
 navigate them, because Vasco da Gama would not consent 
 to their discharging any of the cargo from them, as they 
 wished to do, for when they first arrived they had wished 
 to tranship the merchandise into other vessels, to make it 
 safe, but the captain-major did not consent to it. As soon 
 as the ships arrived at the island, many ships started for 
 Lisbon to go and take the news to the King, as they hoped 
 to obtain by that great favours as the reward of the good 
 news. Afterwards, when the ships were provided with all 
 that was necessary, they departed for Lisbon, and Vasco da 
 Gama was so affiicted by the death of his brother, that 
 it very much diminished his satisfaction with the great 
 honours that he hoped for on coming to the King's presence: 
 withal he gave great praise to the Lord, since this had been 
 
20G ARTHUR RODRIGUEZ BRINGS NEWS 
 
 for His lioly service. Many vessels went from the island 
 in company with the ships, and all arrived together at Lis- 
 bon, which was on the eighteenth day of September of the 
 year 1499.^ 
 
 s/ CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Of the reception and honours and favours which the King granted to 
 Vasco da Gama, and to those who had gone with him on this 
 voyage. 
 
 The King was staying at Sintra when there arrived one 
 Arthur Rodriguez, a man married in the isle of Terceira ; 
 he had a carvel of his own, ready to make a voyage to Al- 
 garve. He, seeing the ships come in, set sail without 
 knowing whence they were coming, and so he passed by 
 them under sail before they came to anchor, and asked 
 whence they came, and they answered that they came from 
 India. He at once made his course for Lisbon, where he 
 arrived in four days, and entered Cascaes,^ and got into a 
 small boat which was going ashore, and he gave orders to 
 a son of his who came with him not to let anyone approach 
 to communicate with his vessel, nor to say anything of the 
 ships from India. This Arthur R5Iz on reaching land went 
 at once with speed to Sintra, because the men of the skiff 
 had told him that the King was there, and he set out and 
 arrived there at one o'clock at night, and went to the King, 
 who had just sat down at table to sup. Arthur Roiz took 
 the King's hand and kissed it, saying : '' Sire, I have 
 
 1 There is a great variety in the dates given by different historians of 
 the return of Gama to Lisbon. Castanheda says September; Maffei, 
 September; Goes, August 29 ; Quintella, Annaes da Marinha Portugucsa, 
 August 29 ; Barros, August 29 ; Mariz, Bialoyo de varia historia, August 
 20 ; Anno Historico, July 29. 
 
 2 Cascaes, a village and fort at the mouth of the Tagus, five leagues 
 from Lisbon. 
 
TO THE KING OF GAMA'S RETURN. 267 
 
 kissed the Land of your Highness for the great favour 
 which you will grant me for the so great and good news 
 which I bring you.^ It is four days since I set out from 
 Terceira, where I left two ships from India, for as I was 
 coming under sail in a carvel of mine I passed by them, and 
 inquired, and they told me that they came from India : and 
 as it was such good news, I did not choose that another 
 should come first and be before me in gaining the reward 
 which I hope your Highness will give me." The King was 
 not able to continue hearing him, but went off at once to 
 the chapel which is within the palace, where he recited his 
 orisons and gave great praises to the Lord for the so great 
 favour that had been vouchsafed to him. Upon this there 
 was great excitement, and all the nobles flocked to the 
 palace to give the King joy of his great satisfaction. The 
 King took Arthur Rolz as a gentleman of his household, 
 and his son as a page of the chamber, and gave him a 
 gratification of a hundred cruzados, which the King's purser 
 gave to him at once. The King then said to the nobles 
 that he would start before morning for Lisbon to receive 
 further messages, which would come following after this 
 one, and in case the ships came, the better to see them 
 enter Lisbon. The King arrived there the next day at 
 dinner-time, and another message reached him, which came 
 to win the reward of good news, and which told the King 
 all the news of how Vasco da Gama had arrived with his 
 crews dead and sick, and that Paulo da Gam a had_ thus ' 
 
 ' The account of Barros of the announcement of the discovery of the 
 passage to India is very different : 
 
 In the Register of Moradias, or Court allowances (Torre do Tombo, 
 Ma^. 1, L°. 7), there is a document which seems confirmatory of Correa's 
 statement about Arthur Rodriguez : it bears no date, but others near it 
 are dated 1525, and the last leaf of the book is dated 1529. 
 
 It. Arthur Roiz irmao bastardo de V"=° de froes avera 
 todo este seg"*" quartell a setecemtos e cynquoenta . . . . p"" mes 
 de caval™ sem cevada — II ii« 4rs. 
 
268 RETURN OP GAMA TO LISBON. 
 
 arrived^ and that he had died shortly after his arrival ; at 
 which the King showed grief, and said : " I should greatly 
 rejoice if Vasco da Gama had come before me with his 
 satisfaction complete, so as not to deprive me of any por- 
 tion of mine which I now enjoy." The King gave a reward 
 to the messenger for what he related, which was that as 
 soon as they were prepared with what they required, the 
 ships would set out, because they came with great labour 
 at the pumps, from which the seamen never desisted, for 
 thB ships had opened their seams with the calms which 
 they met with off Guinea, and with the hard work at the 
 pumps the crews had fallen sick and died, but that many 
 people of the island were coming in the ships, and many 
 vessels were coming with them which would arrive with 
 them at Lisbon. With this great pleasure the King waited 
 until the ships arrived at the bar, where there were boats 
 with pilots who were waiting for them, and who at once 
 brought them in dressed out with flags, while the King was 
 looking on from the House of the Mines, which afterwards 
 became the India House. The ships on coming to anchor 
 fired a salute with their artillery, and the King sent imme- 
 diately Jorge de Vasconcelos, overseer of the armoury of 
 Lisbon, a chief nobleman of his household, to visit Vasco da 
 Gama, and to say to him that the King hoped his coming 
 would be as happy as the pleasure which he himself felt on 
 account of it; but that the King's pleasure was much 
 diminished by the great grief which he experienced for the 
 death of his brother ; but seeing the great favour which the 
 Lord had granted to him, and looking well at one circum- 
 stance and the other, he ought to lay aside his grief, at 
 which the King would be much pleased, and that he should 
 disembark shortly. After this, many friends and relations 
 came to the ship to visit Yasco da Gama, and they entreated 
 him much not to go before the King with such grief and 
 mourning as he showed, and to have regard for the message 
 
RECEPTION BY THE KING. 269 
 
 which the King had sent. He* consulted as to this with all 
 his friends, and he dressed himself in a close-fitting tunic 
 of silk (solia), and a round barret-cap, which looked well, 
 and he wore his beard very long, for he had never cut it 
 since he had departed from Lisbon. Vasco da Gama landed 
 on the beach in front of the houses, where he was received 
 by all the nobles of the court, and by the Count of Borba 
 and the Bishop Cal9adilha, and he went between those twO 
 before the King, who, when he arrived, rose up from his 
 chair and did him great honour; and Vasco da Gama on his 
 knees took hold of his legs and kissed his hand, saying : 
 ''Sire, all my hardships have come to an end at this moment, 
 and I am altogether satisfied, since the Lord has brought 
 me to the presence of your Highness at the end of all, very 
 well as I desired." The King said to him : " May your 
 coming be very fortunate ; and I have such satisfaction at 
 it, that no one feels more pleased than I : and since God 
 has given you life until this, as you besought of Him, He 
 will give it you for you to receive from me the recompenses 
 merited by the great service which you have now rendered 
 me." At this Vasco da Gama kissed the King's hand. 
 The-jting then said to him: ''For my sake console yourself 
 for the death of your brother, since it has pleased the Lord 
 that all should remain for you, as all my hope and trust 
 with regard to this service which I committed to you, I had 
 reposed it in you, for which I give great praise to the Lord 
 who has been pleased to grant me this great favour : and 
 although your brother has died, his afiairs shall not sufier 
 by losing the recompenses which I would have made him 
 had he been alive ; and it shall be the , same for all those 
 who died as for those who have remained alive." Then the 
 King mounted his horse, and went to the palace above the 
 alcasoba, where his apartments then were, and took Vasco 
 da Gama with him, who, on entering where the Queen was, 
 kissed her hand, and she did him great honour. The King 
 
270 PARDON OF THE MUTINEERS. 
 
 then dismissed bim to go and rest himself, and bade him 
 come next day to recount to him his labours and hardships, 
 and give his orders as to what was to be done in the ships : 
 upon which Vasco da Gama took his leave and went to his 
 house, accompanied by many people. The King sent orders 
 to the officers of the House of the Mines not to do anything, 
 nor move anything in the ships except what Vasco da 
 Gama ordered, and they were to go and ask him, and do 
 whatever he commanded ; and they did this and went to 
 give him the message which the King had sent. Then 
 Vasco da Gama ordered that a good guard should be set in 
 the ships, and that the crews should be sent to their homes, 
 and should take with them all their clothes and property, 
 with the exception of the master and pilot, whom he had 
 to present in irons to the King, as he brought them as 
 prisoners, and that they (the messengers) should go and tell 
 the King of this, and of the cause of it. So they went at 
 once to tell the King this and the cause of it, and when he 
 heard it, he sent word to Vasco da Gama that, since he had 
 arrested them, he might order them to be executed or set 
 at liberty, and he might do with them whatever was his 
 will, as he gave him full and entire jurisdiction over them 
 and as many as came with him. Vasco da Gama then sent 
 to summon the prisoners to his house, and said to them : 
 " I have fulfilled my word in delivering you up in irons to 
 the King, and I have sent to tell him of your offences, and 
 he has left the punishment of them to me ; this I pardon 
 you freely, on account of your hardships; now I will com- 
 ply with my word as to the recompense which I promised 
 you for your services : go in peace and rest yourselves with 
 your wives and children, with whom you will now live with 
 more ease and pleasure than you would have had if you had 
 returned, flying from fear of the storms, and bringing your 
 captain a prisoner as you had determined to do." To this 
 they had nothing to answer, but only fell upon their knees 
 
GAMA PRESENTS COELHO TO THE KING. 271 
 
 with their hands raised to heaven^ and said: "Sir^ may you 
 have your reward from God/' Yasco da Garaa sent them 
 to their houses, and ordered that they should take out of 
 the ship all their propert3^ Then he ordered them to dis- 
 embark and bring to his house the Moorish pilots, and the 
 captives, and the Jew, and all were now wearing the 
 clothes which Vasco da Gama had ordered to be made for 
 them on leaving Terceira. Next day in the morning Yasco 
 da Gama went to the palace, and found the King in the 
 wardrobe, where he was standing dressing himself. On his 
 entrance the King made him very welcome with smiles and 
 pleasant words, and called to him, saying, " Dom Yasco da 
 Gama, you have rested but little." Dom Yasco, with one 
 knee on the ground, kissed his hand for the favour of the 
 title of Dom which he had given hira. The King told him 
 that he gave it to him for the whole of his lineage, and con- 
 tinued talking to him of the pleasure he felt, and then went 
 to mass, where Dom Yasco stood within the curtain speak- 
 ing to the King, and for a long space of time after mass, 
 during which he gave the King many details of his affairs. 
 After that they went to the house of the Queen, whither 
 Dom Yasco sent to summon Nicolas Coelho to come from 
 the ship, who brought a chest in which came all the jewels 
 and stuffs for the King. When he had come in, Dom Yasco 
 presented him to the King, and said : " Sire, Nicolas Coelho 
 has not been of little account in the hardships and services, 
 and your Highness will show him favours according to his 
 merits." To this the King replied : " Dom Yasco, it shall 
 all be as you desire." Then he kissed the King's hand, 
 which Nicolas Coelho did also, and then opened the chest, 
 and presented on the. Queen's dais the necklaces and jewels 
 and stuffs of the Kings of Cananor and of Melinde, and the 
 letters on the leaves of gold, and the piece of ambergris, 
 which was what the Queen valued the most ; also the musk 
 and porcelain which had been bought in Calecut; and when 
 
272 WELCOME OF GAMA AT COURT. 
 
 all had been gathered together, Vasco da Gama remained 
 there relating all the principal events which had happened 
 during his voyage, whilst all the principal gentlemen of the 
 kingdom were present, for the King wished that they 
 should learn how great a service Dom Vasco had rendered 
 to him. They all offered great congratulations upon it to 
 the King, on account of the great pleasure which they saw- 
 that he took in it, and all desired [to have performed] the 
 services of Dom Vasco, and [to possess] the dignities which 
 he held by a grant,^ and they greatly extolled the deserts of 
 Dom Vasco. Whilst Dom Vasco da Gama was relating to the 
 King the kindness of the King of Melinde, he told him 
 that he had in his house two pilots whom that King had 
 given to him, expressing a great desire that they should see 
 with their own eyes the things of Portugal, to relate them 
 to him on their return. The King rejoiced much at this, 
 and told Dom Vasco to employ a man to go about with 
 them and show them all the things which it seemed to him 
 desirable for them to see; and this was done, and all the 
 good things of Portugal were shown to them, especially the 
 King and Queen, with her ladies, on feast days, and at the 
 royal dance, and the King's banquet, and the sports with 
 bulls and canes (jerid), and the churches and splendid 
 palaces, and the monastery of Batalha : all which the pilots 
 wrote down and took notes of. Dom Vasco also e*ave an 
 account to the King of the Jew whom he brought and of 
 the other captives whom he had taken in Angediva. The 
 King told him that they were all his, to do what he pleased 
 with. All of them became Christians, for Dom Vasco took 
 care of them all and treated them well, especially the Jew, 
 who received the name of Gaspar da Gama, because he took 
 him as his godson at baptism : the King spoke to this Jew 
 
 • The Lisbon edition supplies the word mais^ and reads "all were 
 more desirous of the services of Dom Vasco, than of the dignities which 
 they held by grant." 
 
TEE GRANADINE JEW BECOMES A CHRISTIAN. 273 
 
 frequently, and took pleasure in listening to what he re- 
 lated, on which account the King did him many favours, 
 and gave him many dresses from his own wardrobe, and 
 horses from his stables, and servants from among those who 
 became Christians whom Dom Yasco gave to him ; and all 
 the people used to call him Caspar of the Indies, for so he 
 wished them to name him. After that the King ordered 
 Dom Vasco to dispose and give orders for the payment of 
 the crews of the ships as he thought fit, since he knew 
 their deserts better than any one else, and the ships had 
 no'-' discharged their cargo. So he ordered that the offi- 
 cials should give to each man all that they had brought 
 freely, and that to each man should be given ten pounds of 
 each spice for their wives to divide with their gossips and 
 friends, so that all might be pleased. When the cargo was 
 taken out, all the pepper and drugs were weighed ; the 
 King ordered his officials to draw up an account of all the 
 expense of the three ships and the merchandise and things 
 which they had taken out, and of the recompenses and pay 
 of the captains and crews, because all had remained written 
 down up to their departure from Belem: and all this having 
 been reckoned up, and also the value of the return goods, 
 it was found that for each one there was a profit of sixty. 
 Then the King granted to Dom Vasco a perpetual right of 
 two hundred cruzados which he might lay out each year, of 
 his own money, on cinnamon in Cananor, as that was the first 
 country on the coast of India with which he had established 
 relations. These purchases he might stow on board any 
 ship whatever without paying freight or duties, and he 
 might bring them free of charge to his house to be weighed, 
 that they might not be in excess ; and even though there 
 should not be more than one ship only, he might stow them 
 in it : and if during one year he put nothing on board, if it 
 were not by his own default, he was to be at liberty during 
 the following year or years to put all this cargo on board 
 
274 EECOMPENSES GIVEN BY THE KING 
 
 without missing that of any year. This the King granted 
 to him, as long as India lasted, for an inheritance of his 
 principal heir. In addition to this, he gave him a gratifi- 
 cation of twenty thousand cruzados in gold, which the oflB- 
 cials carried to his house, and he granted to him ten quin- 
 tals of pepper and of each drug to distribute amongst his 
 friends, and he was allowed to carry all his goods to his 
 house without paying any duty. The King commanded a 
 proclamation to be made for all the survivors and heirs of 
 the deceased sailors to come and receive all that was due to 
 them [reckoning] up the time when the ships entered Lis- 
 bon. To each of the masters and pilots half a quintal of 
 each drug was given, with the exception of cinnamon and 
 mace, because the ships had brought little of it. The King 
 prohibited their selling any of it ; they were only to use it 
 and divide amongst their friends. To the heirs of the de- 
 ceased no drugs were given, only there was given to them 
 the right to the half of their value. All this was done 
 according to the arrangements made by Dom Vasco. The 
 King gave a grant to Nicolas Coelho of three thousand 
 cruzados per month for all the time that the voyage had 
 lasted, and one quintal of all the drugs, and his goods free ; 
 and the captaincy of a ship for India in all the fleets in 
 I which he might choose to go, which he might give away or 
 I sell. To the heirs of Paulo da Gam a the King gave the 
 I half^ of all that he had given to Dom Vasco, excepting the 
 taking in cargo of ginger. On the whole, great favours and 
 recompenses were given to one and all ; because, at that 
 time, the quintal of pepper was worth in Lisbon eighty 
 cruzados ; that of cinnamon one hundred and eighty ; that 
 
 ^ ' This is another instance of the niggardly disposition of D, Manuel; 
 Charles V promised Magellan and Ruy Faleiro's heirs all the advantages 
 and honours granted to Magellan, in case he or Ruy Faleiro died on the 
 voyage, and of the discovery being effected through their instructions. 
 This grant by Charles V will be printed with Magellan's voyage. 
 
TO THE CAPTAINS AND CREWS OF THE FLEET. 275 
 
 of cloves two hundred ; that of ginger one hundred and 
 twenty ; that of mace three hundred ; and the quintal of 
 nutmeg one hundred. With these grants and salaries all 
 remained rich and satisfied. The King in his great happi- 
 ness gave great praises to the Lord, who had vouchsafed 
 such great favour to him at the commencement of his reign ; 
 he sent, through the Bishop of Guarda, an offering to Our 
 Lady of Guadelupe ; he went with Dom Vasco to offer the 
 necklace which the King of Cananor had given, with some 
 rich stuffs, and a bag full of each kind of drug, and a piece 
 of benzoin for the use of the convent. He also gave a large 
 offering to the monastery of Belem, and to other holy 
 houses, and convents of nuns, that all might give thanks 
 and praises to the Lord for the great favour which He had 
 shown to Portugal ; this was also strongly enjoined in all 
 the sermons and stations throughout all the churches. The 
 King with the Queen went in solemn procession from the 
 cathedral to Sam Domingo, where Calcadilha preached 
 on the grandeur of India, and on the so great and miracu- 
 lous discovery of it which the Lord had granted, and the 
 good beginning which had been made for whatever more 
 might please the Lord. So that he greatly stimulated and 
 inclined the hearts of men to go thither to win honour and 
 profit, such as they saw in the case of those who had come 
 from thence. Then the King shortly after arranged for 
 sending to India another large fleet of great and strong 
 ships which could stow much cargo, and which, if they re- 
 turned in safety, would bring him untold riches : all this 
 was talked over and arranged with Dom Vasco, to whom 
 the King gave a patent, by which he was to go as captain- 
 major in any fleet which should sail for India ; and by it he 
 would be able to take the captaincy, notwithstanding its 
 having been given to any other person, and he could put 
 himself in a fleet which might already be at Belem on the 
 point of departure ; and in any fleet in which he might go 
 
276 DURATION OF THE VOYAGE. 
 
 as captain-major he might remove or appoint the captains 
 of the ships according to his will and pleasure, notwith- 
 standing that the ships had already got captains, since the 
 King gave him all power to make and unmake in the fleet 
 aU that he chose, without the King's remaining on that 
 account under any obligation towards them. 
 
 Reckoning up from the day that Dom Vasco left Lisbon 
 until the day on which he entered it, he went thirty-two 
 months in this voyage,^ in which it pleased the Lord in His 
 mercy that it should have been for His holy service, for 
 which God the Most High be praised, as it appears at the 
 present day by the great exaltation of His holy Catholic 
 faith, and the wonderful increase of so many Christian com- 
 munities in all parts of India, which it has pleased Him to 
 grant to us in our days. All which may it be for His holy 
 praise for ever. Amen. 
 
 » Camoens, Canto x, 144. 
 Assi forao cortando o mar sereno, 
 Com vento sempre manso, & nunqua irado, 
 At5 que ouverao vista do terreno, 
 Em que nacerao, sempre desejado : 
 Entrarao pela foz do Tejo ameno, 
 E k sua patria, & Rey temido, & amado, 
 O premio, & gloria dao, porque mandou, 
 E com titulos novos se illustrou. 
 
 144. 
 Thus went they ploughing the appeased main 
 With always prosperous gale, and always fair ; 
 Till sight long vrisht, much long'd for, they obtain 
 Of that dear earth where first they suck't the air. 
 Sweet Tagus's mouth they enter once again : 
 Where to their King and master (whom they fear 
 And love) for having sent them, the renown 
 They give, and add new titles to his crown. 
 
 Fanshaip. 
 Osorio and Damian de Goes say that Gama left Portugal with one 
 hundred and forty-eight men, and returned with fifty-five. 
 
THE SECOND VOYAGE OF VASCO DA GAMA: 
 
 FROM THE ''LENDAS DA INDIA" OF 
 
 GASPAR CORREA. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Fleet of Dom Vasco da Gama, with which he went to India in the 
 
 year 1502. 
 
 The King our sovereign^ Dom Manuel, was very mindful, 
 with the great regret which he felt in his heart, of the 
 treachery which the King of Calecut had committed towards 
 Pedralvarez Cabral, who, when he arrived from India, at 
 once related it to him, and he had promised to send him 
 again with a much larger fleet, and well equipped, in order 
 to make war upon Calecut, and take vengeance on it, since 
 he had more right on his side. With this recollection, as 
 the time had arrived, he ordered large ships to be prepared 
 for lading ; and they were ten in number, into which was 
 put much beautiful artillery, with plenty of munitions and 
 weapons, all in great abundance, and supplies of everything 
 most fitting for the voyage and their return to the kingdom ; 
 and they carried good men-at-arms, and captains, and gen- 
 tlemen of birth, and Pedralvarez Cabral went as captain- 
 major. All this was done and ordained by Vasco da Gama, 
 whom the King charged with doing it all, for in the affairs 
 of India the King ordered that he should do everything. 
 When the fleet was quite ready to depart to Belem, and the 
 King was one day talking about the affairs of the fleet, and 
 of how well equipped and well supplied it was with every- 
 thing, the King said : " Everything is much to my satisfac- 
 
/ 
 
 278 VASCO DA GAMA CLAIMS THE COMMAND 
 
 tion, but I pray the Lord that Pedralvarez may be as lucky 
 with this fleet and voyage as Dom Vasco was with his ; 
 because, although we know Pedralvarez to be an excellent 
 man, he is not very fortunate in affairs of the sea/' The 
 King had already said this in other conversations, and the 
 Queen had said to Dom Vasco that po one ought to go to 
 sea except him, because God had shown him so great 
 favour. Dom Vasco, perceiving that the King would re- 
 joice at his making this voyage, and inflamed by the desire 
 to serve him, and grieving much at the evil which Calecut 
 had done, grieving also at the state of affairs in India, as if 
 they belonged to him because he had discovered it with so 
 many hardships and risks of his life, and knowing that the 
 King had a disinclination to, and want of confidence in, the 
 doubtful fortune of Pedralvarez Cabral, he settled in his 
 heart, after taking counsel with himself, to say to the King: 
 " Sire, my inclination prompts me much to go in this fleet 
 and make this voyage ; wherefore I entreat your Highness 
 so to allow it for your service ; and this favour which I beg 
 now, you have already granted me by this letter/' He 
 then drew out from his sleeve and presented the letter by 
 which the King granted and gave to him the chief command 
 of all the fleets which might go out of Portugal to India, in 
 which he might choose to embark, and notwithstanding any 
 impediment he might take this command, even though the 
 fleet should be already at Belem ready to go across the bar, 
 in which case he would have only the space of three days in 
 which to embark ; and the King bound himself to give 
 satisfaction to any captain-major to whom he had thus 
 given such a fleet, and this was expressed with much force 
 and explicitness, without the King being able to disengage 
 himself in any case. The King, on seeing this letter, to- 
 / gether with D. Vasco's request, at once showed great satis- 
 faction, and D. Vasco said to him : " Sire, the King of Cale- 
 cut arrested me, and treated me with contumely, and 
 
 w 
 
OF A FLEET INTENDED FOR CABRAL. 279 
 
 because I did not return there to avenge myself of that in- 
 ' jury, he has again committed a greater one ; on which 
 ' account I feel in my heart a great desire and inclination to 
 go and make havoc of him, and I trust in the Lord that He 
 will assist me, so that I may take vengeance of him, and 
 that your Highness may be much pleased : for which reason 
 I entreat you to do me the favour which I beg, and to 
 satisfy Pedralvarez Cabral with many favours, which he 
 well deserves, and if he pleases let him go in the fleet of 
 the next year/' The King dissembled the great joy of his 
 heart, saying: ^'D, Vasco, I thank you much for your good 
 will for my service, and I shall be pleased if you stay here 
 for this year, and that Pedralvarez go now as it has been 
 ordained." To this D. Vasco replied, and said : " Sire, I 
 promise your Highness as long as I live never to turn back- 
 wards in your service, either in word or deed : and so I will 
 do on this occasion, for your Highness has got no reason 
 for infringing the favour granted to me by letter, and by 
 not complying with it you would greatly aggrieve me, and 
 it would seem to me that I remained cut off from other 
 greater favours." The King answered him : " D. Vasco, I 
 do not expect to aggrieve you, but to increase your state 
 with greater favours, as from you I hope for good service, 
 and will deprive you of nothing which I have given you. 
 In this I have no other hindrance save the offence to Pedral- 
 varez, and the loss which he will experience in his ventures, 
 for all which I will satisfy him : but I hold him to be so 
 good a servant of mine that he will forget_everything in , 
 order that my word may not be broken." ]? Vasco said : ' 
 " Sire, in this there is no other offence than what he may 
 choose to take of his own will, and this same ought to be 
 against me, since I am to blame for coming so late to this 
 decision : on which account I bind myself with respect to 
 the ventures of merchandise which he has embarked, to 
 bring them all back to him laid out in goods, if he will 
 
v/ 
 
 280 CABRAL YIELDS HIS COMMAND TO GAMA. 
 
 send a factor of his own, and he will see the service which 
 I will do him in this ; and his other expenditure for other 
 things and provisions, I will take it all according to his 
 list upon myself, with two thousand cruzados from my ship- 
 ping house in addition for a horse, upon which he may ride 
 till the coming year, when your Highness will provide him 
 with another more profitable fleet than this ; although the 
 man who meets with disasters at sea ought to fly from it." ^ 
 Then the King summoned Pedralvarez and entreated 
 much to let go that fleet, in order that he might comply 
 with his troth, because it belonged to D. Vasco, and he 
 would give him all the other fleets in which he might go in 
 the absence of D. Vasco, who for this trouble would recom- 
 pense him, and he would lose nothing of all his expendi- 
 ture. Pedralvarez was a man of gentle disposition,^ and 
 was already aware of what was passing; he wished to 
 please the King, so that he should be in greater obligation 
 towards him, and he quickly answered : " Sire, I am yours, 
 so also is the fleet, and I shall esteem myself very fortu- 
 nate if your Highness should receive a service from me in 
 this matter." The King said to him : " It will be very 
 much for my service if you do not receive any aff'ront." 
 
 r- 
 
 J' Pedralvarez Cabral lost seven ships out of thirteen : he discovered 
 Brazil by accident, by having stood out too much into the ofling to 
 avoid the headlands of the Guinea coast. 
 
 2 Barros' account of this change of command is very different; he 
 says that the fleet was composed of twenty sail, five of which were to 
 remain in India, and these five were to sail first under Vicente Sodre : 
 he says that—" Pedralvares Cabral, when he saw this separation of the 
 fleet, and the instructions given by the King to Vicente Sodre, which 
 made him almost independent of him, was dissatisfied : and as he was a 
 man with great delicacy and sensitiveness about points of honour, he 
 made some requisitions upon this business, in which the King did not 
 satisfy him. Finally he did not go, and the King gave the whole fleet 
 to Vasco. da Gama, with whom Vicente Sodre sailed in company, and 
 he was designated aa Gama's successor." Damian de Goes agrees with 
 Barros, 
 
DESCRIPTION OF THE FLEET, 281 
 
 Pedralvarez replied : " Sire, if the will of your Highness is 
 done, that is my glory." And he kissed the King's hand, 
 who thanked him much with very complimentary words. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 IIow D. Vasco da Gama increased the number of the fleet, and the 
 captains whom he made, upon which he sailed for India in the year 
 1502. 
 
 As soon as the fleet was made over to D. Vasco, which con- 
 sisted only of ten large ships of burden, he at once got 
 ready besides, five lateen rigged caravels, which he caused to 
 be well-equipped, because he hoped to make war with them, 
 and he had the necessary artillery put into them, stowed 
 below in the hold, and all the equipments were in great 
 abundance, because the King's officers gave everything for 
 the fleet which he asked for, as such were the King's orders ; 
 and all this was got ready in a few days. D. Vasco ap- 
 pointed the captains,^ who were these : in the flagship Snn 
 Jeronymo, Vicente Sodre, a relation of his ; in the Lionarda, 
 D. Luis Coutinho ; in the Leitoa, Fernan d'Atouguia ; in 
 the Batecahello, Gil Fernandes de Sousa ; in the 8an Paulo, 
 Alvaro d'Ataide ; in the San Miguel, Gil Mattoso. These 
 six ships were the largest, and the others which were smaller 
 were to remain in India if convenient, and if there was no 
 cargo for them, namely: the Bretoa, Francisco Marecos; San 
 Rafael, Diogo Fernandes Correa, who was to be factor at 
 Cochym ; the Vera Cruz, Ruy da Cunha ; Sayita Elena, 
 Pero Affonso d'Aguiar ; and the captains of the caravels 
 were : in the Santa Martha, Joao Rodrigues Badarcas ; in 
 
 ' Barros names as the captains who sailed with Gama, D. Luis Cou- 
 tinho, son of D. Gonzalo Coutinho, Francisco da Cunha of the Terceira 
 Islands, Joao Lopes Perestrello, Pedraffonso d'Aguiar, Gil Matoso, Ruy 
 de Castanheda, Gil Fernandes, Diogo Fernandes Correa, to be factor at 
 Cochym, and Antonio do Campo. 
 
282 ESTEVAN DA GAMA APPOINTED. 
 
 the Fradeza Joao Lopes Perestrello ; in the Salta na palha, 
 Antao Vaz ; in the Estrella, Antonio Fernandes j in the 
 Garrida, Pero Rafael. In these fifteen sail were eight 
 hundred men at arms^ honourable men, and many 
 gentlemen of birth with the captain-major and others his 
 relations and friends, with the captains. The soldiers had 
 three cruzados a month, and on shore one for their main- 
 tenance, and [the right to ship] two quintals of pepper to 
 the kingdom every eighteen months, embarked with their 
 own money, for the freight of which they were to pay the 
 twenty-fourth part, which was one in twenty ;^ which 
 the King, on account of his devotion and offerings to God, 
 dedicated to the house of Our Lady of Belem, for the build- 
 ing of her house, for which he had much devotion, and had 
 disposed for his tomb, and that of his descendants, as it be- 
 
 r came ; God be greatly praised. Since D. Vasco was deter- 
 mined to leave in India a fleet and a supply of men to lord it 
 
 \ over the Indian sea, all which he conversed about with the 
 king, who was greatly pleased at it, because the expenditure 
 
 j they would incur at sea would be gained by the prizes which 
 they would make, and it was settled that five small vessels 
 
 . should be prepared, of which the King gave the chief com- 
 
 j mand to Estevan da Gama, a relation of D. Vasco,^ who was 
 to sail in May, which was the commencement of the summer, 
 in order to see what weather they. would meet with. The 
 King was pleased that his servants should receive their palace 
 stipends,^ besides their pay and allowances, and each one 
 should have his chest free, upon which they should only pay 
 a twentieth for Belem, and they were not to bring any spices 
 in it. 
 
 > De que haviao de pagar de frete o quarto e vintena, que era de 
 vinte hum. 
 
 * Barros says Estevan was the son of Aires da Gama, and cousin- 
 german of Vasco da Gama. Osorio calls him Gamse fratrem patruelem 
 the son of his father's brother. 
 
 ' Moradia, an allowance for provisions given to dependents of the 
 palace. 
 
GAMA SETS SAIL ON HIS SECOND VOYAGE. 283 
 
 Also in this fleet, at the advice of D. Vasco, the King made 
 a diminution in the salaries and allowances of spices of the 
 masters and pilots, bombardiers, and oflScers ; but it was not 
 a matter with which they were made discontented, but only 
 that they had to pay a twentieth to Belem. This twentieth 
 was always given to Belem on the return of this fleet, which 
 was in the year 1503, until the year 1522, when the King 
 Dom Joao, his son, who succeeded him on the throne, 
 abolished it ; and he took it away because the monastery was 
 nearly completed ; and, as there were still certain things to 
 be done, he assigned to it a limited sum each year, which 
 was paid to it by the India House on the arrival of the 
 ships ; and this was because the house of Belem was very 
 well supplied with superabundance of wealth of ornaments, 
 and above all, because the King (D. Manuel) had left to it at 
 his death furniture which was worth more than five thousand 
 cruzados. To continue, when the fleet was quite ready, it 
 set sail in the river of Lisbon, cruising about with a great 
 show of banners and standards, and crosses of Christ on all 
 the sails, and saluting with much artillery ; so they went to 
 Belem, where the crews were mustered, each captain with 
 his crew, all dressed in livery and galas, and the King was 
 present, and shewed great favour and honour to all. As the 
 weather did not serve for going out to sea, they remained 
 there three days, during which many confessed and com- 
 municated ; and on the day of our Lady of March (the 25th) 
 there was a solemn mass and preaching,^ at which the King 
 was present with all his court ; and as in the afternoon the 
 wind was fair, the fleet set sail ; and the King went in his 
 
 ^ Barroa says that before the departure of the fleet on the 30th 
 January, the King heard mass at the cathedral of Lisbon, and after- 
 wards made a speech and related the merits of D. Vasco da Gama, and 
 made him admiral of the Indian, Arabian, and Persian seas, and gave him 
 his flag : he says Gama sailed on the 10th February. Osorio says the 
 fleet left Belem on the 10th of February. 
 
284 VOYAGE TO THE CAPE. 
 
 barge, and came near each sliip to dismiss them with good 
 wishes, and all saluting him with trumpets, the whole fleet 
 went out of the mouth of the river, and the caravels with 
 square sails set, so as to navigate under them whenever it 
 was convenient.^ 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of the navigation of the fleet, and of what happened during the voyage 
 until arriving at Mozambique, and what was done there. 
 
 The fleet, having left Lisbon, made its navigation after the 
 manner which had been discovered, going to Guinea,- where 
 they found frequent calms, so that many people fell sick, and 
 Feman d'Atouguia who was in the Leitoa nova, which was a 
 large ship, died of fever, and the captain-major ordered Pero 
 Afibnso d'Aguiar to pass over to the Leitoa ; and he made 
 Pero de MendoQa, an honourable gentleman who accompanied 
 him, captain of the ship of Pero AfFonso. But as the Lord 
 gave them wind they got out from Guinea, and made the 
 coast of Brazil, which was already discovered, and they 
 ran along as far as Cape Santo Agostinho, whence 
 they crossed over to the Cape of Good Hope ; and when 
 they found themselves in the neighbourhood of the isles, 
 
 • It is stated further on, in cap. v, that on reaching the coast of 
 India the caravels rigged their lateen sails and mounted their artillery. 
 
 * Barros says that they anchored at Porto Dale, near Cape Verde, on 
 the 28th of February, and remained there six days taking in water, and 
 here they met with a caravel coming from Mina, Captain Fernando de 
 Montaroyo, which was bringing two hundred and fifty marks of gold. 
 The admiral showed this to Gaspar da India, and to the ambassadors of 
 Cochim and Cananor, in order to undo the impression produced upon 
 them by the Venetians, who had told them that Portugal was poor. 
 On Sunday, March 6, they landed on an island called Palma, in the 
 jx)rt of Bezeguiche, where they heard mass. Barros says nothing of 
 Brazil. 
 
SHIP LOST ON THE BANK OF SOFALA. 285 
 
 where the Moorish pilot said that the storm had fallen on 
 Pedralvarez Cabral, they paid great attention to the sails, 
 and kept a careful watch by day, and especially at night 
 with all the small sails taken in, and sailed under the large 
 sails without the studding sails, and by day under all sail. 
 However, they met with a storm which separated them all, 
 and which lasted six days, but followed their course : there 
 only remained with the captain-major two ships and three 
 caravels which kept up with him. The weather then became 
 milder, and they spread all sail, and went on their course, 
 and later they found another ship and two small vessels. 
 The others all ran for Mozambique, as all had instructions 
 that if they parted company they were to go to Mozambique 
 and wait for the captain-major. Thus they sailed on, and, 
 judging that they had passed beyond the Cape, they stood 
 in to sight the land, and ran along it. When they were in 
 the neighbourhood of the Cape of Corriei:^tes„another storm 
 struck them, also blowing in their course,^ which also again 
 separated them. With this storm Pero de Mendo9a was 
 lost at the entrance of the banks of Sofala, for he grounded; 
 and being lost, next day there came to him Joao Rodrigues 
 Badar9as and Francisco Marecos, -who saved the crew a^d 
 goods, and only the hull was lost,^ to which they set fire, and 
 went to Mozambique, where the captain-major was with the 
 rest of the fleet, which had arrived there much before he 
 came ; and they had remained there at sea without landing, 
 because so the instructions directed them. From the shore 
 people brought what they had to sell, which they paid for 
 well, to the satisfaction of the owners. 
 
 As soon as the captain-major arrived at Mozambique, the 
 
 • Assi de viagem. 
 
 > This ship was the Santa Elena. Barros says : " in this voyage, as 
 far as the bank of Sofala, he met with a few storms, which unrigged 
 some of his ships." He does not mention the loss of the St. Helena\ 
 Osorio mentions its loss and the salvage of the crew and goods. 
 
286 GAMA ARRIVES AT MOZAMBIQUE. 
 
 Sheikh at once went to the ship with a present of cows and 
 sheep, goats and fowls, which he had ready for him, for he 
 already knew that he was the first Portuguese with whom he 
 had had war.^ The Sheikh on entering wished to throw 
 himself at his feet and ask for pardon. The captain-major 
 received him with pleasure, and did him honour, and ordered 
 that he should be well paid for what he had brought, and he 
 ordered a piece of scarlet cloth to be given him, with 
 which he went away well pleased : and he and all his people 
 served the captain-major as if he had been the lord of the 
 country, because all made great profits with our people, who 
 went about on shore without giving offence, or doing any 
 injury, which had been very strictly prohibited them by the 
 captain-major. He on the day of his arrival at once ordered 
 them to land some timber which they had brought already 
 wrought and fitted for building a caravel, and there was 
 nothing more to do than join it together and pitch and caulk 
 it, with such preparation that in twelve days it was launched 
 into the sea -^ where they finished its upper works ; and it 
 was named the Pomposa, and Joao Serrao,^ an honourable 
 gentleman, was appointed its captain. Also when Vasco de 
 Gama arrived at Mozambique, the King having given orders 
 to him to send and discover Sofala and establish there trade 
 and barter, by reason of the information which Sancho de 
 Toar gave the King of the affairs of Sofala (as has been al- 
 ready narrated in the history of the fleet of Pedralvarez 
 Cabral),*he at once sent thither Pero Affonso d'Aguiar with 
 
 » Barros says this was not the same Sheikh as the one at the time of 
 Gama's first voyage. 
 
 ' Osorio and Barros both differ from Correa, and say that Gama 
 went to Sofala with four ships, whilst he sent Vicente Sodre to Mozam- 
 bique, where he put together the caravel, which was almost ready when 
 Gama arrived at Mozambique on the 4th of June, fifteen days after 
 Sodre had arrived there. Osorio here gives a description of the sailing 
 qualities of caravels, and of their going close to the wind. 
 
 ' Joan Serrano, the companion of Magellan in 1519. 
 
 ♦ Pedralvares Cabral, on his return from India, in the beginning of 
 
PERO AFFONSO SENT TO SOFALA. 287 
 
 two caravels, which carried various kinds of Cambay stuffs 
 and beads and other things for trade, for they got some 
 things which the Sheikh had ; with all which things much 
 profit was made, because for a cloth which was worth a 
 hundred and fifty reis, they gave a weight of gold which was 
 worth seven hundred and fifty reis. Pedro AfTonso got 
 much information from the sheikh of the manner of the 
 trade, and as to what was given for each kind of the cloths 
 which he carried and for other things ; and the sheikh gave 
 him a good pilot who knew the way. The captain-major 
 sent a large present to the King, who was a heathen cafre, 
 for already in Sofala they were well informed of our affairs, 
 and had been well-satisfied when Sancho de Tear had gone 
 there. 
 
 Pero Affbnso set sail, and in a few days arrived at Sofala, 
 and on entering the river, he sent on shore a Mozambique 
 man who already knew our speech, and he sent to ask leave 
 of the King to come and speak to him and give him the 
 message which he had brought from the King of Portugal's 
 captain-major, who was in Mozambique. The King was 
 pleased, and sent him word to come and welcome, and 
 he sent him his ring, which he gave as a safe conduct ; upon 
 which Pero Affonso at once went, well-dressed, with twenty 
 men also well -clothed, and the King received him with 
 much honour, and made him sit down on the mats, upon 
 which he was seated with the chief men of the country. Pero 
 Affonso presented to him a very fine piece of scarlet cloth, 
 and other pieces of fine coloured cloths, and a large Flanders 
 mirror, and knives and red barret-caps, and a quantity of 
 cut-glass beads strung together, with which the King was 
 
 1501, sent Sancho de Toar in a small vessel from Mozambique to Sofala: 
 he was accompanied by the interpreter Gaspar da India and a Melin- 
 dian pilot, and some Mozambique merchants with Cambay stuffs ; he 
 was well received by the King of Sofala. Sancho de Toar's vessel 
 reached Lisbon last of all Cabral's fleet, in September 1501. 
 
288 NEGOTIATIONS AT SOFALA. 
 
 much pleased, and at once took them up in his hand, and 
 looked at them for a space, praising them much to his 
 people. 
 
 Then Pero AfFonso said, that the captain-major sent him 
 there to learn from him whether he would be pleased to be 
 great friends with the King his sovereign, who had a great 
 desire to establish peace and friendship with him for ever : 
 which peace and friendship were for the purpose of send- 
 ing to his country the Portuguese with merchandise, to trade, 
 as did the other merchants who came to his country, giving 
 him their merchandise for the same prices as those for which 
 the other merchants also gave theirs. When the King had 
 heard all this, and talked it over with his people, he replied 
 that, he dwelt in his country without doing harm to anyone, 
 and that he did much good to all that came to his country, 
 especially to the merchants, because from them he received 
 great profit, and he would treat in the same way the Portu- 
 guese who might come to his country to trade as did the other 
 merchants ; and as he had already said this to the other Por- 
 tuguese who had come thither, so now he again repeated it, 
 and he would be glad to do good, so that later evil might 
 not ensue to him. To' this, Pero AfTonso answered that such 
 would never happen, but that if he was a good friend to the 
 King of Portugal, this peace would be lasting for ever, as 
 long as he acted truly, and he would be like a brother of the 
 King of Portugal. At this the King showed great satis- 
 faction, and reaffirmed all that he had said, swearing to it 
 by the sun and the heavens, and upon his head and his belly, 
 that he would fulfil all as long as he lived, and that he would 
 buy as much merchandise as they brought, and would give 
 for it what he gave to the other merchants, which was a 
 price that had been a long time established. As a pledge 
 of the truth of this, he took off from his thumb a gold ring 
 and gave it to Pero Affonso, and then gave as a present to 
 the captain-major a bundle of strings of small gold beads. 
 
TRADE ESTABLISHED AT SOFALA. 289 
 
 which they call 'pinrjo, and which weighed a thousand mith- 
 kals, and each mithkal is worth five hundred reis ; and he 
 gave another for the King which weighed three thousand 
 mithkals, and one to Pero Afonso of five hundred mithkals, 
 and he said that he gave that to the King of Portugal as a 
 sign of everlasting brotherhood as long as they complied 
 with it also towards him^ and did no harm to his trade and 
 merchants^ nor to his country. In confirmation of the truth 
 of all he said, the King touched with his right hand the 
 hands of all his people who were there present, and this was 
 all the confirmation of their troth, for they had no custom of 
 writing. Pero Afonso gave it all in writing, as it had been 
 said, signed by himself and six men. When it was finished 
 the paper was read, and the interpreter declared it all, at 
 which the King was much amazed with his people, for they 
 had never seen people write, and they said that the paper 
 spoke by art of the devil, and the King took it in his hand. 
 So on that day Pero Afonso returned to the caravels, whither 
 the King sent him fowls and eggs, yams and other things 
 which they had in the country. 
 
 The next day Pero Afonso returned to the King, saying 
 that he would be glad to buy and sell things, at which the 
 King was pleased, and told him to order what he had to be 
 brought and it should be sold at once. Then they brought 
 everything before the King, who ordered the merchants of 
 the country to come there, and they separated the goods, 
 each kind by itself, and having counted it all, they weighed 
 gold in small scales, and upon each kind of cloth they placed 
 its price, in the gold which each one was worth. Then the 
 King said that those stuffs were worth the gold which was 
 on the top of them, and that they might take it, and he said 
 that his dues were already accounted for in the weighing, as 
 the merchants paid them. Pero Afonso ordered the gold to 
 be taken up, and continued talking with the King, and this 
 manner of buying and selling seemed to him to be very 
 
290 GAMA SAILS FROM MOZAMBIQUE 
 
 'good, because there was not the haggling there always is 
 with merchants ; and he said that he would give an account 
 of it all to the captain-major, and he asked leave as he wished 
 to depart. The King said that he must send a man of his 
 own to speak to the captain-major, and to present to him 
 what he had sent, and bring back another paper from his 
 hand. Pero Afonso said to him that he should be much 
 pleased. The King then delivered to him with his own 
 hand the man he had spoken of, upon which Pedro Affonso 
 took leave and went to embark. The King sent him goats 
 and things to eat, and he returned to Mozambique, where he 
 did not find the captain-major, who had already sailed. He 
 then delivei'ed the messenger to the sheikh, and said that ho 
 should wait there, and that when the captain-major returned, 
 then he would give him the answer. Pero Afonso took in 
 what he required and set sail for Melinde, whither the 
 captain-major had gone, and had left him a message to that 
 effect in his letter in the hands of the factor Gonzalo Baixo, 
 
 , who had remained for the trade of Sofala. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 How the fleet sailed from Mozambique, and the captain-major went to 
 the city of (iuiloa, and made the King of it a tributary of the King 
 our sovereign. 
 
 The captain-major hurried on the preparation of what was 
 necessary in Mozambique, and left there as factor Gonzalo 
 Baixo, with ten men for his service, and goods for buying 
 1 stuffs for Sofala, and [orders] to go there and barter them, 
 or to' send them thither by Joan Serrano in the new caravel, 
 which had been built there; which he left there for that 
 purpose with twenty men and four bombardiers, and mariners, 
 in all thirty men, and two heavy pieces and some small 
 
AND ARRIVES AT QUILOA. 291 
 
 artillery, with all the rest that was requisite. He left him 
 a minute of all that he was to do if Pero Alfonso had esta- 
 blished the trade, and if not they were all to follow after 
 him. For which reason, Pero Alfonso, on his arrival, gave 
 an account of the good trade which had been established, 
 and of what he had brought for the captain- major, with the 
 messenger of the King ofSofala, .whom he left there, and 
 then set sail to follow the captain-major. D. Vasco da 
 Gama departed from Mozambique running along the coast, 
 , and being fully mindful of the treachery which the King of 
 vOuiloa had prepared against him, which the King of Melinde 
 in his letters to the King of Portugal and to D. Vasco 
 always recalled to mind, and desirous of increasing the 
 King's service, he decided on going to Quiloa and on making 
 its king a tributary. He got much information about the 
 affairs of that city from a pilot whom he had found in 
 Mozambique, one of those who went with him the first time 
 to Calecut, and who (now) embarked with him to go to 
 Melinde in his ship. The captain-major told the pilot to 
 shew him the port, and that he wished to go to Quiloa, 
 which he did ; and on sighting it, he entered the port with 
 the whole fleet, which anchored round the city, which stands 
 on an island which is surrounded and encircled by the sea 
 water, but on the land side there is little water, which at 
 high tide is knee-deep.^ The city is large and is of good 
 buildings of stone and mortar with terraces, and the houses 
 have much wood works. The city comes down to the shore, 
 and is entirely surrounded by a wall and towers, within 
 which there may be twelve thousand inhabitants. The 
 country all round is very luxuriant with many trees and 
 gardens of all sorts of vegetables, citrons, lemons, and the 
 best sweet oranges that were ever seen, sugar-canes, figs, 
 pomegranates, and a great abundance of flocks, especially 
 sheep, which have their fat in the tail, which is almost the 
 ' Que com mare chea polo geolho, D. of (lor's MS. 
 
292 DEALINGS OF THE PORTUGUESE 
 
 size of the body^ and very savoury. The streets of the 
 city are very narrow, as the houses are very high, of three 
 and four stories, and one can run along the tops of them 
 upon the terraces, as the houses are very close together : 
 and in the port there were many ships. 
 ''' / A Moor ruled over this city, who did not possess more 
 y country than the city itself. There was great alarm among 
 . the people on seeing so great a fleet enter the port ; and on 
 'j knowing that it was ours, of which they already knew so 
 '\much from the events of Mozambique and Melinde, all the 
 people felt great fear. When the fleet had come to anchor, 
 the captain-major sent a pilot in a boat, which put him on 
 shore, and by him he sent word to the King to send him 
 a man of his own through whom he might let him know 
 what he came to seek. When the pilot gave this message 
 to the King, he inquired about many things, touching 
 which the pilot could not give him any information; he 
 then at once sent a respectable Moor with the pilot, who 
 embarked with him in the boat and went to the ship, where 
 the captain-major said to him : " Go and say to the King 
 that this fleet is of the King of Portugal, lord of the sea 
 and of the land, and I am come here to establish with him 
 good peace and friendship and trade ; and for this purpose 
 let him come to me to arrange all this, because it cannot be 
 arranged by messages. And in the name of the King of 
 Portugal I give him a safe-conduct to come and return 
 without receiving any harm, even though we should not 
 come to an agreement ; and if he should not come, I will at 
 once send people on shore, who will go to his house to take 
 and bring him : and with respect to what is determined in 
 this matter, if he is going to come, do you return at once 
 with the answer j and if he does not choose to come, do not 
 you return again, because then I will order to send and 
 fetch him." 
 
