FRIENDSHIP OF AMERICA 
 FOR 
 JAPAN 
 
THE 
 
 FRIENDSHIP OF AMERICA 
 
 FOR 
 
 JAPAN 
 
 LETTERS FROM 
 
 Presldenl WOODROW WILSON 
 Secretary WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN 
 
 AND 
 
 MANY REPRESENTATIVE AMERICANS 
 
 TO THE 
 
 CHRISTIAN EMBASSY TO JAPAN 
 
 SENT BY THE 
 
 FEDERAL COUNCIL OF THE CHURCHES 
 OF CHRIST IN AMERICA 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2017 with funding from 
 Columbia University Libraries 
 
 https://archive.org/details/friendshipofamer00fede_1 
 
I 
 
 AN INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT. 
 
 j 
 
What is the real attitude of America toward Japan ? Is it 
 one of more or less ill-will and suspicion, or is it one of essential 
 good-will ? Unquestionably the latter. 
 
 President Wilson writes in his letter to President 
 Mathews of December 14, 1914 : — “ That the feeling of 
 America toward Japan is one of genuine friendship I think 
 you feel as strongly as I do, and any message of friend- 
 ship and cooperation and mutual good-will is undoubtedly 
 from the American people themselves.” 
 
 And Secretary Bryan confirms this statement by his letter 
 to Dr. Mathews, from which we take the following sentence. 
 
 “ As the head of the Council of Churches, represent- 
 ing thirty great denominations and something like seventeen 
 millions of members, your words ought to have great 
 weight when you tell the people there of the genuine 
 friendship which the people of this nation feel toward the 
 people of Japan. There is no country with which our 
 relations are more amicable, there being but one subject 
 upon which the two nations are not in entire agreement — 
 the California question — and I have no doubt that a 
 solution will be found for that question which wil be 
 honorable to both nations.” 
 
 That these expressions of friendship for Japan by the 
 official heads of the American people are not merely official 
 utterances but truly represent the attitude of the people as a 
 whole, the appended letters and excerpts will serve to show. 
 
 In order that the reader may appreciate the significance 
 of these letters, a brief stateinent should be made in regard to 
 the action of the Federal Council in the establishment of the 
 Commission on Relations with Japan and its decision to send a 
 Christian Embassy to Japan. 
 
 As indicated in the sentence from the letter by Secretary 
 Bryan, the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America 
 is a delegated body representative of thirty Protestant churches 
 
and denominations. The number of local churches in these 
 denominations is about 136,000, and the number of communicant 
 members is about seventeen million. This Federal Council has 
 only recently come into existence (1908) and is therefore only 
 starting upon its promising career. 
 
 Li April 1914 the Federal Council established a " Com- 
 mission on Relations with Japan.” The purpose of this Com- 
 mission was to study the problem of the relations of these two 
 countries from the standpoint of the teachings of Jesus and to 
 take such steps as might seem needful for the promotion of 
 mutual good-will. 
 
 This Japan Commission has already provided for important 
 investigations in the United States. It has also undertaken an 
 extensive campaign of education in regard to American-Japanese 
 relations. For the further promotion of this campaign it has 
 appointed Shailer Mathews, President of the Federal Council of 
 tlie Churches of Christ in America and Sidney L. Gulick, Re- 
 presentative on International Relations, to serve as a Christian 
 Embassy to carry to the Christians of this land the greetings 
 of the Christians of America and the assurances that in spite 
 of certain appearances to the contrary, the real attitude of 
 America as a. whole to Japan is that of continued good-will. 
 
 The need for this ” Christian Embassy ” to Japan is two- 
 fold. We desire to secure fresh material for the more effective 
 carrying out of the campaign of education in America. For 
 although the general attitude of America to Japan is as stated 
 above, friendly, yet there are sinister forces at work making for 
 ill-will. Moreover, for the establishment of relations mutually 
 satisfactory, certain legislative actions are needed for which the 
 American public must be prepared. 
 
 In the second place, sinister forces seem to be at work 
 also in Japan leading to the belief by many Japanese that the 
 attitude of America to Japan is that of more or less pronounced 
 disdain and animosity, and also that America has aggressive 
 
designs in the Far East. During the autumn months many 
 letters from Japan told of a rising spirit of unfriendliness 
 toward America, and the development rather widely of the 
 belief that a war with America was certain and more or less 
 imminent. 
 
 From a correspondent in Kyushu in a letter dated Sept. 4 
 we quote tlae following sentence : — 
 
 “ For a long time I was unwilling to believe that 
 the Japanese people at large cherished feelings of enmity 
 towards America, but the evidence that they are waiting 
 eagerly for an opportunity to go to war with us is getting 
 too strong to be any longer ignored except by those who 
 are wilfully blind or wholly out of touch with conditions 
 here. Not only is the ‘jingo ’ tone of much of the press 
 very pronounced (I have been shocked at some of the 
 offensive things I have seen in the Japanese papers), but 
 the common talk is all toward war.” 
 
 Another writer from central Japan, under date of Oct. 7, 
 writes as follov/s : — 
 
 “ It is remarkable what a common opinion there is 
 eunong the common people that war between Japan and 
 the United States is inevitable. The jingoistic press has 
 pounded that idea early and late until the people are 
 coming to believe it. I am just back from a trip. I was 
 asked several times, going and coming, on the steamer, 
 in the hotel, by the Christians, if I considered war inevita- 
 ble. Of course, I replied that it was wicked even to talk 
 about it. But I am coming to think that if diplomacy 
 does not settle things soon, the well-wishers and peace- 
 lovers will avail nothing, and there will be a bolt out of 
 the blue one of these days, just as there was in Europe. 
 Men cannot accustom themselves to tlie possibility of 
 such a thing as war without producing the conditions 
 which make it inevitable.” 
 
 4 
 
A letter from Kyoto of November 9 contains the 
 following : — 
 
 “You cannot fail to have recognized in the Japanese 
 press the tone of bitterness and irritation that characterizes 
 many of their articles on American-Japanese relations, and 
 also the fact that they tend to put a sinister interpretation 
 on many of the acts of our government and of individual 
 Americans. I find unmistakable evidence of the widely 
 spread feeling of irritation and resentment. One is always 
 asked, ‘ Are you an Englishman ? ' and when one replies, 
 
 ' No, I am an American,’ a very significant silence follows, 
 and one cannot but feel that the reply is unwelcome.” 
 
 A letter from Tokyo of November 16 contains the follow- 
 ing statements : — 
 
 “ I regret to say that the campaign of virulence against 
 the United States still goes on in the vernacular press, and 
 since the outbreak of war in Europe seems to be more 
 bitter than ever. That this is not my opinion alone you 
 will see from the clippings showing protests from both 
 Japan and America. It is the same thing that went on for 
 some time before the rupture of relations with Russia, and 
 I fear it will lead to trouble again unless the people of 
 Japan be given an opportunity of knowing the other side... 
 The mind of Japan will have to be educated. If the people 
 find that every wicked thing said about America is delibe- 
 rately unfounded and malicious, they will soon learn the 
 difference. There is a strong feeling against Americans at 
 present, and they feel it keenly.” 
 
 Perhaps the most impressive statement of all came Decem- 
 ber 6 from a Japanese friend, a man of international standing, 
 not a member of a Christian church, whose reputation entitles 
 his opinions to the highest credence and respect. Among other 
 important sentences were the following : — 
 
 “ I am indeed sorry to say that a strong undercurresit 
 
 S 
 
of anti-American sendment is flowing in Japan and it may 
 burst out at any opportunity. It is not simply an effect of 
 the California question, but the more powerful and irritat- 
 ing cause lies in China. Concession after concession made 
 to America by China, and a most irritating one, a proposal 
 of conceding a naval station for America in Fukien 
 (opposite Formosa) are causing suspicion and resentment 
 
 against America to grow without a check I look 
 
 forward with great anxiety for the future of the Christian 
 movement in the Far East.” 
 
 Among the many disturbing factors reported have been 
 alleged telegrams, interviews, and speeches, which investigation 
 has shown to be false. They have asserted an anti-Japanese 
 speech by Rear-Admiral Nicholson in Pekin, the decision of 
 the American government to send the entire battle fleet to the 
 Far East, the assertions of a so-called Paymaster Malcock with 
 regard to the near approach and the forces of the American 
 navy involved, the negotiations of China with the United States 
 for the possession by the United States of a naval base in 
 China, etc,, etc. 
 
 In view of the above letters and conditions, as a prepara- 
 tion for the visit to Japan of the Christian Embassy it seemed 
 desirable to secure as adequate a knowledge as possible of the 
 attitude to Japan of representatNe Americans. For this pur- 
 pose a letter was prepared, embodying the above and other 
 quotations from letters, and asking several questions. The 
 main paragraphs of the letter are as follows ; 
 
 “ Baron SakatanI, Mayor of Tokyo, which office 
 makes him one of the most influential men of Japan, w'rites 
 in the latest copy of the ‘Peace Movement ’ in Japan that 
 the time has come w'hen influential men in both countries 
 should excliange opinions in a most unreserved manner • 
 to find out where the interests of the two nations differ, 
 and W'hether these interests cannot be harmonized in some 
 
 6 
 
way, and if so, how. The results of their investigations 
 should be referred to the governments of the two countries, 
 which would subsequently negotiate the differences with 
 the utmost sincerity. 
 
 " In view of the many misleading rumors that are 
 circulated in Japan with regard to tlie ambitious designs of 
 America in the Far East and our alleged intrigues for 
 blocking the expansion of Japan, it seems desirable that 
 there should be something of a widespread expression of 
 opinion on the part of leaders in this country that may 
 serve to quiet the fears of the Japanese. 
 
 " The Commission on Relations with Japan is about 
 to send on a brief visit to that country a delegation con- 
 sisting of Dr. Shailer Mathews, President of the Federal 
 Council, and myself. We think that it will materially aid 
 in securing helpful results if we can take with us letters in 
 regard to the international relations from a considerable 
 group of American leaders of public opinion. Will you 
 not kindly write a letter, not to exceed three hundred 
 words, expressing very frankly your thought with reference 
 to the following questions.” 
 
 “ Does the United States have any desire for territorial 
 expansion in the Far East ? ” 
 
 ” Do the leading citizens of the United States feci 
 that a naval port anywhere on the Continent of Asia is 
 needed by the United States ? ” 
 
 ” Does the United States in any way oppose or desire 
 to undermine the expansion of Japan’s commerce either 
 in Asia or elsewhere ? ” 
 
 “ Do you conceive it possible that the United States, 
 for purposes of selfish aggression, would attack Japan or 
 China ? ” 
 
 " What is the ground of the suspicion of Japan more 
 or less widespread in the United States ? ” 
 
 7 
 
The above letter was sent to a large number of members 
 of denominations connected with the Federal Council, men 
 representative of, ‘important groups and classes of socie^. 
 They generally responded to our request. The reading of 
 these letters produces an impression of remarkable unanimity 
 of thought and feeling. There is indeed such unanimity that 
 the publication of all the letters in full is needless. It seems 
 better to select typical replies to each of the questions. In a 
 few cases the entire letter is reproduced. 
 
 The official Message of the Federal Council of the Churches 
 of Christ in America to the Christians in Japan is also appended, 
 and two important resolutions. 
 
 We pray that He Who is the Heavenly Father of all men 
 and all^nations^may guide our two countries into relations of 
 growing understanding, good-will, and helpfulness. 
 
 Shailer Mathews, 
 
 Sidney L. Guuck, 
 
 8 
 
II 
 
 Replies to the letter mentioned in the foregoing section 
 were recieved from more than sixty gentlemen whose names 
 (omitting all titles) are herewith given in alphabetical order, 
 with some indication of their social positions. Each man holds 
 a position of high trust, and was selected because of his special 
 familiarity with public opinion in wide sections of the United 
 States. 
 
 9 
 
LIST OF CORRESPONDENTS 
 
 Roger W. Babson, President of Babson’s Statistical organi- 
 zation, Boston, Mass. 
 
 Simeon E. Baldwin, Governor of the State of Connecticut. 
 
 Jas. L. Barton, Foreign Secretary of the American Board 
 of Commissioners of Foreign Missions, Boston Mass. 
 
 Nolan R. Best, Editor of the "Continent,” New York 
 
 City. 
 
 VV. C. Bitting, Corresponding Secretary of the Northern 
 Baptist Convention. 
 
 H. A. Bridgeman, Editor of the Congregationalist, Boston, 
 Mass. 
 
 Arthur J. Brown, Secretary of the Board of Foreign 
 Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. 
 
 Geo. Warren Brown, Manufacturer and Capitalist, St. 
 Louis, Mo. 
 
 Kenyon L. Butterfield, President of Massachusetts Agricul- 
 tural College. 
 
