Congressional Hecortl PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION Shall We Appease Communist China? Speech of Hon. Ernest F. Boilings of South Carolina in the Senate of the United States Friday, September 20, 1968 321 - 445 — 14593 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Qolumbia University Libraries } https ://archive.org/details/shallweappeasechOOh'oll Tam Cr.ina Shall We Appease Communist China? SPEECH OF HON. ERNEST F. HOLLINGS OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, September 20, 1968 Mr. HOLLINGS. Mr. President, with- in the coming weeks the U.N. General Assembly will again convene, and once again, there is bound to be impassioned debate over the question of U.N. mem- bership for Commimist China. One would have thought that the hor- lifying stories that have come out of Communist China since Mao Tse-tung launched his cultural revolution 2 years ago would have been enough to dampen the ardor of those non-Communist gov- ernments who have in recent years sought to bring Red China into the world organization. But, surprisingly, the ob- vious disintegration of Communist rule and the gruesome revolutionary terror that now exists in Red China seem to have had precisely the opposite effect. In recent months, the suggestion has been made by a munber of people prom- inent in public life that we change our China policy. We are told that the policy of political isolation has failed; that Communst China is here to stay; and that if we sincerely desire to achieve peace in the Far East, we will first have to achieve some kind of understanding with Red China. This position has been spelled out, with minor variations, in recent statements by a group of American scholars special- 321-445—14593 izing in Asian affairs and by prominent Members of Congress. The call has been made in all of these statements for a serious effort to build bridges to the Chinese people. Implicitly, and sometimes explicitly, the argument has been made that our present policy is rigid and futile and that, instead of opposing the admission of Red China to the U.N., we should actively sponsor her admission. All the indications are that we are witnessing the beginning of another big dz-ive to admit Red China to the United Nations and, ultimately, to grant her diplomatic recognition. It is true that changing circumstances sometimes require changing policies. But the question that has to be decided be- fore one can recommend a new policy is whether the current policy gives evidence of succeeding or of failing. And the evi- dence is overwhelming that our present China policy has been successful in terms of the objectives we set ourselves. Our China policy has not failed. The policy of containment which we have pursued has, for almost two decades now, provided an umbrella of security for the countries on China’s periphery. And this policy also deserves a very large share of the credit for the chaos and demoraliza- tion that now afflict the Chinese Com- mimist regime. It would be useful to examine the major arguments advanced in support of changing our China policy, because the chances are that we shall hear these same arguments repeated over and over 3 4 again during the coming period — and be- cause the time to squelch a fallacy is at the beginning and not after it has achieved widespread currency. WISHFUL THINKING AND APPEASEMENT It is the most human thing in the world to run away from difficult situations by indulging in wishful thinking. And the more difficult and threatening the ch- cumstances, the greater the temptation to deny reality — the greater the tempta- tion to delude one’s self into believing that all the dangers threatening us can be dissipated by a few simple devices. Because of its association with Hitler and World War H, the word “appease- ment” has become one of the most de- spised words in the English language. It should, therefore, not be bandied about lightly. Some of the arguments that are now advanced with regard to Red China bear a frightening similarity to the arguments that paved the way to the Mtmich agree- ment and to the ultimate disaster of W’orld War H. The similarities are many. Then, as now, we were confronted with a ruthless, aggressive totalitarianism, contemptuous of hiunan life and fanati- cally committed to the destruction of the free wmrld. Then, as now, the prospect of another world war was almost too horrible for civilized men to contemplate. Then, as now, there was a terrible temptation to deny reality and to indulge in wishful thinking — to hope that the Nazis were not totally unlike ourselves: that they were not altogether impervious to reason and good will; that an accom- modation with them was necessary and possible; and that war could be avoided by the simple devices of more contacts and more diplomacy. This was not the thinking of Neville Chamberlain alone; it was the mood of an entire era to which history has given his name. The result was that, when Chamberlain came back from Munich and waved the piece of paper which, he said, promised “peace in our time,” he was applauded by the overw’helming ma- jority of his countrymen, Tory, Liberal, and Labor. But then reality prevailed, as it always does in the end, and the wishful thinking and the wishful thinkers were swept aside by the march of events. Two essential lessons emerged, or should have emerged, from this experi- ence. The ^rst lesson is that the 20th cen- tury has spawned totalitarian regimes with which no permanent reconciliation is possible — as much as we may desire it and as hard as we may labor to achieve it — for the simple reason that they are