 The boat took the Moor back again on shore and set him 
 
WITH QUILOA. 293 
 
 on the beach, and returned to the ship. The Moor went to 
 the King and gave him the message ; when it had been 
 heard by the King and his chief men, who were waiting 
 with him to see what it would be, the King and all of them 
 were much amazed and alarmed, because if our people were 
 to do them harm, they had nowhere to take refuge, nor anyone 
 to assist them, and they would lose all they had, for they 
 could not save anything out of the city. The King talked 
 with them all about this matter, and having held a councU 
 upon it, he sent his answer, saying to the captain-major 
 that he should send him a signed paper, affirmed upon the 
 head of the King of Portugal, to the effect that he would do 
 him no harm, nor use constraint, and would allow him to 
 return to land freely, and upon that he would come to speak 
 to him at the water side, and if the captain-major also pro- 
 mised that if they did not agree, he would not do any in- 
 jury to the city. The Moor came off in a shore boat with 
 this message, and when the captain-major heard it, he at 
 once determined to put pressure upon the King so as to 
 make him render tribute to the King of Portugal, or if he 
 did not choose to do so, he would take his city : and with 
 this design he sent him the safe-conduct as he had requested. 
 The fKing, after sending to ask for the safe-conduct, came 
 to aiiother decision, which was not to go and speak with 
 the captain-major. 
 
 There was with the King a very rich Moor, and the chief 
 man of the city, named Mahomed Arcone, who entertained 
 thoughts of rising up against the King, and with false in- 
 tentions he said to the King that he ought to go to the 
 captain-major and not be wanting to his word, because the 
 captain-major would not violate the safe-conduct which he 
 gave him ; and the Moor said this because he well under- 
 stood that the captain-major would not let the King go un- 
 less he did what he required of him, during which some- 
 thing might intervene by means of which he might be made 
 
/ 
 
 294 GAMA EXACTS TRinUTE 
 
 King, and he would do all that the captain-major wished : 
 and he pressed the King so much to go, that he^o ffered 
 himself to ^o with^him, and if it should be convenient to re- 
 main as a hostage for him until the agreements were com- 
 pleted, upon which the. King took confidence. The next 
 day he came to the strand with many men-at-arms, and the 
 captain in his barge and the other captains in their boats 
 with flags and the men gaily dressed, and swivel-guns in 
 the boats, with trumpets and kettledrums ; on approaching 
 he waited, then the King came in a boat with some of his 
 chief men, and he entered the boat of the captain-major, 
 who received him with much honour, and made to him 
 many speeches suitable to his purpose, telling him that4£ 
 he was the friend of the King of Portugal he would be very 
 powerful, and he would be secure for ever from anyone 
 doing injury to his city and port, and his ships would navi- 
 gate securely wherever he chose that they should go, and 
 he would establish a trade in the city from which he would 
 derive much profit. When the King heard this he was 
 much pleased, saying that he was delighted with all he said, 
 and would do all that he wanted, because now he truly 
 believed in the goodness of the Portuguese, of whom the 
 contrary had been related to him, on which account he held 
 himself as a friend of the King of Portugal, for ever, as 
 long as he lived. . Then the captain-major said to him that, 
 since he thus became a friend of the King his sovereign, ho 
 must also do as did the other kings and sovereigns v/ho 
 newly became his friends, which was that each year he^ 
 should pay a certain sum of money, or a rich jewel, which 
 they did thus as a sign that by this yearly payment it was 
 known that they were in this good friendship ; because 
 when they did not pay, it was known that they were not 
 friends ; and therefore it was necessary that he should do 
 thus, giving each year a jewel or money as he best pleased. 
 When the King heard this, he became very sad, saying 
 
FROM THE KING OF QUILOA. 295 
 
 that the practices of good amity were the being a friend 
 like a brother^ and that he would give a good reception to 
 the Portuguese in his city and in his portj and would order 
 everything to be given thora for their money ; but that to 
 have to pay each year money or a jewel was not a mode of 
 good friendship^ because it was tributary subjection, and 
 was like being a captive,- and therefore if the captain-major 
 was satisfied with good peace and friendship without exac- 
 tions, he was well pleased, but that to pay tribute would be 
 his dishonour; and therefore he did not wish for such 
 friendship with subjection, because sons would not choose 
 to have such with their own fathers. ) Then the captain- 
 major answered him: ''I am the slave of the King my 
 sovereign, and all the men whom you see here and who are 
 in that fleet will do that which I command ; and know for 
 certain, that if I choose, in one single hour your city would 
 be reduced to embers, and if I chose to kill your people, 
 they would all be burned in the fire ; and when you saw 
 that, I well know that you would repent of what you now 
 say, and you would then give much more than what I now 
 ask for, and it will not profit you; and should you disbelieve 
 that I would do this, it is in your power if you wish to see 
 it done at once : and if you are not afraid of this, go on 
 
 shore, for you will see it speedily." The King replied : [ 
 
 "If I had known that you intended to make me a captive, I 
 would not haye come, but have fled to the woods, for it is 
 better to be a jackal at large, than a greyhound bound with 
 a golden leash." At this the captain-major became very 
 irate, and said : '' There is no Moor who will be on good 
 terms until they do him harm, therefore go at once to your 
 house, for I promise that I will at once come after you." 
 And he told Gaspar the interprejter,jwho spoke, to say, in 
 the language [of the country], to the captains that they 
 were to go to the ships and bring all the crews armed and 
 go and burn the city. This Gaspar said aloud in the Ian- 
 
296 NEGOTIATIONS AT QUILOA. 
 
 guage for the King to understand. The captain-major told 
 the King to go on shore and fly to the woods, as he had 
 greyhounds who would be able to catch him there, and 
 would fetch him by the ears and drag him to the beach, and 
 that he would take him away with an iron ring round his 
 neck, and shew him throughout India, so that all might see 
 what would be gained by not choosing to be the captive of 
 the King of Portugal. 
 
 The King and those that were with him did not know 
 whether they were alive or dead, being overcome with fear. 
 Then an old man who was with the King asked leave of the 
 captain-major to speak, and he told him to speak all that he 
 wished in security. He said : " Sir, we well know that it is 
 in your power to do all that you say and much more, for 
 your might is the greatest ; and Sir, you well see that the 
 King's replies are without counsel. He does not know 
 whether he speaks mistakenly or to the purpose ; but if it 
 were your pleasure that without rage or anger you should 
 allow us to return to the land, the King would hold his 
 council undisturbed, and would do what is fitting with the 
 counsel of his people, to whom he will relate what has 
 passed here." The captain-major said : " Do you go on 
 shore, for I have already told you that you may go; but if 
 you who are here are four, and do not come to an agree- 
 ment with me, when I speak to you what I have spoken, 
 what will it be on shore, where you will be many, and each 
 one will speak according to his inclination, you being the 
 chief men who will have to be there in the council ? So 
 that there is no need to talk more nor to answer, for which 
 reason I tell you that you will not go from this without 
 first settling with me for good or for evil, therefore you 
 may answer as you please, for whether it is good or ill, you 
 will go in safety on shore, on account of the safe-conduct 
 which you hold." The King and his people who were with 
 him talked together in great alarm ; then the King, con- 
 
QUILOA MADE TRIBUTARY. 297 
 
 strained by the manifest peril in which he saw his Hfe and 
 city, and counselled by his people, granted all that the 
 captain-major asked, begging him not to ad d^ afterwards^ 
 further demands, which the captain-major promised him ; 
 hei said that he would at once give some bracelets and cer- 
 tain pearls, which were worth five thousand cruzados, which 
 he would give in these articles, or else silver and gold to 
 that amountj Upon this he at once sent for his scribe to 
 come from the shore, with a leaf of gold, upon which all 
 was written down, and signed by the King, and those who 
 were with him. 1 When all this was ended, the King, 
 because he was vexed with Mohamed Arcone for having in- 
 duced him to come there, said to the captain-major that he 
 would be pleased if Mohamed Arcone remained there until 
 he sent to him what he was to send ; at this the captain- 
 major was pleased, and the King left with him two other 
 Moors besides. Then the captain-major bade him embark 
 in his boat, and did him great honour. When he arrived 
 on shore, he was received by his people as one whom they 
 saw alive and had thought was dead : and the captain- 
 major got back to his ship, and ordered the Moors to be 
 put into a cabin, and good watch to be kept over them. 
 The King then sent to the ships many boats laden with re- 
 freshments, a portion for each ship and caravel. Then the 
 captain-major sent him a piece of scarlet cloth, and pieces 
 of coloured silks, with which the King was pleased. The 
 fleet remained there six days, all the crews going ashore to 
 amuse themselves, without doing any injury or outrage, 
 because so the captain-major had ordered it to be pro- 
 claimed under pain of death; and no one dared to stir 
 against that, because they had great fear of him. But 
 
 ' It is not clear whether this he refers to the King or to the captain - 
 major, whether the sentence is an oifer by the King, or an injunction by 
 the captain-major. 
 
298 QUILOA MADE TRIBUTARY. 
 
 nevertheless the city was mucli damaged, because no one 
 would take upon himself to complain. 
 
 The captain-major having disposed matters for his de- 
 parture, he told the Moors to send to the shore for that 
 which the King had to send, because he wished to go 
 away. The Moors had sent many messages to the King to 
 take them out of pledge; but the King sent to tell Mahomed 
 Arcone to pay himself, since he had deceived him, and 
 made him go and speak with the captain-major; upon 
 which many messages were sent, and as the King set him- 
 self against paying, the Moor told the captain-major what 
 the King said, and why he did not choose to pay. The 
 'captain-major was in a great passion, and said: "Since you 
 j were aware of this, why did you remain for your bad king?" 
 JThen he ordered them to be stripped naked, and bound 
 ' hand and foot, and put into his boat, and to remain thus 
 i roasting in the sun until they died, since they had deceived 
 ' him, and when they were dead, he would go on shore and 
 seek the King, [and he said :] " I will do as much to him, 
 I and I will lade these ships with the wealth of the city, and 
 the women and children shall be captive slaves.'^ 
 
 This having been told to the King, he sent to tell the 
 captain-major secretly that he had not sent the money only 
 in order that he should ill-treat Mohamed Arcone, who was 
 bad and proud, and had done him many injuries, and that 
 he should therefore let him stay in the sun for his vengeance, 
 for as to the money that was safe. The Moors seeing 
 themselves at the point of death, Mahomed Arcone, who 
 was very rich, sent to fetch from his house a jewelled neck- 
 lace worth ten thousand cruzados, which he gave to the 
 captain-major, who at once ordered them to be carried on 
 shore.^ When the King knew of this, he sent to the 
 captain-major some pieces of rich cloth and gold jewels, 
 
 » It is satisfactory to see tliat Arcone's treason and plotting did not 
 escape unpunished. 
 
ACCOUNT OF BAKROS. 299 
 
 with which he departed, with the intention of inducing the 
 King to order a fortress to be built there, which would be 
 very profitable for the trade of Sofala, and that the King of 
 Quiloa should make the fortress, and the people of the city, 
 which was veiy rich, should pay the expenses of the captain 
 and soldiers. This was done, as I will relate further on.^ 
 In the city there were some very beautiful women, who, 
 
 ' Barros relates that Gama arrived at Quiloa on the 12th of July, and 
 that the city was in terror at the salvos of artillery which the admiral 
 fired to frighten the people ; and as the King had been very cirn'ning 
 with Cabral and Joao de Nova, he did not use delay which would have 
 allowed the King time to bring men into the island to defend it, but he 
 used other more conclusive methods by which he made the King come 
 to speak to him in a boat with five of his chief men, when the admiral 
 was already going to land and put the city to fire and sword. The ad- 
 miral received this king, whose name was Ibrahim, better than he de- 
 served : at last he gave him a letter from the King D. IManuel, and 
 treated with him upon it, that he should become the vassal of the King 
 of Portugal so as to remain in friendship with him, and under his pro- 
 tection, paying a tribute of five hundred mithkals of gold, a weight 
 which coined might equal five hundred and eighty-four cruzados, this 
 more as a sign of obedience than for the quantity. In return for which 
 the admiral sent him a patent in the name of King Manuel, which 
 stated that he accepted hun as a vassal with that tribute, promising to 
 defend and protect hira, etc. Besides, he sent him a standard of the 
 royal arms of this kingdom in sign of the honour of vassalage which he 
 received, and some presents for himself. This standard was raised upon 
 a spear, and carried in a boat accompanied by others containing many 
 people in gay clothing, with trumpets ; and the King came to receive it 
 on the beach, saluting it as though he recognised in it a sign of his pro- 
 tection. He took it in his own hands, and carried it for a good space, 
 and then delivered it to a chief man of the Moors, who went round all 
 the city, and the people behind him, shouting Portugal^ Portugal ! At 
 last it was placed in sight of our ships on a tower of the King's houses. 
 When this solemnity was ended the admiral took leave of the King and 
 also of Mahomed Enconim, who was a principal cause of the King's 
 coming into that obedience, and the admiral took much pleasure in see- 
 ing him, as he had been a faithful friend of the captains who had gone 
 there. 
 
 Osorio's account agrees with that of Correa ; he says that the King 
 gave Mahomed Anconi as a pledge for the payment of the tribute, and 
 withheld it in order that Gama might ill-treat the hostage. 
 
/ 
 
 300 WOMEN TAKEN INTO THE BHIPS. 
 
 on account of being much shut up by the Moors, from their 
 1 custom of being very jealous, were very captive and ill-' 
 ! treated. For this reason many fled during these days, and 
 came to the Portuguese, who took them in secretly on 
 board the ships, and kept them in strict concealment. All 
 these women asked to be made Christians, as they would 
 rather be captives of the Christians than wives of the 
 Moors. The captains, on hearing of this, and that the 
 women had run away, spoke to them, but they persisted in 
 their wish to become Christians ; and the captains reported 
 it to the captain-major, who sent Gaspar the interpreter 
 round the ships to speak to the women, and see what they 
 said. He said to the captain-major : " Sir, it is useless for 
 me to go and speak to them, for I well know that they will 
 sooner fling themselves into the sea than return on shore ; 
 therefore do you decide what seems good to you with re- 
 spect to them.'' Then the captain-major talked it over 
 with the captains, and said that " the Christianity which 
 these women asked for was not on account of any good 
 understanding which they possessed of our holy faith, but 
 solely in order to see themselves freed from bad treatment 
 by the Moors, together with the allurements which had been 
 used towards them by those who had stolen them ; and 
 although this was the case at present, in future, with time, 
 they might become perfect Christians. For this it would 
 be reason to take them away, however numerous they might 
 be, if we were now going to Portugal, even though it was 
 a serious inconvenience for the consciences of the crews, 
 and for other objections, that so many women should go in 
 ships amongst so many men, from which so many evils 
 might arise, which would be worse in the sight of God than 
 it would be to leave them behind now, which looked ill on 
 account of their request for Christianity. In this I hold the 
 chief objection to be that of the consciences of the crews, 
 who will forget their souls with the conversation of the 
 
GAMA SENDS THE WOMEN ON SHORE. 301 
 
 women, and they will forget that every moment death is 
 close at hand : this is the chief thing which obliges me to 
 send these women back again on shore, and my heart 
 grieves, for it seems like inhumanity ; but it is fitting that 
 I should do it. At least the credit will remain to us of 
 being reasonable people, and who keep good faith." 
 
 The captain-major ordered, therefore, all the women to j 
 be brought to his ship, and that only some little girls j 
 should be left, if there were any who had not been touched 
 by men. This he ordered to be proclaimed under pain of I 
 death throughout the ships and caravels. All the women 
 were brought to the captain-major, and they exceeded two_ 
 hundred : he ordered them to be all carried on shore, and 
 sent with them Vicente Sodre, the captain of his ship, with 
 Gaspar the interpreter, to tell the King that he much en- 
 treated him that no harm should be done to those women, 
 because, if when he returned from India he learned that any 
 injury had been done them, he would break the peace on 
 that account, and would destroy the city; and this he swore 
 by the head of the King his sovereign; and if the King of 
 Quiloa could not comply with this, as he much entreated, 
 that then he should send them back again, and he would 
 make Christians of them and take them away. 
 
 The women, on seeing that they were to be carried on 
 shore, wished to throw themselves into the sea, and some 
 did throw themselves in, but were picked up again. When 
 they had been led before the King, and the captain-major's 
 message had been given him, some people also had already 
 complained to him that our men had stolen and carried off 
 their wives, then the King sent to say that it_should be_ 
 done as the captain-major desired : and he at once sent 
 several men to proclaim throughout the city that whoever 
 missed a woman should come to his palace to fetch her, pro- 
 claiming at the same time the conditions with which he 
 would deliver them up, which were, that if they did any 
 
 \/ 
 
302 FORTY WOMEN LEFT WITH GAMA. 
 
 ' harm to the women, they would be put to death for it, and 
 I, their property confiscated. Therefore, whoever wished to 
 do so, should come at once and fetch the women, or else he 
 would send them back to the captain-major. After that, 
 many came and took away the women ; but there remained 
 as many as forty, whose husbands came to tell the King 
 that they did not want them. All this passed in the pre- 
 sence of Vicente Sodre, whom the King asked to witness it 
 all. The King then sent great thanks to the captain -major, 
 and to ask him to say what was to be done with the women 
 that remained, whose husbands would not take them back, 
 for they cried out that they were already Christians, and 
 that water had been poured upon their heads ; for which 
 reason he begged him much to send and fetch them, for if 
 they remained on shore, all of them would be killed. The 
 captain-major seeing this, of necessity sent to fetch them to 
 his ship, for he did not trust to anyone else, and ordered 
 them to be put into locked cabins, and in India he placed 
 them in Cananor and Cochym.^ The younger ones of these 
 ; women, who were many, were the first women who went 
 from India to Portugal. With this, the fleet being equipped 
 with everything it required, it set sail for Melinde. 
 
 1 Gama seems to have acted with much discretion in this matter, and 
 to have got out of a disagreeable business with the least amount of dis- 
 satisfaction to all parties. 
 
GAMA ARRIVES AT MELINDE. 303 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 How the fleet having sailed from Quiloa went to Melinde, and at sea 
 met with the fleet of Este van da Gama, which left the kingdom in 
 May, and of the things which the^ptain-major did at Onor and 
 Baticala. 
 
 While the fleet was making its way along the coast to 
 Melinde, Pero Afonso d'Aguiar, who came from Mozam- 
 bique, appeared in the offing, at which there was much 
 pleasure ; and Pero AfFonso came to the captain-major in 
 his small boat to give him an account of what he had left 
 accomplished, and went on with him as far as Melinde. On 
 arriving in sight of the port, the King, who already had the 
 news, was ready, with great joy at the arrival of his great 
 friend Dom Vasco da Gama; on the fleet coming in, it 
 anchored with a great salvo of artillery. The King with 
 haste got into a boat which he had ready, and went to the 
 captain-major, bringing after him boats spread over with 
 green boughs, accompanied by festive musical instruments ; 
 the boats were laden with things to eat, a boat for each 
 ship. The captain-major, on being aware that it was the 
 King who was coming, got into his boat with great haste, 
 and went to receive the King in the sea : the King got into 
 his boat, and both embraced as if they were brothers and 
 great friends, exchanging great courtesies ; thus they went 
 to the ship, where the King was seated on a handsome 
 chair and dais, which had been already prepared. Immedi- 
 ately afterwards all the captains came, and were received 
 with much pleasure by the King, and all shewed him great 
 honour and courtesy, seeing that the captain-major shewed 
 him the same respect and honour as he did to the King of 
 Portugal. Then the captain-major presented to him the 
 rich presents which the King of Portugal had sent with his 
 
?i04 MEETING WITH THE KING OF MELINDE. 
 
 letters, in which he had written to him words of very en- 
 during affection. The captain-major also presented to the 
 King other gifts from himself, in recognition of the great 
 good which he had done him in putting him in the way to 
 reach India, from which such great honour had accrued to 
 him, and to all his lineage. All which the King received 
 with great satisfaction. Thus they continued conversing for 
 a good space, the King inquiring about his health, and his 
 voyage, giving him also an account of how Joan da Nova 
 had been equipped, and of what had happened to him in 
 India. The King entreated the captain-major much to go 
 on shore and remain in his houses with his captains, and to 
 
 S' send all the crews to rest and amuse themselves on shore, 
 since the city was his, the same as his own. The captain- 
 major said to him : " Sire, you well know how much I am 
 your friend, and that there is nothing in the world which I 
 would not do for your service, even expending my life to 
 satisfy your honour; but what you ask me to do is a matter 
 of amusement, which I am unable to do, for it would be 
 losing the time for the voyage on which I am going, of 
 which it is so incumbent on me to give a good account to 
 the King my sovereign : neither will I allow the crews to 
 go on shore, so that they may do no injury, for I know that 
 they do it, and no one of your people shall have cause to 
 make a complaint, for me to have to punish them; therefore, 
 as my friend, do you be satisfied with that which is so 
 much my duty." To this the King replied that it should bo 
 as he wished, and, embracing him several times, he took 
 his leave, and as he went on shore the captain-major went 
 with him to the beach, and conveyed him in his boat, 
 which for that purpose was fitted out with a dais and 
 crimson velvet, and a handsome chair with brocade cushions, 
 all which he ordered to be sent to the King's house ; he 
 then returned to the ship. The captains, with their men 
 gaily dressed, went to accompany the King as far as his 
 
EECEPTION AT MELINDE. 305 
 
 palace with sound of trumpets^ and he dismissed them with 
 much courtesy, and they returned to the ships. The cap- 
 tain-major ordered that they should send on shore only 
 persons to buy for the crews what was required, and that 
 on no account were they to take anything without paying 
 for it, for he well knew that the King would order that no 
 money should be taken for anything, which they were 
 strictly to prohibit the buyers from allowing. The King 
 sent to proclaim that the things which the Portuguese 
 wished to buy were to be put outside the doors, and that no 
 money was to be taken from them, because he would send 
 and pay for everything. 
 
 The King sent to each ship and caravel so much victuals 
 dressed after their fashion, that there was abundance for 
 all the crews, also much fresh vegetables ; this he always 
 did each day, as long as the fleet was there, which was for three 
 days, while they stayed there to take in several tanks 
 which the King had ordered to be made, and the captain- 
 major ordered to be paid for : and he was much pleased 
 with them, for they were a very good equipment for the 
 fleet; he took them especially for the large ships of burden, 
 because they set free a large space which was occupied by 
 barrels ; these tanks were afterwards filled with water, and 
 they took from on shore all that was wanted, which was 
 pitch for repairing the sides of the ships, and much coir, 
 with which they at once made hawsers for all the fleet and 
 other cordage. These were made in great abundance with 
 the machines which our people set up on the beach, and 
 with the help of many people whom the King sent, for they 
 worked by night and hy day. So the captain-major at once 
 arranged for his departure, because his coming there had 
 only been for the sake of seeing the King, of whom he was 
 so great a friend. And when the day for the departure was 
 fixed, the King did not choose that the captain-major should 
 come on shore to take leave of him, but he chose to come 
 
306 PRESENTS OP THE KING OP MELINDE. 
 
 to bid him farewell in his own ship to do him greater 
 honour; and he came with all his people with great re- 
 joicingSj and the captain-major received him with trumpets 
 and kettle-drums, and a salute of artillery, and he went 
 down into the boat to take the King by the hand and con- 
 duct him on board. The captains then came there immedi- 
 ately to take leave, and the King wished to dine there with 
 the captain-major and captains, and they had a great ban- 
 quet with much mirth. But there came so much victuals 
 from the shore that it was a marvel the great abundance 
 which remained over. When the dinner was over, the cap- 
 tains took leave and went to their ships. The King gave to 
 each of them rich stuflFs, and remained conversing with the 
 captain-major in his cabin about his pleasure and satisfac- 
 tion, and he gave him a valuable jewelled necklace for the 
 King of Portugal, worth ten thousand cruzados, and others 
 of not much less value for himself, with other rich gifts, 
 amongst which he gave him a bedstead of Cambay, wrought 
 with gold and mother-of-pearl, a very beautiful thing ; and 
 he gave him his letters for the King, and a chest full of 
 (rich stuffs of various kinds for the Queen, and a white em- 
 1 broidered canopy for a bed, the most delicate piece of 
 needlework, like none other that had ever been seen ; this 
 had been made in Bengal, a countiy where they make 
 wonderful things with the needle, and which were seen 
 later. After this the King took leave, and would not suffer 
 the captain-major to come out of his ship, and entreated 
 him to set sail, as he would like to witness his sailing since 
 the wind was fair. This the captain-major did, for the 
 anchor was already apeak as he had commanded, and he 
 loosed the sails, which the other ships did, as they also had 
 got in the slack of their cables. The King remained looking 
 on whilst all set sail. This was on the 18th of August of 
 this present year.^ 
 • The circumstantial nature of this account of the visit to Melinde, 
 
ESTEVA N DA GAMA JOINS THE FLEET. 307 
 
 The next day, when it dawned^ and they had already lost 
 sight of the land, the caravels which were foremost, sighted 
 some sails far out to sea, and at once made them some 
 signals by firing guns, which, being heard, the ships 
 watched, and a caravel came up to the captain-major to 
 bring him word, and he held on his course until they got 
 sight of one another, and they came up to the ships with 
 flags and standards ; and one of them, which carried a flag 
 at the peak, came under the stern of the captain-major and 
 saluted, hauling down the flag from the peak, and the 
 sailor in the top saluted by waving it. To this the flag- 
 ship replied with trumpets and kettle-drums and great 
 shouts, and the ship fired much artillery ; these were five 
 ships which had remained in Lisbon getting ready when 
 Dom Vasco set sail, and which sailed two months later. 
 Their captain-major was Est evan da Gama, a relation of the 
 captain-major ; the other captains were Vasco Fernandes 
 Tinoco, Ruy Loren90 Ravasco, Diogo Fernandes Peteira, 
 Joao Fernandes de Mello. Antonio de Saldanha was com- 
 ing in these ships with instructions to go with them on a 
 cruise to the Straits of Mekkah, and did not come, as he 
 fell ill at the time of their departure.^ 
 
 and the obligations which Gama was under to the King of Me- 
 linde, make Correa's relation more probable than that of Barros and 
 Osorio, who both say that Gama did not reach Melinde on account of 
 the currents, but put into a bay eight leagues or thirty miles below 
 Melinde, where the King sent him a letter by Luis de Moura, one of 
 the banished men whom Pedralvares Cabral had left, with offers of 
 assistance : and Gama replied that he had nothing to do ihere except to 
 visit the King which he desired, and that as the weather did not permit, 
 when he returned from India he hoped he should have better weather to 
 enable him to visit him. Castanheda says Gama touched at Melinde, 
 and visited the King there. 
 
 ■ Barros says that on leaving the bay near Melinde Gama fell in with 
 Estevan da Gama and three ships out at sea, and that after they arrived 
 at Anchediva the rest of the whole of the fleet arrived, except Antonio do 
 Campo, who did not go that year to India Barros names the captains 
 of Estevan da Gama's flotilla — Lopo Mendes de Vasconcellos, Thomaz 
 
308 OAMA MAKES THE COAST OF INDIA. 
 
 The captain-major hove to until Estevan da Gama got 
 into a boat and cast off, and came aboard of him. This the 
 other captains did also, with some honourable persons who 
 came along with them.^ The captain-major received them 
 with fitting honours, and they related to him that they had 
 fallen in with such weather that they had never met with 
 storms until arriving at Mozambique, where they took in 
 wood and water, and they had come in haste to arrive at 
 Melinde. So that there was much joy in all the fleet with 
 the letters which they brought from those from whom they 
 desired them, and also many letters from the King to the 
 captain-major: with these matters they spent the whole day 
 until the evening, when the captains returned to their ships, 
 and hoisted in their boats, and continued on their course. 
 Whilst crossing the open sea, they met with a heavy gale, 
 so that the sea rose very much, and the caravels ran under 
 all sail, because otherwise the seas would overtake them, as 
 they came astern, so that they left the fleet behind. The cap- 
 tain-major not seeing the caravels was much put out, believ- 
 ing that they had met with some disaster. The gale abated 
 and the caravels reached land at Dabul, where they rigged 
 their lateen sails, and mounted their artillery, and anchored 
 in a bay below Dabul towards Goa, but [the men] did not 
 go out on shore. Many Indian boats came to see what 
 they could hear of our ships, and brought fowls, figs, and 
 eggs to sell, which our men paid for in vintens of silver, and 
 they gave six fowls for one vintem \_Iess than tivopence^ . 
 They remained there two days and then went along the 
 coast. The fleet all together made the land at Dabul and 
 
 de Carmona, Lopo Dias, a servant of D. Alvaro, brother of the Duke of 
 Bragan(;a, and John de Bonagracia, an Italian. Osorio says that Estevan 
 da Gama had joined Gama already at Quiloa with five ships, which 
 made the fleet to consist of nineteen ships, that of Antonio do Campo 
 having disappeared. 
 
 ' The presence on board of these gentlemen may account for the dis- 
 crepancy of the names of the captains given by Correa and Barros. 
 
HOSTILITIES AT ONOR. 309 
 
 ran along the coast, except the ship of Joao Fernaudes do 
 Mello, which disappeared running thus along the coast. 
 There came with the caravels two ships, which had also 
 been driven apart by the wind, and they sailed together, 
 and the fleet also going by night, passed well out to sea 
 without seeing them, and from the caravels they only saw 
 the lantern, and went after it, thinking that it was a Moor- 
 ish ship, and intending to capture it. When it dawned 
 they saw the fleet, and went to salute the flag-ship; running 
 thus along the coast about as far as Angediva, they saw 
 three sail close in shore. The captain-major sent the caravels 
 to them ; but they were fustas of thieves, which, with oars 
 and sails, got into a river called Onor, where there was a 
 Moor who equipped them, named Timoja. All which Gaspar 
 the interpreter related to the captain-major, and that this 
 Moor committed great robberies at sea upon all that he fell 
 in with, and that this Moor was a foreigner, and paid part 
 of the plunder to the King of Gar^opa, who was ruler of 
 the country. 
 
 The captain-major anchored before this river, and ordered 
 Estevan da Gama to go to the river with the boats and men 
 equipped. On entering the river they found some palisades, 
 from which some small guns an'd arrows were discharged at 
 them. Our men landing on the shore, the Moors at once 
 fled, and our men set fire to the vessels which were beached 
 and in the river, laden with goods, and all were burned. 
 The watch-boats got into a creek where the boats could 
 not follow them. Then the interpreter pointed out another 
 river by which the boats went and reached the town, which 
 was large, and in which were many fighting men ; and our 
 men fell upon them, and the Moors fled at once, and the 
 town was burned with all that was in it. So our men with- 
 out any danger returned to the ships, which at once set 
 sail, and the next day reached the port of Baticala, where 
 there were many Moorish ships, because this port was a 
 
310 HOSTILITJES AT BATICALA. 
 
 great place for loading rice, iron, and sugar, which were 
 transported to all parts of India. Here it was already 
 known what our people had done at Onor, and they pre- 
 pared themselves with the intention of preventing our men 
 from entering the river, planting some small cannon upon a 
 wall, which they had upon a rock which stood on the bar. 
 The captain-major sent Estevan da Gama thither with boats 
 and armed men, and with the tide which was rising he 
 entered the river without the many people who came 
 together being able to defend it ; they threw many stones 
 from the hill at the boats, which on reaching the shore fell 
 upon some wharves which the Moors had made for loading 
 the ships, the Moor3 at once fled, leaving behind a great quan- 
 tity of loads of rice and sugar, which they were going to 
 put on board, and the Portuguese returned to their boats in 
 order to go to the town, which was higher up the river. 
 As they were going thither, some Moors of the country 
 said to them that they should not go to do any injury, 
 because they themselves were going to the captain-major 
 with a message from the King who was giving him his sub- 
 mission. Then Estevan da Gama sent a man with the 
 Moors to see what were the orders of the captain-major. 
 The captain-major seeing the Moors coming sat down in 
 his chair, trimmed with crimson velvet, with a carpet 
 beneath it. When the Moors entered, one of them, an 
 honourable old man, took the feet of the captain-major to 
 kiss them, saying that the King of Baticala complained of 
 their carrying on war in his port without first informing 
 themselves of him whether he would obey him or not ; but 
 since it had been done, that they should do nothing further, 
 because he would do whatever the captain-major com- 
 manded. The captain replied : " If this is the truth, why 
 did he not order a white flag to be set upon the bar, instead 
 of first sending people to stone the boats, and not letting 
 them enter ? For which ho deserved what had been done. 
 
DOMINION CLAIMED OVER INDIAN 8EAS. 311 
 
 whiclLwas nothing to what should be done if he did not 
 fulfil this message of his very completely; for I did not 
 come with the design of doing injury to him, and when I 
 found war, I ordered it to be made, for this is the fleet of 
 the King of Portugal my sovereign, who is lord of the sea, 
 of all the world, and also of all this coast ; for which reason 
 all the rivers and ports which have got shipping have to 
 obey him, and pay tribute for their people who go in their 
 fleets : and this only as a sign of obedience, in order that 
 thereby their ports may be free and that they may carry on 
 in them their trade and profits in security, neither trading 
 in pepper, nor bringing Turks, nor going to the poi't of 
 Calecut, because for any of these three things the ships 
 which shall be found to have done* these shall be burned, 
 with as many as may be captured in them. Therefore, if 
 the King speaks the truth, let him at once make an agree- 
 ment as to what may be his pleasure, and send me at once 
 an answer respecting it ; and should it not be a good one I 
 will immediately send and burn those ships and the town, 
 and will cause much harm to be done, which I will order to 
 be done each year, so that his port shall have no trade/^ 
 The King, and his people who were present, having heard 
 this message, held their council, and agreed to ask for 
 peace, and he replied to the captain-major that it was not 
 in his power to give gold or silver, but that he would give 
 what was dealt in in the country, which was rice, of which 
 he would give a thousand loads every year for the crews, 
 and five hundred loads of other better rice for the captains, 
 and that more he could not give, because he had the name 
 of king, and was a tenant of the King of Bisnaga, to whom 
 the country belonged. The interpreter affirmed all this to 
 the captain-major, and said that the King spoke the truth : 
 for that reason he was satisfied with the rice which the 
 King oflFered, who gave him at once his letter binding him- 
 self to it. The captain-major gave him his safe-conduct. 
 
312 GAMA SAILS FOK CANAKOR. 
 
 upon whicli the rice was immediately sent in Indian boats, 
 with a large quantity of refreshments for the whole fleet. 
 All this having been concluded, the captain-major set sail 
 for Cananor.^ 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 How the fleet having left Baticala, what happened to it before arriving 
 at Cananor, in the port of Marabia, whence it went to Cananor. 
 
 As the fleet was on its way to Cananor, before reaching 
 Mount Dely, a gust of wind struck it, which sprung the 
 mainmast of the ship Leitoa Esmeralda, in which Pero 
 Afonzo d'Aguiar sailed ; and the lances which were in the 
 top fell upon the deck, and killed four men, and wounded 
 several, and there was one who was transfixed with eight 
 lances. On account of this, the captain-major anchored in 
 the bay of Marabia, because he saw there several Moorish 
 ships, in order to get a mast from them. He sent on shore 
 to search for one, and at once the Moors gave him one such 
 
 ' Barros and Osorio do not mention these attacks on Onor and Bati- 
 cala. The attack on Baticala appears not to have had the shadow of a 
 pretext for it, and to have been nothing but piracy. With regard to the 
 pretext for the attack on Onor, it is difficult to distinguish between the 
 conduct of the Portuguese and that of Timoja, who appears from other 
 mention of him to have levied tolls on ships that passed by Onor. The 
 following passage of Defoe describes the conduct of Gama at Onor : — 
 " For, be it known to you, seignior, those captains of English and 
 Dutch ships are a parcel of rash, proud, insolent fellows, that neither 
 know what belongs to justice, nor how to behave themselves as the laws 
 of God or nature direct; but being proud of their offices, and not under- 
 standing their power, they would act the murderers to punish robbers, 
 ■would take upon them to insult men falsely accused, and determine 
 them guilty without due inquiry; and perhaps I may live to call some of 
 them to an account for it, where they may be taught how justice is to 
 be executed, and that no man ought to be treated as a criminal till 
 Borae evidence may be had of the crime, and that he is the mafi." 
 
PLUNDER OF AN ARAB SHIP. 313 
 
 as was fitting, and the captain-major ordered its owner to 
 be well paid for it, so that the ship was well remasted with 
 the labour of many workmen in a few days. Whilst they 
 were at this work, one day at dawn there came a large ship 
 of Calecut which came from Mekkah with much wealth, and 
 it fell in with the caravels, which were on the watch out at 
 sea. In this ship came the owner, who was the chief mer- 
 chant and the richest in Calecut, and the ship was coming 
 from the offing to make Mount Dely. The caravels went to 
 it, and made it come and anchor close to the captain-major, 
 who^ on learning that it was from Calecut, ordered the men 
 to go and pillage it, I The crews went to do this in boats, 
 and the whole day were carrying cargo to the ships, until 
 the ship was empty, and the captain-major prohibited any- 
 one from taking out of it any Moor, and then he ordered 
 them to set fire to the ship. When the captain of the ship 
 saw this, he called out that he should be taken before the 
 captain-major, because that was very expedient. They told 
 this to the captain-major, who ordered him to come. When 
 he was in the presence of the captain-major, he said to 
 him: ''Sir, you gain nothing by ordering us to be killed. 
 Command that we be put in irons, and carry us to Calecut, 
 and if there they do not load your ships with pepper and 
 drugs, without your giving anything for them, then you 
 may order us to be burned. Look that you do not lose so 
 great a sum of wealth for so small a thing as it is to kill us ; 
 and consider that in war they pardon those who surrender, 
 and since we did not fight, do you put in practice the virtue 
 of knighthood.''^ The captain-major said to him : '' Alive 
 you shall be burned, because you counselled the King of 
 Calecut to kill and plunder the factor and Portuguese ; and 
 since you are so powerful in Calecut, that you oblige yourself 
 to give me a cargo gratuitously for these ships, I say that 
 for nothing in this world would I desist from giving you a 
 hundred deaths, if I could give you so raany.^^ He then 
 
314 SLAUGHTER OF THE ARABS 
 
 ordered them to send the Moor back to the ship^ and to set 
 fire to it. The captains who were with the captain-major 
 tried to hinder him from it, saying that he ought not to 
 choose to lose so great wealth as the Moor offered, since by 
 killing them vengeance was not taken on Calecut.^ The 
 captain-major replied : " Gentlemen and friends, I well see 
 all that you say ; but all those who covet the property of 
 their enemy and not his death, err against their honour and 
 their life ; and he who spares his enemy dies at his hands 
 (say the old women) ; and if you look well to reason, with- 
 out bearing in mind what the Moor promises, you will go 
 yourselves to light the fire. If this bribe were for us, and 
 we had to live in India, well might we take the risk which 
 might happen later, which would be great evils and deaths 
 which we should suffer ; for since this Moor is so powerful 
 that he gives so large a ransom for his life, he will not want 
 power later to take vengeance of the Portuguese. So that 
 it is clear that if we now take this bribe, those who come 
 here afterwards will pay it doubly. We should give a great 
 account to God if we left such a charge upon them, because 
 this Moor who is so powerful will not want afterwards for 
 supporters in as many Moors as there are in India. There- 
 fore, know, that this enemy shall not remain alive, to assure 
 iny conscience ; for we have gained nothing in this country 
 by arms, only by friendly methods we have obtained that 
 these people receive us. Calecut has oflFended us greatly, 
 and deserves that we should do it every injury ; and if for 
 this bribe we were to set free its Moors, we should retain 
 the ill-fame throughout these parts of selling our honour for 
 goods, and Calecut, without fear, would offend us every 
 day : therefore, if I can do harm to anything belonging 
 to it, I must do it." He then ordered them to set fire to 
 the ship, and as the Portuguese were going out who still 
 
 ' Though the arguments of the captains were base, yet they left the 
 whole of this crime upon the head of Vasco da Gama. 
 
AND THEIR RESISTANCE. 315 
 
 went about the ship looking for plunder, the Moors took 
 up those arras which our men had not yet taken away, and 
 set to fighting with our men like men condemned to death, 
 and killed some and wounded others, so that they made 
 them spring into the sea, as they were unarmed. The 
 Moors cut their ship's cable to go ashore, or against some 
 ship, in which they might sell their lives dearly : the boats 
 with armed men crowded up, and the Moors, who were 
 more than seven hundred, made a great resistance, for they 
 were valiant warriors, who did not hesitate to give up their 
 lives to the sword, sooner than to the tortures of fire. 
 
 Francisco Marecos, seeing the ship of the Moors come 
 close to his ship, ordered a rope to be passed to it, and 
 brought it close to his ship ; at which the Moors were 
 delighted, for they boarded his ship intrepidly, and fought 
 so valiantly that without doubt they would have taken the 
 ship, if the boats had not crowded up with many men, who 
 killed all the Moors. The captain-major came up in his 
 small boat, and ordered all his men to come out of the ship, 
 and he ordered the boats to sink her with the falconnets 
 and swivel-guns which they carried. This was done accord- 
 ingly, and the Moors were left swimming, and the boats 
 plied about killing them with lances. Here it happened 
 that a Moor who was swimming found a lance floating in 
 the water, and took it, and raising himself in the water as 
 much as he could, hurled the lance into a boat, and with it 
 transfixed a sailor and killed him ; and as this seemed to 
 me to be a great thing, I have written it.^ 
 
 • Barms, Osorio, and San Roman mention this butchery as having 
 happened at the same time and place as that mentioned by Correa, but 
 without any word of disapprobation. Camoens has passed over this ex- 
 ploit in silence, apparently not thinking that it added to the glory of 
 Gama. Osorio makes it more unjustifiable, since he states that the 
 vessel belonged to the Sultan of Egypt, not to Calecut, and was return- 
 ing from Calecut to the Red Sea: he says the fight lasted until the next 
 day, tliough the whole fleet was engaged with this single vessel, and 
 
316 ACCOUNT BY BARROS OP THE 
 
 The factor and several men of Cananor had now come to 
 the captain-major, and related to him the great benefits 
 
 that the Tortuguese killed three hundred men, sparing only a few chil- 
 dren, and set fire to the ship after plundering it. 
 
 San Roman, like Osorio, says the ship was going to, not coming from, 
 the Red Sea, and says less of the fight than of the children who were 
 spared and baptised, and offered to the monastery of Belem, where they 
 might perpetually serve the Queen of the Angels. 
 
 Barros gives a more circumstantial account, and says that the Zamorim 
 sent to complain to Gama, while he was at anchor near Mount Dely, of 
 liis ill-treatment of the affairs of Calecut, and that he desired to esta- 
 blish peace with him. Gama sent an answer, that he had not yet in- 
 flicted on Calecut an injury equal to that which had been committed by 
 the killing and robbery of the Portuguese, and until he had compensa- 
 tion for that, he only fulfilled the orders of the King D. Manuel ; and 
 this news might be given to the Zamorim until he sent him more about 
 the Mekkah ships which he was waiting for : and the first would be the 
 one named Merim^ so much expected by all. After a few days, a ship 
 which he expected fell into his hands. He had news of it by the ques- 
 tions which he put to the Malabar Moors ; and as they told him this 
 ship belonged to the Sultan of Cairo, and her captain and factor was a 
 Moor named Joar Fiquim, who had sailed from Calecut laden with 
 spices, and as it was a large and safe ship many honourable Moors had 
 gone in it in pilgrimage to their abomination of INIekkah, and the ship 
 was returning with these pilgrims, and was also laden with much wealth. 
 The admiral, when he saw that the ship of Captain Gil Matoso held her 
 surrendered, as he had first fallen in with her almost in sight of all the 
 fleet (Barros has before stated that the fleet was stretched out from the 
 coast seawards to intercept any passing ships), got into his long-boat 
 with the factor Diogo Fernandes Correa, Diogo Godinho and Diogo 
 Lopes, clerks, and went to the ship of Gil Matoso, because the wind had 
 fallen calm, and he could not come to him. When he reached the ship 
 he sent for the captain of the ship by his boat, and for the principal 
 merchants, to whom he put some questions, amongst which was the 
 amount of capital which they brought to lay out in spices ; and speaking 
 lightly without putting much pressure upon them, he told them to re- 
 turn to the ship and bring to him the things of small volume which they 
 had brought for these purchases. The Moors being of opinion that this 
 was a polite way the captain had of begging something of them, settled 
 that they had acted wisely in surrendering to the ship, because they 
 would finish the matter with a present which they would take to the 
 captain-major: for had they presumed what afterwards happened, their 
 surrender woul 1 have cost dear. Finally, they returned before the 
 
ACTION WITH THE ARAB SHIP. 317 
 
 which the King of Cananor conferred upon them, and how 
 the King of Calecut was fighting with the King of Cochym 
 
 admiral with a sum of money in gold coin, and some wrought silver, 
 brocades, and silks, all which might be worth as much as twelve thou- 
 sand cruzados ; the admiral ordered it all to be delivered over to the 
 factor, and that they should return to their ship, and the next day he 
 would dismiss them, as it was very late. When it was morning, and 
 the ships of the fleet were already close round the Moorish ship, for all 
 were ready in expectation, the admiral went on board of her with some 
 other persons, and ordered them to bring up more goods on deck and 
 deliver them to Diogo Fernandes ; and after that by this means he 
 could get no more from the Moors, he returned to his ship the <S. Jero- 
 nymo. He came and placed his ship alongside the Moorish ship, and 
 ordered all the goods which it carried to be discharged into his ship ; by 
 accident a servant of the admiral got squeezed between the sides of the 
 ships, of which he died ; the admiral was so grieved that he removed 
 his ship, and ordered Estevan da Gama and the factor Diogo Fernandes 
 Correa to take the Moorish ship further out to sea, so as not to be in 
 the way of our ships, and after they had discharged all the cargo which 
 it carried, to set fire to it. There were in this ship about two hundred 
 and sixty fighting men, and more than fifty women and children. 
 These Moors, as long as the Portuguese took away their goods and 
 arms, seeing so many ships all round them, endured what had been 
 done to them up to that time ; but when they saw that our ships' boats 
 were surrounding and setting fire to them, which was danger to Hfe, 
 and not damage of property, they determined to die like knights with 
 some arms whiqh they had concealed, and by throwing stones they 
 made the boAts keep off. At this time one of our ships, which cruised 
 on the watch for other ships, came to speak the flag-ship, and when it 
 saw the boats going round the ship, it went and attacked it. As the 
 ship was small and the Moorish ship very large, and the Moors made 
 now no account of their lives, but wished to die avenged, when the ship 
 came alongside they sprung into the castle in the prow, attacking our 
 men so closely that they made them take shelter in the sterncastle, and 
 they wounded many, and killed three or four. In this boarding they 
 obtained a few arms from our men, who were badly wounded ; their 
 fury was so lively that the ship nearly fell into their power. But the 
 ship Julioa, Captain Lopo Mendes de Vasconcellos, came up, so that the 
 Moors got back to their ship, and thinking that the ship of Lopo 
 Mendes was grappling them, as it passed by, they threw into it a shower 
 of stones, which slightly wounded many men. The admiral, who was at 
 a distance, seeing how this ship warded off those that came alongside of 
 her, had himself conveyed to the ship S. Gabriel of Gil Matoso, and on 
 
318 ARRIVAL AT CANANOR. 
 
 to make him deliver up the Portuguese. There also arrived 
 a message and complimentary visit on the part of the King 
 of Cananor : and as the ship was now completely equipped, 
 the captain-major set sail, and went to the port of Cananor, 
 where he made a great salute of artillery. There the cap- 
 reaching her, he found that D. Luis Coutinho had grappled her with 
 his ship, the Lionarda, to which he passed, where they fought so much 
 with the Moorish ship that many men were killed, until the night sepa- 
 rated the combatants. When the next day came, even though with 
 much labour and danger to our men, by dint of fire they made an end 
 of the Moorish ship : and out of tliis fire the admiral ordered the lives 
 to be spared and to be picked up only twenty and odd children and a 
 humpbacked Moor, who was the pilot ; these children h6 ordered to be 
 made Christians. Because Antonio da Sa, a page of D. Manuel, was 
 the first who had entered this ship, and had acted as became him, he 
 made liim a knight. 
 
 Correa says nothing of these twenty children who were spared : 
 further on he says the ship belonged to the brother of Coja Kasim of 
 Calecut ; but what would rather confirm the statements of Osorio and 
 Barros of her belonging to the Sultan of Egypt, is the embassy a little 
 later by the Sultan of Egypt to the Pope to complain of this and other 
 piratical acts of the Portuguese. (See Barros, Osorio, and De Morga, 
 Philippine Islands^ Hakluyt Society.) 
 
 The act for which Gama took this vengeance was the attack upon the 
 factory and killing of Aires Correa the factor and some of his men. 
 This had been done by one of two factions in Calecut, that of the 
 foreign Moors under Coja Kasim and the Gentiles, in opposition to the 
 Malabar Moors under Coja Beguy, who, after Aires Correa had been 
 killed, saved the lives of the sons of Aires Correa, and of three wounded 
 Portuguese, whom he concealed in his harem. The cause of the out- 
 break had been various piratical acts of the Portuguese, capturing and 
 sinking Indian ships under the pretext that the King of Portugal was 
 lord of the sea and of the land. For the death of Aires Correa vengeance 
 had already been taken by Pedralvares Cabral, who had burned all the 
 ships and sambuks in the port of Calecut, after which he had bombarded 
 the town, and, according to Correa, made a great destruction of people: 
 Pedralvares Cabral wished to continue this for several days, but the 
 masters of the ships did not consent, on account of the injury which the 
 firing did to the Portuguese ships. Barros says he burned fifteen sail, 
 amongst which were eight large ships, and bombarded the city for the 
 ■whole of the two next days, damaging it much and killing more than 
 five hmidred persons. 
 
RECEPTION AT CANANOR. 319 
 
 tain Ruy de Mendanha carae to tlie captain-major, who 
 shewed him great honour, because the factor and all the 
 others had spoken very well of him. The King's minister 
 came immediately, with a message to the captain-major to 
 come on shore and rest, and they would both talk of many 
 matters, which were very necessary. The captain-major 
 sent his thanks, and to say that whatever day his highness 
 named he would go on shore to visit him, and serve him in 
 whatever he might command ; but that he could not go 
 ashore to rest, for his rest was at sea, since he was now so 
 much accustomed to being at sea, and at the present time 
 much less, since he had to go to Calecut to take a present^ 
 to the King fo rj_he gO-od , reception he had given to Pedra l-_^ 
 varez Cabral. 
 