 T. N. Carver, Professor of Economics, Harvard University. 
 
 P'rancis E. Clark, Founder and President of the United 
 Societies of Christian Endeavor, Boston, Mass. 
 
 Geo. W. Coleman, Former President of the American 
 Adveitisers Association, Director of the Ford Hall Foundation, 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
 William Knowles Cooper, General Secretary of the Young 
 Men’s Christian Association of the City of Washington. 
 
 Hanford Crawford, Capitalist, St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 John J. Eagan, Member of Congress, Founder and Presi- 
 dent of the Eagan Schools, Hoboken, New Jersey. 
 
 W. H. P. Faunce, President of Brown University, Prov- 
 idence, R. I. 
 
 Robert PI. Gardiner, Secretary of the World Committee 
 on Faith and Order. 
 
 lO 
 
Washington Gladden, Former Moderator of the National 
 Council of the Congregational Churches of the U. S. A. 
 
 J. M. Glenn, General Director of the Russel Sage Founda- 
 tion, New York. 
 
 Jas. N. Gamble, Capitalist, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 R. P. Hobson, Congressman, Alabama. 
 
 Arthur T. Hadley, President Yale University, New Haven, 
 Conn. 
 
 William H. Hagar, Manufacturer, Lancaster, Pa. 
 
 A. W. Harris, President Northwestern University, Chicago, 
 
 111 . 
 
 Hubert C. Herring, Secretary of the National Council of 
 the Congregational Churches of the United States of America. 
 
 Hamilton Holt, Editor of the Independent. 
 
 Edwin H. Hughes, Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal 
 Church, San Francisco, California. 
 
 Harry Pratt Judson, President of the University of 
 Chicago. 
 
 Henry Churchill King, President of Oberlin College, 
 Oberlin, Ohio. 
 
 J. H. Kirkland, Chancellor Vanderbilt University, Nashville, 
 Tenn. 
 
 William P. Lipscomb, Vice President of the District 
 National Bank, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Joshua Levering, Merchant and Capitalist, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 R. A. Long, Capitalist, Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 Seth Low, Former Mayor of New York City, Former 
 President of Columbia University, President of the Chamber of 
 Commerce of the State of New York. 
 
 A. Lawrence Lowell, President of Flarvard University, 
 Cambridge, Mass. 
 
 Mark A, Mathews, P'ormer Moderator of the General 
 Assembly of the Presbyterian Churcli of the United States. 
 
 Edwin Caldwell Moore, Professor Han'^ard University, 
 
President of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign 
 Missions, Boston, Mass. 
 
 Frank Morrison, Secretary of the American Federation of 
 Labor, Washington, D. C. 
 
 E. E. Alcott, President of the Hudson River Day Line, 
 New York City. 
 
 J. R. Pepper, Vice President Union and Planters Bank and 
 Trust Co., Memphis, Tenn. 
 
 H. K. Porter, Capitalist, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Rush Rhees, President of the University of Rochester, 
 New York. 
 
 William North Rice, President Wesleyan University, 
 Middletown, Conn. 
 
 William H. Roberts, Stated Clerk of the General Assembly 
 of the Presbyterian Church of the U. S. A. 
 
 A. M. Scales, Attorney, Greensboro, N. C. 
 
 Chas. A Schieren, Manufacturer, New York City. 
 
 William Sliaw, General Secretary United Society of Chris- 
 tian Endeavor. 
 
 Wilh'am P". Slocum, President of Colorado College, 
 Colorado. 
 
 P. F. Stratton, Physician, Oakland, Cal. 
 
 Edward A. Steiner, Professor Iowa College , Grinnell, 
 Iowa. 
 
 John T. Stone, Former Moderator of the General Assembly 
 of the Presb)derian Church of the U. S. A. 
 
 Thos. W. Synnott, Executive Committee of the World’s 
 Sunday School Association, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 G. W. F. Swartzell, Capitalist, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Fred E. Tasker, Lawyer, New York City. 
 
 Chas. L. Thompson, Secretary of the Board of Home 
 Missions of the Presbyterian Church of the U. S. A. 
 
 John F. Tobin, General President Boot and Shoe Workers 
 Union, Boston, Mass. 
 
 12 
 
George E. Vincent, President of the University of Minne- 
 sota. 
 
 E. K. Warren, Chairman of the World’s Sunday School 
 Association. 
 
 O. W. Whitelock, President of the Whitelock Press, 
 Huntington, Indiana. 
 
 Mary J. Wooley, President Mount Holyoke College, South 
 Hadley, Mass. 
 
 Heniy Wallace, Editor “ Wallace's Farmer ” Des Moines, 
 Iowa. 
 
 Herbert Welch, President Ohio Wesleyan University, 
 Delaware, Ohio. 
 
 Mornay Williams, Attorney, New York City. 
 
 Talcott Williams, Director School of Journalism, Columbia 
 University, New York. 
 
: ' A- 
 
 
 
 y 
 
 1 
 
 
Ill 
 
 As already indicated, remarkable unanimity of opinion is 
 expressed in all the letters. Publication accordingly of the 
 entire correspondence. seems needless; more serviceable will it 
 be to collect typical answers to each of the five questions. 
 
 15 
 
QUESTION NUMBER ONE 
 
 ‘*l)oes the United States have any desire for 
 territorial expansion in the Far East/' 
 
 EEFLIES 
 
 The universal answer to this question is an emphatic “ No." 
 Some correspondents go further and say that not only b there 
 no desire for expansion but that we desire rather to dispose of 
 what Asiatic territory we have. The United States has twice 
 entirely withdrawn its troops from Cuba after military occupancy 
 of that island. Further, although there has been highly provok- 
 ing cause for the military occupation of Mexico, where America 
 has investments amounting to hundreds of millions of dollars 
 yet America has refused to interfere in the affairs Mexico, and 
 the policy of President Wilson is almost universally approved by 
 the people of the United States. These facts are clear evidence 
 that America has no “ Imperial Policy." Finally — the widely 
 felt desire of Americans to give autonomy to the Philippines as 
 soon as is practicable is proof that America has no desii'e for 
 Asiatic territory. On this point we append extracts from seven 
 leters. 
 
 “ I am confident that most of the people of the United 
 States not only do not desire territorial expansion in the 
 Far East, but that large numbers of them would like to 
 have the United States withdraw from the position which 
 it now occupies there." 
 
 “ Within two years I have travelled all over the United 
 States and am also in close touch with men of thought and 
 action from every part of the country. Never have I seen 
 the least indication of a desire on the part of the people 
 of the United States for territorial expansion in the Far 
 East." 
 
 " As actions speak louder than words, I would cite 
 our recent relations with Mexico, where every opportunity, 
 
 i6 
 
including the killing of our men by ‘ snipers/ was offered 
 for us to add to our territory a great tract of land rich in 
 many kinds of wealth, Cuba might also be cited, and the 
 fact of the desire of the American people to retire from 
 the Philippines as soon as conditions are stable enough to 
 warrant.” 
 
 “ So far as I have ever known or heard, the United 
 States Government as represented by the two great political 
 parties has never expressed or really considered any 
 t1 ’.ought of territorial expansion in the Far East. When 
 the Philippines were thrust upon us in 1898 like a ‘bolt 
 out of the blue ’ the country was about evenly divided as 
 to whether we should, in the emergency, accept so much 
 as a protectorate over the Islands. It must be manifest 
 now, from the action of the present Administration, that 
 their tendency is to relinquish as much as possible even of 
 the control of these Islands to the native government and 
 to weaken even our present position in that section.” 
 
 “ Undoubtedly the United States Government and its 
 people have no desire whatever for territorial expansion 
 in the Far East. Action already taken by Congress 
 indicates that they want to give up their responsibility for 
 the Philippines as soon as it can be done without danger to 
 the people of the Philippines. I believe that this action 
 meets with the hearty concurrence of the majority of the 
 people of the United States,” 
 
 “ As for the masses of men and women who earn 
 their living by honest toil, I doubt if they give serious 
 consideration to territorial expansion in the Far East even 
 when wily politicians make ‘ imperialism ’ a campaign 
 issue.” 
 
 ‘‘I do not believe that any serious man in the United 
 States desires territorial expansion in the Far East. Our 
 possession of the Philippines was an accident. There are 
 
 17 
 
many who heartily wish we were rid of them. Even those 
 who feel we should for the present retain them do so be- 
 cause they think that the result of our sudden relinquishment 
 of the Islands would be anarchy. . . . The course of 
 
 America with reference to both Cuba and Mexico shows 
 that despite the fact that we too suffer from a jingo press, 
 yet the most of our people and those who really make 
 public sentiment, do not want accession to our territory 
 and will do anything which can be done with honor to 
 avoid war with anybody.” 
 
 l8 
 
aUESTION NUMBER TWO 
 
 “ Do leading citizens of the United States feel that 
 a naval base anywhere on the continent of Asia is 
 needed by the United States ? ” 
 
 REPLIES 
 
 This question was definitely asked because of the story 
 widely circulated in Japan that negotiations are on foot between 
 America and China for the ceding to America of such a base in 
 the province of Fukien, opposite Formosa. 
 
 The negative answer to this quesion is equally unanimous. 
 Even the question itself is absolutely new to most of the writers. 
 It is probably safe to say that not one in a thousand of Amer- 
 ican citizens has ever heard the question even suggested. The 
 Department of State in Washington denied the existence of any 
 such alleged negotiations. Because of the practical identiy of 
 the various replies we quote only four. 
 
 "This is to me an entirely new proposal, and I 
 cannot imagine that the idea could command popular 
 approval.” 
 
 " The United States do not feel that a naval port any- 
 where on the continent of Asia is needed by the United 
 States.” 
 
 " I have never myself heard, nor can I learn by care- 
 ful inquiry of officials and of Americans who have long been 
 resident in the East, the thought even expressed that 
 there was the slightest occasion for the United States to 
 have any naval station on the continent of Asia. Only 
 yesterday a gentleman long resident in Shanghai said that 
 to his knowledge the idea had never been suggested.” 
 
 " I have heard no specific desire expressed for a naval 
 port on the continent of Asia : and so long as we are left 
 undisturbed in the Philippines I do not think any such 
 desire is likely to manifest itself.” 
 
 19 
 
aUESTION KUMBEE THEEE 
 
 “ Does the United States of America in any way 
 desire to oppose or to undermine the expansion of 
 Japan’s commerce either in Asia or elsewhere ? ” 
 
 EEPIIES 
 
 It is of course recognized by all the writers that whei'ever 
 individuals whether of different or of the same people compete 
 for trade each seeks his own advantage. And this is universally 
 recognized as legitimate. The correspondents however, all hold 
 that the United States, so far as they know does not wish to 
 exert any preferential governmental influence for the promotion 
 of American commerce in the Far East. The American policy 
 is that of the “ open door ” — equal opportunity for all. 
 
 “ Never in the last five years have I heard or read a 
 word from any of my fellow citizens indicating a desire to 
 oppose or undermine the expansion of Japan’s commerce, 
 either in Asia or elsewhere.” 
 
 “ The United States I am confident has no desire to 
 interfere with or to oppose the expansion of the commerce 
 of any section of the world. Although myself a merchant 
 for many years engaged in handling to a considerable 
 extent articles of merchandise made in the East, I have 
 never heard the thought expressed that the United States 
 had anything to gain by even discouraging the commerce 
 of Japan in Asia or elsewhere. In fact ‘ an open door ’ is 
 our trade motto.” 
 
 “ In the groups of men with whom I have come in 
 contact there is no desire to oppose the expansion of the 
 commerce of Japan or of any other nation, so long as the 
 goods sold are what they are represented to be. But you 
 will readily understand that in business circles people fear 
 additional competitors, and there would probably be many 
 groups of men who would desire to oppose the extension 
 
of individual lines of Japanese business activity — not as a 
 matter of national policy, but as a matter of individual 
 business.” 
 
 “Japan has absolute necessity of expansion beyond 
 her borders. For that necessity we have no parallel. 
 Her position in that regard is somewhat like that of Eng- 
 land. It ought not to be impossible for her to achieve 
 that which is necessary without crime, and for us to view 
 that achievement without jealousy. The largest factor in 
 the problem at the present moment, in my opinion, is the 
 maintenance of a just and generous mind on the part of the 
 people of the United States.” 
 
 “ I believe that the United States regard witli 
 sympathy the development of Japanese commerce. Trade 
 involves competition between nations as well as behveen 
 individuals, but I see no reason why we should have any 
 rivalry with Japan in the commercial field other than a 
 generous and friendly one.” 
 
 21 
 
QUESTION NUMBER FOUR 
 
 ‘'Do you conceive it possible that the United 
 States for purposes of selfish aggression would attack 
 Japan and China. 
 
 HEFLIES 
 
 Again answers are unanimously and emphatically nega- 
 tive. This question also was sent to the correspondents 
 because of the reported widespread belief among the com" 
 mon people of Japan that war with America is inevitable 
 and that America is likely to attack Japan at any convenient 
 moment. 
 