implacably committed to the destruction of the free world. The second lesson, which is related to the first, is that any effort to buy off or appease the totalitarian fanatics of our time is doomed to failure, and that it runs the almost certain risk of provok- ing the wider war which it seeks to avoid. Those who today urge reconciliation with Communist China would be pre- pared to concede the truth of these state- ments about the Nazi regime and about the impossibility of achieving a genuine understanding with it. But they will ar- gue that there are important differences between the Chinese Communists and the Nazis, and that it is therefore wrong to equate them. Of course there are important differ- ences between the Chinese Communist regime and the Nazi regime. But the essential attributes which they have in common far outweigh any differences that do exist. Certainly no one will challenge the assertion that the Chinese Communist dictatorship is every iota as totalitarian as the Nazi dictatorship. Nor could anyone who has knowledge of the situation challenge the assertion that 321 - 445—14593 5 the Maoist regime is as contemptuous of human rights and human life as the Nazi regime was at its worst. It is esti- mated by China scholars that upwards of 25,000,000 Chinese perished in the merciless purges that followed the Com- munist conquest of the mainland. Nor can there be any doubt that Mao’s cohorts — by their ideology, by their pro- gram, by their doctrinal pronounce- ments — are just as committed to the destruction of Western democracy and American power as were Hitler and his Nazi movement. One of this country’s most distinguished China scholars. Prof. Richard L. Walker, director of the Insti- tute of International Relations at the University of South Carolina, has said: It is doubtful whether ever In history a group of leaders has carried on as protracted and intense a campaign of international and domestic hatred as Mao Tse-tung and his colleagues have carried on against the United States. One of the many examples he offered was this quotation from Chou En-lai in his report to the National Peoples Congress : U.S. imperialism has done all the evil things it possibly can. It is the most arrogant aggressor ever known to history, the most ferocious enemy of world peace and the main prop of the forces of reaction in the world. Peoples and nations all over the world that want to make revolutions and liberate them- selves, all countries and peoples that want to win their independence and safeguard their sovereignty, and all countries that want to defend world peace, must direct the sharp edge of their struggle against U.S. imperialism. To complete the roster of parallel at- tributes, the Maoist regime, like the Nazi regime, seeks to uproot and destroy re- ligion. Like the Nazi regime, it seeks to wipe out completely the humanizing traditions and culture of the past. Like the Nazi regime, it carries the excesses to the point of lunacy. Like the Nazi re- gime, it glorifies the role of force through countless preachments like Mao’s famous statement that “power grows out of the barrel of a gun.’’ Like the Nazi regime, it is openly and blindly committed to aggression. But whereas Nazi aggression was conceived in traditional military terms, the Chinese Communists practice both traditional military aggression, and the more indi- rect, more subtle, more dangerous form of aggression to which they have given the name “People’s Wars of National Liberation.” The parallel between Hitler and Mao has been confirmed by more than one Western observer who had intimate ex- perience with the ill-fated appeasement of Hitler. Thus, Andre Francois-Poncet, the French Ambassador to Berlin in the 1930’s — a man whom William L. Shirer has described as “probably the best in- formed ambassador in Berlin,” wrote recently : Mao Tse-tung needs a lesSon. If he does not get it soon, tomorrow will be too late to administer it to him. If we had taken ac- tion against der Fuhrer, when he first stepped out of line, perhaps he would not have dared to go further. He (Mao) wants to be master of Asia and Africa, of the yellow and black races . . . Indochina is the one ob- stacle in his path. If he can break it down, there wiU be no stopping him. By blocking him, America is defending the cause of the free world, our cause, and we should give it our support. Remarkably enough, this assessment of Red Chinese expansionism is shared completely by its Soviet neighbor. An article in the Moscow Literary Gazette, earlier this year, said: Mao proposes to include in his “Reich” apart from China itself, Korea, the Mon- golian People’s Republic, Vietnam. Cambodia, Laos, Indonesia, Malaysia, Bxu-ma and Several other countries. . . . From the statements of Mao Tse-tung himself, the conclusion may be drawn . . . that a third world war will have to precede the realization of the “Mao Plan”. . . . That is why Peking continues 321 ^ 45 — 14593 6 year after year doing everything to increase international tension and pour oil on fire wherever it breaks out in the world. Against the background of these facts, one is constrained to conclude that the policy of reconciliation with respect to China smacks dangerously of appease- ment. IS RED CHINA REALLY PEACEFUL? A leading Member of Congress in a recent speech challenged the assiunption that the Chinese Government is an ex- panding and aggressive force. He said that “the present Chinese Government has not shown any great eagerness to use force to spread its Ideology elsewhere in Asia.” And while he conceded that Red China has given enthusiastic encourage- ment to wars of