 When the King heard the captain-major's reply, he or- 
 dered a wooden house to be built close to the palisade, in 
 which to have an interview with the captain-major, and sent 
 to tell him that he had now a house ready in which to see 
 him whenever he pleased. The captain-major, with his 
 men gaily dressed, immediately came from the fleet, with 
 all the boats and banners and many trumpets and kettle- 
 drums, and a salute of artillery, and landed at the town and 
 went to prayers in the church, and heard mass. 
 
320 VISIT TO THE KING OP CAXANOR. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 How the captain-major saw the King of Cananor, and of the settlement 
 and agreement which he made with him in matters which were 
 fitting ; and how he directed the fleet to go along the coast, and de- 
 parted for Calecut. 
 
 When the King knew that the captain-major was on shore, 
 he got ready, and in the afternoon came to the house, 
 accompanied by his people, with great pomp, according to 
 his fashion, and entered the house. ^ The captain-major 
 came accompanied also by his captains and many people, 
 all richly and gaily dressed, with his trumpets and kettle- 
 drums before him, which the King was pleased to hear, as 
 it seemed a matter of greater state. When the captain-major 
 came near the house, at the distance of a game of mancaP, 
 the King came out, accompanied by his ministers, and 
 before him his prince, whom he brought for the captain- 
 major to see ; he was his nephew, the son of his eldest 
 sister, who, according to their usages, was his direct heir. 
 He was a youth, and a courtly person, well made, with his 
 sword and shield in his hands, which it is their custom to 
 carry till their death. 
 
 When the King came up, the captain-major made him a 
 profound salutation, almost with his knee on the ground, 
 with as much shew of respect as though he had been the 
 King of Portugal. The King took his right hand between 
 his, which is the greatest courtesy and honour which he 
 could shew him. Leading him thus by the hand, he went 
 
 1 Barros mentions the interview as taking place on a scaffolding on 
 the seaside, and that the King of Cananor came with elephants, and as 
 many as four thousand Nair swordsmen. 
 
 * It is not known what this game of mancal was ; it was already an- 
 cient in the reign of D. Manuel. 
 
VISIT TO THE KING OF CANANOR. 321 
 
 into the house to sit down on the dais, seating the captain- 
 major close to him. He, before sitting down, made a great 
 salutation to the prince, who putting his sword under his 
 arm, touched the captain-major's right hand with his. The 
 King then spoke, and inquired of the health of the King, 
 and of the Queen, and of their children and of the kingdom. 
 The captain-major replied to all this as was fitting, with a 
 great abundance of compliments, and kissing a letter which 
 he brought from the King of Portugal, he gave it him with 
 great courtesy. The King was much pleased at this, for it 
 seemed to him very good that he kissed the letter, and his 
 people also extolled the act. The King put the letter "' 
 inside the cloth which he had wrapped round him, and they 
 fell into conversation upon things that had passed, and 
 upon the injuries of Calecut, to which the captain-major had 
 to do as much harm as he could, and he would have ships 
 upon his coast to destroy as much as possible in his ports, 
 and nothing of his should go upon the sea. Therefore the 
 King should order the merchants not to hold dealings with 
 those of Calecut, so that they should not be losers with 
 them. The King showed much satisfaction at all this, and 
 said that he would assist in all, and would act as if these 
 were the affairs of his own brother, for so he had decided 
 in his heart in behalf of the King of Portugal, and all who 
 should descend from him, and this he swore upon his head, 
 and his eyes, and by his mother's womb which had borne 
 him, and by the prince his heir; and swearing thus he 
 touched everything with his hand. Whilst he spoke thus, 
 the prince was all the time standing before the King, with- 
 out ever speaking. 
 
 The captain-major made many compliments of friendship 
 to the King on the part of the King his sovereign, saying 
 that Kings and great princes of royal blood used to do so 
 amongst one another ; and that they had a sincere affection 
 for one another, and especially good faith, which was their 
 
322 ESTABLISHMENT OF 
 
 greatest oi^nament, and was of more value than their king- 
 doms. The captain-major then presented to him what 
 the King of Portugal had sent for him, which was six 
 pieces of satin and coloured velvets, a piece of brocade, an 
 arm-chair with cushions of brocade, and a sword of gold and 
 enamel, made after their fashion, with which the King felt 
 much satisfaction, and was for some time looking at the 
 enamels, and asked what work it was. The captain-major 
 told him that it was wrought with the gems which they had 
 carried from India, which the goldsmiths knew how to 
 work. The King ordered everything to be gathered up, 
 and gave the captain-major a necklace and two bracelets and 
 ten rings, all of much price, for the Queen, and other rich 
 jewels for himself; upon which they took leave of one 
 another. The captain-major returned to the town, and at 
 once got into the boats and went to the ships, going in his 
 boat with a canopy of crimson satin fringed with gold, and 
 above the canopy the royal standard of white damask with 
 the cross of Christus, embroidered with gold thread. The 
 captain-major went first and the other boats behind to show 
 him respect ; and on reaching the ships, they fired a salute 
 of much artillery, and the King, who remained looking on 
 from the beach, was pleased with the sight. 
 
 The captain -major brought instructions that here, and in 
 all parts where there were dealings of buying and selling, 
 he was to establish the prices of all things, so that they 
 should be fixed, and that there should never be novelties of 
 lowering or raising the prices, which he was to do with the 
 good pleasure of the King and of the merchants. For 
 which reason, having obtained information of the weights 
 and prices of each article, both for selling and buying, with 
 the counsel of the factor and of the interpreter, he made a 
 minute of all, as it seemed to him just and right. Then he 
 sent to tell the King that he had to speak to him of things 
 that were necessary, and to ask him to give him a day on 
 
TKADE AT CANANOR. 323 
 
 which to go to his house, because after that he wished to 
 depart. The King sent to say that he should not come to 
 his house, which was far off, but that he would come, as he 
 had come the other day, to the same building as at first, 
 with his state. The captain-major immediately came from 
 the sea in the boats, and went to the house, where they re- 
 ceived him with their courtesies. He then spoke of what 
 he desired — that there should be established prices for 
 everything, which should last for ever, so that there should 
 not be differences and novelties. This appeared very good 
 to the King, and he summoned some principal merchants, 
 natives of the country, and foreigners, who all spoke and 
 conversed upon all the prices and weights of the merchan- 
 dise, and all was written down by their scribes ; and for 
 everything a settlement was made upon the full value which 
 things had anciently in the country, both of their commodi- 
 ties and ours, with the prices and weights of all, in very 
 good order. Of this they drew up documents, signed by 
 all, that everything should thus be bought and weighed in 
 purchases and sales. The captain-major also signed it, and 
 the factor and Cananor ministers took away a copy. This 
 remained firm, and is so still at the present day, and will re- 
 main so as long as God pleases. The captain-major made 
 many recommendations to the King with respect to ginger, 
 as he had many ships to load. The King took charge of 
 this, and begged the captain-major to avoid as much as 
 possible fighting with the Calecut fleet if it came to seek 
 him, since it did not come except with stratagems of fire. 
 The captain-major said that he should do all the harm he 
 could to Calecut, and if its fleet came to seek him he should 
 be delighted, because he hoped in the Lord that he should 
 take some vengeance upon it such as he was desirous of; 
 upon which he took his leave with his salutations. 
 
 When he got back to the ships, he took counsel with the 
 captains, and settled to divide the fleet, which was always to 
 
_324 A FACTOR AND OTHEE OFFICERS 
 
 cruise along the coast, making war on all navigators, only 
 
 I excepting those of Cananor, Cochym, and Coulam, because 
 
 those of Cananor were to carry a certificate signed by the 
 
 j factor, upon the King's giving them his document, since the 
 
 [^ factor did not know them. The same was to be done by 
 
 those of Cochym ; and those of Coulam would send to 
 
 Cochym to obtain their certificate, which they call a cartaz. 
 
 All this the factor went to notify to the King, with which he 
 
 was well pleased. 
 
 Then the captain-major made Vicente Sodre captain- 
 major of the fleet which he was going to leave behind when 
 he went away ; and he made Gonzalo Gil Barbosa, who was 
 in Cochym, factor, because Diogo Fernandez Correa came 
 appointed as factor at Cochym ; and he left him at once at 
 Cananor much goods to deal in ginger, which the Gozil was 
 to have sent to the factory, as the King had commanded ; 
 also that ten Nairs should always accompany the factor as a 
 guard all day, and to go with his messages wherever he sent 
 them ; also one of the King's scribes to be always with the 
 factor to read and write all the documents, which had to be 
 done by a scnbe appointed by the King, who would not 
 commit any forgery. The factor was to give to the Gozil, in 
 order that he should take good care of the ginger, ten ells 
 of crimson velvet for each cargo, and to the scribes ten fanaos 
 a month, — a fanao is a coin of inferior gold, and fourteen of 
 them are worth three hundred reis ; and to the Nairs of the 
 guard five fanaos to each. All this the factor was to pay 
 each month, for so the King ordained, so that the factor 
 I might go securely wherever he pleased by day or by night ; 
 because these Nairs are gentlemen by lineage, and by their 
 law they are bound to die for whoever gives them pay, they 
 and all their lineage ; and if those of one lineage live with 
 separate masters, and one of them has a dispute with the 
 ''' other, and they fight, these servants of theirs will fight and 
 kill one another like mortal enemies, for they are bound to 
 
APPOINTED AT CANANOR. 325 
 
 do it ; and when the struggle is finished, they will speak and 
 communicate with one another as if they had never fought. 
 The captain-major appointed as almoxarife of the warehouse 
 and provisions Fernan Lopes, because the factor could not 
 attend to all the work ; and Gomez Ferreira, who was 
 factor, as there came another one, he appointed to be 
 captain of a caravel, and Ruy de Mendanha captain of 
 another. He left instructions to the factor to buy and 
 gather into the warehouse for the voyage to the kingdom 
 much rice, sugar, honey, butter, oil, cocoa-nuts, and dried 
 fish, and to make cables of coir and cordage, for which 
 purpose he left there many workmen who came in the fleet, 
 and this was the best provision made for the ships of bur- 
 den ; and afterwards they were always made for a long time, 
 because they were much better than the cables of flax, 
 which burst with a strain, and the coir yields and stretches, 
 and the strain being removed, it returns to its former state. 
 The natives of the country were much pleased at all this, 
 on account of the profits which they made ; only the Moors 
 were sad, because they saw that our men were preparing to 
 prevent the navigation which they carried on to the Straits, 
 laden with pepper and drugs, from which they derived so 
 great profits, all which they now lost ; and for this they 
 were altogether desperate, because the soothsayers with 
 whom they sometimes spoke told them that the power of 
 the King of Portugal would constantly increase, j 
 
 When everything was thus arranged, the captain-major 
 sent word of it to the King by the factor, at which he felt 
 great pleasure, seeing the great confidence with which our 
 men relied upon his friendship, and established themselves 
 in his country more than in any other part ; on which 
 account he held himself to be a much greater King than 
 he was, which he frequently spoke of to his people.^ The 
 
 ' Barros gives a different account of the dealings with the King of 
 Cananor ; he says that, at the interview between the King of Cananor 
 
^y 
 
 326 ACCOUNT BY BARROS 
 
 captain -major, leaving everything thus well ordained, sent 
 to take leave of the King, and departed for Calecut. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 How the captain-major with all the fleet arrived before the city of 
 Calecut, and of the damage and destruction which was done to it, 
 and of the case of a miracle which happened. 
 
 The captain-major, on arriving at Calecut, was in a passion 
 because he found the port cleared, and in it there was 
 nothing to which he could do harm, because the Moors, 
 knowing of his coming, had all fled, and hid their vessels 
 
 and Gama on his first arrival, nothing was settled as to trade : the King 
 was an old man of seventy, and he excused himself on the ground of his 
 requiring rest, and retired, saying he would send his officers and the 
 principal merchants to settle trade so that his brother the King of Por- 
 tugal should be served. 5 AVhen this interview had taken place, Gama 
 wrote to the Zamorim to confound his designs, and told him how he had 
 burned the Sultan's ship Merim., and that the ISIoor who carried the 
 letter and was her pilot would give him an account of it ; and in case he 
 / did not give him all the details, he informed him that of two hundred 
 ^y and sixty men that were in the Merim he had only spared the life of 
 this man and of twenty and odd children: these men were killed towards 
 the account of the forty and odd Portuguese who were killed in Calecut, 
 and the children were baptisedjjn account of a boy whom the Moors 
 had carried away to make a Moor of him. This was a sample of the 
 method of the Portuguese in taking compensation for any injury they 
 received, but that more would be taken in his own city of Calecut, 
 where he hoped to come very soon. This letter was given to the Moor, 
 and he was carried by Pedraffonso d'Aguiar, captain of the S. Pantaliam^ 
 who set him down at Pandarane, near Calecut. The next day, when the 
 King of Cananor had said he would send people to settle the trade, 
 there came four chief men of the country, two Moors and two Gentiles. 
 They began to speak of trade and prices, and Gama found much differ- 
 ence between their words and those of the King ; they said that the 
 King had not got any spices, but only the duties on them, all the rest 
 belonged to the merchants who traded in them ; and that the King 
 could not put prices on other men's property, still less the prices tliey 
 
OF NEGOTIATIONS AT CANANOR. 327 
 
 and sainbuks in the rivers ; for they knew what the captain- 
 major had done at Onor and Batticala, and what he had done 
 
 named, at which Joan da Nova had taken cargo and Aires Correa had 
 got them in Calecut before the rising and outbreak. Although the 
 admiral replied, always repeating that the spices were to be given to 
 him at the same prices at which they had been given to the Moors of 
 Mekkah,* these Moors took leave of him, saying that they would give 
 an account of this to the King. After this, Gama, seeing that nothing 
 was concluded, and that the King was two leagues oif, as the sea did 
 not agree with his indisposition, sent to him Antonio de S£ with three 
 or four men, and a minute, requesting that the King would decide 
 matters in that form. In answer to this, Antonio de Sa brought word 
 that since the admiral was not satisfied with the~prices and manner in 
 which spices would be given him, he might go to Cochym, and accord- 
 ing to the terms he got there, such would the merchants of Cananor 
 give. The admiral was so indignant at this answer that he summoned 
 Payo Rodrigues and those who remained with him, telling them to get 
 on board, whilst he sent to take leave of the King in such words, that it 
 was not convenient that any Portuguese should remain there. Payo 
 Rodrigues, seeing the determination of the admiral, requested him to 
 allow him to be the bearer of the letter, provided that it was in moderate 
 terms, because in that manner he hoped to obtain some good conclusion, 
 as he knew the manner of negotiating with those people. As the admiral 
 thought much time would not be lost in trying the King again, he sent 
 Payo Rodrigues to him, to complain of his change of mind, and saying 
 that as the Moors of Cananor had so much power over his will as to be 
 able to change it, he would next morning remove from there to Cochym, 
 where there was a King of much good faith, who took more account of 
 the Portuguese than of the Moors : that he left there a caravel to take 
 up his messenger and the rest of his company, and he gave him to under- 
 stand that wherever he found Moors of Cananor he would treat them 
 like those of Calecut, and he held as cancelled the safe-conducts which 
 he had already given them to allow them to navigate, because people 
 who disturbed the peace and concord did not deserve that anyone should 
 keep it with them. With this message he sent Payo Rodrigues, and set 
 sail before morning, leaving at Cananor Vicente Sodre in his ship, and 
 a caravel to pick up Payo Rodrigues. In the next chapter (the fifth) 
 Barros says a servant of Payo Rodrigues overtook Gama on his way to 
 Calecut with the news that the King had accepted Gama's conditions, 
 
 * That is to say, taking no account of the rise in prices, now that the 
 number of purchasers had increased. 
 
828 VASCO DA GAMA 
 
 to the ship Mount Dely, which belonged to a brother of Coja^ 
 Casein, the factor of the sea of the King of Calecut. ! The 
 King of Calecut thought that he might gain time,^ so that 
 
 and that Vicente Sodre would bring a document of it signed by the 
 King. In the sixth chapter, he says that the King settled the matter with 
 the merchants by promising to refund to them the difference between 
 the prices, and those fixed by the admiral, out of his dues, as he valued 
 the friendship of the Portuguese more than the increase of his revenue. 
 
 1 Barros says that the King of Calecut sent four messages to Gama 
 when he was on his way to Calecut, to obtain peace : the last was sent 
 when Gama was two leagues from Calecut. On this occasion he replied 
 to the admiral's requisitions that with respect to payment for the goods 
 which the Portuguese lost in the outbreak and attack by the people of 
 Calecut on the factory on account of the outrages which the Portuguese 
 themselves had committed, that the admiral ought to content himself 
 with the capture of the Mekkah ship, which amounted to more value 
 than the goods which Pedralvares had lost. That if they were to sum 
 up losses and damage and deaths on both sides, he the Zamorim was the 
 one most offended ; and since he did not make demands for restitution 
 of these things, though much required by the clamours of his people to 
 give them compensation for the evils they had suffered from the Portu- 
 guese, and as he dissembled with this clamour from his desire for peace 
 and friendship with the King of Portugal, he, the admiral, ought not to 
 make claims for past matters, and ought to content himself with coming 
 to the city of Calecut, where he would find the spices he wanted. With 
 respect to what the admiral said of his expelling from his kingdom all 
 the Moors of Cairo and Mekkah, he gave no reply, as it was an impossible 
 thing to expel more than four thousand families of them, who lived in 
 the city not like foreigners, but as natives, and from whom his kingdom 
 had received much profit. That if the admiral, without these so im- 
 possible conditions which he had laid down, would estabhsh peace and 
 trade, he would be happy to do so. When the admiral heard words so 
 different from what he had previously heard from the Zamorim, as he 
 held them for an affront, he did not reply, except that he would bring 
 his own answer ; and the messengers had hardly returned to the Zamorim 
 when he had anchored before the city of Calecut. Barros goes on to say 
 that Gama had captured several Malabar men to serve as messengers to 
 the Zamorim, and that that night the Zamorim sint a Brahman to com- 
 plain of this, saying that these men had no part in the hatred of Gama 
 against the Moors, and repeating that Gama had caused more loss to 
 Calecut than Calecut to him, and that one loss should stand for the 
 other. The admiral, who was already indignant, became still more en- 
 . raged, and the Brahman ran away more afraid than he came. 
 
COMES BEFORE CALECUT. 329 
 
 tlie captain-major should not do him harm; and when his 
 fleet arrived he sent him a Brahman of his in a boat with a 
 white cloth fastened to a pole, as a sign of peace. This 
 Brahman came dressed in the habit of a friar, one of those 
 who had been killed in the country ; and on reaching the 
 ship, he asked for a safe conduct to enter. When it was 
 known that he was not a friar, — for the captain-major and 
 everyone had been joyful, thinking that he was one of our 
 friars, — seeing that he was not, the captain-major gave him a 
 safe conduct, and bade him enter the ship. He said to the 
 captain-major : " Sir, I clothed myself with this habit that 
 they might not drive me away from the ships, and that I 
 might come and give you a good message ;^ for the King 
 sends to tell you that he will send you here, where you are, 
 twelve MoprSjjwhom he has arrested for some time since, 
 who were the chief men who induced him to make the great 
 mistakes which he made, by which he is so dishonoured ; 
 and with the Moors he sends you twenty thousand cruzados, 
 which he took from them, for payment of the goods which 
 were plundered in the factory : and this he does only for his 
 honour^s sake ; and Avith you he wishes for neither peace nor 
 war ; and, if you please, he will immediately send these, as 
 soon as your answer arrives.^^ The captain-major was 
 greatly enraged, for he understood the evil; but he dis- 
 sembled, and ordered the Brahman to write the reply, as ho 
 had brought palm-leaves for that purpose ; and the captain- 
 major drew up a document for the King, and sent to tell 
 him that he greatly rejoiced that he recognised the fault 
 which he had committed; and that since he did justice on 
 those who had made him do it, he thus acted like a good 
 King, and that he would take what he sent him ; that with 
 respect to the Moors, he grieved that they were few out of 
 
 ' Osorio mentions the messenger coming in the habit of a Franciscan, 
 for the reason mentioned in the text, but he calls him an Arab instead 
 of a Brahman. 
 
330 BOMBARDMENT OF CALECUT. 
 
 the many wlio had done the evil, and that he would be 
 better pleased with them than with the money, for at Mount 
 Dely he had burned a few of them, who had offered him so 
 much money as ransom, as he (the King of Calecut) already 
 knew ; and this was his answer, and that the King might do 
 as he pleased : for his friar whom he had sent would remain 
 waiting until his answer returned. Upon this he sent away 
 the Indian boat, and ordered the friar to be well secured. | 
 Next day the King sent to say, by the same boat, that 
 the Moors whom he had got to send offered for themselves 
 twenty thousand pardaos more, if he pleased that he should 
 send them. The captain-major did not choose to answer, 
 because he was losing time. He then ordered all the fleet 
 to draw in close to the shore, and all day, till night, he bom- 
 barded the city, by which he made a great destruction;' 
 and he did not choose to fire more, on account of the 
 damage received thereby by the ships which had to return 
 to the kingdom. Then he stood out to sea, and ordered 
 Vicente Sodre to remain before Calecut in a small ship of 
 Diogo Fernandes Correa ; and Bras Sodre, his brother, in 
 the small ship of Ruy da Cunha ; and in another small ship 
 of Joan Fernandes de Mello he put Pero d'Ataide, his rela- 
 tion, and Joan Rodrigues Badargas, Antao Vaz, and An- 
 tonio Fernandes Roxo, with three caravels. In these six sail 
 he put as many as two hundred men, amongst whom were 
 many cross-bow men, — for at that time there were not yet 
 any firelocks, — and he gave them more artillery and 
 munitions. Whilst they were doing this business, there 
 came in from the ofiing two large ships, and twenty-two 
 
 > Barros says the Zamorim had put along the front of the city a stock- 
 ade of thick palm trees since Cabral had bombarded, for which reason 
 Gama sent all the smaller vessels close in shore, whence they could 
 reach the town: he says the bombardment caused great destruction, and 
 killed many people. Osorio says the same, and adds that the palace 
 near the shore was destroyed. 
 
BUTCHERY OF MALABAR CREWS. 331 
 
 sambuks and Malabar vessels,^ which came from Coroman- 
 del laden with rice, which fhe Moors of Calecut had ordered 
 to be laden there, as its price there was very cheap, and 
 they gained much by it ; and they came to fetch the port, 
 thinking that our ships, if they had come, would already be 
 at Cochym, and not at Calecut; but our fleet having 
 sighted them, the caravels went to them, and the Moors 
 could not fly, as they were laden, and the caravels brought 
 them to the captain-major, and all struck their sails. Six 
 nakhodas of the sambuks then came to fhe captain-major, 
 saying they were from Cananor, and mentioned the names 
 of the factor and of Ruy de Mendanha, and other Portu- 
 guese, at which the captain-major was pleased. He then 
 ordered the boats to go and plunder the small vessels, 
 which were sixteen, and the two ships, in which they found 
 rice, and many jars of butter, and many bales of stuffs. They 
 then gathered all this together into the ships, with the 
 crews of the two large ships, and he ordered the boats to 
 get as much rice as they wanted, and they took that of four 
 of the small vessels, which they emptied, for they did not 
 want more, i Then the captain-major commanded them to 
 cut off the hands and ears and noses of all the crews, and 
 put all that into one of the small vessels, into which he 
 ordered them to put the friar, also without ears, or nose, or 
 hands, which he ordered to be strung round his neck,^ with 
 a palm-leaf for the King, on which he told him to have a 
 curry made to eat of what his friar brought him. When all 
 the Indians had been thus executed, he ordered their feet to 
 be tied together, as they had no hands with which to untie 
 them : and in order that they should not untie them with 
 their teeth, he ordered them to strike upon their teeth with 
 staves, and they knocked them down their throats ; and 
 they were thus put on board, heaped up upon the top of 
 
 ' Pager or paguel^ a small vessel of Malabar. 
 
 ' ITie admiral had given this man a safe-conduct. See above. 
 
332 BUTCHERY AND TORTURE 
 
 each other, mixed up with the blood which streamed from 
 them ; and he ordered mats and dry leaves to be spread 
 over them, and the sails to be set for the shore, and the 
 vessel set on fire : and there were more than eight hundred 
 Moors ; and the small vessel with the friar, with all the 
 hands and ears, was also sent on shore under sail, with- 
 out being fired. These vessels went at once on shore, 
 where many people flocked together to put out the fire, and 
 draw out those whom they found alive, upon which they 
 made great lamentations. 
 
 The friar went to the King's presence, with the wives and 
 relations of the dead, to make clamour for the so great evil 
 of which he was the cause. The King soothed them, taking 
 great oaths that he would expend the whole of his kingdom 
 in avenging them. But as he was a tyrant, in order not 
 to expend his own property, he summoned before him the 
 principal Moors of the city, and said to them, that they well 
 saw the great dishonour which had been done him, which 
 was through his taking their counsel, and that, besides his 
 dishonour, his heart grieved at the cries and lamentations 
 of the women and people, who were relations of the slain ; 
 and he made oaths that he would avenge them, and 
 would therefore spend all his treasure for vengeance ; that 
 they should therefore take the trouble to make and bring 
 together a fleet throughout all his kingdom, as large as they 
 could, and for all of it he would give pay, at his cost, to the 
 men-at-arms. The Moors, when they heard this, gave him 
 great praises, and off'ered to spend their lives and properties 
 for vengeance : especially Coja Kasim, who was present, with 
 grief for the death of his brother, who was killed in the ship 
 at Marabia, and they at once elected him to be captain- 
 major. So all set to work with great diligence throughout 
 the kingdom of Calecut, which has many rivers, to construct 
 many armed paraos and large rowing vessels and sambuks, 
 and laro-c ships, decided on fighting with our fleet when it 
 
OF MALABAR PRISONERS. 333 
 
 should come laden, and to board it, and set fire to it with a 
 quantity of dry leaves, which they would carry for that pur- 
 pose; and having lighted the fire which was to burn our 
 ships and theirs, they would throw themselves into the sea, 
 and escape by swimming in the boats which they would take 
 equipped for that purpose. So they made a very great fleet, 
 with which they went out to fight ours, as I will relate 
 further on. 
 
 The captain-major ordered Vicente Sodre to return to 
 Cananor with his fleet, and to take there the two ships and 
 the six small vessels ; and if they belonged to Cananor, as 
 they said, and if the King said so too, he was to let them 
 go ; and from the ships and twelve small vessels of Calecut 
 the factor was to collect as much rice as he could, and the 
 butter, and what had remained over in the ships and small 
 vessels, and give it all to the King ; and that the Indians 
 might relate what they saw done -to those of Calecut, which 
 being related by them caused great dread amongst the 
 people, who praised the King for the good peace which he 
 had established with the Portuguese, by which they were 
 free from such great evils. The captain-major also ordered 
 Vicente Sodre that after leaving the small vessels at Ca- 
 nanor, he was to return at once and go to Cochym, doing 
 all the damage which he could.^ Vicente Sodre then went 
 to Cananor, and the captain-major sailed for Cochym. 
 
 In this occurrence with these Malabar vessels, there hap- 
 pened a case which it seemed to me, in reason, ought not to 
 be forgotten. There came in these vessels of Moors of 
 Choromandel, natives of the country, who, seeing the execu- 
 tions which were being carried out, — for they hung up some 
 men by the feet in the vessels which were sent ashore, and 
 when thus hung up the captain-major ordered the cross-bow 
 men to shoot arrows into them, that the people on shore 
 
 ' Osorio says that after the bombardment of Calecut, Gama went to 
 Cochym, and left Vicente Sodre with six ships to infest all the coast. 
 
334 MIRACLE SEEN DURING THE BUTCHERY, 
 
 might see it ; and when it was intended to do the same to 
 these men of Choromandel, they called out that they should 
 I make them Christian^, naming Thomas, who had been in 
 \ their country ; and they shouted this out, and raised their 
 hands to heaven.^ This, from pity, was repeated to the 
 captain-major, who ordered them to be told, that even 
 though they became Christians, that still he would kill 
 them. They answered, that they did not beg for life, but 
 only to be made Christians, Then, by order of the captain- 
 major, a priest gave them holy baptism. They were three, 
 who entreated the priest, saying that they wished for once 
 only to say our prayer ; and the priest said the Pater noster 
 and Ave Maria, which they also repeated. When this was 
 finished, then they hung them up strangled, that they might 
 not feel the arrows. The cross-bow men shot arrows and 
 transfixed the others ; but the arrows which struck these 
 did not go into them nor make any mark upon them, but 
 fell down. This having been seen, in the case of many 
 arrows which they shot at them to confirm themselves, — for 
 it was always so, — and no arrow wounded them, it was told 
 to the captain-major, and grieved him much; and he ordered 
 them to be shrouded and put into baskets ; and the priest 
 commended them with his psalms for the dead, and they 
 cast them into the sea, all saying prayers for their souls, as 
 for faithful Christians, which the Lord was pleased of His 
 great mercy to show in those who were Gentiles, who went 
 in the company of the Mooi's gaining their livelihood.^ 
 
 ' These men probably were Christians of St. Thomas. 
 
 2 Barros says, after describing the bombardment of Calecut, "when 
 it was evening, to take leave of them, and for greater terror, the 
 admiral ordered them to cut off from those who had been executed, who 
 were thirty-two, the lieads, hands, and feet, and they were put into a 
 boat with a letter, which said that if these men wlio were not the same 
 who were at the death of the Portuguese, but only for being of kin 
 with the dwellers in Calecut, had received that chastisement, the authors 
 of that treachery might expect another more cruel kind of death. This 
 
VICENTE SODRE SENT TO CANANOR. 3o5 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 How the floot sailed for Cocliyni, and Vicente Sodre ■\vitli In's fleet re- 
 turned to Cananor with the Malabar ve^seLs laden with rice, and of 
 ■what he did to a INIoor who had gone away without paying the 
 duties to the King of Cananor. 
 
 Whilst the captain-major was setting sail for Cocliymj and 
 Vicente Sodre was already under sail, there arrived with 
 great haste an Indian boat with a letter from the King of 
 Cananor, in which he complained to him that a great Moor 
 had laden in his ports with other Moors eight ships, with 
 which they had gone away without paying him much money 
 which they owed of the duties, and to the owners of the 
 goods, with many other offences which they had committed 
 in the country, of robbery and violence, the Moor saying 
 that he was afraid of nobody ; and he had gone out of the 
 port from which he had taken his three ships. The captain - 
 major, on seeing the letter, without delay sent the Indian 
 boat after Vicente Sodre, who was still in sight, and in it 
 he sent one of his men to tell Vicente Sodre not to delay, 
 and to attend to this. The Indian boat, with sail and oars, 
 overhauled Vicente Sodre, and gave him the message. He 
 
 boat was sent with one Andre Dias, who was afterwards almoxarife of 
 the warehouse in the kingdom. The admiral ordered the trunks of the 
 bodies belonging to these limbs to be cast into the sea when the tide 
 was rising, so that they might go ashore in sight of the people, for 
 them to see how much was the cost of treachery against the Portuguese, 
 and how much any damage done to them would be avenged." This 
 struck such terror into the city that the Gentiles abandoned it, and the 
 Moors to whom the guard of the sea front was confided did not venture 
 to show themselves, and the admiral might have sacked the city easily. 
 Two days after the bombardment, Gama took the provisions out of a 
 ship which he had captured here, and set fire to it before the city, and 
 then sailed for Cochym. Osorio does not mention the bombai'dment of 
 Calecut. 
 
336 SODKE COMPELS A MOORISH CAPTAIN 
 
 on the next day with the sea-breeze reached Cananor, the 
 Moor being in the offing with his ships in order to depart 
 at night with the land breeze. Vicente Sodre sent by the 
 Indian boat to tell the King that he was there^ and the 
 Moor also with his ships, and that if he ordered it, he 
 would there at once send them to the bottom or burn them, 
 and that His Highness should order what he was to do. The 
 King sent him his thanks, and to say that he should neither 
 send the ships to the bottoin nor sink them, that they 
 might not say in other countries that the Portuguese burned 
 the ships of merchants in his port, because that would be 
 his dishonour ; that it was sufficient for the Moor to see that 
 he was there, and he would pay at once all that he owed. 
 Then Vicente Sodre sent his skiflF to tell the Moor to go on 
 shore at once with the merchants and pay to the King all 
 that was owed to him, that since he was an honest merchant 
 he should not act like a thief who went away without pay- 
 ing what he owed ; because he was a captain of the King of 
 Portugal, and was not going to consent to injury being done 
 to those who were his friends, as was the King of Cananor, 
 and that he might be sure that if he found he had set sail, 
 that he would follow in search of him as far as Mekkah, and 
 would burn his ships ; and that on his arrival here, he had 
 wished to send and burn them, if the King had allowed 
 him to do it, and therefore he had better at once do what 
 he ordered, and go and pay what he owed. 
 
 The Moor was much frightened, and went on shore at 
 once in his boat, where he went to make out his accounts 
 with the King's minister and officials, and paid everything 
 without leaving anything owing, of which he took his re- 
 ceipts, uttering much to the dishonour of them and of the 
 King, so he went haughtily to go on board, accompanied by 
 many armed Moors ; he then went to Vicente Sodre and 
 shewed him the palm leaf documents, which were certificates 
 that he had paid everything, and Sodre told him- that he 
 
TO PAT HJS DKBTS. 837 
 
 might go away and welcome ; so he went away and at once 
 set sailj as there was a land breeze, and as it fell calm he 
 again anchored off the shore. 1 The King, on learning the 
 injurious words which the Moor had spoken against him, 
 and against his mother, sent to tell it to Vicente Sodre, 
 who, on hearing of it, sent a boat to tell the Moor to come 
 to where he was when the sea-breeze sprung up, and if he 
 did not wisli to come with the ships, it would be sufficient 
 if he came at once in his boat. So the Moor was much 
 disturbed, and not being able to do anything else, got into 
 his boat with twelve or fifteen Moorish merchants, with, 
 a bag of money to pay if they demanded more of him, be- 
 cause he did not imagine what was the matter. When he 
 reached Sodre's ship he was intending to go on board ; but 
 the captain told him not to come in, as he would go on 
 shore with him to finish paying that which still remained 
 owing ; and he left the Moor remaining in the boat in the 
 sun, which was very hot, until he had finished dining. Then 
 he got into his skiff, and the captains also accompanied him 
 in theirs. On reaching the shore he did not ground the 
 boat, which he ordered to be anchored with a grapnel. 
 Then he sent to call the ministers and Gozil, and all the 
 King's officials, who arrived with many people who came to 
 see; and when they came to the waterside, the captain asked 
 them how it was they had let the Moor go away without 
 paying what he owed to the King, which showed that their 
 receipts were false, as they said that he had paid everything 
 and did not owe anything. They said that the Moor had 
 paid what he owed in money, and that they had given their 
 receipts with truth. The captain replied that if the receipts 
 were true, they were false, and were not gentlemen, since they 
 had made the Moor pay the money which he owed, and had not 
 taken payment from him for the injurious words which he 
 had spoken against the King iheii^ sovereign, and had suf- 
 fei'ed a circumcised Moor to speak what he had spoken, and 
 
ooS TREATMENT OF TIIK MOORISH CAI'TAIN. 
 
 let him go witliout paying for it. Then he ordered two 
 j Negro sailors to strip the Moor, and tie hira to the boat's 
 inast^y the waist and feet and neckj. and to give him with 
 two tarred ropes so many stripes on the back and stomach, 
 which, was very fat, that he remained like dead, for he 
 swooned from the blood which flowed from him. Upon 
 this he ordered him to be unbound, and he remained 
 stretched out, half dead. Then Vicente Sodre said to the 
 other Moors : " Since he was going away like a thief with- 
 out paying what he owed, and because I made him pay it, 
 he spoke words insulting to the King, who is a brother in 
 affection of the King my Sovereign ; and that he may 
 never more speak other such words, I will order him to be 
 chastised on his mouth." Then he oi'dered them to put dirt 
 into his mouth, and on the top of it a piece of bacon, fast- 
 ened on, which he sent to fetch for that purpose from the 
 ship, and with his mouth gagged with a short stick, and 
 his hands tied behind him, he ordered the others to take him 
 away and go and embark. 
 
 The Moors offered ten thousand pardaos of gold, which 
 were in the bag, if they would not put the dirt in his mouth. 
 This the captain would not take, saying that merchandise 
 was paid for with money, but not so the honour of Kings 
 and of great lords. '^ And do you relate this, that this 
 Moor may not say that they did it to him without reason, 
 because money pays for merchandise, and blows for words." 
 He ordered them to go away at once, and not to remain 
 longer there; and if he again spoke ill of the King, he would 
 go and seek for him at the end of the world, and would flay 
 him alive, because the Moors were now to worship the friends 
 of the King of Portugal with their heads on the ground. 
 This Moor Avas a native of Cairo, and carried on a larg-e 
 trade in all the ports of the straits of Mekkah, powerful 
 with much wealth, from the great trade which he had on the 
 coast of Melinde. He was named Cojemamemarcar, who 
 
PRUCEKUINGS AT CANANOR. tJoO 
 
 later did much injuiy to avengo himself'^ as I will relate 
 further on.^ 
 
 The King was much pleased with this great satisfaction of 
 his honour, which he held to be greater than any other 
 which he could obtain in the world ; and on this account 
 the country people spoke very well of our people, and the 
 Moors were greatly depressed. This was much spoken of 
 through all the coasts of India. When it was related in 
 Cochym, the captain-major and the others were much 
 pleased at it. The King sent to ^aptain_Sodi'e many 
 thanks and a gratification of a thousand pardaos of gold, 
 and also ordex'ed, that as long as he remained in his port or 
 on shore he should have a gold pardao each day for fowls 
 for his table ; and that this pardao should be assigned to as 
 many captains as there might be by sea or land, who acted 
 in his service. This he always continued doing, and those 
 who also descended from him, as it is now at the present 
 day, for all the captains of Cananor receive this pardao of 
 the King's each day for their table. The rice and things of 
 the ships and Malabar vessels were gathered together into 
 large buildings, which were made into a magazine, and there 
 was so much that a great deal remained in superabundance, 
 and the factor distributed it, and gave much to the Nairs, 
 and servants, and labourers who served in the town, and in 
 exchange for it he bought oil and cocoa-nuts, and things for 
 the fleet : and in this he employed another ship, for these 
 ships were very large, and each one carried more than a 
 thousand- measures" of rice ; and as the twelve Malabar 
 vessels remained over, the factor gave them laden, and the 
 
 ^ Coja Mehmed Marcar : Marcar is a title or designation of Southern 
 India. Corrca relates, in his history of the year 1507, that it was prin- 
 cijially owing to liis instigation and encouragement that Mir Hussein 
 and the Turkish fleet followed the Portuguese into the river of Chaul, 
 where the action took place in which D. Lorenzo d'Almeida was killed. 
 
 ^ Moyo^ a measure containing sixty alqueires, each of which is equal 
 to a peck and three quarts and a pint. 
 
340 GAMA COMKS TO COCHIM 
 
 ships empty to the King, for so the captain-major had 
 written him orders. At this the King was much pleased, 
 and, to make rejoicings, ordered one of the laden Malabar 
 vessels to be brought ashoi*e on the beach for the poor 
 women to fetch rice from it ; and he sent a guard to prevent 
 any man or boy from taking rice, which was only for the 
 women ; upon which the people uttered much praise and 
 good things to the King and to the Portuguese ; and Vi- 
 ceute Sodre departed with his fleet to cruise along the 
 coast. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 How the fleet reached Cochym, and the captain-major saw the King; 
 and of the great honours which he did him, and of the agreement 
 ■which he settled with the King for the prices and weights of mer- 
 chandise, and articles which were to be bought and sold in the 
 factory, to the great satisfaction of the merchants. 
 
 The fleet sailed from Calecut to Cochym ; the captain- 
 major did as much harm as he could on the way to all that 
 he found at sea, for the armed boats ran along the coast, 
 which was all clear of rocks, and also the caravels. Thus 
 he came to anchor at the bar,^ where the factor, Gil Fer- 
 nandez Barbosa, came immediately from the factory, with 
 Lorenzo Moreno, the clerk, and the Portuguese, and the 
 captain-major received them all with honour and satisfac- 
 tion, and all related to him the many kindnesses of the 
 King of Cochym, and the proofs he had given of good 
 friendship. Immediately after there came a visit which the 
 King sent to the captain-major by one of his Nairs, for 
 which the captain-major sent his best thanks. The factor 
 went on shore and sent pilots for the bar, so the captain- 
 
 ' Barros, Dec. i, lib. vi, cap. v, says Garaa arrived at Cochym on the 
 
 7th November. 
 
AND VISITS THE KING. 341 
 
 major embarked in the caravels and small vessels and boats, 
 all under sail, with flags and trumpets, and they went up 
 the river in front of the King's palace. The captain-major 
 left in charge and as commander of the ships which re- 
 mained at the bar Dom Alvaro de Meneses, an honourable 
 gentleman vfh.o came in his company, and the captain- 
 major coming to anchoi', all the vessels and boats which 
 carried swivel-guns fired a salute, with the clang of trum- 
 pets and kettledrums and shouts ; and there came a visit 
 from the King by one of his ministers, and as it was late 
 the captain-major slept on board. Next day he went on 
 shore, the King being ready with his state to receive him. 
 The captain-major went out in his boat with his canopy of 
 crimson velvet, very richly dressed, and so also were the 
 captains and all the crews. The King, accompanied by his 
 people, came to the waterside, where the captain-major 
 made great salutations to him. The King took between 
 }iis hands the right hand of the captain-major and placed it 
 on his breast, which was the greatest honour he could shew 
 him ; and so together they went to his palace, the captain- 
 major and his captains and gentlemen shewing him great 
 marks of respect. There the King sat down on his dais in 
 a court, and made the captain-major sit near him, and then 
 made inquiries concerning the health of the King and of 
 the Queen, and their children, according to their custom. 
 To all this the captain-major made replies with courtesy, 
 giving him great praise for having so perfectly kept faith 
 with the King his sovereign, on which account they had 
 become true brothers in affection, and would be so for 
 ever, and those also who descended from him, as he would 
 see by the King of Portugal's letters, which he took out of 
 a wrappei", and kissed, and put into his hand : so that the 
 King's people esteemed that act of kissing the letter as a 
 great courtesy. He presented to the King a goblet with a 
 pedestal, with its lid, which contained two thousand cruzadoSj_ 
 
3i2 GAMA'a AUDIENCE 
 
 and a piece of brocade, and twenty pieces of velvets, satins, 
 coloured damasks, and a chair covered with brocade, and 
 studded witli silver nails, with its cushions to match : all 
 which tlie King received with much pleasure. He also gave 
 to the King letters from his young Nair who had remained 
 in the kingdom, in which he wrote to him of the great 
 things of Portugal. The King, in speaking of the cargo, 
 told him to be at his ease, as he would give him as much 
 cargo as he might want, and that the factor had already 
 got a large quantity of pepper, but that he ought to use 
 much expedition in taking in his cargo, because he knew 
 of a certainty that the Zamqrin^was preparing a great fleet 
 to come and fight with liim ; and therefore it was fitting 
 that he should always keep a good watch in the ships, and 
 that at night the boats, or large Indian boats with full 
 I crews, which he would order to be given him, should al- 
 ways watch around the ships, so that they should not come 
 at night to cut the cables, by which means they would be 
 lost on the coast with the wind, for it blew very hard till 
 midnight. The captain-major at all this made great saluta- 
 tions and very complimentary speeches : the Prince then 
 entered, who came from without to see the captain-major. 
 When he entered, with his sword and buckler, he placed 
 himself before the King, with his feet close together, and 
 laid down his buckler against his legs, and put his sword 
 under his arm, and joined his hands together, raising them 
 above his head, and lowered them closed together to his 
 breast. When he entered, the captain-major remained all 
 the time standing, until the Prince had finished his saluta- 
 tion to the King; then he turned towards the' captain-major, 
 who saluted him with his knee on the ground. The Prince 
 took his right hand between his, as the King had done, and 
 spoke to him words of friendship. As it was now the 
 dinner hour, the captain-major took leave of the King to 
 return at once to the ships, with which the King was satis- 
 
OF 'I'lIE KIXG OF COCIUM. 31'3 
 
 fied : and wlieu he wislied to take leave of the Prince, he 
 went witli him down to the beach, where they took leave of 
 one another with their salutations. The captain-major ate 
 in haste, and went to the ships before the sea breeze sprang 
 up. The King sent to the ships which were in the river a 
 great abundance of fresh provisions. The captain-major 
 sent to the factor a handsome sword with an enamelled gold 
 pommel, to give to the Prince ; and he was much pleased 
 with it, and always took it with him covered with a silk 
 wrapper, and a ])age carried it.^ 
 
 ' Osorio gives a similar account of this interview, and of the good 
 account given of the King by the Portuguese to Gama : the King, he 
 says, gave several gifts for 1). Manuel, amongst which were two jewelled 
 bracelets, and one very large precious stone. Barros differs a little ; he 
 describes the factor Gonzalo Gil Barbosa as having warned Gama that 
 the King of Cochym was doubtful, and had been invited by the Zamorim 
 to join with him in a league against the Portuguese Avilh the King of 
 Cananor. Upon which Gama sent Vicente Sodre to cruise near Calecut, 
 and came to Cochym. The King of Cochym had not yet seen Gama, 
 and as he knew that a Calecut ship belonging to a Moor of Calecut, 
 named Nine Mercar, was coming into his port, he sent to beg the 
 admiral not to waylay that ship which was coming into his j^ort, al- 
 though it was from Calecut. The admiral replied that the port was his, 
 and that his ships were there to do what he ordered, which was the 
 chief command he had from his sovereign ; therefore that, and all other 
 ships from Calecut, which he pleased, would be treated as his, though 
 they were the greatest enemies of the Portuguese. The King was so 
 pleased with this message that he settled to see the admiral next day, 
 which interview took place like that with the King of Cananor. During 
 that they talked of the prices and trade in spices, and were not well 
 satisfied, so that (iama found the King of Cochym acting like the King 
 of Cananor, and from that believed what the factor had told him. After 
 that, the King, to shew that he acted of his own free will, left all his 
 state, and with only six or .seven of his chief men got into a boat and 
 came on board the admiral's caravel whilst it was going down the river, 
 and told Gama that he had seen he was rather dissatisfied, and that 
 this was more because he was difficult to satisfy than that he was 
 unwilling to make concessions, and therefore he came to put himself in 
 his power. When the admiral saw the trust with which he came on 
 board the caravel, and the grace with which he spoke, he thought all 
 this proceeded from the guoJness of (iod, and he thanked the King, and 
 
oii TKADK AT COCHIM. 
 
 The captain-major hurried the workmen so that every 
 two days they heeled down a ship, and the caulkers worked 
 by day, and at night the sailors carried the stages to 
 another ship, and when a ship was finished, it at once took 
 in cargo. Thus they loaded five large ships, and six small 
 vessels, little less in size, the captains of which were D. 
 Luis Coutinho, D. Alvaro d^Ataide, Pero Afonso d'Aguiar, 
 Gil Fernandes de Sousa, Alvaro de Sousa, Gil Matoso, 
 Vasco Fernandes Tinoco, Ruy Lorenzo Ravasco, Diogo 
 Fernandes Peteira, and Pero de Mendoca. Gil Fernandes 
 Barbosa, the former factor, had negotiated this cargo, for 
 he had already bought much cargo, and Lorenzo Moreno 
 and Alvaro Vaz de Goes served as clerks, and the factor 
 Diogo Fernandes Correa was present, and made the pay- 
 ments, because he brought all the goods which had come in 
 ^ the fleet; and when the loading the cargo was ended, Gil 
 \Fernandes Barbosa went in the ships to be factor at 
 Cananor, as thus it had been appointed by the King. The 
 factory was in some large houses which the King had given 
 for that purpose in the place where later the weighing 
 wharf was made, close to a tank of water. They landed all 
 the merchandise at the factory, which consisted of much 
 lout and branch coral, much copper in pigs and sheets, 
 I quicksilver, vermilion, rugs, Flanders brass basins, coloured 
 cloths, scarlet cloths, knives, red barret-caps, mirrors, and 
 j coloured silks: and all these things were bought by the 
 Moors who traded in pepper, which they brought from the 
 hills where it grew, by laud in Bisnegd, and Balagate, and 
 Cambay, by which they made great profit. Since the cap- 
 tain-major had been much charged by the King to establish 
 the weights and prices of everything, so that they should 
 remain fixed for ever, and should not be raised or lowered, 
 he did not choose to alter anything not to disturb the 
 
 they settled the prices of the spices, and made written agreements con- 
 cerning them, v.'hich last till the present day. 
 
TRADE AT COCIIIM. 3 Lo 
 
 taking in cargo, but having now taken in all the pepperj 
 and almost all the drugs, the captain-major who had taken 
 all the information from the factor about the prices and 
 weights which were current in the country, and had inade 
 a minute of what could be ameliorated in the matter of buy- 
 ing and selling, asked leave of the King to go and speak to 
 him of things which it was requisite that he should settle 
 with him and his ministers and the merchants. The King 
 ordered that that he should come, whilst the captains and 
 crews remained in the ships, for he was certain that the 
 fleet of Calecut was now i-eady. The King then ordered that 
 the ships and caravels which were in the river should go 
 out of it, and that the caravels should always cruise along 
 the coast to keep watch : the captain-major gave good in- 
 structions with regard to this, and leaving everything well 
 arranged, he went on shore to the factory buildings, where 
 the King was waiting for him, and received him with all 
 honours. The captain-major told him that the King his 
 brother, as he hoped in God that the peace and friendship 
 between them wpujd last for^eyer, so he desired to settle all 
 his affairs so that they should last for ever; and because the 
 merchandise and business of trade passed through the hands 
 of foreign merchants, it was very necessary to come to an 
 agreement with them as to the weights and prices of all 
 things, according to what they were worth in the country, 
 and as to this they should make an arrangement which 
 should last for ever, so that there should never be novelties 
 of lowering or raising the prices, on no account, and this in 
 order that there should not be disputes and discussions, 
 which always occur amongst merchants. 
 