 Those who really know America assert that such a belief 
 is absolutely unfounded and, in fact, grotesque. Every letter 
 states this position in the most positive way. Should America 
 be attacked by enemies there would of course be not only resis- 
 tance but counter attack if possible. But military aggression 
 either upon China or Japan for the sake of trade or territorial 
 expansion is inconceivable. America has no “ imperialistic ” 
 policy or spirit. 
 
 The following quotations surely make this point clear. 
 
 “ It is absolutely inconceivable that the United States, 
 for purposes of self aggrandizement would attack Japan 
 or China.” 
 
 “ I do not believe that it is possible for the United 
 States for purposes of selfish aggression to inaugurate a war 
 upon Japan or China. The course which the United 
 States have taken in reference to China may be taken as 
 evidence that that which I have said is not mere opinion. 
 There has been no disposition to take the smallest bit of 
 territory in China, even when most other powers were 
 seizing points of advantage.” 
 
 ** The fact that there is still room for development at 
 home lessens the probability of an aggressive foreign 
 
 22 
 
policy of conquest. Such a policy is completely out of 
 harmony with national traditions and ideals. 
 
 “ As to America ever attacking Japan or China, the 
 people would rise against a party advocating such an action 
 en masse and send it home in disgrace. But if we were 
 attacked, the response of the people would be instantaneous 
 and well-nigh unanimous.” 
 
 “ I believe it is utterly impossible that the United 
 States would for purposes of aggression, or for any other 
 purpose, attack China or Japan. In the whole range of 
 possible international transactions my imagination fails to 
 coryure up any situation which would lead to a deliberate 
 and selfishly aggressive attack by the United States upon 
 any nation.” 
 
 “ It is beyond any conception of possibility in my 
 mind that the United States should ever, for purposes of 
 self aggression, attack Japan or China. I simply cannot 
 imagine any such action on the part of our country. I 
 believe that the overwhelming sentiment of the United 
 States is for the most cordial relations with Japan and 
 every other country. The number of those who think 
 otherwise is comparatively insignificant.” 
 
 “It is not within the range of possibility that the 
 United States for the purpose of selfish gain, would attack 
 Japan, China or any other nation. Our people would not 
 stand for such an act, and our rulers would not consider 
 it.” 
 
 “ I cannot conceive it possible for the United States 
 to make an attack upon Japan or China for purposes 
 of selfish aggression.” 
 
 “ It is to me inconceivable that the United States 
 would for any reason other than extreme necessity for self 
 defence attack any nation whatever.” 
 
 “ It is just as incredible that the United States would 
 
 23 
 
attack China or Japan for purposes of aggression as it is 
 that Ohio should attack Illinois or Michigan for such 
 purposes. Nobody but a crazy man could dream of such 
 a thing.” 
 
 “ I cannot imagine that the United States would ever 
 attack Japan or China except in self-defense." 
 
 “ Nothing seems more improbable than that the 
 United States would attack Japan or China, or for that 
 matter any other power for purposes of selfish aggression. 
 Most emphatically public feeling is against this.” 
 
 “The United States for no purposes of selfish 
 aggression could ever be made to attack Japan or China.” 
 
 24 
 
QUESTION NUMBER FIVE 
 
 “ What is the ground of the suspicion of Japan, 
 more or less widespread in the United States ? ” 
 
 EEFLIES 
 
 Evidently thei'e is no general suspicion of Japan in Amer- 
 ica. On this question alone is there difference of opinion. 
 Some assert that there is no suspicion whatever. Others admit 
 that there is some but they regard it as the work of agitators. 
 Still others feel that there is suspicion and that it is widespread 
 and grounded on facts. The various causes assigned for the 
 suspicion are “ yellow journalism ” in America and Japan, 
 alleged Japanese “ imperialistic ” policies and Japanese military 
 equipment and preparations. Notable is the slight reference to 
 the lace issue, and even to economic competition. 
 
 Emphasis must be placed on the important fact that these 
 statements regarding suspicion of Japan are made by men 
 whose strong statements of good-will for Japan and denial 
 of an imperialistic ” policy in America have already been 
 quoted. 
 
 We give quotations from many letters that the reader may 
 see how widely varied are the opinions. 
 
 " Whatever suspicion there is in the United States as 
 to Japan’s motive is fostered entirely by a yellow press 
 and certain jingoistic and militaristic elements that have 
 something to gain by such agitation. The American 
 people as a whole are profoundly friendly toward Japan.” 
 
 ” It is my opinion that the suspicion of Japan in the 
 United States is almost entirely artificial and is fomented 
 in the war-scare promulgated once in a while by a com- 
 paratively few of our people. ... In my opinion the 
 sole difficulty in our general relations with Japan is 
 economic.” 
 
 ” Suspicion of Japan arises from the not infrequent 
 
 25 
 
report that Japan has designs, and from rumors of an 
 unfriendly attitude of the people of Japan.” 
 
 " There is a suspicion more or less widespread in the 
 United States that the Japanese Government and the 
 Japanese people. . . . would like to acquire territory 
 
 somewhere, and that she may be looking to this western 
 hemisphere for such an outlet. There is also a belief 
 that the Japanese government some years ago entered 
 upon a campaign of educating the Japanese people in 
 the belief that a war with the United States was 
 imminent.” 
 
 ” Certainly among no substantial portion of our 
 population is there the slightest inclination to deal with 
 Japan in any other than the most neighborly and friendly 
 fashion. The fear that Japan intends some ill stroke against 
 America is occasioning nervousness in many quarters, but 
 strong and increassingly stronger forces are at work to 
 demonstrate to persons of that opinion that Japan on the 
 contrary, is fully desirous of continuing its traditional 
 amity with the United States.” 
 
 " The ground for the suspicion of Japan more or less 
 widespread in the United States is the fear of the expansion 
 of the Japanese population on the American continent, 
 which expansion of population would inevitably result in 
 Japanese territorial expansion." 
 
 ” Whatever suspicion there may be in the minds of 
 any of the American people is due to the Occident not 
 understanding the Orient, and is not especially applicable 
 to the Japanese. The removal of the friction on the 
 Pacific Coast, due to local and economic causes, and the 
 increasing interchange of commerce, ideas and good-will 
 will soon obliterate even the rather unintelligent suspicion 
 of Japan which now prevails in some quarters.” 
 
 ” Our nation is suffering, as I understand Japan is. 
 
 26 
 
from ' yellow journalism.’ To them is due any manifesta- 
 tions that may have seemed unfriendly to Japan.” 
 
 “ Any suspicion of Japan which may exist in America 
 has grown out of the reports which have been brought to 
 America of the attitude of the Japanese press with relation 
 to the United States.” 
 
 “ I know no ground for any suspicion of Japan in the 
 United States nor do I think there is any such suspicion 
 widely spread.” 
 
 “ I would not say that there was widespread suspicion 
 of Japan in the United States. I would say rather that 
 there was a large amount of indifference and ignorance 
 about Japan. Whatever suspicion there is probably arises 
 from a fear of mingling with Eastern races and from the 
 fear by labor unions of competition.” 
 
 ” There is no suspicion of Japan in the United States 
 and there is no ground of suspicion except that which may 
 be created within a small circle by the infamous yellow 
 journals, or the labor unions of the country who fear the 
 introduction of coolie labor. If such is to be considered a 
 ground of suspicion it is wholly an economic ground and 
 not a racial prejudice or suspicion. The labor unions for 
 economic reasons might object to Japanese laborers taking 
 their places. Their objections would be based wholly on 
 economic reasons, not racial.” 
 
 ” I do not believe there is a widespread suspicion of 
 the Japanese in the United States. I know that the senti- 
 ment against the Japanese is acute in the Pacific Coast 
 States, more particularly in California. I believe that that 
 lias been a question very largely of the wages for labor : 
 . . . meantime, we should work for constitutional 
 changes in our country by which it should be made 
 impossible for the prejudice of one State or group of 
 States to control the policy and legislation of the nation as 
 
 27 
 
a whole aiid especially to render uncertain the fulfillment of 
 treaty pledges.” 
 
 " Whatever suspicion exists is based upon the follow- 
 ing : . . . low moral standards ; ... their 
 
 aggressive attitude as immigrants in this country ; their 
 attempts to get control of strategic positions in this con- 
 tinent, as in Mexico and in Midvale, Pa. ; the militarism 
 which dominates the national life ; the detailed preparedness 
 for the recent wars they have waged ; their industrious 
 efforts to secure information as to the defenses and 
 resources of our country. Added to these is the racial 
 suspicion and antipathy which is general in those sections 
 which contain the greatest number of Orientals.” 
 
 ” The only ground of suspicion of Japan that I can 
 discover is a fear that the Japanese feel outraged against 
 the treatment of their people by the Pacific Coast States 
 particularly California, and therefore desire revenge. 
 Constant reports come to this country that this is the 
 popular feeling in Japan and is catered to by local papers 
 generally.” 
 
 “ The ground for the suspicion of the Japanese so far 
 as I am able to discover grows out of the frequent reports 
 that come to America that there is persistent antagonistic 
 feeling on the part of Japan toward the United States.” 
 
 ” If there is any widespread suspicion of Japan in the 
 United States I am not aware of it. ... If there is 
 any such feeling I believe it proceeds entirely from a vague 
 ill-defined fear of the so-called yellow peril which has been 
 permitted to creep into certain minds and has never been 
 tested by any real investigation of the facts.” 
 
 ” If is difficult to explain the ground for the suspicion 
 alluded to in question five. Japan has risen so rapidly to 
 the position of a world power and has so successfully and 
 aggressively carried on its large undertakings, that some 
 
 28 
 
liave imagined it might have designs upon our commerce 
 and territory ; but I think the subject is a very difficult one 
 to analyze, and do not believe that anyone can point to 
 particular acts of the Japanese which would lay the 
 foundations for such a suspicion.” 
 
 “ In my opinion the real basis of any opposition to the 
 Japanese in San Francisco and the Pacific Coast generally 
 comes from the workers whose wages have been undex- 
 mined by employers who have used the Japanese as a 
 means of reducing wages.” 
 
 " A few men profess cause for alarm and Congressman 
 Hobson is the most conspicuous one ; he has by his 
 lectui'es ci'eated a suspicion that Japan was not friendly to 
 us ; but this suspicion is not widespread ; most people think 
 his suspicions almost wholly groundless.” 
 
 “ Economic rivalry is easily changed, especially by 
 demagogues, into racial rivalry, and for the most part, this 
 is the root, in my judgment of the feeling existing, so far as 
 it does exist, against the Japanese. . . . The second 
 
 reason is the malicious fomenting of differences between 
 the United States and Japan by those who share the 
 militai'istic spirit.” 
 
 29 
 

 \ ^ ry / 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 .ti 
 
 
 ...J 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 «’] 
 
 * ^ 
 
 ■'■ .^1 
 
 
IV 
 
 In addition to the many brief quotations given in section 
 III it seems desirable to give a few of the letters practically 
 entire. 
 
 31 
 
WOODROW WILSON 
 President of the United States 
 
 Dec. 14, 1914. 
 
 My dear Dr. Mathews, 
 
 I greatly enjoyed our interview the other day and find 
 myself deeply and genuinely interested in the mission you are 
 undertaking to Japan. Everything which can bring about a 
 better and more cordial relation between the i>eople of this 
 country and the people of Japan has, I need not tell you, my 
 earnest approval. 
 
 That the feeling of America towards Japan is one of 
 genuine friendship I think you believe as strongly as I do, ajid 
 any message of friendship and co-operation and mutual good 
 will is undoubtedly from the American people themselves. 
 
 Cordially and sincerely yours, 
 
 (Signed) Woodrow Wilson. 
 
 32 
 
WILIJAM JENNINGS BRYAN 
 Secretary of State 
 
 December lo, 1914. 
 
 Doctor Shailer Mathews, 
 
 President of the Federal Council of the 
 Churches of Christ in America. 
 
 My dear Doctor : 
 
 I am very much gratified to learn that you are going to 
 Japan. The visit which I made to that country nine years ago, 
 although brief, made a lasting impression upon me and when- 
 ever I have had opportunity I have been glad to advise others 
 to make the trip. It is especially fortunate that one of your 
 general intelligence and commanding position should acquaint 
 yourself with our neighbors across the Pacific. 
 
 As Secretary of State I shall give you letters to Count 
 Okuma and our diplomatic and consular officers, but I desire 
 unofficially and in my personal capacity, to assure you of the 
 high hopes that I entertain of the value of your visit — not to 
 yourself alone, but also to those among whom you go. 
 