national liberation, he immediately discounted this concession with these words: However, China has not participated in these wars, and support, when it has been forthcoming, has been limited and circum- spect. This depiction of Red China as an es- sentially peaceful nation whose actions have been exaggerated and misunder- stood is at complete odds with the facts. Ask the Burmese Government who has inspired, sustained, and supplied the guerrilla insurrection in their coimtry — and the answer will be plain and un- equivocal. And while we are on the sub- ject of Burma, it should be pointed out that there are no American bases or mili- tary advisers in the country, that until recently it had virtually no Western aid program of any kind, and that its econ- omy has been almost completely social- ized, apparently in the hope that this will somehow appease the gods of commu- nism. Ask the Government of Indonesia whether or not the Chinese Communists practice subversion and aggression — and everyone knows what the answer will be. And here, again, the government which the Communists sought to overthrow 321 - 445—14593 was not right wing or pro-American, but leftist -neutralist and anti-American. Ask the Governments of Malaysia and Laos and Thailand and even Cambodia the same question — and, once again, there can be no doubt about their replies. The assertion that Red China’s policy toward her neighbors represents a simple extension of China’s centuries-old con- cern for secmity on her frontiers, simply cannot be sustained by the facts. The pattern is too brutal and too overwhelm- ing. Nor can we salve our consciences or solve any of our problems by relegating all of the smaller nations on China’s periphery to a Chinese Communist “sphere of influence,” as Professor Hans Morgenthau has proposed. Secretary of State Rusk put the matter aptly in these terms: I can see no possibility of a stable peace through spheres of influence. Who is to de- termine which are to be the “master" na- tions — and which their vassals? And what happens when the “master” nations engage in struggles among themselves about spheres of influence? I cannot imagine a surer path to war — and much more devastating wars than the world has ever known. I would think that the United Nations Charter is right — that every nation, large or small, has a right to live in independence and peace, even though it is next door to a great power. How many crimes are to be excused in the name of seeking security or in the name of “spheres of influence”? And where does the process of seeking security end? If the whole of Southeast Asia were to fall under Chinese control, would this not create new frontiers which, applying the same logic, could only be protected by a further round of territorial expansion? And would it not be thus ad inflnitum, each new acquisi- tion of territory compelling a further acquisition of territory in the name of security? Is there not some indication of a com- mitment to global imperialism in the ag- 7 gregate of Red China’s actions since Mao Tse-tung came to power — in Red China’s intervention in Korea, in her genocidal annexation of Tibet, in her two attacks on India, in her attempted coup in In- donesia, in her support for the Vietcong movement in Vietnam, for the Pathet Lao movement in Laos, for the Thailand Independence Movement, for the Malay- an National Liberation Army, for the Hukbalahap Movement in the Philip- pines, for the Communist insurgents in Burma? RED CHINA AND AFRICA Those who discount Red China’s re- peated acts of aggression against her neighbors and who deny that Red China has global imperialist ambitions would have a little more diflSculty justifying Peking’s subversive activities in Africa in terms of traditional Chinese policy. These activities have succeeded in installing pro-Peking regimes in the Island of Zan- zibar on the East Coast of Afiica and in the Brazzaville Congo on the West Coast; and they have been the subject of pro- tests and denunciations and warnings by the governments of at least a dozen African countries. Such protests and de- nunciations have come from the Gov- ernments of Burundi, Niger, the Ivory Coast, Dahomey, Upper Volta, Malawi, the Central African Republic, Kenya, and Ghana. Several of these governments have charged Peking with organizing in- surgent armies against them. Three of them — Biuundi, Dahomey, and the Cen- tral African Republic — have broken off diplomatic relations with Peking to rein- force their protests against Peking’s in- teiwention in their internal affairs. The Kenyan Government of Jomo Kenyatta has accused Peking of sending arms imder disguise to pro-Communist elements in Kenya. And, when the gov- ernment of Kwame Nkrumah was over- thrown in Ghana, correspondents were taken to a training center for African guerrillas and saboteurs, which Peking has operated in collaboration with Nknimah. Even stretching a few points, it is clearly impossible to explain all this in terms of China’s traditional policies and the quest for security. There is only one explanation that really makes sense — that the Chinese Commimists are in deadly earnest when they talk about world revolution and about People’s Wars of National Liberation. Hitler spelled out his beliefs in the clearest terms in Mein Kampf. But the Western World was prone to dismiss his statements as the rantings of a madman. The price they paid for failing to take his writings seriously was World War n. We run the risk of paying an even heavier price if we ignore the writings of Mao Tse-tung and Lin Piao, and if we discount their solemn doctrinal pro- nouncements as revolutionary