 This appeared very good to the King, and he was much 
 pleased, and immediately sent for the principal merchants, 
 natives, and foreigners : and, with his ministers present, the 
 King began the conversation by saying, that as he had 
 established in his heart to bo for ever a brother in sincere 
 
34G SETTLEMENT OF WEIGHTS, MEASURES 
 
 affection for the King of Portugal, so also he wished to settle 
 /the affairs of his trade in buying and selling, that they 
 I should be so satisfactory, and should last for ever without 
 1 ever changing except for good, and each time for the better, 
 I so that his kingdom should increase in honour and profit ; 
 
 therefore he had sent to summon them all, in order to make 
 
 i 
 
 I with them this settlement, so that all should be satisfied. 
 All praised him much for this, which he did like a pious 
 King and a good friend of his people ; and then and there, 
 [ without discussions nor obstinacy, amongst them all they 
 made a settlement of the weights, measures, and prices of 
 j all the things which the factor could buy or sell, and it was 
 1 noted down fully, and written by the King's clerks, who 
 /were six in number ; and it was settled that outside of the 
 factory each one might buy and sell as he chose according 
 to his pleasure. With this all were very well satisfied. All 
 this was written down by the scribes of the King, and it was 
 signed by the King and the Prince, who was present, and 
 by the ministers and all the merchants ; and the King 
 ordered them all to swear to it, because he also, with the 
 Prince, swore that it should last for ever. Then the captain- 
 major signed it below, with the factors, clei^ks, and twenty 
 men, whom the captain-major ordered to sign, and he swore 
 to it all by the head and life of the King of Portugal. 
 When all this was ended, the captain- major presented to the 
 King a crown of gold of much value, placed in a hand-basin 
 of silver, chased and gilt, and an ewer to match ; and to 
 the Prince he gave an enamelled collar, ornamented with 
 jewels in the form of a chain, which was worth two hundred 
 crusados, and a round tent, well worked with double linings 
 within and without, lined with coloured satins, a very pretty 
 thing, which the captain-major ordered to be set up in the 
 King's palace, so that he should see it when he went back, 
 and he had sent word that the tent was for the Prince, who 
 used to go to the camp. As it was the custom, when the 
 
AND riUCES AT COCITIM. 317 
 
 prices of purchases and sales were settled, for betel to be 
 given to tlio mercliants, as the captain-major had not got 
 any, instead of betel, he ordered a thousand crusados to be 
 given in small gold coin to all those who had been present, 
 and two hundred scarlet cloth barret-caps, and two hundred 
 knives with sheaths. And the factor took in his hands a large 
 bottle of Flanders with orange-flower water, very sweet- 
 smelling, which he sprinkled over the merchants, and with it 
 he wetted them all, at which the King was much pleased ; 
 and there was merriment and satisfaction for all of them ; 
 after which the King departed with the Prince, and the cap- 
 tain-major remained in the factory, where he stayed the 
 whole day, making such arrangements as were necessary, 
 and he appointed for the factor and his officials their sala- 
 ries, and made Duarte Fernandes, surnamed Tassalho,^ the 
 almoxarife of the warehouse for the stores for the caravels 
 which were to pass the winter there. For everything he 
 gave full instructions for whatever was required ; and he 
 appointed ten men for the service of the factor, to assist 
 him, and ten others for the almoxarife, and three for each 
 clerk, and others, as many as wished to stay to remain in 
 service, all which having been ordained with much nicety, 
 the captain-major betook himself in the morning to the 
 ships. The captains brought their servants on shore to 
 make their sales and purchases, but no one sold nor bought 
 the King\s merchandise, for this was strictly prohibited. 
 
 ' Or, nicknamed, Slash. 
 
348 MESSAGE TO GAMA 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 How, whilst the ships were loading at Cochym, the Queen of Coulam 
 sent a message to the captain-major to establish trade in Coulam, 
 such as he had in Cochym, and what he replied concerning that. 
 
 "Whilst the work of taking in cargo was going on, news 
 readied Coulam of tlie liberalities of the captain-major on 
 account of the good peace and friendship which was estab- 
 lished with the King of Cochym, with so considerable a 
 trade of such profit to the King and his people. The 
 Queen of Coulam — for by their laws women govern the 
 kingdom, and they are called Queens, and their husbands 
 not,^ of which I will give an account further on in its place 
 — was desirous of obtaining for her kingdom the same ad- 
 vantage as Cochym had got ; and she held a council with 
 her ministers and principal merchants, saying to them that 
 she desired for her kingdom the same great profit that the 
 King of Cochym had through the peace and friendship 
 which he had with the Portuguese, because she had in her 
 kingdom pepper enough to load twenty ships each year, 
 from which they would derive great profit, according to the 
 mode of trade in Cochym, if our people had a factory estab- 
 lished in Coulam, and they would enjoy the great profit 
 which the merchants of Cochym had, who came to Coulam 
 to buy, in order to carry it away and sell it in Cochym. 
 This was indeed so, for the greater quantity of pepper which 
 went to Cochym the merchants bought it in this kingdom 
 of Coulam, and carried it in boats to Cochym, by rivers 
 which flow inside the country. The Queen having come to 
 a conclusion upon this matter with her people, sent her mes- 
 sage with respect to it to the captain-major, which she sent 
 with her letter in a boat by sea to the ship in which the 
 ' i. e., their husbands are not kings. 
 
FROM THE QUEEN OF COULAM. -340 
 
 captain-major was. The captain-major showed much honour 
 to the messenger, and was much pleased with the substance 
 of his message, which was to the greater profit of the King, 
 for it prayed him to send there the two largest ships which 
 he had, and they should be laden with pepper; and she 
 bound herself to load them with that every year, according 
 to the same agreement as that made in Cochym ; and if in 
 future times the rates at Cochym were raised or lowered, she 
 would always follow the order which might exist at Cochym, 
 in good friendship and affairs of trade. Upon this the 
 captain-major held a council with his captains, and it ap- 
 peared good to all of them, because the having many ven- 
 dors of pepper was a great benefit in every respect, especially 
 if there should be any impediment in Cochym by which 
 pepper should become scarce. Having taken counsel, the 
 the captain-major replied by letter to the Queen, saying 
 that he was the vassal of so truthful a King, that for a single 
 lie or fault which he might commit against good faith, he 
 would order his head to be cut off; therefore he could not 
 answer anything with certainty, nor accept her friendship, 
 nor the trade which she offered, and for which he thanked her 
 much, without the King first commanded him to do so, be- 
 cause if he did such a thing now, he would be breaking the 
 faith and word which he had given to the King of Cochym, 
 to whom he had promised not to do anything in that 
 country in the matter of trade without his leave and good 
 pleasure, which agreement he must keep and fulfil ; for the 
 King of Cochym was so good and true in fulfilling and keep- 
 ing his word and faith, on which account he had become a 
 brother in affection of the King his sovereign. If she would 
 therefore pardon him, because without the goodwill of the 
 King of Cochym he could not enter upon this matter ; but 
 if she were pleased to send her message to the King of 
 Cochym, and if the King of Cochym were pleased, then he 
 would do all that was proper with respect to what she asked. 
 
350 NEGOTIATIONS OF GAMA 
 
 and for his part notliing would be wanting. This answer 
 having been received by the Queen and her ministers, they 
 esteemed this as very great goodness, since it was the ob- 
 servance of good faith ; and on that account they then the 
 more desired our friendship, seeing that our people observed 
 it so perfectly with respect to the King of Cochyra. And as 
 the ministers and merchants of Coulam were relations and 
 great friends of those of Cochym, and the Queen also was 
 very friendly with the King of Cochym, with this intimacy, 
 having held her council, she sent him her message upon this 
 business, saying that she had sent to the captain-major to 
 ask for his friendship, and that he should establish trade in 
 her port, and she would give him pepper just as he got it 
 in Cochym ; and that he had answered that he would not do 
 it without the King of Cochym's leave and pleasure, because 
 he was bound and obliged in that respect ; and as she knew 
 by that the Portuguese thus observed good faith, she was all 
 the more desirous of having friendship with the King of 
 Portugal, and of establishing his trade in her country for the 
 improvement of her kingdom. And as she could not obtain 
 what she so much desired except with his good pleasure, 
 she much begged and entreated him to be pleased that the 
 captain-major should establish trade and friendship with 
 her for ever, for her to give him pepper, and that she would 
 in nowise depart from the agreement for trade which he had 
 established for purchases and sales ; and this was of great 
 importance to her for the security of her ships and mer- 
 chants wherever they went, for if he gave his consent the 
 captain-major would immediately do everything, for he did 
 not excuse himself on any other grounds. The King of 
 Cochym, on hearing this message of the Queen of Coulam, 
 was much grieved, because he did not wish to see the profit 
 and honour of his kingdom go to another, and because by 
 this he would receive some loss ; for this pepper which came 
 from Coulam by the rivers paid duties to him at some places 
 
WITH COCIIIM AND CcL'LAM. 351 
 
 on tlic rivers, and if tin's pepper was put on board ship at 
 Coulatn, it would not conu; ])y tlie rivers, and ho woukl lose 
 those duties. As the King- of Cochym was of ojjinion that 
 the captain-major would not accept, on account of the labour 
 and risk of sei^arating ships, and merchandise, and work- 
 men, for the purpose of sending to another place to take in 
 cargo, and that the answer which he had given to the Queen 
 was only to excuse himself, since if it had been his desire 
 also, he would have spoken about it himself, and for other 
 reasons which the King took into his head, and from some 
 of his people with whom he conversed about it, the King 
 spoke of it to the factor ; and the factor had already been 
 advised by the captain-major of what answer he was to give 
 the King if he spoke to him about this. Therefore he 
 answered the King in such a mann(;r that he confirmed 
 the King in the conclusions which he himself had come to, 
 which was that the captain-major would not do it, even 
 though he asked him to do so. Trusting to this, he sent 
 one of his ministers to speak to the captain-major, with 
 whom he sent the Queen's messenger, so that he might see 
 that he sent to ask this of the captain-major; and if he 
 should not choose to do it, and should excuse himself, the 
 Queen might know that it was not through him that her 
 desire failed of being carried out. 
 
 The captain-major had been already informed by the 
 factor of his conversation with the King, and on hearing the 
 message of the minister on behalf of the King, by which 
 he told him that the Queen of Coulam had sent him a mes- 
 sage with respect to her desire to establish friendship and 
 trade, so that he should go there and take in pepper, and 
 that he informed him of it, because he was a great friend of 
 the Queen and her relation, and he could do nothing else 
 but entreat him to do it from his affection for her, and be- 
 cause he would be happy to do her any pleasure. The 
 captain-major did honour to the minister and to the Queen's 
 
352 NEGOTIATIONS WITH COULAM. 
 
 messenger, and gave his answer for the King, saying, that in 
 that port in which he was, he was the King's vassal, to obey 
 him as mnch as the King his sovereign, and therefore he would 
 obey him in everything whatever was his will and pleasure ; 
 and since the Queen was thus his relation and friend, he was 
 happy to do all that she wished, because he had already sent 
 her a message with respect to this, and he had done nothing, 
 because he did not know whether it would be pleasing to 
 the King of Cochym ; but that now that he saw what his 
 will was he would obey it in everything, and settle every- 
 thing which the Queen asked for in the name of the King 
 his sovereign, and he held the peace as given and confirmed 
 for ever, with the trade as she had asked for it, which was 
 with the same agreement as that of Cochym. Of this he at 
 once gave his letter signed, with a safe-conduct for the 
 ships and merchants of Coulam and its ports, all after the 
 manner of the settlement with Cochym, and that each time 
 of loading cargo they would send there two ships whenever 
 there was a scarcity of pepper in Cochym ; and that he did 
 this because the Queen was a relation and friend of the 
 King of Cochym, and he had his instructions to establish 
 good peace and trade with all the relations and friends of 
 the King of Cochym, and especially with his neighbours ; 
 and as all these qualities were to be found in the Queen, for 
 that he did it. This letter he put into the hands of the 
 minister to take it and deliver it into the King's hands for 
 him to send to the Queen. With that he took leave of 
 them, sending to the King many thanks for this affair, since 
 he well saw that he did everything like a true brother of the 
 King his sovereign, in order to procure better preparation 
 for loading the ships ; for there would always come many 
 ships, but none would go to Coulam to take in cargo, except 
 those which he should send there ; and there would not 
 be there any settled factory, only the ships which went 
 there would carry the merchandise to pay for their cargoes, 
 
NEGOTIATIONS WITH COULAM. 353 
 
 and would return to Cochym to complete their despatch. 
 The King seeing all this, for the captain-major had con- 
 cluded everything, and not being able to turn back from his 
 word, dissembled the grief which he felt at it, and repented 
 much having sent to speak to the captain-major, instead of 
 havinsr made his excuses himself. But as he could do 
 nothing else, he feigned that he was pleased, and dismissed 
 the Queen^s messenger. When he reached Coulam, the 
 Queen experienced great satisfaction, and at once sent her 
 document to the captain-major, signed by herself and her 
 ministers in the form in which that of the captain-major 
 was couched. This was given to the captain-major, with 
 the request that he would at once send two ships, as there 
 was much pepper collected of the last year's, and there 
 would not be more delay than what was required for putting 
 it on board. The captain-major told the messenger to go 
 and ask the King of Cochym's leave, for so it had been 
 settled that he would send them if the King pleased : this 
 he went and begged hard of the King. He, in order that 
 he might not be found wanting to his word, sent to tell the 
 captain-major to send what ships he pleased. Then the 
 captain-major sent Diogo Fernandes Peteira and Francisco 
 Marecos who had not yet got cargo,^ and they set sail im- 
 mediately. There went on board with them the Queen's 
 minister, who took the ships to a river called Calle Coulam, 
 which was five leagues from the port ; and Joan de Sa 
 Pereira went as factor to take in the cargo, with a clerk and 
 ten men in his service, with a letter and a present for the 
 Queen of a handsome mirror, and corals, and a large bottle 
 of orange-flower water, and for her people thirty scarlet 
 barret-caps, and thirty dozen of knives with sheaths. This 
 present was conveyed to the Queen by the factor, who was 
 gaily dressed and accompanied by his men, with the minister. 
 
 > Gama shewed much iact and discretion in this business, obtaining 
 what he most desired by avoiding all appearance of eagerness for it. 
 
''354 ENVOYS FROM MALARAK CHRISTIANS. 
 
 The Queen did him much honour, and sent a present to the 
 captain-major of several silk stuffs of various colours, which 
 were made in the country, and very fine white stuffs of very 
 great width, for they were a fathom and a half broad. The 
 factor returned to the ships, where much expedition was 
 used with many boats, and they loaded the ships at both 
 sides ; and both of them were filled up in ten days with as 
 much pepper as they could take, and they returned to 
 Cochym, and some pepper was transhipped from them into 
 the other ships, to leave room for the drugs. ^ 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 How, whilst the ships were loading, there came to the King of Cochym 
 certain news of the fleet of Calecut, which was already prepared, 
 and how the King of Calecut sent a Brahman with a false message 
 to the captain-major, who executed him. 
 
 Whilst the captain-major was thus employed in taking in 
 the ship's cargoes, the King of Cochym sent to call him, and 
 he went immediately. The King, in private with the cap- 
 
 > Osorio, Barros, and San Roman do not mention this embassage 
 from the Queen of Coulam, but they describe a mission sent by the 
 Christians of St. Thomas from Cranganor, four leagues from Cochym, 
 whose number might be more than thirty thousand souls. These envoys 
 came to offer themselves as subjects of the King of Portugal, and gave 
 to Gama, in sign of obedience, a red staff like a sceptre with silver ends, 
 and at one end three little silver bells; they asked to be visited and pro- 
 tected from the infidel people who vexed them. The admiral, however, 
 only gave them good words, and a promise to recommend them to the 
 care of one of his captains, who would remain, as he had no time, and 
 was returning to Portugal, and that for his part he would represent 
 their case to the King, so that with the first fleet lie should be able to 
 take measures for their consolation. 
 
 If these envoys had come to offer trade in spices instead of only to 
 ask for protection for their religion their mission would have been more 
 successful. 
 
WARLIKE NEWS FROM CALECUT. 355 
 
 tain-major, told him that he had information from some of 
 his men, whom he kept as spies in Calecut, who told him 
 that the fleet of Calecut was now entirely ready, that it con- 
 sisted of several large ships, and sambuks, and rowing- 
 barges, with much artillery and fighting-men, and two cap- 
 tain-majors — to wit, Coja Kasim, and the other, Cojambar, a 
 Moorish eunuch, who had now arrived from Mekkah, and 
 had come from the Maldive Islands in a small boat, and had 
 left there two large ships which he had brought, laden with 
 great wealth, and which he did not choose to risk, and he 
 had come to learn if there were Portuguese in India — he, 
 with great pride, had offered himself to the King to take our 
 fleet. All this was very true, and therefore the King of \ 
 Cochym begged the captain-major, and enjoined him by the 
 life of the King of Portugal his brother, not to stay and 
 fight with the fleet of Calecut, but to depart at once with 
 the cargo which he had got, for very little was wanting, and 
 it was not well to fight with ships so crammed, and he ought 
 to fly from a possible disaster, and not take any other deci- 
 sion than to go out at once into the open sea, without 
 returning to Cananor, and that he would give him in 
 Cochym all that he required for the voyage for all the ships. 
 To this the captain-major replied with great thanks, and 
 said : " Sire, this fleet was fitted out for Pedralvarez Cabral, 
 to come in to take vengeance for what Calecut had done, 
 and he was a very valiant knight for any great deed ; but I, 
 Sire, who nourish vexation in my heart for the affront done 
 me by the King of Calecut, my passion is doubled by what 
 he did to Pedralvarez, on which account I had a strong 
 desire to come and take this vengeance, and I strove much 
 with myself not to stand in the way of Pedralvarez, but so 
 great was the struggle which I felt in my heart that I could 
 not endure it, and when the fleet was about to sail I put 
 myself into it, while the King gave great satisfaction for 
 that to Pedralvarez. And because I came with that design, 
 
356 PREPARATIONS OF THE PORTUGUESE 
 
 I brought these caravels which are here^ and which are so 
 good at fighting, that they are sufficient for whatever fleet 
 Calecut may possess ; and know for certain that the King 
 my sovereign, for his honour^s sake, would not value these 
 ships if they were laden with gold ; how much less, then, 
 when laden with drugs ; for the King was much vexed at 
 the Moors of Calecut having said that Pedralvarez did not 
 idare to fight with his fleet. Therefore, Sire, I hope in God 
 that if I fall in with this fleet, I shall take upon it a part of 
 the vengeance which my heart longs for ; and for nothing in 
 the world would I desist from returning to Cananor, to take 
 the ginger which is purchased there ; for if I did not go 
 thither, and were thus wanting to the King of Cananor, I 
 should be committing so great an error that the reputation 
 borne by the Portuguese would be lost for ever ; and I would 
 sooner die a hundred deaths than that anything should be 
 wanting through me, to that which befits the state of the 
 King my sovereign/' The King, on seeing such a deter- 
 mined will on the part of the captain-major, said to him : 
 " I have told you my opinion; do you now comply with your 
 obligation." Upon which the King dismissed him. 
 
 The captain-major ordered the caravels and ships to go 
 out of the river, and he went on board the ship of Pero 
 Raphael ; and because his caravel ran very fast under sail, 
 he told him to go to Cananor, standing well out to sea, and 
 to call Vicente Sodre, who was to come to Cochym, also 
 standing out to sea, and they were to pass Calecut by night, 
 and not let themselves be seen. The caravel had such a wind 
 that it went in six days, and came back with Vicente Sodr^. 
 The captain-major spoke to all the captains of what they had 
 to do if they fought, and all were very well prepared, for 
 they had a great abundance of munitions, and they kept a 
 good look-out at sea. But the King of Cochym, without the 
 captain-major's knowledge, sent Indian bouts along the 
 coast, which were to come with the news when they saw the 
 fleet of Calecut. 
 
AND CALECUT FLEETS. 357 
 
 The King of Calecut made a large expenditure for the 
 payment of the crews of this fleotj and he designed that as 
 soon as it had routed our fleet, it should go and make war 
 on Cochym, and take from the Portuguese the merchandise 
 that remained there ; and as he was continually talking with 
 the captains of what they were ordaining for the battle, it 
 was settled that they should send a very confidential^ spy,_ 
 who should go to Cochym to see the fleet and ships, how 
 they were laden, and the crews they had, and this seemed 
 good to all of them. Then the King ordained that a Brah- 
 man of his, in whom he trusted much, should go to spy this ; 
 and he instructed him, and recommended him much to see 
 eveiything, and he sent him under the pretext of a letter 
 which he gave him for the captain-major, in which he said to 
 him, that with the great passion which he had felt at the 
 injury which the captain-major had done him, with respect 
 to the men of the Malabar vessels laden with rice, he had 
 collected and constructed a large fleet, with such numerous 
 and powerful crews, that he had twenty vessels for each one 
 of the Portuguese, and such captains and armed men, all 
 with so much eagerness to die for taking vengeance, that he 
 held it to be doubtless that he should obtain the victory, 
 which would not be, however, without sinking his ships or 
 burning them, so that not one man would escape. But since 
 God had put into his heart another intention, and he remem- 
 bered that the evil which had been done to him, he had well 
 deserved it on account of that which he had done, [under 
 bad advice, and especially his heart having been much pro- 
 voked, yet everything well considered, and weighing one 
 thing with another,^] he had settled in his heart not to fall 
 
 ' These words between the brackets the Lisbon editor has left out 
 and put in a note, saying he had not hesitated to suppress them though 
 they were in the MS. of the Archives. They are also in the Duke of 
 Gor's MS. The editor of the Lisbon edition gives no reason for this 
 suppression, which does not seem to be required by the sense. 
 
358 HOW COJEBEQDY SAVED 
 
 again into such errors ; and he wished, if the captain-major 
 chose, that there should be no more wars nor disputes, and 
 the captain-major might remain, and welcome, in Cananor 
 and Cochym, and only let him give him (the King of Cale- 
 cut) security for his navigation ; and for the confirmation of 
 what he said, he might send whom he pleased to come and 
 see if he spoke the truth of the fleet which he had got, and 
 to see with his own eyes ; and that after that he would undo 
 everything and order his ships to be dismasted ; and these 
 things being so, that the captain-major would be pleased 
 that his friendship should be made, as he requested. 
 
 After Cojebequi, a Moor of Calecut, a native of the coun- 
 try, of whom I have already said much before in the history 
 of Pedralvarez Cabral, had departed, the King, satisfied with 
 the robbery,^ recollected the two young children of the factor. 
 Aires Correa, because they frequently went with their father 
 to the palace of the King, who took much pleasure in seeing 
 them, for they were very pretty, and at times he used to 
 give them trinkets. On this account, remembering them, 
 he inquired if they had been killed at the factory, or if any 
 one had taken them captive, and no one gave him news of 
 them ; but they told him that Cojebequi was a great friend 
 of the factor, and that most of his time he was with the 
 factor, by day and by night, and that he might be able to 
 give some account of it. Therefore the King rejoiced at 
 this which they told him, because Cojebequi was one of the 
 richest Moors of Calecut, with a very large house, and many 
 palm-groves, and ships, and trade, which the King desired 
 to plunder, and to take his property, on account of the 
 hatred which he bore him, from knowing that he was a 
 friend of the Portuguese. For this reason the King sent to 
 call him, and told him to bring to him at once the sons of 
 the factor, whom he had taken away from the factory. This 
 the Moor denied strongly, saying that if such a thing were 
 1 Of the Portuguese factory in Ciilecut. 
 
TDK CUILDJiKN OF AIRES CORKEA. o59 
 
 discovered lie iniglit order liis head to be cut otf; upon 
 wliieli the King protiered great threats, and swore that if ho 
 did not give them up he would order his houses to bo 
 burned, and he himself inside of them with his wives and 
 children. But the Moor, by the pleasure of the Lord, 
 always denied strenuously, without fear of the death which 
 he was certain of, if the children were discovered, neither / 
 did he esteem any more many favours which the King pro- / 
 mised him if he would deliver them up. The Moor still 
 denied, and said tliat when the occurrence of the factory 
 took place, his wife was near dying in childbirth, and could 
 not bring forth, and that already when he reached the 
 factory they were killing the Portuguese, and that on the 
 shoro-he^-had seen one of the children carried on the back of 
 a black man, who had entered into the crowd, so that he did I 
 ~nbt see him any more, and he did not know whether the I 
 Negro was a slave or a free man. But the King being thus ' 
 indisposed against the Moor, kept him imprisoned for some 
 time, and took from him all he had, saying, that when he 
 knew the truth about the children, and that the Moor was 
 not in fault, then he would restore to him his property. 
 This the Moor did not care about losing, with the hojDC that 
 when our people made war on Calecut, and indemnified 
 themselves for the robbery which the King had committed, 
 he also would again recover his property when peace was 
 concluded ; and with this hope he continued suffering much 
 poverty, and his friends maintained him. His brother, who 
 was scandalised at the King, who killed the Portuguese 
 whilst he was a hostage on board Pedralvarez' ship^ went 
 before the King in a very angiy mood, and told him that 
 before he died he would have to receive payment for the evil 
 which he had done, for he did nothing but rob other people 
 of their property ; and it was well known, that even though 
 a hundred children were delivered up to him, he would not 
 give up what he had taken from his brother. 
 
360 RECOVERY OF THREE PORTUGUESE 
 
 The Moor Cojebequi^ seeing how much it was necessary 
 for his life, kept the Portuguese, who were three whom he 
 had saved, as I have already related.^ He stripped them, 
 and dressed them as Moors, with their heads and chins 
 shaved, and put them away privately in other houses 
 belonging to his labourers, who lived in the fields or woods, 
 where on account of their rites all people fly from them ; so 
 that they were never seen, nor did the poleas (low people) 
 know who they were, and they were delighted to have them 
 with them, because the Moor sent them food, with which 
 they stuffed themselves. The Moor told them to anoint 
 themselves with oils which he sent them, and to put them- 
 selves constantly in the sun, which they did, and in a short 
 . /jj. time they became as dark as the people of the country. The 
 children he also dressed like his own children, little Moors, 
 and he always kept them amongst his' women ; and he 
 managed matters so well that they were never perceived, 
 and he saved them, and delivered them up into the hands of 
 our people, as will be related further on in its place.^ 
 
 ( ^ Cojebequi had detained the childi-en at his own house, where they 
 •were visiting, being apprehensive of an outbreak ; and went at night to 
 speak to the factor, but could not reach the factory as it was ah-eady 
 surrounded : the three Port^uguese saved by Cojebequi were found by 
 him concealed under some straw in an outhouse, and he brought them 
 away disguised as Moors, with the assistance of some of his friends. 
 
 2 The following is the sequel of the story of, the children of Aires_ 
 Correa, and of the three Portuguese. In 1503, when Duarte Pacheco 
 was Captain of the sea, Cojebequi, who now lived ten leagues from 
 Calecut, wrote to him secretly of the designs of the Zamorim, against 
 Cochym and against the factor Alvaro Kafael in Calecut, and advised 
 him to send and save him and the people with him. Duarte Pacheco 
 then sent Pero Rafael secretly to bring away his brother the factor : he 
 went with a caravel and two Indian boats which he bought, and 
 Cananor fishermen, and keeping well out to sea out of siglit came 
 before Calecut, and told the hsherni(,'ii he had come to cany off the 
 factor, and gave tliem money : by their advice he remained out at sea 
 four days, until the weather grew thick and dark with rain, when he 
 stood in at night and anchored before Calecut. The skiff was piepared 
 with two long strong lines, and when the skiff anchored outside the 
 
AND THE CHILDREN OF AIRCS CORREA. 301 
 
 This Moor, witli the good disposition which he had j 
 towards the PortuguesOj always took much care to learn all 
 the things which they were preparing in Calecut against our 
 people. And as he was told with great secrecy of the 
 Brahman whom the Zamorim sent to spy the fleet at ; 
 Cochym, he felt great vexation at not being able to give 
 notice of this to the captain-major ; but with the longing 
 which he had for it, he risked his life upon it, and in secret 
 sent for a youth, a relation of his, and gave him a verbal 
 message, which he was to give to the captain-major, by 
 which he sent to tell him that the letter of the Zamorim 
 carried poison for him and the captains ; and he told the 
 
 surf these lines were taken ashore with the Indian boats, which were 
 beached, and only two sailors remained in each of the Indian boats, ^ 
 which were again hauled out outside the surf. Then Cojebequi's negro ) 
 and the twelve fishermen of the Indian boats went to the house of the 
 Portuguese and told them I'ero Rafael was waiting for them : the 
 Portuguese came out with small bundles which they gave to the sailors, 
 and sword in hand and in single file followed the negro of Cojebequi. 
 The three Portuguese whom Cojebequi saved, and who went about as 
 INloors, were in a house near the shore, by which they passed, and the 
 children of Aires Corrca lived with them as their children with a Moor- 
 4sh^ '•^oman provided by Cojebequi, who passed for their mother : the 
 (^ negro called them and they said they were ready, and all went down to 
 thejueach, praying to the Lord to save them. One of the sailors then 
 swam out to call the Indian boats, and the darkness was so great that 
 they could not see each other, and to their great satisfaction they all em- 
 barked, thirteen Portuguese and the children and the Moorish woman, who 
 got into the Indian boats; and as there was no room for the sailors they 
 went outside, hanging on to the boats by ropes, and the Lord saved them 
 from the great waves, and all reached the ship's boat, weeping with joy 
 at having escaped from death on shore and in embarking. So they went 
 to the caravel, and Pero Rafael told the fishermen that now they might 
 go, and he gave them the two Indian vessels, and they went away highly 
 satisfied, and the factor gave to each of them thirty fanams, and they 
 went back to the beach and stole some boats, and the caravel carried 
 their masts and sails, and next day at night they went to Cananor that 
 the stolen boats might not be seen. Pero Rafael was received at 
 Cochym with salutes of artillery, and the King said "There is nothing in 
 the world which the Portuguese will not do if they choose it." 
 
362 THE ZAMORIM SENDS A BRAHMAN 
 
 youth to go as if he had run away, and to give money to 
 some fishermen to carry him out of Calecut to Panane, and 
 to go out by night from the Indian boat into some fishing 
 village, where he was to give money to be carried further on 
 and set down in another fishing village, and to go on always 
 by sea until he reached the country of Cochyra, and then 
 take an Indian boat to convey him to the ships, and go on 
 board the captain-major^s ship. The youth managed so well 
 rthat in four days he reached the captain-major, and gave 
 him the message ; and when he heard that it was from 
 Cojebequi, he was much grieved when he learned the inju- 
 ries which the Zamorim had done to him ; but as the 
 Brahman had not arrived, the captain-major did not under- 
 stand what the purport of the message was. But at the end 
 of three days the Brahman arrived in an Indian boat, and 
 went to the captain-major^ s ship, and came on board, and 
 made a great salutation to the captain-major, saying : " Sir, 
 as I bring you a good message, I did not ask leave to come 
 on board. The Zamorim sends you this letter. Order it to 
 be read, and give me an answer, as I wish to return imme- 
 diately." The captain-major asked him of what race he was. 
 He said that he was a Nair and a Brahman. The captain- 
 major ordered a scribe of the King of Cochym, who was in the 
 ship, reckoning cargo, to read the letter, and he read it. The 
 captain-major then sent the Brahman, with the letter, to the 
 King of Cochym, in the skiff, and the Indian boat with the 
 rowers remained at the ship. When the King heard the 
 letter, he laughed to himself without answering anything, 
 and sent it back to the ship. The captain-major summoned 
 before him the rowers of the Indian boat, and ordered them 
 to sit down on the ground, and told them not to get up, or 
 he would order them to be executed; and he ordered their 
 hands to be tied together, and told them to look well at 
 everything. He then ordered the Brahman to bo taken by 
 the arms by two Negroes, that ho might not fling himself 
 
MESSENGER TO QAMA. 3G3 
 
 into tlie sea, and said to him : " Brahman, tell me what the 
 Zamoi'im ordered you to do/^ He replied that the King had 
 not told him anything, except to deliver that letter and 
 return immediately with the answer. The captain-major 
 told him to swear by the head of the Zamorim that he 
 spoke the truth, and he would not swear. Then he ordered 
 him to be tied to the bits,^ and sent for an ii'on shovel full 
 of embers, and ordered them to be put close to his shins, 
 until large blisters rose upon them, whilst the interpreter 
 shouted to him to tell the truth about what he came for, and 
 what orders he had received, but he would not speak. The 
 captain-major let him remain thus, and the fire was brought 
 closer by degrees, until he could not bear it, and he said he 
 would speak the truth, and he confessed all that the King 
 had said to him, and had ordered him to look and see ; and 
 he said that now that he had spoken the truth, let him order 
 him to be killed, since he would not return to Calecut, for if 
 they did not kill him, he should kill himself by his own 
 hands. The captain-major questioned him why he would 
 not return to Calecut, and would kill himself in order not to 
 go thither. He said : " I do not deserve to live since I 
 have discovered the King's secret.'" The captain-major 
 said: "'If, then, you will kill yourself, who will carry the 
 answer to the King ? ■'■' He replied, the Negro boatmen 
 would carry it. Then the captain-major ordered the Negroes 
 of the Indian boat to be unbound, and a white cloth to be 
 given to each of them, telling them to row hard and return 
 quickly. He then ordered the upper and lower lips of the 
 Brahman to be cut off, so that all his teeth shewed, and he 
 ordered the ears of a dog on board the ship to be cut off, 
 and he had them fastened and sewn with many stitches on 
 the Brahman instead of his, and he sent him in the Indian 
 boat to return to Calecut. He, with resentment at liis 
 
 ' Porpao or prepao^ Gallice, hitton d^econtes, a woodon frame before 
 the mast to which the ropes of the mainsail are made fast. 
 
364 TORTURE OF THE BRAHMAN. 
 
 injury which the King had caused him, made them row with 
 speed, so that he arrived at Calecut in a day and a night ; 
 and he presented himself before the King, and said : ''Look 
 here at the answer which I bring you. Look well how you 
 manage your business. Let the affront to you be my ven- 
 geance and that of your fleet." The King felt himself 
 greatly aggrieved, and ordered that the fleet should go at 
 once in search of the Portuguese, and they were not so 
 ready but that our men had first sailed from Cochym ; for 
 our ships finished taking in cargo of all that they wanted, at 
 ' their choice, of pepper and drugs, which were in superabun- 
 dance, because the merchants of Cochym, when they saw 
 our great trade established from which they derived so much 
 profit, had sent their ships to Malacca, and Banda, and Ma- 
 I luco with their merchandise, which consisted of Cambay 
 ; stuffs, for which they brought all sorts of drugs, and on 
 ' their return from Malacca they fetched cinnamon from 
 Ceylon, and they had all ready in Cochym for loading the 
 ships ; and what remained over above they went to sell at 
 Cambay, whence they fetched their stuffs, with which they 
 returned to Malacca.^ 
 
 ' Barros and Osorio relate the incident of the Brahman envoy differ- 
 ently : they say that he came with some youtlis, two sons and a nephew, 
 whom he wished Gama to take back to Portugal that they might learn 
 Latin and inquire into the Christian faith ; after a time the Brahman 
 said he came about something else, and that was to mediate between the 
 Portuguese and the Zamorim, and that the Zamorim was ready to re- 
 store the value of the plunder of the factory, as much as twenty 
 thousand pardaos. At length Gama decided on putting this to the 
 proof, and left the fleet in charge of, Barros says, D. Luis Coutinho, 
 Osorio says, Estevan da Gama, and sailed for Calecut, Barros says 
 taking with him the Brahman and children, Osorio says leaving the 
 Brahman behind at Cochym. Arrived at Calecut negotiations began, 
 but ended in nothing, as Vicente Sodre was before Calecut with his 
 fleet, and did not allow even the fishing-boats to come out. Gama's 
 ship was attacked one night by several paraos, and two boats set on fire 
 close to the ship, which was in great danger and had to cut its cable. 
 Barros says the difficulty of doing this was increased, Gama having 
 
FACTOR ArPOINTED AT COCHIM. 365 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 How the ships when laden sailed for Cananor and fell in with the fleet 
 of Calecut, which was routed ; and how they arrived at Cananor, 
 and set sail safely for Portugal. 
 
 The captain-major having already ordained and concluded 
 all the affairs of the fleet, gave instructions to the factor, 
 Diogo Fernandes Correa^ with whom he left itiuch goods 
 which had remained over and above, for him to buy pepper 
 and store it for another cargo ; and he left carpenters, 
 caulkers, blacksmiths, turners, and cordage makers, who 
 were to refit the ships which had to remain in Cochym, 
 where they could be beached, and build other new ones if it 
 was necessary ; for which a large magazine building was 
 made, where, with the workmen and men-at-arms, there 
 would remain as many as sixty men,i to whom the factor 
 was to give their pay, and a cruzado per month for their 
 maintenance, and two to the workmen whilst they were at 
 work ; and 'he provided very fully for everything. Then he 
 went with the captains to take leave of the King ; and on 
 taking the letters which the King sent, he said to him : 
 " Sire, I thus leave matters ordained in your country as if I 
 
 anchored with a chain cable to prevent its being cut, and which he 
 could not slip, and had to cut. At length the ship got loose and made 
 way under sail from amidst the paraos and returned to Cochim. There, 
 Osorio says, Gama hung the Brahman, the children having escaped 
 ashore before the attack. Barros says the Brahman had gone ashore to 
 negotiate and had remained in Calecut, and that Gama hung the three 
 children, who had remained on board as hostages, to his yardarms, and 
 passed before the town with them suspended, and then sent their bodies 
 on shore with a letter to the Zamorim in terms conformable to his 
 treachery. 
 
 ' Barros says he left thirty men, and Lorenzo Moreno and Alvaro 
 Vaz as clerks to the factor. 
 
366 GAMA SAILS FROM COCHIM. 
 
 (lid it in Portugal ; but nothing shall be done except with 
 your order, and as may seem best to you, because all is 
 yours, since it belongs to the King your brother, and know 
 for certain that for your service he would expend the whole 
 of his kingdom and his vassals whenever it were necessary ; 
 and for your service I leave Vicente Sodre, who is here, 
 with eight caravels and ships and crews, who will do all that 
 you command." At which the King was much pleased, for 
 he expected war with Calecut ;^ and after talking to the 
 King of all that was requisite, all took leave and returned to 
 the ships, which contained all that was wanted. The cap- 
 tain-major told the captains that if they fell in with the 
 Calecut fleet, they were by no means to board, but fight 
 with their artillery ; and when the sails did not serve them, 
 they were not to strike them, but only brail them up with 
 the halliards; and for all the ships they were to have several 
 tubs of water, with pails, with which to put out any fire, 
 which was the greatest danger against whicTfTheyhad to 
 guard. They then set sail,- and he sent Vicente Sodr^ with 
 the caravels and his ships to run along the shore, and to 
 sink everything he fell in with ; and this fleet consisted of 
 three ships and five caravels ; and the laden ships and 
 smaller vessels were ten,^ which stood more out to sea ; and 
 
 ' Osorio says the King of Calecut wrote to the King of Cochim 
 calling upon him to give up the Portuguese to him ; but the King of 
 Cochim replied that he was surprised at such a proposition, and that so 
 illustrious a king should urge other kings to fraud ; and the highest 
 power did not constitute a king, but virtue that was worthy of power. 
 The King of Calecut wrote as many as three times, partly alluring, 
 partly threatening the King of Cochim, who remained firm : he did not, 
 however, mention this to Gama, lest he should be disturbed by sinister 
 suspicions. 
 
 Barros says nothing of this. San Roman follows Osorio, and says the 
 King of Cochim's name was Triumpar. 
 
 2 Barros says he sailed on the 18th of January, 1503. 
 
 » Osorio says he had thirteen laden ships, and expected to join three 
 others at Cananor. 
 
(JAMA MKET.S 'i'lIK CALECUT FLEET. oG7 
 
 he ordered that in fighting with the fleet they should strive 
 to overcome the large ships. 
 
 Sailing with this plan, one morning they sighted the fleet 
 of Calecut, which was coming along the coast with a light 
 land breeze ; there were so many sail that our people did not 
 see the end of them, as they came one after the other in a 
 long line, for so the captain Cojambar had ordered it that 
 they might make more show ; he came in the van with the 
 large ships, which might be as many as twenty, with many 
 fustas and large sambuks, which altogether might be seventy 
 sail which came in the first squadron, with which Vicente 
 Sodre, who was running close in shore, fell in, and the rest 
 came behind.^ When Vicente Sodre saw the fleet he ordered 
 the caravels to edge in close inshore, one astern of the other 
 in a line, and to run under all the sail they could carry, 
 firing as many guns as they could, and he with the ships 
 remained behind. Each of the caravels carried thirty 
 men, and four heavy guns below, and above six falconnets, 
 and ten swivel-guns placed on the quarter deck and in 
 the bows, and two of the falconnets fired astern ; the ships 
 
 ' Barros makes no mention of this action with the fleet of Calecut ; 
 possibly the omission may be owing to the interpolation of the minor 
 action before Calecut, when he says Gama left the fleet at Cochim. 
 Osorio says : Gama was not more than six leagues from Pandarane, when 
 he discovered twenty-nine sail which the King of Calecut had sent 
 against him. Upon the advice of the other captains he resolved to 
 attack it. He sent to the front Vincente Sodre, Pero Rafael, and Diogo 
 Pctreio, because their ships were least laden. They attacked two Arab 
 ships which were foremost ; the crews of these ships, terrified, before 
 Gama came up flung themselves into the sea ; the Portuguese took to 
 their boats, and killed more than three hundred of them in the waves. 
 The other Calecut ships, seeing these two taken and the crews killed, 
 turned towards the shore, where Gama could not follow them, as his 
 ships were heavily laden. In plundering the captured ships the Portu- 
 guese found a golden image of a monstrous shape; it weighed forty 
 pounds, for eyes it had two valuable emeralds, and a large carbuncle in 
 the breast, and it was clothed with a gold mantle. After the ships had 
 been emptied Gama ordered them to l)e set on fire. 
 
3G8 ACTION WITH THE CALECUT FLEET. 
 
 carried six guns below on the deck, and two smaller 
 ones on the poop, and eight falconnets above and several 
 swivel-guns, and before the mast^ two smaller pieces 
 which fired forwards ; the ships of burden were much more 
 equipped with artillery. When they saw the fleet they might 
 be about two leagues from one another, so that our men had 
 time to prepare themselves with great order. The Moors, 
 seeing our fleet was so small whilst they were so many, gave 
 great shouts, with sound of instruments, and hung out flags 
 and standards, which our men did not attend to, so as to 
 have less hamper. Pero Rafael went in the foremost caravel, 
 and he stood as close in shore as he could, so that the caravels 
 remained to windward of the Moors.^ Ahead of the Moorish 
 flagship came many paraos, which arc like fustas, and they 
 remained to seaward, so that their ships might shelter them 
 from the guns of the caravels ; these, with the instructions 
 under which they sailed, could only use their two guns on 
 the seaward side, which in all the caravels would be ten guns. 
 When they had reached as far forward as the Moorish ships, 
 all recommending themselves to the Lord, discharged their 
 guns, all firing at the flagship ; and those which passed for- 
 ward went against the other ships, for it was not possible to 
 miss ; and they made such haste to load again that they 
 loaded the guns with bags of powder which they had ready 
 for this purpose made to measure, so that they could load 
 again very speedily. But with this first discharge our men 
 made such good work that they brought down the mast of 
 the flagship, which fell over and stove in the ship and killed 
 many Moors ; and another shot hit it full and passed through 
 near the poop, which it shattered much and killed and 
 wounded many people ; of the other large ships three were 
 stove in low down, so that they foundered and went to the 
 bottom, many people remaining on the water swimming, who 
 
 ' Literally, in the prepao. 
 
 ^ The wind was a land-breeze. 
 
ACTION WITH THE CALECUT FLEET. 369 
 
 betook themselves to the paraos and caught hold of the oars, 
 so that they could not row, and they could not get out of the 
 way of their own ships, which came against them and cap- 
 sized them, so that they so much embarrassed one another 
 that they all remained stuck close to eacli other, and our 
 ships fired into them for a considerable time, for they fired 
 into the thick with their heavy guns, so that they shattered 
 many in pieces, killing many people, on account of which 
 there were shrieks and cries amongst the Moors, The ships 
 brailed up their sails to the yards and discharged all their 
 guns. The Moors, although they were in such straits, fired 
 much artillery which they carried, and much of it threw shot 
 like bowls,' and they did not fight any other way. Thus 
 embarrassed the wind drove them out to sea, so that the 
 ships lengthened their distance from them, always doing 
 them much damage with the artillery, because our shot was 
 much more powerful than theirs. As at this time the ships 
 of burden had come up, Vicente Sodre loosed his sails and 
 ran on after the caravels, which were now reaching the other 
 squadron of the Moors, the captain of which was the Moor 
 Coja Kasim, which consisted of more than a hundred sail, 
 but the greater part of them were sambuks, which he had 
 collected to make a show of a great fleet ; and these, seeing 
 the ships and caravels coming, as they left the others already 
 routed, were greatly afraid. But the Moor held on his course 
 with all his large ships straight for our ships to board them, 
 and Vicente Sodre did not turn aside because he went with 
 all his artillery ready, and Euy Lorenzo Ravasco and Vasco 
 Fernandes Tinoco, who were in the other ships, also went 
 prepared. As the wind freshened and was better for our 
 ships, they made straight for the Moorish flagship which 
 came foremost and in the centre of the others, and before 
 closing there was a discharge of many shot; and as the 
 
 • This means apparently that the shot of the Calecut fleet travelled 
 very slowly. 
 
370 ACTION WITH THE CALECUT FLEET. 
 
 flagship carried much artillery^ one shot entered the ship of 
 Vasco Tinoco, and killed him and two men, wounding others 
 with splinters of wood, but a shot from the Portuguese ship 
 took the flagship obliquely and threw it into disorder, killing 
 many men, because all the Moors showed themselves above, 
 but our men remained below and none showed except the 
 gunners and the men who assisted them. The Portuguese 
 ships kept their steerage way, keeping aloof from the Moorish 
 ships, passing amongst them all, doing wonders with their 
 artillery, firing both broadsides and their poop and forecastle 
 guns, as in all directions it was not possible to miss ; the 
 Moors also fired much artillery which they carried, but they 
 were small guns, and when they passed near our ships they 
 covered them with arrows, but they did not hurt the men who 
 lay hid, and so they passed through all the fleet • of the 
 Moors, and when they had passed the ships and sails were 
 all covered with arrows, and there were many holes in the 
 sails and much rigging broken ; but the Moorish ships were 
 much ill-treated, they were shattered and stove in, and many 
 had the masts and yards shattered, which was the greatest 
 advantage our men obtained. 
 
 The caravels, which ran along, also entered amongst the 
 Moors without fear, seeing that they did not carry heavy 
 guns, and they also discharged their guns on both sides, 
 firing with the heavy guns between wind and water, and 
 with the falconnets and swivel-guns at the Moors on deck, 
 so that they killed many people and broke masts and yards 
 which fell upon the Moors and killed them ; and when the 
 caravels passed forward they also had some men who worked 
 ^he guns wounded with arrows. When they had quite gone 
 through they turned upon the other tack, as did also the 
 ships, and turning back thus the wind was insuflScient, for 
 they could not sail upon the bowline as close as the Moorish 
 ships, which were making for the shore as much as they 
 could to escape from our ships : but the caravels overhauled 
 
ACTION WITH THE CALECUT FLEET. 371 
 
 them and remained astern of them, so that then they aimed 
 at leisure at the large ships, and those that were hit were 
 soon sent to the bottom. In this confusion the other first 
 ships of the Moors came up, and the Portuguese ships of 
 burden came up with them, and when they were within 
 range the captain-major ordered them to fire, which the 
 other ships did also, for they came in file, one after the other, 
 as the captain-major had ordered. As they fired many heavy 
 guns they caused such terror to the Moors that they edged 
 away in shore as much as they could. But with the con- 
 fusion they drifted away a good deal to seawards, and the 
 wind fell calm so that all remained becalmed ; the Moors 
 then made much use of their rowing paraos which lengthened 
 their distance from the Portuguese large and small ships, 
 which could not i*each them with their artillery ; but the 
 caravels also had themselves towed by their boats so that 
 they came up with the large ships, and Pero Rafael advanced 
 so much that he reached the ship of Coja Kasim and fired so 
 many shots into his rigging that he brought down his yard, 
 for he broke the halliards, and as the sail held no wind it fell 
 in board and killed and wounded many people. 
 
 The captain -major, seeing that the business was certain, 
 sent the boats with falconnets and swivel-guns, and in each 
 boat twenty armed men, with cross-bow men, to go to the 
 ships which were becalmed, and shoot at them above and 
 kill the crews. This they did, so that the Moors threw 
 themselves into the sea, and went swimming round the 
 ships. The paraos seeing the boats ventured against them, 
 and came to attack and board them, but our men entered 
 with lance thrusts and drove them into the sea. Then the 
 gunners entered, and with their hammers knocked out the 
 planks at the bottom, so that the water came in, and they 
 went to the bottom. This they did to six or seven vessels, 
 after which the others would not come up any more. Then 
 two boats went to join the caravel of Pero Rafael, and they 
 
372 ACTION WITH THE CALECUT FLEET. 
 
 shot 80 much at the crew that all of them cast themselves 
 into the sea, and the Moor threw himself into a parao and 
 fled. Then Pero Afonso d'Aguiar, who was in one of the 
 boats, ordered them to enter the ship, which was empty of 
 men, and they saw that it was laden with pepper ; and they 
 took it in tow, and brought it close to the captain -major, 
 and went and told him that the ship was thus laden. The 
 captain-major ordered them to break into the ship, and 
 afterwards set it on fire. Pero Rafael and Gil Matoso went 
 inside and found a cabin below, with many Moorish women 
 and little children, and very rich things, which Coja Kasim 
 had embarked secretly, with the design, if he lost the battle, 
 of going to Mekkah, and on this account he had also em- 
 barked his women and the children he had. There was also 
 found there an image of Mahomed, which he carried to offer 
 to the leg-bone, which was of solid gold and jewels, which 
 was worth much money ;^ and the captain-major kept it and 
 some pretty girls for the Queen. All the rest he left to the 
 captains and sailors, who found many very rich things in the 
 ship, and many women also put below in cabins, who 
 belonged to rich Moors who were also embarked with the 
 Moor. Then the captain-major sent his boat to the ships 
 and caravels to tell the crews to flock to the ships and 
 plunder them, and set them on fire. This they did, but they 
 did not find anything to. plunder, for they were sambuks and 
 vessels which had come to fight; so they set them on fire. The 
 sea was full of people waiting for wind to return to the ships 
 and go away. But whilst the calm lasted, many vessels and 
 sambuks, towed by their boats, escaped to the shore. When 
 it was mid-day the sea-breeze arose, at which the captain- 
 major fired a swivel-gun, and hoisted a flag at the stern, — 
 
 « This story of the image either arose out of a popular prejudice in 
 the Peninsula that such images are kept at Mekkah, or else if there was 
 such an image, it must have been a Hindu idol carried off by Coja 
 Kasim. Sec Osorio's statement, note, p. 307. 
 