 As the head of the Council of Churches, representing 
 thirty great denominations and something like seventeen 
 millions of members, your words ought to have weight when 
 you tell the people there of the genuine friendship which the 
 people of this nation feel toward the people of Japan. There is 
 no country with which our relations are more amicable, there 
 being but one subject upon which the two nations are not in 
 entire agreement — the California question — and I have no doubt 
 that a solution will be found for that question which will be 
 honorable to both nations. In fact, I cannot believe that any 
 dispute can arise between two such nations as the United States 
 and Japan which will not yield to a peaceful settlement, both 
 nations being animated as they are by a desire for justice and 
 by sincere friendship each toward the other. 
 
 33 
 
In Christ’s prayer from the cross — " Father forgive them 
 for they know not what they do,” — a reason for error was 
 given which has not been sufficiently recognized. Lack of 
 knowledge is the fruitful source of many misunderstandings, 
 international as well as individual, and mutual acquaintance 
 must in the end result in increased amity and friendship. 
 
 I am sure your visit to Japan will not only enable you to 
 exert a larger influence in informing the American people, but 
 that during your stay in Japan you will be able to increase the 
 respect and confidence of the people there for our Government 
 and our people by presenting American ideals and purposes. 
 
 As you associate with the leaders of Japanese thought 
 please gather from them any suggestions that may be offered ; 
 ascertain what obstacles lie in the way and what acts cause mis- 
 understanding, and upon your return give us the benefit of }'’our 
 observations and judgment. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 (Signed) W. J. Bryan. 
 
 34 
 
SIMEON E. BALDWIN 
 Governor of the State of Connecticut 
 
 New Haven, December 17, 1914. 
 
 Professor Sliailer Mathews, 
 
 President, etc. etc. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I am glad to hear that you are planning a trip to Japan, 
 as a representative of the Federal Council of the Churches of 
 Christ in America. 
 
 I hope that, during your visit to that empire, you will be 
 able to strengthen the feeling of thoughtful men there that the 
 United States have, as a whole, only the friendliest sentiments 
 towards Japan and the Japanese. It is always hard for a 
 foreigner fully to appreciate the fact that the States, as States, 
 have no direct share in adjusting the foreign relations of the 
 United States, although their legislatures have large sovereign 
 powers in local affairs. 
 
 I think the general opinion in the United States at large is 
 that a mistake was made when we accepted a cession by Spain 
 of the Philippine Islands, and that the plans of the present 
 administration, looking to relinquishing our title to them to 
 their people at no very distant day have the general approval 
 of the country. We do not want to hold permanently any 
 possessions belonging to another hemisphere. We are “ the 
 United States of America,” and our Constitution, in giving 
 that name, seems to exclude our acquisition of any territory for 
 the purpose of forming any new State in Europe, Asia, or 
 Africa. 
 
 We hope, as a people, that our trade with Japan may 
 increase, and look with friendly interest at ; her rapid growth in 
 other directions. 
 
 Japan has had an immense influence in '.developing Asiatic 
 institutions and promoting Asiatic importance in the commercial 
 
 35 
 
and political world. The United States are proud of having 
 helped powerfully, during the last half of tlie nineteenth 
 century, in starting Japan on its new career ; and fully 
 sympathise with her spirit of national patriotism. They have 
 no wish except that justice and peace may always rule the 
 relations of the Japanese empire and the American republic ; 
 each respecting the institutions of the other, as best suited to the 
 conditions of its own people. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 (Signed) Simeon E. Baldwin. 
 
 3 ^ 
 
ARTHUR J. BROWN 
 
 Secretary of the Board of B^oreign Missions of the 
 Presbyterian Church in the United States. 
 
 Dean Shailer Mathews, D.D., 
 
 University of Chicago, 
 
 Chicago, Illinois. 
 
 My dear Dr. Mathews : — 
 
 I am exceedingly glad that you and the Rev. Dr. Sidney 
 L. Gulick are to visit Japan with the special purpose of express- 
 ing to the Japanese people the friendly interest of the United 
 States and the earnest desire which all of them feel for the con- 
 tinuance of the most amicable relations between the two coun- 
 tries. I am painfully aware that there are some Americans 
 who have talked of the trouble between the two countries, and 
 that certain professional agitators and political demagogues 
 have said and done some things which give occasion for just 
 complaint. I am absolutely certain, however, that a suggestion 
 that any considerable portion of respectable Americans cherish 
 hostile sentiments against the Japanese would be greeted with 
 derision anywhere in the United States, except possibly in a few 
 local communities which are not representative of the national 
 feeling. I believe that the attitude of the American people as a 
 whole is one of real friendliness toward Japan. 
 
 I think I may fairly claim to have had some opportunity 
 to know the sentiment of the Christian people of America, for I 
 have been for nearly twenty years an administrative Secretary 
 of a large Board of Foreign Missions whose constituency in- 
 cludes intelligent and influential people in every part of the 
 United States. We have been conducting missionary work in 
 Japan for many years, our first missionary. Dr. James C. 
 Hepburn, having gone to Japan in 1859, and his Imperial 
 Majesty, the late Emperor, having personally recognised the 
 value of Dr. Hepburn’s services by conferring upon him the 
 
 3; 
 
Order of the Rising Sun, From Dr. Hepburn’s arrival in 
 Japan, fifty-five years ago, to the present, the representatives of 
 our Board have been speaking and writing about Japan, and 
 our missionaries there have sent innumerable letters expressing 
 their high regard for the Japanese people and their profound 
 interest in the welfare of the nation. Moreover, I am Chairman 
 of the Committee of Reference and Counsel which represents 
 the Boards of Foreign Missions of all denominations in the 
 United States and Canada, and in this position I have had op- 
 portunities to know the sentiment which prevails in other com- 
 munions. I am certain that if the Christian people in America 
 had any unfriendly feeling toward the Japanese it would have 
 become apparent to me, for the ordinary work of my position 
 requires travelling, correspondence, and addresses, which bring 
 me into touch with many parts of the country. I speak of 
 these things to emphasize the statement that it is my deliberate 
 conviction that the men who have been most noisily talking 
 about trouble between the two countries do not represent the 
 American people and that the real feeling of our countrymen 
 toward the Japanese is one of entire friendliness and hearty 
 good-will. 
 
 I have twice visited Japan myself, and have most grateful 
 memories of the kindness which I received from Japanese of 
 every position, from the late Prince Ito to the humblest coolie. 
 You will therefore understand my profound interest in your 
 visit to Japan, and I wish to assure you and Dr. Gulick of my 
 earnest desire for the success of your mission and of my fre- 
 quent prayer that the blessing of Almighty God may rest upon 
 you both. 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 
 (Signed) Arthur J. Brown, 
 
 38 
 
FRANCIS E. CLARK 
 
 Founder and President of the United Societies of 
 Christian Endeavor, Boston, Mass. 
 
 Boston, December, 17, 1914. 
 
 Dr. Sliailer Mathews, 
 
 Care of Dr. Sidney L. Gulick, 
 
 105 East 22nd street. New York City. 
 
 My dear Dr. Mathews : — 
 
 At the request of Dr. Sidney I^. Gulick, — a suggestion 
 doubtless made to a good many others, — I send you my 
 answers to the questions which he proposes. 
 
 1. So far as my observation and acquaintance with 
 people throughout the country goes, I do not think there is any 
 prevailing desire for territorial expansion in the Far East. I 
 believe that the great majority of the people are convinced that 
 we have enough over-sea responsibilities at present, and would 
 rather diminish than increase them. 
 
 2. I have never heard any responsible person express the 
 desire for a United States naval port on the Continent of Asia. 
 I suppose there are jingoes and imperialists who would be glad 
 to have such a port, but I have never happened to run across 
 any one who desired it, and I have seen a great many people 
 who I am sure would oppose any such expansion of the 
 authority of our country. 
 
 3. Nor do I believe that any considerable number of our 
 peoples, prominent or otherwise, desire in any way to undermine 
 the expansion of Japan’s commerce in Asia or anywhere else. 
 
 4. It seems to me absolutely impossible, that the United 
 States, for the purpose of acquiring more land or larger com- 
 mercial interests, should ever attack Japan or China. 
 
 5. Among the people whom I meet in the young people’s 
 conventions, people who sit upon tlie platform and those who 
 make up the bulk of the audiences, I do not find the suspicion 
 
 39 
 
of Japan which is sometimes found in a few of our papers. I 
 do not think there is any widespread suspicion of Japan in the 
 great populous states of the East and central part of our 
 country. The suspicion is confined to a few sections and is 
 largely aroused, I believe, by a misunderstanding of Japanese 
 character and intentions. 
 
 I have had a somewhat wide opportunity during the last 
 twenty years to see ministers and prominent men in other walks 
 of life, as well as hundreds of thousands of young people in all 
 parts of the country, having been, I tliink, in every state of the 
 Union, and the views I express are deliberate, and I believe 
 well-founded. 
 
 Yours faithfully, 
 
 (Signed) Francis E. Clark. 
 
 40 
 
W. H. P. FAUNCE 
 
 President of Brov/n University, Providence, R. I. 
 
 December 24, 1914. 
 
 My dear Dr. Mathews, 
 
 I am most happy that you are soon to visit Japan, and I 
 beg to send you an expression of personal opinion which you 
 may use in any way you please. I visited Japan myself two 
 years ago, and I welcomed Dr. Nitobe to Providence three 
 years ago when he delivered a most illuminating course of 
 lectures on the relations of Japan and America. I have the 
 warmest regard and respect for the remarkable achievements of 
 modern Japan, and I believe your visit will so interpret the 
 West to the East as to continue the good work already done by 
 Charles W. Eliot, Hamilton Mabie, and many other ambas- 
 .sadors of peace and good-will. 
 
 I think I know the United States from Atlantic to Pacific. 
 I know the schools and colleges, many of the public men, and I 
 know American ideals. I do not believe there is the slightest 
 desire anywhere in America for the possession of any land on 
 the Continent of Asia. I have never heard any American 
 express such a desire. No American newspaper that I have 
 seen has ever espressed a desire for possessions in the Continent 
 of Asia. The Philippines have caused us enough trouble, and 
 we want no more trouble of that kind. Personally I should 
 like to have the United States withdraw from the Philippines at 
 the earliest opportunity. 
 
 I do not believe there is a sensible American citizen any- 
 where who desires that we should have a naval base on the 
 Continent of Asia. No American citizen, so far as I know, 
 wishes to impede the commerce of Japan or to interfere \rtth 
 the prosperity of the Japanese Empire. A few years ago a 
 Commission from Japan visited America, and I had the 
 pleasure of dining with them here in Providence. All our 
 
 41 
 
manufactures recognized the high quah'ty of intelligence and 
 ideal which the members of that Commission possessed. I wish 
 that many of the leaders of Japan might now visit America, and 
 I hope many more Americans will visit Japan. Our two 
 nations, on opposite sides of the great Pacific Ocean, ought 
 forever to cherish pacific sentiments and cherish constantly 
 growing friendship. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 (Signed) W. H. P. Faunce. 
 
 42 
 
ARTHUR T. HADLEY 
 
 President of Yale University, New Haven, Conn, 
 
 December i6, 1914. 
 
 ]\Iy Dear Mr. Mathews ^ — • 
 
 In answer to your question I should reply as follows. 
 
 1. The United States does not have any desire for terri- 
 torial expansion in the Far East. The universal feeling among 
 our citizens is that in our sovereignty over the Philippine Islands 
 we have everything of this kind that we can possibly take care 
 of for an indefinite time to come. 
 
 2. I have heard no specific desire expressed for a naval 
 port on the continent of Asia ; and as long as we are left undis- 
 turbed in the Philippines I do not think that any such desire is 
 likely to manifest itself. 
 
 3. In the groups of men with who.m I have come in con- 
 tact there is no desire to oppose the expansion of the commerce 
 of Japan or any other nation, as long as the goods sold are 
 what they are represented to be. But you will readily under- 
 stand that in business circles people fear additional competitors, 
 and there would probably be many groups of men who would 
 desire to oppose the extension of individual lines of Japanese 
 business activity- — not as a matter of national policy, but as a 
 matter of individual business. 
 
 4. I do not conceiv'e it posible that the United Skates 
 would under any circumstances attack Japan or China for pur- 
 poses of selfish aggression. 
 
 5 . The suspicion of Japan is due, I think, largely to the feel- 
 ing that the Japanese are commercially untrustworthy and that 
 it is difficult to know when one can take their word about any- 
 thing. With our habits of thought, this defect in the national 
 character counts for more than it should, and m.akes us suspic- 
 ious of them even in those fields where we ought to trust them. 
 
 k'nithfully yours, 
 
 (Signed) Arthur T. Hadit;y. 
 
 43 
 
HUBERT C. HERRING 
 
 Secretary of the National Council of the Congregational 
 Churches of the United States of America. 
 
 December 22, 1914. 
 