rhetoric which bears no relationship to the reali- ties of Chinese Communist policy. RED CHINA AND VIETNAM We are told that, in order to improve the situation in Vietnam, it is “desirable” to take “initiatives toward” the Chinese Communists and to “reshape the rela- tionship” with them “along stable and constructive lines.” Even if one could realistically hope for an improved relationship with Commu- nist China through new initiatives and through the patient pursuit of under- standing, I think the Senators would be prepared to agree that this is something we could not look for overnight. Under the best of circumstances, it would take many years. The possibility of improved relations, even if it should exist, bears little application to the problem that con- fronts us today in Vietnam, or in the ne- gotiations that are now taking place in Paris. If there is one point on which Far East- ern experts, both doves and hawks agree, it is that Red China has been using aU of its influence with Hanoi to keep the 321 - 445 — 14593 8 war going, and that, if Hanoi ever does agree to a reasonable settlement, it will be despite Peking’s advice and against her pressure. The commitment to “People’s Wars of National Liberation,” and the inevi- tability of their success, constitute cardi- nal articles of faith in the perverted totalitarian religion of Mao Tse-tung and Lin Piao. It is utterly unrealistic to hope that they will respond to an American show of friendship by calling off the war in Vietnam and abandoning their com- mitment to wars of national liberation. This would just about be tantamount to the Pope repudiating Christianity. The fanatical doctrinal commitment to the destruction of America w^hich char- acterizes all the speeches and statements of the Chinese Communist leaders is something that bears no relationship to traditional politics or normal human psychology. One can only comprehend it by entering into the realm of pohtical abnormality — the realm inhabited by the ghosts of Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin and the other tyrannical madmen who have bloodied the pages of history. How does one undo the fanaticism of a Lin Piao who said the following: Everything is divisible. And so is this colos- sus of U.S. imperialism. It can be split up and defeated. The peoples of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and other regions can destroy it piece by piece, some striking at its head and others at its feet. That is why the greatest fear of U.S. imperialism is that peoples’ wars will be launched in different parts of the world, and particularly in Asia, Africa and Latin America . . . History has proved and will go on proving that peoples’ war is the most effective weapon against U.S. Imperial- ism and its lackeys . . . U.S. imperialism, Uke a mad bull dashing from place to place, will finally be burned to ashes in the blazing fires of the peoples’ wars. . . . It is not only a question of keeping Red China out of the United Nations, but it is also a matter of maintaining the security of the United States and of the free world. 321 - 445—14593 What hope is there that Mao Tse-tung, given a more friendly approach by the United States, will intervene to promote a conciliatory settlement of the Viet- nam conflict — against the background of a thousand statements like the follow- ing: The revolutionary upheaval in Asia, Africa, and Latin America is sure to deal the whole of the old world a decisive and crushing blow. The great victories of the Vietnamese peo- ple’s war against United States aggression and for national salvation are convincing proof of this. The proletariat and working people of Europe, North America and Oceania are ex- periencing a new awakening. The United States and all other such ver- min have already created their own grave diggers and the day of their burial is not far off. BED CHINA AND THE RACE CBISIS IN THE UNITED STATES Aliy assessment of Red China, and of the possibility of achieving a reconcilia- tion with the present Chinese leaders, would be incomplete without an exam- ination of China’s role in exacerbating race relations in the United States and in fomenting race violence. Now, the epidemic of riots which has plagued our country in recent years is not entirely the work of extremist agita- tors. Our Negro citizens have many legitimate grievances, and we have to do our utmost to redress these grievances. Unquestionably, these grievances play an important role in the incubation of riots. But there can be no question, either, that extremist agitators belonging to a variety of organizations have played a major role in exploiting and expanding racial tensions, and in fanning what might have been minor disturbances into city-consuming holocausts. If anyone has any doubt on this score, he should read the report on “Guerrilla Warfare Advocates in the United States” recently put out by the House Committee on Un-American Activities. 