ACTION WITH THE CALECUT FLEET. 373 
 
 the signal to summon the ships, — and went on the course 
 for Cananor, giving to the Lord great praise and thanks for 
 the so great favour which He had shewn him ; and he went 
 with little sail so that they might come up with him, which 
 all did, saluting with shouts and cries of joy, and the cap- 
 tain-major spoke to all, giving them many praises and satis- 
 faction for their honour. 
 
 Vicente Sodre shouted to the captain-major, and said that 
 it was not well to pass by Calecut without showing them 
 some sign of the festival which they had held, and asked 
 his leave to return to the Moors to take some signal which 
 he might carry to Calecut. The captain-major told him to 
 go, and welcome, with the caravels, which returned with 
 him ; and with the sea-breeze they soon reached the shat- 
 tered and dismasted ships, and they found in a ship the 
 other Moor Cojambar, who was now, with his crew, doing 
 his best to make sail on his ship ; but seeing our men 
 return, all the Moors took to flight, swimming, for they were 
 near the land. Then the Portuguese ships took in their 
 sails without anchoring, and went to the ships to plunder, 
 but they found there little property. They then made fast 
 the large ship astern of other ships which carried sail, and 
 each ship took in tow the vessels and sambuks which she 
 was able to draw after her, for they only carried ballast, and 
 they returned towards Calecut. In this manner, on the next 
 day, they arrived before Calecut far out in the offing, for the 
 wind carried them there with the sambuks, with which they 
 could not haul upon the bowline. When the wind fell calm, 
 they made fast the ships and sambuks to one another low 
 down at the water-line, and when the wind sprung up they 
 went before the city and set fire to them all, and let them 
 go ashore ; and they made a fearful fire, for there were 
 thirteen vessels and sambuks, which, with the wind, went as 
 far as the beach, where there were crowds of people, upon 
 whom the ships made a discharge with their artillery, and a 
 
374 ARTILLERY LANDED AT CANANOR, 
 
 large portion of it readied them. They then went on the 
 course for Cananor, where the captain-major already was. 
 He arrived with much show of rejoicing', and the fleet 
 dressed out with flags, saluting with chambers so as not to in- 
 jure the ships; and he landed and went to the church with all 
 the crews to give praise to the Lord ; and Gil Fernandes 
 Barbosa took possession of his factory, with Bastian Alvares 
 and Diogo Nunes as clerks.' This Gil Fernandes had a 
 nephew named Duarte Barbosa, who, remaining with him in 
 Cochym, learned the language of the Malabars so well, that 
 he spoke it better than the people of the country. 
 
 Here the captain-major held a consultation with the cap- 
 tains as to what was to be done with the artillery, as it was 
 not good that it should return to Portugal ; and all said 
 that it would be well to leave it, and to speak upon the sub- 
 ject to the King, so that he might not think it strange to 
 see artillery disembarked in his country. This having been 
 agreed upon, the captain-major went to speak to the King 
 and to take leave of him, and give him explanations about 
 the artillery which he wished to leave : to which the King 
 said that he did well, and they talked for some time of the 
 dispersion of the fleet, the King saying that now the Zamo- 
 rim would never make another. He then gave the captain- 
 major letters and presents for the King of Portugal, after 
 which they took leave of one another. The captain-major 
 went immediately to the ships, and hurried the sending 
 ashore of the artillery, so that before it was morning the 
 boats were already at the shore with the heavy guns, and 
 they rolled them on shore on beams, and many gunners and 
 artillery took them up above to the settlement and put them 
 in a hollow from which stone had been quarried ; there were 
 thirty guns and twenty falconnets, which were all covered 
 over with earth. And the next day they landed twelve, 
 
 1 BaiTos iiiunes the clerks liastiiin Alvcares and Diogo Godinho. 
 
THE FACTORY AT CANANOR WALLED IN. 375 
 
 which they had not room for,^ and twenty falconnets and 
 forty swivel guns, which were also buried with the falcon- 
 nets, and they landed the gun-carriages and a quantity of 
 cannon-shot, which were also buried ; and all was collected 
 together so that it was not perceived. Then the captain- 
 major sent through the factor to entreat the King much to 
 send his Gozil with his stonemasons to build a thick wall of 
 stone, and high, outside of the palissade, with its gate shut 
 with a key, and that at night he should send to shut the 
 door, and keep the key ; and that in doing this he would 
 give him great pleasure, because the Portuguese would re- 
 main at night shut in under his key. AVitli this the Kiug 
 was much pleased, and pi-omised the captain-major that it 
 should be done at once ; for he thought that the captain- 
 major did it with the desire that the Portuguese should 
 remain subject to him. But the captain-major did it be- 
 cause, with a wall thus built, the settlement remained secure 
 from fire. This wall was built before a month had elapsed ; 
 and the captain-major charged the factor above all to keep a 
 strict watch with respect to fire, and that the men should 
 cook their supper by day, and should not keep fires at night 
 nor candles in any house ; and he left full regulations for 
 everything with the factor. He left with the captain-major 
 of the sea the power over everything by sea and land, with 
 powers like those he himself enjoyed ; and he ordered him 
 to cruise along the coast all the summer, doing all sorts of 
 injury to the affairs of Calecut, and always to visit Cochym, 
 and not to take more ships than he needed, and to lay up 
 the others in Cananor or in Cochym, where he was to pass 
 the winter if there should be war, and he was to do all that 
 the King of Cochym ordered him, because so the King of 
 Portugal commanded ; and should there not be any necessity 
 
 ^ Porque nom cobrirao, Lisbon edition ; que nao cobrirao, Duke of 
 Goa's MS. Neither of these readings makes sense, and I have sujiposed 
 that by an error the verb cohrir has been substituted for the verb caber. 
 
376 gama's instructions to vicente sodre. 
 
 for wintering in Cocliym, he was to go further along the 
 coast, and cruise for prizes among the ships bound for 
 Mekkah ;i and the ships of Cambay he was to let pass as 
 friends ; and in all respects he was to act so as to gain 
 friends, and take care that the crews were well treated and 
 paid, for there remained much merchandise in the factory ; 
 and he left twenty pipes of powder, which the factor put 
 into jars underground well preserved.^ 
 / The captain-major ordered the clerks of the factory to 
 make a list of all the people who might choose to remain in 
 the fleet^ of their own accord, because he did not leave more 
 than thirty men* with their officers in the factory. On this 
 account, the men, longing for the prizes which they hoped 
 to make, rejoiced to remain, and there remained two hun- 
 dred men. And he appointed as captains of the ships. 
 Bras Sodre, brother of the chief captain, and Pero d^Atayde, 
 a good gentleman, and as captains of the caravels, Joan 
 Lopez Perestrelo, Antonio Fernandes the Red, Ruy de 
 Mendanha, and Gomes Ferreira, who had been factor. 
 Evei'ything having been thus provided for, as much as was 
 
 y 
 
 1 Yicente Sodre was wrecked and drowned in July or August of 1503, 
 at anchor off the Curia Muria Islands. His brother, Bras Sodre^'s shipT" 
 was also wrecked, but he and his crew escaped to land, as Correa says, 
 by their mast and rigging, which fell overboard towards the shore. 
 
 2 Osorio says Gama made a treaty with the King of Cananor, which 
 provided that the King of Cananor should never make war on the King 
 of Cochim, nor should he join with the King of Calecut for the destruc- 
 tion of Cochim, neither, if the King of Calecut made war on Cochim, 
 was he to send him supplies ; and Gama committed to the charge of the 
 King of Cananor the Portuguese who were to remain there for King 
 Manuel's affairs. 
 
 Gama left six ships with Vicente Sodre, who was to support the King 
 of Cochim as much as possible against Calecut ; and if by February 
 there was no appearance of hostilities, he was to go to the Arabian 
 Straits, and carry on war against the Arabs. 
 
 3 The fleet of Vicente Sodr6. 
 
 ^ Barros says he left about twenty men in the factory. 
 
GAMA RETURNS TO PORTUGAL. 877 
 
 requisite, the fleet set sail for Portugal/ and Vicente Sodre 
 went in company with it, with his fleet, as far as Mount 
 Dely, where they took in wood and water, and took on board 
 their boats and skiffs, which was all done in two days, and 
 they departed standing out to sea, sailing for Melinde, with 
 such favourable weather that in few days they arrived at 
 Melinde, and anchored outside the port; and the captain- 
 major at once disembarked in his boat and went on shore, 
 and the King made great rejoicings for him. The captain- 
 major told his captains to return to the ships, and to send 
 and fetch from the shore whatever they required, and he re- 
 mained with the King that night and the next day, giving 
 him an account of all that he had left accomplished in India; 
 and taking the letters and things for the King of Portugal, 
 they took leave of one another like great friends. At sun- 
 set the captain-major went away to embark, and the King 
 had ah'eady filled the ships with sheep and many fresh pro- 
 visions. When it was night he set sail along the coast with 
 very fair winds, and did not choose to enter Mozambique, 
 as he had no need to do so, but continued his course without 
 ever meeting with any storm or hindrance, but only winds 
 with which all his sails served. So he made his course for 
 the Tercoira Islands, which he sighted, but which also he did 
 not touch at, as he had a very fair wind, and he ari'ived at 
 the bar^ of Lisbon in the evening, at the time of full tide, 
 with which there entered into the river three ships of 
 Flanders ; Tie also entered together with them, without 
 anchoring, except before the city." This is a thing to be set 
 
 ' Osorio says Gaina sailed from Cananor on the 28th day of December, 
 1502. 
 
 '^ Osorio says of the return voyage that Gama took in water and pro- 
 visions at Mozambique, and met with a storm not far from the Cape, in 
 which Estevan da Gama's ship parted company from the others. Gama, 
 however, reached Lisbon on the 1st of September, 1503, with twelve 
 laden ships : six days later Estevan da Gama reached Lisbon after au 
 equally prosperous voyage. 
 
378 EECEPTION OP GAMA BY THE KING. 
 
 down to the good pleasure of the Lord^ that weighing his 
 anchor at Mehnde^ he cast it again in Lisbon, with ten ships 
 laden with very great wealth, after leaving such great ser- 
 vices accomplished in India. When this was told to the King, 
 
 I he felt much pleasure, and sent to visit the captain-major by 
 
 I D. Nuno Manuel, his captain of the guard, and he himself 
 went on horseback with many people to the cathedral, to 
 
 1 give much praise to the Lord before the altar of Saint Vin- 
 cent. Dom Vasco, when D. Nuno came to visit him on the 
 
 J part of the King, disembarked afterwards with him, and all 
 the captains ; and coming out upon the shore they found 
 many relations and friends, and horses, upon which they all 
 mounted, and went their way to the cathedral, where the 
 King had ordered them to go and give praise to the Lord, 
 accompanied by the Bishop of Gruarda and the Count of 
 Penela, whom the King sent to receive them ; and they ar- 
 rived where the King was ; and when they had ended their 
 prayers, they went to kiss his hand.^ The King treated 
 
 Barros also mentions that Vicente Sodre accompanied Gama during 
 the day on which they left Cananor. He says Gama did not stop any- 
 where except at Mozambique to take in some cargo, and though he met 
 with hard weather, he arrived at Lisbon with nine sail on the 10th of 
 November. Barros also mentions the arrival of the Dutch ships at the 
 same time as Gama, along v*ith two caravels from S. Jorge da Miua,, 
 and two ships from Orau laden with carpets, and a ship from the 
 Levant named the Annuiciada^ one of the most beautiful vessels seen in 
 Europe. 
 
 San Roman relates the rendering tributary the King of Quiloa as 
 having happened on the return voyage instead of in the outward voyage ; 
 he says Gama arrived at Lisbon on the 1st September, 1503, and also 
 mentions the arrival at the same moment of the Dutch ships and other 
 vessels from the Levant. 
 
 1 Barros and San Roman say that on his arrival at Lisbon Gama pre- 
 sented to the King the tribute paid by the King of Quiloa, which was 
 carried in a large silver basin ; with this tribute money (which Barros 
 had said was five hundred mithcals, and San Roman says was two 
 thousand mithcals of gold), the King ordered a gold custodia, or 
 tabernacle, to be made, which he presented to the church of Belem as 
 the first-fruits of his victories in Asia. This custodia was sent by the 
 
HONOURS GRANTED TO QAMA. 379 
 
 them all with much honour, and with great rejoicings he 
 mounted his horse, and went conversing with the captain- 
 major to the palace in the upper part of the castle, where he 
 then lodged ; and they went in to the Queen, and all of 
 them kissed her hand and that of the Prince, the Queen 
 shewing them much honour. The King then bade them go 
 and repose, for such good services well deserved it. To 
 honour so fortunate a voyage, the King bestowed great 
 favours on the captains, and ordered the immediate payment 
 to the crews of all that was owing to them, and an easy 
 dispatch of their chests and things in the custoui-house ; 
 and to Dom Yasco he gave great favours, and all his goods 
 free and exempt, and he granted him the anchorage dues of 
 India, and made him admiral of its seas for ever; and he 
 bestowed the anchorage dues on his heirs, and made him 
 one of the principal men of his kingdom, and always in- 
 creased him with greater honours, as will be seen further on 
 in these histories.^ - — J 
 
 King D. Luis to the Paris Exhibition of 18fi7 : a correspondent of the 
 Times, November 1, 18G7, says that it was made by Gil Vicente of the 
 convent of Belem and i>kiced there ; and tliat on the suppression of 
 religious houses it was placed in the mint. 
 
 ' Correa says, tom. i, p. 525, that in 1505 the King appointed Tristan 
 da Cunha to govern India for three years, and a great fleet was pre- 
 pared, with respect to which Tristan da Cunha gave all the necessary- 
 orders, with 7nuch assistance fronv Dom Vasco da (Jama, who was the 
 principal person in all the affairs of India. At p. 529, in speaking of 
 D. Francisco d'Almeida's preparations to go to India in 1505 instead of 
 Tristan da Cunha, who had suddenly become blind, Correa says that 
 Almeida had got a great abundance of stores and munitions, according 
 to the very full mijiutes xohich D. Vasco da Garna gave with respect to all, 
 for he directed and ordained everi/thing, having been already appointed 
 admiral of the Indian Sea, and he was always with the Viceroy de- 
 spatching business. 
 
 Correa makes no other mention of Vasco da Gama till 1524. 
 
THE THIRD VOYAGE OF VASCO DA GAMA, AND 
 
 HIS VICEROYALTY: FROM THE ''LENDAS 
 
 DA INDIA /^ OF GAS PAR CORREA 
 
 (LISBON, 1861.) 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Dom Vasco da Gama, second Viceroy of India, who went thither this 
 
 year — 1524. 
 
 On the eleventli of September^ there arrived at the bar of 
 Goa^ DoEQ Vasco da Gama, who discovered India, as viceroy 
 of India ; he had been made Count of Vidigueira, and ad- 
 miral of the Indian seas, and he came this year in the ship 
 St. Catherine of Mount Sinay, and with him there came two 
 sons ; the elder named Dom Estevan da Gama, who was 
 captain-major at sea, and later was governor of India ; and 
 the other named Dom Paulo da Gama, who was killed in 
 the war of Malacca. The said Dom Vasco broug-ht with 
 him great state, and was served by men bearing silver 
 maces, by a major-domo, and two pages with gold neck- 
 chains, many equerries, and body servants, very well clothed 
 and cared for ; he also brought rich vessels of silver, and 
 rich tapestry of Flanders, and for the table at which he 
 sate, brocade cloths. They brought to him at table large 
 dishes, as if to the king, with his napkin-bearer bringing 
 hiin the ewer, and all the forms of precedence of a king. 
 The ornaments of his wardrobe, bed, and chapel were very 
 
 • The original MS. has — Era xi de Setembro chegou, etc. ; it is 
 possible that an x was omitted. 
 
 Castanheda says Gama left Portugal on the 9th of April, 1524. 
 
CAPTAINS IN GAMA's FLEET. 381 
 
 complete, with much show and arrangement. He had a 
 guard of two hundred men, with gilt pikes, clothed with his 
 livery. He kept a splendid table; all the gentlemen and 
 honourable persons ate with him. He brought out with 
 him complete power of justice and revenue, like the King^t 
 self, over all persons who might be found beyond the Cape 
 of Good Hope. He was a very disdainful man, and ready 
 to anger, very rash, much feared and respected, very 
 knowing and experienced in all matters. Ho brought with 
 him very brilliant soldiery, and as captains, men of high 
 family, the greater part of whom had been brought up in 
 the labours of Indian affairs ; '^also Afonso Mexia, clerk of 
 the King's chamber, as overseer of the treasury, and as 
 secretary, Yicento Pegado, a noble gentleman, who in the 
 oflEice spoke to him with one knee on the ground. He 
 brought out large supplies for the magazines, and much ar- 
 tillery, and armouries of white weapons, rich cuirasses and 
 firelocks, which were given to the people in his pay, as was 
 the custom in the kingdom.^ There came with him Dom 
 Anrique de Meneses, as captain of Goa, who later was go- 
 vernor of India, aud Lopo Vaz da Sampayo, as captain of 
 Cochym, who also was governor in India ; and Pero Mas- 
 carenhas as captain of Malacca, who also governed India, as 
 will be seen in this history, in their times. And there came 
 Antonio da Silveira, D. Fernando de Monroyo, and D. Simao 
 de Meneses, who was to be captain at Cananor, and Vicente 
 Gil, a shipping agent, and the overseer of the revenue, and 
 Antonio Carvalho, his clerk, in small ships, and Francisco 
 de Brito for the voyage to Ormuz; and Ruy Gonzalvez, who 
 was captain of the militia in India, Lopo Lobo, Christovuo 
 Rosado, Mosem Gaspar Homem, a foreigner, these four 
 were in lateen-rigged carvels ; and Pero Velho in a round 
 carvel. Dom Fernando de Monroyo was wrecked on the 
 
 * Barros says the fleet carried three thousand men, a great part of 
 whom were gentlemen, knights, and dependents of the King's palace. 
 
382 GAMA SIGHTS THE INDIAN COAST. 
 
 coast of Melinde, which I will relate further on ; the Mosem_ 
 ! Graspar, being a man of narrow understanding, and not con- 
 ducting himself well with the people, the seamen, and master 
 and pilot killed him,i and seized upon the carvel and went 
 to the Strait to cruise for prizes, where they were captured 
 by Antonio da Miranda, who went there with a fleet, and 
 brought them to India, where all were hung. The viceroy 
 arrived at Mozambique,^ where he provided what was neces- 
 sary, and from thence he sent one of his servants in the 
 carvel of Mosem Gaspar with a present of various thino-s of 
 the kingdom, which he sent to the King of Melinde, with 
 letters of great friendship, and asking pardon for not going 
 to visit him in person, as he had a large fleet to lade, and 
 time was wanting. In this voyage, on leaving Melinde for 
 India, the mice Gaspar was killed. 
 
 The Viceroy with the fleet reached the coast of India in 
 the neighbourhood of Dabul ; and before they saw land, and 
 with the wind becalmed, during the watch of daybreak, the 
 sea trembled in such manner, giving such great buffets to 
 the ships, that all thought they were on shoals, and struck 
 the sails, and lowered the boats into the sea with great 
 shouts and cries, and discharge of cannons. On casting the 
 lead, with the perturbation, they did not find any bottom, 
 
 * Barros says Gama's fleet was composed of nine large ships and five 
 lateen carvels, which sailed from Lisbon on the 9th April, 152-4. Besides 
 the captains mentioned by Correa, he names D. Jorge de Meneses and 
 Francisco de Sa, son of Joao llodrigues do Sa, alcaide m6r of Oporto, 
 who was to go to Java to erect a fort at Sunda. Barros says that Mosem 
 Gaspar was a INIajorcan : he mentions the loss of the ship of Francisco 
 de Brito, of the galloon of D. Francisco de Monroy on the shoals of 
 Melinde, whose crew were saved, and the loss of the carvels of Christovao 
 Rosado and Mosem Gaspar. 
 
 Castanheda also says Gama sailed on the 9th April with fourteen sail, 
 of which seven were ships, four caravels, and three galleons. 
 
 "^ Barros says the fleet arrived at Mozambique on the 14th of August, 
 and that Gama there repaired a yardarm which had been sprung in his 
 own ship. 
 
EARTHQUAKE AT BEA. 383 
 
 and they cried to God for mercy, because tlie ships pitched 
 so violently that the men could not stand upright, and the 
 chests were sent from one end of the ship to the other. This 
 trembling came on with violence, and died off, and then 
 again was renewed, each time during the space of a Credo, 
 The whole lasted for about an hour, in which the water made 
 a great boiling up, one sea struggling with another. There 
 came with the Viceroy a master of the art of medicine, an 
 astrologer, who at once said to the Viceroy that it was a 
 quaking of the sea.^ When it was clear day they saw the 
 
 ^ Barros gives a similar account of the confusion caused by the earth- 
 quake ; he says it happened on Wednesday (the 7th), eve of Our Lady 
 of September (the 8th) at eight p.m., and lasted a quarter of an hour; 
 it was followed by a very heavy fall of rain, like a deluge, which fell 
 without wind or other previous signs : it lasted a short time. He adds 
 that Gama, when he saw what was going on, and the fears of the crew, 
 said to them : " Friends ! be glad and joyful, for the sea trembles at us : 
 have no fear, for this is an earthquake." Barros says all the damage 
 done was the loss of a man who cast himself into the sea thinking that 
 the ship had grounded on a bank. Shortly after Gama's fleet captured 
 a Moorish ship, which also had felt the earthquake : from the pilots of 
 this vessel the Portuguese learned that they were near Dio, and would 
 reach it in three days. Gama gave orders to make for Dio, and as they 
 sailed for six days without reaching land the crews became terrified, 
 saying that the land had been swallowed up by the earthquake. The 
 reason for believing this was an opinion which they had brought from 
 the kingdom, authorised by severalastrologers of Europe, who affirmed 
 that in this year of 1524 there was a conjunction of all the planets in 
 the house of Piscis, which prognosticated an almost general deluge, or 
 at least of a large part of the earth, chiefly near the coast. This opinion 
 gained ground so much that there were noble persons in this kingdom 
 (Portugal) who ordered shelter to be prepared for them with stores of 
 biscuit in high mountains. According as Alberto Pighio Campeusis re- 
 lates in his learned treatise against this opinion, some people in his 
 country, from the belief they had in it, neglected business of great im- 
 portance. However, with all this belief on the part of Alberto's people, 
 we know that our people did not desist from their pleasures and vices. 
 It seems that these prophets of astrology were not sent by God like the 
 prophet Jonah to the Ninevites, who repented from fear of God ; but 
 these others feared death more than Him : for those put on sackcloth, 
 prayed, and fasted three days with all their soul, praying for the pardon 
 
384 GAMA ARRIVES AT CHAUL. 
 
 landj and when it was recognised, with the sea-breeze they 
 stood for Chaul, where they anchored,] and Simao d'Andrade 
 at once went to visit the ship. The Viceroy did him great 
 honour, and gave to him and to all the captains of the fleet 
 large presents of refreshments, because he was very grand 
 
 of God for their sins; but the Mnevites of our time, who had baptism, 
 made provision of biscuit and other victuals to ensure their lives, with- 
 out preparing their souls against what it might please God to do with 
 them. So from this opinion which the crews held (or rather fable of 
 ignorant astrologers, since the year was faulty in being dry more than 
 stormy), they were so terrified at the preceding signs that the admiral 
 decided on again questioning the Moorish pilot why he had misled him 
 as to the time which he had fixed for seeing land. He replied that if 
 his lordship had ordered to steer as he had said they would already have 
 sighted the coast of Dio, but as 'he had put the ship's head for Chaul 
 they had run by the other coast, and that by his reckoning by this 
 course they ought to sight Chaul next day. Although it was not so, 
 they sighted Ba^aim, which is six leagues north of Chaul, and the next 
 day, which was the fifth of September, the admiral anchored in the port 
 of Chaul. (Dec. iii, lib. ix, cap. 1.) 
 
 Here there is an error in the dates, and Barros contradicts himself, 
 for he says the earthquake happened on the 7th September, after which 
 there were eight days' navigation, which would bring the fleet to Chaul 
 on the 15th September : the date of the fifth can hardly be a misprint 
 for the fifteenth, since Barros says Gama left Chaul on the 12th. 
 
 San Roman says the earthquake happened on the morning of the sixth 
 September. Castanheda mentions the earthquake on the 6th September, 
 near the coast of India. \ 
 
 > Barros says that in Chaul, Vasco da Gama took the title of Viceroy 
 as he had been ordered by the King to take it in the first fortress of 
 India which he reached : in which the King followed the example^ of his 
 father D. Manuel when he sent Francisco d' Almeida to those parts. 
 Castanheda says that Gama published his commission in Chaul, as the 
 King had ordered, and that he remained there tbree days at anchor 
 without landing, nor allowing any one to land, except Joan Soyro, the 
 auditor-general, and Sebastian Luis, the secretary of Cochym, whom he 
 ordered to visit, in his name, the fortress of Chaul, and to publish that 
 all the soldiers who were unmarried or who did not belong to the local 
 garrison were to embark at once and follow the Viceroy. He also ordered 
 Christopher de Sousa, the captain of the fort, that if Duarte de Meneses 
 arrived he was not to allow him to land, nor give him provisions for 
 more than four days. 
 
GAMA ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT. 385 
 
 and liberal in his expenditure. There the Viceroy at once 
 appointed Christovao de Sousa as captain of the fortress, 
 according to instruction from the Bang. The Viceroy also 
 made appointments in all posts, high and low, because he 
 had instructions to make appointments for everything 
 wherever he arrived, without waiting for the governor, 
 Dom Duarte [de Meneses] , to give m his accounts, since 
 the King was very indignant with him for his evil deeds. 
 The Viceroy gave a written instruction to Christovao de 
 Sousa, that if the governor should come thither, he should 
 do nothing that he might command him, and not to fulfil 
 anything of what he might find to have been commanded by 
 him. Having disposed of matters as was fitting in Chaul, 
 he went to Goa,^ where the city gave him a great reception 
 
 • The following is a tfanslation of a letter fi-om the Chamber of Goa 
 announcing the arrival of Vasco da Gama at Goa on the 23rd September, 
 1524, the text of which is given in the Appendix, p. x. 
 
 " Through Luis Fernandez Colazo, whom we had sent as our agent to 
 Your Highness, we received the answer to the letters which he conveyed 
 from this city, and also the confirmation of our privileges, with the 
 settlement of regulations, and also the sanction of appointments to 
 oflSces, all despatched satisfactorily as we desired, and for all this we kiss 
 the hands of Your Highness ; and we cannot deny that the love and good 
 will which the King your father (may he be in holy glory !) had for this 
 city and its inhabitants is not forgotten, according as we see by the 
 many favours which you grant us, both in despatching our business, and 
 in all the rest which for our part we have requested : and for ever we 
 and our sons will beseech and pray the Lord God to increase the days 
 and royal state of Your Highness for His service. 
 
 "The Count of Vidigueira arrived at this city on the 23rd day of Sep- 
 tember of the present year with nine ships; they say that five are want- 
 ing of the number of those that set sail with him. It seems to us that 
 he comes with good designs, and desirous to serve Your Highness, and 
 to do justice to suitors, which is very requisite for this country; from 
 what we have seen in this city, and from what he did in the few days 
 that he remained in it in redressing the injuries of many persons, and 
 rectifying faults which had been committed against your revenue. He 
 was received by us in this city with that honour which those deserve 
 who love justice, and fulfil your commands. We presented to him our 
 privileges and liberties, to all which he says he will have regard as they 
 
38G LKTTER OF THE CHAMBER 
 
 with festivities and a rich canopy, and a harangue, and they 
 bore him in procession to the cathedral ; and they conveyed 
 
 have been granted us by Your Highness ; on account of the short time 
 that he remained in tliis city, he could not despatch some matters which 
 wc brought before him, and because the time drew nigh for getting 
 ready the pepper cargo, neither wouhl he take cognisance of many 
 m.atters which remain until his return, and according as things hapjien 
 here, it is not fitting for him to repose in tlie midst of what he is cliarged 
 with, as we have seen. 
 
 " Many persons went to him with offerings such as it is customary to 
 make to governors when they are newly arrived; he would not take any- 
 thing from Christian or ]Moor, and still less from this city, which wc 
 all look upon as extraordinary, as it is the custom for all to be accepted. 
 He left as captain in tliis city Dom Anrique de IVIeneses, as D. Fernando 
 had not come, who it is said is coming as captain : we cannot say any- 
 thing besides what should be said of a good gentleman, and we are 
 treated by him as is reasonable and just, and according to wiuit Your 
 Highness commands and recommends. 
 
 " In all the letters which we have written to Your Highness we have 
 given an account of this city and of its noble foundation, and of the 
 Portuguese inhabitants who dwell in it with their wives and chiUlren, 
 and now it seems right that wc sliould do so in tliis letter. It scorns that 
 
 f ( the Portuguese who at present are married and established will be four 
 i hundred and fifty, and it cannot with certainty be said how many they 
 
 ' ' are, as they are scattered about in many parts, and of those we know of 
 many are gentlemen, and knights, and squires, servaTits of yours, and 
 other persons of nmch desert, who have rendered nuicii service to Your 
 Highness, both in these parts and in others of your realms ; these iiave 
 got sons and daughters to marry, and some of them already married in 
 this city : and since it is thus ordained by God that we are to leave our 
 native countries to i)eo})le this land, we beg Your Highness to bear in 
 mind our services, and those which it is hoped that our sons will perform. 
 "With regard to some works which have been executed in this city, 
 the chief one is the monastery of St. Francis, wliieh we may say has 
 been completed, and it is s;iid to be one of the best houses to be found 
 in your realms, both for its good monks, and for its other works; and in 
 the next place a liospital whit^h Francisco Pereira built close to tlie gate 
 of St. Catharine of this city, and excejjting that of Lisbon we know of 
 no other better, it is a great comfort to the siek, with the good manage- 
 ment which it lias ; and it was very necessary that it should have been 
 built, on account of tlie many sick who arrived with this licet of the 
 Count. 
 
 "There has atso been made a stono quay on th(< sea at th(> strand-gate, 
 
 \/ 
 
OF GK)A TO THE KINO OF PORTUGAL. 387 
 
 him with rejoicings to the fortress, which Francisco Pereira- 
 had kept in very good order, and he had gone to visit the vice- 
 
 and this was by the orders of Francisco Pereira ; it is a great embellish- 
 ment of the city, as it is a very good work, and galleys, and fuataa, and 
 other small vessels come alongside of it to discharge cargo, and take in 
 what they want : there are some other works which are not more near 
 completion than they were before, and the others which Francisco 
 Pereira executed during the time that he was captain here, Your High- 
 ness will already know of. 
 
 " We reminded the Count of the repairs of the walls of this city ; he 
 took much pleasure at this, and looked* to it, and ordered D. Anrique 
 our captain to commence facing it, we beg Your Highness to give 
 further orders to undertake this and make the necessary repairs, because it 
 is not for your service that it should remain thus. 
 
 " With regard to the building of the houses which the inhabitants 
 have made, they are good, and every day they build some, and within 
 the circuit of the city there is no imoccupied ground, nor can the 
 married people be contained within it, and many live outside in the 
 suburbs, being unable to do anything else, as they are very poor. 
 
 " The mainland which Ruy de Melo, who was captain of this city, 
 conquered, was entered by the Moors, who used to possess it, in the 
 month of April of five hundred and twenty-four, and they hold it as 
 theirs, and the first Tanadar's district which they took was that of 
 Perna, which is by the seaside : there they captured two Portuguese, 
 and one of them was the Tanadar ; these are prisoners in the fortress of 
 Bylgan, of which the Suffilarim is captain. We do not judge to whom 
 should be given the blame for losing this land, but Dom Duarte, who 
 was the governor in these parts, was at the bar of this city with a fleet 
 ready to sail for Ormuz, and he was asked to give succour, and told 
 that with few men he could cast out the Moors from the country : he 
 answered that he could not do it, as he was on a voyage ; and that even 
 if Goa should be lost, he would not desist from going to Ormuz, which 
 was little necessary for what was fitting for your service. His brother, 
 Dom Luis de Meneses, was also at that time in this city, and he went 
 to winter in Cochym, and he carried away all the men whom he could, 
 and as it was the beginning of winter the Moors increased in numbers 
 and got possession of the country ; nevertheless, Francisco Pereira 
 crossed over the river with what men he had in the city, who were very 
 few, and for all that, he could do nothing more there than abandon the 
 coimtry. 
 
 " The horses which came this year from Ormuz to this city were one 
 thousand three hundred and forty-three, besides thirty-six that died, 
 and the reason that more did not come was the insurrection which 
 
388 LETTKR OF THK CIIAMUKR 
 
 roy at the bar, and accompanied him. The viceroy, on entei'- 
 ing the fortress, said to him : " Scnhor Francisco Pereira, I 
 
 happened in Ornmz this yciir. It seems to us more will come, on account 
 of the trade of Ormuz haviny been establislied Avith the merchants. 
 
 " As soon as tlie Count arrived at this city, among other things 
 which we requested of him, on behalf of the city and its inhabitants, 
 we presented to liim some minutes, which were made in the Cliamber 
 with tiie concurrence of all the people: in these we seek redress from 
 him for some disputes and injuries which were done by Francisco 
 Pereira, our captain, to several inhabitants of this city ; and not so 
 much for what touched their persons, as each one could make his 
 complaint for himself, but for wliat concerned the ]irivileges and liber- 
 tics which were given us by the King your father (may he be in glory), 
 and now have been newly confirmed by Your Highness ; for [his conduct] 
 was in a great measure in opposition to these, such as putting many of the 
 citizens into prison in irons without reason, and without charge or 
 inquiry held upon them, in which he went Jigainst our said privileges, 
 and after that, in ordering their houses to be taken from some of the 
 inhabitants to lodge other persons in them, turning out of tlu'm their 
 wives and children, in wiiich he acted against tlie said privileges ; and 
 this also in ordering all the provisions which came to this city to cross 
 the wharves in order to lade his ships, and again sell them in tliis city, 
 and in giving offices which Your Highness had granted to us, to single 
 men, as ha|)pened with the port of entrance of Manuel de Sanqmyo, 
 which was vacant. It was also contrary to the said privileges his 
 ordering to put in prison the ordinary judges who by election are 
 appointed with tlieir staves, and he ordered the solicitor of the city to 
 be put into i)rison in irons for re(puring what his olliee made requi- 
 site ; and he took away the staves of some of the insi)ectors of the 
 markets and had them broken in pieces ; and tlie fines of the market 
 which were decided by tlie inspectors of weights and measures, he did 
 not choose that they should be conveyed to the C'liamber, by which the 
 city suffered loss. There were other things contained in the said mi- 
 nutes, which we drew up that the Count might see them, and act in this 
 as he thought most fit for your service. Tliese he saw, and being on 
 the way to Coehyiu, he could not inquire more into this, and he com- 
 mitted all to Uom Anrique, our captain ; and ujion the said minutes a 
 process was instituted, and according to its nature great expenses were 
 icaused to the people of this city, ui)on which we held a Chamber, and 
 all the people were summoned by procliimation ; and it was agreed upon 
 by all, that the said minutes had not been given to the Count in order 
 that claims should bo made by law, and that men should waste tlieir 
 property [sueing] with Francisco Pereira, but only in order that he, 
 
OF GOA TO THE KINO OP POETUOAL. 389 
 
 should wish to find all your aflfairs kept thus in as good order 
 as these buildingfs." Because he brought a memorandum 
 
 through the powers which he brings from Your Highness, should take 
 measures in this matter according as might be for your service ; and 
 that we should write this same to Your Highness respecting the said 
 minutes, in what concerned the privileges of this city, since we felt ag- 
 grieved in what had been done in opposition to them, in what has 
 been siaid, not only in the special matter, but in general, as is notorious ; 
 and since we saw that the decision of these affairs was postponed, and 
 that Francisco Pereira had cast suppicion upon all the inhabitants of this 
 city, both upon the officers of justice and upon other persons, and that 
 this suspicion gained credence, we desist from saying more of the said 
 minutes, and of the opinion of the people ; and we inform Your High- 
 ness of it, and petition you in respect to Francisco Pereira's going 
 against our privileges, to preserve entire justice towards us, and to 
 command that the truth may be ascertained by persons free from suspi- 
 cion : for it cannot be but that among five hundred inhabitants that are 
 in this city, there should not be twenty, of whom there is no suspicion, 
 and who are not ill disposed to Francisco Pereira ; because we hope to 
 prove completely that he has acted against the said privileges in what 
 has been mentioned, and he gives as an excuse that we did not notify 
 them to him, when the fortress of this city was handed over to him by 
 Kui de Mello. At that time they were read and notified to him by the 
 officers of the Chamber, and he swore upon the Holy Gospels to comply 
 with them, and he signed the oath at the foot of the book of the 
 Chamber, as will be seen. 
 
 " Your Highness has granted to the inhabitants of this city the favour 
 that the offices both of your treasury and of justice should be held among 
 them for three years, and by those persons who were capable, as is stated 
 more at length in the letter granting the said offices ; and as we see that 
 of these who have to be in office for three years, some persons since your 
 letter hold them for their lives, we are aggrieved in this ; also as Crysua, 
 who holds four offices, and Pero Gdo. three, and in other cases each one 
 has his, which we do not name, we petition Your Highness that no office 
 be granted for life, but only for three years at a time, for there do not 
 remain besides any more than seven or eight offices, and of these we take 
 whatever they give us, up to the present time. So we petition Yoiur 
 Highness to be pleased that of these offices which may have to be pro- 
 vided for by the governor or captain of the fort, the presentation of 
 persons for them may be by the Chamber, so that all may have part in 
 the favour which is granted them by Your Highness, for it happens 
 frequently that the offices are given more from partisanship than from 
 merit. 
 
390 PROCEEDINGS AGAINST 
 
 against him of grave accusations whicli had reached the 
 King concerning him. Immediately^ on the next day, he 
 put Dom Anrique de Meneses in the captaincy, and the 
 people of the country seeing that Francisco Pereira was 
 already turned out of the post of captain, there came at 
 once to the viceroy great complaints of great evil doings, 
 which the viceroy already brought written down ; on which 
 account the viceroy heard a great deal against him, for he 
 had instructions to observe strict justice in all matters.^ He 
 made Francisco Pereira pay much money, without demands 
 nor citations, because he heard the parties verbally, and he 
 condemned him to pay, for he already knew the evil deeds 
 done by Francisco Pereira, which had been reported to the 
 kingdom by certified inquiries. For he was so bold a man, 
 and conducted himself so ill with the people, that the chief 
 men of the city had been near rising up and deposing him 
 from the post of captain, and for that reason they concerted 
 and drew up a statement with many counts to be given to 
 
 " With respect to some offices which ought to be appointed for life, wc 
 have already written upon that matter to Your Highness, as it seems to 
 us to be for the service of God and for youi-s : such as are the notaries, 
 of deeds, of justice, and of tlie Chamber, because tlicse are appointments 
 which it is not well that they should run for three ycai^, and not for the 
 lives of the persons who are to serve them ; and the notaries of deeds 
 whom Your Highness sends, let them be given for life, and so it will be 
 done. By the fleets which went from here in the time of Dom Duartc, 
 we have written at length to your Highness many things about this city 
 and also about India, and it seems to us unnecessary to write more in 
 this, since the things which have been done cannot be hid. ]\Iay it 
 please the Lord God to increase the days and royal state of Your High- 
 ness for His service. Written in the Chamber of the said city of (ioa on 
 the last day of October. Luis Alvarez did it. Year of 1.'521. 
 
 " Christovam Affonso, Diogo Y", Payo Rodriguez, Tero Gonzalez." 
 * Barros says the chief thing the Viceroy did in Goa was to inquire 
 into the affairs of Francisco Pereira Pestana, the captain of the city, 
 against whom there were some complaints, as ho was a man of a harsh 
 disposition ; and they were such that he deprived him of his captaincy, 
 and put into it D. Henrique de Meneses. 
 
FRANCISCO l^EREIRA I'ESTANA. 391 
 
 tlie governor, and to be sent to the King witli the legal re- 
 presentative of the city to pray for justice ; in this wore 
 stated many veiy shameful things, worthy of severe chas- 
 tisen}ent. This business was concerted by eighteen house- 
 holders, chief men of Goa, and witnesses were named, l^liis 
 minute, thus drawn up, was shewn to the bishop, Dora Mar- 
 tinho, who was in Goa, and was lying ill in bed when the 
 viceroy arrived, and on that account did not go to receive 
 him with the procession ; he, on seeing the statement, saw 
 that it was all true ; and they wished to elect the bishop as 
 captain until the governor should come, but the bishop was 
 virtuous, and would not consent to it, but, on the contrary, 
 turned them aside from the Avhole matter. Since doubt 
 arose amongst them that this might be discovered, all of 
 their free will took oath upon a missal book in the hands of 
 the bishop, never to discover this matter, and that all of 
 them would kill whoever disclosed it. 
 
 When they were all outside the house, there was one who 
 at once turned Judas, and disclosed everything to Francisco 
 Pereii'a, upon which he played the devil with some whom 
 he laid hands upon, and imprisoned them narrowly, and de- 
 stroyed their property, and ordered their houses to be pulled 
 down, and themselves proclaimed as traitors. He went to 
 the house of the bishop and spoke to him outrageous words, 
 saying that he was a harbourer of traitors ; and he took the 
 property of all, as forfeited to the King, and made it over to 
 the factory, and ordered it to be expended in building a hospi- 
 tal for the sick ; so that was built, which now stands at the 
 gate of St, Catharine. The Viceroy would not hear of any- 
 thing, but only ordered the payment of whatever was de- 
 manded from Francisco Pereira. He, seeing himself so 
 persecuted that he was ordered to pay everything only upon 
 the oath of the claimant, said to the Viceroy — " Sir, now 
 that they rob rae of my property, demanding from me that 
 which I do not owe, I beg of your lordship not to order the 
 
392 MEASURES TAKEN 
 
 oath to be administered to anyone, but that as much as 
 they may claim fz'om me may be freely paid, and I will send 
 to proclaim that whoever desires the money of Francisco 
 Pereira may come and ask for it."^ The Viceroy became 
 very angry, and said to him : " When you took that which 
 was not yours, why did you not choose that it should be 
 judged by means of the administration of justice? and since 
 these things were so, it is not well that you should meet with 
 justice, since you did not observe it; but in order to dis- 
 charge your conscience, I will order it to be proclaimed 
 that whosoever you may owe money or property to may come 
 without fear to demand it, and it shall be paid to him: and 
 I will not hear of criminal matters until the fit time for it/'^ 
 The Viceroy commanded the doctor of the hospital not to 
 take in any sick person unless he were afflicted with sores 
 or wounds ; and as the sick men who arrived in the ships 
 clamoured on account of this, and it was reported to him, 
 he answered that he knew of a remedy with which they 
 would at once become sound ; and he ordered it to be pro- 
 claimed that in three days from that time the shares would 
 be paid of a rich ship which he had taken coming from 
 Chaul,^ and which was coming from Mecca, in which one 
 
 ^ Castanheda relates this, and adds : " By this means Fereira acquitted 
 himself of his debts through the prudence of the Viceroy, who took 
 good care that each man got his rights and nothing more." 
 
 2 Francisco Pereira Testana left Lisbon to come out to India in April 
 1508 as captain of the Lionarda^ with the appointment of captain of 
 the fort at Quiloa. (Correa, i, p. 88G ; Osorio, v.) The last time 
 Correa mentions him is in February 1526, when, after the death of the 
 governor Anriquc de Meneses, Pero Mascarenhas, captain of Malacca, 
 was found to be the first named in the succession to tlie governorship ; 
 and those who expected to be the next named were D. Simao de 
 Meneses, Heytor da Silveira, Francisco Pereira Pestana^ Joao da Silveira, 
 and Lopo Vaz de Sampayo. This latter was the one actually named, 
 and he held the government till Pero Mascarenhas arrived. The men- 
 tion made of Pereira in 1525 by Correa is more favourable to him than 
 what is mentioned during Vasco da Gama's viceroyalty. 
 
 ' Barro3 mentions the capture of a Moorish ship, probably the same, 
 
BY VASCO DA OAMA AT GOA. 393 
 
 liuudrcd thousand sorafins had been found in gold, and two 
 hundred thousand in merchandise and slaves. He appointed 
 as factor and distributor of this Fernan Martins Avangelho, 
 and Bastian Luiz, clerk of the seamen's list, who sold it all ; 
 and the whole was divided into shares, so that nothing was 
 wanting. All the people flocked to this payment, and 
 many came out of the hospital, and he ordered that they 
 should not take them in again, for he was well informed 
 that they took men into the hospital out of friendship. He 
 also forbade that anyone who was wounded in a brawl 
 should be taken to the hospital, saying that they brawled 
 on account of women, and for that reason were not to be 
 cured in the hospital. He gave strict orders against the 
 ships' crews coming on shore, and that they were to re- 
 main on board the ships, whei'e they would receive their 
 victuals. The auditor-general, Joao do Soyro, who had 
 come with him, remained on guard over the ships at the bar. 
 The Viceroy had it proclaimed that every man should go 
 to Cochym to be eni'olled, because all those who did not go 
 thither should remain without pay : and he did this also in 
 Chaul, where the people remained according to the list and 
 roll which he gave out, and so he did in Goa. In order that 
 the ships might not be detained, he did not consent to their 
 disembarking anything in Groa, which caused great losses to 
 the shipping-agents, and was the cause of his giving them 
 later shipments gratis for Goa in the King's ships, because 
 he attended very much to administering strict justice. When 
 the Viceroy was at Belem, before setting sail, knowing how 
 
 before Gama reached Chaul. It was bound from the Red Sea to Cam- 
 bay, and was boarded first by D. Jorge de Meneses. Gama, after hear- 
 ing from its captain, master, and pilot what goods they carried, put on 
 board of her Tristao d'Ataide, his brother-in-law, and Fernao IMartins 
 Evangelho, and when taken to Chaul the goods on board were valued at 
 sixty thousand cruzados. Castanheda says the money taken amounted 
 to sixty thousand cruzados, and the merchandise two hundred thousand 
 more. 
 
394 THREE WOMEN FLOaOED 
 
 great inconveniences resulted from men bringing women in 
 the ships, both on account of their souls and on account of 
 plots and brawls, in order not to give rise to these evils, he 
 ordered it to be proclaimed on shore, and on board the 
 ships, and his orders were posted at the foot of the masts, 
 that any woman who should be found in the ships outside 
 of Belem, should be publicly scourged, even though she 
 were a married woman, and her husband should be sent 
 back to Portugal loaded with fetters ; and should she be a 
 slave and a captive she should be confiscated' for the ransom 
 of captives : and the captain who should find a woman in 
 his ship and not give her up should for that lose his com- 
 mission.- He ordered the auditor to draw up an act of 
 these proclamations : and when the ships reached Mozam- 
 bique, three women were denounced to him, and he ordered 
 them to be taken up, and here in Goa he ordered them 
 to be scourged, all three together, with the proclama- 
 tion by the crier of — "^'The justice of the King our sovereign ! 
 it orders these women to be flogged, because they had no 
 fear of his justice, and ci'ossed over to India in spite of bis 
 prohibition." 
 
 All the gentlemen, and the bishop, and the friars, and 
 the brothers of mercy interceded on behalf of these women, 
 and good men offered three thousand pardaos for the ransom 
 of captives, which the Viceroy would not listen to at all. On 
 the next daj^, when they were to be brought out to be 
 flogged, the brothers of mercy and the Franciscan friars 
 came with a crucifix to beg for the women to be given up to 
 thom. This being told to Vasca da Gama, he sent them 
 word to take back the crucifix at once to the altar, and then 
 he would listen to them. This they did. Then he spoke to 
 them, and told them not to let such a thing happen to them 
 again, because to come to his house with a crucifix, through 
 the streets where there were so many people, was a kind of 
 ' Perdida. ^ Ordenado. 
 
FOR COMING OUT IN THE FLEET. 395 
 
 conspiracy, and done to show the people that he was cruel and 
 pitiless, and that they should not do this to him again. 
 Tliey entreated him earnestly to pai'don,^ because if he did 
 not carry out the execution of these women who had con- 
 temned his justice, men would act much better, confiding in 
 that he would pardon their evil doings. This he would not 
 do for anything in the world, and of this he took his oath, 
 and promised that he would execute strict justice, without 
 any pardon, on those who fell into his hands ; and this he 
 notified to all persons who might do evil in his time, that 
 they should suffer his strict chastisement, without his dimin- 
 ishing or pardoning anything ; for as to the man who did 
 evil, he would take all_his property, and he would give 
 it as a reward to whoever delivered him into his hands, 
 and he would order thena to be slain inside the Balagate ; 
 and it might very well happen that he would pardon some 
 people for things which they had already done, but for 
 those things which they did in his time they would find no 
 remedy in him, but only the punishment of strict justice. 
 So he commanded that the women should be flogged,^ 
 saying, that he would punish with rigorous justice in this 
 world, and that the Lord would have mercy in the next on 
 whomsoever was deserving of it ; and that on account of 
 the intention with which he was acting, God would give him 
 his recompense according to his intention, for he would 
 punish the bad with all his power, in order that the evils 
 wrought by those who did not fear God should not increase ; 
 for, he said, ''never shall they meet with anything from me 
 except all severity and punishment.^' The people were much 
 scandalised at what happened to these women, and judged 
 
 ' Tiie text here appears to be incorrect. 
 
 2 Vasco da Gama sent them dowers from his death-bed. See further 
 on. San Roman mentions the flogging of two women with two hundred 
 stripes, according to the proclamation published in Lisbon against their 
 coming in the fleet on account of the many crimes committed in conse- 
 quence. 
 
oDG MKASUKES AND KEFOUMS 
 
 the Viceroy to be a cruel man ; but seeing such great firm- 
 ness in carrying out his will, they felt great fear, and were 
 wary, and reformed many evils which existed in India, espe- 
 cially among the gentlemen who were very dissolute and 
 evil-doers. 
 