 Dr. Sidney L. Gulick, 
 
 Care of Dr. H. H. Guy, 
 
 332 Pine Street, San Francisco, Cal. 
 
 My dear Dr. Gulick, 
 
 I am deeply interested in the visit to Japan which you and 
 Dr. Mathews are contemplating. My duties have compelled 
 me to travel very widely throughout the United States the last 
 eight years, and I have naturally had opportunity to know 
 something of the feeling of many men with reference to the 
 relations between Japan and the United States. Nothing is 
 more certain than that the responsible citizenship of our nation 
 not only have a warm admiration for Japan’s achievements, but 
 desire close cooperation with her in the interest of the world’s 
 welfare. It is inconceivable to them that this country should 
 ever attack Japan for purposes of selfish aggression, or should 
 ojipose in any manner the expansion of Japan’s commerce, or 
 influence. I have never heard the feeling expressed that the 
 United States needs a naval port in Asia. One more often 
 hears the opinion declared that we ought to reduce our holdings 
 in the Orient. 
 
 It is, of course, not easy for one nation to enter sympa- 
 thetically into the problems of another. A large patience and 
 spirit of fairness are required between nations as between 
 individuals. A great company of Americans are doing their 
 best to create such a spirit in the United States. We ask our 
 Japanese friends to labour earnestly for like ends in their own 
 land. 
 
 Fraternally yours, 
 
 (Signed) Hubert C. Herring. 
 
 44 
 
R. P. PIOBSON 
 
 Congressman, Albama. 
 
 Jan. 3, 1915. 
 
 Dear Mr. Gulick, 
 
 Your interesting letter of December 15th is only just 
 before me and I note with chagrin that only immediate reply 
 could reach you before you sail. So I write without even 
 waiting for my Sec’y. Perhaps you might have my letter 
 typed after deciphering, to lay before Dr. Mathews. 
 
 Answering your questions in order : 
 
 (1) The United States has no desire whatever for 
 territorial expansion in the Far East. The United States on the 
 contrary desires territorial contraction in those regions. I go 
 all over the country practically every year and never yet have 
 I heard a single citizen express a desire for such expansion. 
 
 We would retire from the Philippines if we could honor- 
 ably do so. I do not wish to be misunderstood here. Our 
 democratic institutions were established in the midst of monarchi- 
 cal dangers and have grown to maturity in full sight of the 
 caste and militarism of the old world. The deepest resolve in 
 the heart of America is to maintain the integrity of these 
 democratic institutions, and to this end, no military monarchy 
 will be permitted to establish its system in any American 
 sphere of influence. While our people desire to retire from the 
 Philippines as soon as the Filippinos are capable of self-govern- 
 ment, yet v/e will always protect those helpless people from the 
 subjection of any military monarchy. Let no friendly people 
 be deceived. This resolve is absolute. Until our station is 
 destroyed, no monarch’s flag will ever fly in peace over the 
 Philippine Islands. 
 
 (2) This question would be laughable but for the 
 persistence with which it is rumored in the Far Piast. I have 
 never yet heard a citizen express the thought. It is wholly 
 
 45 
 
foreign to our thoughts. Indeed I have never heard any 
 officers in the Army or Navy suggest such a thing. We are 
 the one nation that has never asked for any territorial con- 
 cession from China or any other Asiatic Power. We wouldn’t 
 have such a concession. We couldn’t be induced under any 
 circumstances to accept such a concession. It is strange 
 indeed how such ideas are being promulgated in Japan, for 
 those Japanese who have resided in America must understand 
 that such territorial expansion over Alien peoples is contrary to 
 the ver}'’ spirit and genius of our institutions. We have 
 tenaciously resisted the current driving us toward Mexico. 
 We have successfully stemmed the current that swept Cuba to 
 our doorsteps. 
 
 (3) No...., ...No.. ......No. 
 
 (4) Such a thing is absurd. We have never attacked 
 any people for any such purpose. We haven’t even thought 
 enough of Foreign Commerce to subsidize a merchant marine. 
 
 (5) Japan’s persistently menacing attitude toward us. 
 She strains at a gnat in San P'rancisco and swallows a camel in 
 Vancouver. The actions of Australia, New Zealand, Canada, in 
 matters of Japanese immigration pass unnoticed, but the local 
 action of a single state in America, in matters over which the 
 national government has no control, as fully understood by the 
 Japanese Government, actions far less drastic, continue always 
 open, and periodically the Japanese government delivers to our 
 government what is equiv'alent to an ultimatum. 
 
 The Japanese Government and Japanese leaders know full 
 well that the people of the United States have always had, not 
 great respect but genuine affection for the Japanese people, and 
 yet a persistent propaganda goes on in Japan, especially in the 
 vernacular press which a word from the Government could 
 control, propaganda such as questions i, 2, and 3 recognize, 
 tending to create not only suspicion but hatred in the breasts of 
 Japanese. Every student of international politics knows that 
 
 46 
 
such education ” founded or unfounded in fact, is an advance 
 preparation for war. I need not cite the constantly recurring 
 cases of Japanese subjects spying upon our meager defeneses. 
 
 We want China, Japan and the other nations to prosper. 
 When Japan in the late sixties paid an indemnity of ,^3,000,000 
 for the disturbance of Shimonoseki, this sum being divided 
 equally between Great Britain, France, the Netherlands, and the 
 United States, by unanimous vote of our Congress, we returned 
 the last dollar to Japan, 
 
 After the Boxer disturbance, the indemnity allotted the 
 U. S. was ^12,000,000. By unanimous vote, we returned tlris 
 to China. 
 
 Earnestly wishing your mission the greatest success, I 
 remain. 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 (Signed) R. P. Hobson. 
 
 47 
 
HARRY PRATT JUDSON 
 Pkesident of the University of Chicago, 
 
 December 21, 1914. 
 
 Dear Dr. Mathews, 
 
 I have had a letter from a friend of Japan asking certain 
 questions to which I am glad to reply. 
 
 1. Does tlie United States have any desire for territorial 
 expansion in the Far East ? 
 
 Ansiver : I never heard man, woman or child in this 
 country express any such desire. We obtained the Philippine 
 Islands by accident. Plawaii of course has been a matter of 
 interest to the United States for generations, as it was under the 
 influence of Americans that the Islands were organized in ac- 
 cordance with western ideas, but the accession of territory in 
 the Far East is the last thing which the United States would 
 desires. 
 
 2. Do the leading citizens of the United States feel that a 
 naval port anywhere on the Continent of Asia is needed by the 
 U. S.? 
 
 Anszvcr : A naval port on the Continet of Asia is wholly 
 unnecessary to the United States, and nobody of any weight in 
 this country wishes anything of the sort. 
 
 3. Does the United States in any way oppose or desire 
 to undermine the expansion of Japan’s commerce either in Asia 
 or elsewhere ? 
 
 Anszver : Nobody has had any such thought in this- 
 country, 
 
 4. Do you conceive it possible that the United States, for 
 purposes of selfish aggression, would attack Japan or China ? 
 
 Ansiver : The idea of any such attack is grotesque. It 
 is too absurd even for deliberate discussion. 
 
 The United States has no desire to expand its territory or 
 to attack any other nation in the world. It is very strongly 
 
 48 
 
the desire of the United States that its relations with China 
 and Japan should be entirely friendly. It is the opinion 
 of leading citizens in the U. S., I think universally, that it is 
 very much to the interest of both Japan and the United States 
 that the Pacific Ocean should not be the center of naval and 
 military hostilities. A friendly understanding between the two 
 countries without any formal alliance would make that entirely 
 possible, and would leave the Twentieth Century to the normal 
 development of commerce and civilization in that vast field. 
 
 5. What is the ground of the suspicion of Japan more or 
 less widespread in the United States ? 
 
 Answer : Largely, I think, the vaporings of the Yellow 
 Press in both countries, combined with a lack of adequate 
 understanding in this country of the best thought of Japan. 
 Perhaps the fact that Japan has followed the German policy as 
 to large military and naval organization lias had some weight in 
 the matter. 
 
 It is the duty of every thoughtful man in both countries to 
 do what lies in his power to forward a better understanding of 
 one another between these nations. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 (Signed) Harry Pratt Judson. 
 
 49 
 
J. H. R. KIRKLAND 
 
 Cn.\NCELLOR VANDERBILT UNIVERSITY, NaSHVILLE, TeNN. 
 
 December 22, 1914. 
 
 Dear Dr. Gulick : — 
 
 The educational workers of this country will follow with 
 the greatest interest your visit to Japan, and we sincerely trust 
 that the efforts of yourself and Dr. Shailer Mathews may bring 
 about a more perfect understanding and a fuller sympathy 
 between our country and that great country of the Far East. 
 To some 6 ( us it has seemed that public opinion in both coun- 
 tries is being directed and influenced without regard to truth or 
 patriotism. So far as I know the feeling of citizens of the 
 United States in this part of the nation there is no desire for 
 territorial expansion in eastern countries. On all sides I heard 
 years ago the greatest regret expressed that we had been led or 
 driven to the occupation of the Philippines. We certainly do 
 not wish to add to our embarrassment by any further expansion 
 in that quarter. 
 
 The United States does desire the expansion of its own 
 commerce both in Asia and elsewhere, but this desire does not 
 carry with it any purpose to injure or undermine the commerce 
 of Japan or any other nation. Nations, like individuals, must 
 compete in commercial relations without strife, anger, or in- 
 justice. Commercial relations should lead to friendship, not to 
 war. If this relation cannot be secured, civilization is a failure. 
 I'or these reasons citizens of the United States do not feel that 
 a naval port is needed on the Continent of Asia, nor is it 
 believed to be remotely possible that the United States would 
 attack Japan or China or even the weakest nation of the world 
 for any purpose of selfish agression. 
 
 In my opinion it is greatly to be desired that unfriendly 
 publications and criticisms of Japan in America should cease, 
 and similarly publications unfriendly to America in Japan. 
 
 50 
 
The reiterated statement that these two countries will come into 
 conflict is the best preparation for such conflict. That state of 
 mind preceded the great European war of today. One great 
 purpose to be achieved by your visit will be to relieve some- 
 what such a feeling and to aasure the people of JapM that the 
 citizens of the United States desire in all things a continuance of 
 friendly relation and cooperation in every good enterprise that 
 makes for the uplift of the world and the progress of culture 
 and commerce in the Far East. 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 
 (Signed) J. H. R. Kirkland. 
 
HENRY CHURCHILL KING 
 President of Oberlin College, Oberun, Ohio. 
 
 December i8, 1914. 
 
 My dear Dr. Mathews, 
 
 I am very glad to express to you my own feeling upon 
 the questions raised by Dr. Gulick, and my feeling, I am sure, 
 reflects that of the vast majority of all those whom I have had 
 opportunity to sound on this question. 
 
 I am certain, myself, that the United States lias no desire 
 for territorial expansion in the Far East, and I am equally con* 
 fident that the leading citizens of the United States do not feel 
 tliat a naval port anywhere on the Continent of Asia is needed 
 by tliis country. Most American citizens would think tliat 
 territorial expansion in the Far East would be a weakness 
 rather than a gain to the country. 
 
 I do not believe, either, that the country at large has any 
 desire to oppose or undermine the expansion of Japan’s com- 
 merce anywhere. It believes that legitimate commerce involves 
 the mutual good of those concerned, and that the prosperity of 
 any one nation is likely to be a gain for all. So far as there is 
 suspicion of Japan in the United States — and I have not myself 
 supposed that such serious suspicion was wide-spread among 
 well-informed people — I should myself think it likely to be due 
 to the agitation of some jingoes who are devoted to building up 
 our own military power, or to what often seems a rather 
 aggressive attitude on Japan’s part, revealed, perhaps, most 
 disquietingly in the relations to China. I have never been able 
 to persuade myself however, that Japan desired anything but 
 friendly relations with the United States. And I cannot con- 
 ceive the remotest contingency in which the United States 
 would, for purposes of selfish aggression, attack Japan or 
 China. I think it would be impossible to overstate that. 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 
 (Signed) Henry Churchill King. 
 
 52 
 
SETH LOW 
 
 Forsier Mayor of New York City, Former President of 
 Columbia University, President of the Chamber of 
 Commerce of the State of New York. 
 
 Jan. 4, 1915. 
 
 Dear Dr. Mathews - 
 
 My opinion has been asked as to the several points covered 
 by the following questions : 
 
 1 . Does the United States have any desire for territorial 
 expansion in the Far East ? 
 
 I think such a thing is truly foreign to the ideas of the 
 American people. I have not heard it suggested in any 
 quarter, and were it to be suggested I think it would receive no 
 popular support. 
 
 2. Do the leading citizens of the United States feel that a 
 naval port anywhere on the continent of Asia is needed by the 
 U. S. ? 
 