9 In this agitation, Peking plays a role of major importance through the control it exercises over two important extremist organizations — the Revolutionary Action Movement, which calls itself RAM for short, and the Progressive Labor Party, which is the pro-Peking Communist party in this country. The Revolutionary Action Movement is led by a Negro militant named Max Stanford. However, it takes its lead from another black extremist, Robert Wil- liams, who, for a period of time, broad- cast inflammatory diatribes to American Negroes over Castro’s radio, and who now makes his headquarters in Peking. Mao Tse-timg has personally praised Williams’ activity and has pledged the “resolute support’’ of Red China to him. With money provided by his Peking masters, Williams prints and mails to his country, in some thousands of copies — no one knows just how many — a newspa- per called the Crusader. The Revolutionary Action Movement and Robert Williams make no efforts to conceal their intentions. Calling for ur- ban violence on a massive scale, Robert Williams said the following in his news- paper: When massive violence comes, the USA will become a bedlam of confusion and chaos. The factory workers will be afraid to ven- ture out on the streets to report to their Jobs. The telephone workers and radio work- ers will be afraid to report. All transporta- tion will grind to a complete standstill. Stores will be destroyed and looted. Prop- erty will be damaged and expensive build- ings will be reduced to ashes. Essential pipe lines will be severed and blown up and all manner of sabotage will occur. Violence and terror will spread like a firestorm. A clash will occur inside the armed forces. At U.S. mili- tary bases around the world local revolution- aries will side with Afro G.I.’s. Because of the vast area covered by the holocaust, U.S. fflfces will be spread too thin for effective actibn. U.S. workers, who are caught on their jobs, will try to return home to protect their families. Trucks and trains will not move the necessary supplies to the big urban centers. The economy will fall into a state of chaos. Max Stanford, Williams’ chief disci- ple in this country, described what will happen when the day of liberation ar- rives in these lurid terms: Black men and women in the Armed Forces will defect and come over to join the black liberation forces. Whites who claim they want to help .the revolution will be sent into the white commvmities to divide them * * • The revolution will "strike by night and spare none.” Mass riots will occur in the day with the Afro-Americans blocking traffic, burning buildings, etc. Thousands of Afro-Americans will be in the street fight- ing; for they will know that this is it. The cry will be “It’s On!” This will be the Afro- American’s battle for human survival. Thou- sands of our people will be shot down, but thousands more will use sabotage in the cities — knocking out the electrical power first, then transportation, and guerrilla war- fare in the countryside in the South. With the cities powerless, the oppressor will be helpless. Unfortunately for the United States, the propaganda put out by Robert Wil- hams and Max Stanford cannot be dis- missed as meaningless rantings. The fact is that members of the Revolutionary Ac- tion Movement have been active in a number of major riot situations. For ex- ample, in Cleveland — the hometown of the present distinguished Presiding Of- ficer — the grand jury which investigated the riots in that city found that, under RAM leadership, rifle clubs have been formed before the riots and instructions have been given on the making and use of Molotov cocktails. In Harlem, just before the major riot which took place in July 1964, William Epton, a leader of the pro-Peking Pro- gressive Labor Party, addressed a Har- lem open air rally in these terms: We will not be fully free until we smash this state completely and totally. Destroy 321 - 445—14593 10 and set up a new state of our own choosing and our own liking. And in that process of smashing this state, we’re going to have to kill a lot of these cops, a lot of these judges, and we’ll have to go up against their army. We’ll organize our own militia and our own army. • * » Peking does not have any mass move- ment in this country. At the most, the adherents of RAM and the Progressive Labor Party can be numbered in thou- sands — with some additional thousands of Peking sympathizers in other leftist movements like the Students for a Demo- cratic Society and the Student Non- Violent Coordinating Committee. But, through these several thousand adher- ents over whom it exercises ideological control, Peking is able to play havoc with the security of our cities. After all, a hundred men, each of whom throws a dozen Molotov cocktails, are enough to set an entire city on fire. The record is admittedly incomplete. But when all the secrets are out and the full history of our time is written, there will certainly be evidence of Peking’s complicity in the continuing orgy of vio- lence, looting, and arson that afflicts our cities. It would be dangerous to ignore the fact that certain major riots have been incited by black extremists, some of them under Peking’s influence, and that the adherents of the various extremist groups have fanned the flames in virtually every major riot situation. Nor can we ignore the fact that, to the extent that it has the power to influence and direct its ad- herents in this country, Peking uses this influence not to urge restraint, but to foment division and chaos and rioting. When American cities burn, Peking Radio gloats. RED china’s crisis There are some people who tell us that China has a functioning leadership, that it has achieved economic progress, and that the worst of the upheavals within China appear to have ended months ago without any irreparable break in the con- tinuity of the Government or the oper- ations of the economy. In recent weeks Peking has announced the establishment of so-called revolu- tionary committees in the last of China’s 27 provinces. But it is clear that many of these committees exercise only the most nominal control and that Red China’s grotesque civil war, which, ac- cording to some observers, has already cost more than 5 million lives, is still continuing. Reports in recent months from the professional