 The Viceroy was very zealous for the King's revenue, and 
 used to say that men came to India very poor and enriched 
 themselves ; and that he, if he could, would make the King 
 rich, as the greatest benefit the people could obtain was to 
 have their King well supplied. He was very ill disposed 
 towards those of the King's officers who were rich ; and 
 those who arrived with appointments from the King, before 
 giving them their charges, he used to question and examine 
 them, and if they did not give a good account of them- 
 selves, and shew themselves well fitted for the discharge of 
 their offices, he did not commit them to them ; and if it was 
 an office of clerk, he used to bid the person write in his 
 presence, and if he was not a good writer he did not give it 
 to him, and would say that if a man wrote badly and begged 
 for a clerkship, it was only for the jiurpose of evildoing. He 
 did not give appointments except to very official people,^ and 
 said that he would not give appointments in the King's 
 revenue as a reward for services rendered, because if after- 
 wards he should detect them in robberies he should not 
 bring them to justice ; and that men's services should be 
 repaid with favours and honours, and not with appointments 
 in which they could gain money ; and for this purpose he 
 had authority to grant pensions, and increase of allowances, 
 and honours, such as each might deserve. He commanded 
 it to be proclaimed that any person in insurrection or who 
 had fled from justice, that was going about India before his 
 arrival, would be pardoned by him on behalf of justice for 
 what he had done, if he returned to the service of God and 
 the King within three months ; and if not they would never 
 ' A honicJis iiuiyto olticiacs. 
 
OF VASCO DA GAMA AT QOA. 397 
 
 be pardoned, in the same manner as those should never bo 
 pardoned who should commit evil after he had arrived in 
 India. 
 
 He ordered it to be proclaimed that, under pain of death 
 and loss of property, no one should navigate without his 
 license, and that those who owned ships should make con- 
 tracts and shipments with the King's factors, with the 
 papers that should be requisite, and that without this they 
 should not navigate ; and that any man who traded with the 
 property of an officer of the King, whether an officer of 
 justice or of exchequer, should lose his ship and all his pro- 
 perty to the King, and should be banished for ever to Por- 
 tugal, without leave to return again to India; because the 
 King had need of the trade of India, to gain thereby where- 
 with to pay the services of the men in India, and to oblige 
 them to serve in the fleets. He ordered it to be proclaimed 
 that he gave permission to any man to go back to the king- 
 dom who did not wish to continue in India, and who did not 
 owe anything to the King or to justice. He took away the pay 
 and rations from the married men, who were not to receive 
 them unless there was a war in which they fought, or unless 
 they went aboard the fleets. He had an inquiiy made into the 
 peculations and robberies which the officers had committed 
 in the revenue of the mainland, and ordered them all to be 
 arrested, and strict accounts to be taken from them. He 
 had it proclaimed that no seafaring man should wear a cloak 
 except on a Sunday or Saint's day on going to church, and 
 if they did, that it should be taken away by the constables, 
 and they should be put at the pump-break for a day in dis- 
 grace ; and that every man who drew pay as a matchlock 
 man should wear his match fastened to his arm. He up- 
 braided the men-at-arms very much for wearing cloaks, 
 because with them they did not look like soldiers. He / 
 ordered that the slaves they might have should be men who 
 could assist in any labour, for they were not going to be 
 
 t 
 
898 .AIKAStJltKS OP GAMA. 
 
 lallowed to embark pages dressed out like dolls on board the 
 King's ships, and grown-up slaves going in the fleet would 
 bo sui)plied with the King's rations. He ordered it to be 
 proclaimed, under pain of death and confiscation, that any 
 person who had got any of the King's artillery should send 
 and deliver it to the magazine, without any penalty, even 
 though he might have stolen it anywhere, and this within 
 the space of one month, after which they would incur tho 
 penalty. In this manner much artillery was gathered in, 
 which was in the possession of trading mercliants, through 
 agreements with King's officers, who used to deliver it up, 
 the King remaining a loser of the powder and balls which 
 they sold. 
 
 Tho Viceroy thus gave instructions for mnny matters 
 which he placed on a good footing ; and he embarked for 
 Cochym in a new galliot,^ which he found completed. Ho 
 embarked with few servants, who were not gentlemen, fur 
 ho always rid himself of those, and preferi-cd the lascars, 
 who conducted themselves after the manner of good soldiers. 
 He was accompanied by six fustas, with which he went 
 along the shore, and the ships out at sea, and he used to go 
 up the rivers and see how they were, so as to learn every- 
 thing. He left orders with Dom Anriquo that if the governor 
 arrived there he was not to allow him to land, nor obey him 
 
 1 Barros s<ays of the voyage to Cochym that it was full of affronts, 
 which were so great for his state and condition that he made haste at 
 Cochym to take measures respecting them. On the way he met Fran- 
 cisco de Mendoncja with eight sail guarding the coast. The Moors took 
 little account of him, for as they had swift vessels, and the Portuguese 
 ships were large and heavy, they dealt with our vessels like a light 
 horseman with a man-at-arms. For which reason they were so bold that 
 they appeared before the Viceroy during the whole voyage in all direc- 
 tions showing that they took no heed of him ; so at last he sent his son 
 D. Estevan with some others in boats to frighten them, and some paid 
 for othei-s. San Roman says the Moors showed on several occasions that 
 they thought little of his coming, as it seemed to them that he knew more 
 as a mariner than as a soldier. 
 
QAMA VISITS CANANOK. 309 
 
 in anytbiiif?. As the Viceroy went thus running down the 
 coast, he learned that the paraos of Calecut had factors in 
 the rivers of Mangalor and Bacanor, who sold the plunder 
 which they took, and gave them cargo of rice, which they 
 carried to Calecut. He ordered the bars of these rivers to 
 be taken possession of, and placed there Jeronymo de Sousa 
 and Manuel de Macedo, with vessels for that purpose ;^ for 
 the paraos which cruised outside, knowing that the Viceroy 
 had arrived at Goa, had all taken shelter in Calecut, 
 
 He arrived at Cananor, where they gave him his recep- 
 tion, and he had an interview with the King, with pomp and 
 honours. The King was much pleased to see him, on ac- / 
 count of the things which had been related of him with 
 respect to the discovery of India, and the injuries which he 
 had since done to Calecut ; and he gave him a rich jewelled 
 neck-chain, and the Viceroy sent him a present of pieces of 
 silk from the kingdom, and both established great friend- 
 ship. He remained there three days, and put D. Simao de 
 Meneses in the flagship, because D. Joiio da Silveira had 
 finished his time ; and he departed, and passed by Calecut 
 at night, because he learned that it was in a state of commo- 
 tion, but there was no fighting, and the people of the shore 
 communicated with our men, and came to sell provisions at 
 the gate of the fort, after they heard of the arrival of the 
 Viceroy. 
 
 [The next, or second chapter, relates how Dom Ani-ique, 
 Captain of Goa, sent Christovilo de Brito with a fleet to the 
 river of Dabul, and what happened there.] 
 
 • Bavros says he gave Jeronymo de Sousa six vessels, and that he de- 
 stroyed more than forty paraos, which had been equipped at Coulete 
 under a Moorish captain named Cutialla, by orders of the Zamorim, to 
 cut off the provisions which the Portuguese carried from Cananor to 
 their fort in Calecut. 
 
400 GAMA GOES TO COCHIM. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Ilow the Viceroy came to Cochym,' and wliat happened until 1). Duarte 
 
 arrived from Ormuz. 
 
 When it was known in Cocliym that the Viceroy was already 
 near the town, the Doctor Pero Nunes, the overseer of the 
 treasury, went out to sea in a large boat with an awning, 
 and dressed out, to laud the Viceroy in it if he was so 
 pleased. Since the sea-breeze was feeble, the Viceroy did 
 not reach further than to Cranganor, where the overseer came 
 up with him, and was received by him with great honour, 
 because he had been much commended by the King ; for as 
 long as he had held his office, which had been six years, 
 he had done such good service, that he had sent pepper of 
 such quality that in the kingdom it suffered a loss of- seven 
 or eight per cent., whilst at first it lost thirty or forty per 
 per cent., on account of being damp, green, and with a mix- 
 ture of sand and grit, and the factors mixed it badly, by 
 which they made their profit. This man remained all night 
 with the Viceroy, to whom he gave a long account of the 
 affairs of the governor and of all India. 
 
 Dom Luis kept the galloon Sam Luis outside of the bar; 
 he had refitted it this winter, and it was well equipped with 
 artillery of heavy calibi'e, and awnings and flags. He em- 
 barked in it next day with many gentlemen and plenty of 
 food, and set sail in search of the Viceroy, who was standing 
 well out to sea with the land-breeze, which was lio-ht for 
 reaching Cochym. On reaching the poop of the Viceroy's 
 ship, he ordered a salute to be made from the galloon's top 
 by lowering and hoisting the standard of captain-major of 
 
 ' Castanlieda says Gania arrived at Cocliym at the end of October. 
 - Qnebrava. 
 
GAMA ARRIVES AT COCHIM. 401 
 
 the sea, wliich he carried. This was replied to with trumpets 
 and kcttlcdiums, because the Viceroy was now coming in 
 the ship from Cananor to this place. Dom Luiz immediately 
 got into a boat with his gentloraon and went to the ship, 
 and the Viceroy received him at the ship's side with many 
 embraces and welcomes, and Dom Luiz made great courte- 
 sies ; after which, they sat down on chairs upon the quarter- 
 deck, where the Viceroy received the gentlemen who came 
 with D. Luis to make their salutations. The Viceroy dis- 
 missed the overseer of the revenue, who went on shore. He 
 had given the Viceroy a long account of the goodness of 
 Dom Luiz, and especially of the manner in which he had 
 reproved the governor for his faults, so that they were not 
 on good terms together : of which the King in Portugal 
 was already well informed, on which account he had charged 
 the Viceroy to shew D. Luis great honour. 
 
 Dom Luis remained with the Viceroy talking of pressing 
 matters and of the voyage, until the sea-breeze came, when 
 they made for Cochym, and they reached the bar at Ave 
 Maria (after sunset). The ship of Vicente Gil was at the 
 bar. He, as a merchant, to make his profits, had parted 
 company at sea in the night, and made his course for 
 Cochym, where he sold his merchandise and made much 
 profit, which he would not have done had he gone to Goa. 
 This the Viceroy was well aware of, and paid him oflf well 
 for it, because he had strictly forbidden all the captains 
 separating from him. 
 
 On arriving at the anchorage, Dom Luis took leave, and 
 returned to his galloon, which was a long way off from the 
 anchorage of the ships. The Viceroy's ship made a salute 
 with much artillery, after which all the fleet fired salutes, 
 and last of all the caravels : a wonderful sight to see, for as 
 the night was already dark, all the fleet could be seen by 
 the glare of the artillery fire ; but a shot from one of the 
 caravels, from want of care, struck another, and killed two 
 
i02 OPFJCIAL i;t:ception 
 
 men in it. Wheii all had done firing', then Doni Luis g'ave 
 orders for firing all the heavy g-uns which had balls, which 
 were thirty-two large pieces, and besides falconnets, swivel- 
 guns, and chambers,^ so that he fiied more than a hundred 
 shots, and surpassed them all ; and the Viceroy was much 
 pleased at seeing so well armed a galloon. 
 
 The Viceroy slept in his ship, where next day the King 
 sent to visit him by one of his ministers ; and Dom Luis 
 went on shore to arrange with the officials of the Chamber 
 for his reception ; and everything was got ready for the next 
 day, when D. Luis went to disembark the Viceroy, for vvhicii 
 purpose he took a new galley which he had ])uilt, and which 
 was manned from the prow abaft with slaves belonging to 
 the King, who were good rowers. The poop was dressed 
 out Avitli rich clotlis, and contained the gentlemen, and a 
 great banquet for breakfasting or dining, if the Viceroy 
 
 pleased. [With him there came D^JQiggp de Lima, the 
 
 captain of the fortress, which fired a great salute on his 
 reaching the ship, Avhen he went to the Viceroy, who re- 
 ceived them with great courtesy. On D. Luis saying that 
 he had come to convey him on shore, the Vicero}' made him 
 many excuses, and said that he would not go exce^Dt in his 
 own boat, which was already prepared for that, with an 
 awning of scai'let cloth striped with dark velvet, braided 
 with gold thread and jjlack thread, and a fringe of gold and 
 scarlet, and lined inside with satin brocade, and at the stern 
 the royal standard of white damask, and the cross of Christ 
 on each side, made of crimson satin, braided with gold 
 thread and tassels. His guard went in two boats with its 
 captain, dressed in livery, with pikes gilt half way; and in 
 another boat the auditor-general, with his constable and 
 men with their staves of justice and lances. All the cap- 
 tnins came in their boats, with their people very richly 
 dressed. When the Viceroy entered his boat, he sat down 
 
 ' Caniaras. 
 
OF GAMA AT COCIIIM. 40-3 
 
 on a chair, and [made] D. Luis [sit] close to liini on 
 another : at which D. Luis made great comphments of 
 courtesy, and excused himself from taking the cliair ; but 
 the Viceroy made him sit down, and said : " Sir, let your 
 worship sit down, for you deserve other greater honour, and 
 you have gained it in the estimation of the King my sove- 
 reign, through your good deserts of honourable deeds and 
 good understanding ; for you have obtained more than the 
 governor, your brother, who in India has injured his great 
 honour, which ho won with so many labours in Africa : all 
 which has increased in you through your goodness, for 
 which His Highness will give you great recompense.'^ 
 Since the Viceroy said this to him in public, Dom Luis 
 replied to him with his barret-cap in his hand : " Sir, I 
 kiss your lordship's hands for so much honour, but if I have 
 any goodness, the favours which His Highness shewed to me 
 have given it me : but if he is dissatisfied with the governor 
 my brother, I can feel no pleasure which can ward off that 
 great grief, which is the greatest which I can feel in this 
 world, because I shall not be able to remain without some 
 portion of blame." The Viceroy answered him : " On the 
 contrary, it the more redounds to your honour." So they 
 went on conversing very sweet words until they arrived at 
 the strand, where they landed in front of the church, where 
 the Viceroy was received by the aldermen {vereadores) with 
 a rich canopy, and a harangue of great praise ; and with the 
 clergy in procession and the uplifted cross, they went to the 
 church to prayer. They told him that the King of Cochim 
 was coming, and when the prayers were ended, the Viceroy 
 came to the door of the church, until the King approached, 
 when the Viceroy came out to receive him in the straight 
 street,^ and the King on seeing him, dismounted from the 
 elephant on which he came, and embraced the Viceroy 
 
 ' O payo a receber a Rua direita : or, in the street on the right hand 
 side. 
 
404 MKASUUKS TAKKN HY <iAM\. 
 
 several timcH, nnd tho Viceroy Tnado groat salutations of 
 courtesy to him, and thoy wont to sit in tlic doorway of the 
 church, which had a largo porch, where they spoke words 
 befitting a visit ; after which the King took leave, and 
 returned upon his elephant. The Viceroy went to lodge in 
 the fortress, at the gate of which, he dismissed Dom Luis 
 with his salutations. There Dom Ijuis always visited liim, 
 and always accompanied him to the church, and returned to 
 his own house, because the Viceroy occujiicd himself with 
 the dispatch of business, which gave him much occupation, 
 without his taking repose or mid-day sleep, neither did he 
 close his doors ;^ and in the mornings and evenings he used 
 to visit the strand and the warehouses, to hurry on the un- 
 lading of tho ships. The Viceroy commanded Vicente (iil 
 to be put into prison because ho had coino to Cochym before 
 him, and he ordered the master and pilot to pay each of 
 them a hundred cruzados, and Vicente Gil three hundred, 
 which he sent to the superintendent of mercy for the ex- 
 penses of the hospital. 
 
 The Viceroy, in running down the coast, had left a guard 
 in the rivers of Mangalor and Bacanor, and had sent Diogo 
 Martins de Lcmos in a galliot to seize upon the river of 
 Mangieirilo, beyond the mountain Dcly, because he knew 
 that the paraos had there also a landing-place for taking in 
 provisions. He also had four fustas, besides those which had 
 been taken in Dabul, which D. Anrique had sent to him 
 from Goa." The Viceroy entertained serious thoughts of 
 carrying on a great war in all the coast and rivers of the 
 
 • The text has scm ter repo7iso, 7iem sesta^ nem porteiro^ nor a porter : 
 that is to say, he was always accessible. 
 
 2 Barros also mentions amongst the acts of the Viceroy at Cochym, 
 his sending Simon Sodre with four sail to the Maldive Islands against 
 some Moors wiio intercepted Kui>plies for the fleet, chiefly coir rope. 
 Barros also says that the Viceroy prepared a fleet to go to the Rod Sea 
 under his son Estcvan, but he did not go since his father fell ill in the 
 inidst of these preparations. 
 
SWIFT VESSELS BUILT. 405 
 
 Indian shores, as soon as he should have finished dispatch- 
 in*^ the ships to the kingdom. So he ordered four new 
 caturs which had been built in the river of the Culymutis to 
 be taken and brought to Cochym. These had been made of 
 very sharp build, to row well, and every one praised them 
 luuch, and ho ordered them to be burned, saying that ho 
 would shew the Moors that we could build better caturs than 
 theirs. After that he summoned Master Vyne, a Genoese, 
 whom he had brought to build galleys, and he asked him if 
 he could build vessels which would row faster than the 
 paraos of the Malabars. He replied : " Sir, I will build 
 you brigantines which would catch a mosquito for you." 
 He at once set himself about this work, and made two 
 brisrantines after the Levantine fashion, which were finished 
 in twenty days. The Viceroy then caused it to be proclaimed 
 that to every Portuguese man who would row in the brigan- 
 tine, sitting on the bench, he would pay him monthly his 
 wages and provisions, and would give them freely all the 
 goods above deck of all the ships they might overhaul by 
 rowing ; and besides they should have double shares of all 
 the prizes along with the other people, and he would make 
 them free of all other service in summer and winter, so that 
 they should have no work except with their brigantine. 
 Upon which so many mariners and ship-boys offered them- 
 selves, that there was a superabundance. Each of these 
 rowers had under his bench a breast-plate and helmet of 
 steel, and a lance and shield, and two pots of powder ; be- 
 cause, on seeing the prize, they armed themselves, and put 
 on the helmets, which ghttered afar off, and on coming up 
 with the prize they let go the oars, and took their spears 
 and bucklers and powder-pots, which they cast on coming 
 alongside, and there remained thirty armed men, who 
 fought and could do much ; so nothing escaped them either 
 with oars, or sail, or fighting. 
 
 The Viceroy showed himself very well disposed to warlike 
 
40G gama's administration 
 
 meuj aud used to say tliat when lie -vVent to fight, he would 
 not give the captaincies except to men wlio in war had 
 shewn themselves as good soldiers ; for he would give tho 
 honours of war to those who had won them with their right 
 arms, and however low a man he might be, he would shew 
 him more honour than to a gentleman Jew. This he used 
 to say of many in public, for the Viceroy was very haughty 
 in his speech ; and ho said that, whoever was not satisfied 
 with that, he would give them leave to return to Portugal to 
 eat what their fathers earned. He inspired everybody with 
 great fear, especially the captains of the forts; fur if he 
 found them in fault he would chastise and execute them, 
 and if they remained alive he would send them to the King, 
 with the charges against them ; because if they were bad, so 
 also would be the officers of their fortress, and the officers of 
 justice and the revenue, and then all together destroyed the 
 people; because the injuries committed by the Moors 
 spi'ang from the robberies which the captains committed 
 upon them ; and therefore no one should go to Portugal to 
 escape from the evil which he had done in India during his 
 time, because as he would chastise the great, the small men 
 would be afraid. Therefore, whenever he found a man 
 aggrieved or injured by the great, or by sentences wrongly 
 given, he would redress it all, and chastise with strict 
 justice ; and he had no need of the gentlemen for fighting, 
 but only for props, to set up one when another was rotten. 
 Aud if any gentleman gave favour or shelter to any male- 
 factor who took refuge in his house, and did not at once 
 give him up to justice, he would send him in irons to the 
 King, saying that he was a harbourer of malefactors ; and if 
 if any one gave to a malefactor the means of escape, the 
 punishment which the malefactor would have undergone 
 should be inflicted upon him. He ordered it to be pro- 
 claimed that in the case of officials of justice or revenue 
 comiuitting fauUs, ho would change the civil ])enalties for 
 
AT cocrriM. 40 7 
 
 them into criminal chastisements. Thus in everything he 
 showed himself a strict minister of the service of the King 
 and the good of the people, for the service of Hod and the 
 good of India. He put into the captaincy of Cochym, Lopo 
 Vaz de Sampayo, who came with that a])pointment ; and as 
 D. Diogo de Lim;i had finished his term of service^ and be- 
 cause he was poor, the Viceroy gave him a ship in which to 
 go to Ormuz to make his profits ; for the captains of Cochj'm 
 and Goa, being under the eye of the governors, are not able 
 to make such gaiijs as the captains of the other fortresses, 
 which are more removed from the infoi-mation of the go- 
 vernors. 
 
 Dom Luis was aware that the King had received informa- 
 tion against his brother the governor, and he knew by 
 letters that the Viceroy was bringing harsh measures 
 against him, and the Viceroy was all the worse on account 
 of his roughness, as was shewn by the instructions which 
 he had left at Chaul and Goa, without waiting till the 
 governor gave up his office and accounts. As Dom Luis 
 was very discreet, he sought to discover this matter ; and 
 with the thought that he might make it somewhat smoother 
 with the Viceroy, when he went to visit hiin he used to turn 
 the conversation and touch upon the affaiis of his brother, 
 in order to see if he could modei'ate matters so that the 
 Viceroy should not conduct himself very rigorously with his 
 brother. This the Viceroy well understood, and always 
 spoke to him of the excellencies of sti-ict justice, and 
 shewed his intention of observing it rigidly ; and he said 
 that he had full jiowers to execute justice for all crimes, 
 upon all persons who were within the Cape of Good Hope, 
 without sending them to Portugal to l)o judged by the 
 King, for he would execute justice upon the King's own 
 brothers, if he had them in Lidia. With these answers D. 
 Luis was much vexed, for he knew that the Viceroy would 
 have brought out from the King everything that he might 
 have asked of him. 
 
408 PROCEEDINGS OF D. DUARTE DE MENESES. 
 
 The Viceroy caused the ships to be laden with much expe- 
 dition, and sent to Ceylon for cinnamon the two ships 
 belonging to the warehouse, which the overseer of the 
 treasury had bought for fetching cargo, as I before related, 
 and which were well equipped and armed, and had masters 
 and pilots, and did good service to the King. The Viceroy 
 sent Duarte de Mello in one of these ships to be captain of 
 Ceylon, and orders for the return of Fernan Gomes de 
 Lemos, concerning whom ho had received bad information, 
 and whose time of service also was completed ; and he pro- 
 hibited them, under pain of death, from touching at any 
 coast besides Cochym after leaving Ceylon. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Of what the Govcnior did in Onniiz, until he set sail for Luha and 
 arrived at Coehym, where he found the Viceroy, and of what took 
 place with liiiu. 
 
 The governor (D. Duarte de Meneses) made great profits in 
 Ormuz upon the goods which he brought, because the 
 brokers delivered them to the merchants at high prices, 
 and made the payment of them obligatory, and there wore 
 other gifts and bribes, which the Ecsxamfo (Rcis ul Sha- 
 rafa) took from the people to give to the governor, to keep 
 him in good humour. Whilst he was thus at Ormuz, there 
 arrived there one Joan Gonzalves with letters from Doui 
 llodrigo, who was in the lands of the Prester, by which ho 
 urgently requested the governor to send him a vessel, be- 
 cause persons, who were Dom Luis and Heytor da Silveira, 
 had come to the port of Masowah, and had not brought 
 them away, because they were at some distance from tho 
 sea by order of the Prester, in order to be in greater se- 
 curity ; on which account, on hearing a message from the 
 
AFFAlliS or AliYSSINIA. 409 
 
 vessels, and travelling with much expedition, they were not 
 able to arrive at the port within the time for which they had 
 been summoned : the captains, therefore, had gone away 
 without waiting for them, and the cause of this was that 
 the vessels had arrived late at the port, when they could no 
 longer wait for them. So that the two vessels went there 
 for nothing, and caused great expense to the King. In 
 order that this might not happen again, and they remain 
 forgotten on account of other business that there might be in 
 India, they all besought him, for the love of God, to remember 
 them, and when he sent a vessel, that it might be with 
 instructions not to delay on the way, and to arrive at 
 Masowah in March, or as much sooner as was possible. 
 Dom Rodrigo sent Joan Gonzalves with this letter because 
 he knew many languages ; and in the dress of a Moor, and 
 in the company of merchants with their merchandise, he 
 embarked in a Moorish ship, which was cast away on the 
 coast of Fartaque in Badalcuria. He escaped from tho 
 wreck, and begging alms along with the other Moors who 
 had been wrecked, he went as far as Maskat, and thence to 
 Ormuz. The governor bestowed favours on him for his 
 labours and hardships. He related to the governor all that 
 had passed between Dom Rodrigo and the Prester. This I 
 do not write here, because I will do it farther on, after D. 
 Rodrigo's arrival ; for there were some of his people who 
 wrote it down, especially the Father Francisco Alvares, who 
 took most care in writing in minute detail all that happened, 
 from whom I had his book, from which I took the chief 
 parts which seemed to me necessary for this history, and I 
 did not take many minute details, because the reading was 
 long, and later it was printed in the kingdom, and came 
 printed to India. 
 
 ****** 
 
 [Here follows an account of the journey of Baltasar 
 Pessoa, NvLo was sent by the governor from Ornuiz to Shah 
 
410 PROCEEDINGS OF D. DUA£TE DE MENESES. 
 
 Ismail to complain of some of Shall Ismail's captains who 
 had impeded caravans from coming to Ormuz. An account 
 is given of a feast in the Shah's camp, and of his death 
 a month later, and of the investiture a month after that of 
 his nephew Xataraaz (Shah Tamasp). Pessoa got no 
 answer, and returned to Oi-muz after the governor had 
 left for India.] 
 
 The governor, having finished collecting his goods and 
 taken the measures that were requisite, departed from 
 Ormuz and came to Maskat, and from thence sailed for 
 India, making for the land above Dio, where he spread out 
 the fleet, and waited some days for the ships from Mekkah, 
 but none came. He then continued his voyage, passing by 
 Dio at night, and went to Chaul, where he found Christoviio 
 de Sousa as captain, who at once sent out to meet him with 
 refreshments, and a message that he would serve him in 
 whatever he might command him as Dom Duarte, but in 
 nothing as governor, for the Viceroy had given these 
 orders ; also that he was not to come on shore, but was 
 to go to the Viceroy. Upon which Dom Duarte took in 
 what he wanted, and departed, and went to Goa, where the 
 captain, D. Anrique, sent him a similar message. Hector 
 da Silveira went on shore to see D. Anrique, who begged 
 him not to allow any of his crews to land, and to conduct 
 them all to Cochym, for those were the orders the' Viceroy 
 had left. Dom Duarte remained at the bar six days doing 
 his business ; then he departed, and went to Baticala, where 
 he remained at his leisure, buying goods for his chests for 
 the kingdom, and articles for the voyage. Hector da Sil- 
 veira, seeing that the governor would make many delays, 
 so as not to arrive at Cochym except at a time when the 
 ships would be already laden, so as at once to embark and 
 depart for the kingdom, and that he said that he was not 
 going to enter into disputes with the Viceroy, such as he 
 would set on foot with him, since the Viceroy had come 
 
IIKCTOU DA SlLVEUtA AKllIVES AT COCHIM. 411 
 
 out SO sour [verdc] that lie had taken the governorship of 
 India before he had given it up to him — Hector da Silveira, 
 seeing this^ asked his leave to go to Cochym, This the 
 governor did not wish to grant to him ; but Hector da Sil- 
 veira repeated his request, saying that it was not reason- 
 able that he should go on arranging his affairs very leisurely, 
 whilst he had with him so many ships and crews, and was 
 expending the King's stores. Upon this they debated. 
 However, D. Duarte gave him permission to go, and dis- 
 missed the fleet for him to take it with him, retaining for 
 himself five galleys with few seamen. Hector da Silveira 
 arrived at Cochym with the whole fleet, and entered into 
 the river with it. Making a great salute of artillery, he 
 went on shore, accompanied by all his people and captains, 
 and went to the church to offer up his prayers ; he then 
 went to the Viceroy in the fortress, who received him v/ith 
 much honour. He crave the Vicerov a long- account of his 
 voyage and of the peace with Aden ; and the Viceroy re- 
 plied that he had done well in all, except that he made a 
 great mistake in leaving the brigantine and the Portu- 
 guese,! because the King of Aden was to be trusted with 
 them for the crown of two thousand xafarins which he had 
 given, by which means he had deceived him, since the King 
 of Aden did not choose to be vassal even of the Grand 
 Turk ; and that he understood that the peace which he 
 had made was only to save the ships which were in the 
 port ; and if Silveira had asked for ten thousand xafarins, 
 he would have given them, and ten crowns of gold over 
 and above ; and that in everything he, and the captains who 
 had counselled him, had been deceived. Upon which Hector 
 da Silveira took to other subjects of conversation, because 
 he saw that the Viceroy was cross with respect to a matter 
 in which he thought that he had acted with much sagacity, 
 and he was much afraid that the Viceroy would be still 
 
 1 Silveira left a brigantine and twenty men for the revenue service of 
 the Kill" cif Afkn. 
 
412 D. DUARTE ARRIVES AT COCHIM. 
 
 more angry with liim wlion lie learned that he had acted 
 without the advice of his captains ; and he found himself 
 much embarrassedj and said nothing about it to anybody, 
 but always accompanied the Viceroy a great deal, for he 
 never went out of his house without finding Silveira at the 
 door, accompanied by many people, for he kept a largo 
 table, and so did Dom Luis, where all the men of India 
 used to meet, for so large a number of people did not eat at 
 the table of the Viceroy. 
 
 The Viceroy was much occupied with the preparation of 
 the cargo, and refitting the ships of the fleet and those 
 which Hector da Silveira had brought, and with the prepa- 
 ration of a flotilla, for he had determined that as soon as 
 he had dispatched the ships for the kingdom he would go 
 and destroy Calecut and all the coast of India, so that tliero 
 should not remain one Moor on land nor at sea; and with 
 this design, and on account of other thing* which he found 
 in India different from what he had expected, and on ac- 
 count of the affairs of Dom Duarte, he at once ordered a 
 ship to be got ready to sail before the other ships with 
 letters for the King, as soon as ho saw Dom Duarte, who 
 arrived at the bar of Cochym * *i of November, and an- 
 chored at the bar in the galloon San Din Is, in which ho 
 came, with three other galloons, and other vessels which 
 entered the river with the sea-breeze. 
 
 Dom Duarte having arrived thus, the Viceroy sent Lopo 
 Vaz de Sampayo, captain of Cochym, and with him Pero 
 Barreto, whom he had made auditor-general, because J oilo 
 do Soyro was ill, and sent word to Dom Duarte not to como 
 ashore, and at once to go over to the ship Gasfollo, which 
 was beginning to take in cargo, because he had to go to 
 the kingdom a prisoner upon his parole that he would not 
 
 1 A note in the Lisbon edition says the day of tlie month is wanting 
 in the original ; it seems that ien had been written and afterwards 
 beiatcLed out. 
 
BISAGUEEMENT BETWEEN GAMA AND 1). DUARTE. 413 
 
 fro out of it except in Lisbon, upon a message from the 
 King, and that ho was to go and put himself on board the 
 sliip, and in it give this pledge signed by himself; and 
 the Viceroy sent him a copy of a section of his instructions 
 which said this.' 
 
 ' Barros says nothing of the disputes which took place between Gama 
 and I). Duarte de IVIcncses, and only alludes to them in speaking of his 
 illness, in addition to which, he says, Gama suffered from the "vexation 
 which he felt on account of some matters of administration, and 
 tlie delivery of the government by D. Duarte." Barros, however, de- 
 scribes Gama, who had begun to get ill before the arrival of D. Duarte, 
 as drawing up a deed which was sworn to and signed by'Affonso Mexia, 
 tlie overseer of the revenue, and other persons: by this act Lopo Vaz de 
 Sampayo was to serve as governor, in case of Gama's decease, until the 
 arrival of the person named by the King for the succession. Barros 
 adds that all this was done before D. Duarte had arrived from Ormuz 
 to deliver up the governorship, which caused some gentlemen to have 
 scruples with regard to this proceeding without the government being 
 handed over as was customary. In justification of the course adopted 
 by Gama, and his assumption of the government without waiting for 
 its being handed over to him by D. Duarte, Barros gives the docu- 
 ment of King John appointing Gama as Viceroy, dated Evora, February 
 25, 1524. 
 
 This document, in the name of the King, makes known to D. Duarte 
 de Mencses, the captain-major and governor of India, that, as he had 
 been informed by another letter, the King was pleased that he should 
 return to the kingdom with this fleet, and deliver uji the government 
 to D. Vasco da Gama, the Viceroy : and he was not any longer to make 
 use of the governorship nor affairs of justice and revenue, nor any other 
 quality pertaining to that office. Therefore, the said Viceroy was at 
 once to be put in possession of all power, etc., etc. Further we declare 
 that during the time that you may be in India before embarking, you 
 may remain in Cochim or in Cananor, whichever you please, and with 
 respect to your servants, etc., etc., who went with you, and those of D. 
 liuis your brother, etc., etc., the said Count (Vasco da Gama) shall not 
 have jurisdiction, etc., etc., over them. Reserving, however, that if you 
 or the others should be assigned, or cited, or sued, either in civil or 
 criminal cases, by persons, also by either our natives or merchants of 
 tlie country, etc., who should not be coming in the fleet in which you 
 are to come, you or they may be sued before the said Count and 
 auditor, who is to remain with him, and the suit shall not be before you, 
 in order to fulfil justice. And if you should be out of India when the 
 
414 DISAGREEMENT BETWEEN 
 
 These men went to the galloon^ and Lopo Vaz gave the 
 message to Dom Duarte, at which he shewed himself much 
 
 said Count arrives, in that case the Count shall at once use all power, 
 jurisdiction, etc., etc., as he would do if he found you there and pre- 
 sented to you this letter for you to deliver up the government, etc. And 
 if by impediment of sickness you, the said D. Duarte, cannot embark in 
 this fleet, we are pleased that you and your servants, and your brother, 
 etc., etc., should betake yourselves to the fortress of Cananor : and re- 
 main in it till your departure from India: and yoii shall iise in it all the 
 power, jurisdiction, etc., which you have as captain-major and governor 
 of India, over them, and over the captain, alcaide, factor, and clerks, 
 of the factory and fortress : and you shall hear and judge all their civil 
 and criminal cases, without the said Count being able to use the power 
 of Viceroy over the above-mentioned. And we order the captain, ^nd 
 alcaide, and factor, and clerks, etc., etc., of Cananor to obey you", etc. 
 We are pleased that it should also be so understood in case you should 
 be out of India in our service, and should return to it after the depar- 
 ture for these realms of the fleet which the Viceroy takes with him for 
 bringing spices, and in which you are to return. Reserving, however, that 
 the power, etc., which we give you over the aforesaid is not to be under- 
 stood with respect to anything which touches our revenue and Indian 
 trade ; because you are not to deal with tliat, Avhieli remains with the 
 Viceroy, etc. And of the delivery of the government to the Viceroy, 
 you will take a public instrument, in which will be declared the ships 
 and artillery, etc., and the forts and artillery, etc., which you deliver to 
 him, etc., for us to be able to see it ; and after this delivery you are 
 freed from all obligation for the said government. Given in Evora. 
 February 25. Bartholomeu Fernandez wrote it. Year 1524.'" 
 
 Barros also gives the document by which D. ])uarte de Meneses 
 received a public acknowledgment of having delivered up the govern- 
 ment. It is dated Cochym, December fourth, 1524, and witnessed by 
 Lopo Vaz de Sampayo, Fernan Martins de Sousa, D. Pedro de Castello- 
 braneo, Affonso Mexia, overseer of the revenue, Pero Mascarenhas, the 
 Licentiate Joan do Souro, auditor general : Joan Nunes, public writ(»r, 
 wrote it by special order of the Viceroy, and signed it with his public 
 signature. Castanheda gives these] two documents : he says D. Duarte 
 called the auditor general a " bacharel." 
 
 According to the document given by Barros, Cama appears to have 
 acted with more harshness and less courtesy towards his predecessor 
 than the King's orders warranted ; but he is somewhat justified by the 
 statements of Correa, Castanheda, and San Roman, that D. Duarte de 
 Meneses delayed giving up the government in the expectation that 
 Gama would die, and that he would remain governor as before ; also 
 
OAMA ANT I). Kl'ARTE 1)K MKNESICS. 415 
 
 .'iiFrontcd^ and said to Lopo Vaz: "You onglit not. to be the 
 bearer of this message, since that staff' of justice, whom it 
 seems you liave brought to execute nie, was sufficient 
 and the fittino- i)crson for it : vou ou^'lit to remember that 
 my father made you a knight, and that you cannot there- 
 fore be against his affiiirs." Lopo Vaz replied that in do- 
 ing what the King our sovei^eign commanded he would act 
 against his own father, whoso head he would cut off" if it 
 was commanded him, and that apart from the King's com- 
 mands he would act as his honour requii'ed of him ; there- 
 fore he entreated liiin to answer and obey what the King 
 our sovereign commanded, and what he said to him on the 
 King's behalf. To this Dom Duarte replied that he obeyed 
 in everything, only that with regard to the vessel that was 
 assigned to him, he had instructions in a contrary sense, 
 which said that when he departed for the kingdom, he 
 might select for his embarkation the ship which lie pleased 
 out of as many as there might be; and he said that as the 
 King had not abrogated this instruction, the Viceroy ought 
 to observe it, and not aggravate it, and that in the ship in 
 which he embarked he would give the pledge which the 
 King ordered. With this he dismissed them, and they re- 
 turned on shore to give the message to the Viceroy ; and 
 D. Duarte got into a boat and went to look at all the ships 
 which were taking in cargo, and was satisfied with the ship 
 San Jorrje, in which he at once remained, and sent to the 
 
 that D. Luis tie Menescs, whilst appearing to occupy himself with 
 preparations for his brother's journey, was looking out for an oppor- 
 tunity to place the government in the hands of his brother ; and that 
 by the enforced embarcation of D. Luiz, the rumours which began to 
 spread were suppressed. Scnhor Basto, the keeper of the Archives of 
 the Torre do Tonibo, has informed me that these two documents given 
 by Barros are not to be found in those Archives. The recognition by 
 Vasco da Gama of the delivery of the government, etc., by ]). Duarte 
 de Mencses, would be kept by him, though a copy might be preserved 
 in the Archives of India. 
 
41 G ANGER OF GAMA WITH D. DUAUTE. 
 
 galloon for his baggage, and took up bis quarters in that 
 ship. 
 
 Lopo Yaz gave the answer of D. Duarte to the Viceroy, 
 at which he was much enraged, and as it was already late, 
 he waited till next day to give orders for what was to be 
 done ; but as later it was told him that D. Duarte had gone 
 and established himself with his baggage in the Sayi Jorge, 
 at this he lost his patience, and at once next day in the 
 morning he sent the auditor to tell D. Duarte not to get 
 himself into more trouble than what he was in already, that 
 the instruction with regard to his embarkation would be 
 good if he had been at liberty, but that since he was going 
 under arrest, he was not to go except in the ship Gastcllo, 
 which he assigned to him as a prison, and in no other ship ; 
 therefore he was at once to go and put himself on board 
 that ship, and there give the pledge, and if he did not obey 
 the King's commands, he would then take such measures as 
 he thougfht fit. To this Dom Duarte sent an answer that 
 he might do as he pleased, and since he intended to use 
 absolute power, he was well able to do so, for he had the 
 knife and the cheese. The Viceroy, on hearing this answer, 
 was much irritated, and said : " Dom Duarte has bad ad- 
 vice in the course he is following with me, and is placing 
 himself in a position in which his misfortunes may become 
 greater ; for even though I were unreasonable, he would be 
 acting with sagacity in obeying; and since he wishes to 
 follow out his fancy, he will hear of me." 
 
 He then at once sent orders to the superintendent of the 
 building yard to get ready two galloons, which were without 
 yardarms and almost stripped of their rigging, which at 
 night were equipped with artillery and gunners, and which 
 had to go out of the river next morning, as they did go out; 
 and in them the Viceroy sent the chief constable and the 
 auditor-general, and he ordered them to anchor on both 
 sides of the ship near the stern, and the auditor accompanied 
 
GAMA ORDERS THE ARREST OP D. DUARTE. 41 7 
 
 by two notaries, was to go in a boat alongside the ship, 
 and from outside of it was to require Dom Duarto on the 
 part of the King to come out at once, and go and place 
 himself on board the ship Castello ; and if he did not obey 
 that, the notary was to draw up an act with a protest signed 
 by witnesses ; and he was then to repeat the requisition to 
 him three times, and if he did not obey they were to shout 
 to the ship's crew to come out, because they were going to 
 sink it, and then having done this, they were to return to 
 the galloons, and with the artillery send the ship to the 
 bottom. He administered an oath to the auditor and chief 
 constable to carry this out, and gave them his warrant for it. 
 This having been told to Dom Luiz, he went to the Vice- 
 roy and entreated him much as a favour not to conduct him- 
 self so rigorously with his brother, since he had not sold 
 any of the King's fortresses ; and the things ordered with 
 such wrath, rather resembled hatred than any other good 
 reason that there might be for it. The Viceroy answered 
 him with much courtesy, which he always used towards him, 
 and said : " Senhor Dom Luiz, if your brother had sold for- 
 tresses, he would not have got his head where it now is, for 
 I would have ordered it to be cut off, and you should not 
 have uttered that speech to me ; neither did your brother 
 ever annoy me, for me to feel hatred towards him, and do 
 to him that which I ought not, neither should your worship 
 say to me such mistaken words, for, so God give me health, 
 if I commit any error, it is in not doing all that I am obliged 
 to do, and I act thus because I am your servant, and the King 
 our sovereign is your friend. With respect to your brother, 
 I was going to advise him, and to you as to a brother I also 
 give the advice, that for the future he pay great obedience 
 to the commands of the King, since up to this time he has 
 observed them so ill in the governance of India that he is 
 the scandaP of Portugal ; and by obeying with gentleness 
 • O luino, literally, the fire. 
 
418 D. LUIS TAKES THE PART OP D. DUARTE. 
 
 what the King commands, all will go well, because what I 
 command is commanded by the King, and if he gives me 
 some good answer on his behalf, perhaps I will do what is 
 more for his interests, than what he could do for himself: 
 and I tell you the truth, not in order that you should thank 
 me for it, that for affection for you I am going much beyond 
 what the King has ordered me, and I would show it you if 
 I could/' To this Dom Luis replied, but not with as much 
 gentleness as the Viceroy desired: in the course of this they 
 wrangled so much, that the Viceroy rose up and went to 
 the door of the chamber, saying: "Senhor Dom Luis, go in 
 peace, for I have already told you for my part many truths, 
 and you little believe me, and think that you have all the 
 reason on your side, and that I am the one who is mis- 
 taken ; by which you are unthankful for what I could do, 
 and which I do not do because I see you stand in my way/' 
 Dom Luiz wished to speak, but the Viceroy took off his 
 barret-cap, saying ; " Sir, do me the favour to let there be 
 no more for to-day ; " and he turned his back upon him, at 
 which Dom Luiz was enraged, and said : " You do not 
 choose to hear me. I trust in God that a time will come in 
 which I also shall not choose to hear you. I will go to my 
 brother, and whatever happens to him shall happen to me." 
 Dom Luis went down the hall as he said this, and many 
 heard him, and he went to his abode, accompanied by many 
 people who used to eat with him. 
 
 These words which D. Luiz spoke were repeated to the 
 Viceroy, at which he was greatly enraged, and ordei-ed the 
 captain of the fortress, Lopo Vaz de Sampayo, at once to 
 order Dom Luiz to embark, and not to remain another 
 moment on shore, and not to allow any one to go with him, 
 and he (the Viceroy) would remain at the window until ho 
 saw him put on board. Upon which Lopo Vaz de Sampayo 
 went to the house of D. Luiz, who was sitting down to table 
 to dine with the numerous persons who ate with him. He, 
 
ARREST OF D. LUIS. 419 
 
 seeing Lopo Vazj waited to see what he would say, and he, 
 from the door, without coming inside, said to him : " Senhor 
 Dom Luiz, the lord Viceroy commands that you should go 
 with me to embark at once, and he remains at the window 
 waiting until you go on board." Dom Luiz with passion 
 laughed, and said : " I am amazed that he did not send 
 hiliguins^ to carry me off: all that he commands shall be 
 done." Then asking for his cloak, he said : *^ Gentlemen, 
 if they do not let you dine, I have ordered the dinner to be 
 taken away, that it may not be lost ; and do you remain 
 with the peace of God, since they take us away from eating 
 this farewell dinner ;'' and this he said with tears in his eyes. 
 The gentlemen rose from the table to accompany him, which 
 Lopo Yaz did not permit, and ordered on the part of the 
 Viceroy that no one should leave the house. This they all 
 obeyed. D. Luiz alone, with two servants, went to the 
 beach and got into a vessel {tone) which he found, and he 
 went off to the ships, saying to Lopo Vaz : " Sir, say to the 
 Viceroy that this kingdom is his, and later it will belong to 
 another." 
 
 Dom Luiz, as he was very discreet, had never gone to 
 see his brother since he had arrived, that the Viceroy might 
 not think that the two took counsel together ; and on ar- 
 riving at the ship he found the auditor at the ship^s side de- 
 livering the Viceroy's message to his brother, and D. Luiz 
 said to him : '' Sir auditor, in order that you may not cause 
 the loss of this ship which belongs to the King, wait, and 
 I will deliver him up to you bound in irons, if you command 
 it, and I will do everything to serve the lord Viceroy." 
 He then entered the ship, and at the side the two embraced 
 with many tears, D. Luiz saying to him : " My brother, I 
 entreat you as a favour to submit to this turn of fortune, 
 since such is so certain amidst the pleasures of this life ; 
 
 ^ Bailiffs: Biliguira or Belleguim is an inferior officer of justice. This 
 word has been in the Portuguese language since ancient times. 
 
420 D. DUARTE PRESERVES HIS MONEY 
 
 and at once let us go to the ship Castello, and this excom- 
 munication will not touch you, which the auditor is pub- 
 lishing against you, for the Viceroy is going beyond all 
 bounds." Dom Duarte was a man not inclined to anger, 
 and he answered him : " My brother, I feel more grief at 
 your irritation than at the thunders of the Viceroy. Let 
 us go to Portugal, and if God takes ps there, what He 
 pleases will happen." Upon which they went to the ship 
 Castdlo, and D, Duarte said to the auditor : " Go in peace, 
 and say to him who sent you here, that his will is done, 
 and shall be done in this country, which is now his empire." 
 The next day the Viceroy sent Afonso Mexia, the over- 
 seer of the treasury, to Dom Duarte, with a minute requir- 
 ing him to deliver up so many thousand pardaos belonging 
 to the King, which he had received in such a place, and so 
 many others in such another, and in such other, which 
 made a great sum. D. Duarte replied to this, saying that 
 the King had given him this factory in which he had re- 
 ceived those so many thousand pardaos, and that he would 
 go and give an account of them to His Highness. D. 
 Duarte was afraid that the Viceroy would make some search 
 in order to take away his money ; on which account, as soon 
 as he had arrived, he had put it in security, for it was a 
 small sum, as the greater part he held in precious stones, 
 in a casket full of rich gold stuffs, pearls, and jewellery, 
 which were worth a large price. The whole was put inside 
 a chest, and he secretly entrusted it to Bastiuo Pires, the 
 vicar-general, who was his great friend and in his seci-ets ; 
 and along with him an old tutor, who had brought him up, 
 who went at night in a boat of black Malabar men, and 
 landed on the beach outside of the town ; and the boat 
 went away, and they two took the chest, and with an iron 
 shovel, which they bi'ought for the purpose, they made a 
 hole in the sand, into which they put the chest, and on the 
 top of the sand they placed a skull of an ox, and they took 
 
FROM CONFISCATION BY GAMA. 421 
 
 the bearings by the monastery of Saint Antony, but not 
 very exactly, as it was night, and they went away to sleep 
 without anyone having seen them. The next day, after ves- 
 pers, the vicar went for a walk on the beach, and saw very 
 well where the skull was, for there was no other on the 
 beach, and he took the bearings exactly with the wall of the 
 monastery ; and walking there with other clergy to amuse 
 themselves, he struck with a javelin against the wall, and 
 the others flung it also, so that there remained good marks 
 upon the wall, and the priest intended to come at night 
 with a spit, with which he would probe and feel for it, and 
 find the chest. It appears probable that some one who 
 passed by kicked the skull, so as to change its position 
 from where it was, for when the priest came at night and 
 put in the spit where the skull was, he did not find the 
 chest ; and he passed a great part of the night searching 
 with the spit in all directions ; and as neither he nor the 
 tutor, who also searched with a spit, could find it, they 
 underwent much labour in seeking for it every night ; and 
 the tutor, by daylight, walking about alone, searched Math a 
 javelin, which he stuck into the sand in all parts, taking the 
 bearings of the monastery. After many days had passed, 
 they fell in with it, when they were already despairing of 
 finding it ; for God did not choose that so great a treasure 
 should be lost. This I heard related by the vicar-general 
 himself. 
 
 The Viceroy prepared ships to cruise along the coast as 
 a fleet, and as he did not find artillery in the magazines, 
 he ordered proclamation to be made as in Goa, that any 
 man who had any of the King's artillery should deliver it 
 up freely to the magazine, under pain of death if he did 
 not deliver it up, and it was found in his possession ; and 
 if any man should have bought it, and had proofs of it, he 
 would order it to be paid for, and his money returned to 
 hira. By this means a large quantity of artillery was col- 
 
422 ILLNESS OF VASCO DA OAMA. 
 
 lected, which the traders gave up, because they knew that 
 their vessels would not be able to navigate, for there were 
 many in Cochym which were drawn up on the beach, and 
 rotted, and were lost, because D. Anrique do Meneses, 
 who was governor after Dom Vasco, in this and in many 
 things followed his own course, as I will relate further on. 
 As information was given to the Viceroy that in the division 
 of the prize ship, Fernan Martins Avangelho, the factor of 
 the fleet, had gone shares with the factor and clerks of the 
 factory in that matter, he ordered them all to be brought 
 prisoners to Cochym, with good bail ; and he had very full 
 inquiry made upon all the officials, saying that he would 
 learn by what devices they enriched themselves ; and he 
 went on examining diligently into other evils, so that with- 
 out any doubt he put India into a very straight road for 
 the good of the King's service, and for the good of the 
 people, and, above all, very strict justice, which had become 
 much perverted. 
 