 This, again, to me is an entirely new proposal, and I 
 cannot imagine that the idea would cominand popular approval. 
 The American people want a navy for defensive purposes. 
 They do not want it for purposes of offence. 
 
 3. Does the United States in any way oppose or desire 
 to undermine the expansion of Japan’s commerce either in Asia 
 or elsewhere ? 
 
 My opinion is that the people of the United States are al- 
 together friendly to the people of Japan, and that they have not 
 the slightest desire either to oppose or to undermine the ex- 
 panion of Japan’s commerce in Asia or anywhere in the world. 
 There will be commercial rivalry of course between the United 
 States and Japan as between the United States and all other 
 maritime countries, but in commerce the United States wishes 
 only a fair field, and no favor. That is why the United States 
 favors the open door in China. 
 
 53 
 
4. Do you conceive it possible that the United States, 
 for purposes of selfish aggression, would attack Japan or China ? 
 
 I think it unimaginable. In view of the discussion which 
 is going on at the moment as to the condition of the Army and 
 Navy of the United States for purposes of defence, it requires a 
 sense of humor to fancy that this country is moved by any 
 aggressive spirit whatever. No people in the world were ever 
 more surprised than was the United States at the end of the 
 Spanish-American war to find itself in possession of the Philip- 
 pines. The American people were reconciled to this result 
 only because it appeared to them at the time that they could 
 not honorably permit the Philippines to become a bone of con- 
 tention among the nations of the world. Probably there are 
 few Americans that wish to remain permanently in control of 
 the Philippines, the only difference of opinion being as to the 
 time when, and the conditions upon which, independence is to 
 be conceded to the Islands. A federal republic like the United 
 States is embarrassed and not strengthened by colonies which 
 cannot ultimately be admitted into the Federal Union on the 
 basis of other States. Even the territorial form of government 
 which for many years was applied to the undeveloped part of 
 the Continental United States, as it is now applied to Alaska, 
 has fitted in so little with American ideals that separate States 
 have been made out of what was formerly United States terri- 
 tory as soon as the population was large enough to give even a 
 decent excuse. Such a nation is not likely to attack either 
 Japan or China for purposes of selfish aggression. 
 
 5. What is the ground of the suspicion of Japan, more or 
 less widespread in the United States ? 
 
 If there is any such suspicion in any quarter I should say 
 that it would be a great exaggeration to speak of it as wide- 
 spread. 
 
 There is some feeling that in Manchuria and Corea, where 
 Japan controls, the " open door ” is a phrase rather than an 
 
 54 
 
actuality, but how well founded this feeling is I do not know. 
 Everyone must recognize that the attitude of California towards 
 Japan is a subject that will involve danger of misunderstanding 
 between the nations until it is satisfactorily adjusted. Japan 
 should realize that for Americans this is primarily a question of 
 economics ; and secondarily a question which involves, in a new 
 form, the difficulty of absorbing into the American population 
 people of very widely different races. We Americans, on the 
 other hand, need to learn that with Japan it is a question of 
 “amour propre.” It is of course evident to thinking people 
 that, upon the very small scale of today, neither of these pro- 
 blems is serious. Unhappily, those who feel the economic com- 
 petition even upon the small scale of today are able to play 
 upon the fears of those who would be affected, or who think 
 they would be affected, by a serious increase in the number of 
 Japanese living in this country. Both of these questions, also, 
 appear to be in their essence essentially domestic questions ; so 
 that the one essential for their proper solution is that they be 
 handled with'so much consideration for the feelings of the Japan- 
 ese as not to give reasonable offence. The American people 
 as a whole, without doubt, wish to accord to Japan everything 
 that is due to a gallant and enlightened people. Nowhere in 
 the American heart, I am sure, is there a desire to treat Japan, 
 or the Japanese, otherwise than as a great and high-spirited 
 Nation and people ought to be treated. If the American Con- 
 gress were able to deal with the situation, exclusively, there 
 would be nothing^to fear. The embarrassment to both nations 
 comes from the fact that, under our Federal system, a single 
 State may take action which may seriously embarrass both 
 nations. It is a pity that this is so ; and it is easily understood 
 that this is hard to explain to the Japanese people. On the 
 other hand, in my judgment, the Japanese government owes it 
 to the American people and to the historic friendship which has 
 existed between the two nations, to do everything in its power 
 
 55 
 
to make the situation clear to Japan. What we have to deal 
 with in this connection is one of the many problems resulting 
 from the closer intimacy between the East and the West. Both 
 West and East must learn how to deal with it in a spirit of 
 frankness and of mutual good will. Thoughtful public opinion 
 in the United States recognizes the problem with its embarrass- 
 ment and its difficulties ; but, despite it all, I am sure that Japan 
 has no more sincere and loyal friend among the nations of the 
 world than the United States of America. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 (Signed) Seth Low. 
 
 56 
 
A. LAWRENCE LOWELL 
 
 President of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass, 
 
 December 22, 1914. 
 
 Dear Mr. Gulick, 
 
 In answer to the questions in your letter, let me say that I 
 never met anyone in the United States who desired for us 
 territorial expansion in the Far East ; nor do I know of any 
 desire for a naval port on the Continent of Asia. I cannot con- 
 ceive it possible that the United States, for the purposes of 
 national aggression, should take any steps against Japan or 
 China. 
 
 The ground for suspicion of Japan, which is undoubtedly 
 widespread in the United States, is, that for the purposes of her 
 expansion she might desire to disturb the present status of the 
 United States in the Pacific ; and it appears that the irritation in 
 Japan against the United States is probably based upon a 
 similar fear, wholly ungrounded, of aggression on the part of 
 the United States. That two nations which ought to be com- 
 pletely friendly and whose policies ought not to clash, should 
 entertain mutual suspicions is wholly deplorable. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 (Signed) A. Lawrence Lowell. 
 
 5; 
 
WILLIAM H. ROBERTS 
 
 Stated Clerk of the General Assembly of the 
 Presbyterian Church of the U. S. A. 
 
 December 21, 1914. 
 
 Dear Dr. GuHck ; — 
 
 You are going to Japan as the representative of the 
 Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America to bear 
 to the Japanese the kindly greetings of the Protestant Christian 
 bodies which represent more than one half of the population of 
 the United States. Of these Christian bodies the Presbyterian 
 Church in the U. S, A. is an influential factor, and both the 
 President and the Secretary of State of the United States are 
 members of it. I desire as the Secretary of the General* 
 Assembly of the Presbyterian Church to give to you my 
 opinion on the following matters ; — 
 
 1. The United States of America have no desire for 
 territorial expansion in the Far East. 
 
 2. Whatever port on the continent of Asia the United 
 States might find it advisable to ask for, the purpose of such a 
 port would be purely commercial ; however, I have yet to 
 know of any distinct intention on the part of the United States 
 government to secure such a port on the mainland of Asia. 
 
 3. The United States do not desire to oppose the 
 expansion of Japan’s commerce, either in Asia or elsewhere. 
 
 4. I do not think it probable that the United States, for 
 purposes of selfish aggression, would attack either Japan or 
 China. The United States have been persistently and con- 
 sistently the friend of both Japan and China. 
 
 5. I do not think that there is suspicion of Japan in the 
 United States of America to any such extent as many persons 
 imagine. The opposition to Japanese immigration comes 
 mainly from laboring classes in certain States who are jealous 
 of laborers from Japan coming into competition with them. 
 
 58 
 
At one time this feeling was marked as against the Irish, and 
 more recently the Slavs and Italians. Too much has been 
 made of this racial opposition, as if it was directed against the 
 Japanese only ; as intimated it has affected other peoples. 
 
 Wishing you success in this important work, and tendering 
 to President Mathews as well as yourself best wishes for a safe 
 journey both going and returning. I am 
 
 Yours cordially, 
 
 (Signed) Wm. H. Roberts. 
 
 59 
 
WILLIAM SHAW 
 
 General Secretary United Society of Christian 
 Endeavor. 
 
 December 17, 1914. 
 
 My dear Dr. Mathews, 
 
 It is with feelings of profound satisfaction that I have learned 
 of your proposed visit to Japan for the purpose of interpreting 
 to the Japanese people the real attitude of the people of the 
 United States toward them. 
 
 The idea of war between us is monstrous, and comes only 
 as a result of mutual misunderstanding. 
 
 My duties require extended travel in all sections of our 
 country, and I am convinced that, with the exception of certain 
 localities on the Pacific coast, there is absolutely no feeling of 
 enmity toward the Japanese ; and, where this unfortunate condi- 
 tion does exist, it is due to the fact that the Japanese have 
 colonized in groups and practically forced out all other labor, 
 thus creating local prejudice and antagonism. 
 
 As a people we rejoice in the magnificent progress Japan 
 has made in the last fifty years, and particularly because we 
 as a nation have been so closely associated with her in this 
 development. 
 
 I find no desire on the part of our people for territorial 
 expansion in the Far East, but rather a strong disposition to 
 retire from our present position in the Philippines so soon as 
 the promise of local self-government is assured. 
 
 I have yet to meet with any influential advocate of a naval 
 base anywhere on the continent of Asia as a necessary or desir- 
 able acquisition by the United States. 
 
 I believe that the rumors of jealousy on the part of the 
 United States because of Japan’s increasing commerce, or a dis- 
 position to oppose it in any way are absolutely without founda- 
 tion and circulated only by those who hope for personal gain 
 
 60 
 
from the result of friction between Japan and the United 
 States. 
 
 I cannot conceive of any situation arising that would lead 
 the United States to attack either China or Japan. If war 
 should come, which God forbid, it would be a war of defence 
 on our part. No administration could carry the consent of our 
 people in a war of aggression. 
 
 I am aware of the fact that suspicion and prejudice against 
 the Japanese in our country have been fostered by certain in- 
 dividuals and newspapers ; but this is very limited in extent, and 
 makes up in noise and display what it lacks in fact and following. 
 
 The Japanese by reason of their national characteristics of 
 reserve and isolation, and their domestic habits, so different 
 from ours, seem to give ground for suspicion. 
 
 These suspicions are soon removed when one has the 
 privilege of intimate acquaintance and understanding. 
 
 We need to recognize on both sides of the Pacific Ocean 
 that we are struggling today with inherited race prejudices that 
 only time, and close fellowship, and, above all, a spirit of good 
 will, can eradicate. 
 
 Let us banish the thought of war which would only 
 embitter our relations for generations, and let us settle our dif- 
 ferences by reason and patient good will, and believe that the 
 progress of each means the largest success for all. 
 
 Fraternally yours, 
 
 (Signed) Wm. Shaw. 
 
 6i 
 
EDWARD A. STEINER 
 
 Professor Iowa College, Grinnell, Iowa. 
 
 December 21, 1914. 
 
 Dear Dr. Mathews, 
 
 I am delighted to know that in this critical moment 
 of the world’s history you are contemplating a journey 
 to Japan to interpret to our brethren the feeling of the 
 people of America, and to try to clear up mutual misunder- 
 standings. 
 
 As you know I have traveled all over the country 
 and have addressed thousands of audiences, and I can 
 say positively that the people of the United States as a 
 whole are averse to war, especially to a war with the Japanese 
 people. 
 
 I do not know of any question upon which they are so 
 united as that there is no desire for territorial expansion in any 
 direction. Any idea contrary to this expressed by any leading 
 man would be regarded as the height of folly and as absolutely 
 untrue. 
 
 The desire of the people of the United States is not only 
 to be at peace with its neighbours, but to help to foster the 
 prosperity and happiness of other peoples. 
 
 If there is in the popular mind of the American people any 
 suspicion of Japan it is due to the fact that they believe that 
 Japan may have designs upon our Pacific possessions, and some 
 people have even such foolish notions as that she desires to 
 invade our own Pacific coast. 
 
 There is no single fact for which I would be so ready to 
 vouch as for this one : That the United States has not only no 
 desire to attack China or Japan, but that it has a consuming 
 desire for peace with the whole world, and especially with our 
 neighbors in the East. 
 
 62 
 
I shall pray earnestly that your mission will be successful, 
 and that into the difficult sphere of misunderstanding you will 
 be able to carry the note of fraternal confidence. 
 
 Most sincerely yours, 
 
 (Signed) Edward A. Steiner. 
 
 63 
 
G. W. F. SWARTZELL 
 Capitaust, Washington, D. C. 
 
 December 24, 1914. 
 
 Dear Dr. Mathews ; — 
 
 It is a pleasure to know that you and Dr. Gulick are to go 
 to Japan on a mission which has for its object the stengthening 
 of the bonds of peace and international friendship between that 
 country and our own, and I wish most sincerely that you may 
 have a successful conference. 
 
 It is contrary to the general policy of the United States to 
 engage in territorial expansion beyond its own shores, and the 
 acquisition of the territory which it now holds beyond such 
 shores was not a matter of choice but of necessity. 
 