China watchers in Hong Kong were agreed that the so-called “cul- tural revolution” has reduced the Com- munist Party itself, and the Communist administrative bureaucracy, to a state of chaos. Most of Mao’s original comrades, in- cluding President Liu Shao-chi, have been purged or denounced, in the idiom of Communist lunacy, as “high party per- sons in authority taking the capitalist road.” The powerful Peking Party Com- mittee was one of the first casualties in Mao’s war against his former comrades. Thus far, the Maoists have been able to solidify their position in only a small minority of China’s 60 major cities — but wherever they have come to power, it has only been after a full-fledged civil war between the party apparatus and Mao’s so-called Revolutionary Commit- tee. ’The schools remained closed for more than 2 years despite repeated efforts to open them. What measure of success the Communist regime will have in its cur- rent effort to reopen the schools remains to be seen. In calling out the students of China and organizing them into the Red Guard as an instrument of struggle against the Communist Party apparatus, Mao has truly sown the wind and reaped the whirlwind. 321 -^ 45—14693 11 It was in the summer of 1966 that Mao ordered the schools closed so that the students could take part in the so-called cultural revolution. Perhaps Mao con- templated a quick victory over his op- ponents. But the Red Guard movement soon turned into a Frankenstein monster which even the Maoists could not control. The excesses of the Red Guards revolted all the members of the older generations, including the older generation of Com- munists. But beyond this, their excesses have done so much damage to the Chi- nese educational system that it will be years before it returns to normal. Peter J. Kumpa, of the Baltimore Sun, one of the ablest of the American cor- respondents in Hong Kong, made this re- port last December on the damage done to the Chinese education system by the Red Guard movement: In the unexpected violence that followed, many schools were physically torn up. In dormitories, used by Red Guards as head- quarters, desks, tables, and other combusti- ble materials were chopped up and used for fuel last winter. Windows were shattered and some schools were even burned during fac- tional fighting between students. More serious than plant damage was that done to the teacher corps. Encouraged by the Maoists to eliminate bourgeois ideology. Red Guard students turned on their once highly resjjected tutors in a violent struggle movement. Tens of thousands of teachers were persecuted, humiliated, denounced, sent out to forced labor camps. Some were killed. Many committed suicide. Kumpa quoted a report which ap- peared in the Peking Daily on the results of the cultural revolution in one small provincial imiversity, Lanchow Univer- sity. According to the Peking report, there were 1,038 teachers and students at this university who were “struggled against.” Of these, 61 were killed or ran away, six committed suicide, 14 made unsuccessful attempts at suicide, and 41 escaped their tormentors. The statistics which Peking Daily so proudly presented 321 - 445—14593 were for last winter alone. According to Kumpa, what happened at Lanchow University was a mild example of the cultural revolution. No wonder, then, that there has been a wholesale departure from the teaching profession and that repeated efforts to entice the teachers back to their jobs have failed. The chaos in the educational system is representative of the chaos that af- flicts every aspect of Chinese society to- day. An article by John Hughes in the Chris- tian Science Monitor of July 22 reported that “the flame of revolt and disorder is licking across the great southern arc of communist China.” He said that Hong Kong observers now have overwhelming evidence of major bloodshed in Kwang- tung, Kwangsi, and Unnan, the three provinces adjacent to North Vietnam. Noting that Kwangtung was supposed to be governed by a revolutionary commit- tee, Mr. Hughes reported that, according to local radio and newspaper accounts, the pro-Mao factions in Kwangtung were protesting that their followers were being “slaughtered” by supporters of President Liu Shao-chi, in league with “die-hard capitalists, special agents, unreformed landlords, rich peasants and other bad elements.” Again quoting from Communist sources, Mr. Hughes reported that in a major battle which took place in the city of Wuchow in Kwangsi Province during April and May, more than 2,000 buildings were destroyed and 40,000 inhabitants rendered homeless. Before the fighting was over, hundreds of Mao supporters had been killed and some 3,000 arrested. The degree of the chaos that afflicts Communist China is further dramatized by an article in a publication of the Transport Workers Union in Canton, South China’s largest city. The publica- tion charged that anti-Maoist elements had disrupted electricity, water supply, 12 and public transportation. The Trans- port Workers publication said that these anti-Maoist elements — and here I want to quote: Beat up and kidnaped more than 110 of our drivers and conductors. More than 50 of our comrades sacrificed their precious lives or shed their precious blood in defense of the people’s transport, and more than 33 drivers and conductors were kidnaped and their whereabouts are still unknown. The bandits seized our people’s buses more than a hun- dred times . . . they seized 53 buses. They were never so mad before. The bus terminals were smashed and attacked more than 16 times. An article by Stanley Karnow in the Washington Post of