 For some days the Viceroy had been suff'ering from great 
 pains in the neck, which had got awry, and some boils came 
 to the surface at the nape of the neck, but very hard, and 
 they would not ripen for all the remedies that were applied, 
 for nothing availed, and they gave him such great torment 
 that they did not allow him to turn his face in any direction. 
 At this the Viceroy was subject to great fits of irritation, 
 with the heavy cares which he felt on account of the many 
 things which he had got to do, so that his illness was 
 doubled, and went on getting worse until he altogether took 
 to his bed, and from thence gave all the necessary orders, 
 with great travail of spirit, which caused him to be overtaken 
 by mortal illness, with such pains as deprived him of speech. 
 In this affliction he sent Lopo Vaz the captain, and the 
 Doctor Pero Nunes, and Afonso Mexia, and the auditor, 
 with Vicente Pegado the secretary, to go to Dom Duarte 
 with a deed of acknowledgment, made out by the secretary. 
 
MEASURES TAKEN AGAINST D. DUARTE. 423 
 
 of how he had received India from him, and that he had 
 delivered it up. 
 
 These persons vi^ent to Dom Duarte and told him thisj 
 but he, who knew already in what state the Viceroy was, 
 and was of opinion that if the Viceroy died he should 
 remain in his government, as it was in his possession and 
 no one had taken him out of it, with these thoughts replied 
 that it was not the custom for governors to deliver up their 
 governorship and accounts at sea, as he was, but, on the 
 contrary, at the gate of the fortress ; that he was ready to 
 go and deliver it up at once, but that he was not going to do 
 it in any other manner. They sent word to the Viceroy of 
 this message, and he replied by a letter which he sent to 
 Doctor Pero Nunes, that ho was to toll Dom Duarte that ho 
 was a prisoner, and would not leave that ship except by 
 order of the King in Portugal, and therefore he was not 
 going to come on shore ; and that they were to give him 
 the acknowledgment of the delivery of India, if he chose to 
 take it, because the Viceroy looked upon India as having 
 been delivered up by him ; and although he should not 
 deliver it up, yet not on that account would things turn out 
 as he imagined, for this message would undeceive hira, and 
 his expectation would become vain ; after that the mes- 
 sengers were to return on shore, and they did return. The 
 Viceroy commanded that a public act should be drawn up 
 concerning all this by the secretary, in which all attested 
 this which had passed between them and D. Duarte, ^ and 
 the Viceroy kept it. 
 
 > Correa relates the voyage home of D. Duarte and of his brother D. 
 Luis, who went in another ship, and kept great watch over D. Duarte, 
 as he feared that he might go to Castile or to France ; on arriving at 
 Mozambique, they obtained news by the ships from Portugal that D. 
 Duarte's affairs were not in so bad a state as he feared ; they left 
 Mozambique together, and passing the Cape D. Duarte said he would 
 take in water at Saldanha, and that D. Luis should wait for him at the 
 island of St. Helena. D. Luis went on, and it was sui)poscd he was 
 
424 MEASURES TAKEN BY GAMA 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Of the death of the Viceroy, and of what he did and ordered before his 
 death, and how he was buried. 
 
 The Viceroy, feeling that lie was ill, spoke secretly at night 
 to the guardian of St. Antony, who was his confessor, with 
 whom he consulted ; and at this conjuncture there arrived 
 at Cochym the ships and vessel from Ceylon with the cin- 
 namon, which was transferred from them into the ships 
 bound for the kingdom, which were now almost laden, and 
 the Viceroy hurried this on. He despatched at once the 
 vessel to the kingdom with his letters ; Francisco de Men- 
 don^a went as captain of it, and he sailed on the first of 
 December. 
 
 Fernan Gomes de Lemos, who had been captain there (in 
 
 lost in a storm in wliich D. Duarte also was nearly wrecked. But in 
 the year 1536 Diogo da Silveira captured a French pirate, the brother 
 of a pirate who had taken D. Luis' ship, and he confessed that they had 
 killed D. Luis and the crew of his ship, which was near foundering, and 
 had plundered the ship and set fire to it with its crew. D. Diogo then 
 cut off the hands of the pirate's crew and burned them in their ship ; 
 for which afterwards the French pirates committed great cruelties on 
 the Portuguese. D. Duarte made the coast of Algarve, and anchored at 
 Farao, and buried his money safely ; he then would not go to Lisbon, 
 but went to Cezimbra and landed with his goods, and ordered the ship 
 to return to Lisbon ; but a storm came and drove the ship on shore with 
 the cables broken, or, as some said, cut at night in order that it might 
 be supposed D. Duarte's money was lost there. The King was much 
 enraged at the loss of the ship, and D. Duarte was put in prison at 
 Torres Vedras for many years. The King tried in vain to find his money 
 at Farao, and at length, through the intercession of Count Castanheira, 
 D. Duarte was set at liberty and restored to his captaincy of Tangiers : 
 and they never found his money for which he had suffered so much. 
 This Correa wrote from hearsay as related by those who came from the 
 kingdom, and (he says) all may be lies, like all things in this world ex- 
 cept to love the Lord God. 
 
I5EF0KE HIS DEATH. 425 
 
 Ceylon), came in the cinnamon ship. The Viceroy had 
 information of him that he was an evil liver, quarrelsome, 
 and fond of divisions, reckless in doing evil. He had com- 
 mitted iniquities in Ceylon, and a man named Ganchinho by 
 nickname had demanded justice of him from the Viceroy, 
 for ho had cut off his arm at the elbow, and he was maimed. 
 So when the ship reached the bar he sent thither the auditor 
 general to take from him a pledge signed to the effect that 
 ho would not leave the ship without his commands ; and if 
 he would not give such a pledge, the auditor was to bring 
 him as a prisoner, and shut him up in irons in the fortress, 
 and collect the depositions which came from Ceylon : and 
 this was done. 
 
 The Viceroy, feeling his death approaching, passed from 
 the fortress to the houses of Diogo Pereira, which were close 
 by in the court of the church. There he summoned Lopo 
 Vaz de Sampayo, and Afonso Mexia, the overseer of the 
 revenue, with the secretary, from whom he took their parole 
 under an oath to fulfil entirely what ho should command 
 them, until the governor who might succeed him com- 
 manded the contrary. The secretary drew up an act of 
 this promise, which they signed. The Viceroy then dis- 
 missed them, and made a minute by which he ordered them 
 not to stir nor undo anything of what he had done, but 
 rather that both of them should do everything, and despatch 
 everything both in matters of justice and revenue, and at his 
 death, when the succession was opened, they were to deliver 
 up everything into the hands of the governor whom they 
 should find named therein, with a box of papers belonging 
 to the King, which his son Dom Estevan would deliver to 
 them. In these minutes^ he gave all the regulations for 
 what they had to do until they gave way to the governor who 
 might succeed. 
 
 * Probably this was the document stolen from the grandfather of the 
 present Marquis of Niza. See Introduction. 
 
426 DEATH OF QAMA. 
 
 Having done this, he did not attend to anything else, 
 but only confessed and took the holy sacrament, with much 
 perfection as a Catholic Christian ; and he made his testa- 
 ment, by which he -ordered his sons to return in those ships 
 to the kingdom, and to take away all his goods, and sell 
 nothing, and to take away all his servants ; and those who 
 wished to remain, they were to pay them all their pay due 
 from the King for the services which they had rendered ; 
 and they were to give all his clothes and household furni- 
 ture of silk to the churches and hospital ; and he sent to 
 the women whom he had ordered to be flogged at Goa, a 
 hundred thousand reis for each one, which were to be given 
 them with much secrecy, and if they should not choose to 
 accept them, this sum was to be doubled, and given to the 
 house of Holy Mercy. These women, with this money, 
 found good- husbands, and were married, and became honest 
 women. He set his affairs in order like a good Christian, 
 with all the sacraments of the Church, and ordered that 
 his bones should be conveyed to the kingdom, as they 
 were conveyed later ; ^ and speaking always with his full 
 understanding, he fulfilled his days when he delivered up 
 his soul in the night of Christmas of the holy birth of 
 Christ, at three o'clock after midnight, on the twenty-fourth 
 day of December of this present year of 1524.^ God be 
 praised. 
 
 His death was kept silent, without weeping and lamenta- 
 tions, and the doors were closed all the day till the hour of 
 Ave Maria, when everything was ready. Then his sons and 
 servants gave the signal of his death with very great lamen- 
 tations; upon which many gentlemen, his relations and 
 
 ' Vasco da Gallia's remains were removed to Portugal in 1538 (not 
 1528, as the Univers Pitioresque has it), and buried in his tomb in the 
 town of Vidigueira, of which he was Count. 
 
 2 Castanheda, Barros, and San Roman agree in the date of Gam.i's 
 death, eve of Christmas 152-4. 
 
BURIAL OF GAMA. 427 
 
 friends, came in to assist them ; and soon after all the 
 people of the city came together in the court of the church, 
 and each one shewed what he felt. 
 
 The body, dressed in silk clothes, and over them a 
 mantle of the Order of Christ, with a sword and gilded 
 belt, and gilt spurs fixed upon dark buskins^ and on its head 
 a dark round barret-cap, was placed in the hall, in the bier 
 of the brotherhood of Mercy, uncovered ; and the gentle- 
 men, clothed in the mantles of their order, bore it on their 
 shoulders, with many tapers, and followed by all the people. 
 It was carried to the monastery of St. Antony,^, and buried 
 in the principal chapel ; and upon the tomb was a square 
 grating surrounding the grave, of the height of a span, 
 lined with black velvet, and a black and white fringe, 
 placed upon a velvet cloth, which covered all the grave. 
 There the next day a great service was performed, and all 
 the gentlemen were present, and his sons were placed amongst 
 the friars, and at night they betook themselves to the mo- 
 nastery and made their lamentations, as was reasonable on 
 losing so honoured a father, and of such great desert in the 
 kingdom of Portugal. For it pleased the Lord to give this 
 man so strong a spirit, that without any human fear he 
 passed through so many perils of death during the discovery 
 of India, as is related in his history ; all for the love of 
 the Lord, for the great increase of his Catholic faith, and for 
 the great honour and glory and ennobling of Portugal, 
 which God increased by His holy mercy to the state in 
 which it now is ; and in order to have some merit from the 
 Lord, for the salvation of the soul of the Viceroy, for the 
 good desires with which he laboured in the affairs of the 
 
 ' So also Kays Pedro Barrcto de Roscnde; Barros and San Roman call 
 it the monastery of St. Francis ; Castanheda says the cathedral of 
 (Jochym. An article of the Boletim do Governo, Goa, December 21, 
 IHoB, on the subject of Gama's tomVj, says he was buried in the principal 
 chapel of the_chiuchj)f the Franci8£aojnonasteix.o£CQehym. 
 
428 GAMA^S SONS RETURN TO LISBON. 
 
 wonderful discovery of India, which it pleased the Lord 
 should be done by him ; where now are dedicated to His 
 holy praise so many monasteries and churches, and where 
 there are so many new Christian communities of so many 
 souls which have been turned to the true knowledsre of the 
 salvation by our holy faith, as we see at the present day, 
 and every day will be with greater increase, by His holy 
 goodness and mercy. 
 
 The sons of the Viceroy, Dom Estevan and Dom Paulo, 
 collected together his servants, and fulfilled entirely their 
 father's commands, and both went to the kingdom in the 
 ship of a merchant, and were received with great honour by 
 the King, who shewed much grief for the death of their 
 father, for the great loss which he sustained by the death of 
 of so good a vassal, from whom he hoped to receive such good 
 services. 
 
 ^ The cathedral in which Vasco da Gama was buried no longer exists : 
 it was destroyed in the manner described in the following extract from 
 the private journal of Mr. Chisholm Anstey, who visited Cochim, Novem- 
 ber 9, 1857. 
 
 "The harbour of Cochim exceeds my expectation.... If it were not for 
 the bar of shifting sand it would be one of the finest in the known 
 world : as it is, even, it will be hard to match it in India. The deepest 
 water is inside, just where the wonderful chain of inland navigation 
 called the ' backwater' finds one of its outlets to the sea. By means of 
 that chain Cochim has not only smooth and safe access to the Ghats 
 eastward and to the Carnatic, but northward to the Goa territories, and 
 southward through Travancore to Cape Comorin....I was agreeably sur- 
 prised with the appearance of the town. It is not that the destruction 
 was less complete than the Vandals of Leadenhall Street designed. On 
 the contrary, it is hard to imagine a more faithful and exact perform- 
 ance of the will of a superior than was rendered here in 1806 by the 
 Company's Proconsuls to their intelligent and honourable masters. The 
 stupendous quays, shattered into enormous masses by the Company's 
 mines of gunpowder, still encumber the anchorages, and make embarka- 
 tion and disembarkation difficult.^ Not a vestige remains of most of the 
 public btuldings. The magnificent warehouses of the Dutch East India 
 Company, which won admiration from the rest of the world, and envy 
 from our own Company, were the first to be sprung into the air. There 
 
COCHIM CATHEDRAL DESTROYED 1806. 429 
 
 is a solitixry tower left — the ' Flagstaff ' they call it now — to tell where 
 stood the cathedral of Cochim, and where the body of Vasco da Gama 
 was buried. His grave has been defiled by us, and its very place is 
 now forgotten. ' You are within fifty yards of it, but on which side I 
 cannot say' — was the only indication which a well-read and careful in- 
 vestigator of local antiquities — himself a resident here for some years 
 past — could give me of the whereabouts of him who opened the Indian 
 Ocean to our commerce — to all commerce. One church— diverted from 
 the Portuguese to the Dutch worship, and from the latter to the English 
 Protestant establishment — is the only one which the Company's Guy 
 Fauxes were pleased to spare. That too is the only building left us 
 whereby to justify our faith in the chronicles which record the ancient 
 wealth and splendour of Cochim." The journal then goes on to state 
 that Cochim came into British hands in 1796, the British being the 
 allies of the Stadtholder ; and in 1806 it was feared that the ministry of 
 Charles James Fox might restore Cochim and other Dutch colonies to 
 Hollan d^ and so the only port south of Bombay where large ships could 
 be built would be withdrawn from the East India Company. " So in 
 that year the British authorities gave the word to blow up with gun- 
 powder the fortifications, public buildings, etc., etc., and great was the 
 Company of Guy Faux : great also the success. The Company's gazetteers 
 are still able to record that not only war and trade and government 
 were made impossible, but animal life itself. ' Scarcely a private house,' 
 we are told, ' of any size or value remained standing :' all who could do 
 so 'left the place;' 'all who could not,' it is coolly added, 'sunk into ab- 
 ject beggary, though some formerly possessed titles, and held high rank 
 and station. '...Really it cheers one to think that there is a complaisance 
 which can chronicle such things, and not be ashamed! Still, ixi itsruius 
 it is inviting enough : were it not for the misery of the indigent, which 
 its now renascent trade will in time extinguish. One can trace out the 
 ruins for a mile square from the sea, even beneath the forest growth and 
 herbage.... Now that free trade and liberty of the press have wrested 
 (1851), tardily enough, from Leadenhall Street the bare permission to 
 those who will to go out and live at Cochim, and trade there if they 
 can, there are signs of life even amongst these ruins.... In this wretched 
 fishing village, for in 1851 it was no better, there are already now in 
 1857 seventeen thriving mercantile establishments ; amongst them all 
 they exported last year from Cochim not less than £600,000 sterling 
 worth of Cochim and Travancore produce.... The Company has suffered 
 the backwater navigation to fall into ruin. But all is of a piece with 
 the policy which sprung the mines of 1806 upon the wharves and maga- 
 zines of the same commerce. I could not help reflecting thus as to-day 
 I saw the Persian^ a ship of more than 700 tons, lying off one of the 
 ruined quays to which .she was moored, and which, albeit in ruins, was 
 
430 DESTRUCTION OF COCHIM CATHEDRAL. 
 
 still so useful that the cargo could be carried on board along a foot- 
 plank without the need of a boat. And lastly, the Cochim policy of the 
 Company is of a piece with their Carnatic policy. Where are the 52,000 
 stupendous tanks which once irrigated the then fertile but now famine- 
 stricken Carnatic, so near a neighbour to this place ? All ruined, dry, 
 choked up ! And it has become the necessary work of a small body of 
 philanthropists to commence an agitation in England, to persuade or 
 compel the Madras government not to deprive the people of the means 
 of restoring those lost irrigation works, or replacing them upon as grand 
 a scale from Cavery, Godavery, and other rivers now neglected, and 
 alike useless to the carrier as to the husbandman.'" 
 
 Thornton, McCuUoch, and the French Geog. Diet, of Guibert agree 
 in stating that this destruction took place in 1806, but no trace of it is 
 to be found in the India Office or Admiralty Indexes. Thornton's 
 Gazetteer contains most information on the subject, and refers to Edye's 
 Description of the Seaports of Malabar^ a book which I have been unable 
 to find. It is not surprising after the destruction above described that, 
 two years later in 1808, when " it was reported that a French force 
 would land on the coast of Malabar in the course of January, in antici- 
 pation of this event, the Dewan (or minister of the Raja of Cochim) 
 urged the Raja of Cochim to prepare to unite himself with the Travan- 
 corians and French for the purpose of expelling the English from the 
 country." Thornton, Hist, of India, vol. iv, p. 119. 
 
 THE END. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 PORTUGUESE DOCUMENTS. 
 
 [Excepting the first, these documents have not before 
 been published ; some of them are printed with abbrevia- 
 tions and line for line as they stood in the original manu- 
 script.] 
 
APPEND rx. 
 
 Statement by Dom Manuel oe services renderrd by 
 Vasoo da Gama and donations gkanted to him. 
 
 [This document has been taken from tlic Appendix after p. 1G5 of the 
 Roteiro da Viagem de Vasco da Gama por A. Uerculano e o BarCio 
 do Castello de Paiva. Lisbon, 18G1]. 
 
 DoM Manuel por graca de Deus Rey de purtugal e dos 
 algarves daquem e dalem maar em afFrica Senhor de guinee 
 e da comquista iiavega^ilo comercio detyopia arabya persya 
 o da imdia. A quamtos esta nosa carta virem fazemos 
 saber que semdo pello yfante dom ami-rique meu tyo 
 comec;ado o descobrymento da terra de g^*' (guinee) Na era 
 de my] iiij'^xxxiij com tenca e desejo de pella costa da dita 
 terra de guynee se aver de descobryr e achar a Imdia a qual 
 atee os tempos dagora numca per ella foy sabida, nom 
 somente a preposyto de a estes Reynos se seguyr grande 
 fama e proveyto das muytas Riquezas que nella ha, as quaes 
 sempre Pellos mouros forara poseydas, mas Por que a fee 
 de noso seilor por mais partes fosse espalhada e seu nome 
 conliescido E despois el Rey dom afonso meu tio e el Rey 
 dom Joam seu fillio queremdo com os mesmos desejos 
 proseguyr a dita obra com asaz mortes e despesas em seu 
 tempo ate ho Ryo do Ifante foy descuberto no ano do 
 iiij'lxxxij^ q^ sam mil viii'ixxxv ligoas dhomde primeiro so 
 come^ou a descobryr E nos com o mesmo desejo queremdo 
 conseguyr a obra que ho dito Ifante e Rex nossos amte- 
 cessores tynham comeQada, comfy amdo que V*^" da gama 
 lidallguo de nosa casa era tal que por o que compre a noso 
 servigo e em comprimento de noso mandado pospoerya todo 
 
 1 It is stated in a note in the Roteiro that this date is erroneous and 
 that it is so written in all the copies. 
 
11 VASCO DA r.AMA. 
 
 perigo de sua pessoa e avryscamento de sua vida o emviamos 
 com nosa armada por capitao moor della craviamdo com ello 
 paullo da gama seu Irmaiio c Nycolao coellio yso mosmo 
 fidallguo de nosa casa a bnscar a dita Imdya, na qual 
 viagem nos ele asy scrvjo que homdc em tautos anos que 
 avia que ho dcscobrym^° era comccado e a elle muytos 
 capitacs emvyados e so descobriram as ditas mviiilxxxv 
 legoasj ele nesta ssoo viajem descobrio mill v'^L legoas 
 liomde yso mesmo descobryo liuila grande niyna douro e 
 ^tas (ui^itas) villas e cidades muy ricas c de grandes trantos 
 o em fym de sou descobrymcto achou e descobryo a Imdia 
 que per todo los oxry tores que ho mundo s'preveram sobre 
 todas as provyncias delle esta do Rica poseram, a qual 
 todolos emperadores e gramdes Rex quo no mundo foram 
 ssobre todas esta dessejaram e sobro a qual tantas despessas 
 deste royno foram fctas e nom menos mortos de capytaes e 
 outros jentes e nam somcnte de todos reis desejadas de 
 possoyr mas do sse vcr o qual descobrymcto e obra do 
 tamtos tempos comccada ele acabou no com menos mais co 
 mais mortes de homes dcspassas e perygos de sua pessoa 
 do que pellos outros foy comecada e comtynuada morrcmdo 
 na dita viajc Raullo da gama seu Trmao c asy a metado 
 da jcnte que cm toda a dita armada emviamos, pasamdo 
 nella muytos perigos asy pella viajem ser muy lomga 
 que pasou de dous annos como tambem por nos fazer mais 
 verdadeira cnformaca da terra e cousas della. E veimdo 
 nos o muyto sei-vi^oque a mos e a nosos reynos na dita 
 viajem c doscobrymcnto fe/ e gramde pvoveyto que nam 
 ssomento a clles ditos nosos reynos mas a toda a christam- 
 dade sse pode soguyr e daneficamcnto que aos ynfycs se 
 espera por atee o tempo dagora terem o logramento da dita 
 yndia e mais principalmente pelo muyto service que ha noso 
 scnor csperanios que sc ssiga por todas as jemtes da dita 
 yTudia parecer (]uc lyjerainente se podran tra/er a verdadeiro 
 conhecimcnto de sua santa fco polio mnyto que ja de la tciu 
 
VASCO DA GAMA. Ill 
 
 allguus deles serem c estarem nela ymteiramento confyrm- 
 ados, queremdo llie em allguua parte gallardoar o muyto que 
 nos nysto tem servido como todo principe deve fazer a quoles 
 que asy gramdemente e bem o servem. E por Ihe fazer 
 vaos gra^a e merce de noso moto propio liure vomtade certa 
 cyemcia poder rreal e absoluto sem nollo elle pedyr nom 
 outrem por ele, llie ffazemos pura^ livre e imrrevogavel 
 doa^am deste dya pera todo sempre autre vivos valedoyra, 
 de trezemtos mill reis de rremda em cada huum anno de 
 juro e herdade pera elle o todos sous descemdentes e em 
 parte de pago delles Ihe damos ha dizyma nova do pescado 
 da villa do synes e do villa nova de mill forates asy e pella 
 maneira que ella a nos e a coroa do rregnno pertemce e ao 
 dyamte pcrtemcer pode em preco e contya de sasemta mill 
 reis que hachamos que val cadanno, e posto que ao dyamte 
 mais creca sera pera elle e pera sous herdeiros e se menos 
 valor nos nom seremos hobrygado a Iho compoer^ a quail 
 dizima de nds tynha dom martynho de castel bramquo veedor 
 de nosa ffazemda e nolla leixou pera a darmos ao dito vasco 
 da gama e a elle demos satisfacam della em outra parte, e 
 asy Ihe damos e queremos que aja polas nosas sysas da dita 
 villa de synes cemto e trymta mill reis em cada huum anno 
 que he o preco que rrazoadamente as ditas sysas hora valem; 
 das quaees sysas queremos e mandamos que se nom faca 
 nenhuma despesa que seja asy pera nos como pera noso 
 asemtamento nem pera outra nenhuma cousa per especiall 
 que seja atee ele seer acabado de pagar da copya dos ditos 
 cemto e trymta mill reis, e ho que mays crecer ho nosso 
 almoxarife ho rrecadara pera nos e se menos rremder ho que 
 ttalecer avera pollas nosas sysas de samtiago de cacem, e ele 
 pohera de sua mao rrecebedor na dita villa do synes que 
 rreceba e rrecade hos ditos cemto e trimta mill reis. E 
 acomtecemdo do os iTcmdeiros quo forcm das sysas dolla 
 
 ' Tloro iMvlfi ;i copy of tliifi document ooulaiiicd ia Uic 7'oire do Tumlio, 
 I'aik' ;r', Maro 1, Doc. 0. 
 
IV VASCO DA GAMA. 
 
 perderem ou nom quererem pagai' corao saiio obrigados 
 entao nos praz que elle dito vasco da gama ou aseus herdeiros 
 ou seu rrecebedor posa costranger e ixeccutar os ditos 
 rremdeiros polio que liasy deverem atee eles per emcheo 
 sem quebra serem paguos da dita copya asy como farya ho 
 nosso almoxarife arrecadamdo pera nos has ditas sysas, ho 
 quail Ihe emtregard pera yso suas fyamcas e elles poderam 
 apellar ou agravar pera ho nosso comtador ou pera nosa 
 fazemda sse nyso semtyrem serem agravados. E pera esta 
 pagua ser mays certa e segura nos nom faremos nenhuma 
 quyta aos rremdeiros das ditas sysas em case que perquam 
 nellas. Outrosy Ihe damos,o queremos que aja elle e asy 
 sens descendentes pollas nosas sysas da dita villa de samtiago 
 quoremta mill reis em cada huum anno hos quaaes averam 
 e Ihe seram pages polio noso rrecebedor dellas aos quartees 
 d'o anno per emcheo sem neles aver quebra paguamdolhe 
 primeiro seu quartel que outra nenhuma despesa que fa9a e 
 asy de quartel em quartel tee fym do anno. E asy mesmo 
 Ihe pagara aos quartees sem quebra polla dita maneira 
 qualquer dinheiro que Ihe falecese em a dita villa de synes 
 pera comprymento dos cemto e trymta mill reis levamdo 
 certydao do noso comtador de beja da comtya que quebrou 
 nas ditas sysas de synes. Ao quail mamdamos que tanto 
 que elas forem arremdadas e souber o que asy nelas ha de 
 quebra Ihe dee logo a dita certidao e o dito rrecebedor 
 cobrara sseus conhecimentos e os dard em comta ao nosso 
 almoxarife ou rrecebedor da dita villa de beja, ao qusd 
 mandamos per esta que Ihos rreceba. E quamto he aos 
 setemta mill reis que falecem pera comprimento dos ditos 
 trezentos mill reis Ihe mandamos logo dar e asemtar asy de 
 jure e derdade em a casa do pa9o da madeira desta cidade 
 de lixboa, e ouve dello nosa carta patemte. E per esta 
 mandamos aos ditos nosso allmoxarife e comtador de beja 
 que ho metao logo em pose da dita dizima do pescado de 
 synes e Iha leixepa ther lograr e pesuir e rremdar e arrecadar 
 
VASCO DA GAMA. V 
 
 como Ihe prouuer e asy Ihe leixem aver rreceber e arrecadar 
 pera sy em cada huum anno a elle e a todos sens herdeiros 
 descemdontes deste janeyro que ora passou da era de mill e 
 quinhemtos em dyante pollas ditas sysas de synes hos ditos 
 cemto e trynta mill reis na maneyra que dito he per esta 
 soo carta sem mais tyrar outra de nosa fazemda, e por ho 
 trelado della que fycara rrcgistado no liuro do dito allmoxa- 
 rifado Ihe seram levados em despesa os ditos cemto e trimta 
 mill reis de synes e asy hos coremta mill reis que ha daver 
 em samtyaguo. Outro sy ho fazemos almiramte da dita 
 Imdya com todalas homrras priminencias liberdades poder 
 jurdycam rremdas foros e direytos que com ho dito almi- 
 ramtado per direito deve aver e as tem ho nosso almiramte 
 destes rregnos segumdo mais compridamente se contem em 
 seu rregymento, as quaaes rremdas e direitos se emtemderam 
 dos lugares e terras que a nosso senhor aprouver della vyrem 
 e estarem a nosa obydyencya. Outro sy nos praz e Ihe 
 outorgamos e Ihe fazemos doacam e merce de juro e derdade 
 deste dia pera todo sempre que numca em tempo alguum 
 posa seer rrevogado que ho dito vasco da gama e todos sens 
 descemdontes que hcrdarem e ouverem hos ditos trezemtos 
 mill rreis de rronda em cada vyagem que eravyarmos navyos 
 a dita Imdya, emtomdendose cada anno huma vez, posam 
 mamdar nelles duzemtos cruzados e trazcllos nas mercadorias 
 c[ue Ihe aprouver sem dclas nos pagar outro direito nem 
 tr-ibuto alguum salvo pagar a vymtenna ha hordem do christo. 
 E mandamos aos nossos capytaues e feitores que la forem 
 (jLie Ihe levem hos ditos duzemtos cruzados e os tragam 
 empreguados nas ditas mercadoryas. E bem asy o ffazemos 
 ;i t'lo dito vasco da gama de dom, e por seu respeito yso 
 mesmo queremos e nos praz quo ay res da guama o tareyja 
 da gama sens irmauos sejam de dom e se posam todos daquy 
 em dyante chamar dv dom c asy sous fylhos o netos e todos 
 uf[uclcs que doles (li'sci'udei'Ciii. A t(u;il doarani Ihe asy 
 i'uzciuos deste dyn pera, todo sempre de juro e derdade como 
 
VI VASCO DA GAMA. 
 
 (lito he sem ombarguo de quaesquer leix hordenacoes direitos 
 canonycos e cyues grosas foros custumes opyny5es de dou- 
 tores capytollos de cortes o cousas que comtra esto sejara ou 
 ao dyamte posam seer feytas^ as quaees todas e cada liuma 
 dellas aquy avemos por expresas e deci'aradas e por de 
 nenhum efeyto e vygor. E queremos e mandainos que esta 
 iiosa carta do doagam tenha e valha asy e tam compryda- 
 mente como nella he comtheudo e prometemos por uos e 
 nossos socesores que apos nos ham do viir de numca hyrmos 
 comtra ella cm parte nem cm todo amtes ha fazermos 
 sempre compryr e mamter como nella he contheudo ; e asy 
 rrogamos e emcomendamos aos nossos sobcessorcs por nosa 
 bemcam que nuraca comtra ella vaao em parte nem em todo 
 amtes ha facam asy compryr e manter como nella he decra- 
 rado por quamto asy he nosa merce. Outro sy queremos c 
 mandamos que os herdeiros do dito vasco da guama quo 
 esta merce ouvcrem derdar so chamem da gama por lom- 
 branca e memory a do dito vasco da gama e cm testemmiho 
 e por fyrmoza de todo Ihe mandamos dar esta nosa carta per 
 nos asynada e aselada de nosso solo pemdcnte. Uada em a 
 nosa cydade de lixbooa a dez dias do mes do Janeiro: guaspar 
 rroddriguez a fez anno de nosso scnhor Jhesu Christo de 
 mill e quinhemtos e dous. 
 
 Liv. iii de D. Joao III, ful. 1G(J. 
 
VASCO DA QAMA. Vll 
 
 EoYAL Order exempting Vasco da Gama from payment op 
 
 Chancery Dues on his appointment as Viceroy. 
 
 From the Torre do Tombo. 
 
 xxiij iiij. 
 
 oficiaes da nosa cli'''*. A nos p^ que o qde da Vidig*"* al- 
 miramte das yndias nom pague os dez marcos de prita 
 Hem outre nenhuu drrto da chamcel™ q' Ihe pertemcia 
 paguar da carta do poder que Ihe damos pa a Imdia 
 pq^ asy o avemos per bem e mandamos aos nosos 
 q'tadores q^ se o que nysto montar se caregar e recepta 
 sobre o r°'' da dita ch"* Iho leve p este e q'ta 
 feyto e evora a xij de m*^" m®' de moura o fez de v" 
 xxiiij°. 
 
 Eey _ - - 
 
 {At the foot of the page.) 
 
 ho code 
 p^ a vosa alteza q" q'de da Yidig'"'^ no pague os x tn™^ de 
 p'" ne out° nenhu drrto da ch"'' q' Ihe ptencia pagar da carta 
 do podor q' Iho dais pa a Imdia e q' se leve e q'ta ao R'' 
 o q' nysto motar se sobre ele se carregar e r*^*. 
 
 [At the bach of the page.) 
 
 \j aueiros. 
 ficam caregados em Recepta sobre 
 f' Rolz R"'' da chamcel" vymte 
 e tres mill e q'to cemtos r's q' se 
 mota e x marcos de prata do oficio 
 de vise rey e capita mo5r da Imdia 
 as iRvi (96) fs*^ e por certida delo fiz 
 e asyney este feto e eu'' aos xij d's 
 do mes de marco de mill e v'^xxiiij". 
 
 p° GOMEZ. 
 
^■|11 VASCo IM (iAMA. 
 
 Form in whtch Vasco ba Oama did homaoe to King 
 
 John HI (jn wvanh ai-poin'I'kd V^ickroy of India. 
 
 Torre do Tombo, Coj;po Ciironologico, 
 
 Part 1, Ma^o oO, Doc. 00. 
 
 Em euora a xxviii dias do mes de feucreiro do anno de 
 mill v^xxiiii nos paQos d^ el Rey noso scnnor dom vasquo da 
 gama Comdc da vidigueira almirante da Imdia quo ora o 
 dito seniior omvia por scu viso rey as partes da Imdia e 
 pera nclla ficar por capitam moor e gouernador das ditas 
 pfirteSj fez preyto c menagcm a sua allteza pclla dita capitania 
 moor c governan^a na maneira scguintc : 
 
 Muyto alto muito eixcelente princIpe e muito poderoso 
 Rey dom Joliam meu verdadeiro e naturall Rey e s'or. Eu 
 dom Vasquo da gama, comde da Vidigueira almirante da 
 Imdia que ora vosa allteza emcarega de voso viso Rey ca.pi- 
 tam mor e gouernador nas partes da Imdia vos fa9o preito 
 e menagcm pella dita capitanya mo5r e gouernan9a. E vos 
 prometo que vos acollierey e Receberey em todas as fortc- 
 lezas que na Imdia e fora della tendes e ao diamte teuerdes, 
 6 era cada hua delas no alto e no baixo irado e paguado^ 
 com poucos e com muytos^ imdo vos em vosso liure poder 
 e farcy guerra e Inanterey paz e trcguoa a qucm vos s'or me 
 mandardes. E nam entrcguarey a dita capitania moor e 
 guovcrnamca, nem as ditas fortelczas e cada huiia delas e 
 armadas de naaos e navios de vosa alteza, nem nenhuua 
 outra cousa que como voso capitam mor e guovernador das 
 ditas partes a meu carreguo esteuerem, saluo a quem vos 
 sennor me mamdardes e me apresemtar vosa carta por vos 
 
 1 Irado e jiaguado. Pcaguado for pagado ; Latin pacatus, opposed to 
 irado; fortresses in a peaceful and in a revolted state; form of pligliting 
 homage. Vide Ordena^ao Mannelina, liv. i, t. 50, § 4. 
 
VASCO DA GAM A. IX 
 
 asinada e aselada do voso selo redomdo das vosas armas, E 
 sendo caso que algiius capitaes das ditas fortelezas tyre e 
 ponlia nelas outros por asy o aver por voso serui9o, aqueles 
 que asy poser tomarey em voso nome fee preito e menagem 
 por as ditas fortelezas, asy como hee custume de vosos 
 Regnos se tomarem as ditas menagees. E vos prometo e dou 
 minha fee preito e menagem que em todo o que tocar ao 
 dito carreguo de capitam moor e guovernador vos sirua fiel 
 e vex'dadeira e lealmente asy corao devo e sam obriguado o 
 fazer a meu verdadeiro e naturall Rey e seniior em bo5a fee 
 sem malicia emguano arte cautella nem fimgimento alguu. A 
 quail fee preito e menagem vos faco huua duas tres vezes 
 segumdo foro uso e custume destes vosos Regnos. E por 
 certidam disso asyney este por minlia maao testemunhas 
 que a alio foram presentes o comde do vemioso e bertolameu 
 de payua amo de sua allteza e eu o secretario que esta fiz 
 spreuer e aquy sobspreuy no dito dia mes e era sobre dita. 
 
 Ho conde do vymyoso. Ho comde almirante. Bertolameu de paiua.^ 
 
 ' A facsimile of these signatures is given in the plate : this signature 
 of Vasco da Gama is about the only one extant. 
 
VASf'O DA (iAMA. 
 
 Letter of the Chamber of Goa to King John IIT, datkd 
 
 Oct. 31,1 524, announcing the arrival of Vasco da Gama 
 
 AS Viceroy. From the Torre do Tomro. 
 
 per liiys Frz^ colaco que a vosa alteza tinhamos em- 
 
 viado per precuradoi' nos ffoy dado a reposta das cartas 
 
 que desta cidade levou e asy a conifFyrmacao de nossos 
 
 privilegios com o despacho dos apomtametos e asy 
 
 a sancii do estorm''' dos officios, todo bem despachado co- 
 
 mo esperavamos, e por todo beigamos as maaos a vosa 
 
 Alteza, e nao podemos uegar que o amor e boa v5tade 
 
 que o s"'' vosso padre que santa gloria ajaa tinha 
 
 a esta cidade e aos moradores dela he esquecido segudo 
 
 vemos polas muytas merces que nos ffaz, asy em nossos 
 
 despachos como emtodo o mais que por nosa pai^te Ihe 
 
 he pidido, e sempre nos e nossos ff'® rrogaremos e pidy- 
 
 mos ao s""" d^ que os d- (dias) e estado rreal de vosa alteza 
 
 acrecemte a seu s''''vifo. 
 
 ho comde da Vidig'"^ cliegou a esta cidade aos xxiij d" de set'° 
 
 da era presente de v'^xxiiij com nove velas, dizem (|ue 
 
 fFaltam cinquo pera o comto das que de la partiram 
 
 com ele, parece nos que vem com boaa teracao e desojo- 
 
 so de servir vosa alteza e fFazer justica as partes q 
 
 muito copre nesta tra, polo que vymos que nesta cidade 
 
 ffez eses poucos dias que nela esteve em desagravar 
 
 muitas pessoas, e alimpar erros de vosa ffaz*'"'" 
 
 que heram ffetos, ffoi rrecebido de nos nesta cidade com 
 
 aquela honra que merecem os quo amao a justica e cHpre 
 
 vossos mandados Apresontamos Ihe nossos p"vilcgios 
 
 e liberdndes, em todo disc que os c5priria como per vosa 
 
 ' FcTuainlt'z. 
 
VASCO DA GAMA. XI 
 
 alteza nos he outorguado, e polo pouco t'po que estevo 
 
 nesta cidade nao pode despachar alguuas cousas que 
 
 Ihe rrequerimos e por se achegar o t'po de ffazer a carga 
 
 da pimenta, ne quis tomar conhecim'" de muitas cousas que 
 
 ffiquam pera sua vinda e a seg''° qua socedem as cousas nam 
 
 Ihe compre repousar o que ele traz por carego como teinos 
 
 visto. 
 
 muitas p"^* Ihe fforao com alguus s*''viQos como se cus- 
 
 tuma fazer aos governadores quando vem novam'% nao 
 
 quis tomar nada a xpuo nem a mourOj ne menos ha 
 
 esta cidade, o que avemos qua todos por estranho, por 
 
 estar em custume, tomarse tudo. 
 
 deixou por capitao nesta cidade a dom Anrique de me- 
 
 neses por nao pasar dom fFernado que se diz vir por capitao, 
 
 niio podemos dizer dele se nao o que se deve dizer de hu 
 
 bom ffidallgo, e ssomos dele tratados como he rrezaao 
 
 e justi^a e o vosa Alteza manda e emcomeda. 
 
 Em todas as cartas que temos esp"tas a vosa alteza Ihe 
 temos dado comta desta cidade e de seu nobre cim''"'° e dos 
 moradores portugeses que nela vivem, com suas molhe- 
 rres e fi^% e ora nesta nos parece rezao que o ffa^amos 
 e nos parece que os purtugeses que ao p''''sente aqui sao 
 casados e estao d'aserato serao quat'° cemtos e cimqoeta 
 e nao se pode em certo dizer os que sao por handarem 
 espalhados por muitos partes, e destes que sabemos sao 
 jjjtos ffidalgos, e cavaleiros e escudeiros vossos cryados 
 e outras pessoas de m'° merecimento, que m'° s"Vico tem fFeto 
 a vosa alteza, asy nestas partes como em outras de vosos 
 reinos, os quaes tem ff^^ e ff'^^ pera casar e ja deles 
 casados nesta cidade, e pois asy esta per D* hordenado 
 que ajamos de deixar nosas naturezas por povoar 
 esta tra, pidimos a vosa alteza que se lebre de no- 
 ssos s«''viQos e os que se espera que ffacao nossos 
 
 E qnamto e alguas obras que saiio fletas nesta cidade 
 
XU VASCO DA GAMA. 
 
 principalm'*' he o moest'" de sao ffr*=° que podemos di^er 
 ser acabado, e se diz que he das melhores casas que pode 
 aver em vossos rreinos asy de b5os rreligiossos 
 como das outras obras, e p'llo comseguinte huu 
 esptal que ffez ffr'=° p'* junto da porta de santa c" desta 
 ^idade, que ainda nuo sabemos out™ melhor tirade ho do 
 Hxboa, o que e gramde rrefi'rigerio pera os e- 
 fFermos com a boa provisao que tern, e bem ffoy 
 necesario estar ffeto, pelos muitos doentes que vierilo 
 nesta harraada do comde. 
 
 E asy se ffez huu quais de pedra no maar da porta da 
 rib""" que isso mesmo madou ffazer ffr™ p''"', o que he 
 gramde nobrecim^° desta cidade, por ser m'" boa obra 
 homde se cheguo gales e ffustas e out™^ navies 
 pcquonos a descaregar e a tomar o que Ihe he nece- 
 sario, outras obras algiias nuo sao fFetas mais 
 das que herao, e os que mais ffez ffr''° p" o t'po que 
 aqui esteve por capituo la as sabera vosa alteza. 
 
 Nos ffezemos lembran^a ao comde sobre o coregiui'^'' dos 
 muros desta cidade, ffblgou m'° com isso, e o vyo, e ma- 
 dou a dom Amrique nosso capitao que ffizese p^llo co- 
 me^ar do chapar, pidymos a vosa alteza que todavia 
 made que se ponha maao nele e se coreja do necesa- 
 rio, porque nao he vosso s^'^vi^o estar asy, 
 
 E quanto he as obras das casas que tem ff etas os moradores 
 saom boaas, e ffazem cada dia, e dentro da cerqua da cidadc 
 niio ha cliaao despouoado nem cabe a jemto que he 
 casada, e vivem muitos ffbra nos arrabaldes por niio 
 podcrcm hy all ffazor por serem muyto pobres. 
 
 A trii ffyrme que ganhou Rui de melo que nesta 
 9idade esteve por capitaao, ffby emtrada dos mouros 
 que a soyam de pesuir, em o mes d'abryl de v'^xxiiij 
 e a tem por sua, e a prim" tanadaria^ quo tomariio ffoy 
 a de perna que he da bauda do maar hddc caty varani 
 * J)istri(l i)f ;i I'uiiadar, nriir (Jnu. 
 
VASCO ]-»A GAMA. XIU 
 
 dous portuo-eses, e liuu deles tanadar, os quaes 
 
 estao cativos na fforteleza de bylgao de que he capituo 
 
 o cuffilary, a culpa de se perder a tra, nao julga- 
 
 mos, aquc se deve daar, pore dom duarte G""" que 
 
 fFoy nestas partes estava na bara desta cidade c5 
 
 armada prestes pera ir caminlio d'ormuz^ e Ihe 
 
 flfoy dcto que acudise que co pouqua jente deitaria 
 
 OS mouros ffora da tra, respomdeo que o niio podia 
 
 flazer per que estava de caminho e que aimda q 
 
 se perdere Goaa, que nao deixaria de ir a ormuz, ho 
 
 que era pouquo necesario por o que copria a vosso 
 
 srvigoj seu irmao dom luis de meneses tambe 
 
 neste tpo era nesta cidade, e se ffoy emvernar 
 
 a cochy, e levou toda a jente que pode e por 
 
 ser na emtrada do imberno creceram os mouros 
 
 e se emposaram da tra, e todavia ffr"° P™ (Pereira) pa- 
 
 ssou alem do ryo co esa jemte que tynha na 
 
 cidade que era bem pouqua, e co tudo nao pode hy 
 
 fFazer mais que largalla. 
 
 OS cavalos que vieram este Ano darmuz a esta cidade 
 fforam mil iij'^Kiij (3 43) cavalos afFora trimta e seis 
 que moreram, e porque mais nao vieram, ffoy 
 a causa disso ho levamtameto que flPoy em Armuz 
 este anno nos parece que vinram mais, p^llo trato 
 darmuz ffiquar asetado co os merquadores. 
 
 tamto que o code chegou a esta cidade Amtre out'"* 
 cousas que Ihe rrequerimos, por parte da cidade e 
 povo dela Ihe ffezemos huus apotam'°® que em 
 camara, per acordo de todo o povoo fForao fiFetos 
 em OS quuaes nos agravamos a elle, dallguuas 
 sem rrezoees e agravos, que por fFr"" p'"'' nosso ca- 
 pitao que flfoy fforam ffetos a m''"^ moradores 
 desta 9idade, e nao tamto p'Uo de suas pessoas 
 que cada huu per sy, se podia agravar, mas pllo 
 que toqua aos pvilegios e liberdades que per 
 
XIV VASCO DA CJAMA. 
 
 el rey vosso padre que santa gloria ajaa nos 
 fforam dados, e ora per vosa Alteza novam** coflyr- 
 mados, que em muita parte ffoy cotra ellcs 
 asy como empreder muitos cidadaos no troqo cm 
 fferros sem por que, ne querelas ne estudo f^uo 
 deles tevese, era que nos ffoy cotra os ditos 
 pvilegioSj e p'Uo comsegulte em madar tomar 
 A alguus moradores suas casas da morada pera 
 apousetar outras pessouas, lam9ando ftbraa 
 delas suas molheres e ff'% no que ffoy contra 
 
 05 dctos pvilegios, e isso raesmo era miidar ha- 
 travesar todos os mantym^" nos passes que pa 
 esta cidade vynhara pera caregar suas naaos 
 
 6 tomar a rre vender nesta cidade. e em daar 
 OS officios a homes ssolteyros daquelles 
 
 de que nos vosa alteza tern ffeto raer9e, como 
 ffoy o paso de manoel de sampaio q vagou 
 outrosy ffoy cotra os dito pvilegios, em miidar 
 meter no tronquo aos juizes hordenairos q 
 saim per imlicao co suas varas, e ao pp''"'' da 
 cidade, por rrequerer o que copria a sen liofficio 
 o madar meter no troquo em fferros e tomar 
 as varas alguus almotaceis e as quebrar 
 em peda9os, e as pennas dalmotacaria q 
 p'llos almotaceis eram julgadas p'' a ca- 
 mara nao querer que se levase, em que a cidade 
 recebeo perda, e outras cousas que nos ditos 
 apomtara*""^ se cotinham, os quuaaes ffezemos 
 p* que o code os visse e nisso ffezese o que sctyse 
 por mais vosso svi90 os quuaes ele vio e por 
 estar de caminlio p'^ cocliy naora pode mais niso 
 emtemder, e se rremeteo todo a dom Amriq noso 
 capitiio, e sobre os dctos apr)tam^°* se procesava 
 ffcto que ascgumdo sen ffnmdum'" se hordcnavao 
 gramdes gastos ao povo dcsta cidade^, .sobre o rj' He- 
 
VASCO DA GAMA. XV 
 
 zemos camara e per pregao ffoy chamado todo 
 
 ho povo, e per todos ffoy acordado, q' os ditos apo- 
 
 tamentos iiiio fforao dados ao code p" se ffazere 
 
 demandas ne os homes gastare suas ffaz''"^^ com 
 
 |j'j,co pra^ ssom*® p'^ que ele pelo poder que traz de 
 
 vosa alteza provese nisso, como fFose vosso 
 
 ivico e que isso mesmo o escrevesemos a vossa 
 
 Alteza acerqua dos dctos Apomtam'°^ p'llo que toqava 
 
 aos pvillegios desta fidade, por nos sytirmos ha- 
 
 gravadoSj em nos hyrem cotra eles no que dcto he 
 
 nam tam ssom*'® em especial, mas geralm'^'^ como he 
 
 notorioj e por vermos que a detrimina9ao destas cou- 
 
 sas se perlomgava e ffr*^° p""* ter posto ssospei9aao 
 
 a todos OS moradores desta cidade, asy a ofEciaaes 
 
 da justi9a como a outras p*^ e a tal ssospei^ao Ihe 
 
 ser rrecebida, cesamos de mais falar nos ditos 
 
 apomtam*"^ com o parecer do povo, e o noteffiqamos 
 
 a vosa alteza, a que pidymos, quanto a ir o dito 
 
 flppco pra comtra nossos pvilegios que imteiram''® 
 
 nos guarde nosa justica e mande saber a verdade 
 
 por p''^ sem ssosp** que nao pode ser que Autre quinhetos 
 
 moradores que ha nesta cidade nao ajaa vyte 
 
 em que nao ajaa ssospeicao, e que nao queiraao 
 
 mal a fFr"" p™, por que esperamos provar imteiram*® 
 
 ele nos ir cont* os dctos pvilegios no que dito he 
 
 e da por escusa que Ihes nao noteffiquamos 
 
 quamdo Ihe foy etrege a fforteleza desta cidade per 
 
 Rui de mello, etam Ihe fforam lidos e noteffiquados 
 
 p*"" OS officiaaes da camara, e jurou aos satos 
 
 avamgelhos de os c5prir, e asynou o juram*° ao 
 
 pee no livro da camara como se veraa. 
 