 There is a strong sentiment throughout the country in 
 favor of granting independence to the Philippine Islands when 
 the inhabitants shall have progressed sufficiently in the art of 
 government to warrant the granting of the privilege of self- 
 government. 
 
 There is not, so far as I am informed, any desire for a 
 naval port in Asia, and the United States does not wish to 
 undermine the commerce of Japan in Asia, but desires its rela- 
 tions with Japan and China, as well as all other countries, to be 
 conducted with the utmost harmony and good-will, and I can- 
 not conceive it possible that the United States would wish to 
 attack Japan or China for any purpose of selfish aggression. 
 
 With sincere good wishes for a successful visit, I am. 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 
 (Signed) G. W. F. Swartzell. 
 
 64 
 
THOMAS W. SYNNOTT 
 
 Executive Committee of the World’s Sunday School 
 Association, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 December 30, 1914. 
 
 My dear Dr. Mathews, 
 
 As you are about leaving for Japan, I desire to give you 
 ray views of the relations existing between the United States 
 and Japan. 
 
 We neither need nor desire to acquire new territory in the 
 Far Eart. In fact, as you know, we are trying to rid ourselves 
 of the Philippines, retaining only a coaling station, and are 
 pledged to do so as soon as the Philippines show sufficient 
 evidence of their ability to govern themselves. We certainly 
 have no need of any other naval port in the Far East. Our 
 aim is to discourage other nations from acquiring such ports or 
 territory at the expense of China, and to aid her in forming a 
 stable government that will help her people to higher ideals of 
 living. We have already helped the Cubans and refused to 
 take over their country, notwithstanding the fact that a very 
 large part of them desired it, believing it the only way by which 
 they could secure a stable government. 
 
 There is no ground of suspicion or feeling here against 
 Japan except in parts of California, and this feeling has been 
 created by the jingo press both of California and Japan. In 
 the United States the jingoes represent but a very small fraction 
 of the people. The vast majority of the American people have 
 nothing but feelings of good will and friendship for the people 
 of Japan, and I believe that the great majority of the better ele- 
 ment in both countries entertain friendly feelings for each other. 
 
 It is inconceivable that the American people would ever 
 attempt to provoke a war with Japan. There is absolutely no 
 reason for it. Nothing could be gained by it. The only result 
 would be a great loss of life, with increased debt and taxation 
 
 65 
 
for both countries. After the present war in Europe is ended, 
 we believe future differences between nations will be settled by 
 method other than the sword. 
 
 We rejoice that Japan has such noble and worthy men as 
 Count Okuma, Baron Kato, Baron Sakatani, Baron Shibusawa, 
 and Messrs. Ukai, Kawasumi, Morimura, and many others of 
 like character and ability, and many of us are looking forward 
 with pleasant anticipations to the World’s Sunday School Con- 
 vention to be held in Tokyo 1916, and trust it may be the 
 means of increasing the friendship existing between Japan and 
 America. 
 
 Wishing you a pleasant voyage, I am. 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 
 (Signed) Thomas W. Synnott. 
 
 66 
 
GEORGE E. VINCEInT 
 President of the University of Minnesota 
 
 December i8, 1914. 
 
 My dear Dr. Gulick, 
 
 You ask my opinion on certain points. My replies are as 
 follows. 
 
 I am confident that the United States does not dream of 
 territorial expansion in the Far East. On the contrary, I 
 believe a majority of our citizens will be glad when we can be 
 honorably relieved from the responsibility which we now have 
 in the Philippines. 
 
 Nor do I believe that any thoughtful citizen of the United 
 States feels that we need a naval port anywhere on the Con- 
 tinent of Asia. Our commerce will expand w ithout the aid of 
 a great navy. 
 
 So far as I see the .situation there is no purpose or 
 wish on the part of the United States to stand in the w'ay 
 of Japan’s commercial development in Asia or anyw^here 
 else. 
 
 There has been at one time or another a good deal of talk 
 about the Japanese peril. This has been for the most part 
 vague and indefinite. Fear that the Philippines might be taken 
 by the Japanese has perhaps been the chief ground of apprehen- 
 sion. The anti-Japanese agitation on the Pacific coast has given 
 rise to all kinds of allegations and rumors. There has been, 
 too, an impression that Japan’s success in the war with Russia 
 has created a sense of national pride which has been regarded 
 as a source of danger. I do not believe, however, that 
 thoughtful Americans really entertain the idea that Japan is 
 planning to attack the United States. 
 
 I can imagine no conditions under which the United 
 States would seek to aggrandize itself territorially or otherwise 
 by an attack on either Japan or China. 
 
 67 
 
With the sincere hope that your mission will be successful 
 in interpreting to Japan the true attitude of the United States. 
 
 I remain. 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 
 (Signed) George E. Vivcent, 
 
 68 
 
HENRY WALLACE 
 
 Editor, “ Wallace’s Farmer,” Des Moines, Iowa. 
 
 December 22, 1914. 
 
 My dear Dr. Mathews, 
 
 You ask me as an old journalist, having a wide acquaint- 
 ance with farm thought and a more or less intimate relation- 
 ship with the men who are guiding our affairs in Washington, 
 to answer five questions : 
 
 (1) Does the United States have any desire' for territorial 
 expansion in the Far East ? Not the least. The Philippines 
 came to us as the spoils of our war with Spain. We have 
 undertaken at our own expense the work of fitting them to be 
 a self-governing people, with the idea, which we are carrying 
 out gradually, of ultimately making them an independent 
 nation. The sooner they prove themselves fit, the better. 
 
 (2) Do the leading citizens of the United States feel that 
 a naval port anywhere on the continent of Asia is needed by the 
 United States ? With all my acquaintance with public men and 
 my knowledge of the sayings of the public press, I have never 
 heard it suggested even once. What do we want with a naval 
 station on the continent of Asia ? With a naval station in 
 Hawaii and Guam and one in the Philippines, we have all that 
 we will ever need. 
 
 (3) Does the United States in any way oppose or desire 
 to undermine the expansion of Japan’s commerce either in Asia 
 or elsewhere ? Most certainly not. Japan is a valuable 
 customer of ours. The more goods she can send us, the more 
 we can send her. The greater the prosperity of the Japanese, 
 the greater will be our prosperity. We can sell our products 
 to advantage only to people who can with advantage sell us 
 their products. Here in the United States we are too far 
 advanced in civilization to have the slightest idea that we must 
 own the earth in order to trade with it. The world can prosper 
 
 69 
 
only when a free hand is given to all its various peoples to 
 develop their native talents and genius and resources. 
 
 (4) Do you conceive it possible that the United States, 
 for purposes of selfish aggression, would attack Japan or China ? 
 This idea seems to me utterly preposterous. We have trouble 
 enough of our own. 
 
 (5) What is the ground of the suspicion of Japan, more 
 or less widespread in the United States ? Outside of California, 
 I do not know of any suspicion against the people of Japan. 
 The Japanese are more industrious than we are. They are 
 more skilful in certain lines of agriculture. Naturally, the men 
 who don’t want to work very hard are suspicious of any man 
 or race that can work more efficiently than they can. When a 
 member of Roosevelt’s Country Life Commission I was in 
 California. I came to the conclusion that the objection to the 
 Japanese was founded mainly on the fact that he could do 
 better work, or as good work and do it cheaper, than the 
 American help that could be obtained in California. Outside 
 of this I have heard of no objection. 
 
 Sincerely, 
 
 (Signed) Henry Wauj\ce. 
 
 70 
 
HERBERT WELCH 
 
 President Ohio Wesleyan University, Delaware, Ohio. 
 
 December 17, 1915. 
 
 Prof. Shailer Mathews, Ph. D., 
 
 President of Federal Council, 
 
 New York. 
 
 My dear Sir : 
 
 As you are just going on a friendly visit to Japan, I 
 should like to express my own belief that the United States 
 cherishes no ambitions that should occasion the slightest anxiety 
 or uneasiness in Japan. We do not want any more territory in 
 the Far East, not even a naval port in China. We welcome, 
 rather than deplore, the extension of Japan’s commerce. An 
 aggressive attack on Japan by the United States is simply 
 unthinkable. I believe our people desire the closest relations of 
 friendship and co-operation with the great Island Empire 
 beyond the Pacific, and I trust that your trip with Dr. Gulick 
 may be one means of bringing about a better understanding 
 between these two great peoples. 
 
 Ever heartily yours, 
 
 (Signed) Herbert Welch. 
 
 /I 
 
)■ 
 
 
 
V 
 
 The material presented in the two preceding sections 
 reveals the grounds for the decision of the Federal Council of 
 the Churches of Christ in America for sending to Japan its 
 Christian Embassy. This Embassy does not come on a 
 political errand. Its object is much larger and deeper. It 
 seeks, not to adjust diplomatic and legal relations, but to pro- 
 mote a right moral and spiritual attitude between the two nations 
 lacing the Pacific. 
 
 As one means to this end, the Federal Council, on behalf 
 of the churches it represents, has sent by its Christian Embassy, 
 a letter of greeting to the churches and Chi'istians of Japan. 
 
 73 
 
TO THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST 
 IN JAPAN 
 
 Greetings : — 
 
 The Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in 
 America, on behalf of its thirty constituent denominations, has 
 delegated two of our most honored and beloved representatives, 
 to convey to you the assurance of our love unfeigned and of 
 our prayers in your behalf. 
 
 Professor Shailer Mathews, Doctor of Divinity, is the 
 Dean of the Divinity School of the University of Chicago, an 
 author widely known among us, and for this quadrennium. 
 President of the Federal Council, 
 
 The Rev. Sidney L. Gulick, Doctor of Divinity, needs no 
 introduction to you, for he has been a missionary in Japan for 
 many years. Since his return to America upon his furlough, 
 he has been invited to our most prominent pulpits, has secured 
 a hearing for the cause of Japan by the foremost men of our 
 nation, and returns to you not only as your brother, but 
 entrusted with the duty of representing, with Dr, Mathews, 
 tliis Federal Council, We are thus sending to you those who 
 are well qualified to speak for us. 
 
 We beg to assure you, dear brethren, of the interest with 
 which we have noted the recent history of Japan, that ancient 
 and venerable nation with its notable achievements in the arts and 
 sciences. With eager hand you have grasped what other 
 peoples could offer for the enrichment of your life, and in turn 
 you have contributed to the life of the world the inspiration of 
 your fine enthusiasm. You have felt the stimulation of ethical 
 ideals, the transcendant significance of moral values. In the 
 industrial, intellectual and moral fields of your activity, America 
 has noted your unwearied progress. 
 
 But our deepest interest and sympathy have been evoked 
 by the numbers of those who have been reaching out eager 
 hands to God. Beyond all else the spectacle of so many in 
 
 74 
 
Japan, seeking after a deeper and stronger spiritual life, has 
 moved and still moves our hearts. It is with such sympathy 
 toward you, beloved brethren, that we send our messengers 
 to you. 
 
 We believe that the religion of Jesus makes its largest 
 possible contribution to the peace and uplift of the world, not 
 when it undertakes by ecclesiastical utterances and activities 
 to solve the complex intellectual and practical problems of 
 civilization, but rather when it leads men to the inner life of 
 spiritual self-mastery and self-devotion, helps them to learn 
 the privilege and joy of absolute trust in Christ our Lord, 
 and enables them to appreciate the obligation of such loyal 
 devotion to Him as finds expression in holy and unselfish 
 service of humanity. 
 
 We are sending these, our brethren, to tell you as no 
 written word of ours can tell, the sincerity of our affection, the 
 eagerness of our desire, and the steady persuasion of our hope 
 that we all, of the East and of the West, shall be one in Jesus 
 Christ. 
 
 We pray that in your land and in ours, faith shall have its 
 satisfying vision of our Lord, that love shall be sanctified by 
 His fellowship, and that our common life shall be broadened in 
 its sympathies and beautified with His likeness. 
 
 hlay the God of love unite our hearts in the bonds of holy 
 sympathy, and bring us all into the joy of fellowship one with 
 another through that diviner fellowship which is with the Father 
 and with His Son our Saviour. 
 
 May peace and prosperity abide in all the homes of Japan. 
 May your schools be centers of intellectual light and your 
 churches centers of moral life and spiritual power. May 
 believers be multiplied and all your land be blest by Him who 
 is the Light of the World, the Redeemer of men. 
 
 Now unto Him that is able to keep you from falling and 
 to present you faultless before the presence of his glory with 
 
 75 
 
exceeding joy, to the only wise God our Saviour, be glory and 
 majesty, dominion and power both now and ever. Amen, 
 
 Your brethren in Christ : 
 
 The Federal Council of the 
 
 Churches of Christ in America, 
 
 Charles S, Macfarland, 
 
 General Secretary. 
 