July 30 reported that the Chinese Communist leaders had still found it impossible to put an end to the factional disorders in South China which were seriously disrupting both Chinese and Soviet military aid to North Viet- nam. Mr. Kamow quoted from a top Com- munist directive, printed at the end of June in a Red Guard publication, calling on “competing Red Guards and labor groups in the Kwangsi border region ad- joining Vietnam to surrender weapons and other supplies stolen from south- bound freight trains and from Chinese troops based in the area.” The du'ective noted that “certain mass organizations” had looted arms and equipment boimd for Vietnam, attacked trains and damaged railways, and “com- pletely disrupted railway trafiSc in the Liuchow district.” In addition to asking all Chinese to sun-ender stolen weapons and equipment, the directive asked that all railway em- ployees “should immediately return to their own work posts” in order to “lose no time in restoring communications and transport.” A measure of the desperation of the Chinese leaders was that they were ob- liged to promise that those who had been guilty of these crimes would no longer be held responsible for what they had done if they corrected their ways. Rather than abating, therefore, all the indications are that China’s internal struggle continues to grow in severity. OflBcial newspapers now openly complain about “anarchism.” In recent months, there have been an increasing number of reports of group executions of anti-Mao- ist elements, conducted in public before mobs of thousands of persons whom the Maoists had assembled to witness the spectacle. Mao Tse-timg and Chou En-lai have sought to limit the destruction and tur- moil by calling for imity, and even re- instating some of the purged govern- mental and party functionaries, mili- tary commanders, teachers, managers and technicians of industrial establish- ments, and leaders of farm production teams. But the cleavages remain as deep as before. To the extent that there is any admin- istration worthy of the name, it is kept going by a loose coalition of a small group of party chiefs led by Chou En-lai and senior officers loyal to Lin Piao who have not been too seriously discredited by the Red Guards. The Peking regime and the Party Cen- tral Headquarters wield little effective power outside the capital. Local controls depend on the garrison commanders, while in the communes the leaders of the farm production teams have become markedly more important. To cope with the situation, the armed forces, under Lin Piao, have been obliged to take over much of the administration and the government of the countiT. Not only do the armed forces manage fac- tories and railroads and run municipal governments, but they have frequently had to discipline units of Mao’s Red Guards who have nm amok, and step in as arbiters between the contending Com- munist factions. 321-^45 — 14593 13 The most recent report indicates that the Communist civil war is entering a new stage. In the first stage the high school and university students were or- ganized into the Red Guard organization and used a weapon by Mao against Presi- dent Liu Shao-chi and the Communist party apparatus. The second stage was characterized by desperate efforts to bring the rampaging Red Guard under control, including not infrequent inter- vention by the Red Chinese Army. In the new stage, the Commimist propaganda apparatus, apparently with Mao’s assent, has come out openly against the Red Guards and have called upon the work- ing class to exercise leadership. Accord- ing to a dispatch by Stanley Kamow in the Washington Post of September 3: Organized groups of soldiers, workers and peasants are moving into schools and uni- versities, newspaper oflBces, factories, mines and other enterprises in order to quell un- ruly young activists originally mobilized by Mao as the spearhead of his drive to purify China. Kamow quoted a Shanghai editorial which referred to the Red Guard fac- tions as “nests of hornets that must be eradicated.” The editorial said that speakers sending out worker teams in Shensi Province told them : We will never allow young students and intellectuals • * • to wave their hands and feet and manipulate or interefere with the proletariat. All the indications are that no re- shuffle of authority will put an end to the contradictions that are tearing Red China apart and that, even under the new directives which place workers and peasants over students and intellectuals, mainland China is in for continuing tirr- moil and imrest. For what is involved here goes far beyond what is commonly supposed to be a struggle between con- tending Communist factions. Such a struggle does indeed exist. But the scope and intensity of the conflict, as well as the specific forms which it is taking, 321 - 445—14593 stem from the fact that the masses of the Chinese people are taking advantage of this factional struggle to vent their hatred of the Communist regime. There is no other way of explaining the theft of weapons and equipment from the Red army and of military equipment moving by rail toward Hanoi, or the sabotage of railroads, or the strikes of railroad work- ers, or the sabotage of the mimicipal transport systems in Canton and other cities. While those who advocate accommo- dation appear certain that the Chinese Communist regime is here to stay, some of the most knowledgeable experts who watch developments in China on a day- to-day basis would take sharp issue with this assessment. For example, L. La Dany, the editor of China News Analysis, who has an international reputation as the No. 1 China