 Vosa alteza tem ffeto merce aos moradores desta 
 
 cidade que os officios dela asy de vosa ffazenda como 
 
 da justica hamdem neles de tres Anos, e naquelas 
 
 p*^" em que couberem como mais lai'gam*^^ se cotem 
 
XVI VASCO DA GAMA. 
 
 na carta da merce dos d'ctos officios^ e por que vemos 
 que destes que Lao de ser em tres anos os te depois 
 de nosa carta alguuas p'^'^ em sua vida, ssomos 
 nisso agravados, asy como he cry sua q' tern qat™ 
 officios e p° g'^° tres, e em outros cada hu seu que na 
 nomeamos pidymos a vosa alteza que officio algu 
 nam proveja nesta cidade em vida ssom^'' de tres 
 em tres anos por que na ffiquam de ffora se nao 
 sete ou oyte officios, e destes tomamos o que nos 
 qua daao, Atee o psente. E asy pidymos a vosaa 
 alteza que aja por bem q destes officios que ouvere 
 de ser provides pelo G''°'' ou pelo capitao da fForteleza 
 q a psemtacam dos homees p* eles seja da camara 
 por que todos ajam parte da merce que llie per 
 vosa alteza he fFeta porque m**^ vezes acotece hos 
 carreguos se dare mais per aderecia que per me- 
 rrecym*" . 
 
 e quainto alguus officios que deve s'^'" provides 
 em vida ja sobre isso escrevemos a vosa alteza, por 
 nos parecer ser svico de d's e vosso, como ssaao os 
 tabalyaaes das notas, e do Judiciaal e da camara 
 por que sao careguos que nao he bem que hamden 
 por tres arios, se nao em vida das p"'^ que fforem 
 p* OS servire, e os tabaliaaes das notas que 
 vosa alteza mada, que se dem em vida, asy se ffara. 
 pelas armadas que de qua fforao em tpo de dom duarte 
 temos escrito a vosa alteza largam'*' m*''* cousas desta 
 cidade, e asy da Imdia, e nos parece escusado nesta mais 
 exp''''ver por que os cousas ffetas nao se podem escoder 
 praza ao sor Ds, que os d's e estado Re [al de] vosa alteza 
 acrecente a seu svico, exp'^'ta na cam [a] ra da d'cta 
 cidade de goaa ao deradeiro dia d'out™ luis alurz a ffez 
 era de i v'^xxiiij aiios, 
 
 cristova a° (affonso) di*^* y°, [Solyz?] Pay" Royz, p" gonlz. 
 
VASCO lU OA.MA. xvii 
 
 Falla que fez Dioao do Couto na Camara de Coa ao 
 
 CoNDE DoM Francisco da Gama quando nella posiokao 
 
 o Retrato de seu Vizavo D. Vasco da Gama. 
 
 (EvoRA Library, Cod. ^, N^ ], r. 268.) 
 
 A cousa de que se mais prezavao aquellas faniosas Rc- 
 publicas, Grega e Romana, 111"^" jSTir, era de satisfuzerem 
 grandes merecimentos com grandes, e publicos gallardoeus 
 dando a seus famosos, tituloa e nomes soberbissimos, e 
 alevantando Ihes estatuas nilo so era os Senados^ mas ainda 
 em OS lugares mais publicos de todos pera com isso incitarcm 
 aos mais, a fazerem cousas dignas de semelhantes galardoens. 
 
 Assim esta Republica de Goa, niio menos ordenada quo 
 todas as do mundo, querendo-as imitar em cousa tao justa 
 tratou de remunerar e em parte satisfazer, os muitos, o 
 muito notaveis merecimentos deste valeroso capitao, e novo 
 descubridor o S'iir D. Vasco da Gama priraeiro Condo 
 Almirante, Visavo de V. S% pondo os olhos nos grandes e 
 muito proveitosos services, que fez a coroa de Portugal, e 
 no muito que todo este estado Ihe deve, por ser a primeira 
 pedra fundamental delle. Rompendo por tantos riscos o 
 perigos, por tao varios, e apartados climas, descobrindo 
 novos ceos, notando novas estrellas, provando dii e d' outro 
 polio a aspereza, vencendo e sobjugando os feros e indomitoa 
 phocas e monstros marinlios, abrindo por meio delles novo 
 caminho para que todos podessemos vir buscar as riquezas 
 deste oriente com que nao so o nosso reino de Portugal, 
 mas ainda todos os da Europa tanto se engrandeceruo. 8e 
 este negocio sucedera em tempo d' aquelles antigos Poetas, 
 com muita mais razao poderao colocar entre os signos e 
 Planetas aquella fermosa Ndo S. Gabriel em q este 
 valeroso Capitao descubrio ao mundo tao maravillosos 
 
XVm VASCO DA tiAMA. 
 
 segredos, do quo o fizeriio aquella argos de Jassiio de quein 
 tantos cousas fabullarao. Se aquelle Americo A-^espusio q 
 descobrio essas Indias occidentales, que os Geographos 
 poserao pella quarta parte do mundo, ficou nelle tuo famoso 
 q toda aquella terra se cliamou delle America, coDservando 
 em si o nome de seu descubridor : com quanta mais razilo, 
 esta parte da Asia q' este nosso insigne capitao nos descubrio 
 se podera chamar A Gama por conservar com tiio ilustre 
 apelido a memoria de raor feito que houve depois que 13s 
 creou o mundo ate [agora. Mas] foi tal o esquecimento 
 neste estado que nem em nome nem em estatua havia delle 
 memoria, o q nao lie em Portugal aonde se conserva na 
 amplissima geracao que delle procede e na 111"^'^ casa de 
 Vidigueira de q V. S'^ he dignissimo erdeiro, a qual tem 
 brotado desy varoens tao insignes q muito bem podera este 
 estado da India ter serapre andado nas suas maos muito 
 seguramente. 
 
 E querendo estes P*"^ conscriptos remedear este descuido, 
 vendo q entre estes insignes Varoens, Ihe era a elle com 
 rezao, devido o primeiro lugar (determinaram) de Iho dar 
 no so neste Senado, mas ainda levantaremllie estatua sobre 
 a principal porta desta cid"' para os q por ella entrarem, cm 
 pondo OS olhos nelle, se leinbrem do m'^° q todos Ihe devemos. 
 E ainda q este ato se nao celebre com a solenid'^ devida a 
 tao valeroso capitao, todavia he com tanto gosto, e aplauso 
 de todos estes cidadads que nao ha nenhfi q nao deseje de 
 ser elle. 
 
 Por estes services e por todos os mais q todos os q somos 
 va^alos de sua Mag"'*' pretende de fazer, assi a elle, como a 
 V. S. Ihe pede ponha os olhos no grande amor e alvoroco 
 com q todos festejao este ato p'' q assim lembrandolhe as 
 obriga^oens emq por isso fica aesta cid*' a queira honrrar e 
 favoreger com Ihe guardar sens foros previlegios e liberdades; 
 e com isso remunerar e satisfazer os services e merecim*"^ 
 dos cavall'"'"' cidadaos que morrerao em servico do seu Key : 
 
VASCO DA flAMA. XIX 
 
 com llic despacliar o rciuedear suas fillias pobres e orfaas 
 p'' q assitri entendaiuos todos, q iiao foi este nosso service 
 tbito em vao, e primitria o ser meo da obra tao Santa dar a 
 V. S" tantos et tao croicas vitorias^ que por ellas mereca ser 
 colocado a ilharga do Dignlssimo Visavo^ e que me aja eu 
 por m''^ ditoso ter mc cabido a soi'te de escrever a historia 
 da India como S. Mag'''^ me manda, para que pollas grandezas 
 q do V. S" espero escrever venha a ser tao conhecido no 
 mundo como foi llomcro por escrever as de Achilles. 
 
XX VASCd DA (iAMA. 
 
 Letter oe Duarte Bakbosa to the King about the rising 
 
 UP OE the people of Cananor through the excesses 
 
 OP DioGO CorreAj and how he and the Captain 
 
 Major appeased them ; dated 
 
 Cananor, Jan. 12, 1518. 
 
 (Torre do Tombo, Part I, Mac/o 12, Due. 50.) 
 
 Sennor 
 
 Alem da obriguacam eiu q, ja9o ao ofi(,>io de scrivaiu do 
 que me vosa alteza fez merce miulia coindicani he falar 
 seupre v''"dade primcypalmente naquelas cousas que tocam a 
 voso s''vi90 e parece me q, me nam faria Ds mercc se nam 
 escrevese craramemte as cousas de cananor a vosa alteza 
 p'que estas sam as que eu sey lympamente, asy pla lymguua 
 como p"" sabr de muyto tempo q, qua estybe da outra vez. 
 OS tratos e costumes e comdicoes asemtadas plo almy'ramte 
 e comfirmadas plos outros capitaes mores q atee guora foram, 
 o que avemos de g'dar ao Key e a jemte da trfa q segumdo 
 vosos Regm*°^ e mamdados he g^'dar Ihe muyta v^''dade e ter 
 com ele v"'dadeyra paaz, as quaes cousas em algua maneyra 
 sam quebradas como vosa alteza la vera plos ebayxadores e 
 cartas del Rey de cananor. 
 
 Eu cheguey aquy ho anno de 1511 com dom ayres e ho 
 capytam moor era em malaca e doxara nesta fortaloza 
 di^correap capitam ho qual com suas tyi-anyas o desconfiamcas 
 e Rispeda comdicam tynha a jemte da trra casi alevantada 
 comtre sy, despeytando os e amegamdo os com o capitam moor 
 queremdo tomar bamdo p huu pocar acem comtre outra valya 
 e comtre o guov^''nador, lenibro a vosa alteza q se pdio o trato 
 de calecud p ayres coirea querer bamdejar p coja beguy, he 
 bem q sejam iavore^idos os que s^'vem vosa alteza e nam do 
 njancyia q Ihcs fiijam fazcr u q nam devem comtre o Roy da 
 
VASCO DA (lAMA. XXI 
 
 tvra ])oi.s sam seus vasalos e ele lio lie de vosa alteza esta ho 
 a cousa q ele mais semte. nam diguo de di" correa muytas 
 cuusas plo meudo que sam diiia.s de grii castyguo p que jaz 
 ja omdc uuso Senlior se leubre do sua alma. 
 
 Estava aquy g" fQonzaloJ memdez feytor e pedro inem 
 (Pedro IlomcmJ o p huas palavras de gramde esperamca do 
 vosa alteza queriain cons^'var o soster a paz desta jemte, 
 tolhyalhes quo nam fosoin a cananor nem amdar amtre os 
 mouros semdo feytor e escrivaiio e sobre isto os mexricou com 
 ho capitam moor que creo sempre em suas maldades e as ouve 
 p v'''tudes segundo o mafio trato que deu ao Rey da trra e ao 
 guov'^'^nador e jemto dela plos (juaes cousas vosa alteza deve 
 pguntar a J° sarraao que sabe algua cousa diso p que avelas 
 descrever meudamemte nam se poderiam acabar. 
 
 K so o Roy da ti-ra estevc pa quebrar do todo com ho 
 capitam moor sobro a tyrada do seu guov*''nador e asy sobre 
 hua soma de cavalos (jue Iho tomou for9osamemte sem Ihos 
 paguar e fez obriguar ao alguazil que paguase alguiis deles 
 a seus donos e sonam q o prenderia em ferros. eu ho sey 
 muy bem p que estive la huu dia todo com el Rey dozcmdo 
 Iho de parte de vosa alteza quo se se semtia agravado q' ho 
 fezesc sabr a vosa alteza e q' tudo se Remediaria com in*^ pauz 
 e muyto amor a ele me dezya que queria acabar de perder 
 8ua trra pois Ihe faziam tamtas forcas que as nam podia 
 sofrir e que nam queria nada de nos nem portos nem 
 naveguaf;am nem dar nem tomar com nosco e q' queria viver 
 no sartam e com os fruitos da trra se mantor pois Iho 
 roubavamos a trra e Iho faziaraos tamtas forcas. profyey 
 tamto com ele com palavras mansas que p derradoyra me 
 diso avemdo sobre iso m*" conselho que queria sofrir tudo 
 ate ho fazcr sabr a vosa alteza e a isto senhor mamda laa 
 com alguuH s*''vi90s de joyas escs omcs com cartas e Recados 
 na maao do J" san-iio. 
 
 Este anno ouvomos p" esta feytoria p" carrogua destas 
 naaos quatro mil q^(quintaes) dc jongibre casi todo Jyado que 
 
XXU VASCO DA GAMA. 
 
 nos o Rey mamdou dar e fomolo paguamdo pouco e pouco e se 
 tiveramos mercaderias p* o paguarmos pareceme q^ ouveramos 
 seis ou sete mil q^ e por que nam temos nenhua mercaderia 
 nem com q' ho paguar estamos no pre90 de cem fs (farazolas) 
 ho bahar a q' o anno pasado ho fezemos decer pq' estava a 
 cemto vinte fs ho bahar e aguora nos -acometem q^ nos 
 obriguemos a Ihe tomar ate seis mil q^ e q^ Ihe paguemos em 
 mercaderias e loguo algua cousa, se as teveramos, pareceme 
 q^ ho fezeramos abayxar a oytemta fs o bahar. p'"'q' Jorge de 
 melo com suas boas palavras e comdy'cam os tem muyto 
 masos e tyrados de muytas maly9ias em que jaziam p' q' 
 despois q^ aquy fy'cou vieram a esta fortaleza muytos mouros 
 jentyos honrrados q^ avia dous annos q' aquy nam etraram 
 nem tratavam com nosco, este fruyto dam as arvores q' vosa 
 alteza poem p*"" sua maao. 
 
 Mamde vosa alteza acudir a esta feytoria com muy'tas 
 mercaderias e p especial mandado mamde q^ as descarregaem 
 aquy p*"" q' pasam todas a cochy e na nos dexam aquy nada 
 nem querem aquy estar tres dias aymda q' venham muyto 
 9edo nam Ihes lenbra se nam quitaladas e este anno pderam 
 quatro ou cimco naaos de meca que vieram a calecud p"*" na 
 quererem aquy ag^dar e avisamolos disso p'"'q' sabiamos 
 gerto q' vinham. ho anno pasado pasaram a meca e adem 
 doze ou treze naaos carreguadas despe9iaria e este anno se 
 fazem prests outras tamtas. Remedee Ds isto pois o vosa 
 alteza nam qr Remediar p'"'q' milhor seria tolher esta pasaje 
 a esta especiaria q^ estar sobre guoa gastado quamto vosas 
 feytorias tem com jemte darmas da trra e com sete ou oyto 
 gemtos omes e quatro ou 9imco naaos e outras tamtas 
 caravelas e guales pagamdo mais casamemtos a omes q' se 
 loguo nam tomar mouros do q' val o q' guoa ateguora 
 Rendeo, nem numca Rendera. ahy poem o capita moor 
 todo seu fundameto esque9emdose das vosas feytorias anti- 
 guoas e q' ha toda a carregua p as naaos pa cujo fundamemto 
 vossa alteza madou descobrir a ymdia e asy tambem gasta e 
 
VASOO DA (!AMA. XXlll 
 
 soldos e mantymemtos a os canaris da tna tamto q' falece 
 qua nas feytorias e os purti:gueses andam qua sem averem 
 paguamento de seus soldos m*° tpo esta quy coja bcguy q' 
 nos come cada dia liuu +3'^" (cnizado) q' t.om do mantyraemto 
 sem neTiliuii fruto. 
 
 raamda la a vosa alteza hnu embayxador q' diz q' he do 
 preste johan mamdouo de guoa p estas fortalezas q' Ihe 
 desera grarades dadivas e llie fezesem grandes Re9ibimentos 
 como Ihe foram f'°^ dezemdo q^ traz o lenho da samta e 
 v^''dadeyra cruz. traz comsiguo hiia raolher da trra do 
 preste Johan e huu moco fez emtender q' a molher era sua 
 propia molher e f" de huu gram senhor e q' o moco era 
 m*" paremte do Rey e q' era o prim9ypal ebayxador e a 
 molher descobrio aquy q' este era mouro e q' vinha do cayro 
 p"^ espia e q' conprara aquelo mo^o e q' a ela q' a furtara q' 
 nam era sua molher pq' os abaxis sam todos pretos e ferrados 
 nas testas e q' este he omera alvo e q' nam sabe a lynguoa da 
 trra do preste. Requerio ao capita Jorge de melo p'"'amte 
 todos os oficiaes desta fortaleza q' a tyrase dole p quamto 
 ere mouro e q^ olhase plos cguanos com q' vinha, o capitam o 
 mada asy como vinha a vosa alteza com a crareza do q' qua 
 soube e asy gaspar pereyra o escreve a vosa alteza. 
 
 Eu trouxe huu alv"^ de vosa alteza p'^ p'm* escrevaninha 
 que vaguase c cananor fuy provido da de J" davila p sua 
 morte e duarte frez veyo este anno com huu alv p a escreva- 
 ninha de J" davila com os seguros das naaos da trra e pedro 
 mem p fey tor segumdo a tem9am de vosa alteza eu ficava 
 escrivaao primeyro como era pedro me pois duarte frez traz 
 nomeada escrevaninha de J" davila e o capitam moor ho 
 ctendeo como quis e proveyo duarte frez da escrevaninha 
 p''meyra com os seguros q' tem seteta mil fs e mais parte 
 nos dr'°^ do jegivre e droguerias q' eu trabalho milhor q' 
 nenhuii ofe9ial p'"* ly"guoa e fico aguora com cicoemta mill 
 rs secos, plo qual bejaroy as maiios de vosa alteza maradarme 
 prover com justyca c (j^ guoze o tpo q' tenho s'''vido c s" vir 
 
XXIV VASOO DA CrAMA. 
 
 d' escrivaao primeyro pois duarte frz traz nomeada a de 
 J° davila em seu alv* e nisto me fora m^ mer9e fea em 
 cananor a a xii de Janeyro de 1513. 
 
 D*^ barbosa. 
 
VASCO DA OAMA. XXV 
 
 Letter of Dom Manuki. to Alfonso d'Albuquekque, 
 
 DATED MaRCFI 2, 1514. 
 
 Torre do Tomuo, Part I, Ma<;o 14, Doc. 77. 
 
 Affons dalboqf q*' ainigo Nos el Rey vos emviamos ra'" sau- 
 
 dar come pr 
 outra carta vos scpveemos p'" a booa em formaca que nos des- 
 tes de Joham serraao e p"" o avermos p'" pessoa q nos savera 
 beem s''''vir nas cousas que Ihe forem emcarregadas ouvemos 
 p^ beem vollo emviar llaa p"' nos s*''vir naquelles cousas 
 que Ihe cometerdes e emcarregardes e esperamos q em 
 tudo ho em q ho pos'des dara de sy toda booa qta e 
 p*" q' saibaeeis nossa tenca acerq'' do q mos follgariamos 
 q elle fezese nos p'receo beem vollo sepv'r q he o era- 
 viardes cntrar o mar Roixo e chegar atee ssoez e ver 
 muy bem todo o q' ha no dito mar da hua p"^ e da out* 
 asy de cidades villas e llugares como de toda ouf cousa 
 e de p'"'tos e amcoracoees e ilhas e do trauto q^ nelle ha e a- 
 sy navios que nelle navegam e a que p°''tos podria viir 
 a geente do abexy e quilto ha do llugar ou llugares omde 
 vem as suas cafillas a sua terra e como pasam as dy- 
 tas cafillas e com que seguraca e que geemtes sam 
 as p omde pasam ate chegare a terra do abexy e se 
 sa Rex q' na Reconhe^a s"^^" e se sam mouros se 
 gemtios e em que t'po vaao e torna as ditas cafillas 
 e o q' traze e llevam e particullarmete das cousas 
 do abexy. 
 
 Item o sytyo da trra de ssoiz quejamdo he e se ha hy 
 allgu tall em que se possa fazer forteleza e se tem a- 
 goa, e finallmemte queymar e destroyr todo que em 
 soez achase pncipallmete de navios e cousas da ar- 
 mada e quato ha de soez ao cairo e q^ caminho he se de 
 
 e 
 
XXVI VASCO 1>A GAMA. 
 
 deserto sc povorado ysto p onifonnaca q' Jiso podera 
 a veer. 
 
 E ysto tudo muy bem visto e asy bem sabydo q nam 
 possa aveer cousa de que nii ssaibamos ^te 
 
 Item o p'" de Juda bem visto e q'mto d'hy no ccrto 
 a meca e o camynho que se faz se he povorado se 
 despovorado e se ha agoas nelle. 
 
 Item em meca se ha geemte de garnyca e qjamda 
 e q'nta e os moradores q'mtos su e q' geemte he. 
 
 Item asy mesmo que vise muy beem todo o mar da p«ya a- 
 tee baharem na maneira que dito he q o faca no mar 
 Roixo esprevemdo todas as cousas que nelle se achil c 
 ssouber q' ha e que estas cousas faca e ambos es- 
 tes mares com os navios com q' elles se posam bem ua- 
 vegar e que sejam hgeiros pa yso asy como gallees 
 navios de Remo outros que sa pa a navega^a dos 
 ditos mares proveytosos os quaees se podem bem 
 fazer e prestesmete p'los oficiaees q' agoi'a 
 vaao q' leva a seu cargo ate llaa chegarem o dito 
 joham serraao p noso mildado p irem cd elle 
 melhor agasalhados e estes navios que asy llevar devc 
 d ir bem armados dartelh''"^ e armas e com gete 
 de proveyto. 
 
 Item follgariamos q' levase comsigo que Ihe boein 
 pymtase todo o mar Roixo asy como jaz e as cousas 
 q' nelle ha de maneira que na ficase cousa allgiTia 
 delle que nos na viese pimtado. 
 
 Item q'riamos q' somdase alltura do dito mar 
 ({uiito bem se podese fazer e em espe9iall omde 
 ouvesc baixos e nos canaes p omde p baixos se 
 navega. 
 
 Item q' visse e ouvesc Vf'(^ad"' omformacil da llar- 
 gura do dito mar e no mais estreito delle quilto he 
 de tria a trra e p q'll das bandas he a canall 
 mais allta e d anbas as ptes a alltura do 
 mar. 
 
VASCO DA (!AMA. XXVU 
 
 Item se sam povoradas as llhas q^ ha nello c de que 
 gemte e se sa gemte Rica se prove e se tern 
 agoas e disposysa p" fazer ffortellezas. 
 
 E asy sayba as llegoas q^ ha do estreito 
 atee ssoez e do toro atee ssoez e do toro atee samta C"" 
 e posto que creemos que destas cousas vos tenhaees 
 sabidas muytas follgaremos que todavia sem 
 embarguo disso elle saiba destas o que Ihe for posy- 
 veil saber e os navios q^ com elle emviareis s'^'^am 
 OS que virdes q^ vos bem p'^'re^er e q compre pa tall 
 viagem. 
 
 E que de todas estas cousas e quaees q'r out*® q' vus 
 bem parecerem leve vosso Regimento pa que do todas 
 nos posaees cedo emviar Recado septa em 
 allmerira a dous d^s do mes de maryo Ant° frrz 
 a fez de 1514. 
 
 Rky . - - 
 
 out" tall p a"* da. . . . [boqq, Ivni n^/"] 
 
 Docket. 
 
 Vor cl Rey 
 
 lyda 
 A a" daboqq do seu coiise- 
 Iho seu capitam moor das 
 p^'^'' da India. 
 
 out' tal. 
 
XXVm VASCO DA CAM A. 
 
 Specimen from the Portuguese Bibles of the Lisbon, London, and 
 
 Colombo Editions, exemplifying the language now spoken by 
 
 the descendants of the Portuguese in Ceylon. 
 
 Bible of Padke Antonjo Pereika de Figueiredo. 
 Lisbon^ 1791. 
 
 1. He de saber que a serpente era o inais astuto de todos 
 OS animaes da terra, que Deos tinha feito : e ella disse ti 
 mulher : Porque vos prohibio Deos que nao commesseis do 
 fruto de todas as arvores do paraiso ? 
 
 2. Respondeo-lhe a ruulher: Nos comemos dos frutos das 
 arvores, que ba no paraiso. 
 
 3. Mas do fruto da arvore, que esta no meio do paraiso, 
 Deos nos probibio que nao comessemos, nem a tocassemos, 
 sob pena de morrermos. 
 
 4. Mas a serpente disse a raulber : Bern podeis estar 
 seguros que niio baveis de morrer : 
 
 5. Porque Deos sabe que tanto que vos comerdes dessc 
 fruto, se abrirao vossos olhos; e vos sereis como buns deoses 
 pelo conhecimento, que tereis do bem, e do mal. 
 
 6. A niulber pois vendo que o fruto daquella arvore era 
 bom para se comer, e era fermoso, e agradavel a vista, 
 tomou delle e comeo, e deo a seu marido, que comeo do 
 mesmo fruto como ella. 
 
 7. No mesmo ponto se Ibes abrirao os olbos e ambos con- 
 hecerao que estevao nus ; e tendo cozido humas com outras 
 bumas folhas de fi^ueira, fizoriio dcllas humas cintas. 
 
VASCO OA (JAMA. XXIX 
 
 Bible of Joao Ferreira D'Almeida, Ministro do 
 
 S° EVANGELHO EM BaTAVIA. LoNDON, 1819. 
 
 1. Ora a serpente era mais astuta que todos os animaes 
 do campo que Jehova Deus tinlia feito: e esta disse a mulher: 
 He tambem assi que Deus disse : nao comereis de toda 
 arvore desta horta ? 
 
 2. E a mulher disse d serpente : Do fruito de toda arvore 
 desta horta comeremos. 
 
 3. Mas do fruito da arvore^ que esta no meyo da horta, 
 disse Deus : nao comereis delle, nem tocareis nelle, paraque 
 nao morrais. 
 
 4. Entao a serpente disse £ mulher: de morte nao morre- 
 reis. 
 
 5. Porque Deus sabe, que no dia em que comerdes delle, 
 se abrirao vossos olhos, e sereis, como Deus, sabendo o bem 
 e o mal. 
 
 6. E vio a mulher que aquella arvore era boa para comer, 
 8 hum prazer a os olhos, e arvore desejavel para dar enten- 
 dimento; poloque tomou de seu fruito, e comeo; e deu tam- 
 bem a seu marido, e comeo com ella. 
 
 7. E assi forao abertos os olhos delles ambos, e conhecera5 
 que estavao nuos, e coserao folhas do figucira, e fizeriio para 
 si avantaes. 
 
.\XX VASCO DA (I AM A. 
 
 Bible op Colombo, 1833. 
 
 1 . Agora o serpente tinha mais sutil doqui todo o animals 
 de o campo qui o Senhor Decs ja forma. E elle ja falla per 
 o mulher, Sim, ja Decs falla qui vossotros nemiste cume 
 de cada hum albre de o horta ? 
 
 2. E o mulher ja falla per o serpente, Nos pode cume de 
 o fruito de o albres de o horta : 
 
 3. Mas de o fruito de o albre qui tern ne meo de o horta 
 Deos ja falla, vossotros nemiste cume de aquel, nem toca 
 aquel somente qui vossotros nada murre. 
 
 4. E o serpente ja falla per o mulher. Per verdade vosso- 
 tros nada murre. 
 
 5. Videqui Deos te sabe qui nc o dia ne qui vossotros te 
 cume de aquel, vossos olhos lo ser aberto, e vossotros lo sev 
 como deoses, sabendo bom e mal. 
 
 G. E quando o mulher ja olha qui o albre tinha bom per 
 comera, e qui aquel tinha fremoso per o vistas e hum albro 
 qui tem disejado per faze cizo, elle ja toma de o fruito do 
 aquel, e ja cume e ja da tambem per sua marido ; e elle ja 
 cume. 
 
 7. E o olhos de amos dous de ellotros ja fica aberto, o 
 cllotros ja sabe qui ellotros tinha no : e ellotros ja cuze per 
 huma o folhas de o figuoira, e ja pindura aquels diante clles 
 mesmo. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Action with the Arab ship off Mara- 
 
 bia, 313-318 
 
 with the Calecut fleet, 368-373 
 
 Aden, 411 
 
 Alcacer do Sal, 16 
 
 Alcouchete, 110 
 
 Almadia, Indian boat 
 
 Almoxarife, Customs' officer, trade 
 
 inspector 
 Alvor, 15 
 
 Angediva Islands, 232, 238-253, 309 
 Artillery, 226, 227, 309, 402 
 landed at Cananor, 374 
 
 Balagate, 96, 395 
 
 Ealdc, a leather bucket, 241 
 
 Banished men sent with the fleets, 
 93, 94, 159, 307 
 
 Basto, Sr. Joam, Keeper of the Ar- 
 chives Lisbon, iv, xi, Ixxvi 
 
 Baticala, attack upon, 310-312 
 
 Biliguin, a bailiff, 419 
 
 Bomtaibo, confusion of his name 
 and that of Monzaide, 132 
 
 Breaking up of Coelho's ship, 69 
 
 Breech-loading cannon, 226, 227 
 
 Bylgan, fort of, 387 
 
 Cafres, first heard of, 70, 71 
 Cafres in Portuguese equivalent to 
 
 negroes, 8, 70 
 Calecut, 149, 326 
 
 bombardment of, 330 
 
 Cananor, 145, 318, 327 
 
 factory walled in, 375 
 
 fort built, xxxix, 232 
 
 Cape of Good Hope first doubled by 
 
 John Infante and Bartholomew 
 
 Dias, vii, xxi 
 
 doubled by Gama, 52 
 
 Cascaes, 264, 266 
 
 Caste, 155 
 
 Ceylon, 408 
 
 Chapiteo, castles of a ship 
 
 Chaul, 385, 392 
 
 Christians of St. Thomas, 137, 334, 354 
 
 Chronology of Gama's voyage, Ixxix, 
 
 Ixxx, 52, 71, 111 
 
 Cintacola, 242 
 
 Cintra, 266 
 
 Cochim, xxxix, 340, 400 
 
 destruction of by British in 
 
 1806, 428-430 
 Cojebegui saves some Portuguese 
 
 chUdren, 358-361 
 Congo, language of, 79 
 Correa's prologue, 5-6 ; details about 
 
 him, i-ix 
 Corriente=!, Cape, 285 
 Coulam, 348 
 
 Coulete, port of Calecut, 399 
 Cranganor, 400 
 Curia Muria Islands, 
 Custodia made of tribute from Qui- 
 
 loa, 378 
 
 Dabul, 404 
 
 Decline of Portugixese power in 
 
 India, 1-lxxv 
 Dely, Mount, 145 
 
 Diplomatic College at Rome, xxxii 
 Documents, ii, xi, xiv, xviii, xxvii, 
 
 xxxviii, Ixi, Ixii, Ixvi, I2G, 267, 425, 
 
 385, 390; Appendix, i-xxvii 
 Dominion Claimed over the Indian 
 
 seas, xxix-xxxii, 116, 311 
 
 Earthquake at sea, 383, 384 
 Evora, xv 
 
 Floggingof three Portuguese women 
 by order of Gama, 394, 395 
 
 Forebodings of the populace at 
 Gama's departure, 39-43 
 
 Fox, Colonel A. Lane, 227 
 
 Goa, 244, 385 
 
 letter from the Chamber of. 
 
 385-390 
 
 Goes, Damian de, his history, xxviii, 
 xxxvii 
 
 Idol said to have been found in an 
 
 Arab ship, 367, 372 
 Ilha namoi-ada, or enchanted island. 
 
 xlv, xlvi, 238, 239, 252, 253 
 
 f 
 
xxxu 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Landmarks, 73, 140, 141, 142, 244 
 Lusiad, observations upon it, xxxix-I 
 
 Magadoxo, 246, 253 
 
 Malabar Moors, description of, 154- 
 
 156 
 Mancal, game of, 320 
 Manuel,King,succeed8 to the throne, 
 
 15-17 
 
 his character, 274 
 
 prepares ships for Indian 
 
 voyage, 26 
 Manuscript of Abraham Zaeut, 20, 21 
 Manuscripts, iv, xv, xxxiii, liv 
 Massacre by Gama of a ship's crew 
 
 which had surrendered, 314-318 
 of prisoners taken off Cale- 
 
 cut, 332, 333 
 -^- by Gonsalvo "Vaz Goes of 
 
 a ship's crew with a Portuguese 
 
 safe-conduct, xxix 
 Melinde, 109-144, 253-259, 304-306 
 Miracle seen by Gama's crew, 334 
 Mombasa, 98-108 
 Monetae, small sails added below 
 
 the large sails 
 Montemor, 35 
 
 Moradia, court allowance, 282 
 Mozambique, 74, 80-96, 286, 290 
 Mutiny of Gama's crews, 58-64, 74 
 
 Nairs, 151, 155, 320 
 
 Names of Gama's ships, v, 33, 38, 94 
 
 Natal, discovery of, 66 
 
 Nautical almanack, 19, 20, 21 
 
 insti-uments, 23, 45, 138 
 
 Navigation, 21-24, 45, 138, 240-243 
 Negotiations with Calecut, 180, 188, 
 189 
 
 Cananor, 326, 327 
 
 Cochim, 348 
 
 Coulam, 348-353 
 
 Melinde, 116-128 
 
 Oliven^a, xi 
 
 Onor, attack upon, 309, 312 
 
 Orrauz, 410 
 
 Osorio, Bishop of Silves, his history, 
 
 xxvii-xxxvi 
 sack of his library by Earl of 
 
 Essex, XXXV 
 
 Palma Island, 284 
 Parao, a Malabar vessel 
 Pardao, a Malabar coin 
 Predictions, see Soothsayers. 
 Presents to King of Calecut, 173, 192 
 
 ■ Cananor, 228 
 
 Melinde, 119, 125, 130, 136 
 
 Presents of the King of Melinde, 
 130, 306 
 
 Quil, or Kil, Tamil, pitch, 240, 241 
 Quiloa, 97, 291-302 
 Quilon, see Coulam. 
 
 Eeefing of sails, 242 
 
 River of Three Kings, or of Mercy, 
 
 or of Copper, 66, 67, 71 
 of Good Signs, 66, 71, 74, 78 
 
 Sabayo, lord of Goa, 96, 245 
 Samori or Zamorim, King of Calecut 
 Sargaqo, seaweed, 264 
 Scouts sent by D. Joam II, 8-11 
 Scurvy breaks out among Gama's 
 
 crews, 72, 73 
 Sodrc compels a Moorish captain to 
 
 pay his debts. 336-338 
 Sofala, 84, 261, 286-290 
 Soothsayers, 111, 146-148, 224, 225 
 St. Helena bay, 44, 52 
 St. Eafael's banks, 94 
 Strict regard to the distribution of 
 
 justice, Ixxi, Ixxvi 
 
 Tagata, 261 
 
 Terceira Island, 
 
 Trade at Calecut, 181-187 
 
 Cananor, 322-327 
 
 Cochim, 344-347, 429 
 
 Sofala, 84, 288, 289 
 
 Travancore, 429, 430 
 
 Vasco da Gama, his birthplace, ix ; 
 his house, ix, xvi; genealogy, x, 
 XV; his marriage, xiij his sons, 
 xii XV, 428 ; his appointment to 
 the command of the fleet for the 
 discovery of India, 27-31; his pre- 
 parations, 33 ; he receives a royal 
 standard, 30; his departure, 35; 
 represses mutiny, 58-64; passes 
 the Cape, 51, 52; sights India, 
 144, 145; his detention by the 
 Catual, 208-220; his return to 
 Lisbon, 267-269 ; honours paid to 
 him, 272 ; his second voyage, 277- 
 379 ; he does homage on appoint- 
 ment to viceroyalty of India, Ap- 
 pendix, viii, ix; his viceroyalty, 
 380-428 ; his death, 425. 426 ; his 
 burial, xvii, 427; his character, 
 xviii, xx-xxv ; his fortitude, 33, 
 50, 56, 57, 64, 65; his cruelty, 314, 
 315, 331-334; his discretion, 302, 
 353; occupation between 2nd and 
 3rd voyages, xvi, xvii, 379; hie 
 portrait, Ixxvii 
 
 Vidigueira, v, xiii, xvii 
 
WRITERS QUOTED. 
 
 ^ Barros, Asia, 8, 9, 12, 13. 16, 28, 35, 
 
 37, 38, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 64, 
 66, 68, 71, 73, 74, 77, 80, 81, 82, 83, 
 94, 98, 102. 103, 109, 127, 135, 137, 
 138, 140, 144, 149, 152, 164, 168, 
 172, 173, 180, 186, 200-205, 225, 
 238, 244, 247, 259, 266, 267, 280, 
 281, 283, 284, 285, 296, 299, 307, 
 812, 315-318, 320, 326-328, 330, 334, 
 340, 343, 354, 364, 365, 367, 374, 
 376, 378, 381, 382, 383, 384, 390, 
 392, 398, 399, 404, 413, 414, 415, 
 
 / 426, 427 
 
 ^ Camoens, 7, 8, 16, 18, 19, 20, 28, 29, 
 30, 33, 39-43. 47, 48, 49, 64, 65, 71, 
 72, 73, 76, 77, 78, 81, 83, 93, 94, 97, 
 98, 100, 103-108, 109, 110, 118, 119, 
 122, 123, 124, 135, 144, 145, 155, 
 ieO-164, 203, 204, 206,207,210,225, 
 235-239, 252, 253, 270, 276 
 
 Translations of Camoens — 
 
 Burton, li, 200, 237 
 
 Fanshaw, xl, xliv, xlix, 1, 16, 30, 
 33, 65, 110, 162-164, 210, 253, 270, 
 276 
 
 Mickle, 7, 145, 239 
 
 Mitchell, V 
 
 Musgrave, 207 
 
 Quillman, xxiv, xxvi, li, 8, 20, 29, 
 41-43, 47, 49, 73, 78, 94, 97, 106- 
 108, 119, 122, 124 
 • Castanheda, xlii, 9, 10, 15, 17, 30, 35, 
 
 38, 44, 48, 49, 52, 55, 68, 73, 74, 80, 
 
 81, 83, 88, 98, 103, 105, 109, 132, 174, 
 204, 205, 215, 219, 225, 247, 253, 
 259, 261, 264, 266, 380, 382, 392, 
 393 400 414 426 
 'Damian d'e Goes, 5, 66, 68, 74, 80, 
 81, 88, 225, 253, 259, 261, 264, 270, 
 276, 280 
 
 Osorio, xxviii, xxxiv, xxxvi, Ixii- 
 Ixvi, 16, 38, 39, 47, 49, 52, 65, 74, 
 81, 88, 102, 109, 124, 138, 170, 174, 
 247, 270, 276, 285, 286, 299, 307, 
 308, 312, 315, 329, 330, 333, 335, 
 343, 354, 364, 365, 366, 367, 376, 
 377 
 
 San Eoman, 10, 315, 316, 354, 366, 
 378, 384, 395, 414, 426, 427 
 
 Anstey, Chisbolm, 428-430 
 
 Bonnor, Honore, xxxiii 
 
 Defoe, xxxviii, 312 
 
 Denis, Ferdinand, xii, xviii 
 
 Diodorus Siculus, 72 
 
 Diogo do Couto, Ixvii-lxxv 
 
 Fialho Padre, xv, xvi 
 
 Horsburgh's Directory, 108, 141 
 
 Humboldt, Baron, xlvii 
 
 Niamet Ullab Vely, 225 
 
 Sousa, Antonio Caetano de, xiii, xiv 
 
 Strabo, 72 
 
 Swift, Dean, xxv, Ixxvi 
 
 Times' letter of naval ofiicer of July 
 29, 1867, 116 
 
 letter on custodia made of 
 
 gold from Quiloa, 379 
 
 NAMES OF PERSONS. 
 
 Afonso Christovam, Appendix, xvi 
 Aguiar, Pero Afonso, 281, 284, 287- 
 
 290,312,326,344,372 
 Albuquerque, Afonso, xx, xl, Ixiii, 
 
 260, Appendix, xxv 
 Almeida, Francisco, viii, xxxiii, 
 
 xxxix, Ixii, Ixvi, 105, 125, 231, 379, 
 
 384 
 
 Lorenzo, 339 
 
 Alvai'ez, Bastian, 374 
 
 Francisco, 10, 409 
 
 Andrade, Simno, xliii, 381 
 Arcone, Mohamcd, 293-299 
 Ataide, Alvaro, son of Vasco, xii, xv 
 
 Ataide, Alvaro, 281, 344 
 
 Pero, 330 
 
 Tristan, 393 
 
 Catharina, xii 
 
 Atouguia, Fernan, 281, 284 
 Avangelho, Fernan Martiua, 393,422 
 Azevedo, Geronymo, liv-lviii 
 
 Badar9as, Joan Eodrigues, 281, 285 
 Barbosa, Duarte, xix, 5, 374, xx-xxiv 
 
 Gonzalo Gil, or Gil Fer- 
 
 nandes, xxxix, 324, 340, 343, 374 
 
 Bonagracia, Jolin, 308 
 Borba, Count of, 269 
 
XXXIV 
 
 NAMES OF PEltSONS. 
 
 Botelho, Diogo, pilot, xxii-xxiv 
 Braga, Alvaro de, 38, 180, 203, 215 
 Biaga, Peter de, 180 
 Braganza, Duke of, xvii 
 Brito, Christovam, 399 
 
 Cabral, Pedralvarez, 95, 141, 186, 
 
 227, 277, 278, 279, 280, 286, 299, 
 
 318, 328, 355 
 Calcjadilha, Bishop, 35, 269. 275 
 Campo, Antonio do, 281, 307 
 Carmona, Thomas de, 308 
 Caivalho, Antonio, 381 
 Castanheira, Count, 424 
 Castanheda, Buy de, 281 
 Castro, Joam de, vii 
 Charles V, 274 
 Chi'istovam da Gama, son of Vasco, 
 
 xiv, xix 
 Cibrario, on artillery, 226 
 Coelho, Nicolas, 33, 227 
 
 Beatrice, his wife, xxvii, 60 
 
 Cojambar, 355, 373 
 
 Coja beguy, 318, 358-361 
 
 Coja Kasim, 318, 332, 355, 369, 371, 
 
 372 
 Coje Mameraarcar, 336-339 
 Colazo, Fernandes, 385, Appendix, x 
 Columbus, Chi'istopher, xxi 
 Correa, Aires, 38, 318, 327, 358-361 
 Diogo Fernandes, 281, 316, 
 
 324, 344, 365 
 
 Gaspar, 25, 260 
 
 Coutinho, Gonzalo, 281 
 
 D. Luis, 281, 318, 344 
 
 Covilhan, Pero, 9-11 
 Cunha, Ruy da, 281 
 Tristan da, 379 
 
 Dameixoeira, Joam, 263 
 
 Davane, the Guzerati broker, 7i), 
 
 84, 234 
 Davila, Joam, Appendix, xxiii 
 Dias, Andre, 335 
 
 ■ Bartholomew, vii, xxi, 12-15 
 
 Diogo, 38, 180, 203, 215, 244 
 
 Pero, 106 
 
 Eodrigo, xli-xliii 
 
 Escolar, Pero, 38 
 
 Essex, Earl of, xxxv 
 
 Estevan da Gama, father of Vasco, 
 
 xi, 28, 30 
 son of Vasco, xii, 
 
 xiv, 380, 404, 428 
 
 cousin of Vasco, 
 
 XV, 282, 307-3 1 0, 3 1 7 ; captains who 
 sailed with him, 307, 377 
 
 Evaugolho, st'c Avungolho. 
 
 Felner, Rodrigo, editor of Gaspar 
 
 Correa, iv, li-liv 
 Fernandes, Antonio, Appendix, xxvii 
 Fernandes, Duarte, 347 
 Fernandes, Gil, 281 
 Fernandes, Antonio, 282 
 Ferreira, Gomez, 325 
 Fialho, Padre, xv, xvi 
 Figueira, Joam, ii, vi, 260 
 Fogaza, Jorge, xlii 
 
 Gama, see Alvaro d'Ataide, Christo- 
 vam, Estevan, Francisco, Paulo, 
 Pedro da Silva, Vasco. 
 
 Gaspar das Indias, 244-252, 301, 309 
 
 Gil, \'icente, 381, 401 
 
 Goes, Gonsalvo Vaz, xxix 
 
 Godinho, Diogo, 316, 374 
 
 Gomez, Pero, Appendix, vii 
 
 Gonsalez, Pero, Appendix, xvi 
 
 Gonsalvez, Ruy, 381 
 
 Gor, Duke of, iv 
 
 Henry, Prince, xxi, xxxviii, 37, 45 
 Homem, Mosem Gaspar, 381, 382 
 Homem, Pedro, Appendix, xxi 
 
 Ismail, Shah, 410 
 
 Janinfante, vii, 12, 15, 49 
 
 Lemos, xii 
 
 Lemos, Fernan Gomes de, 408, 42 1, 
 
 425 
 Lemos, Diogo Martins, 404 
 Lima, Diogo de, 402, 407 
 Lima, Rodrigo de, 10, 408, 409 
 Lobo, Lopo, 381 
 Lopez, Fernan, 325 
 Lopez, Dr. Francisco Luis, doctor 
 
 at Sines, x 
 Luis, Sebastian, 384 
 
 Macedo, Manuel de, 399 
 
 Machado, Joan, 93-95 
 
 Magellan, Ferdinand, xvii, xx. 274 
 
 Major, R., xxxvii 
 
 Manuel, D., 15, 16, 17, 28 
 
 Manuel, Nuno, 378 
 
 Marecos, Francisco, 281, 285, 315, 
 
 353 
 Martins, Fernan, 76, 77, 203 
 Martins, Joam, see Nunez, Joam. 
 Mascarenhas, Pero, 381 
 Mattoso, Gil, 281, 316, 317, 344, 372 
 Mello, Ruy de, 387, Appendix, xii, 
 
 XV 
 
 Mello, Duarte de, 408 
 
 Mello, Joan Fernandez do, 307, 309 
 
 MoUOj Jorgo de, i, ii 
 
NAMES OF PERSONS. 
 
 XXXV 
 
 Memdes, Gonzalo, Appendix, xxi 
 
 Menesos, Alvaro, 341 
 
 Meneses, Duarte, 385, 412, 417, 419, 
 
 420, 423, 424 
 Meneses, Henrique, xxxix, 381, 390, 
 
 392, 398, 422, Appendix, xi 
 Meneses, Jorge, 382, 393 
 Meneses, Luis, 387, 400,417,418,419, 
 
 420, 423, 424 
 Meneses, Simao, 381, 399 
 Mendanha, Kuy de, 319, 325, 331, 
 
 376 
 Mendon^a, Francisco, 398, 424 
 Mendoza, Pero, 284, 344 
 Mexia, Afonso, 381, 414, 420, 422 
 Middleton, Sir Henry, Ivi 
 Miranda, Antonio da, 382 
 Monroyo, Fernando de, 381, 382 
 Monzaide, 132, 160, 161, 173, 200, 
 
 204, 221 
 Moreno, Lorenzo, 340, 365 
 Moura, Luis de, 307 
 Moura, Manuel, Appendix, vii 
 
 Naut, King of Abyssinia, 10 
 Nova, Joam de, 21, 299 
 Nunez, Diogo, 374 
 Nunez, Gonzalo, 38, 44 
 Nunez, Joan, 159, 180, 206 
 Nunez, Pero 400, 422 
 
 Pacheco, Duarte, 360 
 
 Paiva or Pavia, Gonzalo, 7-11 
 
 Bartolameu, Appendix, ix 
 
 Paulo da Gama, brother of Vasco, 
 
 xxvi, 30-32, 38, 64, 67, 73, 215, 217, 
 
 265 
 Paulo da Gama, son of Vasco, xiv, 
 
 380, 428 
 Pedro da Silva, son of Vasco da 
 
 Gama, xiv, xv 
 Pedrosa, Saneho, 126 
 Pegado, Vicente, 381, 422 
 Penela, Count of, 378 
 Pereira, Diogo, 425 
 Pereira, Francisco, see Pestana. 
 Pereira, Joan da Sa, 353 
 Perestrello, Joan Lopez, 281, 282, 
 
 376 
 Perez, Alonso, see Monzaide. 
 Pessoa, Baltasar, 409, 410 
 Pestana, Francisco Pereira, 385-392, 
 
 Appendix, xiii 
 Peteira, Diogo Fernandes, 307, 344, 
 
 353 
 Petreio, Diogo, 367 
 Pighio, Alberto, 383 
 Pires, Tiastian, 420 
 Prcbtcr John, 8-10 
 
 Rafael, Pero, 282, 360, 367, 368, 371, 
 
 372 
 Ravasco, Ruy Lorenzo, 307, 344, 369 
 Raynal, Abbe, lix 
 Resende, Garcia de, xvi 
 Resende, Pedro Barreto de, ix 
 Rodrigues, Arthur, 266, 267 
 Rodrigues, Damian, 95 
 Rodrigues, Gaspai-, Appendix, vi 
 Rodrigues, Payo, 327, Appendix, xvi 
 Rosado, Christovam, 381, 382 
 
 Sa, Francisco de, 382 
 
 Sa, Joan de, 141 
 
 Saldanha, Antonio de, 307 
 
 Sampayo, Lopo Vaz, 381, 407, 414, 
 418,419,422,425 
 
 Serrano, Joan, xx, 286, 290, Appen- 
 dix, xxi, XXV 
 
 Setubal, Joan de, 213 
 
 Silverra, Antonio, 381 
 
 Silveira, Diogo da, 424 
 
 Silveira, Hector da, 408-412 
 
 Simdes, Dr., librarian at Evora, xvi 
 
 Sodre, Bras, 376 
 
 Sodre, Vicente, 281, 335-339, 343, 
 356, 366, 369, 373, 376, 377 
 
 Sousa, Alvaro, 344 
 
 Sousa, Christovam, 384, 410 
 
 Sousa, Gil Fernandes de, 281, 344 
 
 Sousa, Jeronymo de, 399 
 
 Soyro, Joam, auditor, 384, 393, 412 
 
 Tareyja da Gama, sister of Vasco, 
 
 xii, xviii. Appendix, v 
 Tavora, Ruy Lorenzo de, xix 
 Timoja, 309 
 Tinoco, Vasco, Fernandez, 307, 344, 
 
 369, 370 
 Toar, Saneho de, 287 
 Triumpar, King of Cochim, 366 
 
 Ulloa, X 
 
 Varthema, Ludovic, xxxv 
 Vasco da Gama, see General Index 
 Vasconcellos, Jorge de, 268 
 Vasconcellos, Lopo Mendus de, 307, 
 
 317 
 Vaz, Antao, 282 
 Velho, Pero, 381 
 Veloso, Fernan, 46, 47 
 Vespucci, Amerigo, Appendix, xviii 
 Vicente, Gil, 379 
 Vimioso, Conde de, xvi. Appendix, 
 
 ix 
 Vyne, a Genoese, 405 
 
 Zacoeja, 80 
 
 Zacut, Abraham, 17-25, 50, 59 
 
^'.l' 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 p. xii, line 8, for Ferdinand, read Ferdinand Denis. 
 
 P. 52, note, line 1 7, for near to another, read near to one another. 
 
 P. 328, line 1, for ship Mount Dely, read ship at Mount Dely. 
 
 P. 375, note, for Duke of Goa, read Duke of Gor. 
 
 P. 414, note, for Caatello braneo, read Castello branco. 
 
 P. xvi. Appendix, line 3, for nosa carta, read vosa carta. 
 
 P. xxiv, line 3, for cananor a a xii, read cananor a xii. 
 

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