 76 
 
VI 
 
 The Commission on Relations with Japan established by 
 the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America made 
 their first official utterance on the American-Japanese problem 
 early in December, 1914. It consisted of a resolution appealing 
 to Congress and the American people for the adoption of an 
 adequate Oriental policy. 
 
 77 
 
RESOLUTION 
 
 The awakening of Asia and her rapid acquisition of import- 
 ant elements of Occidental civilization inaugurates a new era 
 in world history in which Asia is to play a new and increasingly 
 important role. Whether that role shall be one of peace, good 
 will and mutual co-operation, or one controlled by increasing 
 suspicion and fear between the East and the West will depend 
 largely upon the attitude of the western nations themselves. 
 
 It has seemed to many of our citizens who have become 
 familiar with the questions raised by this more intimate and 
 ever increasing contact with the Orient that the United States 
 might well adopt a more adequate oriental policy. 
 
 Therefore be it 
 
 Resolved that the Commission on Relations with 
 Japan, appointed by the Fedei'al Council of the Churches of 
 Christ in America, urges upon Congress and upon the people 
 of the United States the importance of adopting an oriental 
 policy the fundamental principle of wliich shall be the just and 
 equitable treatment of all races, and to this end suggests that 
 the entire immigration problem be taken up at an early date, 
 providing for comprehensive legislation covering all phases of 
 the question, (such as the limitation of immigration and the 
 registration, distribution, employment, education, and naturali- 
 zations, of immigrants) in such a way as to conserve American 
 institutions, to protect American labor from dangerous economic 
 competition and to promote an intelligent and enduring friend- 
 liness among the peoples of all nations. 
 
 78 
 
VII 
 
 Of the thirty denominations composing the Federal Coun- 
 cil, only one has held an annual meeting since the establishment 
 of the Commission on Relations with Japan and the announce- 
 ment of its proposals and plans for investigating the American- 
 Japanese problem with a view to the promotion of right relations 
 between these two countries. 
 
 The Northern Baptist Annual Convention was held in 
 June, 1914. It consisted of 2,777 delegates, representing 
 churches having a membership of 1,587,868 and a constituency 
 of over 5,000,000. 
 
 79 
 
RESOLUTION 
 
 “ The far-reaching plan of the Federal Council of the 
 Churches of Christ in America to strengthen the bonds of good 
 fellowship between Japan and the United States, meets with 
 our heartiest approval.” 
 
 So 
 
VIII 
 
 A PERSONAL NOTE 
 
 8i 
 
During the past year and a half it has been my privilege to 
 travel rather widely through the United States for the purpose 
 of helping my countrymen to understand Japan more adequately. 
 I have delivered 259 addresses and sermons before Chambers 
 of Commerce, Men’s Clubs, and churches of many denomina- 
 tions. I have been in Washington three times, and have had 
 interviews with members of the Senate and of the House of 
 Representatives. The Senate Committee on Immigration gave 
 me opportunity to address it on the Japanese questions. Three 
 times have I been favored with interviews by Secretary Bryan 
 and twice by President Wilson. In the different cities visited 
 I have had personal conferences with many leading citizens, 
 especially with editors of newspapers. The press has given 
 wide publicity to the substance of my addresses and proposals. 
 
 The impression made upon me by this rather wide ex- 
 perience is entirely favorable. The good-will and desire of 
 Americans for right international relations is practically 
 universal. Those who have definite and positive suspicions 
 of Japan are rare, and still rarer are those who harbor ill-will. 
 There has undoubtedly been felt somewhat widely a vague 
 fear lest Japan might take precipitate military action to force 
 the settlement of matters over which certain differences have 
 developed. Beyond doubt also is the fact of a certain amount 
 of friction in California, and the disclosure of certain defects in 
 the governmental machinery of the United States, rendering 
 slow and somewhat difficult the satisfactory settlement of inter- 
 national questions. 
 
 I. But what I regard as an important discovery concerns 
 the relation of the newspapers to this entire question. I have 
 frequently said that “ the only yellow peril to-day is the peril 
 of the yellow press,” and this statement has invariably called 
 forth applause. This widespread American attitude to the 
 press frequently comes to light in the letters from which quota- 
 tions have been made in the preceding pages. Throughout 
 
 82 
 
the country there Is wide condemnation of the “ Irresponsible,” 
 ” sensational ” press ; It Is supposed to delight in stirring up 
 International turmoil ; many even believe that It is paid for this 
 purpose by interested parties, such as manufactures of war 
 material whose prosperity depends on war scares, or by wily 
 politicians and unscrupulous diplomats. 
 
 I am not prepared to say that there is no subsidizing of 
 the press, direct or indirect. Indeed, I am inclined to think 
 there may be something in such surmises. But my discovery 
 is along another line. I have become convinced that the vast 
 majority of our papers are not moved by deliberate policy, 
 much less by malicious purposes in reporting international 
 news. The primary aim of all papers is to be interesting and 
 thus to secure a large sale. The great ” crime ” of a paper is 
 to be dull or belated in its news. In the eagerness to be inter- 
 esting and up to date, all " news ” is prepared under great 
 pressure. In order to be interesting, a man is specially set 
 aside to write the headlines, who has skill in condensing into a 
 few striking words some suggestions as to the subject matter 
 in the column. His aim is not to be accurate or informing, 
 but rather to be interesting. This is the main source of startling 
 headlines announcing with great definiteness, “ War With Japan 
 Certain.” 
 
 The amount of reading material presented in the papers, 
 moreover, is too large to be read with care. The usual busy 
 man on his way to business glances over the headlines, and as 
 his particular interests do not concern foreign affairs, he looks 
 at hardly more than the headlines. So far as there is suspicion 
 of Japan in America, it nas been built up largely by these 
 headlines, which, however, were not intended to be malicious. 
 
 The important lesson to be drawn from this fact is that 
 those who seek to promote international good-will between 
 Japan and the United States must teach the people on both 
 sides of the Pacific not to put confidence in startling stories or 
 
 83 
 
striking headlines. For I doubt not the same caution is needed 
 in Japan. 
 
 2. I feel too that I have made a second important dis- 
 covery as to the way in which international ill-will and resent- 
 ment are developed. No doubt there is more or less of friction 
 between individuals of our two nations who have had unfortu- 
 nate experiences. These form the starting point for exaggera- 
 tions. As soon as vague suspicion has been started, it welcomes 
 stories on which to feed. The intrinsic improbability of the 
 story is not perceived. The hearer possesses insufficient positive 
 knowledge to render the story incredible, and the attitude of 
 suspicion predisposes the hearer to accept as true any bad story 
 about the alien individual or nation, provided only that it is bad. 
 
 I have learned to put a question mark against every anti- 
 Japanese story circulated in America and every anti-American 
 story circulated in Japan. A few of them may have some 
 small amount of truth, but they are not true in the form in 
 which they are circulated. 
 
 3. The reader will have noticed that none of the letters 
 quoted above deal with the technical or legal questions at issue 
 between Japan and the United States, not do they make any 
 suggestions as to methods of solution. This is due entirely to 
 the nature of the questions sent out, which were prepared for 
 the purpose of ascertaining the facts on the points raised by 
 my correspondents in Japan. 
 
 4. A fact widely overlooked by critics of California is 
 that Section II. of the Alien Land Law of 1913 provides that 
 aliens ineligible for citizenship shall have all rights specifically 
 guaranteed by treaties. Technically speaking, therefore, the 
 law does not conflict with the treaty. In cases of dispute as to 
 Japanese rights, since the law specifically says that rights 
 secured by the treaty shall be granted, the question as to the 
 respective authorities of national treaties and state laws can 
 not possibly arise. 
 
 84 
 
The California Alien Land Law is nevertheless obnoxious. 
 Technically faultless, in spirit and purpose it is morally wrong. 
 The real question at issue between Japan and California is not 
 legal and technical, but concerns the right of a State to offend 
 the dignity of a friendly nation with which the United States 
 has a treaty guaranteeing national goodwill. Such an issue is 
 moral and spiritual. And this is the reason why the churches 
 of America are vitally concerned in the matter. 
 
 5. Moreover, wide misunderstanding prevails in Japan 
 in regard to the Federal law defining those who are eligible for 
 citizenship. The law in question, which says that only “ free 
 white men ” may become citizens by naturalization, was enacted 
 in 1790, and was amended after the Civil War by the addition 
 of a provision covering the new political status given negroes. 
 It had accordingly no reference whatever to Japanese or any 
 Asiatics. Only in recent years has it been interpreted as having 
 such a significance. How to adjust the difficulty created by 
 this law that comes down from the earliest period of our 
 national life is one of the problems now confronting us. 
 
 6. The recent tendency of some states to enact special 
 laws dealing with aliens is easily misunderstood in Japan, 
 Many states are confronted with serious difficulties arising from 
 large immigration from South Europe ; this is the main cause 
 for anti-alien agitation and proposed legislation in such states 
 as Arizona, New Mexico, and Idaho. 
 
 7. From my experience in America during the past year 
 and more, I do not hesitate to say that all our responsible 
 citizenship recognizes that a real problem has arisen on the 
 Pacific Coast. Japan and the Japanese in California have 
 important rights in their contention, but so also do Californians 
 have important rights in theirs. The problem is how to recon- 
 cile these apparently conflicting claims, and how to adjust the 
 laws of the land so as to do full justice to both sides. A part 
 of the difficulty lies in the fact that many on each side fail to- 
 
 85 
 
see the point or to understand the justice of the conflicting 
 claim advanced by the other side. For this, education, how- 
 ever, is needed. If both sides sincerely desire to know the truth 
 and do what is right, the problem is not so difficult. Further- 
 more, the relation to Japan of Japanese naturalized as citizens 
 of the United States, has an important bearing on the entire 
 matter under discussion. Neither diplomacy nor legislation can 
 make much headway with the solution of the technical, legal, 
 or diplomatic problems until the people both of the United 
 States and of Japan shall have received adequate education and 
 learn to look at each others problems with sympathetic eyes, 
 
 8. A few words also seem called for in regard to the 
 point whether the crux of the problem is economic or racial. 
 Each view has its convinced advocates. When I began to 
 study the question, my own view was that it was at bottom a 
 matter of race prejudice. Study, however, has convinced me 
 that the race factor is minor. The economic factor is the chief 
 problem, and this has been complicated by party politics. 
 Aspiring politicians have utilized the undoubted economic prob- 
 lem and have appealed to race difference in order to promote 
 personal, or class, or union, or party, interests. Many Amer- 
 icans are now beginning to see this and to insist that such consider- 
 ations shall not be longer allowed to create international friction. 
 
 On the desk of Secretary Bryan in the Department of 
 State is a prophetic paper weight. It is made from a bayonet 
 which has been transformed into a miniature plow, and on the 
 plow are inscribed the words, “ There is no last word between 
 friends." Mr. Bryan explained to Dr. Mathews and myself 
 when we called upon him last December that he had used these 
 words in conversation with Ambassador Viscount Chinda, 
 Friends never refuse to listen to requests from, nor do they 
 issue ultimatums to, one another. 
 
 There is undoubtedly a problem between America and 
 Japan, but it is my conviction that nine hundred and ninety-nine 
 
 86 
 
out of a thousand Americans earnestly desire that that problem 
 shall be solved on the basis of friendship. And they are equally 
 convinced that it cannot be solved on any other basis. Just 
 what form that solution will take, no one is yet in a position to 
 state. But this is certain, — that they who are friends must take 
 pains to see fully each the other’s viewpoint, and then each 
 muss be willing to make adjustments. I am satisfied that this 
 is what the overwhelming majority of responsible Americans 
 desire and will do as soon as adequate education can be secured 
 for the millions of voters whose active cooperation must be 
 secured. 
 
 I earnestly ask that all in Japan who love peace and desire 
 to promote international good-will on the basis of righteousness 
 and justice, may aid us in America who are engaged in this 
 enormous educational enterprise, to carry it through to a 
 successful issue. For if we in America are to be successful, it 
 is essential that you our brothers and fellow- workers in Japan 
 shall do your part. It is as necessary for Japan to understand 
 the U.S. as it is for the U.S. to understand Japan. 
 
 In conclusion, we must never forget that the “ Japanese- 
 American question ” cannot be solved as an isolated question. 
 It is but one element in the larger questions of the relations of 
 the East and the West, and in America, of the general problem 
 of immigration, and also of labor and capital. These problems, 
 precipitated upon us by the extraordinary advance of modern 
 mechanical civilization and industrialism, cannot be solved by 
 violence nor by threats, nor even by mere processes of diploma- 
 cy and legislation. National education, national self-restraint, 
 international patience, sympathy, and good-will can alone pro- 
 vide that spiritual factor by whose aid the practical difficulties 
 of the impact and intercourse of the nations and races can be 
 satisfactorily solved. 
 
 Let all true patriots of every land join in this noble work. 
 
 Sidney L. Gulick. 
 
 87