watcher in Hong Kong, has expressed the firm opinion that Mao’s dynasty cannot survive, and that it is impossible to know who will emerge when it falls. He pointed out that once before in Chinese history, some 2,000 years ago, a tyrannical regime launched a campaign very similar to Mao’s cam- paign against “old culture, old thoughts, old customs, old habits,” burying schol- ars and burning books in the process. This regime was finally overthrown by the people. What, then, should our policy be to- ward Red China? If the proof of the pudding is in the eating, then the policy we have pursued toward Red China in recent years has been eminently successful. The Chinese Communist tyranny is crumbling in dis- repute and chaos. From the separate standpoints of China’s people, China’s neighbors, and the peace of the Far East, this is all to the good. I am opposed to the proposal that we alter our China policy and seek an ac- commodation because its only effect would be to reverse the process. 14 The measiu'es recommended, or clearly hinted at, by various spokesmen include the nonnalization of relations. Increased trade, diplomatic recognition, and admission to the United Nations. All of these measures would serv^e to enhance the prestige of the Maoist regime in the world commimity, and, by this token, would help it to reconsolidate its posi- tion at home. By helping the Maoist regime to over- come its internal difficulties, they would augment its capacity for aggression and subversion. They would increase the danger to the peace throughout the Par East and in doing so they woiild have the gravest consequences for om' own secmity. The United Nations is already more than half paralyzed by the frequent vetoes and persistent obstructionism of the Soviet Union. But if Maoist China were ever admitted to membership in the United Nations, it would so poison the atmosphere and stultify the pro- ceedings that the limited ability which the UJ^. still retains to deal with world problems would be completely destroyed, while even those who are today staunch supporters of the organization would turn against it in disgust. For all of these reasons, I believe it would be a fatal mistake to admit Red China to the UJ^. or to commit om’selves to a policy of accommodation at this jimcture. I am just as strongly opposed to the proposal that we neutralize Taiwan and encourage its reunification with Com- munist China. The existence of the Chinese Nation- ahst Government on Taiwan not merely helps to keep alive the resistance on the mainland. It also serves to keep aUve the Chinese culture and Chinese traditions and the Chinese Confucian morality which Mao Tse-tung is trying so desper- ately to destroy. The mere existence of its army of 650,000 soldiers — one of the largest and best trained forces in all of Asia — con- stitutes a powerful deterrent to Com- munist aggression. Its destruction or neutralization, conversely would seri- ously unhinge the balance of military power in the Asian continent and, in doing so, would serve to encourage Red Chinese aggression. The existence of the Chinese Nation- alist Government on Taiwan contributes in another way to the security of those Far Eastern countries that harbor sub- stantial Chinese communities. Without the Nationalist Government on Taiwan, Peking would be in an infinitely stronger position to bid for the loyalty of the so-called “overseas Chinese” and to use them for purposes of subversion. But as long as the Nationalist Govern- ment exists, the overseas Chinese have the option of combining their natural sentimental loyalty to China with loy- alty to the cause of freedom. Not all of them will take advantage of this option. But the record certainly suggests that the great majority of overseas Chinese, given the choice, will opt for freedom. For the United States to use its great influence and power to shore up the Maoist regime in China, when all the evidence indicates that it is crumbling, would be a disservice to- the Chinese people, to the security of China’s neigh- bors, and to the cause of peace in the Par East. Those who urge the appeasement of Red China, who call for building bridges to it and for its admission to the U.N., 321 - 445 — 14593 15 have, unfortunately, received a degree of attention that is out of all proportion to their actual numbers or influence. I am convinced that they do not reflect the views of the American people. Nor do they reflect the views of Congress. This has been apparent from the im- pressive congressional support accorded year after year to the Committee of One Million Against the Admission of Red China to the U.N. The Committee of One Million, I should explain, has from the beginning been a broadly based bipartisan move- ment, more or less evenly divided be- 321 - 445—14593 tween Democrats and Republicans, liberals and conservatives. And I am personally proud to be associated with it as a member of its congressional steer- ing committee. Let us do everything in our power to hasten the demise of the Maoist regime, rather than shoring it up. If we adhere to the policy of firmness and resist the counsel of appeasement, we can be confident that the day will come when a free Chinese people, liber- ated from the cnidest tyranny in history, will take their rightful place in the com- munity of nations. o SI baa i^xtyanaO: nsa jrt ffOr .i9t!i«vt9^^oa^ Bn*)' nfm^f litt'p lioiatymoroo a* ' \it«£tOiTTdq ?arioUi^a.TD»*i!Vte‘T9dh»iti b « ■ ’ '^ ^ > \x»;mittabo vd *dJ fij^ i« ^ffffCffldvs oft go joJT idtoaU wfl Id 3*Jtn9& 9tlf naiaiaff ® ■ trtf li MfifWl-': nerff t^sxT. 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